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diff --git a/old/51789-0.txt b/old/51789-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b607793..0000000 --- a/old/51789-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,54246 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Narrative and Critical History of America, -Vol. VI (of 8), by Various, Edited by Justin Winsor - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. VI (of 8) - The United States of North America, Part I - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Justin Winsor - -Release Date: April 18, 2016 [eBook #51789] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. VI (OF 8)*** - - -E-text prepared by Giovanni Fini, Dianna Adair, Bryan Ness, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the more than 300 original illustrations. - See 51470-h.htm or 51470-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51470/51470-h/51470-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51470/51470-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - https://archive.org/details/narrcrithistory06winsrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: Doct^r). Multiple superscripted characters are - enclosed by curly brackets (example: Eq^{re}). - - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -The United States of North America -Part I - - -[Illustration] - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -Edited by - -JUSTIN WINSOR - -Librarian of Harvard University -Corresponding Secretary Massachusetts Historical Society - -VOL. VI - - - - - - - -Boston and New York -Houghton, Mifflin and Company -The Riverside Press, Cambridge - -Copyright, 1887, -By Houghton, Mifflin & Co. -All rights reserved. - -The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. -Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. - - - - -CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - -[_The cut on the title shows the obverse of the Washington medal, -struck to commemorate the siege of Boston._] - - - CHAPTER I. - - THE REVOLUTION IMPENDING. _Mellen Chamberlain_ 1 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: George III., 20; Lord North, with Autograph, - 21; Rockingham, 31; Fac-simile of _Glorious News_, May 16, - 1766, 33; John Adams, 36; Fac-simile of Adams's Writing, 37; - Samuel Adams, with Autograph, 40; Samuel Adams, 41; Revere's - Plan of State Street at the time of the Boston Massacre, 48; - Autographs of the Court for the Trial following the Boston - Massacre,—Benjamin Lynde, John Cushing, Peter Oliver, Edmund - Trowbridge, Jonathan Sewall, Samuel Winthrop, 50; of the - Counsel,—Robert Treat Paine, Samuel Quincy, John Adams, Josiah - Quincy, Jr., and Sampson S. Blowers, 51; Joseph Warren, 54; - Fac-simile of Broadside, June 22, 1773, 55; A Contemporary - Print, 59; Broadside, June 17, 1774, 61. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 62 - - EDITORIAL NOTES 68 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Statue of James Otis, 69; Jonathan Mayhew, 71; - Autograph of Charles Chauncey, 71; George III., 76; Fac-simile - of Handbill, Faneuil Hall Meeting, Oct. 28, 1767, 77; of - Broadside, _The True Sons of Liberty_, 78; List of Merchants - importing contrary to agreement, 79; Broadside proscribing - William Jackson, 80; Revere's Cut of the Landing of Troops in - Boston, 1768, 81; John Dickinson, with Autograph, 82; Autograph - of James Bowdoin, 83; William Livingston, 84; Liberty Song, - 86; Massachusetts Liberty Song, 87; Fac-simile of Instructions - to Representatives, signed by Richard Dana and William Cooper, - 87; Handbill on the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, 89; - Handbill of Warning, Dec. 2, 1773, 92; Philadelphia Poster - about the Tea-Ships, 93; Josiah Quincy's Manuscript Dedication - of his Port-Bill Tract, 94; Quincy Mansion, 96; Handbill - announcing the Port Bill and Regulating Bill, 97; Handbill - of General Brattle's Letter, 1774, 98; Autograph of Thomas - Cushing, 99; Signers of the Congress of 1774, 102; Satirical - Print, _Virtual Representation_, 103; Josiah Quincy's Diary, - 105; Lord North, 107; Chatham, 109; Richard Price, Portrait and - Autograph, 111; Autograph of Lord Dartmouth, 111. - - - CHAPTER II. - - THE CONFLICT PRECIPITATED. _The Editor_ 113 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Admiral Graves, 114; Notice of - Committee of Correspondence, signed by William Cooper, 115; - Autograph of Jedediah Preble, 116; of Joseph Hawley, 118; - Roads of Roxbury and beyond, 120; Roads between Boston and - Marlborough, 121; Heath's Account of the Fight at Menotomy, - 126; General Heath, with Autograph, 127; Autograph of Ethan - Allen, 128; Ruins of Ticonderoga, 129; Pen-and-Ink Sketch of - the Roxbury Lines, 130; Warren's Last Note, 132; Notice to the - Militia, 133; Order of the Committee of Safety, 135; Autograph - of Colonel William Prescott, 135; of John Brooks, 136; of - General Howe, 136; of John Stark, 137; of Richard Pigot, 137; - of Governor Tryon, with seal, 140; of Joseph Reed, 141; - Washington's Heads of Letter, July 10, 1775, 141; Letter of John - Hancock, June 22, 1775, 143; Autograph of General Gage, 145; - Handbill thrown within the British Lines, 147; Views of Country - around Boston from Beacon Hill, 148, 149, 150, 151; A Vaudevil - on _The Boston Blockade_, 154; Playbill of Zara, 155; Autograph - of General Knox, 156; Views of Boston and of the Castle, 157; - Proclamation of Washington, 159; Guy Carleton, with Autograph, - 164; Seal of Lord Dunmore, 167; Plan of Attack on Fort Moultrie, - 169; Plan of Attack on Charlestown, S. C., 170; William - Moultrie, 171. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 172 - - NOTES 174 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Colonel Parker's Lexington Deposition, 176; - Colonel Barrett's Concord Deposition, 177; Plan of Lexington, - 179; of Concord, 180; Emerson's Diary, 181; Earl Percy, 182, - 183; Lexington Green, 185; Richard Frothingham, 186; Ezra - Stiles, with Autograph, 188; Autograph of Samuel Swett, 191; - General Putnam, with Autograph, 192; Autograph of General - Ward, 192; Joseph Warren, 193; Handbill (Tory Account) of the - Battle of Bunker Hill, 196; View of the Battle of Bunker Hill, - 197; Plans of Charlestown Peninsula and the Battle, 198, 199; - Plan of the Battle, 201; Autograph of General Heath, 203; - Plan of the Siege of Boston, 206; Boston and Vicinity, June, - 1775, 208; Boston and Charlestown, 1775, 210; British Lines on - Boston Neck, 211; Map of the St. Lawrence and Sorel Rivers, - 215; General Montgomery on the Capitulation of St. John, 217; - Attestation of Montgomery's Will, 218; Richard Montgomery, 220, - 221; Benedict Arnold, with Autograph, 223; Montresor's Map of - the Kennebec Region, 224; David Wooster, with Autograph, 225; - Plan of Siege of Quebec, 226; Autograph of Charles Carroll - of Carrollton, 227; View of Sullivan's Island, 228; View of - Charlestown, S. C., and the British Fleet (1776), 229. - - - CHAPTER III. - - THE SENTIMENT OF INDEPENDENCE, ITS GROWTH AND CONSUMMATION. - _George E. Ellis_ 231 - - CRITICAL ESSAY 252 - - EDITORIAL NOTES 255 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autographs of the Mecklenburg Committee, 256; - Thomas Jefferson, 258; State House, Philadelphia, 259; Original - Draft of the Declaration of Independence, 260; Autograph - of Thomas Jefferson, 261; Portrait and Autograph of Roger - Sherman, 262; Autographs of the Signers of the Declaration of - Independence, 263-266; Fac-simile of a Contemporary Broadside - of the Declaration, 267; John Dickinson, 268; John Hancock (the - Scott picture), 270; (a German picture), 271; Charles Thomson, - 272; Fac-simile of a Page of Christopher Marshall's Diary, 273. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - THE STRUGGLE FOR THE HUDSON. _George W. Cullum_ 275 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Mortier House, on Richmond Hill, Washington's - Headquarters, 276; Lord Howe, 277; General Sir William Howe, - 278; Lord Stirling, 280; Roger Morris House, Washington's - Harlem Headquarters, 284; Autograph of Knyphausen, 289; - Portrait and Autograph of Burgoyne, 292; another Portrait, - 293; Lord George Germain, 295; General Arthur St. Clair, - 297; Autograph of General Schuyler, 297; General John Stark, - 301; General Horatio Gates, 302; General Horatio Gates, with - Autograph, 303; Sir Henry Clinton, Portraits and Autograph, - 306, 307; General George Clinton, 308; Fac-simile of Burgoyne's - Letter to Gates, 310; Rude contemporary Cuts of Washington and - Gates, 311. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 315 - - DISPOSAL OF THE CONVENTION TROOPS 317 - - EDITORIAL NOTES 323 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Plan of Fort Montgomery, 324; Chain at Fort - Montgomery, 324; Plan of Constitution Island, 325; Plans of - the Battle of Long Island, 327, 328; Ratzer's smaller Map of - New York City, 332; Johnston's Map of New York Island (1776), - 335; the Sauthier-Faden Plan of Campaign round New York (1776), - 336; Fort Washington and Dependencies, 339; the Sauthier-Tryon - Map of New York Province (1774), 340; the Present Seat of - War, from Low's _Almanac_, 342; New York and Vicinity, from - the _Political Magazine_, 343; Campaign of 1776, from Hall's - _History_, 344; Hessian Map of the Campaign above New York - (1776), 345; Map of Arnold's Fight near Valcour Island, 347; - Trumbull's Plan of Ticonderoga and its Dependencies (1776), - 352; Map of Ticonderoga (1777) used at St. Clair's Trial, 353; - Fleury's Map of Fort Stanwix, 355; Plan of the Conflict at - Saratoga, 362; Attack on Forts Clinton and Montgomery as mapped - by John Hills, 363; another Plan, from Leake's _Life of Lamb_, - 365. - - - CHAPTER V. - - THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DELAWARE.—PHILADELPHIA UNDER HOWE AND - UNDER ARNOLD. _Frederick D. Stone_ 367 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Charles Lee, 369; his Autograph, 370; Fac-simile - of an Appeal of the Council of Safety, Dec. 8, 1776, 371; - Broadside of the Council of Safety, 372; Lord Howe, 380; - General Grey, 383; General Sir William Howe, 383; Alexander - Hamilton, 384; Anthony Wayne, 385; the Destruction of the - "Augusta", 388; Fac-simile of Proclamation of Washington, Dec. - 20, 1777, 390; Playbill of Theatre in Southwark, February, - 1778, 394. - - EDITORIAL NOTES 403 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of General Richard Prescott, 403; - Map, from the _Gentleman's Magazine_, of the Neighborhood of - New York, 404; Joseph Reed, 405; Charles Lee, 406; Marshall's - Map of Trenton, Princeton, and Monmouth, 408; Hessian Map - of Trenton and Princeton, 409; Faden's Map of Trenton and - Princeton, 410; Wiederhold's Map of Trenton, 411; Wilkinson's - Map of Trenton, 412; of Princeton, 413; Hall's Map of the - Campaign of 1777, 414; Galloway's Map, 415; General Sir William - Howe, 417, 418; Washington's Map of Brandywine, 420; Hessian - Map of Brandywine, 422; Hessian Map of Paoli, 423; Faden's Map - of Trudruffrin, or Paoli, 424; Approaches to Germantown, 425; - Montresor's Map of Germantown Battle, 426-427; Hessian Map of - Germantown, 428; View of Stenton, Logan's House, 429; Faden's - Map of Operations on the Delaware, 429; Lafayette's Map of the - Attack at Gloucester, N. J., 430; Map of Fort Mifflin on Mud - Island, 431; Fleury's Plan of Fort Mifflin, 432-433; Attack on - Fort Mifflin, 434-435; Plan of Mud Island Fort, 437; Attack on - Mud Island, 438; Map of Valley Forge Encampment, 439; Defences - of Philadelphia, 440, 441; Vicinity of Philadelphia, 442; - Barren Hill, 443; Plan of the Battle of Monmouth, 444; Monmouth - and Vicinity, 445. - - THE TREASON OF ARNOLD. _The Editor_ 447 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Portraits of Benedict Arnold, 447, 448, 449; - Arnold's Commission as Major-General, signed by John Hancock, - 450; Plans of West Point, 451, 459, 462; Portraits of Major - John André, 452, 453, 454; Autographs of André, 452, 453; Plans - of the Hudson River, 455, 456, 465; Portrait and Autograph of - Benjamin Tallmadge, 457. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - THE WAR IN THE SOUTHERN DEPARTMENT. _Edward Channing_ 469 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: View of Charlestown, S. C., 471; Fac-simile - of General Moultrie's Order, 471; Fac-simile of Commodore - Whipple's Letter, 472; General Benjamin Lincoln, Portrait and - Autograph, 473; Portraits of Cornwallis, 474, 475; Portrait of - General Gates, 476; Lord Rawdon, 489; Kosciusko, 492; Steuben, - 497; Portrait and Autograph of Rochambeau, 498; Autographs of - French Officers, 500; Portraits of Comte de Grasse, 502, 503; - his Autograph, 502; Fac-simile of Articles of Capitulation at - Yorktown, 505; Nelson House, 506. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 507 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Portraits of General Nathanael Greene, 508, 509, - 512, 513; his Autograph, 514. - - NOTES 519 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Siege of Savannah (1779), 521; Plan of - Charleston (1780), 526; Siege of Charleston, 528; Battle of - Camden, 531; Gates's Defeat, 533; Battle of Guildford, 540; Map - of Cape Fear River, 542; Action at Hobkirk's Hill, 543; Diagram - of the Naval Action of De Grasse, 548; Plans of the Yorktown - Campaign, 550, 551, 552. - - EDITORIAL NOTES ON EVENTS IN THE NORTH 555 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Hessian Map of the Hudson Highlands, 556; Stoney - Point, 557; Verplanck's Point, 557; Faden's Plan of Stony - Point, 558; Paulus Hook, 559. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - THE NAVAL HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. _Edward E. Hale_ 563 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Fac-simile of Commodore Tucker's Orders to - command the "Boston", 566; Esek Hopkins, 569; Autograph of - Joshua Barney, 575; of Captain John Barry, 581; Fac-simile of - Captain Tucker's Parole at Charleston, 583. - - GENERAL EDITORIAL NOTES 589 - - SPECIAL EDITORIAL NOTES 589 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Paul Jones, 592; Richard Pearson, 593; Count - D'Estaing, 594, 595; his Autograph, 595; Plan of the Siege of - Newport, 596; Blaskowitz's Plan of Newport, 597; Sullivan's - Campaign Map, 598; View of the Fight on Rhode Island, 599; - Lafayette's Map of Narragansett Bay, 600; his Plan of the - Campaign on Rhode Island, 602; Autograph of General Solomon - Lovell, 603; Map of the Attack on Penobscot (Castine), 604. - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - THE INDIANS AND THE BORDER WARFARE OF THE REVOLUTION. _Andrew - McFarland Davis_ 605 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Guy Johnson's Map of the Country of the Six - Nations, 609; Joseph Thayendaneken (Brant), 623; Brant, by - Romney, 625; his Autograph, 625; St. Leger's Order of March, - 628; Peter Gansevoort, 629; the Butler badge, 631; General - Sullivan, 637. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 647 - - NOTES 673 - - ILLUSTRATION: Map of Colonel Williamson's Marches, 675. - - - CHAPTER IX. - - THE WEST, FROM THE TREATY OF PEACE WITH FRANCE, 1763, TO THE - TREATY OF PEACE WITH ENGLAND, 1783. _William Frederick Poole_ 685 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Henry Bouquet, 692; Plan of Bushy Run Battle, - 693; Bouquet's Council with the Indians, 695; Bouquet's - Campaign Map, 696; Map of the Illinois Country, 700; Ruins of - Magazine at Fort Chartres, 703; Daniel Boone, 707; Plan of - Kaskaskia, 717; Lieutenant Ross's Map of the Mississippi, 721; - Fac-simile of Colonel Clark's Summons to Governor Hamilton, 727. - - THE CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR. _The Editor_ 744 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Captain Asgill, 745; Fraunce's Tavern in New - York, 747. - - - INDEX 749 - - - - - NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE REVOLUTION IMPENDING. - -BY MELLEN CHAMBERLAIN, - -_Librarian Boston Public Library._ - - -THE American Revolution was no unrelated event, but formed a part -of the history of the British race on both continents, and was not -without influence on the history of mankind. As an event in British -history, it wrought with other forces in effecting that change in the -Constitution of the mother country which transferred the prerogatives -of the crown to the Parliament, and led to the more beneficent -interpretation of its provisions in the light of natural rights. As an -event in American history, it marks the period, recognized by the great -powers of Europe, when a people, essentially free by birth and by the -circumstances of their situation, became entitled, because justified -by valor and endurance, to take their place among independent nations. -Finally, as an event common to the history of both nations, it stands -midway between the Great Rebellion and the Revolution of 1688, on the -one hand, and the Reform Bill of 1832 and the extension of suffrage -in 1884, on the other, and belongs to a race which had adopted the -principles of the Reformation and of the Petition of Right. - -The American Revolution was not a quarrel between two peoples,—the -British people and the American people,—but, like all those events -which mark the progress of the British race, it was a strife between -two parties, the conservatives in both countries as one party, and -the liberals in both countries as the other party; and some of its -fiercest battles were fought in the British Parliament. Nor did it -proceed in one country alone, but in both countries at the same time, -with nearly equal step, and was essentially the same in each, so that -at the close of the French War, if all the people of Great Britain had -been transported to America and put in control of American affairs, -and all the people of America had been transported to Great Britain -and put in control of British affairs, the American Revolution and the -contemporaneous British Revolution—for there was a contemporaneous -British Revolution—might have gone on just the same, and with the -same final results. But the British Revolution was to regain liberty; -the American Revolution was to preserve liberty. Both peoples had a -common history in the events which led to the Great Rebellion; but in -the reaction which followed the Restoration, that part of the British -race which awaited the conflict in the old home passed again under the -power of the prerogative, and, after the accession of William III., -came under the domination of the great Whig families. The British -Revolution, therefore, was to recover what had been lost. But those -who emigrated to the colonies left behind them institutions which were -monarchical, in church and state, and set up institutions which were -democratic. And it was to preserve, not to acquire, these democratic -institutions that the liberal party carried the country through a long -and costly war.[1] - -The American Revolution, in its earlier stages at least, was not a -contest between opposing governments or nationalities, but between two -different political and economic systems, to each of which able and -honest men then adhered, and now adhere. The motives and conduct of -each party, therefore, ought to be stated with exact impartiality. It -was not only inevitable, but wise, and on the whole wisely conducted in -accordance with the traditions and methods of political action to which -our British race had been accustomed. It was also honestly and fairly -opposed by those who neither accepted revolutionary principles, nor -recognized the validity of the reasons assigned for their application -to the existing state of affairs. - -Readers of American history from the Restoration of Charles II., -in 1660, to the Revolution find frequent reference to the King's -Prerogatives, Navigation Laws, Acts of Trade, and in later years to -Writs of Assistance, as subjects of complaint between Great Britain -and her colonies; and as these were among the immediate causes of the -war, they require explanation. When the Earl of Hillsborough (April 22, -1768) required the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, through -Governor Bernard (June 21st), in his majesty's name, to rescind the -resolution which had given birth to their Circular Letter of February -11, 1768, the order was a claim of right by the king to control the -legislative action of that province; and the refusal of the House was -regarded by the prerogative party both in Great Britain and in the -colonies as in derogation of the king's constitutional power. - -What was the foundation of this alleged authority of the king over the -colonies? By the public law of all civilized nations in the fifteenth -century, the property in unoccupied lands belonged to the crown of the -country by which they were discovered;[2] and if, as was generally the -case, these lands were inhabited by savages, still the fee was in the -crown, subject only to such use as might be made of them by wandering -tribes. Such is the law to-day. This title to the English colonies was -not in the people of England nor in the state, but in the crown, and -descended with it. The crown alone could sell or give away these lands. -The crown could make laws for the inhabitants, and repeal them; could -appoint their rulers, and remove them. Parliament could do neither. -The political relations of the colonists were to the crown, not to -the government of England; nor were they in any respect subject to -parliamentary legislation.[3] They were not citizens within the realm, -nor, except in a qualified sense, of the empire, but subjects of the -crown, having only such rights as it granted to them in their charters; -and even these charters the crown claimed, and exercised the right to -amend or revoke. James I. amended that of Virginia in 1624, and Charles -II. revoked that of Massachusetts in 1684. They were regarded merely -as charters of incorporated land companies, and, as such, subject to -revocation by the king who granted them; and when these companies had -developed into municipal governments, they were considered as still -subject to alteration or repeal by the sovereign power,[4] although in -both cases rights of property were saved to the owners. Strange as this -doctrine may seem, it is now substantial law in England and in America. - -To all these rights, privileges, and disabilities the emigrants agreed -when they purchased lands from the crown; and the rights and duties, -whether of the crown or of its subjects, descended to their respective -successors. With such rights, though not in all cases with such views -in respect to them, the colonists came to America; and such rights, and -no more, their children possessed, under the British Constitution, at -the time of the American Revolution, in the days of George III. - -These claims of the crown every colony resisted as incompatible with -its essential rights, and yet they were legal and constitutional -prerogatives, admitted by the greatest judges of England, and most -necessarily have been admitted in the colonies not only by Hutchinson -and Oliver, but by James Otis and John Adams, had they sat as judges. -It was on this legal and constitutional ground that the prerogative -party stood both in England and in America. - -But in England from the time of James I., and in America from the -coming of Winthrop, there had been an anti-prerogative party; and as -the prerogative party in England and the prerogative party in America -were one and the same, so the anti-prerogative party in England and the -anti-prerogative party in the colonies were one and the same, having -similar views, and, though separated by a thousand leagues, working to -the same end. On this question came the first political contest of the -Revolution; that of parliamentary supremacy came later. The strength of -one side was in legal and constitutional principles, as they were then -interpreted by judicial tribunals; that of the other lay in the changes -which were taking place in the British Constitution,—in short, in -revolution. The revolutionary party succeeded in both countries: in -America, by war; in England, by more silent influences which have -greatly modified, if not destroyed, the prerogative. - -Although the prerogative was a cardinal right in the British -Constitution, and freely exercised by popular sovereigns like -Elizabeth, it began to be questioned under James I., and resisted -under Charles I., who lost his life in its defence, as James II. lost -his crown.[5] But the progress of this revolution was not steady, -nor did it always hold what it had gained. There came periods of -reaction, one of which was in the early days of George III. He was -strenuous in maintaining his prerogative, and, by the support of the -"King's Friends", probably held it with a firmer hand than any of -his predecessors since Elizabeth. The contest about the prerogatives -encountered this difficulty: that successful resistance in a particular -instance settled no principle, but left all other cases untouched.[6] -The extension of the navigation acts to the colonies by Parliament, -though assented to by King Charles II., was in derogation of his -prerogatives; and so in the time of William III. (1696) was the -attempt to transfer certain colonial affairs from the Privy Council, -which represented the king, to a proposed Council of Commerce, which -would have been the creature of Parliament. In consistency with -these proceedings, the king's power over the colonies ought to have -been transferred to Parliament; and instead of remaining the king's -colonies, they ought to have become a part of the empire, and his -authority over them no greater than that over the territory within the -four seas. But it was otherwise. The colonists remained the king's -subjects. He appointed their governors; he frequently set aside their -laws, and over them he exercised his royal prerogatives. One capital -point, however, had been gained by the revolutionary party on both -sides of the water. Successful invasions of the prerogative had at -length created what was called the "spirit of the constitution."[7] -The loyalists, however, seemed to be firmly entrenched in their -constitutional position, nor did the anti-prerogative party avoid a -dilemma: how to escape out of the hands of the king without falling -into the hands of Parliament. If, as some claimed when they resisted -the royal prerogative, they were British subjects, entitled to the same -rights and privileges as native-born subjects within the realm, why -then should they, more than other subjects, be free from the burdens -imposed by the imperial policy? But when, in pursuance of that policy, -Parliament undertook to tax the colonies, then they were forced by the -logic of the situation to claim that, though subjects of "the best of -kings", they owed no more allegiance to Parliament than the Scotch did -before the union.[8] - -Probably no one more heartily detested the claims of the prerogative -than Franklin; and yet the phase which the controversy had assumed -compelled him to take high prerogative ground. Such was his position -with regard to the Stamp Act, as is seen in the note below.[9] Andros -himself could have asked for nothing better, in 1686; and when Franklin -was asked what the king could do, should the colonies refuse just -requisitions, he had no other answer than this,—that they would not -refuse! - -Such is the doctrine of the prerogative which gave rise to constant -conflicts between the king and the colonists, from 1660 to 1774, -and in every colony was among the political causes which led to the -Revolution. But it was an English question as well as an American -question,—a party question in both countries, and it was finally -settled with the same result in each, though by different means. We -must look further for the real controversy between the English people -and the American people. - -Another cause of the Revolution, but one which, in no strict sense, -concerned the political relations between the people of Great Britain -and the American colonists, was the attempt of the British merchants -to monopolize the trade of the colonies, not for the benefit of the -British people, but for their own. This also was a party question, -on one side of which were arrayed the adherents of the Mercantile or -Protective System, and on the other those of the Economic or Free -Trade System. The mercantile class endeavored to subordinate colonial -interests to the protective system by navigation laws and acts of -trade; and the resistance of the colonists to these acts was a claim -for free trade which finally involved them in a war with the mother -country. - -What were those navigation laws and acts of trade which called forth -the invective of James Otis when he argued the Writs of Assistance, and -revived in the bosom of the octogenarian John Adams the hearty curse -he bestowed upon them in his youth; and on what foundation did they -rest?[10] - -Nations acquire new territories, and maintain and defend them, to -promote their own interests, and not the interests of those who inhabit -them; still less the interests of other nationalities. This has been -the case in all ages and under all forms of government, to which -our own age and nation form no exception. By the right of discovery -the British crown became possessed of the territory included in the -thirteen American colonies, settled mainly by British subjects. Lands -were granted to individuals, or companies, with the expectation that -they would build up prosperous communities, to contribute by their -products and trade to the wealth of the mother country. On these -purely selfish considerations she protected them; and when their trade -was grown to be considerable and their markets valuable, the British -merchants took measures to secure both, instead of sharing them -with other nations, or allowing them to follow the interests of the -colonists. Such was the policy of Great Britain at the dictation of the -mercantile class; and in the maintenance of that policy, in sixty years -between 1714 and 1774, she paid out of her Exchequer the enormous sum -of £34,697,142 sterling, a sum greater than the estimated value of the -whole real and personal property in the colonies.[11] - -Between 1660 and 1770 Parliament enacted various laws whose enforcement -produced irritation from the beginning, and had no inconsiderable -influence in promoting the final rupture. These acts may be classed -as,—First, navigation laws, designed to secure the naval and maritime -supremacy of Great Britain throughout the world; these were aimed at -the Dutch. Second, acts of trade, procured by the mercantile class, to -monopolize the trade of the British colonies. Like the corn-laws of a -later generation, these formed part of the protective system, and were -dictated by class interest. Third, acts for the protection of British -manufactures by preventing their growth in the colonies, where their -best market was found. Fourth, acts designed to secure the strict -execution of the preceding acts by establishing colonial admiralty -courts, custom-houses, and boards of customs. Fifth, acts which -imposed and regulated duties and port charges in commercial towns. -In no sense were these acts for revenue, British or colonial. They -brought nothing into the British Exchequer, but drew large sums from -it.[12] They were passed solely in the interest of the mercantile and -manufacturing classes, whose protection had much to do with bringing on -the Revolution, but whose clamors happily prevented efficient measures -for its suppression. These demonstrations, which gained them great -credit in the colonies, grew out of their fear of losing not only the -£4,000,000 due by their colonial debtors, but also their future trade. - -Before the Grenville Act of 1764 no measures had been taken to relieve -the Exchequer from demands on account of the colonies. The people and -the government had suffered the mercantile and manufacturing classes -to dictate their colonial policy. Not that the prosperity of these -classes did not contribute to the general prosperity of the realm; -for, on the contrary, it had made Great Britain the most affluent and -powerful country on the globe. But this system did not promote the -welfare of all classes alike; and when the time came, as it did after -the frightful expenditure in the French War, that the Chancellor of the -Exchequer was compelled to ask for ready money to pay the interest on -the debt and to meet current expenses, neither the merchants nor the -manufacturers, who had grown rich by the war, offered on that account -to pay larger taxes, but they were quite willing that the British -farmer should do so, or that a revenue should be sought from the -American colonies. - -Some account of these famous laws is essential at this point. There -were three statutes embraced under the general term Navigation Laws -and Acts of Trade, in which are to be found the principles of the -Mercantile System. They were passed in 1660, 1663, and 1672, during the -reign of Charles II., and may be found in the _Statutes at Large_,[13] -with the following titles respectively: "An Act for the Encouraging and -Increasing of Shipping and Navigation", "An Act for the Encouragement -of Trade", and "An Act for the Encouragement of the Greenland and -Eastland Trades, and for the Better Securing the Plantation Trade."[14] - -The navigation laws will be more readily understood if we attend solely -to their effect on the American colonies, and disregard unimportant -exceptions and limitations. By the act of 1660, none but English or -colonial ships could carry goods to or bring them from the colonies. -This excluded all foreigners, and especially the Dutch, who at that -time were the principal carriers for Europe. The result was that the -colonists lost the advantage of their competition. Far more serious -was the provision which restricted them from carrying sugar, tobacco, -cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, fustic and all other dyeing wood, the -product of any English colony, to any part of the world, except Great -Britain, or some other English colony. This affected the English sugar -islands of the West Indies and the Southern colonies, which were -obliged to send their products to the overstocked English or colonial -markets, more than it affected New England, whose great staples, -lumber, fish, oil, ashes, and furs, were free to find their best -market, provided only they were sent in English or colonial vessels. - -British merchants not satisfied with this monopoly procured a more -stringent act in 1663, which provided that no commodity, the growth, -product, or manufacture of Europe, should be imported into the -colonies, except in English-built ships, sailing from English ports. By -this act England became the sole market in which the colonists could -purchase the products or manufactures of Europe, nor could they send -their own ships for them, unless English-built or bought before October -1, 1662. They were obliged to buy in English markets and import in -English vessels.[15] This discouraged ship-building for the European -trade in a country full of timber, and compelled the payment of charges -and profits to English factors dealing in Continental goods for the -American market. - -By these two acts British merchants had undertaken to monopolize, -with certain exceptions, the carrying trade of the colonies and their -markets for the sale and the purchase of goods. But avarice was not -satisfied. There had grown up a trade, especially profitable to New -England, with the Southern colonies which were without shipping. By the -act of 1660, foreign and intercolonial trade in certain articles was -permitted, with the expectation that it would be limited to necessary -local supply. But Boston merchants, shipping to that port tobacco and -some other colonial products in excess of the local demand, sent the -surplus to Continental Europe, without payment of British or colonial -duties, and thus undersold the British trader, who had paid heavy -import duties. To suppress this profitable irregularity, it was enacted -in 1672 that the enumerated products shipped to other colonies should -be first transported to England, and thence to the purchasing colony. -The colonial merchants had the option, however, of bringing tobacco, -for instance, from Virginia direct to Massachusetts, first paying an -export duty equivalent to the English import duty.[16] - -These enactments subjected colonial interests to those of British -ship-owners and merchants; and as they had been thus duly protected, -the manufacturers in turn claimed similar protection by statutes -which should prevent the colonists from setting up competing -manufactories.[17] How could there have been any difference of opinion -among the colonists respecting such statutes? A general answer is, -that the colonial system, which regarded the colonies as feeders for -the navigation, trade, and manufactures of the parent state, was the -accepted doctrine of European statesmen. Pitt was its stanchest -advocate, and Burke its rational friend. Adam Smith, who assaulted -it in 1776,[18] did not succeed in overthrowing it. Twenty-five -years later, Henry Brougham controverted Smith's views.[19] It is -not strange, therefore, that it found advocates among the colonists -themselves. It was also far from being a one-sided question. - -James Otis's arguments on the Writs of Assistance and John Adams's -letters to William Tudor, by dwelling on the injurious features of -these acts, and passing over all compensating considerations, give an -erroneous notion of them. The idea that they originated in a hostile -disposition of the British people or merchants towards the colonists -is not entitled to a moment's consideration. They formed a commercial -policy, not a political policy. The more numerous, wealthy, and -prosperous the colonists became, the more useful they were to the -British merchants, so long as they could monopolize the trade. That -was their object; and where the freedom of colonial trade would not -interfere with British trade, it was left free. For example, the most -profitable trade of New England was with the French and Spanish West -India Islands and the Spanish Main. The short distance favored small -vessels and small capitals. The exchange of lumber, grain, cattle, and -fish for sugar and molasses, with an occasional voyage to the coast -of Africa for slaves, during that traffic,[20] yielded rich returns. -This trade was free; and so was that of Asia and Africa, and some -ports of Europe, except for certain enumerated articles. It was not -only permitted, but with respect to some commodities was encouraged by -bounties. Between 1714 and 1774, the colonists, chiefly those of New -England, received £1,609,345 sterling on their commodities exported -to Great Britain;[21] and through a system of drawbacks, by which the -duties on goods imported into England were repaid on their exportation -to America, the colonists often bought Continental goods cheaper than -could the subjects within the realm. These favors no more indicated -good will than the restrictions indicated hostility. Both rested on -purely commercial considerations. There were other compensations. The -naval supremacy of Great Britain, due chiefly to the navigation laws, -protected colonial commerce in whatever seas it was pushed; and the -stimulus of monopoly withdrew British capital from other less lucrative -enterprises, and directed it to the colonies, where it was freely -used by planters in developing lands which otherwise would have been -uncultivated for lack of capital.[22] And although certain colonial -produce was obliged to find its only European market in England, it had -the monopoly of that market. - -If it was a hardship to the tobacco growers of Maryland and Virginia to -be compelled to send that product to England, they had this advantage, -that no Englishman could use any other. He was forbidden by penal -statutes to grow his own supply even in his own garden. As to those -laws which restrained manufactures in the colonies, it was the opinion -of Henry Brougham,[23] who cites Franklin as an authority, that they -merely prohibited the colonist from making articles which could have -been more cheaply purchased.[24] He could import a hat from England -for less than it cost to make one, and he did so. But the best ground -for nominal submission to the navigation laws and acts of trade was -found in their easy evasion, and the fact that they never were, and -never could have been, rigidly enforced. From the first, all attempts -to enforce them led to dissatisfaction. Randolph's revenue seizures -in the time of Charles II. and James II. had no small influence in -overthrowing Andros's government in the revolution of 1689, and so had -Charles Paxton's in bringing on the American Revolution. - -Before the new policy of enforcing these laws was entered upon, the -colonies enjoyed British naval protection; they possessed the monopoly -of the British market; they drew bounties from the British Exchequer; -they purchased European goods more cheaply than the British people -could do; and, stating the facts somewhat broadly, they manufactured -whatever they found to be for their advantage, and sent their ships -wherever they pleased, notwithstanding the navigation laws and acts of -trade. The result was that the colonies, especially barren and frozen -New England, engrossed most profitable commerce which England had -attempted to monopolize, and increased in wealth beyond all colonial -precedent.[25] But these halcyon days were destined to pass under -clouds. British merchants had seen from the beginning the amassing of -fortunes in the colonies by illicit trade, and the falling off of their -own. They had striven to enforce the laws, and Parliament had lent its -assistance,—but in vain. Under the first charter of Massachusetts, the -collector of customs was the governor, whose annual election depended -upon the good will of those who were evading the navigation laws; under -the second charter, the governor was appointed by the king, and sworn -to enforce those laws. But colonial juries generally checkmated the -king's representative. Then followed admiralty courts without juries, -which produced indignant protests. The new system was irritating rather -than efficient on a long line of coast filled with bays, creeks, -and ports not patrolled by revenue cutters. The British merchant -was foiled, and anger was the result. The attempt to monopolize the -commerce of the colonies was a failure; and so long as the navigation -laws were a dead letter the advantages of the situation were with the -colonists. They were content. - -But the time came at the close of the French War when the mercantile -system was subordinated to a revenue system, and the enforcement of -the navigation laws and acts of trade, made more stringent by some -new ones, became the policy of the government. Its instruments were -admiralty courts with enlarged jurisdiction, commissioners of customs, -writs of assistance, and an adequate naval force. When that time came, -the Revolution was not far off![26] - -In 1755, Shirley, then governor of Massachusetts, had persuaded the -General Court to attempt by a stamp act to meet the expenses of the -French War. This produced an irritation like that which followed in -1765 the act of the British ministry;[27] and to Shirley, as much as to -any other man, perhaps, was due the suggestion of those parliamentary -measures which led to the Revolution. Long residence in Boston and -his profession as a lawyer had made him familiar with the evasions of -the navigation laws; and his larger duties as commander-in-chief, in -which he found much difficulty in bringing the colonial assemblies into -concerted and efficient action, doubtless suggested measures which -were adopted by the British ministry. However this may have been, the -enforcement of the navigation laws was taken in hand for the first time -by the government, and no longer left to depend upon private interests. -This unwonted activity was shown as early as 1754. Its most formidable -weapon was the Writ of Assistance. - -More than four years before the passage of the Stamp Act, James Otis -had resisted the granting of these writs before the Superior Court -of Massachusetts. John Adams, then a student of law, took notes of -Otis's argument, and fifty-six years later wrote: "Then and there -was the first scene of the first act of opposition to the arbitrary -claims of Great Britain. Then and there the child Independence was -born."[28] This was no mere rhetorical phrase.[29] The influence of -this controversy in producing the Revolution is not wholly due to the -fiery eloquence of Otis, whose words, said John Adams, "breathed into -the nation the breath of life", nor to the range of his argument, -which called in question the mercantile and political systems of -Great Britain, but to their effect upon the commercial interest—then -the leading one—of New England; for if the latent powers of these -writs were set free, and used by the revenue officers, the commerce -of Boston, Salem, and Newport would have been effectually crippled. -Authorized in England, they were extended to the colonies by an act of -William III.[30] The officers of customs, however, instead of applying -to the courts for them, relied upon the implied powers of their -commissions, and forcibly entered warehouses for contraband goods. -The people grew uneasy, and some stood upon their rights against the -officers, whose activity was stimulated by documents like that given in -the note below.[31] - -Governor Shirley issued these writs, though the power to do so was -solely in the court.[32] But they would have held a less important -place in the history of the Revolution had it not been for the -concurrence of several circumstances. All writs become invalid on the -demise of the crown and six months thereafter. George II. died October -25, 1760, and the news reached Boston December 27th. The government -had already resolved upon a more vigorous enforcement of the revenue -laws. The king had instructed Bernard, the newly appointed governor -of Massachusetts, to "be aiding and assisting to the collectors and -other officers of our admiralty and customs in putting in execution" -the acts of trade. Pitt also directed the colonial governors to prevent -trade with the enemy and a commerce which was "in open contempt of -the authority of the mother country, as well as to the most manifest -prejudice of the manufactures and trade of Great Britain."[33] Seizures -of uncustomed goods were frequent. The third part of the forfeiture of -molasses which belonged to the province amounted before 1761 to nearly -five hundred pounds in money. Bernard arrived in August, 1760. Chief -Justice Sewall, who had expressed doubts as to the legality of writs -of assistance, died September 11th; and Hutchinson, his successor, -took his seat January 27, 1761. As the outstanding writs had become -invalid, their renewal became necessary. But when Charles Paxton, the -surveyor at Boston, appeared for that purpose in the Superior Court, -February term, 1761, he was confronted by a petition signed by sixty -inhabitants of the province, chiefly merchants of Boston, who desired -to be heard in opposition, in person and by their counsel, James Otis -and Oxenbridge Thacher. Otis, Advocate-General for the crown, had -resigned his office to avoid supporting the writ.[34] Gridley, the -Attorney-General, appeared in his stead. No complete report of the -arguments has been preserved.[35] Gridley, who treated the question as -purely one of law, to be determined by statutes and precedents, said of -Otis's argument, that "quoting history is not speaking like a lawyer;" -and as to the arbitrary nature of the writ which allowed the entry of -private houses in search of uncustomed goods, he reminded him that by -a province law a collector of taxes, without execution, judgment, or -trial, could arrest and throw a delinquent taxpayer into prison. "What! -shall my property be wrested from me? Shall my liberty be destroyed by -a collector for a debt unadjudged, without the common indulgence and -lenity of the law? So it is established; and the necessity of having -public taxes effectually and speedily collected is of infinitely -greater moment to the whole than the liberty of any individual." - -Otis's argument is well known. Carried to its logical results, it was a -plea for commercial and political independence of the colonies, and was -fully vindicated by the result of the conflict it precipitated. But as -a legal argument it is less conclusive.[36] - -The majority of the court, however, were with Otis; and had judgment -been given at the time, the decision would have been in his favor. -But Hutchinson counselled delay until the practice in England could -be learned; and as it appeared that such writs were issued, of -course, from the Exchequer, on the 18th of November, the court, after -re-argument, pronounced them to be legal. Thenceforth they were freely -used. Otis's argument, without doubt, secured his election to the -General Court in May, in which his influence was second to that of no -other in bringing on the struggle which ended in independence. Nor was -its effect limited to Massachusetts. It reached the remotest colonies, -and, as John Adams said, led to "the revolution in the principles, -views, opinions, and feelings of the American people."[37] - -Revolution, however, had been long impending. The treaty of -Aix-la-Chapelle in October, 1748, which put an end to the long war -between England and France, opened with the declaration that "Europe -sees the day which the Divine Providence had pointed out for the -reëstablishment of its repose. A general peace succeeds to a long and -bloody war." But neither the peace, nor the treaty by which it was -secured, was satisfactory to one of the belligerents; for England had -failed to secure the commercial advantages for which the war had been -undertaken, and the terms of the treaty, requiring her to give hostages -for the restoration of Cape Breton to France, excited the indignation -of the British people. Nor were other causes for the renewal of -the war wanting. The aggressive policy of France in respect to the -English possessions in Acadia and along the Ohio and the Mississippi, -notwithstanding the treaty, soon produced its legitimate results. The -Seven Years' War followed. In Asia and in the West Indies, the maritime -powers measured their strength by sea. At the same time in North -America, England and her colonies on the one side, and France on the -other, contended for the empire of the continent. Led by Clive, Wolfe, -Amherst, and Rodney, and inspired by the genius of Pitt, the forces of -England everywhere prevailed, and she took the first place among the -nations. - -On the 10th of February, 1763, at Paris, was signed the treaty that -recognized the extinction of the French empire in North America. This -treaty marks an epoch in the history of America, as well as in that of -England and of France. To the latter it was a period of humiliation, -not only in the loss of colonies upon which, for nearly a century, she -had expended vast sums without any adequate return, but also in the -frustration of her purpose of gaining sole possession of the continent. - -By England it was regarded as the close of a contest to maintain -her power on the same continent, and make it subservient to her -commercial and manufacturing interests, which had lasted for nearly a -hundred years. Yet there was a well-founded apprehension, expressed -at the time, that her colonies, relieved from the fear of French -aggressions, would throw off the authority of the mother country.[38] -What was the fear of the mother country, on the other hand, was the -hope and expectation, more or less remote, of the colonies. For the -experience gained in the French wars was of great value to them in the -revolutionary struggle. Officers had become familiar with the direction -of large bodies of troops, and with the means of their transport -and supply; and soldiers had learned that efficiency depended upon -discipline. Provincial assemblies also had been taught to look for -safety in strategic operations remote from their own territory. But at -no time before the assembling of the congress of 1754 had the colonies -been called to consider such a union of all as would give unity to -military operations, and secure the semblance, at least, of a general -government. The union proposed at that time would have involved some -loss of independence, without securing any efficient means of enforcing -the recommendations of the congress, and so the colonies hesitated, and -finally laid it aside. But there can be no doubt that the consideration -given to it by the several colonies led them more readily to come -together for concerted action in the congress of 1765. - - * * * * * - -The year 1763 is usually regarded as the beginning of the American -Revolution, because in that year the English ministry determined to -raise a revenue from the colonies. This led to a contest, which, like -most civil wars, was long and embittered. It engendered feelings -which have not yet passed away,—feelings which interfere with a calm -and dispassionate review of the motives of the parties concerned, -and of the circumstances which attended their controversy. It was -a war between Britons and the descendants of Britons, who, with a -common ancestry, laws, and manners, retained their essential race -characteristics in spite of the lapse of time or the change of place: -everywhere and always lovers of liberty, but in power haughty, -insolent, and aggressive on the weak, and in subjection turbulent and -impatient of restraint; proud of ancestry, partial to old customs -and precedents, but quick to resist laws which impede the course of -equity, and never permitting forms to prevent the accomplishment of -substantial justice. Such was the parent and such was the child: and in -the light of these facts we are to read the history of the Revolution. -It exhibited the race in no new light, nor did the contest involve -any new principle. Its sentiments were expressed in the old idiomatic -language,—petition, remonstrance, riot, war. - -For more than a hundred years the colonies had been regarded as -appendages to the crown rather than as an integral part of the -empire; and when Parliament, at the instigation of the mercantile -classes and in derogation of royal prerogative, began at the close -of the seventeenth century to assume control over them, and, a few -years later, to vote large sums from the imperial treasury for their -protection, and, in some cases, for the support of their civil -governments, that body looked for reimbursement to the profits which -would inure to British merchants from the monopoly of colonial trade -and navigation, and flow indirectly into the national Exchequer. -But with the close of the French War a new policy seemed to become -necessary. The debt had swelled to frightful proportions. The British -people were groaning under the weight of the annual interest and their -current expenses. Every source of revenue seemed to be drained, and the -ministry turned their eyes for relief to the colonies; not, indeed, -for relief from the present debt, but from the necessity of adding to -it the whole expense of defending the colonies. This was the fatal -mistake which precipitated the Revolution. On this subject, however, -there seems to be some misapprehension. The popular idea was, and still -is, that the colonists were to be taxed to pay the interest on the -national debt and the current expenses of the government, and that all -moneys raised in the colonies were to pass into the British Exchequer -(thus draining them of their specie), there to remain subject to the -king's warrant. Such, however, was not the scheme of the ministry. -Not a farthing was to leave America. All sums collected were to be -deposited in the colonial treasuries, and only certificates thereof -were to be sent to the Exchequer. These were to be kept apart from the -general funds, and, after defraying the charges of the administration -of justice and the support of the civil government within all or any of -the colonies, they were to be subject to parliamentary appropriation -for their defence, protection, and security, and for no other -purpose.[39] - -The alleged necessity was this: The government had broken the French -power in Canada, and shaken its hold upon the lakes and great rivers of -the West. This achievement, so glorious to the empire, and therefore to -the colonies as parts of it, and more immediately for their benefit, -had added one hundred and forty millions to the national debt, under -which the subjects within the realm were staggering. While some -colonies had been tardy or negligent in furnishing their quotas of men -and money for the war, yet it was acknowledged that as a whole they had -borne their fair proportion of the expense, and that some had exceeded -their share. So far all was clear. Although Canada had been conquered -mainly for the colonies, still the conquest added to the security -and glory of the empire, and the accounts for past expenditures -were squared. But what of the future? As these possessions had been -acquired, a stable government was needed for them, both for the -safety of the colonies and for the honor of England. They were still -inhabited by Indians under French influence, and they might become -dangerous unless controlled by military power. Choiseul, the great -French minister, informed by the reports of his secret agent, foresaw -the complications likely to arise in the government of the colonies, -and was not without hope of retrieving by diplomacy the losses which -had occurred from war. Forts and garrisons were necessary. Although -the Northern colonies were comparatively secure, the Carolinas and -Georgia were menaced by powerful and hostile tribes. The government -must regard the colonies as a unit, of which all parts were entitled -to imperial protection. To this view of the case there could be no -sound objection. Twenty thousand troops,—Pitt thought more would be -needed,—besides civil officers to regulate such affairs as did not -fall within colonial jurisdictions, were to be sent to the colonies. At -whose expense ought these military and civil forces to be maintained? -The British farmer objected to pay for the protection of his untaxed -colonial competitor in the British market. If the colonies were to -continue to be governed in the interest of the mercantile classes, -upon them might reasonably fall the expense of their protection. But -the acquisition of vast territories required a new policy, and it was -deemed equitable that they should be defended at the expense of the -empire of which the colonies were a part. They had claimed and received -imperial protection, and they ought to bear a proportional part of the -cost, which might be collected under the imperial authority with the -same certainty and promptness as were taxes on other subjects of the -king. This was the ministerial view of the matter as I gather it from -the debates in Parliament. - -This claim of the ministry was met by the liberal party on both sides -of the water in two ways. It was asserted that the late war, and in -fact all the wars which affected the colonies, had been waged in the -interest of commerce and for the aggrandizement of the realm of which -they were no part, and that the newly acquired territories were of -doubtful advantage to colonies as yet sparsely populated. But if these -considerations were not conclusive, still the colonists ought not to -be taxed, because the imperial government by monopolizing their trade -received far more than the colonial share of the expense attending -their defence. The liberals also asserted that there was no disposition -on the part of the colonists to seek exemption from a reasonable share -of these imperial expenses; but as in the past they had voluntarily -contributed their part, and in some cases even more, so they would in -the future; and that in the future, as in the past, these contributions -ought to be voluntary, and the frequency and amount to be determined by -the provincial assemblies. Moreover, as the colonists neither had, nor -could have, any equitable or efficient representation in the imperial -Parliament, they could not consent to have their property taken from -them by representatives not chosen by themselves. - -The ministry and their adherents replied that the foregoing arguments, -even if sound, were such as no party charged with the administration of -affairs, and obliged to raise a certain amount of money from a people -clamorous for relief from present taxes, could accept; that no reliance -could be placed on voluntary contributions; that the necessities of -government required that money should be raised by some system which -would act with regularity and certainty, and reach the unwilling as -well as the willing; that even in the last war, when the existence of -the English colonies was threatened by a foe moving with celerity by -reason of its unity, the movements of English troops had been delayed -by the backwardness of the colonies in furnishing their quotas; and now -that the pressure of the French power was removed from New England, -that section would leave the Middle and Southern colonies to their own -resources, especially when it was remembered how remiss those colonies -had been in assisting the north and east when attacked.[40] It was also -answered that so far from the monopoly of the colonial trade being a -set-off to the expenses incurred by the mother country in defending the -colonies, the fact was notorious that by the evasion of the navigation -laws and acts of trade the colonists had escaped the restrictions -intended by those laws, and at the same time had received bounties and -drawbacks from the British Exchequer which enabled them to undersell -the British merchants in the markets of Europe. - -Here was a deadlock. The arguments on both sides seemed conclusive. -No practical solution of the difficulty was proposed at the time, nor -has been since. Both parties were firm in their convictions. Neither -could yield without the surrender of essential rights. A conflict -was unavoidable unless one party would relinquish the authority -claimed by the imperial government; unavoidable unless the colonies, -essentially free by growth, development, and distance, would yield to -pretensions incompatible with their rights as British subjects. The -new policy contemplated after the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748 -was carried into effect after the treaty of Paris in 1763. But nothing -could have been more unfortunate than the time at which Great Britain -inaugurated this policy, and no ministers than those by whom it was -to be carried out. On essential political questions which divided the -colonists and the mother country Great Britain herself was in the midst -of a revolution. The new policy which was inaugurated fell into the -hands of those opposed to it. Whig ministers were charged with the -execution of an illiberal and reactionary scheme. Consequently, the -administration of American affairs was weak and vacillating. The result -was inevitable. Had Pitt, with his large views and great administrative -abilities, been at the head of affairs for ten years after the peace, -the Revolution might have been postponed. On the other hand, had the -mercantile system during the same period been administered with the -unity of purpose and thoroughness of measures which characterized -Carleton's administration in Canada, and had it been enforced by the -military genius of Clive, the rebellion might have been temporarily -suppressed. - -In the journals and statutes of the provincial assemblies we find -from the beginning a similarity of causes leading to the final -rupture. There are the same quarrels about the royal prerogative; the -same repugnance to the navigation laws and acts of trade; the same -unwillingness to make permanent provision for the support of the royal -governors and judges, and the same restiveness under interference -with their internal affairs; but owing either to differences in their -original constitutions or of interests, commercial and agricultural, -or because of varied nationality and religion, or by reason of all -these causes combined, discontent was less general in the Southern than -in the Northern colonies. Of the Northern colonies, in Massachusetts -we find the causes which brought on the war operative and continuous -from the beginning. Party strife between friends and opponents of -prerogative existed in other colonies, but in Massachusetts the -conflict broke out with special virulence between the adherents of -Otis and those of Hutchinson. It was also intensified by the pecuniary -interests of a large part of the inhabitants of Boston, which were -affected by the enforcement of the navigation laws through the aid of -writs of assistance. It was for this enforcement that Hutchinson was -held responsible when the mob sacked his house, and were ready to do -violence to his person. - -The province had received from the British Exchequer more than £60,000 -sterling for the war expenses of 1759, and nearly £43,000 for those of -1761. Money was plentiful, and more was expected from the same source. -There was a lull in the angry storm of local politics when news of the -preliminaries of peace reached Boston in January, 1763. With this came -assurances that Parliament would reimburse the colonies for expenses -incurred, beyond their proportion, in the last year of the war; and -the two Houses of the General Court agreed upon an address expressing -gratitude to the king for protection against the French power, and -full of loyalty and duty. But quiet was not of long continuance. -The close of the war dried up several sources of profitable trade -or adventure,[41]—some legal, such as furnishing supplies to the -king's forces, and some illicit. Then came orders from the Board of -Trade to enforce the navigation laws, heretofore chiefly evaded, but -now to be enforced with the aid of writs of assistance. At the same -time plans were entertained by the cabinet for making changes in the -constitutions of the colonies; and what was hardly less opportune, the -English bishops incessantly pressed upon the ministry the adoption of -archbishop Secker's scheme of introducing an episcopal hierarchy into -America, which would have carried with it some of the worst features -of the prerogative.[42] The history of the period from the treaty of -1763 to the meeting of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia in -1774 is a narrative of an attempt by the British ministry to enforce -certain measures upon unwilling colonists, and of the resistance of the -colonists to those measures. Who were the ministers, what were their -measures, and how did the colonists resist them? - -Pitt had carried the country through a long and glorious war; but -he was not satisfied with the results. The cost had been heavy, and -as a guaranty against future expense he meditated the substantial -annihilation of the French power. He knew that France and Spain had -entered into the Family Compact with a view to a war with England. War -with Spain was only a question of time, and he would have anticipated -its declaration by seizing the immense treasure belonging to that -power, then on the sea. This would have replenished the British -Exchequer, and perhaps have deferred a resort to American taxation. -Pitt urged this measure at a cabinet meeting, September 18, 1761. -His advice was not followed, and he resigned October 5. But war was -declared against Spain, January 1, 1762, and carried on with brilliant -results, though the golden opportunity of securing the Spanish treasure -was lost. The preliminaries of peace were signed at Fontainebleau, -November 3, 1763. - -[Illustration: GEORGE III. - -(From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. i. It follows a -painting by Reynolds. Cf. cut in Murray's _History_, vol. i.—ED.)] - -This virtually ended Pitt's connection with the ministry and with the -conduct of American affairs as a leader; for although he was again at -the head of the ministry from August 2, 1766, to October, 1768, his -direction was merely nominal. It was during his administration that -the Townshend Acts were passed, and the Mutiny Act extended to the -colonies,—facts which show divided counsels and the lack of uniform -purpose. Pitt seldom appeared in the ministry except to oppose his own -government. Whenever his great powers were most needed by sore-pressed -colleagues to devise some practicable policy for replenishing the -Exchequer, or for governing the colonies, he was in the country -wrestling with the gout. This was a serious loss to the mother country, -but it hastened the independence of America. - -[Illustration: LORD NORTH. - -From Doyle's _Official Baronage_, ii. 89. It follows Dance's picture. -Cf. J. C. Smith's _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, i. p. 135; Gay's _Pop. Hist. -U. S._, iii. 365; Walpole's _Last Journals_.—ED.] - -The terms of peace with France were settled by Bute and Bedford, -against the views of Pitt; but on April 16, 1763, Bute retired from -the ministry, before the new policy for the government of the colonies -had been fully developed. He was succeeded by George Grenville, who -continued at the head of the government until July, 1765. Grenville was -able, well informed, and thoroughly honest. His knowledge of financial -matters was extensive and accurate, and, as Chancellor of the Exchequer -during the preceding administration, he had become familiar with the -difficulties of providing for the expenses of government. No question -could have been more perplexing at this time. A certain amount of -revenue was required to meet the interest on the public debt, and to -defray current expenses. Economic theories of commercial policy would -not serve as an item in the budget. The minister needed the money, -and the Stamp Act was framed and passed. He also encountered other -difficulties when public sentiment had become inflamed by the question -of General Warrants. His relations to the king were unfriendly. Pitt -threw his influence into the scale of the opposition, and Grenville's -administration was a failure. - -[Illustration] - -The Rockingham ministry began July 13, 1765, and ended August 2, -1766. The colonists themselves could hardly have chosen one more to -their mind. It was weak and vacillating. It repealed the Stamp Act, -and passed the Declaratory Bill. To Dowdswell, the Chancellor of the -Exchequer, the Massachusetts House voted their thanks. Then came -the Chatham-Grafton ministry, which was in power until December 31, -1769. This was nominally Pitt's ministry; but his elevation to the -peerage impaired his influence with the people, and after nine months -he retired from public affairs by reason of ill health. Men of such -opposite views and character as Shelburne, Hillsborough, Charles -Townshend, and Lord North were of this ministry. - -Lord North was premier from February 10, 1770, to September 6, 1780. -Long after he wished to retire he continued to hold power at the -personal solicitation, and even by the command, of the king. He was -able, faithful, and patriotic; but his heart was not in the work of -subduing the colonies, nor could he pilot the ship of state through -dangerous seas. - -Such were the ministers at one of the most critical periods in English -history. No first-class man is to be found among them save Pitt, and -his real attitude was that of opposition. He raised the storm, but when -his hand ought to have been on the helm he was prostrate in the cabin. - -Nor were the governors of Massachusetts, during a period when affairs -needed a firm hand, although worthy gentlemen, altogether such as a -far-seeing ministry would have chosen to carry out the new policy. -Shirley was the only governor of Massachusetts who possessed the -favor of the people; and yet he believed in the king's prerogative, -and valued himself highly as its representative. He endeavored to -suppress illicit trade and to enforce the navigation laws; and from -his conferences with Franklin, it is certain that he contemplated some -radical changes in the constitutions of the colonies.[43] But he got -more money from the people for public uses than any previous governor, -and even persuaded them to pass a provincial stamp act.[44] The secret -of Shirley's influence may have been that he was less eager to secure -his own salary than some of his predecessors had shown themselves to -be, and that he had displayed unequalled activity in conducting the -French war, which engaged the attention of the people. Pownall, who -succeeded Shirley, belonged to the popular party. He gave no particular -attention to the navigation laws, and was on the opposite side from -Hutchinson, who was lieutenant-governor during the latter part of his -term, which closed in 1760. - -After Pownall came Bernard, and with him the beginning of the -Revolution. Bernard was not without ability, accomplishments, and -good intentions; but he was a Tory. More firmly even than Shirley, -he believed in the royal prerogatives, and in some modification of -the provincial charters to bring their action into harmony with the -imperial system. During his administration, and in some cases at his -suggestion, the ministry entered upon that series of measures which -lost the colonies to Great Britain: the enforcement of the navigation -laws; the use of writs of assistance; Grenville's revenue acts in 1764; -the Stamp Act of 1765; the Townshend duties of 1767; and the arrival of -military forces in 1768. - -The purposes contemplated by these successive administrations were not -unreasonable, nor were the measures by which they sought to accomplish -them unwise in themselves. The general policy was the same as that -afterwards pursued by the colonies when they had become a great -empire,—homogeneity, equal contributions to expenses, a preference for -their own shipping, and protection to their own industries. - -The difficulty arose from a misconception of the relations of the -colonies to the mother country. They were not a part of the realm, and -could neither equally share its privileges nor justly bear its burdens. -The attempt to bring them within imperial legislation failed, and -could only fail. They were colonies; and the chief benefit the parent -state could legitimately derive from them was the trade which would -flow naturally to Great Britain by reason of the political connection, -and would increase with the prosperity of the colonies. - -Early in 1763 the Bute ministry, of which George Grenville and Charles -Townshend were members, entered upon the new policy. To enforce the -navigation laws, armed cutters cruised about the British coast and -along the American shores; their officers, for the first time, and -much to their disgust, being required to act as revenue officers. -To give unity to their efforts, an admiral was stationed on the -coast. To adjudicate upon seizures of contraband goods, and other -offences against the revenue, a vice-admiralty court, with enlarged -jurisdiction, and sitting without juries, was set up.[45] Royal -governors, hitherto chiefly occupied with domestic administration, -were now obliged to watch the commerce of an empire. It was seen long -before this time that the successful administration of the new system -would require some modification of the provincial charters; but the -difficulties were so serious that the matter was deferred. - -Such was the new order of things. The student who reflects upon the -complete and radical change effected or threatened by these new -measures, so much at variance with the habits and customary rights -of the colonists, breaking up without notice not only illicit but -legitimate trade, and sweeping away their commercial prosperity, is no -longer at loss to account for the outburst of wrath which followed the -Stamp Act, a year later.[46] To avert these hostile proceedings, the -colonists memorialized the king and Parliament. They employed resident -agents to act in their behalf. They availed themselves of party -divisions and animosities in England. They alarmed British merchants -by non-importation and self-denying agreements. When these measures -seemed likely to prove ineffectual, they aroused public sentiment -through the press, by public gatherings and legislative resolutions, by -committees of correspondence between towns and colonies, and finally -by continental congresses. They did not scruple to avail themselves of -popular violence, nor, in the last extremity, of armed resistance to -British authority. - -So far as trade and commerce were concerned, it was a struggle between -British and colonial merchants. The colonial merchants desired freedom -of commerce; the British merchant desired its monopoly. But this does -not state the case precisely; for the colonial merchants were desirous -of retaining what they possessed rather than of acquiring something -new. By the navigation laws the British merchant had a legal monopoly -of certain specified trades; but by evading these laws, the colonial -merchants had gained a large part of this trade for themselves. -One party, standing on legal rights, wished to recover this lost -trade; the other party, basing their claim on natural equity and long -enjoyment, wished to retain it. This was an old question, a hundred -years old; but it had acquired new interest since the government, -with the aid of writs of assistance, had undertaken to enforce the -navigation laws and acts of trade. Such was the first issue between the -parties. The second was this, and it was new: As has been said, Great -Britain had never undertaken to raise a revenue from the colonies, -though she had often contemplated doing so, and especially during -the French war just closed. At the close of the war it was estimated -that £300,000 would be required to man the forts about to be vacated -by the French, and to maintain twenty regiments to hold the Indians -in check, who were still under French influence and might become -dangerous, as happened in Pontiac's time; and to give efficiency to -civil administration by granting to governors, judges, and some other -officers fixed and regular salaries, instead of having them depend on -irregular and fluctuating grants of colonial assemblies. One third of -these expenses—£100,000—the ministry proposed to raise by laying -duties on importations, reserving a direct tax by stamps for fuller -consideration. - -The colonists met this proposition by denying both the necessity and -the right of raising a revenue,—at first distinguishing between -external and internal taxes, and finally objecting to all taxes raised -by a Parliament in which they neither were nor practically could be -represented. These issues were complicated with several others of long -standing, but which may be left out of the account here. - -The popular idea has been that the Revolution began with the Stamp -Act. But it seems strange that prosperous colonists, in whose behalf -the British people had expended £60,000,000 sterling, should refuse to -pay £100,000, one third of the sum deemed necessary for their future -defence, and that months before they were called upon to raise the -first penny they should fall into a paroxysm of rage, from one end of -the continent to the other, and commit disgraceful acts of violence -upon property and against persons of the most estimable character. - -This view, however, overlooks several facts. If we disregard the -chronic quarrels in all the colonies, growing out of the exercise of -the royal prerogatives, Virginia and Massachusetts especially had been -aroused on the abstract questions concerning the relations of the -colonies to Great Britain, and in them the earliest demonstrations of -hostility to the Stamp Act were manifested. In the famous "Parsons -Case" argued by Patrick Henry in December, 1763, in words which rang -through Virginia because they affected every man in that colony, -he drew the prerogative into question, not only in regard to the -ecclesiastical supremacy of the Anglican hierarchy, but also on the -right of the king to negative the "Two-penny Act" of the colonial -assembly. In Massachusetts, James Otis, in 1761, arguing the writs of -assistance, assumed the natural rights of the colonists to absolute -independence. But the promulgation of none of these theories of -abstract rights accounts for the general outbreak in 1765. Its -most potent influence was the enforcement of the navigation acts in -the great commercial centres, and the ruin threatening New England -through the breaking up of her trade with the French West Indies and -the Spanish Main[47] by the modification of the Sugar Act in 1764. -The staples of New England were fish, cattle, and lumber. The better -quality of fish found a market in Europe, but this trade was subject -to competition. For the poorer quality the chief market was in the -French West Indies, where by the French law it could be exchanged only -for molasses. This was shipped to New England, and used not only in -its raw state, but distilled into rum, which, besides supplying home -consumption, was to some extent exported to Africa in exchange for -slaves. This trade and commerce with the Spanish Main was the chief -source of the wealth of New England. But in 1733, to protect the -sugar industry of the English West India islands, a duty amounting -to prohibition was laid on all sugar and molasses imported into the -American colonies from the French islands. So long as this act was not -enforced, it did little harm; but if enforced, it would not only ruin -the trade in rum and lumber, but injure the fisheries also, for the -English islands were limited in population and had no liking for poor -fish. The French, besides being more numerous, were less particular -as to their diet; but if they could not sell molasses, they would not -buy fish. It was proposed to modify and enforce this act. Minot[48] -says: "The business of the fishery, which, it was alleged, would be -broken up by the act, was at this time estimated in Massachusetts at -£164,000 sterling per annum; the vessels employed in it, which would be -nearly useless, at £100,000; the provisions used in it, the casks for -packing fish, and other articles, at £22,700 and upwards; to all which -there was to be added the loss of the advantage of sending lumber, -horses, provisions, and other commodities to the foreign plantations -as cargoes, the vessels employed to carry fish to Spain and Portugal, -the dismissing of 5000 seamen from their employment, the effects of the -annihilation of the fishery upon the trade of the province and of the -mother country in general, and its accumulative evils by increasing the -rival fisheries of France. This was forcibly urged as it respected the -means of remittances to England for goods imported into the province, -which had been made in specie to the amount of £150,000 sterling, -beside £90,000 in the treasurer's bills for the reimbursement money, -within the last eighteen months. The sources for obtaining this money -were through foreign countries by the means of the fishery, and would -be cut off with the trade to their plantations." This was what the -enforcement of the molasses act meant. Neither the duties laid in 1764 -nor the collection of the taxes anticipated from the Stamp Act of 1765 -would have produced a tithe of the evil that would have followed. John -Adams,[49] confirming the statement of Minot, says: "The strongest -apprehensions arose from the publication of the orders for the strict -execution of the molasses act, which is said to have caused a greater -alarm in the country than the taking of Fort William Henry did in -the year 1757."[50] Rumors of the intention of the ministry had been -rife for some time, and in January, 1764, the Massachusetts Assembly -wrote to their agent in London that the officers of the customs, in -pursuance of orders from the Lords of the Treasury, had lately given -public notice that the act, in all its parts, would be carried into -execution, and that the consequences would be ruinous to the trade of -the province, hurtful to all the colonies, and greatly prejudicial to -the mother country.[51] - -Besides the rumors of the modification of the Sugar Act came others -respecting new duties, and a Stamp Act. In its alarm, the General -Court determined to send Hutchinson to London as special agent, to -prevent, if possible, the intended legislation. He was in favor of -allowing the colonies the freest trade, but acknowledged the supremacy -of Parliament.[52] No man knew the colonies better, or was better able -to present their just claims, than Hutchinson. He had much at stake -in the colony in which he was born, and to which he had rendered many -and honorable services. No man loved her better, or was more worthy -of honor from her. He was chosen by both Houses; but Governor Bernard -suggested doubts as to the expediency of his going to England without -the special leave of the king; and subsequently the project was laid -aside in consequence of some rising suspicions as to his political -sentiments.[53] - -Ruin threatened New England. A Stamp Act was not needed to set her -aflame; and the other colonies soon had reasons of their own for -joining her in the general opposition. All parties were agreed as to -the danger, but they differed as to the remedy. - -The reports which reached America in the winter of 1764, respecting -the intentions of the ministry to raise a revenue from the colonies, -were verified in the following spring. The substance of Grenville's -resolutions (with the exception of that respecting stamps, which was -laid aside for the present) became a law April 6, 1764. Bancroft has -summarized this act as "a bill modifying and perpetuating the act -of 1733, with some changes to the disadvantage of the colonies; an -extension of the navigation acts, making England the storehouse of -Asiatic as well as of European supplies; a diminution of drawbacks on -foreign articles exported to America; imposts in America, especially -on wines; a revenue duty instead of a prohibitory duty on foreign -molasses; an increased duty on sugar; various regulations to restrain -English manufactures, as well as to enforce more diligently acts of -trade; a prohibition of all trade between America and St. Pierre and -Miquelon."[54] - -Organized opposition to the ministerial measures began in Boston, and -perhaps, at that time, could have begun nowhere else. For not only were -the interests of that town, in the fisheries, trade, and navigation, -the most considerable in the colonies, but there, as nowhere else in -the same degree, for more than a century, had been operative causes of -dissatisfaction connected with the navigation acts, the exercise of the -royal prerogatives, and ecclesiastical affairs; and in no other section -had Otis's declaration of the general principles of liberty found such -ready acceptance. - -The Grenville Act of April, 1764, was to take effect September 30. News -of its passage had scarcely arrived in Boston before the citizens in -town meeting, May 24, voted instructions[55] to their representatives -in the General Court, which had been presented by Samuel Adams. They -were directed to endeavor to prevent proceedings designed to curtail -their trade, and to impose new taxes,—"for if their trade might be -taxed, why not their lands?"—and to obtain from the General Assembly -all needed advice and instruction, so that their agent in London might -effectually "demonstrate for them all those rights and privileges which -justly belonged to them either by charter or birth." Since the other -colonies were equally interested, their representatives were also to -endeavor to obtain coöperation in that direction. - -Thus at the very outset the patriots sought counsel and union with -the sister colonies. These instructions were scattered far and wide. -The General Court came in on the 30th. June 1, letters from the -London agent were referred to a committee of which Otis was one. On -the 8th, _The Rights of the British Colonies_ was read,[56] and -again on the 12th, when it was referred to the committee of which -Otis was a member.[57] On the 13th a letter to Mauduit, their agent, -was reported, which must have made his ears tingle,[58] for it was -a scathing rebuke for neglect and inefficiency in not preventing -the injurious legislation, and for making unwarranted concessions -in behalf of the colony.[59] Otis went over the whole question of -colonial rights and grievances, but by implication he admitted that -representation in Parliament would prove satisfactory.[60] The same -committee was directed to correspond with the other governments, -requesting coöperation in their endeavors to effect the repeal of the -Sugar Act and to prevent the Stamp Act. The letter of the committee, -drawn by Otis, together with his _Rights of the Colonies_, was sent -to the agent in London, to make the best use of them in his power. As -this action taken by the House of Representatives, which did not seek -the concurrence of the Council as usual, was not regarded as judicious -by the moderate party, the governor was induced to call the General -Court together on the 12th of October. In the mean time the temper of -the merchants had become soured by revenue seizures to the amount of -£3,000.[61] - -The General Court (November 3), in answer to the governor's speech, -elaborately discussed the act of Parliament, and the same day agreed -upon a petition to the House of Commons, setting forth the injurious -nature of the new measures and of the navigation laws, as well as -deprecating their enforcement. This was accompanied by a letter to -their agent, showing historically the services and expenses of the -colony in various wars, and their willingness to share in the defence -of the empire.[62] These papers—the petition and the letter—were -drawn up by Hutchinson; but though able, candid, and convincing, -their tone did not satisfy the more ardent patriots, especially when -they were contrasted with Otis's fiery letter to the agent in June, -or when compared with similar documents emanating from some other -colonies,—that of New York in particular: for the discontent of the -colonies, to which the Boston instructions doubtless contributed, -was general, and manifested itself in petitions, remonstrances, and -correspondence.[63] - -The events of 1764 left no doubt as to the manner in which the people -would receive the Stamp Act of 1765; nor, although with grievances -of their own, were they unobservant of what was going on in England. -"Wilkes and Liberty" was a familiar cry in Boston as well as in London, -and the names Whig and Tory became terms of reproach.[64] - -Notwithstanding the memorials and petitions of the colonial assemblies, -and the remonstrances of their agents in London, George Grenville -persevered in his determination to bring in a stamp bill. Since its -first suggestion, he had listened patiently to the colony agents and -other friends of America; but they proposed nothing better, or so -good, if the colonies were to be taxed at all. They admitted that the -stamp tax would be inexpensive in its collection, and general in its -effect upon different classes of people. Indeed, so little did the -agents understand the real feeling in America that they—and Franklin -was among them—were quite ready, when the time came, to solicit -positions as stamp-distributors for their friends, and Richard Henry -Lee even asked a place for himself.[65] February 6, 1765, Grenville -introduced his resolutions for a Stamp Act, and put forward his plan in -a carefully prepared speech. Colonel Barré's opposition called forth -the well-known question of Charles Townshend, and the still more famous -rejoinder of the former. Pitt was away and ill. The debate occupied -but one session of the Commons, and the ministers were directed to -bring in a bill, which was done on the 13th. Numerous petitions -against it, presented by colonial agents, were rejected under the rule -which allowed no petition against a money bill. The bill passed both -Houses, and on March 22 received the royal assent. But in America -there was no apathy. If there had been a calm, it presaged the coming -storm. The passage of the bill was known in America before the end -of May, and from Virginia came the first legislative response. She -spoke through the voice of her great orator. Of Patrick Henry's six -resolutions, though supported by a powerful speech, only four, however, -were carried, May 30, by a small majority, in a House in which the -Established Church and the old aristocracy were very powerful.[66] - -The General Court of Massachusetts did not meet until May 27, but -set to work so promptly that the House, June 6, under the lead of -James Otis, who had recovered from a fit of vacillation, voted that -it was highly expedient that there should be a meeting, as soon as -might be, of committees from the several colonial assemblies, "to -consult together on the present circumstances of the colonies, and -the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced by operation -of the late acts of Parliament for levying duties and taxes on the -colonies." It was agreed to send them a circular letter to that effect, -recommending a congress, in the city of New York, the first Tuesday -of October. This measure, which led to the Stamp Act Congress, was -pushed through with an unanimous vote of the House (June 6), though -probably not with the equally concordant opinion of the members; and -the circular, which was dated June 8, was immediately dispatched.[67] -James Otis, Oliver Partridge, and Timothy Ruggles—the last two having -little heart in the matter—were chosen delegates. The response to -the Massachusetts circular was neither unanimous, nor, from some of -the assemblies, enthusiastic.[68] At this stage of the Revolution, -in high offices and in provincial assemblies were friends of the -royal government able to make their influence felt in opposition to -popular measures. Nine of the colonies, however, were represented in -the congress, and from others came expressions of good-will. In the -mean time public sentiment was rapidly shaping itself into violent -opposition to the act. In Boston the Sons of Liberty were on the alert. -When the name of Andrew Oliver appeared among the stamp-distributors -he was hanged in effigy from the Liberty Tree on the night of the 13th -of August; and the next night the frame of a building going up on his -land, and supposed to be intended as a stamp-office, was broken in -pieces and used to consume the effigy before his own door.[69] On the -26th of the same month the records of the hated Vice-Admiralty Court -were burned by the mob, the house of the comptroller of the customs -sacked, and that of Chief Justice Hutchinson forcibly entered and -left in ruins. His plate and money were carried off, and his books -and valuable manuscripts were thrown into the streets. Nor did he or -his family escape without difficulty. The militia were not called -out to maintain order, for many of the privates were in the mob. Men -of standing secretly connived at proceedings which they afterwards -insincerely condemned. Though these violent outbreaks came earlier -and were carried to greater excess in Massachusetts than in any other -province, similar demonstrations followed in Rhode Island, Connecticut, -New York, and Pennsylvania.[70] - -When the Stamp Act Congress met in New York, October 7, 1765, that -city was the headquarters of the British forces in America, under the -command of General Gage. Lieutenant-Governor Colden, then filling the -executive chair, was in favor of the act, and resolved to execute it; -but the Sons of Liberty expressed different sentiments. The Congress -contained men some of whom became celebrated. Timothy Ruggles was -chosen speaker, but Otis was the leading spirit. In full accord with -him were the Livingstons of New York, Dickinson of Pennsylvania, -McKean and Rodney of Delaware, Tilghman of Maryland, and Rutledge and -the elder Lynch of South Carolina. New Hampshire, Virginia, North -Carolina, and Georgia failed to send delegates, but not for lack of -interest in the cause. The Congress prepared a Declaration of Rights -and Grievances, An Address to the King, a Memorial to the House of -Lords, and a Petition to the House of Commons, and adjourned on October -25th. For a clear, accurate, and calm statement of the position of the -colonies these papers were never surpassed; nor, until the appearance -of the Declaration of Independence, was any advance made from the -ground taken in them.[71] - -It is not to be inferred from the results of their proceedings that -there were no differences of opinion among the delegates. Several of -them afterwards took sides with the king; and there was doubtless -diversity of sentiment on the Stamp Act, as well as in Parliament, -which reassembled January 14, 1766, under a different ministry from -that which had carried the measure less than a year before. For in -a few months after the passage of the act, George III., chiefly on -personal grounds, had changed his legal advisers. After negotiations -with Pitt had failed, a new ministry, with the Marquis of Rockingham -as chief, and the Duke of Grafton and General Conway as Secretaries -of State, was installed, July 13, 1765. It was a Whig ministry. With -it, though not of it, was associated Edmund Burke, private secretary -of Rockingham, and not long after, through his influence, a member of -the House of Commons. This change of the ministry was regarded with -favor by the colonists, and doubtless encouraged their resistance to -the Stamp Act. The action of the colonists produced a great effect -on the new ministry, and alarmed the British merchants trading with -America. Their trade had been threatened by non-importation agreements -made to take effect January 1, 1766, and their debts were imperilled by -the determination of the colonists to withhold the amount of them as -pledges for good conduct. The general confusion likely to arise in the -administration of justice, and the transactions of the custom-house, -from want of stamps, brought the ministry to their wits' end. -Parliament assembled December 17th. But notwithstanding an effort by -Grenville to bring on a general consideration of American affairs, the -subject was postponed until after the holidays. - -[Illustration: ROCKINGHAM. - -From Doyle's _Official Baronage_, iii. 170.—ED.] - -In the mean time some embarrassment was anticipated from the want of -stamps, November 1,[72] when the act was to go into operation. Governor -Bernard (September 25) had called the attention of the House of -Representatives to the courts, which guarded the property and persons -of the inhabitants, and to the custom-houses, upon which depended legal -trade and navigation. The House, in its answer, October 23, had not -shared his excellency's apprehensions, but was not then quite ready to -say, as it said three months later (January 17, 1766), "The courts of -justice must be open,—open immediately,—and the law, the great rule -of right in every county of the province, executed."[73] But this -attitude had not been taken without intermediate steps. In December the -town of Boston presented a petition to the governor and council for -the reopening of the courts, which was supported by John Adams, who -then first publicly identified himself with the patriot cause, of which -he became one of the most efficient advocates. After some delay and -inconvenience, the courts and custom-houses throughout the colonies, -early in the spring, took the risk of proceeding without stamped -papers, trusting to find their justification in necessity. - -Parliament reassembled January 14, 1766. The king's speech opened with -a reference to "affairs in America, and Mr. Secretary Conway laid -before the House of Commons important letters and papers on the same -subject." On the 17th a petition of the merchants of London trading -with North America against the Stamp Act was presented. Then (January -28) followed the examination of Franklin, in relation to the Stamp -Act, before the House, in committee.[74] With this mass of information -before them, American affairs received an exhaustive discussion. The -Stamp Act was repealed, and the royal assent was given March 18th. The -debates on the Declaratory Act were no less full. It was a memorable -session,—memorable for the first speech of Burke; for those great -speeches of Pitt which placed him at the head of modern orators, for -Grenville's masterly defence of his colonial policy, and for Franklin's -examination. It was also memorable for the constitutional discussions -of Mansfield and Camden in the House of Lords. If the reader finds -it difficult to resist Mansfield's judicial interpretation of the -British Constitution adverse to the American claim, he recognizes in -the great principles then enunciated the force which popularized that -Constitution and marked a forward movement of the British race. - -The Declaratory Act—that the king, with the advice of Parliament, had -full power to make laws binding America in all cases whatsoever—was -passed. This gave Pitt some trouble, considering his emphatic -declaration in that regard; but the liberal party in the colonies -soon met it with the counter-affirmation that Parliament possessed -no authority whatever in America except by consent of the provincial -assemblies. If the colonists had not forced the British government from -its position, they had advanced from their own. The repeal, however, -caused great rejoicing on both sides of the Atlantic. British merchants -expected no further trouble from non-importation agreements, and hoped -that the colonists would now pay their debts,—amounting to £4,000,000. -But there were misgivings on both sides. The ardent patriots were -outspoken in condemning the Declaratory Act, which Franklin had thought -would give no trouble. But the act of 1764, laying duties, remained; -and the enforcement of the navigation laws—their real grievance—lost -none of its vigor. Governor Bernard was under instructions to enforce -the laws against illicit trade; and in addition to these official -obligations, his share in the forfeitures of condemned goods laid his -motives open to suspicion. Nothing could have been more unfortunate for -his administration. It was also alleged that merchants were encouraged -in schemes to defraud the revenue; and that when their ships and -cargoes were compromised, they were seized and condemned. At a time -when conciliatory measures were needed to reassure the colonists, -the harshest were followed. Nevertheless, the repeal weakened the -prerogative party on both sides of the water, and encouraged the -liberal party by a knowledge of its power. - -[Illustration: GLORIOUS NEWS - -Fac-simile of an original in the library of the Mass. Hist. -Society.—ED.] - -Governor Bernard opened the General Court, May 29, 1766, with -congratulations on the repeal of the Stamp Act. If he had stopped -there he would have acted wisely; but he alluded to the "fury of -the people" in their treatment of Hutchinson, and to some personal -matters, which called forth a reply from the House couched in terms -showing no abatement of animosity. This was increased on the receipt -of another message from the governor (June 3), enclosing the Act of -Repeal and the Declaratory Act, and at the same time informing them -that he had been directed by Secretary Conway to recommend "that full -and ample compensation be made to the late sufferers by the madness -of the people", agreeably to the votes of the House of Commons. He -also complained of their exclusion of the principal crown officers -from the Council by non-election.[75] The General Court promptly -availed themselves of this last topic for reply, instead of committing -themselves on the matter of compensation. They did not fail, however, -to vote a politic address of thanks to the king for assenting to the -repeal of the Stamp Act, and to offer their grateful acknowledgments -to Pitt and those members of the two Houses who had advocated it.[76] -But the subject of compensation could not be passed by. The governor -urged prompt compliance with the recommendation of Conway. The House, -however, professing the greatest abhorrence of the madness and -barbarity of the rioters, and promising their endeavors "to bring the -perpetrators of so horrid a fact to exemplary justice, and, if it be -in their power, to a pecuniary restitution of all damages", regarded -compensation by the province as not an act of justice, but rather of -generosity, and wished to consult their constituents. Therefore they -referred the matter to the next session.[77] - -In December the two Houses passed a bill granting compensation to those -who had suffered losses in the Stamp Act riots, but, on the suggestion -of Joseph Hawley, accompanied it with a general pardon, indemnity and -oblivion to the offenders. Why they should have been so solicitous for -the safety of those who had committed crimes, condemned in June in -the severest terms, does not appear; and this invasion of the royal -prerogative of pardon did not fail to attract the attention of the -Parliament.[78] - -In the late contest with Parliament the colonists had gained a victory, -but it was neither final nor precisely on the right ground. As a matter -of practical politics, they were ready to accept Pitt's distinction -between commercial regulations and internal taxes. They took the repeal -of the Stamp Act with thanks, but not as a finality. They participated -in the lively demonstrations of joy which followed that event on both -sides of the Atlantic; but thoughtful observers on both sides perceived -that one of the most powerful agencies in effecting the repeal was -the mercantile class, which had no intention of relinquishing its -grasp upon colonial commerce. Nor was the popular feeling without -guidance. It was the good fortune of the colonists, all through the -long contest, to have statesmen like John Adams, Jay, and Dickinson, -who could supplement the passionate appeals of Otis and some of his -associates with the calm reasons of political philosophy. None rendered -more valuable services in this respect than John Adams. In a series -of papers which appeared in the _Boston Gazette_ in the summer and -fall of 1765,—when the minds of the people were inflamed by the Stamp -Act,—and were afterwards republished in London as _A Dissertation on -the Canon and Feudal Law_, he combated the ecclesiastical and feudal -principles which lay at the bottom of the monarchical and Anglican -system. - -The substantial grievance of the commercial colonies was not the Stamp -Act, which had not taken a farthing from their pockets. It was the -enforcement of trade regulations, which impaired the value of the -fisheries and dried up a principal source of revenue. A renewal of -the contest, and for the first time on its true grounds, was not long -postponed. The Rockingham ministry gave way, and Pitt, gazetted Earl -of Chatham July 30, 1766, took the helm of state August 2d, and was -the nominal head of the government until October, 1768. Among those -associated with him were the Duke of Grafton, Charles Townshend, -Conway, and the Earl of Shelburne. It was Pitt's misfortune—and his -country's—during these stormy times, that when he was most needed he -was disabled by sickness. Historians have speculated as to the probable -pacification of America had Pitt—not Chatham—guided affairs.[79] -Pitt's was a great name in America as well as in Europe. By his genius -the French power in America had been destroyed. This the colonists -knew. He had been generous in reimbursing their expenses in the late -war. This, and his efforts in effecting the repeal of the Stamp Act, -they remembered with gratitude. Whatever man could do in restoring -things to their old order Pitt could have done. He might even have -relinquished something of his claims for parliamentary supremacy in -respect to trade and general legislation; but it is doubtful whether, -even at that early period, he could have eradicated the ideas of -independence which had taken possession of the colonists, or have -arrested the movement which resulted in the independence of America and -the overthrow of the royal prerogative in England. - -[Illustration: JOHN ADAMS. (_Amsterdam print._) - -The Amsterdam edition, 1782, of _Geschiedenis van het Geschil tusschen -Groot-Britannie en Amerika ... door zijne Excellentie, den Heere John -Adams_. - -There is a likeness of John Adams as a young man engraved in his _Life -and Works_, vol. ii. He says of himself at the time of the famous scene -when Otis was making his plea against the Writs of Assistance, and he -was taking notes of it, that the artist depicting it would have to -represent the young reporter as "looking like a short, thick Archbishop -of Canterbury" (_Works_, x. 245). There was a print published in London -in 1783 showing a head in a circle, which is reproduced in the _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._, xi. 93. Copley painted him once, in 1783, in court -dress, and the painting now hangs in Memorial Hall, Cambridge. The -head of this full-length picture was engraved for Stockdale's edition -of Adams's _Defence of the Constitutions_, published in 1794; and the -painting was never engraved to show the entire figure till it appeared -in vol. v. of the _Works_ (A. T. Perkins's _Copley_, p. 27). Cf. the -head in Bartlett Woodward's _United States_. - -Stuart first painted him in 1812, and this picture belongs to his -descendants, and is engraved in the _Works_, vol. i. There are copies -of this picture by Gilbert Stuart Newton and B. Otis, both of which -have been engraved. The Newton copy is in the Mass. Hist. Society -(_Catal. of Cabinet_, no. 47; _Proc._, 1862, p. 3). The Otis copy -has been engraved by J. B. Longacre (Sanderson's _Signers_, vol. -viii.). Stuart again painted Adams in 1825, the year before he died, -representing him as sitting at one end of a sofa. It is engraved on -steel in the _Works_, vol. x., and on wood in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -iii. 192. (Cf. Mason's _Stuart_, p. 125.) Another Stuart is owned by -Mr. T. Jefferson Coolidge, of Boston. - -A portrait by Col. John Trumbull also hangs in Memorial Hall, -Cambridge; and Adams's likeness is also in Independence Hall. (Cf. -Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., vol. v.) A cabinet full-length by -Winstanley, painted while Adams was at the Hague (1782), is in the -Boston Museum (Johnston's _Orig. Portraits of Washington_, p. 93). - -Among the contemporary popular engravings, mention may be made of that -by Norman in the _Boston Magazine_, Feb., 1784; one in the _European -Magazine_ (vol. iv. 83). - -Stuart also painted a portrait of the wife of John Adams, which is -engraved in the _Works_, vol. ix. A picture of her by Blythe, at the -age of twenty-one, accompanies the _Familiar Letters_. - -Views of the Adams homestead in Quincy, Mass., are given in the _Works_ -(vol. i. p. 598); in _Appleton's Journal_ (xii. 385); in Mrs. Lamb's -_Homes of America_. An india-ink sketch, showing a distant view of -Boston beyond the house, is in the halls of the Bostonian Society.—ED.] - -The Massachusetts Assembly was in no amiable frame of mind. When there -was no cause for quarrel, they made one. Bernard had probably been -advised to preserve a prudent silence respecting political affairs. -At the opening of the session, January 28, 1767, in a message of less -than ten printed lines, he recommended "the support of the authority -of the government, the maintenance of the honor of the province, and -the promotion of the welfare of the people", as the chief objects for -their consultation. This called forth a captious reply, and a complaint -because Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson, who had not been reëlected to -the Council, appeared in the council-chamber at the opening of the -session, at the request of the governor and as matter of courtesy. -The House found in his presence, if voluntary, "a new and additional -instance of ambition and lust of power." - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF JOHN ADAMS, 1815. - -Part of a letter in Smith and Watson's _Hist. and Lit. Curios_., 1st -ser., pl. vii.—ED.] - -In the spring of 1767, Parliament had occasion to inquire into some -colonial legislation. In April, 1765, the Mutiny Act had been extended -to the colonies. This was intended in part to provide for military -offences not within the jurisdiction of civil courts, and in part -to require the colonies in America, as in England in like cases, -to provide for quartering the king's troops. The New York Assembly -made only partial provision. When Sir Henry Moore, the governor, -communicated to them the letter of Earl Shelburne, to the effect that -the king expected obedience to the act, the Assembly resolved not to -comply, and called in question the authority of Parliament. Parliament -then took the matter in hand, and suspended their legislative authority -until compliance.[80] This action brought them to terms. It made -considerable stir throughout the colonies, and was regarded as a -serious invasion of their rights. - -The arrival of several companies of royal artillery at Boston, in -the fall of 1766, and the quartering of them at the expense of the -province, by order of the governor and council, gave the General Court -occasion, at their session in January, 1767, to express their opinion -about unauthorized expenditures of the public money, and to enquire if -more troops were expected.[81] The governor explained the quartering -of the troops, and said he had no expectation, except from common -rumor, of the arrival of additional forces. But his statement failed to -allay apprehensions of a design on the part of the ministry to support -their measures by military power. Added to other causes of alarm in -1767 was a report that Anglican bishops were about to be supported in -the colonies, at the expense and under the patronage of the British -government. - -In 1767 strife was renewed on what are known as the Townshend -Acts. Charles Townshend was Chancellor of the Exchequer in the -Chatham-Grafton ministry. He had reluctantly voted for the repeal of -the Stamp Act, and still held to his opinions that the colonists should -pay some share of the civil and military expenses arising from their -defence and government; and if, to secure promptness and uniformity of -action, some modification of their charters should be found necessary, -then that ought to follow. In conformity with these views, he had -given some pledges in respect to deriving a revenue from America, -and, during Chatham's retirement, had brought forward his scheme of -taxation in certain resolutions of the Committee of Ways and Means, -April 16, 1767,[82] the substance of which was enacted June 29th, to go -into effect November 20th. There were two acts known as the Townshend -Acts: the first[83] providing for the more effectual execution of -the laws of trade, and for the appointment of commissioners for that -purpose; and the second[84] granting duties on glass, paper, colors, -and tea, and legalizing writs of assistance. The revenue thus raised -was to be applied to "defraying the charge of the administration of -justice, and the support of the civil government in such provinces -where it should be found necessary; and towards further defraying the -expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the said dominions." -Before the act went into operation Charles Townshend died (September -4, 1767), and Chatham's powers continued to be enfeebled by disease. -It was the misfortune of Great Britain that both these able men should -have been withdrawn from the public service during this critical -period, and that the policy of each had to be represented by inferior -men. Chatham's conciliatory methods had no fair trial; and Townshend's -coercive measures were pressed neither with unity of purpose nor vigor -of execution. - -Between the passage of Townshend's Acts in the summer of 1767 and their -taking effect in November, the colonists had ample time to study and -organize opposition, stimulated by the arrival (November 5, 1767) of -Burch and Hulton, two of the five commissioners of customs who had -been sent over to enforce them. At first the people expressed their -resentment, in which, as usual, those of Boston took the lead, by -renewing their non-importation agreements. In the mean time efforts -had been made to introduce domestic manufactures.[85] These practical -measures in Massachusetts were supplemented by one of the ablest -discussions of colonial rights which had yet appeared. In the early -winter of 1767-8 John Dickinson published in a Philadelphia newspaper a -series of essays entitled _The Farmer's Letters_, which soon attracted -notice both in America and England. - -[Illustration: - -From _An impartial History of the War in America_ (Boston, 1781), vol. -i. p. 325, engraved by J. Norman, a Boston engraver. - -In 1772, when Adams was forty-nine, John Hancock commissioned Copley -to paint pictures of Adams and himself, to commemorate their political -union, and the two portraits hung for many years in the Hancock mansion -on Beacon Street in Boston, before they were given to the town. That of -Adams is a three-quarters length, and shows him standing at a table, -holding a paper, in the attitude of speaking (Perkins's _Copley_, p. -28). As engraved by H. B. Hall, it is given in Wells's _Life of Samuel -Adams_, vol. i.; and it is also engraved in Delaplaine's _Repository_ -(1815); in Bancroft, vol. vii. (orig. ed.), and in other places, as -well as, on wood, in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (iii. 35). After having -hung for some years in Faneuil Hall, it has now been transferred to the -Art Museum. It was engraved—the bust only—by Paul Revere, for the -_Royal American Mag._, April, 1774, and a reproduction of this is given -by Wells (vol. ii.). A copy of the original was made by J. Mitchell, -and from this a mezzotint by Samuel Okey was issued at Newport in 1775. - -Another and smaller picture, also by Copley (Perkins, p. 29), and -said to have been painted in 1770, hangs in Memorial Hall, Cambridge, -and has been engraved in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 438. Cf. -Sanderson's _Signers_, vol. ix. - -The Copley type of head characterizes the engraving by J. Norman, given -above from the Boston edition of a current history. The London edition -(1780) of the same book has a picture which has little resemblance to -the Copley type, as will be seen by the fac-simile likewise herewith -given, and marked "London, 1780." - -There was a picture made late in life by John Johnson, which has been -destroyed; but from a mezzotint of it, made in 1797 by Graham, H. B. -Hall reëngraved it for Wells's third volume, and on wood in Higginson's -_Larger History_, p. 255. - -The statue by Miss Whitney follows the Copley head. One copy of this -is in the Capitol at Washington, and another in Dock Square, in -Boston.—ED.] - -Their influence among all classes was widespread and profound. - -[Illustration: SAMUEL ADAMS, LONDON, 1780.] - -The year 1768 was one of the most momentous of the Revolutionary -period. Hitherto the colonists, in defence of their property, had -denied the supremacy of Parliament as based on usurpation; but now, -in defence of their privileges, they denied the prerogative of the -king, the source of their political existence. This grew out of the -Massachusetts Circular Letter. The General Court came together December -30, 1767. John Hancock, James Otis, and Joseph Hawley were prominent -members, but though James Otis was still active, Samuel Adams was -the master spirit. Never was his practical sagacity more serviceable -to the cause; never did his genius for politics shine brighter. His -fruitful pen is apparent in the remarkable series of state papers -called forth by the Townshend Acts, comprising the letter of the -House to their London agent (January 12, 1768), the Petition to the -king (January 20), and the Circular Letter to the assemblies of the -several colonies (February 11).[86] If the Townshend Acts were to be -successfully resisted, union of sentiment and action among all the -colonies was essential. This was the object of the circular letter. -It was an arraignment of Parliament and the ministry in respect to -the revenue acts, and the system by which the British government -proposed to make civil officers, including the judges, the instruments -for its enforcement; and it solicited an interchange of opinions on -these subjects.[87] Governor Bernard watched the proceedings of the -House with the deepest interest, nor was he long in doubt as to the -nature of the circular letter, for two days after its adoption a -copy of it was proffered, in case he desired it.[88] This letter was -preceded (besides the documents already mentioned) by letters to the -Marquis of Rockingham, General Conway, Lord Camden, and to the Lords -Commissioners of the Treasury. The details of these papers cannot -be given here. They present the whole case of the colonies, their -rights, their grievances, their remonstrances, and their petitions. -They proceeded mainly from the pen of Samuel Adams, who, when he -had shaken himself clear from profuse professions of loyalty and -disclaimers of "the most distant thoughts of independence", rose to -the annunciation of the loftiest principles of statesmanship, in -the declaration that "the supreme legislative, in any free country, -derives its power from the constitution, by the fundamental rules of -which it is bounded and circumscribed;"—"that it is the glory of the -British Constitution that it hath its foundation in the law of God -and nature;"—"that the necessity of rights and property is the great -end of government;"—"that the colonists are natural-born subjects by -the spirit of the law of nature and nations;" and "that the laws of -God and nature were not made for politicians to alter." Nor does he -confine himself to the enunciation of abstract principles, but states -the rights of the colonists of Massachusetts on historical grounds, -and shows the oppressive and impolitic nature of the acts complained -of.[89] Changes were taking place in the Grafton ministry which boded -evil to the colonies. Shelburne, the most liberal friend of the -Americans, was succeeded by Hillsborough in December, 1767, and Conway -by Weymouth, January 20, 1768. While the circular letter was on its -way to the colonies and to Westminster (for it was intended also for -England), events were occurring at Boston which showed the temper of -the people, and had no inconsiderable influence upon the action of the -British government. The anniversary of the repeal of the Stamp Act, -March 18, 1768, did not pass without popular demonstrations of ill-will -to the customs officials, nor did the governor escape abusive language -from the mob.[90] For some years these officers had been resisted in -making seizures of uncustomed goods, which were frequently rescued -from their possession by interested parties, and the determination of -the commissioners of customs to break up this practice frequently led -to collisions; but no flagrant outbreak occurred until the seizure of -John Hancock's sloop "Liberty" (June 10, 1768), laden with a cargo of -Madeira wine. The officer in charge, refusing a bribe, was forcibly -locked up in the cabin, the greater part of the cargo was removed, -and the remainder entered at the custom-house as the whole cargo. -This led to seizure of the vessel, said to have been the first made -by the commissioners, and for security she was placed under the guns -of the "Romney", a man-of-war in the harbor. For this the revenue -officers were roughly handled by the mob. Their boat was burned, their -houses threatened, and they, with their alarmed families, took refuge -on board the "Romney", and finally in the Castle. These proceedings -undoubtedly led to the sending additional military forces to Boston in -September.[91] - -The General Court was in session at the time, but no effectual -proceedings were taken against the rioters. Public sympathy was with -them in their purposes, if not in their measures. But the inhabitants -of Boston, in town meeting on the 14th, in an address to Governor -Bernard, probably drawn by Otis,[92] among other matters complained -of being invaded by an armed force. With grim humor, the address -represents the commissioners, who had fled for safety to the Castle, -as having "of their own notion" relinquished the exercise of their -commission, and expressed the hope that they would never resume it, and -demanded of the governor to give immediate order for the removal of -the "Romney" from the harbor. Some weeks later (June 30) the Council -passed the customary resolution, setting forth "their utter abhorrence -and detestation" of the riotous proceedings, and desiring that the -governor, through the attorney-general, would prosecute all guilty -persons, that they and "their abettors might be brought to condign -punishment."[93] - -When the circular letter was laid before the ministry, April 15, -1768, it caused great excitement in parliamentary circles, and led -to the gravest mistake which was made by the government during -the entire Revolutionary period. Other measures, perhaps without -exception, had a show of necessity; nor, as the British Constitution -was then interpreted by the highest authority, were they clearly -unconstitutional. But when the Earl of Hillsborough, speaking -for the king, June 21, 1768, required the Massachusetts House of -Representatives to rescind their circular letter on pain of immediate -dissolution, there was a violation of the constitutional right of -the House to express their opposition to measures deemed injurious -to their constituents, and to communicate their sentiments to other -colonies whose interests were similarly affected. Equally unwise was -Hillsborough's letter to the colonial assemblies, requiring them to -disregard the Massachusetts circular. Responses to the circular letter, -when they expressed the sentiments of the assemblies rather than those -of the royal governors, were in full sympathy with Massachusetts.[94] -The representatives, says Bernard, "have been much elated, within -these three or four days, by some letters they have received in -answer to the circular letter",[95] and Hutchinson thought that "the -strength which would be derived from this union confirmed many who -would otherwise have been wavering."[96] But when Governor Bernard -(June 21, 1768) communicated to the House instructions from the king -to rescind the circular letter, and recommended immediate action as -of important consequence to the province, no doubt it caused anxiety. -Under a similar pressure New York had receded. The House apprehended -the gravity of the situation, and took seven or eight days for -consideration, and even then desired to consult their constituents. But -when Bernard informed them that further delay would be considered as -a refusal, they voted, 92 to 17, not to rescind, and "the number 92", -Hutchinson says, "was auspicious, and 17 of ill omen, for many months -after, not only in Massachusetts Bay, but in most of the colonies on -the continent."[97] They doubtless were influenced by Otis, who spoke -with great power, and, according to Bernard, unsparingly denounced the -ministry and "passed an encomium on Oliver Cromwell."[98] Massachusetts -deliberately disobeyed the king's command, and defied his power. Before -dissolution, the House agreed (June 30, 1768) upon a message to the -governor, arguing the question very fully, and declaring their refusal -to rescind; a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough; and a Report and -Resolves, in which they repeat the story of their grievances, doings, -and rights with great fullness and ability.[99] - -The effect of this action, so honorable to the House, was unfavorable -upon the ministry. De Berdt, the London agent, in a letter to the -House, August 12, 1768, giving the substance of a conversation with -the Earl of Hillsborough, says that his lordship informed him that he -would have used his influence for the repeal of the Townshend Acts, and -believed he could have obtained it; but since the news respecting the -non-rescinding of the circular letter, the matter was in doubt. "The -crown must be supported, or we sink into a state of anarchy." - -In July, 1768, General Gage, then at New York, had been directed by the -ministry to remove one or two regiments to Boston; and when the news -of the riots of March 18 reached England, on August 14, two additional -regiments were ordered from Ireland. When rumors of these orders became -rife in Boston, there were indications that the country would be raised -to prevent the landing of the troops; but different counsels prevailed. -A town meeting was held in Faneuil Hall on the 12th and 13th of -September, which agreed to call a meeting of the towns.[100] Ninety-six -towns and eight districts were finally represented in the convention -which assembled at the time appointed (September 22). Their first -act was a petition to the governor setting forth their apprehensions -in respect to a standing army. This the governor refused to receive, -but he expressed his opinion of the unauthorized meeting they were -holding, directed them to separate instantly, and threatened to assert -the prerogatives of the crown. After a recital of grievances, with -declarations of loyalty and promises of assistance to civil magistrates -in suppressing disorders, they adjourned on the 29th. Their proceedings -were moderate,—a moderation induced, as some supposed, by the arrival -at Nantasket, September 28, from Halifax of a fleet of seven armed -vessels, with nearly a thousand troops.[101] If contempt of the royal -prerogative, after the refusal to rescind the circular letter, could -have been more pointedly expressed, it was by holding a provincial -convention without sanction of law. Between these measures and April -19, 1775, no step involving a new principle was taken. The burning of -the "Gaspee" in 1772 and the destruction of the tea in 1773 were merely -the filling in of a picture firmly sketched in outline. - -The refusal of the provincial council and of the town to provide -for quartering the royal troops on their arrival was a practical -nullification of the Mutiny Act, which served still further to -strain the relations between Massachusetts and the British ministry. -Parliament came together November 8, 1768. Both Houses were swift to -condemn the late proceedings of the General Court of Massachusetts -and of the town of Boston. On December 15 these acts were made the -basis of eight resolutions, introduced by the Earl of Hillsborough, -and an address to the king, moved by the Duke of Bedford, to obtain -information respecting the actors in the riotous proceedings since -December 10, 1767, with a view, if deemed advisable, of ordering -their transportation to England for trial. These were passed by the -House of Commons (January 26, 1769), after a debate in which the -whole subject of American affairs was discussed.[102] The news of -these proceedings at first created some uneasiness in Boston among -those implicated; but apprehension subsided when it was learned from -their friends in England that the voting of Bedford's Address by the -two Houses was merely political;[103] that lenient, not rigorous, -measures were intended by the ministry; and that the late act laying -duties would be repealed. This intelligence reassured the patriotic -party, but correspondingly depressed the tories, who saw no hope in -the vacillating policy of the ministry.[104] A policy was much needed. -Chatham had resigned in October, 1768, and the Duke of Grafton became -the nominal, as he had long been the real, head of the ministry. Lord -North, Chancellor of the Exchequer, had charge of the revenue. The -Duke of Grafton favored the total repeal of the Townshend duties, -but Lord North favored the retention of that on tea, as a matter of -principle; and so it was decided by a majority of one in the Cabinet -Council. Parliament rose May 9, and four days later the Earl of -Hillsborough reported to the several colonies the resolutions of the -government on the circular letter. Lord Hillsborough's letter gave -little comfort to the Massachusetts House of Representatives, whose -firmness was commended by Pennsylvania and Virginia, and the threat -of transportation of the Bostonians to England for trial under a -statute of Henry VIII. called forth from the latter colony vigorous -resolutions and an address to the king, May 16, 1769.[105] Jefferson -has given the history of these resolutions.[106] This action did not -meet the approval of Lord Botetourt, the governor of Virginia, and he -dissolved the House of Burgesses. This, however, did not prevent the -delegates from meeting at the Apollo, in the Raleigh tavern, and, as -citizens, entering into a non-importation agreement which bore the -names of Henry, Randolph, Jefferson, and Washington, and became an -example to all the colonies.[107] During the remainder of the year 1769 -the progress of the Revolution was confined chiefly to Massachusetts, -and there it assumed the form of an altercation between the House of -Representatives and the governor in respect to the presence of the -king's forces.[108] Coming in for their annual session near the end -of May, the House, unwilling even to organize in the presence of the -military, sent a message to the governor, remonstrating against so -gross a breach of its privileges, and requesting him to give orders to -remove the standing army, the main guard of which was kept with cannon -pointed at the very door of the State House.[109] There was no design -in this arrangement, but it was very menacing, nevertheless. For nearly -two weeks messages kept passing back and forth, to the purport, on the -governor's side, that he had no authority to remove the troops, they -being under the commander-in-chief; and on the part of the House, that -they would do no business while the troops remained. It occurred to the -governor that, if he could not remove the troops, he could remove the -General Court; and this he did by directing the secretary to adjourn it -to Cambridge. The Court did not appreciate this stroke of humor, and -proceeded to business only after a protest of necessity. But Bernard's -career was drawing to a close. June 28th he informed the House that the -king desired him to repair to Great Britain. July 8th the House passed -nineteen resolutions,[110] covering the whole ground of dispute with -the home government, and arraigning the governor for various political -misdemeanors. They petitioned for his recall; and Governor Bernard -left the province, accompanied by the reproaches of the House and -manifestations of joy by the people. He did not succeed in a position -in which all who had preceded him and all who followed him failed. He -could not serve well two masters. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF KING STREET AND VICINITY. - -NOTE.—The plan on the following page is a reduction from that used in -the trial following the massacre, and was made by Paul Revere. It now -belongs to the MS. collections of the writer of this chapter. The key -to the letters in the street, a part of the original drawing, is lost. -Those attached to the buildings, etc., are substituted for the legends -which are in the original, and which would be illegible in the reduced -scale of the present reproduction. They signify as follows:— - -A, Doct^r Jones; B, Doct^r Roberts; C, Brigdens, goldsmith; D, John -Nazro, store; E, Main Street; F, Town house; G, Brazen Head; H, Benj. -Kent, Esq., house; I, Mrs. Clapham; J, Exchange Tavern; K, Exchange -Lane; L, Custom House; M, Col. Marshall's house; N, "N.B. The pricked -line is the Gutter;" O, Mr. Paine's house; P, Mr. Davis's house; Q, -Mr. Amory's house; R, Quaker Lane; S, Warden and Vernon's shop; T, -Levi Jening, shop; U, Mr. Peck, wa[t]ch maker, shop; V, Court Square; -W, whipping-post; X, J. & D. Waldo, shop; Y, Pudin Lane; Z, G. C. -Phillips, house; 1, Ezk. Prince, Esq., office; 2, Guard House; 3, Mr. -Bowse, shop. - -Revere engraved a large folding picture of the massacre, which appeared -in the official _Short Narrative_, which has been reproduced in the -_Old State House Memorial_ (Boston, 1882, p. 82) and in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._ (Jan., 1886, p. 9), in an article on Revere by E. H. Goss. -A reëngraving of Revere's plate is in the London (Bingley) edition of -the same, and on a smaller scale in the other London (Dilby) edition, -and this last is reproduced in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 40. -Thomas's _Mass. Kalendar_ (1772) has a woodcut representation, after -Revere's drawing. Cf. nos. 579 to 583 of the _Catal. of the Cab. of the -Mass. Hist. Soc._—ED.] - -When Sir Francis Bernard[111] sailed for England on board the -"Rippon", in August, 1769, he left the administration in the hands -of Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson. For several months nothing of -importance took place, except misunderstandings growing out of the -non-observance of the non-importation agreements (which were renewed -March, 1770), and quarrels between the troops and the populace which -resulted in the deplorable scenes of March 5, 1770. The circumstances -which led to this affair are too well known to need recital in -detail. While the town was occupied by British regiments, collisions -were constantly occurring. None knew better than the populace the -helplessness of the soldiers to resent insult or injury by arms. -Even in case of riots, the reading of the Act and the intervention -of the civil power were necessary preliminaries to firing upon the -crowd. Nothing but confinement of the soldiers to their barracks could -have prevented collisions with the populace. The patriot leaders had -determined to get rid of the regiments at all cost. The affair at -Gray's wharf on Saturday, March 2, led to the more serious affray on -Monday, the 5th. On the evening of that day, between seven and eight -o'clock, the cry of fire and ringing of bells drew together a large -crowd, which was followed by a collision with the troops, and resulted -in the death of three persons and wounding of several others, two -mortally. The Boston Massacre soon became known throughout the country, -and aroused a spirit of resistance hitherto unfelt. Its immediate -effect was the withdrawal of the troops from the town to the Castle, -on account of the resolute attitude assumed by Samuel Adams. The men -who lost their lives in this affray were buried in one grave, to which -they were followed by an immense procession, and for some years the -anniversary of their death was observed by commemorative ceremonies. -All classes in the community joined in execrating the soldiers, and -gave no ear to justifying or mitigating circumstances. Inflamed and -grossly inaccurate accounts of the transactions were drawn up and -scattered through the colonies and sent to Great Britain. But time -somewhat allayed the first feeling of animosity; and when the facts -became better known, it clearly appeared that the soldiers had fired, -without orders, upon the crowd only when it had become necessary in -defence of their lives. Captain Preston (October 24) and the soldiers -(November 27) engaged in the affray were brought to trial on a charge -of murder, and were all acquitted, except two soldiers who were -convicted of manslaughter. These were slightly branded, and all of them -were liberated. John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jr., appeared in their -defence, and with equal honor the jurors did their duty in accordance -with the law and the evidence. The news of the events of March 5 -became known in London April 21, through Mr. Robertson. one of the -commissioners of the customs.[112] - -[Illustration: THE COURT AT THE TRIAL - -A fac-simile of a group of original autographs belonging to the -writer of this chapter. Winthrop was the clerk of the court. The -Attorney-General Sewall drew the indictment, but did not appear for the -king.—ED.] - -The Townshend act, though drawn conformably to the colonial -distinctions between internal and external taxes, produced the -same dissatisfaction as the Stamp Act had done. There was no real -difference. If Parliament could lay external taxes, it could lay -internal taxes. Non-importation agreements in the several colonies -followed in 1769, and so long as they were observed, even without -great strictness, were disastrous to British merchants, the value of -whose exports to the American colonies between Christmas in 1767 and -Christmas in 1769 fell off nearly £700,000 sterling; or, if we take -the figures for those colonies where the agreement was most effective, -in New England from £419,000 to £207,000, in New York from £482,000 to -£74,000.[113] Though the agreement was not observed equally in all the -colonies, nor in entire good faith in any,—Massachusetts and Rhode -Island, particularly, suffered some discredit in this respect, as -compared with New York and Philadelphia,—the general result seriously -alarmed British merchants, who petitioned Parliament for the repeal of -the Townshend act.[114] These petitions were considered in the House -of Commons March 5, 1770, and Lord North, in accordance with Earl -Hillsborough's circular letter, proposed to take off all the duties -laid by the Townshend act of 1767, except that on tea, which he would -preserve as a sort of declaratory act, especially since the conduct of -the Americans had been such as to prevent an entire compliance with -their wishes.[115] Governor Pownall offered as an amendment the entire -repeal of the act, and supported his motion in an extremely able and -interesting speech.[116] - -[Illustration: THE COUNSEL OF THE GOVERNMENT AND OF THE ACCUSED - -A fac-simile of a group of signatures belonging to the writer of this -chapter.—ED.] - -Pownall's amendment was lost by a vote of 204 to 142. The merchants -failed to procure a repeal of the duties, although Alderman Trecothic -made one more effort in their behalf, on the 9th of April, "in a very -sensible speech."[117] - -When the news of the Boston Massacre reached England late in April, -1770, it recalled attention to American affairs, which, after the -defeat of Trecothic's motion, seemed to have been laid aside for the -remainder of the session. Trecothic called for the papers.[118] While -waiting for them, Governor Pownall made a speech on the "powers of -government [which] the crown can and ought to grant to the dependencies -of the realm; what form and power of government the British subject -in those parts ought to be governed by; what powers are granted, -both civil and military; and what arrangements, and means taken, for -administering and executing these powers."[119] Burke, in the second of -eight resolutions, affirmed "that a principal cause of the disorders -which have prevailed in North America hath arisen from the ill-judged -and inconsistent instructions given, from time to time, by persons in -administration, to the governors of some of the provinces of North -America."[120] Later, the same resolutions were brought forward in -the House of Lords by the Duke of Richmond. But Burke was not acting -in good faith. A close observer wrote at the time: "It is plain -enough that these motions were not made for the sake of the colonies, -but merely to serve the purposes of the opposition, to render the -ministry, if possible, more odious, so that they may themselves come -into the conduct of affairs, while it remains very doubtful whether -they would do much better, if at all, than their predecessors."[121] -This resulted well for the colonies, and, in the long run, for the -progress of liberal ideas in both countries. But to those who wished -for the continuance of the British connection, and believed in its -practicability, it must have been a matter for profound regret that -the liberal leaders, from Chatham to Fox, simply found fault with the -acts of the ministry, and proposed nothing instead. The ministry, -conciliatory to-day and severe to-morrow, had no fixed policy. American -affairs gave way to the exigencies of a general election, just as -we have lately seen in this country, great interests jeopardized by -the unwillingness of both political parties to treat them on the -eve of a presidential election. If, instead of this vacillating -and inconsistent policy, both parties had given their attention to -devising some rational system of colonial administration, as proposed -by Pownall,[122] leaving local affairs to the colonists, but placing -imperial affairs under a permanent board, not changeable with every -ministry, the colonies and the mother-country might have remained -united, perhaps for a generation, longer. - -The Townshend duties, except those on tea, were repealed in April; but -this did not satisfy the colonists, and dissensions arose among the -merchants of the several colonies in regard to the non-importation -agreement. Those of New York became dissatisfied with Boston and -Newport merchants, who had agreed to import non-dutiable articles, -even before the news of the repealing act; and in October, 1770, all -sections fell into the same plan, but no teas were to be imported. The -Sons of Liberty in New York in vain resisted this arrangement. - -In Massachusetts the patriots were seldom without causes of just -complaint. Governor Hutchinson, in obedience to instructions of General -Gage, had delivered (September 10) the keys of Castle William, in -Boston harbor, which belonged to the province, to Colonel Dalrymple, -who was the servant of the king; and following royal instructions, had -refused to convene the General Court at Boston, instead of Cambridge, -or to assent to any bill by which the assessors (in 1771) could tax the -officers of the crown.[123] These exercises of the royal prerogative, -and the payment of the governor's salary by the crown, involved -constitutional questions of higher import, as the British Constitution -then stood, than the question of parliamentary supremacy, and were -matters of unceasing contention. In 1770, Franklin was chosen London -agent of the colony, although not without some objection, in the place -of De Berdt, recently deceased (May), and Hutchinson was appointed -governor in March, 1771. - -In 1772, although it was a year of general quiet, two events happened, -which, in different ways, promoted the purposes of the more ardent -patriots,—the burning of the "Gaspee" at Providence in June, and the -formation of committees of correspondence in November. On the 9th of -June, Lieutenant Dudingston, commander of the "Gaspee", who had shown -great activity in the revenue service at Rhode Island, in undertaking -to intercept the "Providence Packet", Captain Lindsay, ran aground on -Namquit Point. While in this position, the "Gaspee" was boarded on the -following night by a party of citizens led by John Brown, a respectable -merchant. In the _mêlée_ the lieutenant was wounded and the vessel was -burned. The affair created a great sensation in England, and it was -ordered that those engaged in it should be sent to England for trial. -For this purpose the home government appointed colonial commissioners, -who sat at Newport from the 4th to the 22 January, 1773, to inquire -into the matter.[124] At the end of their deliberations they required -Wanton, the governor of Rhode Island, to arrest the offenders, for -trial in England. He appealed for directions to the Assembly, as did -Stephen Hopkins, the chief-justice of the highest court. That body -referred the matter to the discretion of the chief-justice, and he -accordingly refused to arrest, or to allow the arrest of, any person -for transportation.[125] Nothing came of the order except ill-humor in -England and indignation in the colonies, where it was regarded as an -invasion of their constitutional right of trial by their peers. - -Samuel Adams was always busy on political subjects; nor were subjects -wanting. The Earl of Hillsborough had been succeeded in the American -department (August 4, 1772) by Lord Dartmouth; but the change in -administration made no change in the policy of paying the salaries -of the provincial judges by the king, and thus rendering them less -dependent on the popular will. This was thought to be in derogation of -colonial rights, especially so long as the judges held their seats only -during the king's pleasure. - -[Illustration: JOSEPH WARREN. - -From a pastel owned by the heirs of the late Hon. C. F. Adams. It is -unfinished below the chest.—ED.] - -Accordingly, a town meeting assembled in Faneuil Hall, October 28, -and adjourned November 2d. Samuel Adams moved "that a committee of -correspondence be appointed, to consist of twenty-one persons, to state -the rights of the colonies, and of this province in particular, as -men, as Christians, and as subjects; to communicate and publish the -same to the several towns in this province and to the world, as the -sense of this town, with the infringements and violations thereof that -have been, or from time to time may be, made; also requesting of each -town a free communication of their sentiments on this subject."[126] -This was the beginning of an organization (November 22), entered into -with hesitation by some of the leading patriots of Boston, which -finally secured the public confidence, and became a great power for the -concentration of popular sentiment. - -[Illustration: PRINTED PAGE. - -Slightly reduced from an original in the Boston Public Library.—ED.] - -It undoubtedly led to the larger measure of intercolonial -correspondence instituted by Virginia during the next spring; and not -the least of its claims to consideration is the fact that it engaged -the attention and secured the services of Joseph Warren as the trusted -lieutenant of Samuel Adams.[127] - -The American Revolution rests upon grounds so high and clear, and was -carried forward by measures so honorably conceived and so persistently -adhered to, that all who adopt its principles must regret any -circumstance in its history by which the opinion of candid people is -divided. Such a division is found in connection with the Hutchinson -letters. The story is briefly this:—In the years 1768 and 1769 -Thomas Hutchinson and Andrew Oliver, then officers in Massachusetts, -appointed by the crown, and sworn to a faithful discharge of their -duties, with several other persons, in a private correspondence with -Thomas Whately, an English gentleman, formerly, but not then, connected -with the government, communicated facts about colonial affairs the -truth of which has never been impugned, and expressed opinions which -Tories might honestly entertain. These letters in some unexplained -manner found their way—either from the cabinet of the person to whom -they were addressed, after his death, or, as is more likely, from the -papers of George Grenville, to whom Whately had probably entrusted -them for perusal—into the hands of Franklin, the colony agent in -London, by whom they were sent in 1773, with an unsigned letter, to -the speaker of the Massachusetts House. The injunctions in respect to -them were loosely regarded, and they were published by a breach of -faith which implicated a large body of men. They were made the basis of -a petition by the General Court to the king for the removal of their -writers from the offices which they held; but after a hearing before -the Privy Council, January 29, 1774, the petition, which the province -did not attempt to support by evidence, was dismissed as "groundless, -vexatious, and scandalous." Two days later, Dr. Franklin was removed -from the office of deputy postmaster-general for the colonies,—a -circumstance of great consequence to the American cause, since it -irrevocably committed to it one who had been thought its lukewarm -promoter. - -Massachusetts, which had led in most of the Revolutionary movements, -did not take the lead in establishing committees of correspondence -between the colonies. That honor belongs to Virginia; and its -chief cause was the action of the commissioners in the "Gaspee" -case. March 12, 1773, Dabney Carr, who had been put forward at the -suggestion of Jefferson, moved certain resolutions in the Virginia -House of Burgesses, which, supported by Richard Henry Lee and Patrick -Henry, were unanimously adopted. Rhode Island followed in adopting -similar measures. On May 28th the Massachusetts House responded to -Virginia.[128] Hutchinson justly considers this as one of the most -important and daring movements of the patriotic Party during the -Revolution.[129] It paved the way for the union of the colonies and -for the General Congress which was convened at Philadelphia the next -year. - -To the patriots of Philadelphia belongs the credit of making the first -public demonstration against the project of the East India Company for -transporting their accumulated stock of tea to America, in a series -of resolutions passed October 18, at a meeting held in the State -House.[130] News of the intention of the company to do this had reached -America in August. Samuel Adams was ready. The towns in the province -of Massachusetts were aroused by Joseph Warren's circular letter in -behalf of the Committee of Correspondence, September 21, 1773, and -the Philadelphia resolutions were adopted in Faneuil Hall. Constant -communications were kept up between the importing colonies. Ships -loaded with tea were dispatched about the month of August to Boston, -New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston, but the tone of the public -press in those towns indicated a determination not to allow the sale of -the cargoes. The Charleston consignees, on the request of the people, -resigned; those at Boston refused. November 28, one of the tea ships -arrived in Boston, followed not long after by two more. These were -placed under guard by the patriots. The consignees would neither resign -nor return the tea, and the time was near at hand when they would -be seized for non-payment of duties. Thursday, December 16, a large -meeting of the citizens was held at the Old South Church, at which -Josiah Quincy, Jr., spoke in words that have become historical. After -all efforts to induce Hutchinson to grant a pass for the return of the -tea (which he thought would be illegal) had proved futile, a war-whoop -was sounded at the door of the Old South, and a large company of men -disguised as Indians rushed to Griffin's wharf. Teas to the value -of £18,000 were thrown from the vessels into the sea, and the same -treatment was bestowed upon another cargo which came some weeks later. -This act, although applauded throughout the colonies, was not imitated -by them; other means were found to prevent the sale of the teas.[131] - -While the news of these events was on its way to England, John Adams -signalized his zeal in the patriotic cause and evinced his faith in the -provincial constitution by leading in the impeachment of Chief-Justice -Oliver for having accepted his salary from the crown instead of the -people, in derogation of their fundamental rights.[132] - -Governor Hutchinson, finding himself powerless to quell the storm, -determined to put himself in closer communication with the ministry by -going to England, but was delayed by the death of Lieutenant-Governor -Oliver, until he was finally superseded by General Gage, who arrived in -Boston May 13, 1774. As he was about to leave, he received an address, -dated May 30, approving his conduct, and signed by many respectable -Tories; but some of them were afterwards obliged by threats of popular -violence to make their recantations in the newspapers. June 1, he -sailed from Boston, and never saw his native shore again.[133] In -the mean time an account of the destruction of the teas had reached -England, and produced great indignation, which was shared to some -extent by the most ardent friends of the colonists, whose efforts to -mitigate and delay the punishment visited upon the offending people of -Boston were unavailing. On the 7th of March, the king sent a message -communicating the despatches from America; and on the 14th Lord North -brought in the Boston Port Bill, which transferred the commerce of -Boston, after the 1st of June, to Salem, but gave power to the king, in -council, to restore it, upon the return of order and full compensation -to the owners for the teas destroyed. Having passed both Houses, this -received the king's assent March 31, and took effect June 1. While -the measure was pending in the House of Lords, Lord North introduced -another bill, which provided for the appointment of councillors by the -crown, the appointment and removal by the governor of judges of the -superior courts, justices of the peace, and other minor officers, and, -with the consent of the council, of sheriffs. The governor's permission -was made necessary for the holding of town meetings, except for the -choice of officers. It was also provided by another act that offenders -and witnesses might be transported for trial to the other colonies, or -to England.[134] - -These severe measures did not pass without resistance or protest by the -liberal party in Parliament. They reached Boston June 2, 1774, were -printed in the newspapers on the 3d, and soon found their way into all -the colonies, where they excited indignation against the ministry and -sympathy for the people of Boston, which was manifested by liberal -contributions for relief when afterwards the loss of business had -brought distress. If anything more was needed to arouse the anger of -New England, it was supplied by the Quebec Bill, less objectionable -to that section because it extended the bounds of Canada over regions -for which the colonies had contended, than because it perpetuated -civil and ecclesiastical institutions hateful to the descendants of -Puritans. Hutchinson thought that these severe measures would bring -the recalcitrant Bostonians to reason. But he was mistaken. The matter -had already passed from the forum of reason, and was reserved for the -arbitrament of impending war. Instead of being subdued, the spirit of -the people became more resolute. - -The Boston Port Bill, designed as a punishment for the destruction of -the tea, brought ruin to the commerce of Boston, and distress to all -whose subsistence depended upon it; but its political effect was to -draw the colonies together, and that was so effectually promoted by the -vigorous action of the committee of correspondence that the idea of a -continental congress soon became general. - -[Illustration: A CONTEMPORARY PRINT. - -Sketched from a finely executed mezzotint, published in London in 1774. -The man thrown from his horse seems to be Gage. The original belongs to -the Boston Public Library.—ED.] - -On May 26, 1774, Governor Gage informed the General Court that by -the king's command its sessions would be held at Salem from June 1st -until further orders. The court was convened at that place, and the -patriots, guided by Samuel Adams, were making arrangements for a -general congress at Philadelphia, when the governor, getting a hint of -their action, sent Flucker, the provincial secretary, with a message to -dissolve them. The secretary, however, found the door of the chamber -of the Representatives locked; and before it was opened, that body had -determined that "a committee should be appointed to meet, as soon as -may be, the committees that are or shall be appointed by the several -colonies on this continent, to consult together upon the present state -of the colonies", and had chosen James Bowdoin, Samuel Adams, John -Adams, Thomas Cushing, and Robert Treat Paine delegates thereto. Such -was the origin in Massachusetts of the first Continental Congress which -met at Philadelphia September 5, 1774.[135] - -The 17th of June, the day on which delegates to the Continental -Congress were chosen, is also notable for "the Port Act" meeting in -Faneuil Hall. From the general distress among the laboring classes in -Boston the Tories had expected a reaction in favor of the ministry; -consequently a counter demonstration by the patriots was deemed -advisable. In the absence of Samuel Adams, then at Salem, John Adams -was chosen moderator, and from this time he was one of the most -conspicuous actors in the American Revolution. Joseph Warren was also -present, and active in the cause which, a year later, he consecrated -with his blood. The action of the town became widely known from a -broadside, which is here reproduced. - -After the repeal of the Stamp Act and the modifying of the Townshend -act, there remained nothing to threaten seriously the pockets of -the colonists. The tea duty had been retained to save the claim -of parliamentary supremacy, which was not likely to be asserted -in any offensive way. The navigation acts must soon have given -way to a more liberal and equitable policy, and everything out of -Massachusetts—certainly out of New England—indicated that the people -were becoming tired of strife, and were ready for a return to more -cordial relations with the mother country. This was what Samuel Adams -feared, and determined to prevent. To this end nothing could have been -more efficient than his policy in respect to the teas, and nothing -more to his mind than the consequent action of Parliament. After this -a contention which had been mainly local became general. The essential -modification of the Massachusetts charter was a blow which imperilled -every colonial government, and made the cause of Massachusetts that of -every other colony,—a cause for which other colonies manifested their -sympathy not only in relieving the distress occasioned by the closing -of the port of Boston, but by uniting in declarations of their common -right to maintain the integrity of a system of government which had -been forming through many generations. - -The Congress of 1774 was the inevitable result of the conduct of the -British ministry subsequent to the peace of 1763. This served only to -engender discontent in the colonies, and to strengthen the purpose -of the patriotic party to hasten a revolution which many regarded as -inevitable in time. The parliamentary government of the colonies fell -into confusion for want of a well-defined policy and a consistent -administration. But instead of such a policy, colonial affairs were -regulated by ministers as wide apart in their views as Grenville, -Rockingham, Townshend, Grafton, Shelburne, Hillsborough, Lord North, -and Earl Dartmouth. Nothing could have kept the colonies as an integral -part of the empire except some plan such as Franklin or Pownall might -have devised and Shelburne might have administered. But the colonies -were remote and but little known, and in the complication of European -affairs, and amid the contentions of parties, they received only slight -and intermittent attention from the ministry or the Parliament. No -statesman save Choiseul seems to have understood the completeness of -the change in interests which had been brought about by the extinction -of the French power in America, or the necessary advance of the -colonies under a new régime to a place among the great powers of the -world. The colonists themselves felt, rather than understood, their -relations to nationality and to the commerce of the world. This was the -time chosen by the British ministry to impose upon them the restrictive -mercantile system of Charles II. - -[Illustration: BROADSIDE, JUNE 17, 1774. - -The original is in the Boston Public Library. There are other -significant broadsides of about this time. On June 8th, the citizens of -Boston issued an address to their countrymen relative to the blockade -of their port, and on July 26th they adopted a letter on the blockade, -which was sent to the several towns,—both in broadside.—ED.] - -It is doubtful, however, whether any policy could have rendered -permanent the subjection of the colonies, even such a nominal -subjection as that in which they had always been held. In looking -for the causes of the Revolution, it is well to discriminate between -those which were general in their effects and those which were local. -The latter had been more actively operative and of longer existence -in Massachusetts, where the Revolution began, than in any other -colony. These were interwoven with the civil and ecclesiastical -history of her people, which made them peculiarly apprehensive in -respect to threatened invasion of rights which they had secured only -by expatriation. Although the peculiar experience of Massachusetts -did not cause the Revolution, it is doubtful whether, except for that -experience, the Revolution would have occurred for some years. Nor was -resistance to the Anglican ecclesiastical pretensions, connected as -they were with the most odious features of the prerogative, confined -to New England, but made itself felt in New York and in Virginia.[136] -The general causes were the ever present and ever active strife between -parties,—the liberals and the conservatives,—arising from a diversity -of political ideas, and intensified by ambition, interest, and personal -animosities. But the proximate causes of the Revolution will be found -in that change of policy which led the ministry, at the close of a war -that had strained the colonies to the utmost, to enforce the navigation -laws, to lay taxes, to invoke the prerogative, and finally to overthrow -the government of Massachusetts, and thus to threaten the autonomy of -the people under the provincial constitutions. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE change in British colonial policy contemplated by the ministry -during the progress of the French War, and entered upon between 1763 -and 1774, developed those causes of dissatisfaction which had been -intermittently operative for more than a century, and finally led to -war in 1775. In the preceding chapter I have omitted, or passed lightly -over, many incidents of the period which had no particular political -significance, and dwelt more at length on the principles and causes -which led to the Revolution. I shall pursue the same course in this -essay. - -The growth and development of the colonies brought forward, in -succession, two practical questions. The first was, how far the -interests of the colonies, as appendages to the crown, but subject, -nevertheless, to an undefined parliamentary authority, could be -subordinated to the interests of the trading and manufacturing classes -in England. This was purely an economic question, and the answer to -it in England assumed the subjection of the colonies and the validity -of the mercantile system, neither of which was vigorously contested -by the colonists so long as neither was rigidly enforced. But the -question changed during the progress, and more especially at the close, -of the French War, and then became this: How far could the interests -of the colonies be subordinated to the necessities of an imperial -revenue and the political policy of an empire? Hence arose the second -question: What degree of autonomy could be allowed to the colonies, as -integral parts of the empire, entitled to its privileges and subject -to its burdens, when both were to be determined consistently with the -constitutional prerogatives of the king and the supremacy of Parliament -on the one side, and on the other with the natural and acquired rights -of the colonies? - -Regarded purely as an economic question, it was a matter of -indifference to the colonists whether their pockets were depleted -by the enforcement of an old policy or by the adoption of a new -policy. The Sugar Act of 1733, if enforced, would have produced a -parliamentary tax. The Grenville Act of 1764 did no more. But the -former was intended as a regulation of trade; the latter to produce a -revenue. This difference of intent raised a constitutional question, -and it was on this constitutional question, behind which lay the real -economic question, that the patriotic party chose to fight the battle. -Grenville's Act, as an external tax, produced but little; and the Stamp -Act, as an internal tax, not a farthing. - -It was, therefore, mainly on the constitutional question—of the right -to tax, rather than to throw off intolerable burdens—that people -divided into parties. As Webster said, "They went to war against a -preamble. They fought seven years against a declaration."[137] To -understand the attitude of the tories on the economic question as -well as on the constitutional question, we must consider the state of -colonial affairs which led to the Congress of 1754, and the tentative -efforts of that body to find consistent and reciprocal relations of the -colonies to the imperial government, for union, defence, and revenue. -To understand the attitude of the patriots, we must consider the -reasons of the ministry for rejecting such a union, and their efforts -to force each colony into relations to the crown and Parliament deemed -by them consistent and reciprocal, but regarded by the colonists as -subversive of their rights as Englishmen, and of their rights acquired -by charters, growth, development, and usage, which, as they justly -claimed, had become constitutional. - -Though the enforcement of the navigation laws and acts of trade, at -the close of the French War, is regarded by historians as one of the -principal causes of the Revolution, I fail to find a satisfactory -or entirely accurate account of them, either as the basis of the -mercantile system, or, later, of a revenue system. Such a treatment -would hardly be practicable in the limits of a general history. These -laws have been elaborately discussed by Thomas Mun, Sir Josiah Child, -Sir William Patty, Charles Davenant, Joshua Gee, John Ashley, and, not -to mention others, Adam Smith and Henry Brougham. But these authors -wrote with reference to their influence, as part of the mercantile -system, on British interests. How they affected colonial interests is -the question which chiefly concerns us. - -To answer this question we must know not merely what those laws -enacted, but to what state of colonial trade they originally and -successively applied. For instance, what, from time to time, by -development of agricultural or other industries, between 1640 and 1774, -had the colonists to sell, and what, as they increased in wealth, did -they wish to purchase; and where, left to the unrestricted course of -trade, would they have carried their products, and where purchased -their merchandise? In other words, what would they have done and become -under free trade? - -Then we must know what changes in this normal condition of trade were -intended by the navigation laws, and to what extent and with what -effect their partial enforcement operated before 1763. With these facts -before us, we could estimate with some exactness the valid objections -to the new system on the part of the colonists, when enforced by the -British navy, commissioners of customs, admiralty courts, and writs of -assistance, and what was their influence in bringing on the Revolution. - -Having made up the debit account, we should be able to set against -it the compensations in naval protection, bounties,[138] drawbacks, -British capital, and long credits, in developing colonial agriculture -and commerce.[139] - -Unfortunately there does not exist any history of the commerce of -the American colonies, from the Commonwealth to 1774, as affected -by navigation laws, acts of trade, and revenue measures. No one who -has read the twenty-nine acts which comprise this legislation will -recommend their perusal to another; for, apart from their volume, the -construction of these acts is difficult,—difficult even to trained -lawyers like John Adams, whose business it was to advise clients -in respect to them.[140] Nor have special students, like Bancroft, -stated their effect with exact precision, as in respect to the Act of -1663;[141] and notably in respect to the Townshend Act of 1767,[142] -where his error amounts to a perversion of its meaning. Palfrey has -been more successful, though not entirely free from error.[143] The -author of the _Development of Constitutional Liberty_,[144] a work -of uncommon research and ability, reads the act of 1672 as though it -prohibited the carrying of fish from Massachusetts to Rhode Island -except by the way of England, failing to notice that it was not one -of the "enumerated articles", or that even those could pass directly -from colony to colony upon payment, at the place of export, of duties -equivalent to those laid upon their importation to England. To give a -monographic treatment to the subject would require familiarity with -the construction of statutes, and exact information not only of the -shifting conditions of colonial trade, but of the evasions which called -forth supplemental acts, or constructions of existing acts by the Board -of Trade.[145] - -In Burke's _Account of the European Settlements in America_[146] much -may be found respecting colonial products and commerce, and especially -those of New England (in ch. vii.), which leaves little to be desired -concerning the sources of her wealth, and the complaints of British -merchants of the methods by which it had been acquired. But I have -found nowhere else so full and clear an account of the course of trade -of Boston at the time of the Revolution, and the effect upon it of the -enforcement of the navigation laws and acts of trade in 1770, as in an -anonymous pamphlet entitled _Observations of the Merchants at Boston in -N. E. upon Several Acts of Parliament, 1770_.[147] - -An essential part of this history is that which relates to the medium -of exchange, and to the attempts of Parliament to regulate the -issue of paper money as a legal tender in the interests of British -merchants.[148] - -The history of the navigation laws suggests the similarity of the -causes which led to the successive revolutions of 1689 and 1775 in -Massachusetts. The violation of these laws was a principal reason for -the abrogation of the first charter, in 1684, graphically described -by Palfrey,[149] and their enforcement by courts of admiralty, under -Dudley, Andros, and Randolph, was one cause of the overthrow of -the Andros government in 1689.[150] The resistance to the same and -additional enactments, when enforced as revenue measures, led to -the alteration of the second charter in 1774, and this again led to -revolution by the united colonies. - -One of the most efficient instruments in the execution of the -navigation laws was the writs of assistance granted by the court in -Massachusetts in 1761.[151] - -If the student of American history finds difficulty in accepting the -common accounts of the constitutional opinions and motives of two -fifths of the colonists, among whom were many who must be regarded as -intelligent and respectable, his doubts as to the accuracy of these -narratives receive some confirmation when he becomes familiar with the -history of the Congress of 1754, the circumstances which led to it, and -the opinions of some of its representative men. A comparison of their -views will show how far they were willing to go in the "abridgment of -English liberties", for the sake of union, defence, and government. -Franklin, Hutchinson, and Pownall formed plans for union, and all were -at Albany in 1754, and participated in the discussions, though Pownall, -not being a member, explained his views outside the congress.[152] - -The difference between Pownall, Hutchinson, and Franklin was this: -that while all contemplated the union of the empire under one general -government as something dictated by the interest of all the parts, -Hutchinson limited the power of the President more than Franklin, -and Pownall was unwilling to contemplate the transfer of its seat -to America; the prospect of which gave Franklin no concern. "The -government cannot be long retained without union. Which is best, to -have a total separation, or a change of the seat of government?"[153] -Speculations as to the results of such a union are now idle, unless -for the interest drawn towards them by Professor Seeley's _Expansion -of England_, and Franklin's belief, expressed in 1789, "that if the -foregoing plan [that of 1754], or something like it, had been adopted -and carried into execution, the subsequent separation of the colonies -from the mother country might not so soon have happened, nor the -mischiefs suffered on both sides have occurred, perhaps, during another -century."[154] - -A comparison of the views of such men as Franklin, Hutchinson, and -Pownall, expressed before they were forced into partisan relations to -the impending conflict, help us in forming opinions respecting their -conduct when affairs, no longer within the control of individuals, were -swept onward by an uncontrollable impulse. Neither the colonies[155] -nor the ministry approved of the proposed union; and when the new -policy of raising a revenue was inaugurated the colonies were without -defined integral relations to the mother country, and the government -without administrative machinery for their regulation. The result was -confusion. The press became heated, and an angry war of pamphlets -ensued. At first the controversy was confined to the distinction -between internal taxes and commercial regulations, but soon it involved -the whole question of parliamentary power. This was elaborately and -temperately discussed in the _Farmer's Letters_, by John Dickinson, -but nowhere in America with more fulness (within the period covered by -this chapter) than by Governor Hutchinson and the two Houses of the -Massachusetts General Court, in messages and answers respectively, in -January and February, 1773.[156] - -So far as the Revolution grew out of the Massachusetts controversy -between the king's representatives and the General Court, its progress -may be traced in the _Speeches of the Governors of Massachusetts, -1765 to 1775, and the Answers of the House of Representatives to the -same_.[157] These authentic documents, with the _Journals of the House_ -and the _Records of the Town of Boston_, may be referred to as showing -the temper with which the parties treated each other, and the questions -that were of paramount interest. The student will not find it easy -to ascertain the facts which should make the history of the period. -Contemporaneous accounts were generally drawn up with a partisan -disregard of truth, and too much has been written subsequently in the -same spirit. For the critical period of 1768, when the troops were sent -over on account of the revenue riots, we have Bernard's _Letters_, -which, though representing only one side, were written under a sense of -official responsibility to the government. Though much complained of -at the time as wanting in candor, their statements were evaded rather -than controverted by the _Answer of the Major Part of the Council_, in -a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough (April 15, 1769), as well as in -_The Vindication of the Town of Boston_ (Oct. 18, 1769), drafted by -Samuel Adams. For the entire period covered by this chapter, I find no -narrative apparently more just, or opinions more candidly expressed, -than in Ramsay's _History of the American Revolution_. Remote from the -scene of the conflict, Ramsay shared the passions of neither party. - -The most important events of this period were the passage of the Boston -Port Bill, and other related measures. The reasons which led to these -acts are set forth at length in _The Report from the Committee on the -Disturbances in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay_, April 20, 1774.[158] -In this report may be seen the strength of the British case. Franklin's -view of the matters referred to in the Report of the Lords may be found -in a paper entitled _Proceedings in Massachusetts_,[159] and the bill -itself was discussed in an interesting pamphlet by Josiah Quincy, Jr., -_Observations on the Act of Parliament_.[160] - -Franklin's paper was a clever argument in which he treated facts so as -to serve his purpose rather than that of historic truth. His use of -Oliver's phrase, "to take off the original incendiaries", which was a -pleasant _ad hominem_ hit, has been adopted seriously by Bancroft,[161] -in a chapter entitled "A Way to Take off the Incendiaries." The -concessions which Franklin was willing to make for a settlement of -the difficulties, as late as December 4, 1774, may be seen in "Some -Special Transactions of Dr. Franklin in London, in Behalf of America", -in Ramsay.[162] - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -THE argument of Otis on the Writs of Assistance is the first -well-arranged expression of the gathering opposition,[163] and what -John Adams called "the heaves and throes of the burning mountain", -forerunning the eruption, were shown in James Otis's _A vindication -of the conduct of the House of Representatives of the province of -the Massachusetts-Bay; more particularly, in the last session of the -general assembly_ (Boston, 1762).[164] - -John Dickinson and Joseph Galloway were already pitted against each -other on the question of maintaining the proprietary government of -Pennsylvania, or of seeking a royal one.[165] - -Frothingham[166] says the earliest organized action against taxation -was when the town of Boston passed instructions to its representatives, -May 24, 1764, the original writing of which is among the Samuel Adams -MSS. The paper was printed in the newspapers of the day, and shortly -afterwards in the famous tract of Otis, _The Rights of the British -Colonies asserted and proved_,[167] in which, however, he failed, with -all his fervid and cogent reasoning, to stand in every respect by the -advanced position which he had taken in his plea against the Writs of -Assistance.[168] - -[Illustration: JAMES OTIS. - -After a statue of James Otis, by Crawford, in the chapel at Mount -Auburn. The usual portrait of Otis is by Blackburn, painted in 1755, -and now owned by Mrs. H. B. Rogers. The earliest engraving of it which -I have noticed is by A. B. Durand in Tudor, and again in the _Worcester -Magazine_ (1826), vol. i. It has been engraved by W. O. Jackman, J. -R. Smith, O. Pelton, and best of all by C. Schlecht, in Gay's _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, iii. 332. Cf. Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, and -the woodcut in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 6. The earliest engraved -likeness is probably a rude cut on the title of Bickerstaff's _Almanac_ -(1770), which is reproduced in Lossing's _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. -486. - -There is a photograph of the house where Otis was killed by lightning -(May 28, 1783) in Bailey's _Andover_, p. 86. Cf. _Appleton's Journal_, -xi. 784. The principal detailed authority on the career of Otis (born, -1724; died, 1783) is William Tudor's _Life of James Otis_, which -Lecky, in his _England in the Eighteenth Century_ (iii. 304), calls "a -remarkable book from which I have derived much assistance." Francis -Bowen wrote the life in Sparks's _Amer. Biog._, vol. xii. John Adams -had an exalted opinion of Otis, and Otis's character receives various -touches in Adams's _Works_ (x. 264, 271, 275, 279, 280, 284, 289-295, -299, 300). Bancroft depicts him in 1768 (vol. vi. 120, orig. ed.), -but he failed rapidly later by reason of the blows he received in an -assault in Sept., 1769, provoked by him. Cf. Greene's _Hist. View_ (p. -322); D. A. Goddard in _Mem. Hist. Boston_ (iii. 140); Barry's _Mass._ -(ii. 259).] - -One of the ablest as well as one of the most temperate expressions of -the stand taken by the colonies was in Stephen Hopkins's _Rights of the -Colonies examined; published by Authority_ (Providence, 1765).[169] - -Similar arguments were set forth in behalf of Connecticut by its -governor.[170] - -Already, in 1764, when Oxenbridge Thacher printed his _Sentiments -of a British American_, he had formulated the arguments against the -navigation acts and British taxation, which ten years later, in -the Congress of 1774, Jay embodied in his Address to the British -People.[171] - -John Adams, in later years, when distance clarified the atmosphere, -looked upon the conflict which Jonathan Mayhew waged with Apthorpe, and -with the abettors of all schemes for imposing episcopacy on the people -by act of Parliament, as the repelling of an attack upon the people's -right to decide such questions for themselves, and as but a forerunner -of the great subsequent question.[172] - -[Illustration: JONATHAN MAYHEW. - -Copied from a mezzotint engraving in the American Antiquarian Society's -possession, marked "Richard Jennys, jun., pinxt et fecit." - -A portrait by Smibert, and engraved by J. B. Cipriani, is in Hollis's -_Memoirs_ (1780), p. 371; and a reëngraving has been made by H. W. -Smith. Cf. Bradford's _Life of Mayhew_; Thornton's _Pulpit of the -Rev._; _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 245, with note on his portraits. - -The principal source of detailed information about Mayhew is Alden -Bradford's _Memoir of the life and writings of Jonathan Mayhew_ -(Boston, 1838). Cf. Tudor's _Otis_ (ch. 10); Thomas Hollis's _Memoirs_; -Tyler's _Amer. Lit._ (ii. p. 199); touches in _John Adams's Works_ (iv. -29; x. 207, 301); and on his death, Dr. Benjamin Church's _Elegy_, Dr. -Chauncy's discourse, both in 1766, and the _Life of Josiah Quincy, -Jr._, p. 384.] - -The issue on the question of taxation without representation was -forced, after many indications of its coming,[173] when the British -Parliament passed the Grenville Act in 1764, and in the next year what -is known as the Stamp Act, a tax on business papers, increasing their -cost at different rates, but sometimes manyfold.[174] The question -of the authorship of the bill is one about which there has been some -controversy,[175] and, contrary to the general impression, the truth -seems to be that the consideration of the bill caused little attention -in and out of Parliament, and the debates on it were languid.[176] - -In May a knowledge of the passage of the Stamp Act reached Boston,[177] -and it was to go into effect Nov. 1st. In June the Massachusetts -legislature determined to invite a congress of all the colonies in -October. In August it was known that Jared Ingersoll for Connecticut -and Andrew Oliver for Boston had agreed to become distributors of the -stamps. The mob hanged an effigy of Oliver on the tree afterwards -known as Liberty Tree,[178] and other outrages followed. The governor -did not dare to leave the castle. Dr. Mayhew delivered a sermon, -vigorous and perhaps incendiary, as Hutchinson averred when he traced -to it the passions of the mob which destroyed his own house in North -Square on the evening of August 26th.[179] The town contented itself -with passing a unanimous vote of condemnation the next day.[180] On -Sept. 25th Bernard addressed the legislature in a tone that induced -them to reply (Oct. 25th), and to fortify their position by resolves -(Oct. 29th).[181] Finally, in December, Andrew Oliver,[182] the stamp -distributor, was forced to resign, and on the 17th to sign an oath that -he would in no way lend countenance to the tax.[183] - -The spirit in Boston was but an index of the feelings throughout all -the colonies.[184] The histories of the several States and the lives of -their revolutionary actors make this clear.[185] - -In October, 1765, what is known as the Stamp Act Congress assembled -in New York, in the old City Hall.[186] Its proceedings are in print, -and its deliberations are followed in the general histories and in the -lives of its members.[187] - -Franklin had, with considerable opposition, been appointed the London -agent of Pennsylvania in 1764, and, being in that city, was accused by -James Biddle of promoting the passage of the Stamp Act, but his letters -show how he seems only to have yielded when he could not prevail in -opposing.[188] - -In July, 1765, the Rockingham administration came in, followed by -the parliamentary sparring of Grenville and Pitt. In February, 1766, -Dr. Franklin was examined before the House of Commons as to the -temper of the colonies respecting the Stamp Act. He gave them some -good advice,[189] and a full report of the questions and answers is -preserved.[190] Parliament having passed the so-called Declaratory -Act (March 7th) in vindication of its prerogatives, Pitt and Conway -effected the repeal of the Stamp Act (March 18th), and vessels -immediately sailed to carry the news to the colonies.[191] The whole -question of taxation, thus brought squarely to an issue by the -controversy over the Stamp Act, induced frequent rehearsals of argument -in debates and pamphlet, and the later historians have summarized the -opposing views.[192] - -Josiah Tucker, the Dean of Gloucester, began in 1766 a series of -tracts, which he continued for ten years, in which he advanced -sentiments respecting the colonies, not very flattering, while at the -same time he held to arguments which few at the time admitted the force -of, when he advocated the peaceful separation of America from the -crown.[193] - -The most important presentation of the Tory insistence in defence -of the Stamp Act policy came directly—or, at least, through his -secretary, Charles Lloyd—from Grenville himself, in his attack on the -Rockingham party, in the _Conduct of the late Administration examined, -with Documents_.[194] - -[Illustration: GEORGE THE THIRD. - -Reproduction of a print in Entick's _General Hist. of the Late War_ -(3d ed., 1770), iv. frontispiece. A profile likeness, showing the king -in armor, is in Murray's _Impartial History of the present War in -America_, (London, 1778).] - -The movements for organization to suppress importation, which had -begun in 1765, taking shape particularly in Philadelphia in Oct. -and Nov.,[195] were brought into definite prominence by the votes -of Boston, Oct. 28, 1767,[196] copies of which were circulated in -broadside, as shown in the annexed fac-simile.[197] The influence of -these had more marked effect in England than had followed any previous -manifestations of that kind.[198] - -[Illustration: PRINTED PAGE] - -[Illustration: HANDBILL - -Copy of a broadside in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society.] - -Some other fac-similes are also given indicative of the prevailing -coercive measures, which soon became popular. The next year (1768) -committees were appointed in New York to consider the expediency of -entering into measures to encourage industry and frugality and to -employ the poor, and by 1769 the movement looking to independence of -the British manufacturers became general through the colonies.[199] - -[Illustration: FROM EDES AND GILL'S NORTH AMERICAN ALMANACK, 1770.] - -In February, 1768, the Massachusetts House of Representatives, by -a circular letter addressed to the other colonies, invited them to -consultation.[200] It drew from Hillsborough a circular letter of -warning to the continent,[201] and in May Virginia issued a letter -inviting a conference.[202] On June 10, 1768, the seizure of the sloop -"Liberty" brought further riotous proceedings in its train.[203] - -[Illustration: PROSCRIBING AN IMPORTER. - -After an original handbill in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library.] - -What is known as the "War of the Regulators", or "Regulation", a series -of riotous disturbances in North Carolina, 1768-1771, has usually been -held to be one of the preliminary uprisings against British oppression. -A. W. Waddell, in a paper in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (1871, -p. 81), contends that it was nothing but a lawless outburst, and -advances evidence to prove that the participants were but a small -majority of the people, with no great principle in view; that they were -ignorant, never republicans, became Tories, and were opposed by the -prominent Whig leaders. He considers that Caruthers and other local -historians[204] are responsible for the common misconception arising -from their attempt to reflect credit on North Carolina for what is -claimed to be an early patriotic fervor. - -[Illustration: LANDING OF THE TROOPS IN BOSTON, 1768. - -Fac-simile of an engraving by Paul Revere, which appeared in _Edes and -Gill's North American Almanack_, Boston, 1770. It is reëngraved in S. -G. Drake's _Boston_, p. 747, and in S. A. Drake's _Old Landmarks of -Boston_, p. 119. KEY: 1, The "Beaver", 14 guns; 2, "Senegal", 14; 3, -"Martin", 10; 4, "Glasgow", 20; 5, "Mermaid", 28; 6, "Romney", 50; 7, -"Launaston", 40; 8, "Bonetta", 10. - -Revere also engraved a large copperplate of the same event, which is -given in heliotype fac-simile, on different scales, in the _Boston -Evacuation Memorial_ (p. 18) and _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (ii. 532). Cf. -also Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 356; Dearborn's _Boston Notions_, -126, etc. The same view of the town was again used by Revere, but -extended farther south, in a cut in the _Royal American Mag._ (1774), -which is given in fac-simile in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 441. -There is also a water-color mentioned in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 2d -ser., ii. 156. On Revere as an engraver, see W. S. Baker's _American -Engravers_, Philad., 1875, and the list in _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, -1886, p. 204. - -In Sept. (dated 14th) the selectmen of Boston sent a circular to the -other towns, calling a convention (_Boston Rec. Com. Rept._, xvi. 263) -to consider the declaration of Bernard "that one or more regiments -may soon be expected in this province" (original broadside in Mass. -Hist. Soc., _Misc. MSS._, 1632-1795). It is printed and explained in -that society's _Proceedings_, iv. 387. The convention sat from Sept. -22d to 29th. On the 30th, in the early morning, the British fleet -took soundings along the water-front, and in the afternoon a number -of war-ships came up from the lower harbor and anchored with springs -on their cables. On Oct. 1st the landing took place. The news spread -through the land, and the irritation was increased. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xx. 9; Barry, _Mass._, ii. 370; Loring, _Boston Orators_, -75; _Franklin's Works_, vii. 418.) - -The question of the expense of quartering troops had been raised by -Massachusetts and New York in 1767 (Hutchinson, iii. 168), and a letter -of Gage on the subject is in the Shelburne Papers, vol. li. (_Hist. -MSS. Com. Rept._, v. 219). Cf. Hillsborough to Governor Franklin in _N. -J. Archives_, x. p. 12. The message of the Assembly to Bernard, praying -for their removal (May 31, 1769), is in Hutchinson (iii. App. 497).] - -A contemporary vindication of the movement, and of Herman Husband, -the leader, bringing the history of the commotions down to 1769 only, -evidently based on material furnished by Husband, was printed in Boston -in 1771.[205] Husband himself seems, during the preceding year, to -have printed anonymously, giving no place of publication, a narrative -of his own, fortified by the letters of Tryon and others, with the -remonstrances and counter-statements.[206] - -[Illustration: - -This cut from Nathaniel Ames's _Astronomical diary or Almanack_, 1772, -Boston, is inscribed "The Patriotic American Farmer, J-N D-K-NS-N, -Esq., Barrister-at-Law, who with Attic Eloquence and Roman spirit hath -asserted the liberties of the British Colonies in America." Cf. Scharf -and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 276. - -C. W. Peale's portrait of Dickinson (1770) was engraved by I. B. -Forrest. Cf. _Catal. of Gallery of Penna. Hist. Soc._ (1872), no. 161; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 476. - -On Dickinson's influence, see "The great American essayist" in the -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1882, p. 117; Sept., 1883, p. 223; Read's -_Life of George Read_, 49, 79; Wells's _Adams_, ii. 38; Quincy's -_Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 104; Green's _Hist. View_, 370; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, i. 476. Cf. letters of Dickinson in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -iii. 22; Lee's _Life of A. Lee_, ii. 293, 296, etc.] - -The most conspicuous presentation of the American side in 1768 were -the famous _Farmer's Letters_, as they were usually called, of John -Dickinson.[207] - -Some of the most important of the documents of the Boston patriots -were printed in London under the supervision of Thomas Hollis, long a -devoted friend of the colonists.[208] - -During 1768 and 1769 we find record of the workings of political -sentiments in the colonies in abundant publications.[209] - -The most important development in 1769 came from some letters which had -been addressed by Governor Bernard and General Gage to the ministry, -and to which, in the exercise of his rights as a member of Parliament, -Alderman Beckford had obtained access and taken copies, subsequently -delivered by him to Bollan, who transmitted them to Boston, where they -were at once printed. From these letters the public learned of the -urgency which the governor had used with the government to induce it to -institute more stringent measures of repression.[210] - -The publication of these letters led to the printing of _An appeal to -the world; or a vindication of the town of Boston, from many false -and malicious aspersions contain'd in certain letters and memorials, -written by Governor Bernard, General Gage [etc.]. Published by order of -the town_ (Boston, 1769),[211] and induced also a letter to the Earl of -Hillsborough.[212] - -[Illustration: WILLIAM LIVINGSTON. - -Fac-simile of the engraving in Sedgwick's _Life of William Livingston_. -Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 330.] - -There are in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xx.) copies of annotations which -Franklin, then in London, made on the margins and fly-leaves of sundry -pamphlets, which just at this time were engaging attention in London, -and these comments show how the struggle was regarded by a mind of -Franklin's astuteness, amid the influences of the British capital. -Sparks printed parts of these annotations in his _Familiar letters and -miscellaneous pieces by Dr. Franklin_, and again in his edition of -_Franklin_, vol. iv.[213] Some letters which passed between Franklin -and William Strahan in 1769 are also of great interest.[214] - -The Boston Massacre of March, 1770, was the violent culmination of -prevailing passions, and was in a measure induced by the sacrifice of -life which resulted from the boarding by a press-gang from the "Rose" -frigate of a ship belonging to Hooper, of Marblehead,[215] and by the -riotous proceedings which, in Jan., 1770, brought about the death -of the boy Snider.[216] Soon after the affray of March, the town of -Boston published a _Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre in Boston_ -(Boston, Edes and Gill, 1770),[217] which depicted the condition -of the people at the time, and gave an appendix of depositions, -including one of Jeremy Belknap.[218] Copies were sent to England at -once,[219] but the rest of the edition was kept back till after the -trial, when "Additional Observations" were appended.[220] The volume, -thus completed, was reprinted in New York in 1849, with notes and -illustrations by John Daggett, Jr.; and again in Frederick Kidder's -_History of the Boston Massacre_ (Albany, 1870), which is the most -considerable monograph on the subject.[221] - -[Illustration: FROM BICKERSTAFF'S BOSTON ALMANAC, 1769. - -This song was written by John Dickinson, with some assistance from Dr. -Arthur Lee, and was sent (printed in the _Penna. Chronicle_, July 4, -1768) by Dickinson from Philadelphia to Otis, accompanied by a letter -dated July 4, 1768. It was sung to the tune "Hearts of Oak", and was -made conspicuous in Boston by being sung at Liberty Hall and the -Greyhound Tavern in Aug., 1768. It had been reprinted in the _Boston -Gazette_, July 18th. An amended copy, "the first being rather too -bold", was given in the _Penna. Chronicle_ July 11th. In September it -appeared as a broadside, with the music. Edes and Gill's _Almanac_, in -reprinting it in 1770, says it is "now much in vogue in North America." -(Cf. Tudor's _Life of Otis_, pp. 322, 501; Moore's _Songs and Ballads -of the Rev._, p. 37; Drake's _Town of Roxbury_, p. 166; _Mem. Hist. of -Boston_, iii. p. 131.) - -A parody appeared in the _Boston Gazette_, Sept. 26, 1768 (Moore, p. -41). This parody gave rise to the "Massachusetts Song of Liberty", -which is given in Edes and Gill's _Almanac_ (1770), as well as in -Bickerstaff, under the full title of _The Parody parodized, or the -Massachusetts Liberty Song_. It has been ascribed to Mrs. Mercy Warren. -(Cf. Moore, p. 44; Lossing, _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. 487.) The -_Almanac_ (Edes and Gill) of 1770 also contains "A new Song composed by -a Son of Liberty and sung by Mr. Flagg at Concert Hall, Boston, Feb. -13, 1770."] - -A stenographic report was made of the trial of Preston, and sent to -England, but it has never been published.[222] - -The trial of eight of the soldiers took place Nov. 27, 1770, and John -Hodgson,[223] the stenographer of the earlier trial, made a Report, -_The trial of William Wemms, ... published by permission of the Court_ -(Boston, 1770),[224] which gives the evidence and pleas of counsel, -and a report of the trial of Edward Manwaring and others, accused of -firing on the crowd from the windows of the custom-house. They were -acquitted.[225] [Illustration: FROM BICKERSTAFF'S BOSTON ALMANAC, -1770.] - -[Illustration: PART OF INSTRUCTIONS TO BOSTON REPRESENTATIVES, MAY 15, -1770. - -The original draft of these instructions, in the handwriting of Josiah -Quincy, Jr., is among the Quincy MSS. in the cabinet of the Mass. -Hist. Society. This is a reproduction of the last page, showing the -signatures of Richard Dana and of Cooper, the town clerk.] - -The principal statement on the government side was _A Fair Account of -the late unhappy disturbance at Boston, extracted from the depositions -that have been made concerning it by persons of all parties, with an -appendix containing affidavits and evidences not mentioned in the -narrative that has been published at Boston_ (London, 1770).[226] -This _Fair Account_ contained a deposition of Secretary Andrew -Oliver, tending to show that the soldiers were justifiably defending -themselves; and making public the doings of the governor's council -thereupon. This "breach of a most essential privilege" excited -animadversion, and the council censured Oliver.[227] The purport of the -English presentations is to show that the soldiers did not fire till -duly provoked by assaults, and the more candid American writers, like -Ramsay, Abiel Holmes, Hildreth, and others, seem to allow this.[228] - -Bancroft (orig. ed., vi. 347) has a long note on the evidence about -the provocation and first assault. He gives ten reasons for thinking -Preston gave orders to fire, and six reasons for thinking the -provocation was not sufficient to justify the firing. The evidence in -this form is omitted in the final revision of Bancroft. - -The anniversary of the Massacre was observed in Boston till the -struggle for Independence was passed, and a series of annual orations -commemorates the continued and aroused feelings of the people.[229] - -The appendix to the third volume of Hutchinson's _History_ records -the sparring of Hutchinson and the legislature during the next six -months.[230] - -The list of Haven in Thomas (ii. 606) gives the American tracts -published in 1770; but the more significant ones of the year appeared -in London.[231] - -The year 1771 was less eventful. In England, it seemed for a while as -if the worst had passed. W. S. Johnson had written at the close of -the preceding year (Dec. 29, 1770), "The general American controversy -is at present looked upon here as very much at an end."[232] -Franklin had been made the agent for Massachusetts;[233] he was -still putting tersely to his correspondents the American view of the -controversy,[234] and he had a conference with Hillsborough.[235] - -Hutchinson in March had succeeded to the governor's chair, with -reluctance, as he professed.[236] The American tracts may be gleaned in -Haven's list.[237] - -The events of 1772 are of more interest. The Boston patriots emphasized -their arguments in their instructions to their representatives in -May.[238] Later (July 14th) they passed a remonstrance against taxation -and sent it to the king.[239] - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—The annexed cut is part of a handbill in the library of the -Mass. Hist. Society.] - -There are diverse views as to the originator of the committees of -correspondence. Gordon's opinion (i. 312) that James Warren was the -instigator was adopted by Marshall, but is held by Bancroft (vi. -428) to be erroneous. John Adams gave the first movement to Samuel -Adams.[240] One of the first-fruits of the committee, as a provincial -measure, was the report drafted by Samuel Adams (Nov. 2, 1772), which -was printed as the _Rights of the Colonies_.[241] The vote passed by -Virginia, March 12, 1773, was the immediate cause of intercolonial -activity.[242] - -The seizure and destruction of the revenue vessel Gaspee in -Narragansett Bay, June 10, 1772, is considered by Rhode Island writers -as the earliest aggressive conduct of the patriots. John Russell -Bartlett,[243] in the _R. I. Colonial Records_ (vol. vii. pp. 57-192), -gathers all the documentary evidence, and this was in 1861 published -separately as _A History of the Destruction of his Britannic Majesty's -Schooner Gaspee ... accompanied by the Correspondence connected -therewith; the action of the General Assembly of Rhode Island thereon, -and the official journal of the ... Commission of Inquiry appointed by -King George III._[244] - -Early in 1773 the patriots of Boston produced what is called "the most -elaborate state paper of the Revolutionary contest in Massachusetts." -This is the reply of the House of Representatives to the governor in -the contest then waging with him.[245] - -The act which included the duty on tea had passed Parliament June 29, -1767, and in March, 1770, it had been repealed, except, in order to -maintain the theoretical right of Parliament to tax, the tax on tea had -been retained in force. Pownall[246] had exerted his utmost to make the -repeal include tea. The test was deferred till it was announced[247] -that the East India Company was assisted by government in sending over -a surplus of tea which they had. A series of impassioned gatherings in -Boston, and demonstrations not so boisterous in the other colonies, led -to the destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, and elsewhere resulted -in the transshipment of the tea whence it came.[248] - -[Illustration: A BOSTON WARNING. - -After an original in the Mass. Hist. Society.] - -[Illustration: A PHILADELPHIA POSTER. - -After an original in the library of the Pennsylvania Hist. Society.] - -Another significant event of 1773 was the episode of the Hutchinson -letters. They had been written (1767-1769), from Boston, to Thomas -Whately, and came, after the latter's death (June, 1772), by some -unknown means, into Franklin's hands. When Cushing[249] and the -patriots printed them,—for the rumor of their existence led the -"people abroad" to compel their publication,[250]—Franklin made no -complaint, and bore with reserve the defamation which was visited -upon him in England, and which is still repeated by later English -writers,[251] Franklin finally prepared a statement in vindication, -but it was not published till Temple Franklin printed his edition -of _Franklin's Works_.[252] The letters were printed without any -indication of Franklin's connection with them; but when a duel grew -out of the publication, in which a brother of Whately was wounded -by Mr. Temple,[253] who had been accused of purloining the letters, -Dr. Franklin, to prevent a further meeting, published a note in the -_Public Advertiser_, acknowledging his agency.[254] Sparks appends a -note in his edition,[255] in which he refutes the claim of Dr. Hosack -(_Biographical Memoir of Dr. Hugh Williamson_, 1820) that Williamson -had been the medium of transmitting the letters.[256] - -Mr. R. C. Winthrop, in discussing the question,[257] introduces a -paper of George Bancroft, "Whence came the papers sent by Franklin to -Cushing in his letter of Dec. 2, 1772?" Bancroft's conclusion is that -Whately sent the letters to Grenville (who died Nov. 13, 1770), and -they were found among his papers, and through some agency or consent of -Temple passed into Franklin's hand.[258] - -[Illustration: QUINCY'S DEDICATION. - -This is the original draft of the dedication to Quincy's tract on the -Port Bill, the MS. of which is among the Quincy MSS. in the cabinet of -the Mass. Hist. Society. Its full title is _Observations on the act of -parliament commonly called the Boston port-bill; with thoughts on civil -society and standing armies_ (Boston, 1774; Philad., 1774; London, -1774. It is reprinted in the _Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr._ Cf. Sabin, -xvi. 67,192, etc.)] - -The letters, when laid before the Massachusetts Legislature, produced -some resolutions (June 25, 1773),[259] followed by a petition to the -king,[260] asking that Hutchinson and Oliver might be removed from -office. This led to the presence of Franklin before the Privy Council, -and the attack on Franklin's character by Wedderburn.[261] - -[Illustration: THE QUINCY MANSION. - -After a water-color painted by Miss Eliza Susan Quincy in 1822. The -house was built in 1770, by the father of the patriot, Josiah Quincy, -Jr. The original sketch is among the Quincy MSS. in the Mass. Hist. -Soc. cabinet. Cf. cut in _Appleton's Journal_, xiv. 161. Of Josiah -Quincy, Jr., there was an engraving made in his lifetime, which was -held to be a good likeness, and from this, and with the family's -assistance, Stuart, fifty years after Quincy's death, painted the -picture which is engraved in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 37.] - -[Illustration: HEADING OF A HANDBILL. - -Fac-simile of the top portion of an original broadside in Mass. Hist. -Society's library. The bills were that for the impartial administration -of justice, and that for better regulating the government of the -province of Massachusetts Bay.] - -The earliest significant movement in 1774 was the impeachment -of Peter Oliver, chief justice, and younger brother of the late -lieutenant-governor, for receiving his salary from the crown,—the -controversy respecting the governor and other officers being thus made -independent of the people, having been one which had been active for -two years past.[262] - -Gen. Gage had landed in Boston May 17th, to put in force, June 1st, -what is known as the Boston Port Bill (approved March 31, 1774), or _An -Act to discontinue, in such manner, and for such time as are therein -mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or shipping, of goods, -wares, and merchandise, at the town, and within the harbour of Boston, -in the province of Massachuset's Bay, in North America_.[263] - -While Salem and Marblehead were thus made chief ports of entry, the -commerce of Boston was suddenly checked, and the town was forced to a -dependence for succor upon other towns and other colonies.[264] - -The effect of the measures on the other colonies was instant and -widespread.[265] - -One of the immediate results in Massachusetts because of these -oppressive acts was a retaliatory "Solemn League and Covenant" agreed -upon in the provincial assembly,—a combination made more or less -effectual by the active agency of Boston and Worcester in issuing -broadsides against the use of imported British goods.[266] - - -In July, 1774, close upon his arrival in London, Hutchinson held an -interview with the king, and set forth his opinions of the condition of -affairs in the colonies.[267] - -In August, 1774, Gage received the two acts mentioned in the annexed -fac-simile of a handbill.[268] - -It is claimed by Dawson[269] that the movements of 1774 in New York -Were precipitated by the merchants and their adherents, "aristocratic -smugglers", who formally organized themselves in May, 1774; and it was -on the 6th of July that Alexander Hamilton made his stirring appeal at -"the great meeting in the fields."[270] Further south a similar spirit -prevailed.[271] - -[Illustration: HANDBILL. - -Fac-simile of an original in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society, -where is another, dated Sept. 2, 1774, quoting this, and including an -address by Gen. Brattle to the public, deprecating the current belief -that his action in writing that letter was inimical to the cause. Cf. -H. Stevens's _Catal._ (1870), no. 261. See on this mater John Andrews's -diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 351, 354.] - - -The question of originating the Congress of 1774 is one upon which -there has been some controversy. It seems evident that the first -proposal for a congress for general purposes was in a vote of -Providence, R. I., May 17, 1774.[272] Cushing of Massachusetts and Dr. -Franklin appear to have exchanged views on the subject in 1773.[273] -Hancock seems to have suggested a congress in March, 1774.[274] In May -the Sons of Liberty in New York formally proposed a Congress.[275] A -resolution of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, June 17th, -looked towards one, and similar action took place in the House of -Burgesses in Virginia.[276] - -[Illustration] - -The Congress opened with a concession of the New England members, when -Samuel Adams proposed the Episcopalian Duché for chaplain.[277] John -Adams tells how the scheme of the Congress struck him,[278] and we -learn from him something of the appearance and bearing of an assembly, -where the "Tories were neither few nor feeble", and the political -feelings were far from being in unison. "One third Whigs, another -Tories, the rest mongrel", he says.[279] Franklin thought that only -unanimity and firmness could conduce to any good effect from it.[280] - -For the local feeling in Philadelphia and among the members assembled -there at the time, see John Adams's diary, Ward's diary,[281] and -Christopher Marshall's diary. - -The original edition of the _Journal of the Proceedings of the Congress -held in Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1774_ (Philad., 1774), bore the earliest -device of the colonies, twelve hands grasping a column based on Magna -Charta, surmounted by a liberty cap with the motto _Hanc tuemur_.[282] - -What we know of the debates, apart from the proceedings, is chiefly -derived from some brief notes by John Adams.[283] - -The Congress put forth a Declaration of Rights, and a draft of it -is preserved in a hand thought to be that of Major Sullivan, of New -Hampshire. Wells (_Sam. Adams_, ii. 234) thinks that Samuel Adams had a -hand in it, as it resembles the pamphlet issued by the Boston Committee -of Correspondence in 1772. The original draft of it, with the final -form, is given in the _Works of John Adams_,[284] who claimed the -authorship of article iv. - -The petition of Congress to the king was drafted by John -Dickinson.[285] It was signed in duplicate, and both copies were -successively sent to Franklin, one of which is in the Public Record -Office, and the other, retained by Franklin, is among the Franklin MSS. -in the library of the Department of State at Washington.[286] - -The petition to the king was first printed in London by Becket in -_Authentic Papers from America, submitted to the dispassionate -consideration of the public_ (London, 1775). This produced a card -(Jan. 17, 1775) from Bollan, Franklin, and Arthur Lee, calling the -copy of the petition "surreptitious as well as materially and grossly -erroneous" (_Sparks Catal._, p. 84). - -It is sometimes said that R. H. Lee, and sometimes that John Jay, -wrote the "Address to the People of Great Britain" which the Congress -adopted.[287] They also passed a "Memorial to the inhabitants of the -colonies."[288] - -On the 9th of September the people of Boston and the neighborhood met -outside the limits of the town, and passed a paper, drawn up by Joseph -Warren, more extreme and less dignified than was demanded, known as -the "Suffolk Resolves",[289] and this was transmitted to the Congress, -where, when the Resolves were read, as John Adams says, there were -tears in the Quaker eyes. Jones[290] says that the loyalists had joined -the Congress to help in claiming redress for grievances, but that the -approval of these Resolves rendered their continuance with the Congress -in its measures impossible. Hutchinson[291] says that when the Resolves -were known in England, they were more alarming than anything which had -yet been done.[292] - -On Sept. 28th Joseph Galloway introduced his plan of adjustment, -calling for a grand council to act in conjunction with Parliament in -regulating the affairs of the colonies. The scheme was finally rejected -by a vote of six colonies to five, after having allured many of the -leading men to its support.[293] - -The Congress, Oct. 20th, adopted the Articles of Association, pledging -in due time the country to non-importation, non-exportation, and -non-consumption, so as to sever completely all commercial relations -with England.[294] - -In the summer of 1774 the British Parliament had, after some -opposition, passed what is known as the "Quebec Bill", restoring the -old French law in the civil courts of Quebec, securing rights to the -Catholic inhabitants, and extending the limits of that province south -of Lake Erie as far as the Ohio.[295] - -[Illustration: CONGRESS OF 1774.] - -The debates[296] in Parliament caused much diversity of opinion, and -gave rise to a number of pamphlets.[297] The Congress of 1774 sought -to counteract this action by an address to the inhabitants of Quebec, -which was distributed both in English and French.[298] - -[Illustration] - -Pownall in London told Hutchinson that every step of the Congress was -known to the ministry.[299] We know that Dartmouth, probably through -Galloway, received accounts of the temper of the delegates,[300] and -that Joseph Reed was in communication with Dartmouth at the time.[301] - -The revolutionary measures advocated by the Congress were far from -receiving general acceptance,[302] and in New York they elicited some -sharp and vigorous controversial pamphlets.[303] It was the general -opinion at the time that Samuel Seabury was the author of two of the -ablest of these tracts, though the claims for their authorship are now -divided between Seabury and Isaac Wilkins, while each may have assisted -the other in a joint production[304] which rendered at this time the -name of a "Westchester Farmer" famous.[305] - -[Illustration: JOSIAH QUINCY'S DIARY. - -This is reproduced from a page of the diary of Josiah Quincy, Jr., -which was kept while he was in London in 1774. It is the beginning of -his description of an interview with Lord North. The original diary is -among the Quincy MSS. in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. Quincy -had sailed from Salem Sept. 28, 1774, and was not averse to having the -Tories think that he was going for his health; but Gage seemed to have -had a suspicion that about this time somebody was going over with bad -designs (P. O. Hutchinson, 296). We learn from the same source (p. -301) that North thought his interviewer was "a bad, insidious man, -designing to be artful without abilities to conceal his design",—a -view that Hutchinson no doubt had helped the minister to form. With -Quincy's spirit, we can imagine how North's warning that there must -be submission before reconciliation would be taken. There was some -suspicion also that Quincy was making observations upon Franklin to -discern how far that busy genius could be trusted. Franklin seems to -have satisfied him, and on his homeward voyage Quincy dictated to a -sailor the report to the patriots that he had every reason to fear -he would not live to deliver in person, as indeed he did not. It is -preserved, and printed in his _Life_, where will be found his journal -kept in London. Joseph Reed's letters to him, while in London, are in -_The Life of Joseph Reed_, i. 85, etc. Quincy made out lists in London -of the friends and foes of America among the merchants. Cf. letter of -William Lee, April 6, 1775, in _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. ii.] - -Another leading Tory writer at this time was Dr. Myles Cooper, the -president of King's College, who was as sharply assailed for his -_Friendly Address_[306] as the "Westchester Farmer" was. - -Something of an official character belongs to _A true state of -the proceedings in the Parliament of Great Britain, and in ... -Massachusetts Bay, relative to the giving and granting the money of the -people of that province, and of all America, in the House of Commons, -in which they are not represented_ (London, 1774), for Franklin is said -to have furnished the material for it, and Arthur Lee to have drafted -it.[307] - -One of the most significant of the American tracts of 1774 was John -Dickinson's _Essay on the constitutional power of Great Britain over -the colonies in America_.[308] - -The journals of the provincial congress of Massachusetts (1774-1775) -are in the _Mass. Archives_ (vol. cxl.), and have been printed as -_Journal of each Provincial Congress of Mass. 1774-75, and of the Com. -of Safety, with an Appendix_ (Boston, 1838). The proceedings of the -session of Nov. 10, 1774, were circulated in a broadside. - -In England we have the debates of Parliament, such correspondence as is -preserved, and the records of passing feeling, to help us understand -the condition of public opinion.[309] - -The Assembly of New York met in January, 1775. Dawson contends that -the usual view of the loyal element controlling its action is not -sustained by the facts, and that in reality neither patriot nor Tory -was satisfied with its action.[310] - -The feeling in Virginia is depicted in Giradin's continuation -of Burk's _Virginia_ (which was written under the cognizance of -Jefferson), in Rives's _Madison_, and in Wirt's _Patrick Henry_.[311] - -[Illustration: LORD NORTH. - -From Murray's _Impartial History of the Present War_, i. 96. Cf. -_London Mag._ (1779, p. 435) for another contemporary engraving.] - -The Congress of 1775 met in Philadelphia, May 10th. Quebec had been -invited to send delegates.[312] Lieut.-Gov. Colden kept the majority -of the New York Assembly from sending delegates.[313] John Hancock was -chosen president, May 24th.[314] - -The proceedings are given in the _Journals of Congress_.[315] - -Perhaps the best expression of argumentative force on both sides was -reached in the controversy waged by John Adams against Jonathan Sewall, -as he always supposed, but in reality against Daniel Leonard, of -Taunton, as it has since been made evident.[316] - -[Illustration: CHATHAM. - -From the title of _Bickerstaff's Boston Almanac_ for 1772,—the common -popular picture of him. Cf. the head in _Gentleman's Mag._, March, 1770. - -In 1768, Edmund Jennings of Virginia, being in London, and seeking, -probably unsuccessfully, to get a portrait of Camden for some -"gentlemen of Westmoreland County" who had subscribed for that purpose, -contented himself with commissioning young "Peele, of Maryland", then -in London, to make a picture of Chatham, following "an admirable bust -by Wilton, much like him, though different from the common prints." -Jennings presented it to R. H. Lee in a letter dated Nov. 15, 1768, and -the _Virginia Gazette_ of April 20, 1769, says it had just arrived. The -picture was placed in Stratford Hall, Lee's house, but was transferred -to the Court-House of Westmoreland in 1825, or thereabouts. In 1847 it -was transferred to the State of Virginia, and placed in the chamber -of the House of Delegates in Richmond, where it now is. It represents -Chatham "in consular habit, speaking in defence of American liberty." -Cf. _Va. Hist. Reg._, i. p. 68; _Richmond Despatch_, Sept. 26, 1886. -There is an engraving of Hoare's portrait of Chatham, representing him -sitting and holding a paper, given in fac-simile in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, Feb., 1887. On the statue of Pitt at Charleston, S. C., see -_Mag. of Amer. History_, viii. 214. For medals, see account by W. S. -Appleton in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 299. D'Auberteuil, in his -_Essais_, ii. 93, gives a curious picture of Pitt in Parliament on -crutches, with more gout in his features than in his legs. Cf. Doyle's -_Official Baronage_, i. 359.] - -One of the most powerful pleas for conciliation was made in Richard -Price's _Observations on the nature of civil liberty ... and the -justice and policy of the war with America_ (London, 1776, in six -editions, at least; Boston, 1776, etc.).[317] - -[Illustration: DR. PRICE. - -From the _London Magazine_, May, 1776 (p. 227). "Published by R. -Baldwin, June 1, 1776."] - -For the mutations and progress of opinion in England at this time we -may follow Bancroft (orig. ed., vol. viii.) and Smyth (_Lectures_, nos. -31-33), and the latter compares the expressions of this progress as -recorded in Ramsay and the _Annual Register_.[318] - -[Illustration] - -For the aspects of political leadership in Parliament during 1775-76, -and the struggles in debates, see the _Parliamentary History_ and the -_Amer. Archives_,[319] and we may offset among the general histories -the Tory sympathies of Adolphus (_England_, ii. ch. 24) with the -liberal tendencies of Massey (_Hist. of England_), but the lives of -the principal leaders bring us a little nearer to the spirits of the -hour.[320] - -During 1775 Franklin in London was maintaining his correspondence with -his American friends,[321] and conferring with Chatham upon plans of -conciliation,[322] and discussing the ways of compromise with Lord and -Lady Howe.[323] - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE CONFLICT PRECIPITATED. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR, - -_The Editor_. - - -"YOU must be firm, resolute, and cautious; but discover no marks -of timidity", wrote one from London to James Bowdoin, February 20, -1774.[324] Firm, resolute, cautious, but bold! This was the impelling -spirit of the hour. Hutchinson was at the same time writing to -Dartmouth that anarchy was likely to increase, till point after -point was carried, and every tie of allegiance was severed.[325] -Indications were increasing that the conflict of argument and the -burst of political passion were before long to give way to the trial -of force, and to the inevitable severing of friends which a resort to -arms would entail. All this was prefigured on the first of June, 1774, -when Hutchinson, bearing with him the addresses of his admirers,[326] -left his house on Milton Hill forever, and walked along the road, -bidding his neighbors good-bye at their gates; when, as he approached -Dorchester Neck, he got into his carriage, which had followed him, and -was driven to the point, where he took boat, was conveyed to a frigate, -and in a short time was passing out by Boston light, leaving behind the -line of ships at their moorings, which, with shotted guns, marked the -beginning of the Boston blockade. That severing of friends and that -threat of war was at that moment, away off in Virginia, accompanied -by the tolling of bells out of sympathy for Boston. The Massachusetts -yeomanry had not yet openly seized the musket, but their tribune, Sam. -Adams, a few days later, turned the key upon the governor's secretary -in Salem, when that officer was sent to dissolve the assembly. It was -then that Adams and his associates proceeded to pass votes, with no -intention of submitting them to the executive approval,—the beginning -of the end, which we have seen Hutchinson but a few months before had -anticipated. Between the upper and the nether mill-stone, between the -patriots of Massachusetts and the Tories of Parliament, the charter -of William and Mary was rapidly crushed. Parliament determined that -all power should come from them, and the province leaders determined -otherwise. So the distribution of authority provided under the charter -ceased. The rival powers in and around Boston could not long abstain -from force. Each watched the other, in the hopes of a pretext to be -beforehand, without being the aggressor. - -[Illustration] - -On the first of July, 1774, when Hutchinson, in London, was convincing -the king that the ministry's aggressive measure was going to bring the -recalcitrant Bostonians to terms, Admiral Graves, in his flag-ship, -was entering Boston harbor, and new regiments soon followed in their -transports. Presently one could count thirty ships of war at their -moorings before the town, and the morning drum-beats summoned to the -roll-call strong garrisons at Castle William, in Boston itself, and -at Salem, now the capital. It was known that arms were stopped, if -any one tried to carry them from Boston; and it soon became evident -to Gage that it was best to concentrate his force, for he removed his -headquarters from Danvers[327] to Boston, and thither his two regiments -followed him. Perhaps he had heard of the enthusiasm of a certain young -officer, whom he had seen twenty years before, saving all that was -saved, on Braddock's bloody day; and how, surviving for the present -crisis, he had just declared, in distant Virginia, that he was ready -to raise, subsist, and march a thousand men to Boston. Gage must have -known George Washington quite as well as the Bostonians did, who were, -it is to be feared, better prepared on their part to look upon Israel -Putnam, as he marched into town from Connecticut with a drove of sheep -for the hungered populace, as a greater hero than the Virginian colonel. - -September came in, and it did not look as if the conflict could be put -off longer.[328] On the first of that month Gage sent a detachment to -the Powder House beyond Quarry Hill, in the present Somerville, and it -brought away ammunition and cannon and took them to the castle. - -[Illustration: NOTICE OF THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE. - -From an original in the volume of _Proclamations_, etc., in the library -of the Mass. Hist. Society.] - -News of the inroad spread, and on the next day crowds gathered -in Cambridge with arms in their hands. They assembled before -Lieutenant-Governor Oliver's house[329] and forced him to resign. -Joseph Warren, in Boston, heard of the tumult and hastened to the spot. -His influence prevailed, and the sun went down without the shedding of -blood. It was ominous, however, to Gage, and he set to work rebuilding -the old lines across Boston Neck, and constructing barracks. He soon -encountered difficulties. Somehow laborers could not be hired, nor -provisions be bought. Somehow his freight-barges sunk, his carts of -straw got on fire, his wagons were sloughed; and somehow, with all his -vigilance, a few young men made up for the loss of the powder-house -pieces by stealthily carrying off by night some cannon from -Boston,[330] besides some others from an old battery in Charlestown. -It was soon found that the men on the Neck lines needed protection, -and Admiral Graves tried to send up a sloop of war into the South bay -to enfilade the road from Roxbury, if occasion came; but her draught -was too much, and so he employed an armed schooner. By November the -works were finished. Warren thought them as formidable as Gage could -make them, but the old Louisbourg soldiers laughed at them and called -them mud walls. - -Meanwhile, in October, the military spirit was taking shape throughout -the province. On the 5th the legislative assembly, which had met at -Salem on Gage's call, though he sought to outlaw them by rescinding -(September 28) his precept, had declared his attempted revocation -without warrant in law, and had resolved itself into a provincial -congress. The body then adjourned to meet in Concord, where, under -John Hancock's presidency, they appointed a Committee of Safety -to act as the executive of the province, and chose three general -officers,—Preble,[331] Ward, and Pomeroy. The militia was organized, -and minute-men were everywhere forming into companies. Gordon tells how -the country was astir with preparations. Connecticut was not far behind -in ordering her militia to be officered, and in directing her towns to -double their stock of ammunition, while she voted to issue £15,000 in -paper money,—the first of the war. - -"An armed truce", wrote Benjamin Church, "is the sole tenure by which -the inhabitants of Boston possess life, liberty, and property." Away -from Boston, the towns made common cause. "Liberty and Union" was to -be read on a flag flying in Taunton. When news of these and similar -events reached England, Lord North told Hutchinson that, for aught he -could see, it must come to violence, with consequent subjection for the -province.[332] When such tidings reached Virginia it found her officers -just sheathing their swords after their conflict with the Indians in -the mountains, and resolving next to turn their weapons against the -oppressors of America. Gage, in Boston, whom Warren really felt to -be honest and desirous of an accommodation, was awaking to a juster -measure of the task of the ministry, which might, he said, require -20,000 troops to begin with. As he pondered on such views, he might -have heard, on the evening of the 9th of November, 1774, the ringing -of the bells which greeted the return of Sam. Adams and his colleagues -from the Philadelphia congress. Shortly after the middle of the month -the British in Boston went into winter quarters.[333] So November -passed;—the Committee of Safety had arranged to raise and support -an army, and the recommendation of the Continental Congress had been -approved. - -December came. Boston was not yet burned, as some in London believed it -was when Quincy heard them laying wagers in the coffee-houses,[334] and -if Sam. Adams was not the first politician in the world, as others told -the same ardent young Bostonian, he was sharing conspicuous honors at -home, with his distant kinsman, John Adams. The latter, as Novanglus, -in his public controversy with the unknown Massachusettensis, was just -attracting renewed attention. But that sturdy patriot, while he was -arguing in public, was comforting himself in private by reckoning that -Massachusetts could put 25,000 men in the field in a week; and New -England, he counted, had 200,000 fighting men, "not exact soldiers", -he confessed, "but all used to arms."[335] Tidings were coming in -which told how this warlike spirit might be tested. Governor Wanton, -of Rhode Island, had spirited away from the reach of the British naval -officers forty-four cannon, which were at Newport. Paul Revere had -gone down to Portsmouth and harangued the Sons of Liberty, till they -invaded Fort William and Mary and (December 14, 1774) carried off the -powder and cannon.[336] From Maryland, where they had lately been -burning a tea-ship,[337] the word was that its convention had ordered -the militia to be enrolled. From Pennsylvania it appeared that Thomas -Mifflin was conspicuous among the Quakers in advocating the measure -of non-intercourse. From South Carolina the news was halting. Could -her rice-planters succeed in getting their product excepted from such -a plan? They did. Gage had some time before[338] written to Dartmouth -that they were as mad in the southern Charlestown as in northern -Boston; and when one of their Tory parsons had intimated that clowns -should not meddle with politics, they had been as fiery as they could -have been in Massachusetts.[339] Gordon, of Jamaica Plain, in appending -notes to a sermon which he had just preached on the Provincial -Thanksgiving of December 15, 1774, refers to the brave lead of Virginia -in the present time, as nine years before she had been foremost in -the stamp-act time.[340] Governor Dunmore was reporting to Dartmouth -(December, 1774) that every county in Virginia was arming a company of -men, to be ready as occasion required. - -John Adams, at Philadelphia, read to Patrick Henry from a paper of -Joseph Hawley, that the result of the action of the ministry rendered -it necessary to fight. "I am of that man's opinion", replied the -ardent Virginian.[341] With the new year (1775) that opinion was -becoming widespread. _Ames' Almanac_ (1775), published in Boston, was -printing, for almost every family in New England to read, "a method for -making gunpowder", so that every person "may easily supply himself with -a sufficiency of that commodity." Day by day news came to Boston from -every direction of the indorsement of Congress, and of the wild-fire -speed of the dispersion of the military spirit. Those who remembered -the 40,000 men who marched towards Boston at the time of the D'Anville -scare, thirty years before, said the enthusiasm then was nothing like -the present. Somehow Gage began to feel more confident. He had in -January 3,500 men in his Boston garrison, and almost as many more were -expected, and he did not hesitate to send (January 23) Captain Balfour -and a hundred men, with two cannon, to Marshfield, to protect the two -hundred loyalists there, who had signed the articles by which Timothy -Ruggles was hoping to band the friends of government together, and the -reports which Balfour sent back seemed to satisfy the governor that the -measure was effective.[342] - -On the first of February, 1775, the second provincial congress -assembled at Cambridge, and they soon issued a solemn address to -the people, deprecating a rupture, but counselling preparations for -it.[343] It was not then known that Gage had won over Dr. Church, and -that through this professing patriot the British headquarters in Boston -were informed of the doings of congress. Church's defection encouraged -the tories, and on the 6th, handbills appeared in Boston, reminding the -patriots of the fate of Wat Tyler.[344] A few days later Cambridge was -alarmed by the report that troops were coming out of Boston to disperse -them; but the day passed without the proof of it. The Committee of -Safety were anxious, for they knew that the other colonies and their -friends in England were fearful that the conflict would be precipitated -without the consent of congress; and the authority of congress was -now so dominant that its cognizance of such measures was essential to -the continuance of the sympathy with Massachusetts which now existed. -No one at this time was more solicitous for this prudent measure than -Joseph Hawley, and no one in Massachusetts had a steadier head. On the -18th Peter Oliver wrote from Boston to London: "Great preparations on -both sides for an engagement, and the sooner it comes the better."[345] -"Every day, every hour widens the breach!" wrote Warren to Arthur Lee, -two days later.[346] Already the provincial congress had conferred -on the Committee of Safety (February 9) the power to assemble the -militia, and John Thomas and William Heath had been added to the -general officers. The committee, on the 21st, had voted to buy supplies -for 15,000 men, including twenty hogsheads of rum. On the same day Sam. -Adams and Warren signed a letter to the friends of liberty in Canada, -and secret messengers were already passing that way. Presently, on the -26th, the impending conflict was once more averted. - -Colonel David Mason, of Salem, had been commissioned by the Committee -of Safety as an engineer, and was now at work in that town mounting -some old cannon which had been taken from the French. Gage heard of it, -and by his orders a transport appeared at Marblehead, with about 300 -men under Lieutenant-Colonel Leslie, who rapidly landed and marched -his men to Salem. Their purpose was seasonably divined; the town was -aroused, and, in the presence of a mob, the commander thought it safer -to turn upon his steps.[347] A British officer, Colonel Smith, with -one John Howe, was at about the same time sent out in disguise to -scour the country towards Worcester, and pick up news for Gage;[348] -and two others, Brown and Bernière, were a few weeks later prowling -about Concord.[349] The patriots did not scour for news. It came in -like the wind,—now of county meetings, now of drills, now of Colonel -Washington's ardor in Virginia, and now of Judge Drayton's charge to -the grand jury in Carolina. - -[Illustration: ROADS OF ROXBURY AND BEYOND. - -Sketched from a MS. map in the library of Congress, which is apparently -one of the maps made by Gage's secret parties of observation.] - -Early in March came the anniversary of the Boston massacre. Two days -before, Judge Auchmuty, in Boston, wrote to Hutchinson: "I don't see -any reason to expect peace and order until the fatal experiment of arms -is tried.... Bloodshed and desolation seem inevitable."[350] While this -tory was writing thus, the patriots, in a spirit that somewhat belied -their professed wish to avoid a conflict, were arranging for a public -commemoration of the massacre. It could have been omitted without any -detriment to the cause, and to observe it could easily have begotten -trouble amid the inflamed passions of both sides. "We may possibly be -attacked in our trenches", said Sam. Adams. It little conduced to peace -that Joseph Warren was selected to deliver the address, which, as the -fifth came on Sunday, was delivered on Monday, the sixth. The concourse -of people suggested to Warren to enter the Old South meeting-house, -where the crowd was assembled, by a ladder put against a window in -the rear of the pulpit. Forty British officers were present, and the -moderator offered them front seats, and some of the officers placed -themselves on the pulpit stairs. A contemporary story says that it was -a set purpose of the officers to break up the meeting,[351] and that -one of them took an egg in his pocket, to be thrown at the speaker for -a signal. This man tripped as he entered the building, and the egg -was broken before its time. Another officer, below the desk, held up -some bullets in his open palm as Warren warmed in his eloquence. The -speaker quietly dropped his handkerchief on the leaden menace, and went -on. So the meeting came to an end, with no outbreak; though there was -some hissing and pounding of canes when the vote of thanks was put. -As the crowd came out of the meeting-house there was an apprehensive -moment,[352] for the Forty-third Regiment chanced to be passing, with -beating drums, and for an instant the outcome was uncertain.[353] -Gage had suffered the commemoration to pass without recognition, but -ten days later his officers made the event the subject of a provoking -burlesque, when Dr. Thomas Bolton delivered from the balcony of the -British Coffee House in King Street a mock oration in ridicule of -Warren, Hancock, and Adams.[354] There was no knowing what purpose this -ridicule might mask; and a committee of the patriots, mostly mechanics, -were constantly following the progress of events, meeting secretly -at the Green Dragon[355] for consultation, and setting watches at -Charlestown, Cambridge, and Roxbury, to give warning if there were any -signs that the royal troops were preparing to move from the town. - -On the 22d March, 1775, the provincial congress assembled again at -Concord, and set to work in organizing their army, and in devising -an address to the Mohawks, with the purpose of securing them to the -patriot side. They also prepared to use the Stockbridge Indians as -mediators with their neighbors, who were already tampered with, as was -believed or alleged, by emissaries from Canada. It was already known -that the people of the New Hampshire Grants were preparing to seize -Ticonderoga as soon as the war-cloud should burst. - -[Illustration: BETWEEN BOSTON AND MARLBOROUGH. - -Sketched from a MS. map in the library of Congress, which is seemingly -the original or copy of the map made by one of Gage's secret parties -sent to observe the country.] - -News sped rapidly by relays of riders. It was not long after Patrick -Henry had said in Virginia, "We must fight; an appeal to arms and -to the God of hosts is all that is left for us",[356] before the -words were familiar in Massachusetts, and John Adams, who knew, said -that Virginia was planting wheat instead of tobacco. At Providence -they were burning tea in the streets, and men went about erasing the -advertisements of the obnoxious herb from the shop-windows. Everywhere -they were quoting the incendiary speech of John Wilkes, the lord mayor -of London, whose retorts upon the ministry were relished as they were -read in the public prints. As if to test whether March should pass -without bloodshed,[357] Gage on the 30th sent Earl Percy out of town -with a brigade, in light marching order, and he went four miles, to -Jamaica Plain, and returned. The minute-men gathered in the neighboring -towns, but no encounter took place.[358] - -So April came, with the rattle of the musket still unheard. On the -second day two vessels arrived at Marblehead, bringing tidings that -Parliament had pledged its support to the king and his ministers, and -that more troops were coming. On the 8th a committee reported to the -provincial congress on an armed alliance of the New England colonies, -and messengers were sent to the adjacent governments.[359] Connecticut -responded with equipping six regiments; New Hampshire organized her -forces as a part "of the New England army", and Rhode Island voted to -equip fifteen hundred men. In Virginia it looked for a while as if -the appeal to arms would not be long delayed, for Dunmore fulminated -against their convention; and he even threatened to turn the slaves -against their masters, and he did seize the powder at Williamsburg, of -which the province had small store at best. Calmer counsels prevailed, -and the armed men who had gathered at Fredericksburg dispersed to -reassemble at call. - - * * * * * - -The contest meanwhile had been precipitated in Massachusetts. The rumor -had already gone to England that it was close at hand. Hutchinson, -in London, on the 10th, when writing to his son in Boston, had said: -"Before this reaches you it will be determined;" and while tidings -of the actual conflict was on the way, Hutchinson learned in London -that Pownall had been prepared by letters from Boston for something -startling.[360] The circle of sympathizers with America were in this -suspense while Franklin was on the ocean, hither bound, and, if we may -believe Strahan, he had left England in a rancorous state of mind, -causing men to wonder what he intended on arriving, whether to turn -general and fight, or to bolster in other ways the spirits of the -rebels.[361] When he arrived the fight had begun. - -On the 15th of April the provincial congress had adjourned. On the -16th, Isaiah Thomas spirited his press out of Boston and took it to -Worcester, where, in a little more than a fortnight, the _Massachusetts -Spy_ reappeared.[362] Families, impressed with the forebodings of -the sky, were moving out of town. Samuel Adams and Hancock had been -persuaded to retire to Lexington,[363] to be beyond the grasp of Gage, -who was shortly expected to order the arrest of the patriots, for which -he had had instructions since March 18th.[364] The Boston committee -of observation was watchful. It had noticed that on the 14th the -"Somerset" frigate had changed her moorings to a position intermediate -between Boston and Charlestown, and on the 15th the transports were -hauled near the men-of-war. Notice of these signs was sent to Hancock -and Adams, and preparations were begun for removing a part of the -stores at Concord. When, during the afternoon of the 18th, some of the -precious cannon were trundled into Groton, her minute-men gathered -for a night march to Concord. During that same day Gage sent out from -Boston some officers to patrol the roads towards Concord, and intercept -the patriot messengers, and to discover, if possible, the lurking-place -of Adams and Hancock. In the evening it was observed in Boston that -troops were marching across the Common to the inner bay. William Dawes -was at once dispatched to Concord by way of Roxbury, for the patriot -watch had not been without information before the troops actually -moved. Gordon tells us that they got a warning from a "daughter of -liberty unequally yoked in point of politics", and as Gage's wife was -a daughter of Peter Kemble, of New Jersey, it has been surmised that -the informer may have been one very near to headquarters.[365] Paul -Revere immediately caused the preconcerted signal-light to be set in -a church-tower at the north end of Boston, and crossing the river in -a boat, he mounted a horse on the Charlestown side and started on his -famous midnight ride. It was none too soon. At eleven o'clock eight -hundred men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, were passing over the -back bay in boats to Lechmere Point. Here they landed at half past two -in the morning, and the moon at this hour was well up. They marched -quietly and rapidly, but not unobserved, and when they approached -Lexington Green they found drawn up there a company of minute-men. -Smith had become alarmed when, as he was advancing, he found the -country aroused in every direction, and sent back for reinforcements. -Earl Percy, with the succor, was by some stupidity[366] delayed, and -did not get off from Boston till between nine and ten the next morning, -and he then took the circuitous route by Roxbury and Cambridge. - -The critical moment on Lexington Green had then long passed. Major -Pitcairn, who commanded Smith's advance-guard, would not or could -not prevent that fatal volley in the early morning light, by which -several of the small body of provincials were killed before they broke, -while, by a scattering return fire, one or two of the British were -wounded.[367] Smith, without being aware that Hancock and Adams were at -the moment within sound of his musketry, and just then being conducted -farther from his reach, waited while his troops gave three cheers, and -then resumed his march, passing on towards Concord. The provincials -gathered their dead and wounded, and managed as the British passed on -to pick up a few stragglers, the first prisoners of the war.[368] - -On the redcoats went as the day broadened.[369] They followed the road -much as it runs to-day, though in places steeps and impediments are -now avoided by a better grade. Their march went by the spots which the -genius of Hawthorne and Emerson have converted into shrines. In the -centre of Concord they halted, while the gathering provincials, who -had retired before them, watched the smoke of devastation. Smith had -detailed two detachments to find and destroy stores. One of these, -sent to Colonel Barrett's, beyond the North Bridge, had some success, -and while it was absent the provincials, now increased in numbers from -the neighboring towns, approached a guard which had been left at the -bridge. Here the British fired at the Americans across the stream, and -the volley being returned, a few were killed on both sides, before the -British guard retreated upon the main body, whither they were soon -followed by the other detachment which was out. Smith took two hours to -gather wagons for his wounded and make preparations for his retreat, -which had now become imperative, for the militia were seen swarming on -the hills.[370] When Smith started he threw out a flanking party on his -left, which followed a ridge running parallel to his march; but when -the sloping of the land compelled the flankers to descend to the level -of the road, the British lost the advantage which the ridge gave them, -and the minute-men, who now began to strike the British line of march -at every angle, waylaid them at cross-roads, and dropped an incessant -fire upon them from copse, hill, and stone wall, until the retreating -troops, impeded with their wounded, and leaving many of their dying -and dead, huddled along the road like sheep beset by dogs. Just on the -easterly outskirts of Lexington they met Percy, whose ranks opened -and received the fugitives; and Stedman, the British historian who -was with Percy, tells us how the weary men hung out their tongues as -they cumbered the ground during their halt. It was near two o'clock, -and Percy planted his cannon to keep his assailants at bay, while his -troops, now about eighteen hundred in number, rested and refreshed -themselves. Before this, his baggage train, which had been delayed in -crossing the bridge from Brighton to Cambridge so as to fall far behind -his hastening column, had been captured, with its guard, by a crowd -of old men some distance below, at Menotomy.[371] When Percy limbered -his pieces and his troops fell again into column, the hovering militia -renewed the assault. As pursuer and pursued crossed West Cambridge -plain the action was sharp. Percy did not dare attempt to turn towards -the boats which Smith had left at Lechmere Point, and any intention he -may have had of halting at Cambridge and fortifying was long vanished. -So he pursued the road which led towards Charlestown Neck. Several -hundred militiamen, who had come up from Essex County,[372] were nearly -in time at Winter Hill to cut the British off in their precipitate -retreat, and "God knows", said Washington, when he learned the facts, -"it could not have been more so." Percy, however, slipped by, and as -darkness was coming on, the fire of the pursuers began to slacken -as they approached Bunker Hill. Here, with the royal ships covering -their flanks, the British halted, and, facing about, formed a line and -prepared to make a stand. General Heath, who during the latter part -of the day had been on the ground, drew off his militia, and at the -foot of Prospect Hill held the first council of war of the now actual -hostilities. Warren, early in the day hastening from Boston across the -river, had galloped towards the scene of conflict. When he encountered -Percy's column on its way out, he seems to have evaded it and joined -General Heath, then taking cross-roads to intercept the pursuing -militia. Heath took the command of the provincials soon after Percy -resumed his march. From this time Warren, as chairman of the committee -in Boston, kept near Heath, for counsel if need be, and Heath says that -on the West Cambridge plain a musket-ball struck a pin from Warren's -earlock. - -No one could tell what would happen next, after this suddenly -improvised army had begun to rendezvous that night in Cambridge. As the -straggling parties, in bivouac and in what shelter they could find, -compared experiences and counted the missing, messengers were hurrying -in every direction with the tidings of the war at last begun![373] - -On the 20th of April there was much to do beside picking up the dead -that may have been left over night along the road from Concord. The -Committee of Safety[374] were summoning all the towns to send their -armed men to Cambridge.[375] Warren was writing to Gage to beg better -facilities for getting the women and children, with family effects, -out of Boston.[376] These were busy days for that ardent patriot. The -militia were beginning to pour in, and Warren must do the chief work in -reducing the mob to order. Congress comes to Watertown, and Warren, in -the absence of Hancock, must preside. He bids God-speed to Samuel Adams -and John Hancock[377] as they start for the Continental Congress. He -hears with a sinking heart of the vessel which arrived at Gloucester -on the 26th, bringing the body of Josiah Quincy, so lately warm that, -when the tidings reached Cambridge of his death, Warren supposed he had -lived to get ashore.[378] - -[Illustration: HEATH'S ACCOUNT OF THE FIGHT AT MENOTOMY. - -From a slip of paper in the _Heath Papers_, vol. i. no. 71.] - -[Illustration - -After a copperplate in _An Impartial Hist. of the War in America_, -Boston, 1784, vol. iii. The background is much the same as that of -a portrait of Washington in the same work, and the print, issued in -Boston, where Heath was well known, shows what kind of effigies then -passed current. A portrait of Heath by H. Williams has been engraved by -J. R. Smith. (_Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, p. 46.) There is extant -a likeness owned by Mrs. Gardner Brewer, of Boston. Cf. _Mem. Hist. -of Boston_, iii. 183. Heath was born in Roxbury, March 2, 1737, and -died Jan. 24, 1814. His service was constant during the war, though -his deeds were not brilliant. He seems conspicuously to have acquired -the regard of Washington; though Bancroft calls him vain, honest, and -incompetent. His papers are in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Cabinet.] - -Another day Warren is busy carrying out the behests of the Committee -of Safety respecting their scant artillery. At another time he is -encouraging wagoners to go into Boston to bring out the friends of -the cause and their property; but it was not so easy to get Gage's -permission, and as the tories made a plea that these Boston patriots -were necessary hostages, obstacles were thrown in the way.[379] There -were rumors, too, of an intention of the royal troops once more to -raid upon the country. Only two days after the 19th of April, Ipswich -was wild with such rumors, and the alarm spread to the New Hampshire -line[380] and beyond.[381] - -The patriots at Cambridge were not pleased when they found that the -Connecticut assembly had sent a committee to bear a letter from -Governor Trumbull (April 28) and to confer with Gage.[382] There was a -feeling that the time had passed for such things, and Warren wrote (May -2) a letter beseeching the sister colony to stand by Massachusetts, -which elicited from Trumbull a response sufficiently assuring.[383] - -[Illustration: Ethan Allen] - -Already there was a proposition warlike enough from a Connecticut -captain who had just led his company to Cambridge, and was now urging -the seizure of Ticonderoga and its stores. The proposition was timely. -During the previous winter the patriots had learned that the British -government was intending to separate the colonies by securing the line -of the Hudson.[384] Accordingly the instigator of this counter-movement -was ordered, May 3d, to carry it out, and Benedict Arnold makes his -first appearance in American history. Meanwhile, however, acting upon -hints which Arnold had already dropped before leaving Connecticut, or -perhaps anticipating such hints, some gentlemen in that colony, joining -with others of Pittsfield, in Massachusetts, had gone to Bennington, -where, on the day before Arnold was commissioned, they had been joined -by Col. Ethan Allen. Thus the plan which Arnold had at heart was likely -to be carried out before he could arrive from Cambridge. A few days -later the command of the force which had gathered naturally fell to -Allen as having the largest personal following, and this following was -loyal enough to their leader to threaten to abandon the enterprise if -Arnold, who arrived very soon, should press his rights to the command. -By a sort of compromise, Allen and Arnold now shared amicably the -leadership. Less than a hundred men had reached the neighborhood of -the fort on the morning of May 10, when, in the early dawn, the two -leaders, overpowering the sentinels at the sally-port, reached the -parade-ground with their men, and forced an immediate surrender from -the commandant, still in his night-clothes. Fifty men and nearly two -hundred cannon, and many military stores, were thus promptly and easily -secured. More than a hundred other pieces were added, when, on the -12th, Colonel Seth Warner,[385] with a coöperating detachment, seized -the post at Crown Point, and shortly afterwards Bernard Romans took -possession of Fort George.[386] - -[Illustration: RUINS OF TICONDEROGA, 1818. - -From a plate in the _Analectic Magazine_ (Philadelphia, 1818). Cf. -views in Lossing's _Field-Book_, and _Harper's Monthly_ (vii. p. 170); -Von Hellwald's _America_, pp. 134, 135.] - -On the 14th some of Arnold's belated men reached him with a captured -schooner, which Arnold immediately put to use in conveying a force -by which he surprised the fort at St. John's, on the Sorel, and then -returned to Ticonderoga.[387] - - * * * * * - -Meanwhile the provincials had begun to use the spade in Cambridge, -and here and there a breastwork appeared.[388] On the 5th of May the -provincial congress pronounced Gage "an unnatural and inveterate -enemy",[389] and issued a precept for a new congress to convene. - -[Illustration: ROXBURY LINES. - -Follows a contemporary pen-and-ink sketch, showing the American lines -as seen from the British lines on Boston Neck. The original is in the -library of Congress.] - -The military anxiety was increasing. Thomas had but 700 men at Roxbury, -which he tried to magnify in the British eyes by marching them in and -out of sight, so as to make the same men serve the appearance of many -more. On the 8th of May there was an alarm that the royal troops were -coming out, and the militia of the near towns were summoned.[390] To -put on an air of confidence, a few days later (May 13), Putnam, from -Cambridge, marched with 2,200 men into Charlestown and out again, -without being molested, though part of the time within range of the -enemy's guns. It was the military assertion of the idea, which the day -before the Watertown congress had expressed, of governing themselves. -"It is astonishing how they have duped the whole continent", wrote -Gage to Dartmouth,[391] and perhaps he had not heard even then of the -last victory of opinion down in Georgia, where parishes of New England -descent were forcing issues with their neighbors. - -The Committee of Safety now resolved to remove the live-stock from -the islands in Boston Harbor; and Gage, on his part, determined on -securing some hay on Grape Island, near Weymouth. These counter-forays -led to fighting, and for some weeks the harbor was alive with -skirmishing.[392] Meanwhile the Massachusetts congress had urged -Connecticut to let Arnold bring some of the cannon captured on -Lake Champlain to Cambridge,[393] and the day before the brush -occurred at Grape Island they had delivered (May 20) a commission -as commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts troops to Artemas Ward. -In Boston the remaining loyalists were soon cheered by advices -promising large reinforcements, which they now confidently began to -expect,[394] and the feeling grew apace among the beleaguerers that -a better organization and a closer dependence of the colonies among -themselves were necessary to meet the impending dangers. Dr. Langdon, -the president of Harvard College, in the election sermon[395] on the -day when the new provincial congress met (May 31), had recognized -the general obedience which was already paid to the advice of the -Continental Congress. There were not a few who remembered how, twenty -years before, the young Virginian, Colonel George Washington, had come -to Boston, and who recalled the good impression he had made. They had -heard lately of the active interest and sympathy with the patriots' -cause which he was manifesting among his neighbors in that colony. On -the 4th of May, Elbridge Gerry, with the approval of Warren, wrote to -the Massachusetts delegates at Philadelphia, that they would "rejoice -to see this way the beloved Colonel Washington" as generalissimo.[396] -This was the feeling, while the army which lay about Boston was a mere -inchoate mass, far from equal to the task which they had undertaken; -but brave words did much; brave spirits did more; and John Adams -was writing from Philadelphia that one "would burst to see whole -companies of armed Quakers in that city, in uniforms, going through -the manual."[397] The tories in Boston looked on with mingled fear and -confidence. "We are daily threatened", wrote Chief-justice Oliver from -Boston (June 10), "with an attack by fire-rafts, whale-boats, and what -not."[398] - -[Illustration: WARREN'S LAST NOTE. - -The original is among the Heath Papers (Mass. Hist. Soc.), and is given -in fac-simile in Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 506; and reduced (as above) -in G. A. Coolidge's _Brochure of Bunker Hill_, p. 34.] - -One of the new British generals now lent his literary skill to his -commanding general, for Burgoyne was a playwright and had an easy way -of vaporing, which was quite apparent in Gage's proclamation of June -12,[399] to warn the rebellious and infatuated multitudes, and to hold -out forgiveness to all but Samuel Adams and John Hancock.[400] The -provincial congress, through Warren, prepared a counter-manifesto, but -events were rushing too speedily to leave time for its publication. On -the very day of issuing his proclamation Gage wrote to Dartmouth that -he was intending to attack the rebels, "which every day becomes more -necessary."[401] - -[Illustration: NOTICE TO THE MILITIA. - -After an original in the volume of _Proclamations_ in the library of -the Mass. Hist. Society.] - -On the 14th Warren was made the second major-general of the -Massachusetts forces, and his active spirit gave encouragement, since -the inalertness of Ward was creating much concern. Early in the -morning of the 17th Warren left Watertown, and the provincial congress -convened without him, but they knew the emergency. A broadside exists -of this day, in which they call upon the neighboring militia to hold -themselves in readiness. In the anxious hours of this, St. Botolph's -day,[402] with all eyes on Boston, the Continental Congress had chosen -Washington to be their military chief,[403] and had adopted the forces -which were about to show that Boston was not besieged idly. It took -time then for Cambridge to know what was happening in Philadelphia; -but the assembled legislators at Watertown might well hope for what had -really happened, when, as the fateful day wore on, messengers arrived, -declaring that the Continental funds were to be used to help supply -this beggared army, and that all the aspirations of its provincial -congress to set up a civil government of their own had met the approval -of the continent.[404] - -Now to look at the military situation. Already John Thomas, a physician -of Kingston, had been made second in command under Ward; and Richard -Gridley, an old Louisbourg artilleryman, had been made chief engineer. -As yet the New England colonies were the only ones which had sent -their armed men to the scene. The Massachusetts men had taken post -mostly at Cambridge, near the college; and here, as the days went on, -came also a Connecticut regiment under Israel Putnam, who had left -his plough in its furrow. So, as June began, there had assembled on -this side of Boston between seven and eight thousand men, eager, but -poorly equipped, and with a small supply of powder. On the Roxbury -side, fronting the British lines on Boston Neck, there were about four -thousand Massachusetts men, under John Thomas, supported by a camp -a little farther out, at Jamaica Plain, to which Joseph Spencer had -come with another Connecticut regiment, and Nathanael Greene, with a -body of Rhode Islanders. Thomas had some field-pieces and a few heavy -cannon, and his force constituted the army's right wing. Its left wing -was upon the Mystick at Medford, and near Charlestown Neck, and here -were the New Hampshire men, and among their officers the old Indian -fighter, John Stark, was conspicuous. Three companies of Massachusetts -men constituted the extreme left at Chelsea. So, as the summer came -on, perhaps about 16,000 men in all were encamped as a fragile army -besieging Boston. General Ward exercised by sufferance a superior -authority over all, though as yet no colony but New Hampshire had -instructed its troops to yield him obedience. As Massachusetts claimed -three quarters of the entire force thus drawn together, the assumption -of chief command by her first officer was natural enough in a common -cause. - -The force which this sixteen thousand loosely organized men dared to -hold imprisoned in Boston was a well-compacted army of somewhere from -five to ten thousand men, for it is difficult amid conflicting reports -to determine confidently a fixed number. On the 25th of May Gage had -been joined by a reinforcement, accompanied by three other general -officers,—Burgoyne, Clinton, and Howe. - -The council of war at Cambridge was meanwhile directing new works -to be constructed, strengthening and stretching their lines of -circumvallation. Its opinions were divided on the question of -occupying so exposed a position as the most prominent eminence on -the peninsula of Charlestown, the defence of which might bring on a -general engagement, which their stock of powder could not support. On -the 13th of June the American commanders had secretly learned that -Gage intended on the 18th to take possession of Dorchester Heights, the -present South Boston. There was but one counter-move to make, and that -was to seize in anticipation the summit of the ridgy height which began -at Charlestown Neck and extended, in varying outline, to the seaward -end of the peninsula,—an eminence known as Bunker Hill. On the 16th of -June, a council of war, held in the house near Cambridge common, known -then as the Hastings and later as the Holmes House,[405] decided, upon -the recommendation of the Committee of Safety, to occupy Bunker Hill at -once. - -[Illustration: ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. - -This has before appeared in G. A. Coolidge's _Brochure of Bunker Hill_, -1875.] - -That evening about 1,200 men, of whom 200 were from Connecticut under -Thomas Knowlton, the whole being under the command of Colonel William -Prescott, first listened to a prayer of the president of the college, -and then marched, with their intrenching tools, in the darkness, to -Charlestown Neck. - -[Illustration] - -Here the purpose was for the first time disclosed to the men. They -resumed their march, going up the slope of the hill before them, while -Nutting's company and a few Connecticut men were sent along the shore -opposite Boston, to patrol it. The highest summit of the hill was the -one first reached; but, after a consultation, it was decided to proceed -to a lower one, more nearly before Boston. Here Richard Gridley marked -out a redoubt, and at midnight the men took their spades and began -to throw up the breastworks. Putnam, who seems to have accompanied -Prescott, now returned to Cambridge, and while the men worked busily, -Prescott sent an additional patrol to the river, and twice went down -himself, to be satisfied, as he heard the "All's well" of the watch on -the men-of-war moored opposite, that no noise of the intrenching tools -had reached the enemy. Soon after the first glimmer of dawn on the -17th, the sailors on the ships discovered the embankments, now about -six feet high, when one of the vessels, the "Lively", at once opened -fire upon them. This lasted only till Admiral Graves could send orders -to cease, but was shortly renewed from the ships and from the batteries -on Copp's Hill, in Boston, as soon as the British generals comprehended -the situation. Prescott's men meanwhile kept at their work. One man -was soon killed by a cannon-ball. The commander and others walked the -parapet, encouraging their men, and Willard, one of the councillors -who stood by Gage as they surveyed the hill through their glasses, -recognized the Pepperell colonel, and told the British general what -sort of man he had got to encounter. A promise had been given to -Prescott that in the morning a relief and refreshments would be sent -from Cambridge; but nothing came to the hungry men, as they still -worked. Ward, who heard the firing, yielded to Putnam's persuasion -to send reinforcement, only so far as to despatch a part of Stark's -regiment, for he feared that Gage would seem to prepare to assault -in Charlestown, while his intention might be to attack in Cambridge. -Finally, about ten o'clock, Major John Brooks[406] reached headquarters -with a request from Prescott for help and food. Richard Devens pressed -Ward to comply, and at eleven the rest of the New Hampshire men were -ordered to march. - -[Illustration] - -Meanwhile, as the tide rose, some floating batteries were sent up the -stream to take the works in flank, and later, to rake the Neck. A few -stray shots were returned from a single field-piece in the redoubt, -one of whose balls passed over Burgoyne's head, as he tells us, while -he was watching at Copp's Hill. Putnam came again from Cambridge, -and induced Prescott to send off a large number of his men with the -intrenching tools, and under Putnam's direction this detail soon began -to use them in throwing up earthworks on the higher summit in the -rear,—labor wasted, as it turned out. - -[Illustration] - -As the day wore on, Gage held a council of war, and it was determined -not to land troops at the Neck and attack in rear, as Clinton urged, -but to assault in front. This decision was long the ground of severe -criticism upon Gage, and ruined his military reputation. The ships -were put into better positions, and redoubled their fire. By noon -the British troops in Boston were marching to the wharves, where -they embarked in boats, and, under the command of General Howe, they -rowed to Moulton's or Morton's Point, where the landing was quickly -made.[407] Howe drew up his men on the rising ground which makes the -least of the three heights of the peninsula, and anticipating sharp -work, sent back the boats for more men. - -Prescott observed all this from the hill, but looked longingly up the -peninsula for his own reinforcements. A few wagons came, not with men, -but with beer, though nothing adequate even of this. The feeling began -to spread among the men on the hill that they had been treacherously -left to their fate; but they got encouragement from a few brave souls -who came straggling in from Cambridge. Pomeroy, the French war veteran, -was one. James Otis, wreck as he was, came.[408] So did Warren, whose -presence the men recognized by a cheer, and, major-general as he -was, he came to fight under Colonel Prescott. Putnam, too, had again -returned, and was seen riding about the field in a restless way, with -a word of encouragement here and there, and pointing out to a few -reinforcements now arriving where best to go. - -[Illustration] - -Prescott's eye, observing Howe's dispositions, saw he was aiming to -advance along the Mystick and take the redoubt in reverse. So Knowlton, -with two field-pieces and the Connecticut troops, were sent down the -hill towards the Mystick, where they began to make a line of defence of -a low stone wall, which was topped by a two-rail fence. Stark and Reed, -with the New Hampshire regiments, diminished somewhat by details which -Putnam had taken from them to help the work in the trenches on the -higher hill, soon came up and ranged their men in a line with Knowlton. -There was, however, an interval between this part of the field and -the breastwork and redoubt, which offered a chance for the enemy to -intervene and break the line. An attempt was made to prepare for such a -contingency by grouping the few guns which they had at this point. New -troops, in small numbers, continued to come up, and they were placed in -position as best they could be to keep the line strong in all parts as -it sloped away from the crowning redoubt towards either river. - -[Illustration] - -It was nearing three o'clock when the British boats returned from -Boston; and when their troops landed Howe had about 3,000 men in array. -He pushed his guns forward and got them in position to play upon the -American field-pieces, and soon drove them away, while at the same -time some skirmishing took place on the British flanks, whose main -body was now advancing in a measured step in two columns: one led by -Howe against the rail-fence, the other by Pigot against the redoubt. -The assault was become one of infantry only, for the British guns -were soon mired in some soft ground, and the balls in reserve had -proved of an over-calibre.[409] Pigot's front got near the redoubt -before the Americans poured in their fire, which was deadly enough to -send the staggered column wildly back. At the same time, along the -Mystick Howe's advance was met by the American field-pieces, some -of which had been drawn to the rail-fence. Their musketry fire was -reserved, as at the redoubt, and when it belched upon the deployed -enemy it produced the same effect. So there was a recoil all along the -British line. In the respite before they advanced again, Putnam tried -to rally some troops in the rear, and to get others across the Neck, -which the raking fire of the British vessels was now keeping pretty -clear of passers.[410] But there was not time to do much, for Howe -was soon again advancing, his artillery helping him more this time; -and to add to the terror of the scene, he had sent word to Boston -to set Charlestown on fire by shells, and the conflagration had now -begun.[411] The smoke did not conceal the British advance,[412] and -Prescott and Stark kept their men quiet till the enemy were near enough -to make every shot tell. The result was as during the first attack. The -royal troops struggled bravely; but all along the line they wavered, -and then retreated more precipitately than before. - -There was a longer interval before Howe again advanced, and Prescott -used it in making such a disposition of his men as would be best in a -hand-to-hand fight, for neither adequate reinforcements nor supplies -had reached him, and his powder was nearly gone. There was a good -deal of confusion and uncertainty in the rear, all along the road to -Cambridge. Ward had ordered a plenty of troops forward, but few reached -the peninsula at all, or in any shape for service. Putnam did what he -could to bring order out of confusion; but his restless and brandishing -method, and his eagerness to finish the works on Bunker Hill, were not -conducive to such results as a quiet energy best produces. The brave -men at the front must still do the work left for them, with such chance -assistance as came. - -Howe was rallying his men for a third assault. Major Small had landed -400 marines, to make up in part for the losses. Clinton had seen how -confused the troops were as he looked across the river with his glass, -and had hurried over from Boston to render Howe help as a volunteer -aid. The British general determined now to concentrate his attack -upon the works on the crown of the hill, making only a demonstration -against the rail-fence. He brought his artillery to bear in a way that -scoured the breastwork which flanked the redoubt, and then he attacked. -His column reserved their fire and relied on the bayonet. They met -the American fire bravely, but soon perceived that it slackened; and -surmising that the American powder was failing, they took new courage. -Those of the defenders who had ammunition mowed down the assailants -as they mounted the breastworks, Major Pitcairn among them;[413] -but as soon as Prescott saw the defence was hopeless, he ordered a -retreat, and friend and foe mingled together as they surged out of the -sally-port amid the clouds of dust which the trampling raised, for a -scorching sun had baked the new-turned soil. It was now, while the -confused mass of beings rocked along down the rear slope of the hill, -that Warren fell, shot through the head. No one among the Americans -knew certainly that he was dead, as they left him. The British stopped -to form and deliver fire, and there was thus time for a gap to open -between the pursuers and the pursued. The New Hampshire men and others -at the rail-fence, seeing that the redoubt was lost, tenaciously faced -the enemy long enough to prevent Prescott's men from being cut off, -and then stubbornly fell back. Some fresh troops which had come up -endeavored to check the British as they reached the slope which led -to the intrenchments that Putnam had been so solicitous about; but -the British wave had now acquired an impulse which carried it bravely -up the hill; and Putnam, skirring about, was not able to make anybody -stand to defend the unfinished works. So down the westerly slope of -the higher summit to the Neck the provincials fled, and the British -followed. The vessels poured in their fire anew as the huddled runaways -crossed the low land, and not till they got beyond the Neck was there -any effectual movement by fresh troops to cover the retreat. General -Howe fired a few cannon shot after them, as he mustered his forces on -the hill. It was now about five o'clock. There was time in the long -summer's day to advance upon Cambridge, but Howe rejected Clinton's -advice to that end, and began, with other troops which had been sent to -him from Boston, to throw up breastworks on the inland crown of Bunker -Hill. Thus spading for their defence, the British passed the night, -while the Americans lay on their arms on Winter and Prospect hills, or -straggled back to Cambridge. There was no disposition on either side to -renew the fight. - -Prescott did not conceal his indignation at not having been better -supported, when he made his report at Ward's headquarters. He knew -he had fought well; but neither he nor his contemporaries understood -at the time how a physical defeat might be a moral victory. Not -knowing this, there was little else than mortification over the -result,—indeed, on both sides. A wild daring had brought the battle -on, and something like bravado had led the British general into a -foolhardy direct assault, while more skilful plans, availing of their -ships, might have accomplished more without the heavy loss which they -had endured.[414] The British folly was increased by the way in which -they allowed the provincials to make the first great fight of the war a -political force throughout the continent. - -[Illustration: TRYON'S SEAL AND AUTOGRAPH. - -From a plate in Valentine's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1851, p. 420.] - -The general opinion seems to be that the Americans had about 1,500 men -engaged at one time, and that from three to four thousand at different -times took some part in it.[415] The British had probably about the -same numbers in all, but were in excess of the Americans at all times -while engaged.[416] The conflict with small arms lasted about ninety -minutes. - -On the morning of the 18th of June (Sunday) the British renewed the -cannonading along their lines, as if to cover some movement, but -nothing came of it, and each side used the shovel busily on the -intrenchments. A shower in the afternoon stopped the firing. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration] - -There was a dilemma in New York a few days later. Governor Tryon, who -had been in England, was already in the harbor ready to land on his -return, and Washington was approaching through Jersey on his way to -Boston. It was determined by the city authorities to address and extend -courtesies to both. The American general chanced to be ahead, and got -the parade and fair words first. Tryon disembarked a few hours later, -and received the same tributes.[417] - -It was Sunday, June 25, when Washington reached New York. He found the -town excited over the recent battle, the news of which he had met a few -hours out of Philadelphia.[418] - -[Illustration: WASHINGTON'S HEADS OF LETTER, JULY 10, 1775. - -This is about half of the whole as given in fac-simile in Wilkinson's -_Memoirs_, i. p. 855. The original is now among the Reed-Washington -letters in the Carter-Brown library. It was the basis of Washington's -first formal official letter to the president of Congress, which, as -written out by Joseph Reed, is given in Sparks' _Washington_, iii. p. -17. It shows the degree of attention which the general bestowed on his -minutes for his secretary's use. - -Washington, on his first arrival, had taken temporary quarters in the -house of the president of the college, known now as the Wadsworth house -(_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 107; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 408), -till the finest house in the town, one of a succession of mansions on -the road to Watertown, was made ready for his use. These houses, which -had all been deserted by their Tory owners, gave the name of Tory Row -to this part of Cambridge. The one assigned to Washington's use was -a Vassall house, later, however, known as the Craigie house, when it -became the property of Andrew Craigie, from whose family it passed to -the ownership of Longfellow, who died in it. Sparks lived in it when -he edited _Washington's Writings_. It is familiar in engravings. Cf. -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. p. 113, with a note on various views of -it; and for its associations, see Samuel Longfellow's _Life of H. W. -Longfellow_; Irving's _Washington_, ii. p. 11; Greene's _Hist. View -of the Amer. Rev._, p. 220; _Manhattan Mag._, i. 119; Mrs. Lamb's -_Homes of America_; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 415. Among the other -buildings of Revolutionary associations still standing in Cambridge -are the Brattle house, the headquarters of Mifflin; the Vassall house, -where Dr. Church was confined; the house where Jonathan Sewall lived, -later occupied by General Riedesel; the Oliver house, now owned by -James Russell Lowell; the "Bishop's Palace", where Burgoyne was -quartered; and Christ Church, where Washington attended service (view -in _Mass. Mag._, 1792, and compare Nicholas Hoppin's discourses, Nov. -22, 1857, and Oct. 15, 1861). For more of the historical associations -of these Cambridge sites, see the _Harvard Book_; Drake's _Landmarks -of Middlesex_; the Cambridge _Centennial Memorial_ (1875); William -J. Stillman's _Poetic Localities of Cambridge_ (Boston, 1876); T.C. -Amory's _Old and New Cambridge_; an illustrated paper in _Harper's -Monthly_, Jan., 1876, another by Alexander Mackenzie, in the _Atlantic -Monthly_, July, 1875; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1858, and Sept., -1872; and the book edited by Arthur Gilman, _Theatrum Majorum, The -Cambridge of 1776_, which has an eclectic diary (by Mary W. Greely) of -the siege, purporting to be that of one Dorothy Dudley.] - -[Illustration] - -Among the letters now passing through New York was one upon that -battle, addressed to the President of Congress, which Washington -took the liberty of opening for his own guidance. After instructing -Schuyler, who was to be left in charge of the forces in New York, to -keep watch upon Tryon[419] and Guy Johnson,[420] Washington the next -day (26th) started for Cambridge. On the 2d of July Washington reached -Watertown, and on the 3d, under a tree still standing,[421] he took -command of the army, which thus passed, in effect, under Continental -control, numbering at the time nearly 15,000 men fit for duty.[422] -To brigade this army, rectify the circumvallating lines, watch the -constant skirmishes, and assign the new bodies of troops arriving to -places in the works, was the labor to which Washington devoted himself -at once. On the 9th of July he held his first council of war,[423] and -on the 10th he addressed his first letter to Congress, describing the -condition of the siege as he had found it. - -[Illustration] - -To guard against surprise, and replenish the magazines, required -constant diligence, and the supply of powder never ceased to be a cause -of anxiety in the one camp, while the diminishing stock of provisions -produced almost as much concern in Boston. The beleaguered British, -however, got some relief from the exodus of the Boston people, which -the stress of want forced the royal commander to permit.[424] So the -summer was made up of anxious moments. The independent husbandmen -of New England made but intractable raw recruits, and Washington, -who had expected to find discipline equal to that which the social -distinctions of the South gave to the masses there, was disappointed, -and did not wholly conceal his disgust.[425] He grew, however, to -discern that campaigns could produce that discipline as well, if not -better, than a life of civil subservience. Recruits came in from the -South, and when some of the Northern officers saw the kind of men that -Morgan and others brought as riflemen from Virginia, their comment was -scarcely less austere. "The army would be as well off without them", -said Thomas, who, next to Washington, was the best disciplinarian -in the camp. Of the generals, Lee was, however, by much the most -conspicuous. There was a glamour about the current rumors of his -soldierly experience that obscured what might have been told of his -questionable character.[426] His eccentricities were the camp talk, -and rather served to magnify his presence, while it proved dangerous -to perambulate the lines with him and his crowd of dogs, since the -exhibition tempted the enemy to drop their shells in that spot.[427] -Early in July a trumpeter approached the American lines bringing a -letter from General Burgoyne to General Lee, and the camp straightway -proceeded to invest the strange general with political importance. -Burgoyne and Lee were old campaigners together, and Lee, before he -left Philadelphia, had written a stirring letter to the British -general on the bad prospects of the ministerial policy. The letter -which now came was a reply, and proposed a conference on Boston Neck, -to which Congress advised Lee not to accede, and the momentary ripple -subsided.[428] - -In August there was some correspondence with Gage respecting the -treatment of prisoners, in which Washington appears to the better -advantage.[429] The correspondence of the American general during -the summer constantly dwells upon the scarcity of powder, though for -prudence' sake he veils his expressions as much as he can. His own -troops and even Congress had no conception of his want, and while -Washington hardly dared fire a salute because of the powder it would -take, Richard Henry Lee, from Philadelphia, was urging him to plant -batteries at the mouth of Boston harbor, and keep the enemy's vessels -from coming in and going out.[430] Governor Cooke, of Rhode Island, -who was doing his best to get powder from Bermuda, was compelled to -keep the secret too. Apparently Washington did not let his brigade -commanders know the whole truth.[431] Under these circumstances -Washington had no courage to attack, and Gage, on his part, was content -to keep his men from deserting as best he could. - -During September the threatening manœuvres of the British cruisers -along the Connecticut coast[432] kept Governor Trumbull from sending -what powder he had, and there was little hope, when Washington called a -council of war on the 11th, that anything would come of it. There had -been just then some internal manifestations not very reassuring.[433] -A letter which Dr. Benjamin Church had tried to get to the British -in Newport harbor had been intercepted, and its cypher interpreted. -There was no expressed defection made clear by it, but suspicions were -aroused, and Church, being arrested, was summoned before the congress -at Watertown, where he made a speech protesting his innocence, but -scarcely quieting the suspicions. He was put under control, and removed -from the neighborhood of the army.[434] - -There was scarce less gratification in the camp at Cambridge in getting -rid of their doubtful associate than was experienced in Boston in -getting a release from their sluggish general. The ministry had saved -that soldier's pride as much as they could in desiring to have him -nearer at hand for counsel;[435] and the sympathetic loyalists whom he -had befriended paid him their compliments in an address. Gage finally, -on October 10, issued his last order, turning over the command to -Howe.[436] - -In the middle of October, the burning of Falmouth, the modern Portland, -in Maine, seemed to make it clear that the war was to be conducted -ruthlessly on the British part. Captain Mowatt, with a small fleet, -had entered the harbor and set the town on fire, and to those who -communicated with him it was said that he announced his doings to -be but the beginning of a course of such outrages. When the news -reached Washington, he dispatched Sullivan to Portsmouth, with orders -to resist as far as he could any similar demonstration there.[437] -What a modern British historian[438] has called a "wanton and cruel -deed" seems to have been but the hasty misjudgment of an inferior -officer, without orders to warrant the act, and the ministry promptly -disowned the responsibility.[439] During October, also, a committee of -Congress,[440] visiting Washington's camp, could see for themselves -the troubles of their heroic commander. They had not yet heard in -Philadelphia the roar of hostile guns,—a sensation they might now -experience. They could share Washington's perplexities as the new -enlistments halted upon the expiration of the old,[441] and perhaps -join in some of his kindly merriment when Phillis Wheatley, the -negress, addressed his Excellency in no very bad verses.[442] - -[Illustration: HANDBILL.] [443] - -[Illustration: FROM BEACON HILL, 1775, No. 1. (_Looking towards -Dorchester Heights._)] - -[NOTE.—This and the three companion sketches are drawn from a -panoramic view in colors, now in the Cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc., -of which a much reduced heliotype is given in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -iii. 80. This view is a copy by Lieutenant Woodd of the Royal Welsh -Fusiliers, from the original by Lieutenant Williams, of the same -regiment, which is preserved in the King's Library (Brit. Museum). Cf. -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 397, 424; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 80. - -The foreground on the left is the summit of Beacon Hill, not far -from the spot where the State House now stands, though at a level -considerably higher than the present one. Two of the guns now standing -on Cambridge Common were taken from the dock in Boston after the -British evacuated it, and they resemble the cannon here sketched, and -one of them may possibly be that identical gun. The spire at the left -would seem to be that of the First Church, which stood on the present -Washington Street nearly opposite the head of State Street. (Cf. view -of it in _Memorial History of Boston_, ii. 219.) The spire next to the -right must have been that of the Old South Church. That on the extreme -right would seem to be the steeple of the New South (Church Green) in -Summer Street, now disappeared.] - -[Illustration: FROM BEACON HILL, 1775, No. 2. (_Looking towards -Roxbury._) - -In No. 2 the Hancock House is in the foreground. The earliest sketch -of this house is a very small one, making part of the Price-Faneuil -View of Boston (1743), and its presence in which and other data led -to the suspicion that this 1743 view was from an old plate, which had -been originally cut twenty years earlier, and this was subsequently -proven. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 68; xxi. 249. The earliest -enlarged view of the house is in the _Mass. Mag._, 1789. Cf. _Mem. -Hist. Bost._, iii. 202. An oil painting, belonging to Mrs. F. E. Bacon, -is on deposit in the halls of the Bostonian Society, where, also, are -some interior views of the house. - -The British encampments on Boston Common are indicated in the -foreground at the left. The parallel lines (8) show the neck connecting -Boston with Roxbury. The meeting-house (10) on the distant land is that -of the First Religious Parish in Roxbury, on the site now occupied by -the church near the Norfolk Home. The American fort just beyond (at 11) -was on a rocky summit, where now the stand-pipe of the Cochituate Water -Works is placed.] - -[Illustration: FROM BEACON HILL, 1775, No. 3. (_Looking towards -Brookline and the outlet of Charles River._) - -No. 3 shows in the foreground the most westerly of the three summits of -Beacon Hill (Louisbourg Square—though much lower, the hill having been -cut down—represents its present site), and the rope walks. There is a -similar water-color drawing among the Peter Force maps and views in the -library of Congress. - -The inward curve of the nearer shore on the right of the picture -represents the area now including Cambridge Street and the territory -north of it, below Blossom Street, covering the approaches to the -bridge now leading to Cambridge, the oldest parts of which near the -College are shown at 16; while at 17 we have the American encampments -at Prospect Hill, the modern Somerville. The American works between the -College and Charles River seem to be intended by 15. The mouth of the -river is seemingly indicated by the point of land just below the number -14, which apparently stands for the Brookline fort and its connections, -in the modern Longwood. Between the man in the foreground and the -somewhat abrupt eminence beyond him, was a depression in the outline of -the ridge, not far from the head of the present Anderson Street.] - -[Illustration: FROM BEACON HILL, 1775, No. 4. (_Looking towards -Charlestown._) - -No. 4 has the Old West Church in the foreground, where Jonathan Mayhew -preached. Its spire was subsequently taken down by the British to -prevent its use as a signal station for the friends of the provincials. -It stood till 1806, when the present edifice was built. (Drake's -_Landmarks_, 374.) - -This picture is substantially duplicated on another page, in the Rawdon -view, sketched during the continuance of the battle of Bunker Hill. The -Mount Pisca (Pisgah) at 19 the present Prospect Hill in Somerville. -The lines of Winter Hill and Ploughed Hill would be in the direction -of 20. At 27 is a glimpse of the Mystick River seen beyond Charlestown -Neck, the armed British transport at 16 commanding the road over that -neck. At 22 are the new works of the British, begun after the battle -of Bunker Hill, and shown in the contemporary plan of the Charlestown -peninsula, given on another page, while the British encampment is on -the inner slope of the hill, at 23. Below, and along the shore (24, -24), are indicated the ruins of Charlestown, while the figures 25 mark -the position of the redoubt which was defended by Colonel Prescott and -his men. The house on the hither shore, below the transport, marks -nearly the spot where the present bridge to East Cambridge begins. In -the foreground on the extreme right are somewhat vague indications of -the dam inclosing the mill-pond, in which the present Haymarket Square -occupies a central position.] - -Perhaps they may have had the grim satisfaction of riding to distant -parts of the lines in Thomas Hutchinson's coach, kept now for the -general's use, if we may believe the refugee himself.[444] - -A little later, Josiah Quincy, who from his house at Braintree could -look out upon the harbor, had been urging Washington to block the -channel, and thus imprison the British ships there at anchor, and -prevent the coming of others. Washington appreciated the motives of -that ardent patriot, but he would have liked better the cannon and -powder that would have rendered the plan feasible.[445] At all events, -the possible chances of the plan made not a very pleasant prospect -for Howe, who had already set his mind—as, indeed, the ministry had -already advised[446]—upon evacuating the town; but his ships were as -yet not sufficient for the task, and hardly sufficient to protect his -supply-boats from the improvised navy which Washington had been for -some time commissioning.[447] - -John Adams, in Philadelphia, was getting uneasy over the apparent -inaction of Washington, and wrote in November (1775) to Mercy Warren -that Mrs. Washington was going to Cambridge,[448] and he hoped she -might prove to have ambition enough for her husband's glory to -give occasion to the Lord to have mercy on the souls of Howe and -Burgoyne![449] - -The left wing of the beleaguering army was now pushed forward and -occupied Cobble Hill, the site of the present McLean Asylum, and the -two armies watched each other at closer quarters than before, the -almost foolhardy Americans feeling increased confidence when the -fortunate captain of an ordnance brig gave them a supply of munitions. -In December, Massachusetts and New Hampshire[450] promptly supplied the -loss of Connecticut and Rhode Island troops, who were not to be induced -to prolong their enlistments. Washington was cheered with this alacrity -of a portion, at least, of the New England yeomen, and he suffered as -many as he could of those who had come hastily to the camp in the -spring to go home on brief furloughs to make winter provision for their -families. Before the year was out, Congress had authorized Washington -to destroy Boston if he found it necessary. The British general was, -on his part, organizing in that town a Royal Regiment of Highland -Emigrants,[451] and other loyalist battalions, putting Ruggles, -Forrest, and Gorham in command of them.[452] - -On the first of January, 1776, the federal flag, with its thirteen -stripes and British Union,[453] was first raised over the American -camp, and their council of war was inspirited to determine upon an -attack, as soon as the chances of success seemed favorable; but the -prudent ones trusted rather to Howe's evacuating through his straits -for provisions, and held back from the final decision. It was not -forgotten that 2,000 men were still without firelocks, and there was -not much powder in the magazines. The total environing army scarce -numbered ten thousand men fit for duty, and they were stretched out in -a long circumvallation, while the enemy could mass at least half that -number on any one point, and had a fleet to sustain them. Howe had not -shown a much more active spirit than Gage had displayed, and there was -a feeling in the British camp that he was too timid for the task,[454] -and there could not have been much hopefulness in seeing so much better -a general as Clinton sent off in January with several regiments, to -join other forces and a fleet on the coast of North Carolina.[455] -Washington meanwhile kept up a show of activity, and when, on the -evening of January 8, he sent Knowlton on a marauding scout into -Charlestown, there was a little flutter of excitement in Boston for -fear it foreboded more serious work, and the British officers were -hastily summoned to their posts from the play-house, where they were -diverting themselves,[456]—the play on this particular occasion being -something they had planned, and called _The Boston Blockade_. - - * * * * * - -As early as the middle of June, 1775, General Wooster, with some -Connecticut troops, had by invitation of Congress marched to the -neighborhood of New York, to be prepared for any demonstration from -British ships which might attempt to land troops, for the British naval -power was and continued to be supreme in the harbor till Washington -occupied the city. - -[Illustration: NOTE.—This broadside, and the opposite one, are given -in fac-similes from copies in the Massachusetts Historical Society's -library, and they pertain to theatrical performances given by the -British officers in Boston during the siege.] - -[Illustration] - -Before Clinton had left Boston, Washington, under Lee's urgency, had -decided to possess New York, and the plan, which was submitted to -John Adams, as representing the Congress, met with that gentleman's -approval.[457] Lee was accordingly sent into Connecticut to organize -such a force as he could for advancing on that city.[458] He kept -Washington informed of his success in these preliminaries, and finally -reached New York himself on February 4,[459] and here he remained till -it was ascertained that Clinton was proceeding to the South, where -he was instructed to follow that general and confront him as best he -could, as we shall presently see.[460] - -The chief event of February, 1776, was the arrival of the cannon -captured at Ticonderoga, and the placing them in the siege batteries -along the American lines, for Washington had dispatched Knox to bring -these much needed cannon to him. John Adams records meeting them on -their way at Framingham, January 25;[461] and when the train of fifty -pieces and other munitions reached the lines, there was something less -of anxiety than there had been before.[462] The army, however, was -still deficient in small arms, and Washington wrote urgently to the New -York authorities for assistance of that kind.[463] - -By the first of March powder had been obtained in considerable -quantities, and Washington opened a bombardment from all parts of his -lines, which was deemed necessary to conceal a projected movement. -During the night of March 4-5, General Thomas, from the Roxbury -lines,[464] with 2,500 men, took possession of Dorchester Heights.[465] -It was moonlight, but the men worked on without discovery, and by -morning had thrown up a cover. Both armies now laid plans for battle. - -[Illustration: BOSTON. - -After a photograph of a view in the British Museum. Cf. similar views -in _Moore's Diary of the Amer. Rev._, i. 97; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -iii. p. 156; Lossing's _Field-Book_; Grant's _British Battles_, ii. -138. The house in the left foreground is the house built by Governor -Shirley. It is still standing, but much changed. See a view of it in -the frontispiece of _Mem. Hist. Boston_, vol. ii. - -There is a view of the town and harbor in the _Pennsylvania Mag._, -June, 1773; and others of a later date are in the _Columbian Mag._, -Dec., 1787; _Mass. Mag._, June, 1791. Cf. Winsor's _Readers' Handbook -of the Amer. Rev._, p. 66, for other views and descriptions.] - -[Illustration: BOSTON CASTLE. - -After a photograph of a view in the British Museum.] - -Howe determined to attack the Heights by a front and flank assault. -Washington reinforced Thomas, and planned at the same time to move -on Boston by boats across the back bay. The British dropped down on -transports to the Castle, but a long storm delayed the projected -movement. This so effectually gave the Americans time to increase -their defences that the British general saw that to evacuate the town -was the least of all likely evils. As he began to show signs of such -a movement, the Americans began to speculate upon their significance. -Heath, at least, was fearful that the appearances were only a cloak -to cover an intention to land suddenly somewhere between Cambridge -and Squantum.[466] But the genuineness of Howe's intention gradually -became apparent, as, indeed, evacuation with him was a necessity, -while Admiral Shuldam also saw that his fleet, too, was immediately -imperilled from the newly raised works on Dorchester Heights. So Howe -had scarce an alternative but to give a tacit consent to a plan of the -selectmen of Boston for him to leave the town uninjured, if his troops -were suffered to embark undisturbed. Washington entered upon no formal -agreement to that end, but acquiesced silently as Howe had done.[467] -There was still some cannonading as Washington pushed his batteries -nearer Boston on the Dorchester side, at Nook's Hill, teaching Howe -the necessity of increased expedition. By early light on the 17th of -March it was discovered that Howe had begun to embark his troops, -and by nine o'clock the last boat had pushed off, completing a roll, -including seamen, fit for duty, of about 11,000 men, with about a -thousand refugees.[468] The Continentals were alert, and their advanced -guards promptly entered the British works on the several sides. The -enemy's ships fell down the harbor unmolested; but that night they -blew up Castle William, and the vessels gathered together in Nantasket -Roads. Here they remained for ten days, causing Washington not a little -anxiety; and he wrote to Quincy, at Braintree, to have all the roads -from the landings patrolled, lest the British should send spies into -the country.[469] On the 27th, all but a few armed vessels, intended -to warn off belated succor,[470] had disappeared in the direction of -Halifax.[471] - -Ward was left with five regiments to hold the town and its -neighborhood,[472] while Colonel Gridley, "whom I have been taught to -view", said Washington, "as one of the greatest engineers of the age", -was directed to fortify the sea approaches.[473] - -[Illustration: OCCUPATION OF BOSTON. - -After an original in the collection of _Proclamations_ in the library -of the Mass. Hist. Society. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. p. 181; -Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 322; Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), -p. 127. Curwen records, when the proclamation reached London, that its -prohibition of plunder "was a source of comfort."] - -Washington gradually moved his remaining army to New York, not without -apprehension at one time that he would have to direct them to Rhode -Island, for a fog had befooled some people in Newport into sending -him a message that the British fleet was in the offing there. He left -Cambridge himself April 4th, not for Virginia, as some good people -imagined he would do, out of loyalty to his province,[474] but to -defend as he could the line of the Hudson, of which signs were already -accumulating that it was the game for each side to secure. A few of -the enemy's ships still hung about Nantasket Roads, and some desultory -fighting occurred in the harbor.[475] The British, however, failed to -prevent some important captures of munition vessels being made. It was -not till June that General Lincoln, with a militia force, brought guns -to bear upon the still lingering enemy, when they sailed away, and -Boston was at last free of a hostile force. - -It is now necessary to follow two other movements, which had been begun -while the siege of Boston was in progress, the one to the north, and -the other to the south. - -The exploits of Allen and Arnold at Ticonderoga, already related, had -invited further conquests; but the Continental Congress hesitated to -take any steps which might seem to carry war across the line till -the Canadians had the opportunity of casting in their lot with their -neighbors. On the 1st of June, 1775, Congress had distinctly avowed -this purpose of restraint; and they well needed to be cautious, for -the Canadian French had not forgotten the bitter aspersions on their -religion which Congress had, with little compunction, launched upon its -professors, under the irritation of the Quebec Act. Still their rulers -were aliens, and the traditional hatred of centuries between races -is not easily kept in abeyance. Ethan Allen was more eager to avail -himself of this than Congress was to have him; but the march of events -converted the legislators, and the opportunity which Allen grieved to -see lost was not so easily regained when Congress at last authorized -the northern invasion. Arnold and Allen had each aimed to secure the -command of such an expedition, the one by appealing to the Continental -Congress, the other by representations to that of New York. Allen had -also gone in person to Philadelphia, and he and his Green Mountain -Boys were not without influence upon Congress, in their quaint and -somewhat rough ways, as their exuberant patriotism later made the New -York authorities forget their riotous opposition to the policy which -that province had been endeavoring to enforce in the New Hampshire -Grants. Connecticut had already sent forward troops to Ticonderoga to -hold that post till Congress should decide upon some definite action; -and at the end of June, 1775, orders reached Schuyler which he might -readily interpret as authorizing him, if the Canadians did not object, -to advance upon Canada.[476] He soon started to assume command, but -speedily found matters unpromising. The Johnsons were arming the -Indians up the Mohawk and beyond in a way that boded no good, and they -had entered into compacts with the British commanders in Canada. Arnold -had been at Ticonderoga, and had quarrelled with Hinman, the commander -of the Connecticut troops. Schuyler heard much of the Green Mountain -Boys, but he only knew them as the lawless people of the Grants, and -soon learned that Allen and Warner had themselves set to quarrelling. -Presently, however, Allen reported at Ticonderoga for special service, -as he had been cast off by his own people. Another volunteer, Major -John Brown, was sent by Schuyler into Canada for information. -Schuyler's position was a trying one. He had few troops of his own -province. The Connecticut troops were too lax in discipline to suit his -ideas of military propriety, and his temperament had little to induce -him to make concessions to the exigencies of the conditions.[477] With -the best heart he could, he tried to organize his force for an advance, -and assisted, in Indian conferences at Albany, to disarm, as far as he -might, the Mohawks of their hostility. - -In August the news from Canada began to be alarming. Richard -Montgomery, an Irish officer who had some years before left the army -to settle on the Hudson and marry, was now one of the new brigadiers. -He urged Schuyler to advance and anticipate the movement now said to -be intended by Carleton, the English general commanding in Canada. At -this juncture Schuyler got word from Washington that a coöperating -expedition would be dispatched by way of the Kennebec, which, if -everything went well, might unite with Schuyler's before Quebec. - -Montgomery had already started from Ticonderoga, and it was not till -the foot of Lake Champlain had been reached that Schuyler overtook -him, and, with an effective force of about 1,000 men, he now prepared, -on the 6th of September, to advance upon St. Johns. The demonstration -caused a little bloodshed, but, getting information which deceived -him, he fell back to the Isle-aux-Noix, and prepared to hold it -against a counter attack, and to prevent any vessel of the enemy -penetrating to the lake. The outlook for a while was not auspicious. -Malaria made sad inroads among the men, and of those who were left on -duty, insubordination and lack of discipline, and perhaps a shade of -treachery, impaired their efficiency. Schuyler was prostrate on his -bed, and Montgomery was forced to unmilitary expedients because of the -temper of his troops. Schuyler's disorder seeming to have permanently -mastered him, he resigned the command to Montgomery and returned up -the lake. He had, at least, the satisfaction of meeting reinforcements -pushing down to the main body. Before these arrived Montgomery had -begun the siege of St. Johns, and he was pressing it, when Ethan Allen, -whom Montgomery was expecting to join him, met with Brown, and these -two planned an attack on Montreal. It was attempted, but Brown and -his men failed to coöperate, and Allen and those he had with him were -finally captured.[478] When the Canadians heard that the redoubtable -Green Mountain leader was in irons on board an English vessel bound for -Halifax,[479] a great deal was done towards awakening them from that -spell of neutrality upon which the American campaign so much depended -for success. - -So Montgomery continued to keep his lines about St. Johns with great -discouragement. He met every embarrassment which a hastily improvised -and undisciplined mass of men could impose upon a man who was of high -spirit and knew what soldierly discipline ought to be. A gleam of hope -at last came. He detached a party to attack Fort Chamblée, further -down the Sorel, and it succeeded (October 18), and he was thus enabled -to replenish his store of ammunition, which was by this time running -low.[480] So Montgomery was enabled to press the siege of St. Johns -with renewed vigor. When Wooster, the veteran Connecticut general, -joined him with the troops of that colony, there was some apprehension -that the younger Montgomery might find it difficult to maintain his -higher rank against the rather too independent spirit of the old -fighter.[481] No disturbance, however, occurred, and both worked -seemingly in union of spirit. Every effort of Carleton to relieve the -British commander at St. Johns failing, that officer surrendered the -post, and, on November 3d, Montgomery took possession. - - * * * * * - -We may turn now to the expedition that Washington had promised to -dispatch from Cambridge, and which had been thought of as early as May. -Benedict Arnold had hurried from Crown Point to lay his grievances -before the commander-in-chief. It seemed to Washington worth while -to assuage his passions and to profit by his dashing valor, for he -had by this time become convinced that Howe had no intention of -venturing beyond his lines. So Arnold was commissioned Colonel, and -given command of the new expedition, and the satisfied leader saw -gathering about him various quick spirits, better recognized later. -Such was Morgan, who led some Virginia riflemen, and Aaron Burr, who -sprang to the occasion as a volunteer.[482] Washington provided -Arnold with explicit instructions, and with an address to circulate -among the Canadians.[483] About eleven hundred men proceeded from -Cambridge to Newburyport, whence, by vessel and bateaux, they reached -Fort Western (Augusta, Maine), towards the end of September. Here the -expeditionary force plunged into the wilderness, up the Kennebec, -environed with perils and the burdens of labor. Suffering and nerving -against vexations and weariness that grew worse as they went on, they -saw the sick and disheartened fall out, and found their rear companies -deserting for want of food.[484] Those that were steadfast were forced -to eat moccasins and anything. On they struggled to the ridge of land -which marked the summit of the water-shed between the Atlantic and the -St. Lawrence. Then began the descent of the Chaudière, perilous amid -the rush of its waters, which overturned their boats, and sent much -of what stores they had left on a headlong drive down the stream. At -last the open country was reached, and Arnold stopped to refresh the -survivors. He dispatched Burr to see if he could find Montgomery,[485] -and, making the most of the friendly assistance of the neighboring -inhabitants, Arnold advanced to Point Levi, and began to make -preparations for crossing the St. Lawrence. The city of Quebec looked -across the basin in amazement on a stout little army, of whose coming, -however, they had had an intimation; while Arnold's men were hard at -work making or finding canoes and scaling-ladders. - -Meanwhile where was Montgomery, whom Burr, disguised as a priest, and -speaking French or Latin as required, was seeking up the river? He had -got possession of Montreal without a blow, and sending Colonel Easton -down to the mouth of the Sorel, that officer intercepted the little -flotilla with which Carleton was trying to reach Quebec, and captured -all of the fugitives except Carleton himself, who escaped in a disguise -by night. The news of Arnold, which Burr at last brought to Montgomery, -made that general more anxious than ever to push on to Quebec, but the -expiration of the enlistments of some of his men much perplexed him, -and he was obliged to make many promises to hold his army together. -Before Montgomery could reach him, Arnold had in the night taken about -550 men across the river, and ascending at Wolfe's Cove, he had paraded -them before the walls and demanded a surrender. The garrison was small, -and in part doubtful, and the inhabitants were more than doubtful, but -the lieutenant-governor, Cramahé, with his stanchest troops, the Royal -Scotch, overawed the rest, and kept the gates closed. The vaporing -Arnold had been known in the past within the town as a horse-jockey, -and his promise as a general, with his shivering crowd, did not greatly -impress those whom he had somewhat farcically beleaguered. In a day or -two Arnold became frightened and drew off his men, strengthened now a -little by others who had crossed the river. Unmolested he went up the -river, to keep within reach of Montgomery, perceiving as he went up -the banks the succor for Quebec which Carleton, having picked up men -here and there, was bringing down by water. - -[Illustration: Guy Carleton - -From the _Political Mag._, iii. 351. Cf. Jones's _Campaign for the -Conquest of Canada_, p. 112; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, June, 1883, p. -409; Moore's _Diary of the Revolution_, p. 454; B. Sulte's _Hist. des -Canadiens français_ (as Lord Dorchester, to which rank Carleton was -subsequently raised).] - -By the 1st of December, Montgomery, with three armed schooners and only -300 men, reached Arnold at Point-aux-Trembles. The united forces now -turned their faces towards Quebec, less than a thousand in all, with a -body of two hundred Canadians, under Colonel James Livingston, acting -in conjunction; and on the 5th were before the town. Carleton haughtily -scorned all advances of Montgomery to communicate with him, and devoted -himself to overawing the town, quite content that the rigors of winter -should alone attack the invaders. While the Americans were making some -show of planting siege-batteries, plans for assault were in reality -maturing, and a stormy night was awaited to carry them out. It came on -the night before the last day of the year. While two feints were to be -made on the upper plain, the main assaults were to be along the banks -of the St. Charles and the St. Lawrence, from opposite sides, with a -view to joining and gaining the upper town from the lower. Montgomery -led the attack beneath Cape Diamond on the St. Lawrence side, and while -in advance with a small vanguard, and unsuspecting that his approach -was discovered, he was opened upon with grape, and fell, with others -about him.[486] His death was the end of the assault on that side. -Arnold was at first successful in carrying the barriers opposed to -him, but was soon severely wounded and taken to the rear. Morgan, who -succeeded to the command, was pressing their advantage, when Carleton, -relieved by Montgomery's failure, and by the discovery that the other -attacks meant nothing, sent out a force, which so hemmed Morgan in, -that, having already learned of Montgomery's failure, he found it -prudent to surrender with the few hundred men still clinging to him. -The Americans elsewhere in the field hastily withdrew to their camp, -and Carleton was too suspicious of the townspeople to dare to take any -further advantage of his success. - -The command of the Americans now devolved on Lieutenant-Colonel Donald -Campbell, who sent an express to Wooster at Montreal, urging him to -come and take the control. That general thought it more prudent to -hold Montreal as a base,[487] and remained where he was, while he -forwarded the dismal news to his superior, Schuyler, at Albany, who had -quite enough on his hands to overawe Sir John Johnson and the Tories -up the Mohawk. The succession of Wooster to the command in Canada -boded no good to the New York general, and led to such crimination and -recrimination between the two that Congress, towards spring (1776), -took steps to relieve Schuyler of the general charge of the campaign. -Thomas, who had rendered himself conspicuous in driving the British -from Boston, was made a major-general (March 6), and was ordered to -take the active command in Canada. A New England general for troops in -the main from those colonies seemed desirable, and Thomas was certainly -the best of those furnished by Massachusetts during the early days of -the war. - -Meanwhile Arnold, amid the snows, was audaciously seeming to keep up -the siege of Quebec in his little camp, three miles from the town. -Small-pox was beginning to make inroads on his little army, scarce at -some periods exceeding five hundred effective men. Wooster finally -came from Montreal on the first of April, and assumed command. For the -influence intended to soothe and gain the Canadians to pass from the -courtly Montgomery to the rigid and puritanical Wooster was a great -loss, and it soon became manifest in the growing hostility of the -people of the neighboring country. It was by such a pitiful force that -Carleton allowed himself to be shut up in Quebec for five months. - -This was the condition of affairs when a commission, consisting of -Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll, was sent by -Congress, with delegated powers, to act with prompter decision on -the spot.[488] They reached Albany early in April, and found Thomas, -from Boston, already there. So the two generals, Schuyler and Thomas, -pushed on ahead of the commissioners, and, with the reinforcements now -setting towards Canada, before and behind them, it seemed as if a new -vigor might be exerted upon the so far disastrous Northern campaign. -Thomas directed his course to Quebec, while the commissioners went to -Montreal, where they found the most gloomy apprehensions existing, and -were soon convinced that, without hard money and troops, Canada must be -relinquished. Franklin returned to Philadelphia to impress this upon -Congress, while Schuyler was at his wits' ends to find men, provisions, -and money to send forward, till Congress should act. - -Washington, by this time in New York with the troops which had -forced the evacuation of Boston, yielded to the orders of Congress, -and sent Sullivan of New Hampshire with a brigade, carrying money -and provisions, to reinforce the wretched army in Canada, thereby -diminishing, with great risk, his own force to less than 5,000 men. -Thomas had at this time reached Quebec (May 1), where he found, out -of the 1,900 men constituting the beleaguering army, only about a -thousand not in hospital, and scarcely five hundred of these were -effective troops. It was necessary to do something at once, for the -breaking ice told the American general that a passage was preparing -for a British fleet, which was known to be below. Plans for an assault -on the town miscarried, and while Thomas was beginning to remove his -sick preparatory to a retreat, three British men-of-war appeared in the -basin. They landed troops, and gave Carleton an opportunity to hang -upon the rear of the retreating invaders, and pick up prisoners and -cannon. He did not pursue them far.[489] - -Near the same time a force of British and Tories, coming down the river -from Ontario, had fallen upon Arnold's outpost at Cedar Rapids, above -Montreal, and had captured its garrison. Thus disaster struck both -ends of the American line of occupation. The force under Thomas was -withdrawing to the Sorel, when Burgoyne, with large reinforcements, -landed at Quebec. Up the Sorel the Americans retreated, joined now -by the troops under Thompson, which Washington had earlier sent from -New York. Thomas[490] soon died (June 2) of small-pox at Chamblée; -and Wooster being recalled, Sullivan, who now met the army, took the -command, and pushing forward to the mouth of the Sorel, prepared to -make a stand. He soon sent a force under Thompson towards Three Rivers, -to oppose the approaching British, now reaching 13,000 in number, -either at Quebec or advancing from it,—a number to confront, of which -apparently Sullivan had no conception. This general himself possessed -hardly more than 2,500 men, for Arnold, instead of reinforcing him, -as directed, had left Montreal for Chamblée. The action at Three -Rivers, of which the cannonading had been heard at the Sorel, proved -a disastrous defeat. It was followed by the British vessels pushing -up the river, and as soon as they came in sight Sullivan broke camp -and also retreated to Chamblée, followed languidly by Burgoyne. Here -Sullivan joined Arnold, and the united fugitives, of whom a large -part were weakened by inoculation, continued the retreat to the -Isle-aux-Noix, thence on to Crown Point, where early in July the poor -fragmentary army found a little rest,—five thousand in all, and of -these at least one half were in hospital.[491] - -[Illustration: DUNMORE'S SEAL. - -From a plate in Valentine's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1851.] - - * * * * * - -We may glance now at the progress of events to the southward. In -Virginia, Dunmore, the royal governor, hearing of Gage's proclamation -proscribing Hancock and Adams, feared that he might be seized as a -hostage, and took safety on board a man-of-war in Yorktown harbor. -Events soon moved rapidly in that quarter.[492] Patrick Henry, perhaps -a little unadvisedly, was made commander of their militia.[493] In -due time, from his floating capitol, Dunmore issued his proclamation -granting freedom to slaves of rebels,[494] and had directed a motley -crew of his adherents to destroy the colonial stores at Suffolk, -and this led to a brisk engagement at the Great Bridge (December 9, -1775), not far from Norfolk, in which the royalists were totally -defeated.[495] The destruction of that town, now under the guns of the -royal vessels, soon followed, on the first of January, 1776.[496] - -On the 27th of February, 1776, the Scotch settlers of North Carolina, -instigated by Martin, the royal governor, and under the lead of their -chief, Macdonald,[497] endeavored to scatter a force of militia at -Moore's Creek Bridge, but were brought to bay, and compelled to -surrender about half of a force which had numbered fifteen or sixteen -hundred.[498] - -Early in 1776 the task was assigned to Clinton, who had in January -departed from Boston, as we have seen, to force and hold the Southern -colonies to their allegiance, and Cornwallis, with troops, was sent -over under convoy of Sir Peter Parker's fleet, to give Clinton the -army he needed. The fleet did not reach North Carolina till May. In -March, Lee, while in New York, had wished to be ordered to the command -in Canada, as "he was the only general officer on the continent who -could speak and think in French." He was disappointed, and ordered -farther south.[499] By May he was in Virginia, ridding the country of -Tories, and trying to find out where Parker intended to land.[500] It -was expected that Clinton would return north to New York in season -to operate with Howe, when he opened the campaign there in the -early summer, as that general expected to do, and the interval for -a diversion farther south was not long. Lee had now gone as far as -Charleston (S. C.), and taken command in that neighborhood, while in -charge of the little fort at the entrance of the harbor was William -Moultrie, upon whom Lee was inculcating the necessity of a slow and -sure fire,[501] in case it should prove that Parker's destination, as -it might well be, was to get a foothold in the Southern provinces, and -break up the commerce which fed the rebellion through that harbor. - -[Illustration: FORT MOULTRIE, 1776. - -Reduced from the plan in Johnson's _Traditions and Reminiscences of the -Amer. Revolution in the South_ (Charleston, S. C., 1851). It shows that -the rear portion of the fort had not been finished when the attack took -place. The same plate has an enlarged plan of the fort only. See the -maps in Drayton's _Memoirs of the Amer. Rev. in the South_ (Charleston, -1821, two vols.), ii. 290, which is similar to Johnson's Ramsay's _Rev. -in S. Carolina_, i. 144, which is of less area; and that in Gordon's -_Amer. Revolution_, iii. 358. These are the maps of American origin. -Lossing (ii. 754) follows Johnson.] - -The people of Charleston had been for some time engaged on their -defences, and "seem to wish a trial of their mettle", wrote a -looker-on.[502] The fort in question was built of palmetto logs, and -was unfinished on the land side. Its defenders had four days' warning, -and the neighboring militia were summoned. On the 4th of June the -hostile fleet appeared,[503] and having landed troops on an adjacent -island, it was not till the 27th that their dispositions were made for -an attack. - -[Illustration: ATTACK ON CHARLESTON, 1776. - -From _Political Mag._ (London, 1780), vol. i. p. 171,—somewhat -reduced. Carrington notes (p. 176), as dated Aug. 31, 1776, and -belonging to the _North Amer. Pilot_: "An exact plan of Charleston and -harbor, from an actual survey, with the attack of Fort Sullivan on the -26th June, 1776, by his Majesty's squadron, commanded by Sir Peter -Parker." Cf. no. 37 of the _American Atlas_ (Faden's), and the _Amer. -Military Pocket Atlas_, 1776, no. 5. Mr. Courtenay, in the _Charleston -Year Book_, 1883 (p. 414), gives a folded fac-simile of a broadside -map, _A plan of the Attack on Fort Sullivan ... with the disposition of -the King's land forces, and the encampments and entrenchments of the -rebels, from the drawings made on the spot. Engraved by Wm. Faden_, by -whom it was published Aug. 10, 1776. The dedication to Com. Parker is -signed by Lieut.-Col. Thomas James, royal regiment of artillery, June -30, 1776. It has a corner plan of the "Platform in Sullivan's Fort", -by James, on a larger scale. Appended to the map are a list of the -attacking ships, and extracts from Parker's and Clinton's despatches. -The channel between Long and Sullivan's islands is given as seven feet -in the deepest part. The original MS. of this Faden map is in the Faden -Collection in the library of Congress (no. 41), where is also a MS. -map of Charleston and its harbor, a topographical drawing, finished -in colors (no. 40). Cf. _Plan de la Barre et du hâvre de Charlestown -d'après un plan anglois levé en_ 1776. _Rédigé au dépôt général de la -marine_ [Paris], 1778. (_Brit. Mus. Maps_, 1885, col. 764.) - -These are the different English maps. In the same _Charleston Year -Book_, p. 478, is an account of the successive forts on the same spot. -A view of Charleston is in the _London Mag._ (1762, p. 296), and one by -Thomas Leitch, engraved by S. Smith, 1776, is noted in the _Brit. Mus. -Map Catal._, 1885, col. 764.] - -Their ships threw shot at the fort all day, which did very little -damage, while the return fire was rendered with a precision surprising -in untried artillerists, and seriously damaged the fleet,[504] of which -one ship was grounded and abandoned. - -[Illustration: WILLIAM MOULTRIE. - -From the copperplate in his _Memoirs of American Revolution, on far as -it related to States of N. and S. Carolina and Georgia. Compiled from -most authentic materials, the author's personal knowledge of various -events, and including an Epistolary Correspondence on Public Affairs, -with Civil and Military Officers, at that period_. (New York, 1802, two -volumes.) The likeness in the _National Portrait Gallery_ (New York, -1834) is Scriven's engraving of Trumbull's picture. - -There is a portrait in the cabinet of the Penna. Hist. Soc., no. 58. -See the paper on General Moultrie in South Carolina in _Appleton's -Journal_, xix. 503, and Wilmot G. Desaussure's _Address on Maj.-Gen. -William Moultrie_, before the Cincinnati Society of South Carolina, -1885.] - -The expected land attack from Clinton's troops, already ashore on -Long Island, was not made. A strong wind had raised the waters of the -channel between that island and Sullivan's Island so high that it -could not be forded, and suitable boats for the passage were not at -hand.[505] A few days later the shattered vessels and the troops left -the neighborhood, and Colonel Moultrie had leisure to count the costs -of his victory, which was twelve killed and twice as many wounded. The -courage of Sergeant Jasper, in replacing on the bastion a flag which -had been shot away, became at once a household anecdote.[506] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE earliest attempt with any precision to enumerate the various -sources of information upon the whole series of military events about -Boston during 1775 and 1776 was by Richard Frothingham, in the notes of -his _Siege of Boston_ (1849), where, in an appendix, he groups together -the principal authorities. Later than this, Barry (_Massachusetts_, -iii. ch. 1), Dawson (_Battles_, vol. i.), and others had been full in -footnotes; but the next systematized list of sources was printed by -Justin Winsor in 1875, in the _Bulletin_ of the Boston Public Library. -This last enumeration was somewhat extended in the _Bunker Hill -Memorial_, published by the city of Boston,[507] and still more so by -the same writer in his _Handbook of the American Revolution_, Boston, -1879. It is condensed in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, iii. 117. - - * * * * * - -Salem, because of a little alleged pricking of bayonets when Leslie's -expedition was harassed there in February, 1775, has sometimes claimed -to have witnessed the first shedding of blood in the war. The principal -monograph on the subject is C. M. Endicott's _Account of Leslie's -retreat at the North Bridge in Salem, on Sunday, Feb. 26, 1775_ (Salem, -1856).[508] Early resistance to British arms, and even bloodshed in -the act, had undoubtedly occurred before the affair at Lexington, and -writers have cited the mob at Golden Hill,[509] in New York, and the -massacre at Westminster, in the New Hampshire Grants, when an armed -body of settlers arose against the authority of the king, as asserted -in favor of the jurisdiction of New York in March, 1775.[510] - -The precipitation of warfare, however, can only be connected with the -expedition to Lexington and Concord. Every stage of the affair has been -invested with interest by discussion and illustration. The ride of Paul -Revere to give warning has grown to be a household tale in the spirited -verse of Longfellow; but, as is the case with almost all of that poet's -treatments of historical episodes, he has paid little attention to -exactness of fact, and has wildly, and often without poetic necessity, -turned the channels of events. In literary treatment, the events of -Lexington and Concord form so distinct a group of references that they -can be best considered in a later note (A), as can also the sources of -information respecting the fight at Bunker Hill (B). - -Of the siege of Boston, the chief monograph is Frothingham's, already -referred to. Other contributions of a monographic nature are the -address and chronicle of the siege by Dr. George E. Ellis in the -_Evacuation Memorial of the City of Boston_ (1876); W. W. Wheildon's -_Siege and Evacuation of Boston and Charlestown_ (Boston, 1876, -pp. 64); and the chapters on the siege in Dawson's _Battles of the -United States_, vol. i., and Carrington's _Battles of the Revolution_ -(1876).[511] - -Among the general historians, Bancroft has made an elaborate study -of the siege, devoting to it a large part of his vol. viii. (orig. -edition), and all the histories of the United States, Massachusetts, -and Boston necessarily cover it.[512] - -The principal of the later British historians is Mahon, in his _Hist. -of England_, vol. vi. Lecky (_England in the Eighteenth Century_, ii. -ch. 12), while he goes little into details, gives an admirable account -of the two respective camps. _The Life of Burgoyne_, by Fonblanque, is -the fullest of the biographies of the actors on the British side. - -On the American side, the lives of leading officers all necessarily -yield to those of Washington,[513] whose letters, as contained in -vol. iii. of Sparks's ed. of his _Writings_, can well be supplemented -by those of Reed, then his secretary.[514] Of the contemporary -general historians, Gordon and Mercy Warren were familiar with the -actors of the time. The _Journals_ of the Continental Congress and -of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts follow the development -of events, and show how in some ways the legislation shaped -them.[515] Contemporary records and comments are garnered in Almon's -_Remembrancer_, Force's _Archives_, Niles's _Principles and Acts of the -Revolution_, and Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Revolution_. The life and -daily routine of both camps are to be traced in abundant orderly books, -diaries, and correspondence, of which the register is given in the -notes (C and D) following this essay. - -Of the Canada expedition, in its combined movements by the Kennebec -and Lake Champlain, the authorities for detail may well be reserved -for later notes (G and H), but for comprehensive treatment references -may be made to the general historians and a few special monographs. As -respects the campaign in general, the only considerable special study -is Charles Henry Jones's _History of the Campaign for the Conquest of -Canada in_ 1776 (Philad., 1882). The book does not profess, however, -to follow the movements before the death of Montgomery, nor to touch -at all the coöperating column of Arnold before it had united with the -other. A principal interest of its writer is, furthermore, to chronicle -the share of Pennsylvanians in the campaign. The study is therefore -but an imperfect one, and the author gives the student no assistance -in indicating his sources. The reader most necessarily have recourse, -then, for a survey of the whole campaign, to such general works as -Bancroft's _United States_ (vol. viii.), Carrington's _Battles_ (p. -122), and other comprehensive and biographical works.[516] - -The political aspects of the movement on Canada arise in the main from -the mission of the Commissioners of Congress to the army, and their -efforts to affect the sympathies of the Canadians. The sources of this -matter are also traced in a subsequent note.[517] - -[Illustration] - - -NOTES. - -=A.= LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.—The details of Revere's connection with -the events of the 18th and 19th April are not altogether without -dispute. Revere's own narrative was not written till 1798,[518] and -was printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections_, vol. v., but not -so accurately as to preclude the advisability of reprinting it in the -same society's _Proceedings_, Nov., 1878. Richard Devens's nearly -contemporary account of the signal lanterns is printed in Frothingham's -_Siege of Boston_, p. 57.[519] The traditional story of the other -messenger of that eventful night is told in H. W. Holland's _William -Dawes and his ride with Paul Revere_.[520] - -In a book which was published at Boston in 1873 as _Historic Fields and -Mansions of Middlesex_, but whose title in a second edition, in 1876, -reads _Old Landmarks and Historic Fields of Middlesex_, Mr. Samuel -Adams Drake follows (ch. xvi.-xviii.) the route of the British troops -from Lechmere Point to Concord and back to Charlestown, pointing out -the localities of signal events in the day's course. - -The provincial congress ordered depositions[521] to be taken of those -who had participated in the events of the day, with a main purpose of -establishing that the British fired first at Lexington. These were -signed in several copies. One set of them, accompanied by a request -from Warren to Franklin to have them printed and dispersed in England, -was entrusted to Capt. John Derby, of Salem, who took also a copy of -the _Essex Gazette_, in which an account of the fighting was printed, -and sailed in a swift packet for England four days after Lieutenant -Nunn, bearing Gage's despatches, had sailed from Boston (April 24). -Derby reached Southampton on the 27th of May, and was in London the -next day.[522] London had been stirred three weeks before with rumors -of a bloody day with Gage's troops,[523] and now two days later the -government felt called upon to announce they had no tidings; whereupon -Arthur Lee, who, since Franklin had sailed for America, had succeeded -to his place as agent of Massachusetts, and had received the papers, -made a counter-announcement that the public could see the affidavits at -the Mansion House.[524] The tidings spread. Hutchinson communicated the -news to Gibbon, and he recorded it in a letter, May 31.[525] On the 5th -of June Horace Walpole wrote it to Horace Mann. On the 7th, Dartmouth -spoke of the "vague and uncertain accounts of a skirmish, made up for -the purpose of conveying misrepresentation."[526] - -[Illustration: LEXINGTON DEPOSITION. - -Fac-simile of the original in the Arthur Lee Papers in Harvard College -library. The fac-simile on the opposite page, relating to the action -at Concord, is reproduced from an original in the same collection of -papers.] - -[Illustration] - -On the same day the friends of America, forming the Constitutional -Society, met at the King's Arms in Cornhill, and raised a subscription -of £100, to be paid to the widows and families of the provincials who -had been killed.[527] On the 8th another vessel reached Liverpool, -confirming the news, but giving no particulars. Finally, on the 10th, -the official report of Gage, with the statements of Percy and Smith, -reached the government.[528] - -Meanwhile, both sides at home had been busy with circulating their -pleas of vindications. The provincial congress at once despatched -messengers south,[529] and the Rev. William Gordon, an Englishman -settled in Jamaica Plain, drew up (May 17, 1775) for the patriots their -authoritative _Account of the Commencement of hostilities_;[530] and -various other contemporary accounts on the provincial side have come -down to us,[531] and of importance among them are the narratives of -the ministers of Lexington and Concord, the Reverends Jonas Clark and -William Emerson.[532] - -[Illustration: LEXINGTON, 1775. - -After a plan in Hudson's _Lexington_, p. 173. The British approached -from Boston up the road, past the Munroe Tavern, still standing (C), -past Loring's house and barn (I J); and opposite Emerson's house (H) -they sighted, looking beyond the meeting-house (L), the Lexington -militia, under Capt. John Parker, drawn up along the farther side of -the triangular green, in front of the houses of Daniel Harrington -(E) and Jonathan Harrington (D, still standing) (who was one of the -killed), which were separated from each other by a blacksmith's shop -(G). The house on the opposite side of the common (F) was Nathan -Munroe's (still standing), and on the third side was Bucknam's Tavern -(B, still standing), where Parker's company was mostly assembled -when the order was given to form on the common. When the minute-men -scattered, most of them ran across the swamp; but some fled up the -Bedford road, in the direction of the Clarke House (A), still standing, -where Adams and Hancock had spent the night, but from which they were -now hurrying towards Burlington for better protection. - -On the return of the British from Concord, they met Percy's column -on the road between Munroe's Tavern and Loring's. Percy now kept the -provincials at bay by planting his field-pieces at M and N, while some -of the wounded were carried into the tavern, which is still standing. -The buildings (I J) were set on fire and burned down. Balls from -Percy's cannon have been dug up since in the town. One went through the -meeting-house (L). Several of these balls are preserved. While Percy -was halting, General Heath arrived among the provincials and assumed -the command. Cf. the plans in Josiah Adams's _Address at Acton_; -Moore's _Ballad History of the Revolution_. - -There are views of the Clarke House in Hudson's _Lexington_, 430; -Drake's _Landmarks of Middlesex_, 364-368; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. -523; and of the Munroe Tavern in Hudson, part ii. p. 161.] - -The _Memoirs_ of General Heath are, of course, of first importance; for -he was on the ground soon after Percy took the command on the British -side.[533] - -[Illustration: CONCORD, 1775. - -This follows a plan in Hudson's _Lexington_, p. 191. The British -approached from Lexington by the road (1), and halted in the middle of -the town (3). The provincials, who were assembled by the liberty-pole -(2), retired along the road (5) by the Rev. William Emerson's house -[Hawthorne's "Old Manse"], and across the North Bridge (between 5 and -8) to the high land (6), where they halted, and where reinforcements -from the neighboring towns reached them. Colonel Smith, the British -commander, now sent out two parties to seek for stores. One, which went -by the road (4) to the South Bridge, found little. The other followed -the road (5) by the North Bridge, and passing beneath the provincials -at 6, turned to their right, and took the road (5) to Colonel Barrett's -house, where they destroyed some cannon and other stores. This second -party had left a detail at the North Bridge to secure their retreat by -that way, for the road (10) did not then exist. The provincials, after -the party bound to Colonel Barrett's passed on, descended from 6 to the -North Bridge, when the detail defending it, who were near 8, recrossed -the bridge. Here the first firing took place, and some were killed -on both sides, the river being between the combatants. The British -detail now retired towards the centre of the town, the Americans -following them across the bridge, but immediately dispersing without -military order. While thus scattered, the British party, returning from -Barrett's house, recrossed the North Bridge without molestation, and -rejoined the main body at the centre of the town. Here the British, -after destroying other stores and delaying for about two hours, formed -for the return march towards Lexington, the main body following the -road (2), while a flanking party took the ridge of high land (2). - -Cf. also the plans in Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, 70.] - -A few days after the 19th, John Adams tells us[534] he rode along "the -scene of action toward Lexington for many miles, and inquired of the -inhabitants the circumstances." He gives us no particulars, but what he -learned was not calculated to diminish his ardor in the cause.[535] - -The accounts on the British side are almost equally numerous, including -the official reports of Gage, Percy, and Smith, already referred to. -General Gage sent (April 29)[536] to Gov. Trumbull, of Connecticut, -a statement, which was printed at the time in a handbill as a -_Circumstantial Account_, and he refers to it "as taken from gentlemen -of indisputable honor and veracity, who were eye-witnesses of all the -transactions of that day."[537] - -In 1779 there was printed at Boston a pamphlet containing General -Gage's instructions to Brown and De Bernière,[538] from a MS. left in -Boston by a British officer, to which is appended an account of the -"transactions" of April 19, with a list of the killed, wounded, and -missing,[539] and in 1775 there was printed at London a contemporary -summary in _The Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Dispute_.[540] - -The question of firing the first shot at Lexington was studiously -examined at the time, each side claiming exemption from the charge -of being the aggressor, and Frothingham[541] and Hudson[542] collate -the evidence. It seems probable that the British fired first, though -by design or accident a musket on the provincial side flashed in the -pan before the regulars fired.[543] That some irregular return of the -British fire was made seems undeniable, though at the time of the -semi-centennial celebration certain writers, anxious to establish -for Concord the credit of first forcibly resisting the British arms, -denied that claim on the part of the neighboring town. The controversy -resulted in Elias Phinney's _Battle of Lexington_, published in -1825,[544] with depositions of survivors, taken in 1822; and Ezra -Ripley's _Fight at Concord_, published in 1827.[545] The parts borne by -the men of other towns have had their special commemorations.[546] - -[Illustration: PART OF EMERSON'S RECORD IN HIS DIARY, APRIL 19, 1775 -(from Whitney's _Literature of the Nineteenth of April_).] - -[Illustration: PERCY. - -From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, Lond., 1785, vol. ii. A portrait -engraved by V. Green is noted in J. C. Smith's _Brit. Mezzotint -Portraits_, ii. 576. Cf. also _Evelyns in America_, 304; _Memorial -Hist. of Boston_, iii. 57, 58; "Percy family and Alnwick Castle" in -Jewitt's _Stately Homes of England_. In the _Third Report_ of the Hist. -MSS. Commission there are (1872) various papers of the Percy family -touching the American war. Some of these papers have been procured -from England by the Rev. E. G. Porter, of Lexington. Several letters -of Percy, addressed to Bishop Percy, sold not long since at a sale of -the Bishop's MSS., were bought by a London dealer, and are now in the -Boston Public Library. They are quoted from in this and other chapters. -On July 30, 1776, a picture of Percy was placed in Guildhall, London, -by the magistrates of the city and liberties of Westminster, in token -of his services in America. Cf. also Doyle's _Official Baronage_, ii. -670.] - -[Illustration: PERCY. - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the present War_, i. 382.] - - -=B.= BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL, _June 17, 1775_.—There are four sufficient -authorities for tracing all that is known respecting the battle of -Bunker Hill, even to minute particulars, especially with respect -to the testimony of those who, from nearness to the event, or from -opportunity, are best entitled to be considered in the matter. The -earliest master of the literature and records of the fight was Richard -Frothingham, who through life was identified with the story of Bunker -Hill, and who has on the whole, in his _Siege of Boston_ and in his -_Life of Joseph Warren_, given us the amplest details.[547] His latest -gleanings were included in _The Battlefield of Bunker hill: with a -relation of the action by William Prescott, and illustrative documents. -A paper communicated to the Massachusetts Historical Society, June -10, 1875, with additions._ (Boston: printed for the author. 1876. 46 -pp.)[548] - -In June, 1868, Henry B. Dawson, in a special number of the _Historical -Magazine_, entered into an elaborate collation of nearly all that had -been published up to that time, making his references in footnotes, -which serve as a bibliography of the subject.[549] - -[Illustration: LEXINGTON GREEN. - -From the _Massachusetts Magazine_ (Boston, 1794). Four views (12 X 18 -inches, on copper) of different aspects of the day's fight were drawn -by Earl, a portrait painter, and engraved by Amos Doolittle shortly -afterward. They are reproduced in the centennial edition of Jonas -Clark's _Narrative_; in Frank Moore's _Ballad History_; in _Potter's -American Monthly_, April, 1875; in _Antique views of y^e Town of -Boston_; and separately, with an explanatory text, by E. G. Porter, as -_Four Drawings of the Engagement at Lexington and Concord_ (Boston, -1883). The view of the attack on Lexington Green was drawn from Daniel -Harrington's house (see plan), and was reduced by Doolittle himself -for Barber's _History of New Haven_. (W. S. Baker's _Amer. Engravers_, -Philad., 1875, p. 45.) It has also been redrawn several times by -others. See Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 421, 524; Hudson's _Lexington_, -p. 183; the Centennial edition of Phinney, etc. - -Earl and Doolittle were soldiers of a New Haven company, which reached -Cambridge a few days after the fight. - -There is a view of Concord taken in 1776 in the _Massachusetts Mag._, -July, 1794, which is reproduced in Whitney's _Literature of the -Nineteenth of April_. - -There is an early but fanciful picture of the "Journée de Lexington" -in François Godefroy's _Recueil d'Estampes representant les different -événemens de la guerre qui a procuré l'indépendence aux États Unis de -l'Amérique_. - -An account of Jonathan Harrington, the last survivor of the fight, is -in _Potter's Amer. Monthly_, April, 1875, and in Jones's _New York -during the Revolution_, i. 552. - -In fiction, mention need only be made of Cooper's _Lionel Lincoln_, and -Hawthorne's _Septimus Felton_. - -In 1875 there was an exhibition of relics of the fight at Lexington, -and some of them are still retained in the library hall. A printed list -of them was issued in 1875. A musket taken from a British soldier was -bequeathed by Theodore Parker to the State of Massachusetts, and now -hangs in the Senate Chamber. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, iv. 202 (July, 1880).] - -In 1875 Justin Winsor published first in the _Bulletin_ of the Boston -Public Library a bibliographical commentary on all printed matter -respecting the battle, grouping his notes by their affinities; and this -was enlarged in the _Celebration of the Centennial Anniversary of the -Battle_, published by the city of Boston in 1875; and still further -augmented in a section of his _Handbook of the American Revolution_ -(Boston, 1879). - -In 1880 James F. Hunnewell, in his _Bibliography of Charlestown and -Bunker Hill_ (Boston), grouped everything alphabetically under such -main headings as monographs, maps and plans, contemporary newspapers, -American statements, British accounts, French accounts, anniversaries. -His enumeration is more nearly exhaustive than Mr. Winsor's, though -this may still supplement it in some particulars. - - * * * * * - -The earliest printed accounts which we have of the battle are in -the newspapers, and of these a full enumeration is given by Mr. -Hunnewell.[550] - -What may be called the official statements on the American side were -speedily placed before the public, but, strange to say, neither of the -two officers who have been held to have directed the conduct of the -Americans vouched for any of the early accounts. From Putnam we have -nothing. Prescott made no statement, which has come down to us, earlier -than in a letter addressed to John Adams, Aug. 25, 1775,[551] though he -is said to have assisted the Rev. - -[Illustration: RICHARD FROTHINGHAM. - -After a steel plate kindly furnished by Mr. Frothingham's son, Mr. -Thomas Goddard Frothingham. There is a memoir of Mr. Frothingham, by -Charles Deane, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings_, Feb., 1885, and -separately. Mr. Frothingham was born Jan. 31, 1812, and died Jan. 29, -1880. Remarks made to the society at the time of his death are in the -_Proc._ (Feb., 1880), xvii. 329. Cf. R. C. Winthrop's _Speeches_ (1878, -etc.), p. 125.] - -Peter Thacher in a narrative which was prepared within a fortnight, -Thacher himself having observed the fight from the Malden side of -Mystick River.[552] This Thacher MS. was made the basis of the account -which the Committee of Safety, by order of the provincial congress, -prepared for sending to England.[553] There have been preserved a -large number of letters and statements written by eye-witnesses or by -those near at hand, some of them conveying particulars essential to -the understanding of the day's events, but most adding little beyond -increasing our perceptions of the feelings of the hour.[554] - -[Illustration: - -After the painting belonging to Yale College. Cf. photograph in -Kingsley's _Yale College_, i. 102; engravings in Hollister's -_Connecticut_, i. 234, and _Amer. Quart. Reg._, viii. 31, 193; and -memoir in Sparks's _Amer. Biog._, xvi. 3, by J. L. Kingsley.] - -To these may be added various diaries and orderly-books, which are of -little distinctive value.[555] There are other accounts, written at a -later period, in which personal recollections are assisted by study -of the recitals of others, and chief among them are the narrative in -Thacher's _Military Journal_ (Boston, 1823), where the account is -entered as of July, 1775, and chapter xix. of General James Wilkinson's -_Memoirs_ (1816), embodying what he learned in going over the field -in March, 1776, with Stark and Reed. Col. John Trumbull saw the smoke -of the fight from the Roxbury lines, and gave an outline narrative -in his _Autobiography_ (1841).[556] The account in General Heath's -_Memoirs_ (Boston, 1798) is short.[557] A few of the earlier general -histories of the war were written by those on the American side who -had some advantages by reason of friendly or other relations with the -actors.[558] Of the still later accounts, Frothingham and Dawson have -already been referred to for their bibliographical accompaniments. -The diversity of evidence[559] respecting almost all cardinal points -of the battle's history has necessarily entailed more or less of -the controversial spirit in all who have written upon it, but for -thoroughness of research and a fair discrimination combined, the -labors of Frothingham must be conceded to be foremost. Dawson is -elaborate, and he reveals more than Frothingham the processes of his -collations, but his spirit is not so tempered by discretion, and an -air of flippant controversy often pervades his narrative. Of the more -recent general historians it is only necessary to mention Bancroft[560] -and Carrington. The former gave to it three chapters in his original -edition, in 1858, which, by a little condensation, make a single -one in his final revision, but without material change.[561] The -account in Carrington[562] is intended to be distinctively a military -criticism.[563] - -The troops of Connecticut[564] and New Hampshire[565] were the only -ones engaged beside those of Massachusetts. - -The question of who commanded during the day has been the subject of -continued controversy, arising from the too large claims of partisans. -Though there is much conflict of contemporary evidence, it seems well -established that Col. William Prescott commanded at the redoubt, and -no one questioned his right. He also sent out the party which in the -beginning protected his flank towards the Mystick; but when Stark, -with his New Hampshire men, came up to strengthen that party, his -authority seems to have been generally recognized, and he held the rail -fence there as long as he could to cover the retreat of Prescott's men -from the redoubt. Putnam, the ranking officer on the field, Warren -disclaiming all right to command, withdrew men with entrenching tools -from Prescott, and planned to throw up earthworks on the higher -eminence, now known as Bunker Hill proper, and near the end of the -retreat he assumed a general command, and directed the fortifying of -Prospect Hill. It is not apparent, then, that any officer, previous to -this last stage of the fight, can be said to have had general command -in all parts of the field. The discussion of the claims of Putnam and -Prescott has resulted in a large number of monographs, and has formed a -particular feature in many of the general accounts of the battle, the -mention of some of which has for this reason been deferred till they -could be placed in the appended note.[566] - -A list of officers in the battle, not named in Frothingham's _Siege_, -is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1873; and an -English list of the Yankee officers in the force about Boston in -June, 1775, is in _Ibid._, July, 1874. The Lives of participants and -observers add occasionally some items to the story.[567] - -[Illustration: - -This follows the reproduction of an engraving in J. C. Smith's _Brit. -Mezzotint Portraits_, p. 1716, which is inscribed: ISRAEL PUTNAM, Esq., -_Major-General of the Connecticut forces, and Commander-in-chief at the -engagement on Buncker's-Hill, near Boston, 17 June, 1775. Published -by C. Shepherd, 9 Sep^r 1775. J. Wilkinson pinxt._ (Cf. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xix. 102.) There is a French engraving, representing him -in cocked hat, looking down and aside, and subscribed "Israel Putnam, -Eq^{re}., major général des Troupes de Connecticut. Il commandait en -chef à l'affaire de Bunckes hill près Boston, le 17 Juin, 1775." Col. -J. Trumbull made a sketch of Putnam, which has been engraved by W. -Humphreys (_National Portrait Gallery_, N. Y., 1834) and by Thomas -Gimbrede. - -Cf. portraits in Murray's _Impartial Hist._ (1778), i. 334; Hollister's -_Connecticut_; Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., i. 413; and -_Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_ (Nürnberg, 1778). - -For lives of Putnam, see Sabin, xvi. no. 66,804, etc. For his -birthplace, see _Appleton's Journal_, xi. 321; Miss Larned's _Windham -County, Conn._ Cf. B. J. Lossing in _Harper's Monthly_, xii. 577; -_Evelyns in America_, 273; R. H. Stoddard in _Nat. Mag._, xii. 97.] - -[Illustration: JOSEPH WARREN. - -After a copperplate by J. Norman in _An Impartial Hist. of the War -in America_ (Boston, 1781), vol. ii. p. 210. The best known picture -of Warren is a small canvas by Copley, belonging to Dr. John Collins -Warren, of Boston, which has been often engraved, and is given in -mezzotint by H. W. Smith in Frothingham's _Life of Warren_. The picture -in Faneuil Hall is painted after this, and Thomas Illman has engraved -that copy. A larger canvas by Copley, painted not long before that -artist left Boston for England, is owned by Dr. Buckminster Brown, -of Boston, and was engraved for the first time in the _Mem. Hist. of -Boston_, iii. 60, where will be found accounts of various contemporary -prints and memorials of Warren (pp. 59, 61, 142, 143), including his -house at Roxbury, the manuscript of his Massacre Oration, etc. Cf. -Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 546; _Hist. Mag._, Dec., 1857; Loring's -_Hundred Boston Orators_, p. 67; Mrs. J. B. Brown's _Stories of -General Warren_; _Life of Dr. John Warren_; the _Warren Genealogy_; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Sept., 1866. The earliest eulogy was that -by Perez Morton in 1776 (Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, 327; -Niles's _Principles and Acts_, 1876, p. 30), and the earliest memoir -of any extent was that by A. H. Everett, in Sparks's _Amer. Biography_ -(vol. x.). There are reminiscences in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, xii. 113, 234, which were based by Gen. William H. Sumner on -some letters published by him in 1825 in the _Boston Patriot_, when, -as adjutant-general of the State, he arranged for the appearance of -the Bunker Hill veterans in the celebration of that year, and derived -some reminiscences from them respecting Warren's appearance and -action during the fight. All other accounts of Warren, however, have -been eclipsed by Frothingham's _Life of Warren_ (Boston, 1865). In -the _Boston Medical and Surgical Journal_ (June 17, 1875), Dr. John -Jeffries (son of the surgeon of the British army who saw Warren's body -on the field) published a paper on his death. Cf. also R. J. Speirr in -Potter's _Amer. Monthly_, v. 571; Frothingham's _Warren_, pp. 519, 523; -Barry's _Massachusetts_, i. 37, and references. - -The grateful intentions expressed by the Massachusetts House of -Representatives (April 4, 1776), by the Continental Congress (April -8, 1777; Sept. 6, 1778; July 1, 1780,—see _Journals of Congress_), -and by the Congress of the United States (Jan. 30, 1846,—_Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 337), have never been carried out. Benedict -Arnold manifested a special interest in the welfare of Warren's -children (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1857, p. 122). The -Freemasons erected a pillar to his memory on the battlefield in 1794, -which disappeared when the present obelisk was begun in 1825. There -is a view of the pillar in the _Analectic Mag._, March, 1818, and -in Snow's _Boston_, 309. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 65. A -statue of Warren, by Henry Dexter, was placed in a pavilion near the -obelisk in 1857. Cf. G. W. Warren's _Hist. of the Bunker Hill Monument -Association_; Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 547.] - -Among the anniversary discourses upon the battle, a few will bear -reading. The earliest was by Josiah Bartlett in 1794, published by B. -Edes, in Boston, the next year. Daniel Webster made a famous address -at the laying of the corner-stone of the monument in 1825, which can -be found in his _Works_, i. 59. (Cf. _Analectic Mag._, vol. xi.; A. -Levasseur's _Lafayette en Amérique_, Paris, 1829.) The same orator, at -the completion of the monument in 1843, embodied little of historical -interest in his Address. (_Works_, i. 89.[568]) Alexander H. Everett's -_Address_ in 1836 was subsequently inwoven in his _Life of Warren_. The -Rev. George E. Ellis began his conspicuous labors in this field in his -discourse in 1841. Edward Everett spoke in 1850 (_Orations_, etc., iii. -p. 3), and Gen. Charles Devens, at the Centennial in 1875, delivered an -oration, which was published by the city of Boston. The most noteworthy -address since that time was that of Robert C. Winthrop at the unveiling -of the statue of Colonel William Prescott, June 17, 1881.[569] This -statue, of which an engraving will be found in the _Mem. Hist. of -Boston_ (iv. 410), stands near the base of the monument.[570] - - * * * * * - -We turn now to the accounts on the British side. The orderly-books -of General Howe are preserved among Lord Dorchester's (Carleton's) -Papers in the Royal Institution, London. Sparks made extracts from -them, now in no. xlv. of the _Sparks MSS._ in Harvard College library. -Extracts relating to the dispositions for the day of the battle, and -for subsequent days, are given by Ellis (1843) p. 88.[571] Cf. _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 214. The more immediate English notes and -comments on the battle can be best grouped in a note.[572] - -During 1775 there were two English accounts, aiming at something like -historical perspective. One of these was, very likely, by Edmund Burke, -and was in the _Annual Register_ (p. 133, etc.). The other was _An -Impartial and Authentic Narrative of the Battle fought on the 17th of -June, 1775, between his Britannic Majesty's Troops and the American -Provincial Army on Bunker's Hill near Charles Town in New England_. -The author was John Clark, a first lieutenant of marines. He gives a -speech of Howe to his men, representing that it was delivered just -as he advanced to the attack, but this and much else in the book are -considered of doubtful authenticity.[573] - -In 1780 there appeared in the _London Chronicle_ some letters by Israel -Mauduit, which were republished the same year as _Three letters to -Lord Viscount Howe: added, Remarks on the battle of Bunker's Hill_ -(London, 1780), which in a second edition (1781) reads additionally -in the title, _To which is added a comparative view of the Conduct of -Lord Cornwallis and General Howe_. There was among the Chalmers' MSS. -(Thorpe's _Supplemental Catal._, 1843, no. 660) a writing entitled -_Some particulars of the battle of Bunker's Hill, the situation of the -ground_, etc. (8 pp., 1784), which Chalmers calls a "most curious paper -in the handwriting of Israel Mauduit, found among his pamphlets, Jan. -23, 1789." - -In 1784 William Carter's _Genuine Detail of the Royal and American -Armies_ appeared in London. Carter was a lieutenant in the Fortieth -Foot, and his book was seemingly reissued in 1785, with a new -title-page. (Brinley, no. 1,789; Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, nos. 80, -81; Harvard Coll. lib., 6351.16.) - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—The fac-simile on this page is of a handbill, printed in Boston, -giving the tory side of the fight at Bunker Hill,—after an original in -the library of the Mass. Hist. Society.] - -[Illustration: NOTE.—This sketch of Bunker Hill Battle, made for Lord -Rawdon, follows a tracing of the original belonging to Dr. Emmet of -New York, furnished to me by Mr. Benson J. Lossing. A finished drawing -from this sketch is given in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. iii. Cf. -_Harper's Mag._ xlvii., p. 18. The spire in the foreground is that of -the West Church, which stood where Dr. Bartol's church, in Cambridge -Street, Boston, now stands, showing that the sketcher was on Beacon -hill, 138 feet above the water. The smoke from the frigate to the right -of the spire rises against the higher hill where Putnam endeavored -to rally the retreating provincials. This hill is 110 feet above the -water, and about one mile and a half distant from the spectator. One -hundred and thirty rods to the right of this summit is the crown of the -lower or Breed's Hill, where the redoubt was, which is 62 feet above -the sea. Dr. Emmet secured this picture and another of the slope of -the hill, taken after the battle, and showing the broken fences (_Mem. -Hist. of Boston_, iii. 88), at the sale of the effects of the Marquis -of Hastings, who was a descendant of Lord Rawdon, then on Gage's staff -(_Harper's Monthly Mag._, 1875). The earliest engraved picture of the -battle is one cut by Roman, which was published the same year, and -appeared also in Sept., 1775, on a reduced scale, in the _Pennsylvania -Magazine_. It has been reproduced in Frothingham's _Centennial: Battle -of Bunker Hill_ (1875), in Moore's _Ballad History_, and in other of -the Centennial memorials. In 1781 a poem by George Cockings, _The -American War_ (London), had a somewhat extraordinary picture, which -has been reproduced in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 401, by S. A. -Drake, and others. In 1786 Col. John Trumbull painted his well-known -picture of the battle, which has been often engraved. (Cf. Trumbull's -_Autobiography_; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xv.; Tuckerman's _Book -of the Artists_; _Harper's Magazine_, Nov., 1879.) Trumbull claimed -that the following figures in his picture were portraits: Warren, -Putnam, Howe, Clinton, Small, and the two Pitcairns. - -In the _Mass. Magazine_, Sept., 1789, there is a view of Charlestown, -showing Bunker's and Breed's hills, with their original contours. It -is reproduced in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 554, with a note upon other -early views. Frothingham (_Siege_, p. 121) gives one from an early -manuscript which closely resembles the topography of the Rawdon sketch; -and again (_Centennial_, etc.) another which is in fact the perspective -sketch of the town at the edge of Price's view of Boston (1743), -converted into a panoramic picture (_Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 329). - -The _Gentleman's Mag._, Feb., 1790, has a view of Charlestown, with the -tents of the British army on the hill, taken after the battle, and from -Copp's Hill. It shows the wharves and ruins of the town. (Cf. note in -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 88.)] - -The account of the loyalist Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 52) has -his usual twist of vision, though he is severe on Gage for "taking the -bull by the horns" in making an attack in front. - -[Illustration: CHARLESTOWN PENINSULA, 1775. - -Sketched from a plan by Montresor, showing the redoubt erected by the -British, after June 17, on the higher eminence of Bunker Hill. The -original is in the library of Congress, where is a plan on a large -scale of this principal redoubt.] - -The long list of general histories on the British side, detailing the -events of the battle, begins with Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the War_ -(London, 1778; Newcastle, 1782), and is made up during the rest of that -century by the _Hist. of the War_ published at Dublin (1779-85); Hall's -_Civil War in America_ (1780); _The Detail and Conduct of the Amer. -War_ (1780); Andrews's _Hist. of the War_ (1785, vol. i. 301,—quoted -at length by Ryerson, _Loyalists_, i. 461); Stedman, _Hist. Amer. War_ -(London, 1794, vol. i. 125). The best of the later historians is Mahon -(_Hist. of England_, vi.), who was forced to admit, when pressed upon -the question, that the American claims of victory, which he says they -have always held, appear only in the reports of later British tourists -(vol. vi., App. xxix.). Lecky, in his brief account (_England in the -Eighteenth Century_, iii. 463), makes an intention of Gage to fortify -the Charlestown and not the Dorchester heights the incentive to the -American occupation of the former. Edw. Bernard's _History of England_ -(London) has a curious "View of the Attack on Bunker's Hill, with the -burning of Charlestown." - -Something confirmatory, rather than of original value, can be gained -from the histories of various regiments which took part in the -battle, as detailed in the series of _Historical Records_ of such -regiments.[574] - - * * * * * - -The battle almost immediately found commemoration in British ballads -(_Hist. Mag._, ii. 58; v. 251; Hale's _Hundred Years Ago_, p. 7), and -the slain were commemorated in elegiac verses, as in M. M. Robinson's -_To a young lady, on the death of her brother, slain in the late -engagement at Boston_ (London, 1776). The same year there appeared at -Philadelphia _The Battle of Bunker's Hill, a dramatic piece in five -acts, in heroic measure, by a gentleman of Maryland_. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF BUNKER HILL. - -NOTE.—The references in the corner of this cut, too fine to be easily -read in this reduced fac-simile, are as follows:— - -"_A A._ First position, where the troops remained until reinforcements -arrived. - -_B B._ Second position. - -_C C C._ Ground on which the different regiments marched to form the -line. - -_D D._ Direction in which the attack was made upon the redoubt and -breastwork. - -_E E._ Position of a part of the 47th and marines, to silence the fire -of a barn at E. - -_F._ First position of the cannon. - -_G._ Second position of the cannon in advancing with the grenadiers, -but stopped by the marsh. - -_H._ Breastwork formed of pickets, hay, stones, etc., with the pieces -of cannon. - -_I I._ Light infantry advancing along the shore to force the right of -the breastwork _H_. - -_L L._ The "Lively" and "Falcon" hauled close to shore, to rake the low -grounds before the troops advanced. - -_M M._ Gondolas that fired on the rebels in their retreat. - -_N._ Battery of cannon, howitzers, and mortars on Copp's Hill, that -battered the redoubt and set fire to Charlestown. - -_O O O._ The rebels behind all the stone walls, trees, and brush-wood, -and their numbers uncertain, having constantly large columns to -reinforce them during the action. - -_P._ Place from whence the grenadiers received a very heavy fire. - -_Q._ Place of the fifty-second regiment on the night of the 17th. - -_R._ Forty-seventh regiment, in Charlestown, on the night of the 17th. - -_S._ Detachments in the mill and two storehouses. - -_T._ Breastwork thrown up by the remainder of the troops on the night -of the 17th. - -_Note._ The distance from Boston to Charlestown is about 550 yards."] - -Its author is said to be Hugh Henry Brackenridge, and the frontispiece, -"The Death of Warren", by Norman, is held to be the earliest engraving -in British America by a native artist (Hunnewell, p. 13; Brinley, no. -1,787; Sabin, ii. 7,184; xiv. 58,640). In 1779 there was printed at -Danvers, _America Invincible, an heroic poem, in two books: a Battle at -Bunker Hill, by an officer of rank in the Continental army_ (Hunnewell, -p. 13). In 1781 an anonymous poem was published in London, known later -to be the production of George Cockings, and called _The American War, -in which the names of the officers who have distinguished themselves -during the war are introduced_ (Brinley, no. 1,788; Hunnewell, p. 14). -Of later use of the battle in fiction, it is only necessary to name -Cooper's novel of _Lionel Lincoln_ and O. W. Holmes's _Grandmother's -Story of Bunker Hill Battle_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1875, p. 33). - - * * * * * - -The chief enumerations which have been heretofore made of the plans -of the battle of Bunker Hill are by Frothingham, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, xiv. 53; by Hunnewell in his _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 17; -and by Winsor in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. (introduction). The -earliest rude sketches are by Stiles in his diary (Dawson, p. 393), -and one formed by printer's rules in _Rivington's Gazetteer_, Aug. 3, -1775 (Frothingham's _Siege_, p. 397, and Dawson, p. 390). Montresor, of -the British engineers, very soon made a survey of the field, and this -was used by Lieutenant Page in drawing a plan of the action, which he -carried to England with him when, on account of wounds received while -acting as an aid to Howe, he was given leave of absence (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, June, 1875, p. 56). In the Faden collection (nos. 25-30) -of maps in the library of Congress there are Page's rough and finished -plans, drawn before the British works on the hill were begun, and also -plans by Montresor and R. W., of the Welsh Fusiliers. Page's plan, -as engraved, was issued in London in 1776, and called _A Plan of the -Action at Bunker's Hill_.[575] - -Page's, however, was not the first engraved. One "by an officer on -the spot" was published in London, Nov. 27, 1775, called _Plan of -the battle on Bunker's Hill. Fought on the 17th of June_, which was -issued as a broadside, with Burgoyne's letter to Lord Stanley on the -same sheet. The central position of the Americans is called "Warren's -redoubt." This is reproduced in F. Moore's _Ballad History of the -Revolution_. - -Another contemporary British plan—discovered probably "in the baggage -of a British officer", after the royal troops left Boston in March, -1776, but not brought to light till forty years later, when it was -mentioned in a newspaper in Wilkesbarre, Penn., as having been found in -an old drawer—was one made by Henry de Bernière, of the Tenth Royal -Infantry, on nearly the same scale as Page's, but less accurately. - -[Illustration: BOSTON AND BUNKER HILL. - -(_Impartial History_, _etc._, 1781.) ] - -It was engraved in 1818 in the _Analectic Magazine_ (Philad., p. 150), -and a fac-simile of that engraving is annexed. The text accompanying -it states that its general accuracy had been vouched for by Governor -Brooks, General Dearborn, Dr. A. Dexter, Deacon Thos. Miller, John -Kettell, Dr. Bartlett, the Hon. James Winthrop, and Mr. [Judge] -Prescott. General Dearborn and Deacon Miller thought the rail fence -too far in the rear of the redoubt, having been really nearly in the -line of it. Judge Winthrop and Dr. Bartlett thought the map in this -particular correct. There was the same division of belief regarding -the cannon behind the fence, Dearborn and Miller believing there were -none there, Brooks and Winthrop holding the contrary. Other witnesses -represented to the editor of the _Magazine_ that there was no interval -between the breastwork and the fence, but that an imperfect line of -defence connected the redoubt with the Mystick shore, as represented in -Stedman's (Page's) map.[576] - -In the _Portfolio_ (March, 1818) General Dearborn criticised the plan -(Dawson, p. 406), and, using the same plate in his separate issue of -his comments, he imposed in red his ideas of the position of the works, -and this was in turn criticised by Governor Brooks.[577] Mr. G. G. -Smith made a (plan) _Sketch of the Battle of Bunker Hill by a British -Officer_ (Boston, 1843), which grew out of the plan and the comments on -it. Bernière's plan was also used by Colonel Swett as the basis of the -one which he published in his _History of the Battle of Bunker Hill_ -(1828, 1826, 1827), which has been frequently copied (Ellis, Lossing, -etc.). The latest attempt to map the phases of the action critically is -by Carrington in his _Battles of the Revolution_ (p. 112), who gives -an eclectic plan. Plans adopting the features of earlier ones are in -the English translation of Botta's _War of Independence_, Grant's -_British Battles_ (ii. 144). A plan of the present condition of the -ground, by Thomas W. Davis, superposing the line of the American works, -is given in the Bunker Hill Monument Association's _Proceedings_ -(1876). A map of Charlestown in 1775 with a plan of the battle was -prepared and published in 1875 by James E. Stone. A plan of the works -as reconstructed by the British, and deserted by them in March, 1776, -is given in Carter's _Genuine detail_, etc. (London, 1784), which is -reproduced in Frothingham's _Siege_, p. 330. Other MS. plans of their -works on both hills are in the Faden maps in the library of Congress. - -Before the war closed a plan was engraved by Norman, a Boston engraver, -which is the earliest to appear near the scene itself. This was a -_Plan of the town of Boston with the attack on Bunker's Hill, in the -peninsula of Charlestown, on June 17, 1775_ (measuring 11-1/2 × 7 -inches), which is, however, of no topographical value as respects the -action. It appeared in Murray's _Impartial History_ (1778), i. p. 430, -and in An Impartial History of the War in America (Boston, 1781, vol. -i.), and a reduced fac-simile of it is annexed.[578] - - -=C.= THE AMERICAN CAMP.—A variety of journals and diaries have been -preserved, the best known of which is that of Dr. Thacher, a surgeon on -Prospect Hill.[579] - -The daily life of the Cambridge camp is best seen in the letters -sent from it, and foremost in interest among such are those of -Washington.[580] From the Roxbury camp there are letters of General -Thomas in the _Thomas Papers_, where is one of Dr. John Morgan, the -medical director. Several from Jedediah Huntington are preserved in -the Trumbull Papers, and are printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -xlix.[581] The principal letters from the Winter Hill camp are those -of General Sullivan,[582] and a few have been printed written at the -Prospect Hill camp.[583] - -Something of the spirit prevailing in Watertown, where the Provincial -Congress was sitting, can be seen in the letters of James Warren and -Samuel Cooper.[584] - -There are in the library of the Amer. Antiq. Soc. at Worcester -several orderly-books of the siege,[585] and others are preserved -elsewhere.[586] - - * * * * * - -=D.= THE BRITISH CAMP.—The condition of Boston during the siege -must be learned from various sources. The _Boston News-Letter_ was -still published, but numbers of it are very scarce for this period, -and no other of the Boston newspapers continued to be published in -the town.[587] It was a convenient vehicle for the British generals, -and any morsel of news likely to be distasteful to the patriots, -like the intercepted correspondence of Washington and John Adams, -was pretty sure to reach the American lines through its columns. The -correspondence of the generals is preserved in the British Archives -and in the papers at the Royal Institution (London), and occasionally -some few letters, like those of Percy in the Boston Public Library, -have been found elsewhere. It is charged that Gage's papers were stolen -in Boston.[588] Some new glimpses were got when Fonblanque published -his _Life of Burgoyne_.[589] The best accounts of the succession -of events in the town and the daily life are found in Dr. Ellis's -"Chronicles of the Siege",[590] and in Mr. Horace E. Scudder's "Life -in Boston during the Siege", a chapter in the _Memorial Hist. of -Boston_, vol. iii.,[591] which may be consulted (p. 154) for various -sources respecting the details of the privations and amusements of the -people and the garrison, and of the vicissitudes of its buildings and -landmarks.[592] An account of the British works in Boston is given in -Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, and the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 79. -The current record of the outposts, etc., is noted in Moore's _Diary -of the Rev._, 109, etc. Carrington (_Battles_, 154) refers to a MS. -narrative of experiences in the town by one Edw. Stow. Some of the -correspondence of the Boston selectmen with Thomas, at Roxbury, is -in the _Thomas Papers_. It is, however, to the diaries, letters, and -orderly-books which have been preserved that we must go for the details -of life in the beleaguered town.[593] - - -=E.= BOSTON EVACUATED.—The letters of Washington[594] best enable -us to follow the movements, but they may be supplemented by other -contemporary accounts.[595] - -Howe's despatch to Dartmouth, dated Nantasket Roads, is in Dawson, -i. 94.[596] His conduct of the siege is criticised in _A view -of the evidence relative to the Conduct of the American War_ -(1779). Contemporary dissatisfaction was expressed in an ironical -congratulatory poem published in London (Sabin, iv., 15,476). - -One Crean Brush,[597] acting under orders of Howe, endeavored to carry -off the merchandise from the stores of the town, so far as he could, -on a vessel put at his disposal. Howe's proclamation in his favor is -in fac-simile in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 97. Brush's vessel -was later captured by Manly (_Evacuation Memorial_, 166). Similar -experience in trying to escape with his merchandise was suffered by -Jolley Allen, as portrayed in his _Account of a part of his sufferings -and losses_, ed. by C. C. Smith, given in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -Feb., 1878, and separately. Allen's narrative was reprinted in the -spelling of the original MS. in _An Account of a part of the sufferings -and losses of Jolley Allen, a native of London, with a preface and -Notes by Mrs. Frances Mary Stoddard_ (Boston, 1883). An inventory -of the stores left by the British is in the _Siege of Boston_, -406.[598] In the cabinet of this society is a handbill adopted by -the freeholders of Boston, Nov. 18 [1776?], calling upon all who had -suffered in property in Boston since March, 1775, to report the same to -a committee.[599] - -Washington's instructions (April 4, 1776) to Ward are in the printed -_Heath Papers_, P. 4. The Mass. legislature, April 30, 1776, ordered -beacons to be set at Cape Ann, Marblehead, and Blue Hill, ready to be -fired in case of the enemy's reappearing, which was for a long time -dreaded. Ward writes to Washington of his measures in progress.[600] - -The correspondence of John Adams and John Winthrop (_Mass. Hist. -Coll._, xlv.) shows constant anxiety lest the defences should not be -prepared in case of need.[601] - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF BOSTON, 1776. - -The westerly half of the map in the octavo atlas of Marshall's -_Washington_, which is a reduction of the map in the earlier quarto -atlas (1804). It is reproduced in the French translations of Marshall -and of Botta.] - -The cut on the title of the present volume represents one side of the -medal given by Congress to Washington, to commemorate his raising the -siege of Boston.[602] - - -=F.= MAPS OF THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.—Plans of Boston and its -neighborhood, including its harbor, for the illustration of the siege -of Boston, are numerous, and the account of them given in the _Mem. -Hist. of Boston_ (iii., introd.) is in the main followed in the present -enumeration, which divides them into those of American, English, -French, and German origin, and adheres as far as possible to the order -of publication in each group. - -The earliest American is the 1769 (or last) edition of what is known -as Price's edition of Bonner's map of Boston, which had done service -since 1722 by successive changes in the plate, this last issue showing -Hancock's Wharf, and "Esqr. Hancock's seat" on Beacon Street.[603] This -map sufficed for local use till the events of 1775 induced new interest -in the topography, when the earliest response came from Philadelphia, -where C. Lownes engraved _A new plan of Boston Harbour from an actual -survey_, for the _Pennsylvania Magazine_. It presented a reminder of -the great event of the year in its "N. B. Charlestown burnt, June 17, -1775, by the Regulars." There is another _Draught of the Harbour of -Boston and the adjacent towns and roads_, a manuscript, dated 1775, -among the _Belknap Papers_, i. 84, in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. -Society. The same _Pennsylvania Magazine_, the next month (July, 1775), -gave as engraved by Aitkins _A new and correct plan of the town of -Boston and Provincial Camp_. The town seems to be taken from a plan -which had appeared in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (London) the previous -January; but in one corner was added a plan of the circumvallating -lines of the besieging army.[604] Later in the season two other plans -were made, showing the American lines, which were not published, -however, till long after. One is given in Force's _American Archives_, -4th series, vol. iii.,[605] and the other was made by Col. John -Trumbull, in Sept., 1775, which was published in his _Autobiography_ in -1841.[606] Of about the same time is another very small _Plan of Boston -and its environs_, showing the circumvallating lines, which is in one -corner of a large _Map of the Seat of Civil War in America_, engraved -by B. Romans, and dedicated to Hancock. There is also, in the library -of the Mass. Hist. Society, a rude plan of the harbor and vicinity, -showing the positions of the provincials, which are reckoned at 20,000, -while the royal forces are put at 8,000. I find no other American plan -till Norman's, in 1781, reproduced on another page; and not another -till _The Seat of the late War at Boston_ appeared in the _Universal -Asylum and Columbian Magazine_, July, 1789, p. 444, but this is a -rather scant map of the country as far inland as Worcester. Gordon had -the year before this given a map in his _American Revolution_ (London, -1788) based on English sources; but it has been the foundation of most -of the eclectic maps since published in this country.[607] - -In 1822 a Mr. Finch printed in _Silliman's Journal_ an account of the -traces then remaining of the earthworks of the siege, both American and -British.[608] There is an enumeration of the different sections of the -lines, within and without Boston, in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_ (vol. iii. -104).[609] - -[Illustration: BOSTON AND VICINITY, JUNE, 1775.] - -The earliest English plan of this period is one called _A plan of -Boston and Charlestown from a drawing made in 1771_, which occupies the -margin of a larger map, engraved for _The Town and Country Magazine_ -in 1776, later to be mentioned. The _Catalogue of the King's Maps_ -(British Museum) shows a colored plan of Boston and vicinity (1773) -in the centre of a large sheet, with marginal views (later to be -described). - -In 1774 a _Plan of the town of Boston_ made part of a _Chart of the -Coast of New England_, which appeared in the _London Magazine_, April, -1774, and in _The American Atlas_, issued by Thomas Jefferys in London, -in 1776. This map seems to be the model of a _New and accurate Plan of -the town of Boston_, which is engraved in the corner of _A Map of the -most inhabited part of New England, by Thomas Jefferys, Nov. 29, 1774_, -usually also found in _The American Atlas_ (1776, nos. 15 and 16). This -map is found with the date 1755, even after changes of a later date had -been made in the plate.[610] The original map has also a marginal plan -of Boston harbor (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, September, 1864). - -The earliest English map of 1775 is one which appeared in the -_Gentleman's Magazine_ (January, 1775), though it is dated Feb. 1, -1775. It shows the town and harbor.[611] - -In the June number of the _Gentleman's Magazine_ is a "map of the -country one hundred miles round Boston, in order to show the situation -and march of the troops, as well provincial as regulars, which are now -within sight of each other, and are hourly expected to engage." - -In June, 1775, was also made a not very accurate map of the town and -its environs, which was published in London, Aug. 28, to satisfy the -eagerness for a map of the region to which the news of the battle of -Bunker Hill had turned all eyes. It is to be found in the first volume -of _Almon's Remembrancer_, and is reproduced herewith. A few weeks -after the fight at Charlestown there was probably made in Boston the -MS. plan of _Boston and circumjacent Country_, showing the present -situation of the king's troops and the rebel intrenchments. It is dated -July 25, 1775, and is owned by Dr. Charles Deane.[612] - -The largest chart which we have of Boston harbor of this period -is dated August 5, 1775, and was the work of Samuel Holland, the -surveyor-general of the Northern colonies, who was for some years -employed on a coast survey.[613] It takes in Nahant, Nantasket, and -Cambridge, and was based principally on the surveys of George Callendar -(1769).[614] When Des Barres included it in his _Atlantic Neptune_ -(part iii., no. 6, 1780-1783), he marked in the besieging lines, and -dated it Dec. 1, 1781, and in this state Des Barres also used it in his -_Coast and Harbors of New England_.[615] - -A map showing thirty miles round Boston, and bearing date Aug. 14, -1775, is in the king's library (British Museum), and is signed by -M. Armstrong. It has marginal statistical tables, and in the upper -right-hand corner is a plan of the "action near Charlestown, 17 -June, 1775."[616] There is among the Force maps in the library of -Congress the MS. original of the map (sketched herewith as _Boston and -Charlestown_, 1775), which is called _A Draught of the Towns of Boston -and Charlestown and the circumjacent country, shewing the works thrown -up by his Majesty's Troops, and also those by the Rebels during the -campaign of 1775. N. B. The rebel entrenchments are expressed as they -appear from Beacon Hill._ - -On August 28th the British town-major in Boston, James Urquhart, -licensed Henry Pelham to make a _Plan of Boston with its environs_. It -was engraved in aquatints in London, on two sheets, and not published -till June 2, 1777. Dr. Belknap, who was much troubled to find a correct -plan of the town for this period, thought Pelham's was the best.[617] - -[Illustration: BOSTON AND CHARLESTOWN, 1775.] - -There are among the Faden MSS. in the library of Congress two MS. -maps. One is probably the best plan of Boston itself of this period, -and the other the best of those of the vicinity.[618] They represent -the conditions of 1775, though they were not engraved and published -by William Faden in London till Oct. 1, 1777, and Oct. 1, 1778, -respectively. They are both, in the main, after a survey by William -Page, of the British engineers. The first is called _A Plan of the -Town of Boston, with the Intrenchments, etc., of his Majesty's forces -in 1775, from the observations of Lieut. Page and from the plans of -other gentlemen_. It gives the peninsula only, with a small portion -of Charlestown, and was again issued in Oct., 1778.[619] The second -is _Boston, its environs and harbour, with the Rebels' works raised -against that town in 1775, from the observations of Lieut. Page, -and from the plans of Capt. Montresor_. It includes Point Alderton, -Chelsea, Cambridge, and Dorchester, and there is a copy in the library -of the Mass. Hist. Society. - -[Illustration: BRITISH LINES ON BOSTON NECK, 1775-76. - -This is from Page's _Plan of the Town of Boston_, published in London -in 1777, and is accompanied by the following Key:—_a_, redoubt; -_b_, block-house for cannon; _c_, six 24-pounders, 2 royals; _d_, -four 9-pounders; _e_, six 24-pounders; _f_, left bastion; _g_, right -bastion; _h_, _h_, guard-houses; _i_, _i_, traverses; _k_, _k_, -magazines; _l_, _l_, abattis; _m_, _m_, _m_, routes-du-pols; _n_, -block-house for musketry; _o_, floating battery, 2 guns; _p_, _p_, -fleches, 1 sub. and 20 men. The building beyond the outer lines and -near the edge of the upland is Brown's house, the scene of skirmishes -during the siege (_Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 80; Heath's _Memoirs_). -The narrowest part of the neck was at the present Dover Street where -it intersects Washington Street. The foundations of the main works -at this point were laid bare in digging a drain in March, 1860. The -outer works were just within Blackstone and Franklin squares. There -are views of these lines in the Faden Collection in the library of -Congress, dated August, 1775, probably the original of the engraved -views which accompany Des Barres' coast survey, and of which there -are reproductions in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 80. Cf. -also Frothingham's _Siege_, p. 315. The same Faden Collection has -a pen-and-ink plan of the lines, dated Aug., 1775 (no. 37 of the -_Catal._). - -During the summer of 1775, John Trumbull, then an aid to General -Spencer, crawled up, under cover of the tall grass, near enough to -the British lines to sketch them; but a continuance of the hazardous -exploit was soon rendered unnecessary by the desertion of a British -artilleryman, who brought with him a rude plan of the entire work. So -Trumbull says in his _Autobiography_, p. 22. Washington, on comparing -this surreptitious sketch with the deserter's plan, found them so -nearly to correspond that Trumbull thinks his own future promotion -probably arose from it. Trumbull's sketch and the memorandum of the -deserter "from the Welsh fusileers" seem to have been the basis -of a careful drawing of the British lines, prepared apparently at -headquarters in Cambridge, as it bears the handwriting of Washington's -aid, Thomas Mifflin, an explanatory table of the armament in the works. -This found its way into that portion of the Papers of Arthur Lee which -went to the Amer. Philosophical Society in Philadelphia, and from it a -reduced heliotype is given in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. p. 80. -Washington sent a copy of the plan, nearly duplicate, to Congress, and -this is given in Force's _Amer. Archives_, 4th ser., i. p. 29, and is -reproduced on a smaller scale in Wheildon's _Siege and Evacuation of -Boston_, p. 34. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1879, p. 62.) -There are two other American drawings of the lines, of less importance. -One is in the _Pennsylvania Magazine_ for Aug., 1775, and is called _An -exact plan of Gen. Gage's lines on Boston Neck in America, July 31, -1775_. The other is a small marginal view of _The Lines thrown up on -Boston neck by the ministerial army_, making part of the _Seat of the -Civil War_, by Romans. A rude powder-horn plan is noted in the _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._ (Nov., 1881), xix. 103. One of the Faden MS. plans -shows a proposed star redoubt at a point outside the lines.] - -In October, 1775, an "Engineer at Boston", Lieut. Richard Williams, -made and sent over to England a plan showing the "redoubt taken from -the rebels by General Howe", the British camp on the higher summit of -Bunker Hill, together with the American lines at Cambridge and Roxbury. -In London it was compared with "several other curious drawings", from -which additions were made, when it was published by Andrew Dury, March -12, 1776, as engraved by Jno. Lodge for the late Mr. Jefferys, and -called _Plan of Boston and its environs, showing the true situation of -his Majesty's Army, and also those of the rebels_.[620] In the same -month (Oct., 1775) a _Plan of Boston_, with Charlestown marked as in -ruins, appeared in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (p. 464). Another _Map of -Boston and Charlestown, by an English officer present at Bunker Hill_, -was published in London, Nov. 25, 1775. The last map made during the -British occupation of Boston was _An accurate map of the Country round -Boston in New England, published by A. Hamilton, Jr., near St. John's -Gate, Jan. 16, 1776_, appearing in the _Town and Country Magazine_. It -measures 11-1/2 × 12-1/2 inches, and extends from Plymouth to Ipswich, -and inland to Groton and Providence. - -The evacuation of Boston in March, 1776, removed the centre of interest -elsewhere, but there was for some time an apprehension of the return of -the British for a naval attack; and while the Americans were fortifying -the harbor, the English were publishing in London several maps of -its configuration. The earliest was a _Chart of Massachusetts Bay -and Boston Harbour_, published April 29, 1776. With the date changed -to Dec. 1, 1781, it was subsequently included by Des Barres in the -_Atlantic Neptune_, and in the _Charts of the Coast and Harbors of -New England_, 1781.[621] Another _Chart of Boston Bay_, whose limits -include Salem, Watertown, and Scituate, following Holland's surveys, -was published Nov. 13, 1776, and later appeared, dated Dec. 1, 1781, in -the _Atlantic Neptune_, and in the _Coast and Harbors of New England_. -A chart of the harbor, with soundings, was also included in the _North -American Pilot for New England_ (London, 1776), showing a solitary tree -on the peninsula marked "Ruins of Charlestown." There was a second -edition of the _Pilot_ in 1800. A small plan of the harbor is also -in the margin of Carrington Bowles's _Map of the seat of war in New -England_ (London, 1776). - -The first eclectic map was that published by Gordon in his _Amer. -Revolution_ (London, 1788), which he based on Pelham's map for the -country, and Page's for the harbor.[622] - - * * * * * - -The French maps published in Paris were almost always based on English -sources. Such were the _Carte de la baye de Baston_ (no. 30), and -_Plan de la ville de Baston_ (no. 31), in _Le Petit Atlas maritime, -vol. i., Amérique Septentrionale, par le S. Bellin, 1764_. There -are several other French maps without date, but probably a little -antedating the outbreak of hostilities. Such are a _Plan de la ville -et du port de Boston_, published by Lattré in Paris;[623] and a small -map, _Plan de la ville de Boston et ses environs_, engraved by B. D. -Bakker. An engraved map, without date, is in the British Museum, called -_Carte des environs de Boston, capitale de la N^{lle} Angleterre en -Amérique_.[624] It carries the coast from below Plymouth to above the -Merrimac. There is in the Poore collection of maps in the Mass. State -Archives a _Carte de la baye de Baston_ (marked Tome i. no. 30). - -The only dated map of this period is a _Carte du porte et havre de -Boston, par le Chevalier de Beaurain_ (Paris, 1776). The corner -vignette shows a soldier bearing a banner with a pine-tree. -Frothingham, who reëngraved this picture, could find no earlier -representation of the pine-tree flag. - -The English (1774) map of the "most inhabited part of New England" was -reproduced "after the original by M. Le Rouge, 1777", under the title -of _La Nouvelle Angleterre en 4 feuilles_; and it was again used in -the _Atlas Ameriquain Septentrional, à Paris, chez Le Rouge_ (1778), -repeating the map of Boston, with names in English and descriptions in -French. Another reproduction from the English appeared in the _Carte -particulière du Havre de Boston, reduite de la carte anglaise de Des -Barres par ordre de M. de Sartine_ (1780). It belongs to the _Neptune -Americo-Septentrional, publié par ordre du Roi_. - -There is among the Rochambeau maps (no. 14), in the library of -Congress, a _Plan d'une partie de la rade de Boston_, done in color, -about eight inches wide by sixteen high, showing the forts and giving -an elaborate key. - - * * * * * - -There is a curious map of Boston and its harbor, with names in Latin, -but apparently of German make, _Ichnographia urbis Boston_ and -_Ichnographia portus Bostoniensis_, which make part of a larger map, -perhaps the _Nova Anglia_ of Homann of Nuremberg. The _Geschichte -der Kriege in und ausser Europa_, published also at Nuremberg in -1776 (erste theil) has a map of Boston. Of the same date (1776), and -belonging to the _Geographische Belustigungen für Erläuterung der -neuesten Weltgeschichte_ (Zweytes Stück), published at Leipsic, is a -_Carte von dem Hafen und der Stadt Boston_, following the French map of -Beaurain even to reproducing the group with the pine-tree banner. It -embraces a circuit about Boston of which the outer limits are Chelsea, -Cambridge, Dorchester, Long Island, Deer Island, and Pulling Point. - - * * * * * - -=G.= THE CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA, 1775.—It is in dispute who planned -and who conducted the capture of Ticonderoga. On Feb. 21, 1775, Col. -John Brown had suggested it to Warren (_Force's Archives_). Arnold made -a statement of the post's defenceless condition to the Committee of -Safety in Cambridge, April 30, 1775 (_Mass. Archives_, cxlvi. p. 30; -_Amer. Bibliopolist_, 1873, p. 79). On the 2d of May he was given a -money credit and munitions, and on the 3d he was definitely instructed -to organize his party (_Mass. Archives_, cxlvi. p. 39). It is claimed -that some purpose of acting on the suggestion of Brown prompted in -part, at least, the Massachusetts provincial congress to appoint -early in April a committee to proceed to Connecticut and the other -New England colonies. Whether it was by their instigation, by certain -movements in Connecticut, or by the direct agency of Arnold that the -plan was formed, it is difficult to say. It is also claimed that the -plan grew out of a conference with the Massachusetts delegates to the -Philadelphia Congress, when, on their way, they stopped at Hartford -and held a session with Governor Trumbull and his council (_Force's -Archives_, ii. 507; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 298). Bancroft and the -Connecticut antiquaries find the beginning rather in the impulses of -one Parsons, who had just returned from Massachusetts, and had got from -Benedict Arnold, whom he met on the way, a statement of the plunder to -be obtained there, and, without any formal consent of the governor and -council, proceeded in the organization of a committee in Connecticut -(Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 338; final revision, iv. 182). Official -sanction was first evoked when Massachusetts, a few days later, -commissioned Arnold (_Mass. Archives_, cxlvi. 130, 139; _American -Bibliopolist_, 1873, p. 79; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1844, p. 14). -The Connecticut antiquaries have mainly set forth the claims of their -colony for leadership of the affair in the papers which constitute vol. -i. (pp. 163-185) of the _Conn. Hist. Soc. Collections_, in which is the -journal of Edward Mott,[625] the chairman of the Connecticut committee, -edited by J. H. Trumbull.[626] - -The part taken in the movement in Western Massachusetts arose -from confidence reposed in Brown and others of Pittsfield, by the -Connecticut men who passed through that town on their way to the -New Hampshire Grants.[627] Brown had, during the previous winter, -notified the Massachusetts committee that Ticonderoga would receive -the attention of Ethan Allen and Green Mountain boys as soon as -the outbreak came. The credit which attaches to this commander is -complicated by the relations which Arnold bore to the final capture, -and has in turn given rise to controversy. The most comprehensive -examination of the question on the Vermont side is L. E. Chittenden's -Addresses before the Vermont Historical Society, Oct., 1872 (published -at Rutland by the society), and at the unveiling of Allen's statue -at Burlington, July 4, 1873. We have Allen's own statements in his -_Narrative of his captivity, etc._[628] - -Dawson thinks that the merit of originating the active measures cannot -be taken from Benedict Arnold, and in his chapter (_Battles of the -United States_, i. ch. 2) on the subject traces minutely the sources -of each step in the progress of events, and in his Appendix (p. 38) -prints the protest (May 10th, p. 38) of the Connecticut committee -against Arnold's interference and Arnold's report (May 11th, p. 38) -to the Massachusetts Congress.[629] There are some of the current -reports preserved in Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Revolution_ (i. pp. -78-80), and the account, which ignores Arnold, of the _Worcester Spy_ -(May 16th) is given in the _Amer. Bibliopolist_ (1871, p. 491). There -are other contemporary accounts in the _American Archives_ (vols. -ii. and iii.); a journal by Elmer is in the _New Jersey Hist. Soc. -Proc._, vols. ii. and iii.; a Tory account in Jones's _New York during -the Revolutionary War_ (vol. i. pp. 47, 546), with a letter of May -14th.[630] Narratives by Caldwell and Beaman are in the _Historical -Magazine_, August, 1867, and May, 1868, respectively.[631] - - -=H.= THE CANADA CAMPAIGN, 1775-1776.—Washington in New York, June -25th, entrusted to Schuyler the command in the North (Lossing's -_Schuyler_, i. 330; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, 58), and -Congress issued (May 29, 1775) an address to the Canadians (_Journal -of Congress_; Pitkin's _United States_, i. App. 19). In August it was -reported that this address was left at the door of every house in -Canada. Schuyler reached Ticonderoga July 18th (Lossing's _Schuyler_, -i. ch. 21; Palmer's _Lake Champlain_, ch. 6; Irving's _Washington_, -ii.), and pushed on to the foot of Lake Champlain in September -(Lossing, i. ch. 23). - -Among the early reports, inducing the project of invading Canada, were -the letters of Maj. John Brown (Aug. 14, 1775) and Ethan Allen (Sept. -14th) respecting the condition of the Canadians (Sparks's _Corresp. of -the Rev._, i. 461, 464). There are other letters on the state of Canada -at this time in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 515, 547, 561-62, 569. -The Schuyler Papers, with the letters which they contain of Montgomery, -Arnold, Wooster, and Sullivan, are a main source of information -respecting the whole campaign.[632] - -[Illustration: FROM THE ATLAS OF WILKINSON'S MEMOIRS. - -A modern eclectic map is given in Carrington's _Battles_, 171. The most -considerable contemporary map for the illustration of the movements -during the Revolution in Canada is one published by Jefferys, in 1776, -of the _Province of Quebec, from the French Surveys and those made by -Capt. Carver and others after the War, with much detail of names, plan -of Quebec and heights of Abraham, Montreal and isles of Montreal_ (27 x -19 inches). On Feb. 16, 1776, Sayer and Bennett published in London _A -new map of the Province of Quebec according to the royal proclamation -of 7 Oct., 1763, from the French surveys, corrected with those made -after the war by Captain Carver and other officers in his majesty's -service_. There was a French reproduction of it in Paris in 1777, -included in the _Atlas Ameriquain_ (1778), called _Nouvelle Carte de la -Province de Quebec selon l'édit du Roi d'Angleterre du 7 8{bre}, 1763, -par le Capitaine Carver, traduites de l'Anglois, à Paris chez le Rouge, -1777_. - -Jefferys also issued in 1775 _An exact Chart of the River St. Lawrence -from Fort Frontenac to Anticosti_ (37 X 24 inches), which is usually -accompanied by a _Chart of the Golf of St. Lawrence, 1775_(24 X 20 -inches). _North Amer. Pilot_, nos. 11, 20, 21, 22. There is in the -_Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_ [Nuremberg], 1776, a -"Karte von der Insel Montreal und den Gegenden umher", following a plan -by Bellin. - -A map of Canada in 1774 is embraced in Mitchell's _Map of the British -Colonies_, and in Wright's ed. of _Cavendish's Debates in the Commons -(1774) on the Canada bill_, London, 1839. There are other maps in the -_American Atlas_ and Hilliard d'Auberteuil's _Essais_.] - -Schuyler's health preventing his taking the field in person, the -interest in the campaign centres in Montgomery up to the time of his -death.[633] We have despatches of his (Nov. 3, 1775) on the capture of -St. Johns,[634] on the taking of Chamblée,[635] and on the capitulation -of Montreal,[636] with his letters from before Quebec (Sparks, -_Corresp._, i. 492, etc.). A letter from one of his aids at this time -(Dec. 16, 1775) is in _Life of George Read_, p. 115. - -The principal Life of Montgomery is that by J. Armstrong, in Sparks's -_Amer. Biography_ (i. p. 181), which may be supplemented by other minor -accounts.[637] - -The connection of Benedict Arnold with the Campaign is illustrated in -his letters, beginning with those before he left the column advancing -by Lake Champlain, and then following his progress on the expedition -to coöperate by the Kennebec route, which Washington proposed to -Schuyler in a letter of Aug. 20, 1775 (Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 63). -On Sept. 14th Washington sealed his instructions to Arnold (Sparks, -iii. 86; Dawson, 113; Henry's _Journal_, ed. 1877, p. 2). It is said -that the route to be taken was suggested to Arnold by the journal of an -exploration in that direction by Montresor in 1760.[638] That engineer -had, by order of General Murray, made a survey of this route in -1761.[639] There are maps to illustrate Arnold's route in the _Atlantic -Neptune, London Mag._, 1776, Marshall's Atlas to his _Washington_, -and in the 1877 edition of Henry's _Journal_.[640] All the general -histories and a few biographies and local records necessarily cover the -story.[641] Arnold himself is the best contemporary authority. - -[Illustration: CAPITULATION OF ST. JOHNS. - -Fac-simile, slightly reduced, of the reproduction in Smith's _Amer. -Hist. and Lit. Curios._, 2d series, p. xl., from the original in the -collection of Ferdinand J. Dreer, of Philadelphia.] - -A number of his letters respecting the expedition are in Bowdoin -College library,[642] and they and others will be found in print in -the _Maine Hist. Soc. Collections_ (1831), vol. i. 357, etc., and in -Sparks's _Corresp. of the Revolution_, i. 46, 60, 88, 475, etc.[643] -His journal of his progress is unfortunately rather meagre, and covers -but a few weeks, Sept. 27 to Oct. 30, 1775. The original manuscript was -left by Arnold at West Point when he fled, and extracts from it are -printed in S. L. Knapp's _Life of Aaron Burr_, 1835; it is now owned by -Mr. S. L. M. Barlow, of New York, and a copy, made from it when owned -by Judge Edwards, of New York, is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). - -[Illustration: CONCLUSION AND ATTESTATION OF MONTGOMERY'S WILL. - -Cf. _Harper's Mag._, vol. lxx. p. 356.] - -Various other journals of the actors in the expedition have been -preserved.[644] - -Arnold's letters at the Point-aux-Trembles and before Quebec are -in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. App.), together with those -addressed to Wooster,[645] Schuyler, and Washington after the failure -of the assault on Quebec, Dec. 31, 1775.[646] - -[Illustration: MONTGOMERY. - -After the only original portrait preserved at Montgomery Place, and -representing him at about twenty-five. Cf. _Harper's Mag._, lxx. p. -350; Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., vol. ii. - -The study of Trumbull's well-known picture of "The Death of Montgomery" -is on a card less than four inches square, now owned by Major Lewis, of -Virginia, and is marked "J. Trumbull to Nelly Custis, 1790" (Johnston's -_Orig. Portraits of Washington_, p. 72).] - -[Illustration: RICHARD MONTGOMERY. - -From _An Impartial History of the War in America_, vol. i. p. 392 -(Boston), engraved by J. Norman. Cf. the engraving in Murray's -_Impartial Hist. of the Present War_, ii. 193. Neither of these -copper-plates are probably of any value as likenesses. They show the -kind of effigy doing service at the time.] - -The great resource for original material on the siege of Quebec, beside -the letters given by Sparks and Lossing, are in the gatherings of _4 -Force's Archives_, vols. iv., v., and vi.; Almon's _Remembrancer_, -vol. ii.; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 663, etc.; and in a large number -of diaries and other contemporary records, which may readily be -classed as American or British, with a few emanating from the French -Canadians.[647] - -On Jan. 19, 1776, a report was made in Congress that the army in Canada -be reinforced (_Secret Journals_, i. 241). - -[Illustration - -From an engraving of full length in _An Impartial Hist. of the War in -America_, Lond. 1780, p. 249. A mezzotint similar to this was published -in London, 1776, as "Col. Arnold, who commanded the provincial troops -sent against Quebec" (J. C. Smith, _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iv. -1714-1717). The portrait in profile, by W. Tate,—a handsome face,—was -engraved in line by H. B. Hall in 1865, and etched by him in 1879 for -Isaac N. Arnold's _Life of B. Arnold_. Cf. Jones's _Campaign for the -Conquest of Canada_, p. 168. Other portraits of Arnold are given later -in the present volume.] - -[Illustration: MONTRESOR'S MAP. - -Sketched from the original (1760) among the Peter Force maps in the -Library of Congress. There is a copy in the library of the N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Society.] - -In April Arnold returned to Montreal, and Wooster took command -before Quebec,[648] to be superseded by General Thomas, who reached -the camp May 1st. Upon Carleton's being reinforced, Thomas began -to retreat.[649] Burgoyne arrived with additional troops in June -(Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 211). The affair at the Cedars took place -May 19, 1776.[650] The movement against Three Rivers had been begun by -orders of Thompson, who was in command upon the death of Thomas (June -2d), and remained so for a few days till Sullivan arrived. - -[Illustration: - -From _An Impartial History of the War in America_, Lond., 1780, p. -400, where the cut represents his full length. Cf. prints published in -London in 1776 (_Brit. Mez. Portrait_, by J. C. Smith); Hollister's -_Connecticut_, i. 390; Jones's _Campaign for the Conquest of Canada_, -28; _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_ (Nürnberg, 1778).] - -Smith, in the _St. Clair Papers_, i. 17, collates the authorities -on this movement,[651] calling in question the statements given by -Bancroft. - -Sullivan's Irish precipitancy and over-confidence did not mend matters -as the retreat went on, and raised delusive hopes which were more -welcome than Arnold's gloomy views.[652] - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF QUEBEC, 1775-76. - -Sketched from a manuscript plan noted in the _Sparks Catalogue_ (p. -208), which belongs to Cornell University, and was kindly communicated -to the editor. The original (18½ × 15 inches) is marked as "on a -scale of 30 chaines to an Inch", and is signed "E. Antill ft." in -the corner. Mr. Sparks has marked it "Siege of Quebec, 1776." It is -endorsed on the outside, "Gen^l Arnold's plan of Quebec, with y^e -Americans besieging it, y^e winter of 1776." It bears the following -Key: "H, Headquarters. A, A, A, advanced guards. B, B, B, main guards. -C, C, C, quarter guards. D, Capt. Smith's riflemen. E, cul-de-sac, -where the men-of-war lay, F, governor's house. G, where all materials -are carried to build our batteries, out of view of the town. I, lower -town. K, the barrier, near which General Montgomery fell. K L, the -dotted line shews the route the troops took under the general, thro' -deep snow without any path." The dotted line in the river marks the -extent of ice from the shore, and in the open stream are the words: -"(Unfrose) Ice driving with y^e Tide." The roads are marked by broken -lines – – – – – – –. The position of patrols are marked by the -letter P. - -The principal engraved map is a _Plan of the city and environs of -Quebec with its siege and blockage by the Americans from the 8th of -December, 1775, to the 13th of May, 1776_. _Engraved by Wm. Faden, -London; published 12 Sept., 1776._ The original MS. draft is among -the Faden maps (no. 20) in the library of Congress. There are other -plans as follows: _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, April, 1884, p. 282; Leake's -_Life of Lamb_, p. 130; Atlas to Marshall's _Washington_; Carrington's -_Battles_, p. 138; Stone's _Invasion of Canada_, p. xvii.; a marginal -plan in Sayer and Bennett's _New Map of the Province of Quebec_, -published Feb. 16, 1776; and a German "Plan von Quebec" in the -_Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_, Nuremberg, 1777, Dritter -Theil. There is a marginal map of Quebec in an edition of Carver's map -of the Province of Quebec, published by Le Rouge in Paris in 1777, and -included in the _Atlas Ameriquain_ (1778). - -For views of Quebec and the points of attack, see Moore's _Diary of -the Rev._, i. 185; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 198; and _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, April, 1884, p. 274. A view of the plains of Abraham is in -_Ibid._, p. 296.] - -The retreat continued to Crown Point, and in July Sullivan was relieved -by Gates; and the campaign was over,—nothing accomplished. On July -26th Governor Trumbull reviews the condition of the army in a letter -in Hinman's _Conn. during the Rev._ (p. 560).[653] The letters of -Ira Allen and John Hurd express the uneasy state of mind along the -frontier, which now took possession of the exposed settlers (_N. H. -Prov. Papers_, viii. pp. 301, 306, 311, 315-317, 405). Insecurity was -felt at Ticonderoga (_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 576, 581). - -Congress twice appointed commissioners to proceed towards Canada. -In Nov., 1775, Robert R. Livingston, John Langdon, and Robert Treat -Paine were sent, with instructions dated Nov. 8th,[654] to examine -the fortifications of Ticonderoga and the highlands, and "to use -their endeavors to procure an accession of the Canadians to a union -with these colonies;" and their report (Nov. 17th), with a letter to -Montgomery (Nov. 30th), is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). In -March, 1776, Benj. Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll were -instructed (_Journals of Congress_, i. 289; Force, v. 411) to proceed -to Canada to influence, if possible, the sympathies of the Canadians. -Carroll was a Roman Catholic, and he was accompanied by his brother, -John Carroll, a priest.[655] Much was expected of the mission on -this account (Adams's _Familiar Letters_, 135). Franklin, delayed at -Saratoga (April), began to feel that the exposures of the expedition -were too much for one of his years, and sat down to write "to a few -friends by way of farewell."[656] Carroll kept a diary, which has been -since printed.[657] There are papers appertaining to the mission in -Force's _Archives_, 4th, iv., v.; Sparks's _Washington_ (iii. 390), and -his _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. 572), and Lossing's _Schuyler_ (vol. -ii.).[658] On Jan. 31, 1850, Mr. William Duane delivered an address on -_Canada and the Continental Congress_ before the Penna. Hist. Soc., -which is printed among their occasional publications. - -[Illustration: SULLIVAN'S ISLAND. - -A part of a view published in London, August 10, 1776, and made by -Lieut.-Col. Thomas James, of the Royal Regiment of Artillery. June 30, -1776. It represents the position of the fleet during "the attack on the -28th of June, which lasted nine hours and forty minutes." The position -of the ships is designated by A, "Active", 28 guns; B, "Bristol", -flag-ship, 50 guns; C, "Experiment", 50 guns; D, "Solebay", 28 guns. -The "Syren", 28 guns, and "Acteon", 28 guns, and the "Thunder", -bomb-ketch, were nearer the spectator as was the "Friendship", of 28 -guns. L is Sullivan's Island; M, a narrow isthmus, defended by an armed -hulk, N; the mainland is O; myrtle-grove, P. - -Faden also issued at the same time, as made by Col. James, a long -panoramic view of Sullivan's and Long islands, showing the American and -British camps on the opposite sides of the dividing inlet.] - -Mr. Brantz Mayer's introduction to the Centennial ed. of Carroll's -journal is largely concerned with the question of the Catholic -pacification of Canada. Cf. Brent's _Life of Archbishop Carroll_; and -B. W. Campbell's "Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll" in _U. S. Cath. -Mag._, iii. The unfortunate comments (Oct. 21, 1774) of the Continental -Congress on the Quebec Act was much against the persuasions of the -commissioners, and it was soon evident that all their efforts, on this -side at least, were futile. (Cf. Force's _Am. Archives_, ii. 231.) - -After Franklin and John Carroll had left Montreal, Charles Carroll and -Chase remained, endeavoring to support the military councils.[659] - - -=I.= THE ATTACK ON SULLIVAN'S ISLAND, JUNE, 1776.—Clinton's -proclamation to the magistrates of South Carolina, June 6, 1776, is -in Ramsay's _Revolution in South Carolina_, i. 330. Lee's report -to Washington (July 1, 1776) is in Sparks's _Correspondence of the -Revolution_, i. 243; to Congress (July 2d), in _Ibid._, ii. 502; in -Lee's _Memoirs_, p. 386; in Force's _American Archives_, 5th ser., i. -p. 435; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1872, pp. 100, 107; and in Dawson (p. -139). John Adams (_Familiar Letters_, 203) notes the exhilaration which -the news caused in Philadelphia. - -There are other contemporary accounts in Gen. Morris's letter in the -_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 438; in R. W. Gibbes's _Doc. Hist. -of the Amer. Rev._, 1776-1782, pp. 2-19; in Force's _Archives_; in -Frank Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. p. 257; in Moore's _Laurens -Correspondence_, p. 24. A "new war song" of the day, referring to -the battle, is given in Moore's _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._, p. -135. A broadside account was printed in Philadelphia, June 20, 1776 -(Hildeburn's _Bibliog._, no. 3342). A plan of the attack after a London -original was published in Philadelphia in 1777, with a "Description of -the attack in a letter from Sir Peter Parker to Mr. Stephens, and an -extract from a letter of Lieut. Gen. Clinton to Lord Geo. Germaine" -(Hildeburn, no. 3539). - -[Illustration: CHARLESTOWN, S. C., AND THE BRITISH FLEET, JUNE 29, 1776. - -After a print published in London by Faden, August 10, 1776, taken by -Lieut.-Col. James, the day after the fight. - -KEY.—A, Charlestown; B, Ashley River; C, Fort Johnston; D, Cummins -Point; E, part of Five-Fathom Hole, where all the fleet rode before and -after the attack; F, station of the headmost frigate, the "Solebay", -two miles and three quarters from Fort Sullivan, situated to the -northward of G; H, part of Mt. Pleasant; I, part of Hog Island; -K, Wando River; L, Cooper River; M, James Island; N, breakers on -Charlestown Bar; O, rebel schooner of 12 guns. - -There is "An exact prospect of Charlestown, the metropolis of South -Carolina", in the _London Mag._, 1762, a folding panoramic view, which -shows the water-front with ships in the harbor.] - -The earliest general account is by Moultrie himself in his _Memoirs of -the American Revolution_. Cf. Gordon's _Amer. Rev._; and John Drayton's -_Memoirs of the American Revolution_ [through 1776] _as relating to the -State of South Carolina_ (Charleston, 1821, two vols.). Of the later -general historians, reference may be made to Bancroft (orig. ed.), -vol. viii. ch. 66, and final revision, iv. ch. xxv., a full account; -to Dawson, i. ch. 10, to Carrington, ch. 27, 28; to Gay, iii. 467; -Irving's _Washington_, ii. ch. 29; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. p. 754. -Something can be gleaned from Garden's _Anecdotes of the Revolution_; -_Memoirs of Elkanah Watson_; the life of Rutledge in Flanders's _Chief -Justices_; and from such occasional productions as William Crafts's -address (1825), included in his _Miscellanies_; Porcher's address in -the _South Carolina Hist. Coll._, vol. i.; C. C. Jones, Jr.'s address -on Sergeant Jasper in 1876, and the _Centennial Memorial_ of that year -and the paper in _Harper's Monthly_, xxi. 70, by T. D. English. - -On the British side we have Parker's despatch (July 9th) in Dawson, p. -140; a letter of Clinton (July 8th) in the _Sparks MSS._, no. lviii.; -Clinton's _Observations on Stedman's History_; the reports in the -_Gent. Mag. and Annual Register_; the early historical estimate in -Adolphus's _England_, ii. 346. Jones, _New York in the Revolutionary -War_, i. 98, gives the Tory view. There is a contemporary letter by a -British officer given in Lady Cavendish's _Admiral Gambier_, copied in -_Hist. Mag._, v. 68. Hutchinson (_Life and Diary_, ii. 92) records the -effects of the fight in England.[660] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SENTIMENT OF INDEPENDENCE, ITS GROWTH AND CONSUMMATION. - -BY GEORGE E. ELLIS, D. D., LL. D., - -_President Mass. Hist. Society._ - - -THE assertion needs no qualification that the thirteen colonies would -not in the beginning have furnished delegates to a congress with the -avowed purpose of seeking a separation from the mother country; and -we may also affirm, that, with a possible forecast in the minds of -some two or three members, such a result was not apprehended. If any -deceptive methods—as was charged at the time—were engaged in turning -a congress avowedly called to secure a redress of grievances into -an agency for securing independence, they will appear in the sharp -scrutiny with which we may now study the inner history of the subject. -And if an explanation of the course of the Congress can be found, -consistent with its perfect sincerity, we must then seek to trace the -influences alike of the new light which came in upon the delegates, -and of successive aggravating measures of the British government, in -substituting independence as its object. Though it is certain that -Samuel Adams, fretting under the hesitations of Congress, had proposed -to an ardent sympathizer that the four New England colonies should act -in that direction by themselves, his own clear judgment would have -satisfied him that that step would have been futile unless the other -colonies followed it. If there were but a single colony from which no -response could be drawn, the consequences would have been obstructive. -That different sections of the country should have furnished leaders -so in accord as Samuel Adams, Richard H. Lee, and Gadsden was a most -felicitous condition. A congress, then, composed of delegates from all -the colonies was the indispensable and the only practicable method -for working out the scheme of independence, and even such a congress -must avoid basing its action on local grievances. The reserve which -the delegates from Massachusetts found it politic to practise, in not -obtruding their special grievances, was well decided upon from the -first, and proved to be effective. That the circumstances required -patience in such men as the Adamses is abundantly evident from the -frankness with which they wrote outside of Congress of the temporizing -and dilatoriness of what went on in it. - -There is no general assertion which comes nearer to the truth on -this subject than that, from the first colonization of America by -the English, the spirit of independence was latent here, and was in -a steady process of natural development. George Chalmers, with the -opportunities of a clerk of the Board of Trade, made an inquisitive -private study of State Papers, and reached the full conviction that -the colonists from the start, not only quietly assumed, but really -aimed at an independence. He quotes abundant warnings, and charges the -successive crown officials here and at home with culpable negligence -in not acting on these warnings when they might have done so.[661] The -pages of Chalmers confirm and illustrate the fact that the colonists -lived in the enjoyment of a more real autonomy, and a do-as-you-please -enfranchisement, than was shared by home subjects. There went with this -a sort of assumption, a bold conceit, a sturdy truculency, which could -be easily trained into defiance.[662] - -Large allowance also must be made on account of the fact that the -colonies had mastered their most critical perils wholly from their own -resources. English benevolence in private individuals had generously -fostered some enterprises of learning and charity here. But government -had left the exiles to fight their own battles against the savages -and the earliest French enemies. Far back in colonial times Governor -Winthrop records that, in some emergent strait of the exiles, a -suggestion was made of turning to England for help. The suggestion -was shrewdly put aside, lest, having asked such aid, they might incur -obligations. - -It was of course admitted that the colonists had come under some -form of obligation to the home government during the exhausting -campaigns of the French and Indian wars. A question, however, soon -came under debate, as to what that obligation involved. Great Britain -assumed that it justified a demand upon the colonists for revenue. -The colonists roused themselves to repudiate any obligation to be -enforced by the payment of a tax imposed by a Parliament in which -they had no representation. It was just here that the latent spirit -of independence led the colonists to examine to the root their -relations of allegiance, and, on the other hand, their natural rights. -The General Court of Massachusetts, in 1768, had admitted "that his -Majesty's high court of Parliament is the supreme legislative power -over the whole empire." It took less than ten years to bring it about -that Massachusetts either had not understood what it said,—at least, -had not meant to say exactly that,—or had come to think differently -about it. - -In the Bill of Rights coming from the first Congress the committee -say: "In the course of their inquiry they find many infringements and -violations of rights, which they pass over for the present." These -previous impositions and disabilities came in, however, afterwards for -their full share of rhetoric and argument. As we trace the method in -which the controversy with government matured, we mark these stages -of it. Objection and forcible resistance found their first occasion -when, at the close of the French war, government devised the policy -of the Stamp Act. The colonists came to distinguish this as creating -an _internal_ tax, in contrast to the previous _external_ taxes, -through the laws regulating commerce, to which heretofore they had -not objected. Vindicating their resistance to the new internal tax, -they came to find similar grievances in the former external taxes. -So they were teaching themselves first to define and then to assert -independence. - -We have become accustomed to associate with the term Congress the -idea of a legally constituted organic body, with defined powers -authoritatively assigned to it, the exercise of which is binding on -its constituents. Our Continental congresses were of quite another -sort, and had no authority save what might be granted to the wisdom and -practicability of the measures they advised. Most certain it is that -only a very small minority of the people of the colonies were concerned -in calling the early congresses. As certain, also, is it that a very -large preponderance of the people of all classes were then strongly -opposed to any violent measures, to sundering ties of allegiance, or to -seeking anything beyond a peaceful redress of grievances. On the whole, -while it must be admitted that Congress was generally in advance of its -constituency, it knew how to temporize and to give intervals of pause -in steadily working on to its ultimate declaration. "Natural leaders" -always start forth in such a cause, and they learn their skill by -practice. - -When it became evident that, instead of any healing of the breach, -the whole activity of the Congress tended to widen it, a regret was -expressed in some quarters that, by the connivance and consent of -the royal governors, and through the regular legislative processes, -a more legal and conservative character had not been secured to this -meeting of delegates,—as if dangerous plotting might thereby have -been averted. But the patriot leaders of the movement were too well -advised to look for any such official coöperation. The very life of -their scheme depended upon its wholly popular conception. Nor could the -consent of governors and formal assemblies have been won to it. The -whole method of the steady strengthening of the spirit of alienation -from Great Britain was a working of popular feeling in channels -different from those of ordinary official direction and oversight. - -It was but fair to assume that the objects of the first Congress -would be defined by the instructions furnished by those who sent -or commissioned its members. The delegates from New Hampshire were -bid "to consult and adopt such measures as may have the most likely -tendency to extricate the colonies from their present difficulties, -to secure and perpetuate their rights, liberties, and privileges, -and to restore that peace, harmony, and mutual confidence which once -happily subsisted between the parent country and her colonies." -Massachusetts bade her delegates "deliberate and determine upon wise -and proper measures, to be by them recommended to all the colonies, -for the recovery and establishment of their just rights and liberties, -civil and religious,[663] and the restoration of union and harmony -between Great Britain and the colonies, most ardently desired by all -good men." Rhode Island's charter governor empowered the delegates -"to join in consulting upon proper measures to obtain a repeal of the -several acts of the British Parliament, &c., and upon proper measures -to establish the rights and liberties of the colonies upon a just and -solid foundation." Connecticut authorized its delegates "to consult and -advise on proper measures for advancing the best good of the colonies." -The delegates from New York were trusted without any particular -instructions, having merely a general commission "to attend the -Congress at Philadelphia." So, also, New Jersey appointed its delegates -"to represent the colony of New Jersey in the said General Congress." -Pennsylvania sent a committee from its own Assembly in behalf of the -province "to consult upon the present unhappy state of the colonies, -and to form and adopt a plan for the purposes of obtaining redress of -American grievances, ascertaining American rights upon the most solid -and constitutional principles, and for establishing that union and -harmony between Great Britain and the colonies which is indispensably -necessary to the welfare and happiness of both." The deputies from -the three Lower Counties were "to consult and determine upon all such -prudent and lawful measures as may be judged most expedient for the -colonies immediately and unitedly to adopt, in order to obtain relief -for an oppressed people, and the redress of our general grievances." - -It will be observed that the instructions from these eight colonies -are moderate and pacific in terms, without menace, or a looking to any -other results than harmony. Something a little more emphatic appears -in what follows. The Maryland delegates were to use all efforts in -their power in the Congress "to effect one general plan of conduct -operating on the commercial relations of the colonies with the mother -country." Virginia bade her delegates "consider of the most proper -and effectual manner of so operating on the commercial connection of -the colonies with the mother country as to procure redress for the -much-injured province of the Massachusetts Bay; to secure British -America from the ravage and ruin of arbitrary taxes; and speedily to -procure the return of that harmony and union so beneficial to the -whole nation, and no ardently desired by all British America." The -delegates of South Carolina are instructed "to concert, agree to, and -effectually prosecute such legal measures as shall be most likely to -obtain a repeal of the said acts and a redress of those grievances." -The deputies of North Carolina were authorized "to deliberate upon the -present state of British America, and to take such measures as they may -deem prudent to effect the purpose of describing with certainty the -rights of Americans, repairing the breach made in those rights, and for -guarding them for the future from any such violations done under the -sanction of public authority." - -Now it is true that one may read as between the lines of these -instructions intimations of reserved purposes, and possibly menaces -that something more will be required if what is suggested in them fail -of effect; but as they stand, their tone is not hostile or menacing. -They limit the terms and measure of what they exact. Several very -pregnant suggestions present themselves. Men of a large variety of -opinions and purposes might take part in a congress so constituted. -If the measures proposed had been restricted, so to speak, to the -programme, there might have been substantial accord among the -delegates, and no one could have been startled and offended with what -they soon regarded as rebellious manifestations in the Congress. - -The case of Joseph Galloway, at first esteemed a most resolute -patriot, and then committing himself to extreme loyalty, presents -us an example. He was a lawyer of great abilities, a gentleman of -wealth and of high social position. He had made many strong protests -against the oppressive measures of government. He was a member of the -Pennsylvania Assembly eighteen years, and twelve years its speaker. He -says[664] that when he was chosen as a delegate to the first Congress -he positively refused to serve unless he was allowed to draw his own -"instructions." He was permitted to do so, and he himself signed -them as speaker. They contain this injunction: "You are strictly -charged to avoid everything indecent and disrespectful to the mother -state." Chosen a delegate to the second Congress, he positively -declined to serve, though importuned to do so by Dr. Franklin. The -instructions given to the eight associates named with him for this -second Congress contained the stringent words, "We strictly enjoin -you that you, in behalf of this colony, dissent from and utterly -reject any propositions, should such be made, that may cause or lead -to a separation from the mother country, or a change of the form of -government." The removal of this restriction on June 14, 1776, enabled -a majority of the delegates to give the vote of the province for -independence. - -No man in this first Congress marked a stronger contrast to Galloway -than Samuel Adams, the "man of the people." Compared with what Joseph -Reed called "the fine fellows from Virginia", Adams was not what is -conventionally called a gentleman; but while John Hancock brought from -Massachusetts money and ambition, his colleague carried the hardier -brains of the two. The odious epithet of "demagogue" attached to Adams, -not because of any beguiling arts, but from his plain simplicity of -garb, preferred associates, manners, and mode of life. In his cheap and -homely attire, dispensing with any other mode of influence than that of -an honest heart and a vigorous mind, he had made himself the familiar -companion of the mechanics, artificers, and craftsmen of North Boston, -the shipbuilders, joiners, and calkers,—the rough, honest, and thrifty -democracy,—with whom, sitting on a spar or loitering in a workshop, he -would spend long and instructive hours. He was puritanically religious -and rigidly observant of solemnities, prayed in his family, and asked -a blessing at each meal of his simple fare. He neglected his own -business to devote himself to public interests. Of his own poverty he -was neither ashamed nor proud. It would not have been seemly for him -to have presented himself to the courtly gentry of the Congress as he -appeared in the streets of Boston. It would doubtless have confirmed -the prejudice which many entertained of him as an ill-bred mass-leader. -For deep and wide learning in legal, political, and economical science, -added to his college culture, and for debating powers, he was the -peer of any of his associates. If he had been left to himself in his -straits he would have gone on his high errand clad as he was; but -before he was to go his friends had done the best they could for him. -The tailor, the hatter, bootmaker, and haberdasher, appearing at his -house from anonymous friends, had furnished him a complete outfit, -not, however, of the full sumptuousness of Hancock's. As for the rest, -Adams was well prepared in bodily presence to meet for the first -time his warm friend in correspondence, Richard Henry Lee. No truly -lineal citizen of the old Puritan colony will ever be ashamed of this -characteristic representative of its traditions and its people at the -first Congress,—this prophet of independence. - -The fact, without any fulness of detail, is assured to us that there -was much of discordance and dissension in this Congress of 1774. -Probably there was scarcely a single proposition or speaker that did -not find an antagonist. Certainly it appeared that Congress was not -ready to break from the mother realm. Results, however, were reached -of a sort to prompt just such further measures from the British -government as to insure some livelier work in its next session. The -most decisively contumacious act of the Congress was the adoption -and approval of the resolves passed by the daring Suffolk County -(Massachusetts) meeting, which most clearly endorsed rebellion, and -took steps in initiating it.[665] It is to be remembered, moreover, -that in this first Congress, Washington, whose frank sincerity stands -unimpeached, denied that the colonies wished for, or could safely, -separately or together, set up for independence. Before Congress again -met in May, the first blood had been shed at Lexington and Concord; -and Massachusetts, as the first colony to set up as a consequence its -own autonomy, sought and received the ratification of its conduct by -Congress, after it had assembled. - -The instructions to the delegates still held them to seeking a redress -of grievances and the restoration of harmony, as "desired by all good -men", and in pursuit of this object a second letter or petition to -the king, which John Adams calls "Dickinson's letter", was prepared -and adopted by Congress. It was respectful, earnest, tender in its -professions and appeals. It besought the king himself to interpose -between his much-abused and long-enduring subjects and the oppressive -measures of his ministers, as if he himself was misled and imposed -upon by them. The bearing which this most remarkable letter has upon -the charge of insincerity and hypocrisy in the action of Congress is -apparent. It is enough to say here that Richard Penn, the messenger -who bore the letter, was not permitted to see the king, whose only -recognition of it was a violently toned proclamation for suppressing -rebellion and sedition among his American subjects. Startling was the -effect on the Congress of this royal declaration of an unrelenting -purpose, which arrived on November 1st, coupled with the intelligence -of a large reinforcement of the British army and navy, and with the -purposed employment of seventeen thousand German mercenaries. The same -day brought an account of the burning of Falmouth, now Portland, by -Captain Mowat, reasonably exciting an alarm in all the settlements on -the seaboard. What might be lacking in the final resolution of some of -the leading members of Congress to come to the issue was well supplied -by these last measures of government, which could work only in the -direction of an implacable rupture. Still it is a matter of fact, -now attested by full evidence, that the majority of Congress, either -held by their lingering hope of some scheme of conciliation, or even -doubtful if their constituents would reinforce their own resolution -now, would not entertain a motion for independence.[666] A recess of -the Congress from August 5th to September 5th gave to some of the -members an opportunity to try the pulse of their constituents. The -king in his speech, October 26, 1775, reiterated his stern purposes. -It is noticeable that in the comments made upon it by speakers in the -opposition, the avowals of members in the Congress were confidently -quoted as repelling the charge that they were aiming for independence; -but General Conway said significantly, "They will undoubtedly prefer -independence to slavery." - -The delegates of the thirteen colonies—Georgia being now -represented—met in Philadelphia, May 12, 1776, having now the whole -bearings of the struggle fully before them. The members had found their -way to the assurance that their professed loyalty to the constitution -of the realm consisted with, and might even require, a defiance of -its monarch. There were those who still held back. We note that -personal alienations declared themselves between members, starting -from differences of opinion or strength of resolve, as they faced the -final question. Perhaps it is well that oblivion has been allowed to -settle over the attitudes and words of some of the actors of the time, -whether in or out of Congress. Gadsden, Lee, the Adamses, and Patrick -Henry were ready and eager for the boldest venture, supported by Chase -of Maryland, Ward of Rhode Island, Wolcott and Sherman of Connecticut, -and at last by Wyeth of Virginia. Wilson of Pennsylvania held back. So -did the strongly patriotic Dickinson, restrained by Quaker influence. -He was yet to be reassured, and his ballot was to be the decisive one. -Massachusetts should have been a unit; but Samuel Adams and Hancock -were alienated, and Paine and Cushing were not yet full-strung, but the -last-named was soon superseded by Gerry, who was in entire sympathy -with the Adamses. Congress recommended the colonies whose governors had -deserted their posts to set up governments of their own, if only for a -temporary purpose, till constitutional rule should be reëstablished. -Then, after an emphatic but calm restatement of grievances, and the -failure of all efforts to secure a redress, Congress engaged with the -question whether all the colonies might not be forced to set up such -a government of their own. The dastardly conduct of Lord Dunmore, -governor of Virginia, in following his own flight for refuge on board a -frigate with a proclamation to stir an insurrection among the slaves, -might well have left it to R. H. Lee, by direct instruction from his -constituents, early in May, to announce that on an appointed day he -should move for a declaration of independence. He did so on Thursday, -the 7th of June. His motions were for such a declaration, with a -complete dissolution of all political connection between the colonies -and Great Britain; for the forming of foreign alliances, and a plan of -confederation. John Adams seconded the motions. They were discussed on -Saturday in a committee of the whole. On Monday, after a long debate, -Rutledge moved a postponement of the question for three weeks. Up to -this point Jefferson says that New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, -Maryland, and South Carolina were not ready for the decision, and -thought it prudent to wait, though fast stiffening for the issue. - -On June 10th Congress resolved that the consideration of Mr. Lee's -first proposed resolution—that declaring independence—be postponed -to the 1st of July; but that no time should be lost in the interval, -it appointed, on June 11th, a committee to prepare such a declaration. -This committee was Jefferson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman, and -Robert R. Livingston.[667] This postponement was in deference to the -unreadiness of the delegates of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, -Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina to take the decisive step. Some -unnamed member had procured the passage of a vote that on whichever -side the majority should turn, the decision should be pronounced -unanimous, for or against the resolutions. The vote of each colony was -to count for one, whatever the number of its delegates, the majority -in each delegation pronouncing for its colony. The debate was sharp -and intensely earnest. The vote of Pennsylvania was divided. Those -of the six colonies just named being in opposition, there was no -decision. Two of the halting Pennsylvania delegates being induced to -absent themselves on the next day, fifty delegates being present, the -resolutions prevailed by a majority of one province.[668] They had been -bitterly opposed by Livingston of New York, Dickinson and Wilson of -Pennsylvania, and Rutledge of South Carolina. Argument, persuasion, and -appeal were diligently pressed to draw the hesitating to acquiescence. -Meanwhile several of the colonies were anticipating the action of -Congress in taking their stand for independence: North Carolina, in -April, 1776, and also Massachusetts, at the same date; Virginia, Rhode -Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and New Jersey followed; and New -York, as we shall see, soon came into line. - -The proposed measures of Congress, associated with the leading one of -independence, were most sagaciously devised for dignifying the primary -resolve and elevating the action which should sustain it above the -character of a mere rebellion. Those measures assumed the rights and -responsibilities of nationality. The issuing of letters of marque and -reprisal, the making free of all the ports for commerce with all the -world except Great Britain, and the inviting of foreign alliances, were -exercises of the prerogatives of sovereignty, and were the reasons -assigned by France for regarding the United States as a nation at -war with another nation. On July 12th Congress appointed a committee -of one delegate from each colony charged with reporting a plan of -confederation, and another committee of five to propose a plan for -foreign alliances. - -The Declaration marked a crisis alike in the forum and for the people. -It was read to Washington's army, and drew wild plaudits from officers -and from the ranks. As rapidly as panting couriers could disperse it -over the country it was formally received with parade and observance, -and read in town and village. It gave life and inspiration for every -successive measure to turn a purpose into an accomplished fact.[669] - -Many of our writers, in tracing the working of the various opinions -which aided in fostering the spirit of independence, have found reason -to ascribe much influence to strong religious animosities, especially -to hostility to the state religion of England. It might perhaps be -difficult to trace sharply and directly through all the colonies any -lines of division of this character attributable to such an agency, as -distinct and positive as those which manifested themselves in secular -affairs, but there can be no question that sectarian influences had an -important part in the animosities of the time. It would have been but -natural that in this matter the line between the loyal and the disloyal -should have been drawn between the English Church and the dissenters, -who were the vast majority of the colonists; but this rule was by no -means without many marked exceptions. All the Episcopal ministers -officiating in the colonies had received ordination in England. -Their oath bound them to loyalty. Most of them, too, in the northern -provinces, were pensioners of an English missionary society. The test -applied to them when the spirit of rebellion was strengthening was -whether they would read or omit in their services the prayers for the -king. It stood little for them to plead in their defence their oath -and their dependence on a foreign fund. Such a plea was a poor one, -as being strictly personal and selfish, born of a love of ease and of -a cringing spirit. Some of them left their pulpits, and maintained a -discreet silence. Those who insisted upon fulfilling all the pledges -and duties of their office were in many cases roughly handled. It is -to be considered, however, that so far as sectarianism in religion -would alienate the colonies from Great Britain, it could not have -been a prime agent in the case, for then it would have alienated them -from each other, to which result it did not avail. The Tory refugee -Judge Jones uses the terms Presbyterians and Episcopalians as almost -synonymous with the terms rebels and loyalists. But this was by no -means true.[670] The leading patriot John Jay, with many others from -his province, was an Episcopalian. The Episcopalians of Virginia, -of Maryland, and of the Carolinas were as stiffly opposed to the -importation here of English prelates as were the Congregationalists of -New England. The Tory Galloway[671] traced our rebellious spirit to -the same source as that of the English civil war, viz., to Puritanism. -He wrote: "The disaffection is confined to two sets of dissenters, -while the people of the Established Church, the Methodists, Lutherans, -German Calvinists, Quakers, Moravians, etc., are warmly attached to -the British government." Galloway exceeded the strict truth in that -statement. - -The numbers, position, and experiences of Episcopal ministers in the -provinces at the period of the war have been recently presented in an -elaborate and well-authenticated monograph on the subject.[672] From -this it appears that there were at the time not far from two hundred -and fifty clergymen, all of foreign ordination. The lack of Episcopal -supervision brought with it laxity of discipline. At the southward the -church gathered into it the wealthy, the officials of the government -and of the army and navy, professional men, and merchants. But their -clergy, instead of being, like their few brethren at the North, -stipendiaries of a foreign society, largely derived their support -from those to whom they ministered, and so, though being under the -oath of allegiance, were more free to share the patriotic sentiments -of the laity, and they did so. Clergy and laity in the Southern -provinces seem, many of them, to have been as strongly opposed, for -temporary or other reasons, to the introduction of a foreign prelacy -as were those at the North. Several of the Episcopal clergy in the -Middle and Southern provinces proved themselves most ardent patriots, -not only in discourse but by taking chaplaincies in the Continental -armies, and even serving in the ranks and as officers in command. The -trial test for deciding their position was in the religious services -required of them on the days appointed by Congress for thanksgiving or -fasting. Their choice was not a free one between a full or a mutilated -service of prayer. The severest sufferers of this class were among the -Episcopal ministers of New York and Connecticut, who resolved to stand -for loyalty. Some, however, trimmed to time and necessity; others were -patriots. Provoost, afterwards the first Bishop of New York, espoused -the side of the people.[673] - -It was in New England that the "Puritanism" of which Galloway wrote had -the prevailing influence; and a very energetic and effective influence -it was, working with other agencies in making the English civil -government all the more odious because of the lordly prelates, who -ruled not only in church, but in state. The inherited and traditionary -spirit of New England had kept alive the memory of the ecclesiastical -tyranny which had developed Puritanism in Old England, and of the -trials and sacrifices by which deliverance had been secured. Those -very New England colonies in which the rebellious spirit was most -vigorous had been in but recent years, by help alike of sympathizers -and opponents, conservatives of the old ways and reformers with the -new, working their own way of relief from their theocratic basis of -government, and securing freedom for themselves in belief and worship, -with progress in the severance of church and state. They could not -patiently contemplate the establishment of prelacy among them. Two -occasions, operating as warnings, had freshened the old Puritan spirit -of New England just previous to the opening of civil contention. -One was the project, which had been zealously pressed, of sending -English bishops into the colonies, whose functions the popular mind -refused to distinguish between those which they exercised as lords, -both spiritual and temporal, in England and those of ordination -and confirmation, etc., which was all that was required of them as -"superior clergy" here. An animated pamphlet controversy had been -waging on this subject a decade before the outbreak of hostilities, in -which appeared as a champion on one side the bold and able minister -Jonathan Mayhew of Boston, and on the other, Secker, Archbishop of -Canterbury.[674] No English prelate ever had functions or presence -on our territory. The other reason, for a revival of the hostility -here against the Established Church, was found in the coming hither -into the old Congregational parishes, and the maintenance here by an -English missionary society, of a number of Episcopal ministers. It -was charged—not, however, justly—that the benevolent founders of -that society had endowed it solely for the support of missionaries -to neglected and forlorn persons,—fishermen and others in the -colonies,—whereas it was used to promote division and disaffection in -places well provided with a ministry. This charge was overstrained, for -no missionary was sent to any place where there were not those, few -or many, who were actual members of the English Church, or who stood -out against the doctrine and discipline of Congregationalism. None the -less did hostility to the English Church help largely to stimulate the -spirit of rebellion.[675] - -The first provincial congress of Massachusetts, assembled in 1774, knew -very well the grounds of their reliance when by resolution they sent -an address to each and all of the ministers in the province, reminding -them of the valued aid and sympathy which their common ancestors in -the years of former trials had found in their religious guides, and -earnestly appealing for their help and strong efforts among their -people in resistance of the tyranny of the mother country. The New -England ministers were not slow in responding to—indeed, they had in -many cases anticipated—this appeal of their civil leaders. They had a -marvellous skill for discerning the vital relations between politics -and religion, while they had a strong repugnance to what was conveyed -by the terms "church and state." With very few exceptions,—such, -however, there were, in rare cases, of pastors in years and of timid -spirits,—the ministers were foremost in inspiriting patriotism and in -meeting all the emergencies of the times.[676] - -The only organized and official measures taken by any one of the -religious denominations in sympathy with the American Revolution was -that of the Presbyterians, who had freed themselves from dependence on -a civil establishment. The Scotch-Irish Presbyterians on the frontiers -of Virginia and North Carolina had stoutly vindicated their religious -rights against the Established Church in Virginia, and were among -the foremost in asserting their independence of the mother country. -With the sturdiest resolution they had successfully triumphed over -the Episcopal party in New York and thwarted government influence in -its behalf. John Witherspoon, the only clergyman in the Congress of -1776, gave by delegated authority the vote of the Presbyterians for -independence.[677] - -And now the question may well be asked, Where rests the chief -responsibility for bringing to this result the protracted controversy -between the mother realm and her colonies? The Declaration of -Independence was yet to be made good by a severe struggle on the part -of the colonies, and to be accepted by the other party in the issue. -It is rarely, if indeed the case has any historical parallel, when -so large a measure of the responsibility for bringing about a signal -revolution in the great affairs of a nation can, as in this instance, -be directly charged upon an individual, and that was his majesty -George III.[678] The facts of the case with their full evidence stand -now clearly certified. That Declaration, with the event which it -signified, might have come in other ways. Agencies and events were -working to it. But that it came when it did, and as it did, he at -whose heavy cost it came was largely the conspicuous agent and cause -of it. That this is so, let the following tracing of the stages of the -developments attest. And by the charge here alleged is meant that the -king was mainly instrumental in bringing about the result, not merely -by an official or representative responsibility, nor by prerogative, -but by the prompting of personal feeling and private decision. It is -also to be admitted that the king may have been guided by the purest -motives and the loftiest sense of duty to preserve in any way the -jewels of his crown and the integrity of his empire. But none the less -it was his will and resolve that decided the issue. - -As we have seen, the effect of every measure of the British government -brought to bear upon the colonies was directly the opposite of what -had been intended. Threats and penalties exasperated, but did not -intimidate. Seeming concessions and retractions did not conciliate. -Contempt and defiance called out corresponding and reciprocal feelings. -There was a strict parallelism between the ministerial inventions for -securing the mastery and the patriot ingenuity and earnestness for -nullifying them. The few incidental accompaniments of popular violence -and mobs were so familiar to the people of England at home as to count -for little. They were to be regretted and condemned, but they were -fully offset by the indiscriminate and vengeful punishments which -government visited upon them. - -We are to remember that the king, if not the originator and adviser -of all these measures, gave them his cordial approval. More and -more, as the quarrel ripened, his personal will and resolve asserted -themselves, even autocratically. When the catastrophe finally came, -his prime minister frankly confessed, that by the king's urgency, and -in compliance with his own view of the claims of loyalty, he had been -acting against his own clear judgment of what was wise and right, -if not against his conscience.[679] Who, then, so much as the king, -as sole arbiter, by his own personal decision, substituted arms for -debate? The colonies, no longer the aggressive party, were put on -the defensive. Still, even after this dropping of the royal gage of -battle, the Assembly of Pennsylvania, with its residuum of Quakerism, -required of its members the old oath of allegiance to George III., and -Dickinson reported to it strongly loyal instructions for its delegates. -Is it strange that Franklin refused to take his seat in that body? -Two years later,—March 17, 1778,—the king writes to Lord North: "No -consideration in life shall make me stoop to opposition. Whilst any ten -men in the kingdom will stand by me, I will not give myself up into -bondage. I will rather risk my crown than do what I think personally -disgraceful. It is impossible that the nation should not stand by -me. If they will not, they shall have another king, for I will never -put my hand to what will make me miserable to the last hour of my -life."[680] And again, when the end was at hand, the king, writing to -Lord North, March 7, 1780, says: "I can never suppose this country so -lost to all ideas of self-importance as to be willing to grant American -independence. If that word be ever universally adopted, I shall despair -of this country being preserved from a state of inferiority. I hope -never to see that day, for, however I am treated, I must love this -country."[681] - -Recalling the fact that in all previous remonstrances[682] and -petitions, without a single exception, whether coming from a -convention, an assembly, or a congress, the ministry and Parliament -were made to bear the burden of all complaints and reproaches, we note -with emphasis that in the Declaration of Independence, for the first -time, "the present king of Great Britain" is charged as the offender. -Its scathing invectives in its short sentences begin with "He." His -tools and supporters are all lost sight of, passed unmentioned. This -substitution of the monarch himself as chargeable, through his own -persistency, with the whole burden heretofore laid at the door of his -advisers indicates the necessity which Congress felt of seeming to -sever their plain constitutional allegiance to the monarch, and of -ignoring all dependence on his ministers or Parliament, whose supremacy -over the colonies they had always denied. Hence the tone and wording of -all the previous utterances of Congress, deferential and even fulsome -as they now seem, in sparing the king, for the first time, in the -Declaration, are changed to give the necessary legal emphasis of the -capital letter in _He_. Indeed, the law and the man were essentially -as one, for the candid monarch told John Adams, on his subsequent -appearance as the minister of the United States, that he was the last -person in his realm to consent to the independence of the colonies. The -utter hopelessness of the measures of government was obvious to the -wiser statesmen of Britain and to those whose observation was guided by -simple common sense.[683] - -A matter of sharp and reproachful criticism—which has not wholly -disappeared from more recent pages of history and comment—was found -in what certainly had the seeming of insincerity and duplicity in the -earnest professions of loyalty made by leading patriots while the -spirit of absolute independence, latent and but thinly veiled, was -instigating measures of defiance, and even of open hostility. The -patriots, it was boldly charged, had practised a mean hypocrisy. The -shock of the disclosure was at the time sudden and severe. Joseph -Galloway, though perhaps the most hostile and vengeful, was by no means -the least able or the most estranged and disappointed of a class of -very prominent men, who avowed that they had been alienated from the -patriot cause by the exposed duplicity of its wiliest leaders. They had -joined heart and hand in council and measures with those who professed -to be seeking only a redress of grievances, with an unqualified -loyalty as British subjects to the king and the constitution, and in a -disavowal of any idea of independence. - -On the other side of the water, the Declaration, as "throwing off the -mask of hypocrisy" by the patriots, was a very painful shock to many -who had been most friendly and earnest champions of the cause of the -colonists. The members of the opposition in Parliament and in high -places were taunted by the supporters of government for all their -pleading in behalf of rebels. And when, besides the bold avowal of -independence, the added measures of a suspension of all commerce with -Great Britain, and of an alliance of the patriots with the hereditary -enemy of their mother country, came to the knowledge of those who -had been our friends, the consternation which it caused them was but -natural. Manufacturers and merchants, against whose interests so heavy -a blow had been dealt, and all Englishmen who scorned the French, our -new ally, might with reason rank themselves as now our enemies. Of -course, the ministry and the abetters of the most offensive measures of -government availed themselves of the evidence now offered of what they -had maintained was the ultimate purpose of the disaffected colonists, -hypocritically concealed, and they confidently looked for a well-nigh -unanimous approval and support of the vengeful hostilities at once -entered upon. It was affirmed that the British officers and soldiers -here, who had before been but half-hearted and lukewarm in fulfilling -their errand, now became as earnest and impassioned in war measures -as if they were fighting Indians, Frenchmen, or Spaniards. Such were -really the effects wrought on both sides of the water, not merely by -the bold avowal of independence, but by what was viewed as the exposure -of a subtle and hypocritical concealment of the purpose of it under -beguiling professions of loyalty. - -What is there to be said, either by way of explanation or of -justification, of the course ascribed to the patriots? It is well -to admit freely that there was much said, if not done, that had the -seeming of duplicity and insincerity, of secrecy of design and of -sinuous dealing. And after yielding all that can be charged of this, -we may insist that, in reality, it was nothing beyond the seeming. -Neither disguise, nor duplicity, nor hypocrisy, nor artful or cunning -intrigue, in any shape or degree, was availed of by the patriots. -The result to which they were led was from the first natural and -inevitable, and it was reached by bold and honest stages, in thinking -out and making sure of their way. The facts are all clearly revealed -to us in their course of development. The maturing of opinion, till -what had been repelled as a calamity was accepted as a necessity, -is traceable through the changing events of a few heavily burdened -years, if not even of months and days, to say nothing of the symptoms -of it which a keen perception may discover during the career of four -generations of Englishmen on this continent. Its own natural stages -of growth were reached just at the time that it was attempted to -bring it under check by artificial restraint of the home government. -That government compelled the colonists to ask themselves the two -questions: first, if they were anything less than Englishmen; and -further, if their natural rights were any less than those of men. There -has been much discussion as to when and by whom the idea of American -independence was first entertained. It would be very difficult to -assign that conception to a date or to an individual. All that was -natural and spontaneous in the situation of the colonists would be -suggestive of it; all that was artificial, like the tokens of a foreign -oversight in matters of government, would be exceptional or strange -to it. Husbandmen, mechanics, and fishermen would not be likely to -trouble themselves with the ways in which their relations as British -subjects interfered with their free range in life. Larger and deeper -thinkers, like Samuel Adams, would feel their way down to comprehensive -root questions, sure at last to reach the fundamentals of the whole -matter,—as, What has the British ministry and Parliament to do with -us? It required nine years to mature the puzzling of a peasant over the -question of a trifling tax into the conclusion of a republican patriot -statesman. Every stage of this process is traceable in abounding -public and private papers, with its advances and arrests, its pauses -and its quickenings, its misgivings and assurances, in all classes of -persons, and in its dimmest and its fullest phases. We have seen how -it was working its way in the honest secrecy of a few breasts in the -first Congress, even when repelled as a dreaded fatality. Samuel Adams -is generally, and with sufficient evidence, credited as having been -the first of the leading spirits of the revolt to have reached—at -first in private confidence, steadily strengthening into the frankest -and boldest avowal—the conviction that the issue opened between the -colonies and the mother country logically, necessarily, and inevitably -must result in a complete severance of the tie between them. Even at -that stage of his earliest insight into the superficial aspect of -the controversy, when he is quoted as if hypocritically saying one -thing while he intended another, it will be observed that his strong -professions of loyalty are qualified by parenthetical suggestions of -a possible alternative. Thus, in the Address which he wrote for the -Massachusetts Assembly, in 1768, to the Lords of the Treasury, his -explicit professions of loyalty for his constituents close with the -caveat that this loyalty will conform itself to acquiescence so far -as "consists with the fundamental rules of the Constitution."[684] -Of course, as the oppressive measures of government exasperated the -patriots, they were not only led on to discern the full alternative -before them, but were unreserved in their expressions of a willingness -to meet it, at whatever cost. Still, however, what seemed like -hesitation in the boldest was simply a waiting for the slow and timid -to summon resolution for decisive action. Of the single measures in -Congress preceding the Declaration of Independence, the most farcical -and the most likely to be regarded as hypocritical was the second -petition to the king, which his majesty spurned. His ministers had to -compare with its adulatory insincerities some intercepted letters of -John Adams, written nearly at the same time, stinging with defiance -and treason. But John Adams well described this petition to the king -as "Dickinson's Letter." Dickinson himself is the most conspicuous -and true-hearted of the class of men who to the last shrunk from -the severance of the tie to the mother country. Yet he was to be -the one whose casting vote, by a substitute, was to ratify the -great Declaration. There may have been weakness in his urgency that -that petition should proffer a final hope of amity, but it was the -prompting of thorough manliness and honesty. As we have seen, it was -the royal scorn of that petition, backed by a wilful personal espousal -of responsibility, which made the king the real prompter of the -Declaration of Independence.[685] - -Leaving out of view all obligations of the colonies to the mother -country, there was still quite another class of very reasonable -apprehensions which had a vast influence over the halting minds. What -would be the relations of the severed and possibly contentious colonies -to each other, with all their separate interests, rivalries, and -jealousies? Might not anarchy and civil war make them rue the day when, -in rejecting the tempered severity of the rule of a lawful monarch, -they had forfeited the privilege of having an arbiter and a common -friend? - -Nor was this the only dread. The Indians were still a formidable foe -on the frontiers. So far as they were held in check, it was largely -by English arms and influence. Without anticipating the cruel and -disgraceful complication of the trouble which was to come, and the -aggravations of civil war, by the enlistment of these savages by -England as her allies against her former subjects, it was enough -for timid colonists looking into the future to realize the power of -mischief which lurked with these wild men in the woods. Every further -advance of the colonists beyond the boundaries already secured would -provoke new hostilities, and remind the pioneers of the value to them -of English armaments and reinforcements. And yet once more, those were -by no means bugbear alarms which foreboded for the colonists, left -to themselves, outrages from French and Spanish intrigue, ambition, -and greed of territory. France and Spain had losses and insults to -avenge against England, and might seek for reprisals on the undefended -colonists. It needs only an intimation, without detail, of the -apprehensions which either reason or imagination might conjure from -this foreboding, to show how powerfully it might operate with prudent -men in suspending their decision between rebellion and loyalty. All -these considerations, taken separately and together, whether as -resulting in slow and timid maturing of sentiment and of profession -in Congress, or as influencing the judgment of patriot leaders, or as -guiding the vacillating course of individuals and multitudes, may have -given a seeming show of insincerity and duplicity to words contrasted -with subsequent deeds. But a clear apprehension of all the alternatives -which were then to be balanced will satisfy us that there was little -room for hypocrisy to fill. - -Some show of reason for charging upon the patriots duplicity and lack -of downright frankness was found in their professions of a steadfast, -but still a qualified, loyalty. If there was not at first some -confusion or vagueness in their own ideas on this point, they certainly -set themselves open to such a misunderstanding by the ministry as -to leave it in doubt whether they knew their own minds or candidly -declared them. The controversy, from its beginning till its close, -was constantly alleged to start from this discriminating standard of -loyalty: the colonists repudiated the exercise of authority over them -by Parliament and the ministry, and yet avowed themselves faithful and -loyal subjects of the king. The king could govern and act only through -Parliament. How could they repudiate the authority of Parliament and -respect that of the king? What was to be the basis, scope, and mode -of exercise of his authority? They certainly could not have in view -the exercise of an autocracy over them, the restoration of the old -royal prerogative which a previous glorious revolution had shattered. -The king could exercise his authority in the colonial assemblies only -through governors, and those governors had been rendered powerless -here. Even the sage and philosophic Franklin found himself perplexed -on this point. Writing from London to his son in New Jersey, March 13, -1768, he says: "I know not what the Boston people mean; what is the -subordination they acknowledge in their Assembly to Parliament, while -they deny its power to make laws for them?"[686] Galloway pertinently -asked of the first Congress, "if they had any other union of the two -countries more constitutional in view, why did they not petition -for it?" "The Congress, while they professed themselves subjects, -spoke in the language of allies, and were openly acting the part of -enemies."[687] How are we to reconcile two statements made by Pitt -in the same speech, in January, 1776: "This kingdom has no right to -lay a tax on the colonies." "At the same time, on every real point of -legislation, I believe the authority of Parliament to be fixed as the -Polar Star." Without any attempt to conceive or fashion a definition of -their ideal, the good common sense of the patriots at last worked out -the conclusion that their emancipation from the Parliament involved a -dispensing with the king.[688] - -There was no disguising the fact, however, that, with independence -declared, there was no such unanimity of purpose among all the members -of Congress, still less among their many-minded and vaguely-defined -constituency. It was inevitable, therefore, that both a degree of -arbitrariness towards halting and censorious objectors, and of harsh -severity towards open resistants, should henceforward characterize -the measures approved by the patriot leaders. There was a sagacious -moderation and prudence in the measures taken by Congress to conciliate -and reassure the half-hearted and the hesitating. For the final stand -had been taken that nothing short of an achieved independence should be -accepted as the issue. - -The prime movers in the patriot cause continued to be the main workers -for it, and gradually reinforced themselves by new and effective -aiders. Astute and able men, well read in history and by no means -without knowledge of international law and the methods of diplomacy, -surveyed the field before them, provided for contingencies, and found -full scope for their wits and wisdom. When we consider the distractions -of the times, the overthrow of all previous authority, the presence -and threats of anarchy, the lack of unanimity, and the number and -virulence of discordant interests, and, above all, that Congress had -only advisory, hardly instructive, powers, even with the most willing -portion of its constituents, we can easily pardon excesses and errors, -and heartily yield our admiration to the noble qualities and virtues -of those who proved their claim to leadership. When we read the -original papers and the full biographies of these men, we are impressed -by the balance and force of their judgment, their power of expressing -reasons and convictions, their calm self-mastery, and the fervor of -their purposes. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - - -THE source to which naturally we should first apply ourselves for the -fullest information on the development of the purpose of independence -would be the _Journals of Congress_. But our disappointment would -be complete. The same reasons which enjoined on the members secrecy -as to the proceedings seem to have deprived the record even of some -things that were done and of almost every utterance in debate. We -have to look to other sources, the most scattered and fragmentary, -to learn the names even of the principal leaders in the debates, and -from beginning to end we have not the report, scarcely a summary, of a -single speech. Our reasonable inference from such hints is that some -ten, or at most fifteen, members were the master-spirits in securing -the adoption of measures, while they were opposed by some as earnest as -themselves, but not as numerous. But whatever may have been written in -the original _Journals_ was subjected to a cautious selection when they -were printed by a committee. It is only from Jefferson himself, for -instance, that we learn (Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 15) how, somewhat to -his chagrin, "the rhetoric" of his draft of the Declaration was toned -down. Especially do the _Journals_, as printed, suppress all evidences -of strong dissension, of which we have abundant hints in fragments from -John and Sam. Adams, Franklin, Dickinson, Galloway, Jefferson, Jay, and -Livingston. But the _Journals_ do spread before us at length sundry -admirable papers, drawn by able and judicious committees.[689] - -The reader must turn to the notes appended to chapter i. of the present -volume for an examination of some of the leading pamphlets occasioned -by the Congresses of 1774 and 1775, and for an examination of their -opposing views, with more or less warning of the inevitable issue of -independence. - -One may easily trace in the writings of Franklin, extending through -the years preceding the Revolution, and through all the phases of the -struggle, seeming inconsistencies in the expression of his opinions -and judgment. But these are readily explicable by changes in time and -circumstance. We must pause, however, upon the strong statement made -by Lecky in the following sentence: "It may be safely asserted that if -Franklin had been able to guide American opinion, it would never have -ended in revolution."[690] - -Opportune in the date of its publication, as well as of mighty cogency -in its tone and substance, was that vigorous work by Thomas Paine, -a pamphlet bearing the title "Common Sense." If we take merely the -average between the superlatively exalted tributes paid to his work as -the one supremely effective agency for bringing vast numbers of the -people of the colonies to front the issue of independence, and the -most moderate judgments which have estimated its real merit, we should -leave to be assigned to it the credit of being the most inspiriting of -all the utterances and publications of the time for popular effect. -The opportuneness of the appearance of this remarkable essay consisted -in the fact that it came into the hands of multitudes, greedy to read -it, a few months before the burning question of independency was to -be settled. The papers issued by Congress might well answer the needs -of the most intelligent classes of the people, in reconciling them to -the new phase of the struggle. But there were large numbers of persons -who needed the help of some short and easy argument, homely in style -and quotable between plain neighbors. And this eighteen-penny pamphlet -met that necessity. It appeared anonymously. John Adams says it was -ascribed to his pen. Paine had been in confidential intercourse with -Franklin, and the sagacious judgment of that philosopher doubtless -suggested the form and substance of some of its contents, and may have -kept out of it some things less apt or wise. Washington, Franklin, -and John Adams welcomed it as a vigorous agency for persuading masses -of simple and honest men that their rights must now be taken into -their own hands for vindication. The character of the writer alienated -from him the regard of those who could and who would willingly have -advanced his interests, and made him to multitudes an object of horror -and contempt. Though his pamphlet bore the title of "Common Sense", -Gouverneur Morris says that that was a quality which Paine himself -wholly lacked. Posterity, however, may well accord to him as a writer -the high consideration given to him by his contemporaries, of having -happily met by his pen a crisis and a pause in the state of the popular -mind. Franklin wrote that "the pamphlet had prodigious effects."[691] - -Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ was published in the same year. Wise -men have often affirmed that if it had appeared a generation earlier, -and if the doctrines and principles which it advocated had passed into -the minds of statesmen and economists, peaceful rather than warlike -measures would have disposed of the controversy. It required the -lapse of twoscore years to convince English statesmen and economists -of the practical wisdom of the leading principles advanced by this -college professor. He maintained the general viciousness and folly of -the English colonial administration; that while even the restricted -commercial monopoly was more generous than the colonial rule of any -other governments, the prohibition of manufactures was mischievous and -oppressive. He agreed with Dean Tucker, that a peaceful separation of -the colonies would benefit rather than harm the mother country. Yet, -under existing circumstances, such a separation was impracticable, -because neither the government nor the people of the realm would -seriously entertain the proposition.[692] - -One of the best expositions of the views held by some of the Tory -writers, that the seeds of independency were sown with the early -settlements and nurtured through their history, is given in a tract by -Galloway,[693] which was published in London in 1780, as _Historical -and Political Reflections on the Rise and Progress of the American -Rebellion. In which the Causes of that Rebellion are pointed out, and -the Policy and Necessity of offering to the Americans a System of -Government founded in the Principles of the British Constitution, are -clearly demonstrated. By the Author of Letters to a Nobleman on the -Conduct of the American War_. He pleads that the rebellion has been -encouraged by the assertion "of the injustice and oppression of the -present reign by a plan formed by the administration for enslaving -the colonies", and asserts that the mother country had fostered the -infancy and weakness of the colonies, had espoused their quarrels, -and, at an enormous cost of debt, had defended them. "The colonies are -very rich and prosperous, with more than a quarter of the population -of Great Britain, and should share its burdens. The rebellion did not -spring from a dread of being enslaved." The writer then ably and justly -traces its origin to the principles of the Puritan exiles, from whose -passion for religious freedom has grown that for civil independence. -He attributes much influence helpful to rebellion to the organization -among the Presbyterians at Philadelphia, in 1764, which united by -correspondence with the Congregationalists of New England. The other -sects were generally averse to measures of violent opposition to -authority. The measures of government are vindicated, and all trouble -is traced to a faction in New England, sympathized with and led on by a -similar faction at home. The "Circular Letter", bringing the colonies -into accord, wrought the mischief. Two sharply divided parties at once -were formed, or proved to exist: the one defining and standing for the -right of the colonies with a redress of grievances, on the basis of -a solid constitutional union with the mother country, and opposed to -sedition and all acts of violence; the other resolved by all means, -even though covert and fraudulent, to throw off allegiance, appeal -to arms, run the venture of anarchy, and assert, and if possible -attain, independence. The latter party, acting with some temporary -reserve and caution, opposed all peaceable propositions, and covertly -worked for their own ends. They used most effectively a system of -expresses between Philadelphia and the other towns, Sam. Adams being -the artful and diligent fomenter of all this mischief. By his guile, -Congress was brought to approve the Resolves of the Mass. Suffolk -Conference, which declared "that no obedience is due to acts of -Parliament affecting Boston", and provided for an organization of the -provincial militia against government. He proceeded to argue that "the -American faction", as in the fourth resolve of their Bill of Rights, -explicitly declare their colonial independence. This was followed by -an address to his majesty,—not calling it a petition,—and which -the writer proceeded to analyze with much acuteness, as being vague -and evasive in its professions, and suggestive of conditions which -would prove satisfactory. Finally, "the mask was thrown off", and the -casting vote of the "timid and variable Mr. Dickinson" carried the -Declaration of Independence. "Samuel Adams, the great director of their -councils, and the most cautious, artful, and reserved man among them, -did not hesitate, as soon as the vote of independence had passed, to -declare in all companies that he had labored upwards of twenty years -to accomplish the measure." Mr. Galloway closes with sharp strictures -upon the bewildered and vacillating policy which the government has -heretofore pursued, and pleads for a firm and generous "constitutional -union" between the realm and the colonies. The growth of the spirit of -independence necessarily makes a part of all general histories of the -war, which are characterized in another place. - - [Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -THE claim of Chalmers that the passion for independence had latently -existed from the very foundation of the New England colonies[694] had -been early denied by Dummer in his _Defence of the N. E. Charters_. -John Adams[695] had been outspoken in his advocacy of independence -for more than a year before R. H. Lee introduced his resolution into -Congress. He had avowed it in letters, which the British intercepted in -July, 1775, and printed in a Boston newspaper. If Josiah Quincy, Jr. -(_Memoirs_, 250, 341), can be believed, he found Franklin in London in -1774 holding ideas "extended on the broad scale of total emancipation" -(Sparks's _Franklin_, i. 379). The resolves of Mecklenburg County in -North Carolina, in May, 1775, were strongly indicative. John Jay traced -the beginning of an outspoken desire to the rejection by the king of -the petition of the Congress of 1775 (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -July, 1776). In the autumn of that year it is certain that the passion -for independence animated the army round Boston (Frothingham's _Siege -of Boston_, 263), and in December James Bowdoin was confident that -the dispute must end in independence (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. -228). There was very far from any general adhesion to the belief in its -inevitableness at all times during 1775. Washington was not conscious -of the wish (Sparks, i. 131, ii. 401; Smyth, ii. 457). Gov. Franklin -was expressing to Dartmouth the prevalence of a detestation of such -views (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv 342). The English historians have -dwelt on this (Mahon, vi. 92, 94; Lecky, iii. 414, 447, iv. 41).[696] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPHS OF THE MECKLENBURG COMMITTEE, MAY 31, 1775. - -From the plate in W. D. Cooke's _Rev. Hist. of No. Carolina_, p. -64. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 619, for another fac-simile and -accounts of the signers; also see C. L. Hunter, _Sketches of Western -North Carolina_ (Raleigh, 1877, p. 39). It has been strenuously claimed -and denied that, at a meeting of the people of Mecklenburg County, in -North Carolina, on May 20, 1775, resolutions were passed declaring -their independence of Great Britain. The facts in the case appear to be -these:—On the 31st of May, 1775, the people of this county did pass -resolutions quite abreast of the public sentiment of that time, but not -venturing on the field of independency further than to say that these -resolutions were to remain in force till Great Britain resigned its -pretensions. These resolutions were well written, attracted notice, -and were copied into the leading newspapers of the colonies, North and -South, and can be found in various later works (Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 619, etc.). A copy of the _S. Carolina Gazette_ containing them -was sent by Governor Wright, of Georgia, to Lord Dartmouth, and was -found by Bancroft in the State Paper Office, while in the _Sparks -MSS._ (no. lvi.) is the record of a copy sent to the home government -by Governor Martin of North Carolina, with a letter dated June 30, -1775. Of these resolutions there is no doubt (Frothingham's _Rise of -the Republic_, p. 422). In 1793, or earlier, some of the actors in the -proceeding, apparently ignorant that the record of these resolutions -had been preserved in the newspapers, endeavored to supply them from -memory, unconsciously intermingling some of the phraseology of the -Declaration of July 4th in Congress, which gave them the tone of a -pronounced independency. Probably through another dimness of memory -they affixed the date of May 20, 1775, to them. These were first -printed in the _Raleigh Register_, April 30, 1819. They are found to -resemble in some respects the now known resolves of May 31st, as well -as the national Declaration in a few phrases. In 1829 Martin printed -them, much altered, in his _North Carolina_ (ii. 272), but it is not -known where this copy came from. In 1831 the State printed the text of -the 1819 copy, and fortified it with recollections and certificates -of persons affirming that they were present when the resolutions were -passed on the 20th: _The Declaration of Independence by the Citizens -of Mecklenburg County, N. C., on the twentieth day of May, 1775, with -documents, and proceedings of the Cumberland Association_ (Raleigh, -1831). This report of the State Committee is printed also in 4 Force, -ii. 855. The resolves are reprinted in _Niles's Reg._ (1876, p. 313); -in Caldwell's _Greene_; in Lossing (ii. 622), and in other places. -Frothingham says he has failed to find any contemporary reference in -manuscript or print to these May 20th resolutions. Jefferson (_Memoir -and Corresp._, iv. 322; Randall's _Jefferson_, 1858, vol. iii. App. 2) -denied their authenticity, and J. S. Jones supported their genuineness -in his _Defence of the Revolutionary History of North Carolina_ -(Boston, 1834). In 1847 Rev. Thomas Smith, in his _True Origin and -Source of the Mecklenburgh and National Declaration of Independence_, -agreed to the priority of the May 20th resolutions, but thought that -both those and the national Declaration were drawn in part from the -ordinary covenants of the Scottish Presbyterians,—hence agreeing -naturally in some of their phraseology. - -The principal attempts to sustain the authenticity of the resolutions -of May 20th are F. L. Hawks's lecture in W. D. Cooke's _Revolutionary -Hist. of North Carolina_, and W. A. Grahame's _Hist. Address on the -Mecklenburg Centennial at Charlotte, N. C._ (N. Y. 1875). The adverse -view, held generally by students, is best expressed in J. C. Welling's -paper in the _No. Amer. Rev._, April, 1874, and in H. B. Grigsby's -_Discourse on the Virginia Convention of 1776_ (p. 21). John Adams -was surprised on their production in 1819 (_Works_, x. 380-83). Cf. -further in Moore's _North Carolina_, i. 187; _No. Carolina Univ. -Mag._, May, 1853; Bancroft's _United States_, orig. ed., vii. 370, -and final revision, iv. 196, and also in _Hist. Mag._, xii. 378; -Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 474; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 619; -Johnson's _Traditions and Reminiscences of the Amer. Rev. in the South_ -(Charleston, 1851, p. 76); _Amer. Hist. Rec._, iii. 200; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, July, 1882, p. 507; _Southern Lit. Messenger_, v. 417, 748. - -The antedating of the Congressional Declaration of July 4, 1776, -by local bodies, stirred beyond a wise prudence, might well have -happened in days when the air was full of such feelings; but they -were of little effect, except the Suffolk Resolves of Sept. 6, 1774, -which were adopted by the Congress of 1774. Perhaps the earliest of -these ebullitions were some votes passed by the town of Mendon, in -Massachusetts, in 1773 (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1870). A -fac-simile of the record is given in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. -472.] - -Early in 1776 the passion for independence gathered head. In March, -Edmund Quincy thought the feeling was universal in the Northern -colonies (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1859, p. 232). Francis -Dana, just home from England, was saying that he was satisfied no -reconciliation was possible (Sparks, _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 177). -The probability of independence was recognized in the instructions -which Congress gave to Silas Deane in March, on his sailing for Europe. -In April came the violent measure in Congress of abolishing the British -custom laws. The press was beginning to give the warning note,[697] -but not without an occasional counter statement, as when the _N. Y. -Gazette_ (April 8, 1776) asserted that Congress had never lisped a -desire for republicanism or independence. Sam Adams was urgent (Wells, -ii. 397). John Adams was writing to Winthrop, of Cambridge, to restrain -him from urging Massachusetts to break precipitately the union of the -colonies (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 298), and he was counselling -Joseph Ward to be patient, for it "required time to bring the colonies -all of one mind; but", he adds, "time will do it" (_Scribner's Mag._, -xi. 572). - -May was the decisive month, and events marched rapidly. On the 1st, -Massachusetts set up a committee to conduct the government of the -province in the name of the people.[698] On the 4th the last Colonial -Assembly of Rhode Island renounced its allegiance (_Newport Hist. -Mag._, Jan., 1884, p. 131). A letter of Gen. Lee to Patrick Henry, on -May 7th, has raised a doubt of Henry's steadfastness (Force, 5th ser., -i. 95), but Henry assisted in that vote of the Virginia Convention, -on the 15th, which instructed its representatives in Congress to -move a vote of independence.[699] R. H. Lee wrote to Charles Lee -that "the proprietary colonies do certainly obstruct and perplex the -American machine."[700] Dickinson, as representing these proprietary -governments, saw something different from independency in John Adams's -motion of May 15th, that "the several colonies do establish governments -of their own;" but when that vote had passed, Adams and everybody else, -as he says, considered it was a practical throwing off of allegiance, -and rendered the formal declaration of July 4th simply necessary.[701] -Hawley and Warren now wrote to Sam Adams, inquiring why this hesitancy -in declaring what even now exists? (Wells, ii. 393); and Winthrop urges -the same question upon John Adams (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 306). - -[Illustration: THOMAS JEFFERSON. (_After picture owned by T. J. -Coolidge, of Boston._) - -After a painting in monochrome by Stuart, which was formerly at -Monticello, and is now owned by Jefferson's great-grandson, T. -Jefferson Coolidge, of Boston. It was painted during Jefferson's -presidency. An engraving from a copy owned by Mrs. John W. Burke, of -Alexandria, Va., is given in John C. Fremont's _Memoirs of my Life_, -vol. i. p. 12 (N. Y., 1887). A portrait of Jefferson, three quarters -length, sitting, with papers in his lap, was painted for John Adams by -M. Brown, and is engraved in Bancroft's _United States_, orig. ed., -vol. viii. A picture by Neagle is engraved in Delaplaine's _Repository_ -(1835). The profile by Memin is in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 484. -There are various likenesses by Stuart: a full-face and a profile, -owned by T. Jefferson Coolidge, of Boston,—the profile is mentioned -above, and the full-face is one of a series of the Five Presidents, and -it has been engraved in Higginson's _Larger History_; a full-length, -belonging to the heirs of Col. T. J. Randolph, of Edgehill, Va. -(engraved in stipple by D. Edwin); and other pictures in the Capitol, -in the White House, at Bowdoin College, and in the possession of -Edw. Coles, of Philadelphia (engraved by J. B. Forrest). The picture -engraved in Sanderson's _Signers_, vii., is a Stuart. A photogravure, -made of the one at Bowdoin College, is given in an account of the art -collections there, issued by the college. - -Lossing, in a paper on "Monticello", Jefferson's home, in _Harper's -Mag._, vol. vii., pictures some of the memorials of Jefferson (cf. -also _Scribner's Monthly_, v. 148), and adds views of the houses of -other signers of the Declaration. This is done also by Brotherhead -in his _Book of the Signers_, together with rendering in fac-simile -autograph papers of each of them. Cf. J. E. Cooke on Jefferson in -_Harper's Mag._, liii. p. 211; and also "The Virginia Declaration of -Independence, or a group of Virginia Statesmen", with various cuts, -in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, May, 1884, p. 369, giving portraits -of Archibald Cary, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Henry, R. H. Lee, Geo. -Mason, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Benj. Harrison, Edmund Randolph, James -Madison, with views also of Gunston Hall (Mason's home), Henry's -house, Harrison's mansion of Berkeley, and of the old Raleigh tavern, -associated with the patriots' meetings.] - -As the debates went on, reassuring notes came from New England in -respect to the Virginia resolutions. Connecticut took action on June -14th (Hinman's _Connecticut during the Rev._, 94). Langdon wrote -from New Hampshire, June 26th, that he knew of none who would oppose -it (_Hist. Mag._, vi. 240). The vote of July 2d finished the issue. -Honest belief, intimidation, a run for luck, and more or less of -self-interest[702] had made the colonies free on paper, and compelled -anew the conflict which was to make their pretensions good. - -[Illustration: STATE HOUSE, PHILADELPHIA, 1778. - -This view of the building in which Congress sat is from the _Columbian -Magazine_, July, 1787. Cf. Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. -322, and Egle's _Pennsylvania_, p. 186; _Harper's Mag._, iii. 151. An -architect's drawing of the front is on a folding sheet in _A new and -complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America_ (London, 1757?). Cf. -other views in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 272, 288. A water-color view -by R. Peale is now preserved in the building. Cf. Belisle's _Hist. of -Independence Hall_; Col. F. M. Etting's _Memorials of 1776_, his _Hist. -of the Old State House_ (1876), and his paper in the _Penn Monthly_, -iii. 577; Lossing and others in _Potter's Amer. Monthly_, vi. 379, -455, vii. 1, 67, 477; John Savage's illustrated article in _Harper's -Monthly_, xxxv. p. 217. Between 1873 and 1875 the hall was restored -nearly to its ancient appearance, and now has some of the furniture -in it used at the time of the Declaration. Cf. view in Gay, iii. -481, and Higginson's _Larger Hist._, 278. It has become a museum to -commemorate the Revolutionary characters. The reports of the committee -of restoration were printed. Cf. Scharf and Westcott, i. 318, and -Col. Etting's _History;_ also B. P. Poore's _Descriptive Catal. of -Government Publications_, p. 945. - -For the conditions of living in Philadelphia, and the appearance of the -town at this time and during the war, see _Watson's Annals_; Scharf -and Westcott's _Philadelphia_ (ch. xvi., 1765-1776, xvii., 1776-1778, -xviii., 1778-1783); Henry C. Watson's _Old Bell of Independence_ -(Philad., 1852,—later known as _Noble Deeds of our Forefathers_); -R. H. Davis in _Lippincott's Mag._ (July, 1876), xviii. 27, and in -_Harper's Monthly_, lii. pp. 705, 868; and F. D. Stone on "Philadelphia -Society a hundred years ago, or the reign of Continental money." in -_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 361. The diaries of Christopher Marshall -(Albany, 1877) and of James Allen (_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, July, 1885, -pp. 176, 278, 424) are of importance in this study.] - -[Illustration: ORIGINAL DRAFT OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. - -This reproduces only the sentences near the beginning in the -handwriting of Thomas Jefferson, showing his corrections. Later in -the manuscript there are corrections, of no great extent, in the -handwriting of John Adams and Benj. Franklin. The original paper is -in the Patent Office at Washington, and is printed in Jefferson's -_Writings_, i. 26; in Randall's _Jefferson_; in the _Declaration of -Independence_ (Boston, 1876, published by the city), where is also a -reduced fac-simile of the engraved document as signed. Cf. Guizot's -_Washington_, Atlas. Lossing (_Field-Book_, ii. 281) gives a fac-simile -of a paragraph nearly all of which was omitted in the final draft, -as was the paragraph respecting slavery (Jefferson's _Memoir and -Corresp._, i. p. 16). A letter of Jefferson to R. H. Lee, July 8, 1776, -accompanying the original draft, showing the changes made by Congress, -is in Lee's _Life of R. H. Lee_, i. 275. For accounts of various -early drafts, and for John Adams's instrumentality in correcting it, -see C. F. Adams's _John Adams_, i. 233, ii. 515. Cf. also Parton's -_Jefferson_, ch. 21; and his _Franklin_, ii. 126. John Adams contended -that the essence of it was in earlier tracts of Otis and Sam. Adams -(_Works_, ii. 514). - -On the literary character of the document, see Greene's _Historical -View_, p. 382; the lives of Jefferson by Tucker, Parton, Randall, -John T. Morse, Jr. The similarity of the preamble of the Constitution -of Virginia and certain parts of the Declaration have been taken to -show that Jefferson plagiarized (_New York Review_, no. 1), but the -testimony of a letter of George Wythe to Jefferson, July 27, 1776, -seems to make it clear that Jefferson was the writer of that part of -the Constitution, though Geo. Mason formed the body of it. Cf. also -Wirt's _Patrick Henry_ and Tucker's _Jefferson_. - -The text of the Declaration as Jefferson originally wrote it will be -found in Randall's _Jefferson_, p. 172; Niles's _Weekly Register_, July -3, 1813; Timothy Pickering's _Review of the Cunningham Correspondence_ -(1824), the _Madison Papers_. These copies do not always agree, since -different drafts were followed. It is given, with changes indicated as -made by Congress, in Jefferson's _Works_, i.; Russell's _Life and Times -of Fox_; Lee's _R. H. Lee_. John Adams (_Works_, ii. 511) gives the -reasons why Jefferson was put at the head of the committee for drafting -the Declaration (_Potter's American Monthly_, vii. 191). - -[Illustration] - -Trumbull's well-known picture of the committee presenting the -Declaration in Congress was made known through A. B. Durand's engraving -in 1820. The medals commemorating the event are described in Baker's -_Medallic Portraits of Washington_, p. 32. The house in Philadelphia -in which Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence is shown -in Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_ (i. 320); Watson's _Annals -of Philadelphia_ (iii.); Brotherhead's _Signers_ (1861, p. 110); -_Potter's American Monthly_, vi. 341; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. -483; Higginson's _Larger Hist. U. S._, 274. The desk on which he wrote -it was for a long time in the possession of Mr. Joseph Coolidge of -Boston, and at his death passed by his will to the custody of Congress. -Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 177; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 151.] - -The resolutions of independency of June 7th, introduced by R. H. -Lee, in accordance with instructions from Virginia,[703] are not -preserved either in the MS. or printed journals, and John Adams tells -us (_Works_, iii. 45) much was purposely kept out of the records; -but they have been found in the secretary's files, and are given in -fac-simile in Force (4th ser., vi. p. 1700). Of the proceedings and -debates which followed we have, beside the printed journals (i. 365, -392), three manuscript journals.[704] For details we must go to the -memoranda made by Jefferson from notes taken near the time.[705] -There seems no doubt that John Adams was the leading advocate of the -Declaration[706] and such traces as are found of other speakers are -noted in Bancroft, orig. ed., viii. 349; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. -413, 433; Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 182. Bancroft draws John Adams's -character with some vigor (viii. 309). Dickinson made the main speech -against Adams. Bancroft abridges it from Dickinson's own report (viii. -452); Ramsay (i. 339) sketched it. (Cf. Niles's _Principles_, 1876, -p. 400, and _John Adams's Works_, iii. 54.) Adams thought Dickinson's -printed speech very different from the one delivered. Galloway, in his -_Examination_ before Parliament, gave only the flying rumors of what -passed. The later writers summarize the debates and proceedings.[707] - -There is some confusion in later days in the memory of participants, -by which the decision for independence on July 2d is not kept quite -distinct from the formal expression of it on July 4th. (Cf. McKean in -_John Adams_, x. 88.) - -It was the New York, and not the New Jersey, delegates who were not -instructed to vote for the Declaration (Wells, i. 226). The position of -New York is explained by W. L. Stone in _Harper's Mag._, July, 1883. -The instructions from Pennsylvania and Delaware came late.[708] - -[Illustration: ROGER SHERMAN - -After a painting owned by a descendant in New Haven. Cf. portrait by -Earle in Sanderson's _Signers_ in Brotherhead's _Book of Signers_ -(1861), p. 75, will be found a view of his house. He was of the -Committee to draft the Declaration of Independence.] - -Notwithstanding that the statements of both Jefferson (_Writings_, -Boston, 1830, vol. i. 20, etc.) and Adams, made at a later day -(_Autobiography_), and the printed _Journals of Congress_, seem to the -effect that the Declaration was signed by the members present on July -4, 1776, it is almost certain that such was not the case. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -NOTE.—These four plates show the signatures of the signers (now very -much faded in the original document), arranged not as they signed, -but in the order of States, beginning with Massachusetts and ending -with Georgia. The signatures were really attached in six columns, -containing respectively 3, 7, 12 (John Hancock heading this one), 12, -9, 13,—as is shown in a reduced fac-simile of the entire document as -signed, given in _The Declaration of Independence_ (Boston, 1876). -The signatures are also given in Sanderson's _Signers_, vol. i.; -in _Harper's Mag._, iii. 158, etc. The formation of a set of the -autographs of the "Signers" is, or rather has been, called the test -of successful collecting. The signatures of Thomas Lynch, Jr., Button -Gwinnett, and Lyman Hall are said to be the rarest. The Rev. Dr. Wm. B. -Sprague is said to have formed three sets; but these collections, as -well as those of Raffles, of Liverpool, and Tefft, of Savannah, have -changed hands. - -[Illustration] - -The finest is thought to belong to Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of New York. -The set of Col. T. B. Myers is described in the _Hist. Mag._, 1868. -One was sold in the Lewis J. Cist collection in N. Y., Oct., 1886 (p. -47). It has been said that "of the fifty-six signers of the Declaration -of Independence, nine were born in Massachusetts, eight in Virginia, -five in Maryland, four in Connecticut, four in New Jersey, four in -Pennsylvania, four in South Carolina, three in New York, three in -Delaware, two in Rhode Island, one in Maine, three in Ireland, two in -England, two in Scotland, and one in Wales. Twenty-one were attorneys, -ten Merchants, four physicians, three farmers, one clergyman, one -printer; sixteen were men of fortune. Eight were graduates of Harvard -College, four of Yale, three of New Jersey, two of Philadelphia, two of -William and Mary, three of Cambridge, England, two of Edinburgh, and -one of St. Omers. - -[Illustration] - -At the time of their deaths, five were over ninety years of age, seven -between eighty and ninety, eleven between seventy and eighty, twelve -between sixty and seventy, eleven between fifty and sixty, seven -between forty and fifty; one died at the age of twenty-seven, and the -age of two is uncertain. At the time of signing the Declaration, the -average of the members was forty-four years. They lived to the average -age of more than sixty-five years and ten months. The youngest member -was Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, who was in his twenty-seventh -year. He lived to the age of fifty-one. The next youngest member was -Thomas Lynch, of the same State, who was also in his twenty-seventh -year. He was cast away at sea in the fall of 1776. Benjamin Franklin -was the oldest member. He was in his seventy-first year when he signed -the Declaration. He died in 1790, and survived sixteen of his younger -brethren. Stephen Hopkins, of Rhode Island, the next oldest member, was -born in 1707, and died in 1785. Charles Carroll attained the greatest -age, dying in his ninety-sixth year. William Ellery, of Rhode Island, -died in his ninety-first year." The standard collected edition of their -lives is a work usually called Sanderson's _Biography of the signers of -the declaration of independence_ (Philadelphia, 1820-27, in 9 vols.) - -_Contents._—1. View of the British colonies from their origin to their -independence; John Hancock, by John Adams. 2. Benjamin Franklin, by J. -Sanderson; George Wythe, by Thomas Jefferson; Francis Hopkinson, by R. -Penn Smith; Robert Treat Paine, by Alden Bradford. 3. Edward Rutledge, -by Arthur Middleton; Lyman Hall, by Hugh McCall; Oliver Wolcott, -by Oliver Wolcott, Jr.; Richard Stockton, by H. Stockton; Button -Gwinnett, by Hugh McCall; Josiah Bartlett, by Robert Waln, Jr.; Philip -Livingston, by De Witt Clinton; Roger Sherman, by Jeremiah Evarts. 4. -Thomas Heyward, by James Hamilton; George Read, by —— Read; William -Williams, by Robert Waln, Jr.; Samuel Huntington, by Robert Waln, Jr.; -William Floyd, by Augustus Floyd; George Walton, by Hugh McCall; George -Clymer, by Robert Waln, Jr.; Benjamin Rush, by John Sanderson. 5. -Thomas Lynch, Jr., by James Hamilton; Matthew Thornton, by Robert Waln, -Jr.; William Whipple, by Robert Waln, Jr.; John Witherspoon, by Ashbel -Green; Robert Morris, by Robert Waln, Jr. 6. Arthur Middleton, by H. M. -Rutledge; Abraham Clark, by Robert Waln, Jr.; Francis Lewis, by Morgan -Lewis; John Penn, by John Taylor; James Wilson, by Robert Waln, Jr.; -Carter Braxton, by Judge Brackenborough; John Morton, by Robert Waln, -Jr.; Stephen Hopkins, by Robert Waln, Jr.; Thomas M'Kean, by Robert -Waln, Jr. 7. Thomas Jefferson, by H. D. Gilpin; William Hooper, by J. -C. Hooper; James Smith, by Edward Ingersoll; Charles Carroll, by H. B. -Latrobe; Thomas Nelson, Jr., by H. D. Gilpin; Joseph Hewes, by Edward -Ingersoll. 8. Elbridge Gerry, by H. D. Gilpin; Cæsar Rodney, by H. D. -Gilpin; Benjamin Harrison, by H. D. Gilpin; William Paca, by Edward -Ingersoll; George Ross, by H. D. Gilpin; John Adams, by E. Ingersoll. -9. Richard Henry Lee, by R. H. Lee; George Taylor, by H. D. Gilpin; -John Hart, by Robert Waln, Jr.; Lewis Morris, by E. Ingersoll; Thomas -Stone, by E. Ingersoll; Francis L. Lee, by Robert Waln, Jr.; Samuel -Chase, by E. Ingersoll; William Ellery, by H. D. Gilpin; Samuel Adams, -by H. D. Gilpin. - -Vols. 1, 2 were edited by John Sanderson; the remainder by Robert Waln, -Jr. A list of the authors of the different biographies is given in the -_Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings_, xv. 393. There was a -second edition, revised, improved, and enlarged (Philadelphia, 1828, -in 5 vols.). An edition revised by Robert T. Conrad was published in -Philadelphia in 1865. - -An enumeration of books which grew out of Sanderson's _Signers_ is -given in Foster's _Stephen Hopkins_, ii. 183. Much smaller books are -Charles A. Goodrich's _Lives of the Signers_ (New York, 1829), and -there are other collections of brief memoirs by L. C. Judson (1829) and -Benson J. Lossing. Cf. also papers by Lossing in _Harper's Mag._, iii., -vii., and xlviii., and his _Field-Book_, ii. 868. - -A fac-simile of the engrossed document as signed is given in _The -Declaration of Independence_ (Boston, 1876), and others are in Force's -_Amer. Archives_, 5th ser., i. 1595; and one was published in N. Y. -in 1865. The earliest fac-simile is one engraved on copper by Peter -Maverick, of which there are copies on vellum, as well as on paper. It -is called _Declaration of Independence, copied from the Original in the -Department of State and published, by Benjamin Owen Tyler, Professor -of Penmanship. The publisher designed and executed the ornamental -writing and has been particular to copy the Facsimilies exact, and has -also observed the same punctuation, and copied every Capital as in the -original_ (Washington, 1818). - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—The cut on this page is a reduction of a broadside issued in -Boston, of which there is a copy in the library of the Mass. Hist. -Society, where there are copies of similar broadsides issued in -Philadelphia and Salem. The fac-simile given in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. -S._ (iii. 483) is of the Boston broadside without the imprint at the -bottom of the sheet. The first impression made for Congress was printed -at Philadelphia by John Dunlap, and the copy sent to Washington is -in the library of the State Department. It was also later printed in -broadside at "Baltimore in Maryland, by Mary Katharine Goddard", and -those of the copies which I have seen, as attested by Hancock and -Thomson in their own hands, in addition to the printed signatures, and -sent to the several States by order of Congress, Jan. 18, 1777, are -of this Baltimore imprint. Such a copy is in the _Mass. Archives_, -cxlii. 23, together with the letter of Hancock transmitting it to -that State. There is another copy, similarly attested, in the Boston -Public Library; and a reduced fac-simile of such a copy, with its -attestations, is given in the _Orderly-book of Sir John Johnson_ (p. -220). It was generally, I think, inscribed on the records of the -several States, and I have seen it in the records of the towns in -New England. (Cf. _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 200.) It is copied as -it appeared in the _Penna. Journal_, July 10th, in Moore's _Diary -of the Rev._, i. 262; and in England it was reprinted in _Almon's -Remembrancer_, iii. 258; _Annual Register_, 1776, p. 261; and in the -_Gentleman's Mag._, Aug., 1776. - -The earliest authorized reprint in any collection appeared at -Philadelphia in 1781, in _The Constitutions of the several States -of America; The Declaration of Independence; The Articles of -Confederation; The Treaties between his most Christian Majesty and -the United States of America. Published by order of Congress_ (Sabin, -iv. 16,086, who says 200 copies were printed, and who gives various -other early editions). The Rev. William Jackson edited at London, in -1783, _The constitutions of the independent states of America; the -declaration of independence; and the articles of confederation. Added, -the declaration of rights, non-importation agreement, and petition of -Congress to the King. With appendix, containing treaties._ It can be -found in Bancroft, viii. 467; H. W. Preston's _Documents illustrating -American History_; Sherman's _Governmental Hist. U. S._, p. 615; -Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, p. 539; and in very many other -collections and places.] - -[Illustration: JOHN DICKINSON. - -From Du Simitière's _Thirteen Portraits_ (London, 1783). Cf. _Heads of -illustrious Americans_ (London, 1783). The usual portrait is given in -Higginson's _Larger History_, p. 270.] - -McKean, in 1814, said it was not so,[709] and the best investigators of -our day are agreed that the president and secretary alone signed it on -that day, though Lossing, following Jefferson, has held that, though -signed on that day on paper by the members, it was in the nature of a -temporary authentication, and it did not preclude the more formal act -of signing it on parchment, which all are agreed was done on August -2d following. Thornton, of New Hampshire, signed as late as Nov. 4th; -and McKean, who was absent with the army, seems to have temporarily -returned so as to sign later in the year. Thornton's name appears in -the printed _Journal_ as attached to the Declaration on July 4th, and -McKean's is not, though McKean was present and Thornton was not. The -fact is, the printed _Journal_ is not a copy of the record of that day, -and was made up without due regard to the sequence of proceedings, -when prepared by a committee for the press in the early part of 1777. -There is in Force's _American Archives_ (4th ser., vol. vi. p. 1729) -a journal constructed by combining the original record (of which we -have no printed copy) and the minutes and documents of the official -files. From a collation of all these early records it appears that the -vote of January 18, 1777, ordering the Declaration to be printed with -the names attached,—then for the first time done,—made it convenient -to use this printed record in making the published _Journal_ entry -under July 4th. In this way the name of Thornton, who signed it even -subsequent to Aug. 2d, appears in that printed record as having been -put to the Declaration on July 4th. That any paper copy was signed -on July 4th is not believed, from the fact that no such copy exists; -and if it be claimed that it has been lost, there is still ground for -holding rather that it never existed, inasmuch as no vote is found for -any authentication except in the usual way, by Hancock and Thomson, -the president and secretary. McKean's criticism was the first to -confront the usual public belief of its being signed July 4th, as many -respectable writers have maintained since who preferred the authority -of the printed _Journal_ and of Jefferson and Adams. Such was Mahon's -preference, and Peter Force rather curtly criticised him for it, in -the _National Intelligencer_.[710] Force did not explain at length -the grounds of his assertions, and Mahon did not alter his statement -in a later edition; but a full explanation has been made by Mellen -Chamberlain in his _Authentication of the Declaration of Independence_ -(Cambridge, 1885), which originally made part of the _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, Nov., 1884, p. 273. He gives full references. - -The immediate effects of the Declaration in America are traced in -Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, p. 548. "No one can read", says -Wm. B. Reed in his _Life of Joseph Reed_ (i. p. 195), "the private -correspondence of the times without being struck with the slight -impression made on either the army or the mass of the people by the -Declaration of Independence." - -The Declaration was, of course, at once commented on in the -_Gentleman's Magazine_, in Almon's _Remembrancer_, and in the -other periodical publications. Hutchinson's _Strictures_ have been -mentioned. The ministry seem to have been behind the _Answer to the -Declaration of the American Congress_, referred to in a preceding -page, which was ostensibly written by John Lind and privately printed -in London in 1776, but was soon published without his name, appearing -in five different editions during the year, and was the next year -(1777) printed in French both in London and La Haye. In the earlier -edition the outline of a counter declaration was included (Sabin, x. -41,281-82). Lord Geo. Germaine is also said to have had a hand in -_The Rights of Great Britain asserted against the claims of America_, -which passed through three editions at least, the last with additions, -during 1776, beside being reprinted in Philadelphia (Hildeburn, no. -3,352). Sir John Dalrymple and James Macpherson are also thought to -have some share in it.[711] Lord Camden's views are given in Campbell's -_Lives of the Chancellors_ (v. 301). It soon became apparent that -the liberal party in England felt that the Declaration showed the -Americans determined to act without their continued assistance (Smyth's -_Lectures_, ii. 439). Bancroft (ix. ch. 3) traces the general effects -in Europe.[712] - -The appearance, Jan. 8, 1776, of the _Common Sense_, written by -Thomas Paine, a stay-maker and sailor whom Franklin had accredited -when he came over in the summer of 1774, had produced a sudden effect -throughout the continent.[713] - -[Illustration: JOHN HANCOCK. (_The Scott picture._) - -Perkins (_Life and Works of Copley_, p. 70) notes three different -likenesses of Hancock, painted by that artist. The first represents him -sitting at a table, which bears an open book, upon which his left hand -lies, while the right holds a pen. This picture, formerly in Faneuil -Hall, is now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. The Copley head -has been engraved by I. B. Forrest and J. B. Longacre (_Sanderson's -Signers_), and there is a woodcut in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, -iv. p. 5, and another engraving of it in W. H. Bartlett's _United -States_, p. 343. Cf. Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 358. The German -picture from the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_ (Neunter -Theil, Nürnberg, 1777), of which a fac-simile is given herewith, is -evidently based on this picture, omitting the accessories. A similar -picture, with supports of cannon at the lower angles, is in Hilliard -d'Auberteuil's _Essais_, i. p. 152. It seems to have been the likeness -known on the continent of Europe, and is perhaps the one referred to -by John Adams, in writing to Spener, a Berlin bookseller, when he -says, "The portrait of Mr. Hancock has some resemblance in the dress -and figure, but none at all in the countenance" (_Works_, ix. 524). -The immediate prototype of the German picture may have been a London -engraving, described in Smith's _British Mezzotint Portraits_ as being -in an oval, with a short wig and tie at back, and professing to be -painted by Littleford, and published Oct. 25, 1775, by C. Shepherd, -which was one of a series of American portraits published in London -from 1775 to 1778, of which some, says that authority, were reëngraved -in Germany. The two other Copley pictures are described by Perkins as -being owned by Hancock's descendants: one an oval, showing him dressed -in blue coat laced with gold; the other a miniature on copper. There -is in the Bostonian Society a photograph of a picture owned by C. L. -Hancock. It will be remembered that Hancock's widow married Capt. -James Scott; and it is perhaps one of these Copley pictures that is -reproduced from an English print in J. C. Smith's _British Mezzotint -Portraits_, p. 1321, and shown in the present engraving (the Scott -picture), of which the original, an oval, bears this inscription: -"The Hon^{ble} John Hancock, Esq^r, late Governor of Boston in North -America, done from an original picture in the possession of Capt. -James Scott. Published by John Scott, No. 4, Middle Row, Holborn. -Copley pinx^t. W. Smith, sculp." Smith also gives another print, which -represents Hancock as standing, with the left hand in his pocket, the -other holding a letter addressed to "Mons. Monsieur Israel Putnam, -major general à Long Island." The face is much like the other. - -The Copley head seems also to have been used in the sitting figure, -which appeared in the _Impartial History of the War in America_ -(London, 1780, p. 207), of which a fac-simile is elsewhere given. The -same picture was reëngraved in even poorer manner in the Boston edition -of the book with the same title (1781, p. 346). Other contemporary -engravings are found in the _European Magazine_ (iv. p. 105); in the -_Royal American Magazine_ (March, 1774, reproduced in fac-simile in the -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 46); and in Murray's _Impartial History of -the present War_ (1778, vol. i. p. 144). Cf. Drake's _Tea Leaves_, p. -286. - -The character of Hancock had pettinesses that have served to lower his -popular reputation, and this last is well reflected in the drawing -of his traits in Wells's _Sam. Adams_ (ii. 381). John Adams, whose -robustness of character was quite at variance with that of his friend, -was not blinded to sterling qualities in the rich man, who gave an -adherence to a cause that few of his position in Massachusetts did -(_John Adams's Works_, x. 259, 284). Adams's grandson speaks of the -biography of Hancock in Sanderson's _Signers_ as a curious specimen of -unfavorable judgment in the guise of eulogy, and a sketch by this same -grandson, C. F. Adams, is in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, p. 73, and a -memoir by G. Mountfort in Hunt's _American Merchants_, vol. ii. The -accounts in Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, p. 72, and by Gen. W. H. -Sumner in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1854 (viii. 187), -are rambling antiquarian tales.] - -[Illustration: JOHN HANCOCK. (_From the "Geschichte der Kriege."_)] - -John Adams (_Works_, ii. 507; ix. 617) said of _Common Sense_ that it -embodied a "tolerable summary of the arguments for independence which -he had been speaking in Congress for nine months", and which Mahon -(vi. 96) has called "cogent arguments" "in clear, bold language;" but -Adams deemed unwise some of its suggestions for the governments of the -States, and to counteract their influence he published anonymously -his _Thoughts on Government_ (Philadelphia, 1776; Boston, 1776; often -since, and also in _Works_, iv. 193; ix. 387, 398), which he says met -the approval of no one of any consideration except Benjamin Rush. He -added his name to the second edition, and records that it soon had -due influence upon the Assemblies of the several States, when about -this time they adopted their constitutions. Adams's views were first -embodied in a letter to R. H. Lee, Nov. 15, 1775 (_Works_, iv. 185; -Sparks's _Washington_, ii., App.). What seems an anonymous reply -from a native of Virginia—that colony being then engaged in framing -a constitution—was _An address to the Convention of the Colony and -Ancient Dominion of Virginia_, which was an attempt to counteract the -tendency to popular features in government, which Adams had inculcated. -It is in Force, 4th ser., vi. 748, and was written by Carter Braxton -(Hildeburn's _Issues of the press in Pennsylvania_, Philad., 1886, no. -3,340). - -[Illustration: CHARLES THOMSON. - -From Du Simitière's _Thirteen Portraits_ (London, 1783). Cf. also -_Heads of illustrious Americans_ (London, 1783). There is a portrait -in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. Society. Scharf and Westcott's -_Philadelphia_ (i. 274, 275) gives his likeness and a view of his -house, and another picture of the house is in Brotherhead's _Signers_ -(1861, p. 113). Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 267, and Potter's -_Amer. Monthly_, vi. 172, 264, vii. 161.] - -Adams also wrote an amplified statement of some of his views to John -Penn, of North Carolina, which is given in John Taylor's _Inquiry into -the principles and policy of the Government of the United States_ -(1814), and in Adams's _Works_, iv. 203. - -The vote of Congress of May 15, 1776, had called upon the several -colonies to provide for independent governments, and Jameson -(_Constitutional Conventions_, N. Y., 1867, p. 112, etc.) summarizes -the actions of the several States.[714] New Hampshire was the first -to act, and Belknap in his _New Hampshire_, and the histories of the -other States, tell the story of their procedures. South Carolina was -the next, but Virginia was the earliest to form such a constitution -that it could last for many years. On June 12, 1776, she adopted her -famous Declaration of Rights, drawn by Geo. Mason,[715] and June 29th -perfected her constitution.[716] For New Jersey, see L. Q. C. Elmer's -_Hist. of the Constitution adopted in 1776 and of the government under -it_ (Newark, 1870, and in _N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 2d ser., ii. -132), and the _Journal and votes and Proceedings of the Convention of -New Jersey_ (Burlington, 1776). For the movements in Pennsylvania, -see Reed's _Jos. Reed_, i. ch. 7; the _Proceedings relative to the -calling of the Conventions of 1776 and 1790_ (Harrisburg, 1825); Anna -H. Wharton's "Thomas Wharton, first governor of Pennsylvania", in the -_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, v. 426, vi. 91; and the biographies of the -members of the convention in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. and iv. -The statements of the loyalist Jones in his _New York during the Rev._ -(p. 321) are controverted by Johnston in his _Observations_ (p. 41). - -[Illustration: CHRISTOPHER MARSHALL'S DIARY. - -A page from Christopher Marshall's diary, preserved in the Penna. Hist. -Soc., giving his description of the public reading of the Declaration -of Independence, in Philadelphia, on July 8th. Cf. _Extracts from the -diary of Christopher Marshall kept in Philadelphia and Lancaster during -the American Revolution, 1774-1781, edited by Wm. Duane_ (Albany, -1877). On this reading, see _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, viii. 352, and W. -Sargent's _Loyal Verses of Stansbury and Odell_, p. 116. - -The English notion of the way in which the proclamation was made may -be learned from Edward Bernard's contemporary folio _Hist. of England_ -(p. 689), where a large print represents an uncovered man on horseback -reading a scroll to a crowd in the street, called "The manner in which -the American Colonies declared themselves independent of the King -of England throughout the different provinces on July 4, 1776." The -reading took place in New York July 9th (Bancroft, ix. 36), and in -Boston July 18th (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 183). Moore's _Diary of the -Rev._, i. (1776), records from contemporary journals the way in which -it was received in various places. A letter of Major F. Barber in the -_New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, v., shows how the reception of the news -was observed at Fort Stanwix.] - -For the convention in New York, see _Debates of the N. Y. Conventions_ -(1821), App., p. 691; Flanders's _Life of Jay_, ch. 8; and Sparks's -_Gouverneur Morris_.[717] For Georgia, see C. C. Jones's _Georgia_, -ii. ch. 13. Jameson (p. 138) outlines the peculiar circumstances -of the early constitutional history of Vermont. Massachusetts was -the last (1780) of the original States to frame a constitution. -(See _John Adams's Works_, iv. 213; ix. 618.) Adams drafted the -constitution presented by the committee, which was printed as _Report -of a Constitution or form of government_,[718] and is printed without -embodying the Errata in _John Adams's Works_ (iv. 219), which copies it -from the Appendix of the _Journal of the Convention_ (Boston, 1832), -where it was also printed in that defective manner.[719] - -John Adams, in his _Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the -United States of America_ (1787,—in _Works_, iv. 271), set forth the -views which influenced largely the framers of many of the constitutions -of the States. Connecticut and Rhode Island retained their original -charters through the war. - -This action of the States rendered easier a plan of confederation, -which seems to have been proposed by Franklin as early as Aug. 21, -1775. On July 12, 1776, a plan in Dickinson's handwriting, based on -Franklin's, was reported, and was finally adopted by Congress, Nov. 15, -1777 (_Journals_, ii. 330), which was ratified by all the States in -1778 except Delaware (1779) and Maryland (1781), at which last date it -became obligatory on all.[720] - -The reader needs to be cautioned against a publication which assumes -to be an _Oration delivered at the State House in Philadelphia Aug. 1, -1776_, by Samuel Adams (Philadelphia, reprinted at London, 1776), and -which was translated into French and German. It is reprinted in Wells, -iii., App. There is no copy of the pretended Philadelphia original -known, and the publication is a London forgery (Wells, ii. 439), -discoverable, if for no other reason, from the fact that its writer was -unaware that the Declaration of Independence had passed. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE STRUGGLE FOR THE HUDSON. - -BY GEORGE W. CULLUM, - -_Major-General United States Army._ - - -WHEN, in March, 1776, the British evacuated Boston, Washington felt -assured that New York, already threatened, would be their objective -point, not only on account of its commercial and strategical -importance, but because it was the great arsenal of America. He -therefore, as soon as practicable, concentrated in and about it his -whole disposable force, and pushed forward the defences of the city -and of its vicinity, already planned and partly executed by General -Lee. Until the arrival of Washington, April 13, 1776, General Putnam -commanded at New York, and General Greene, with a considerable body -of troops, took charge of the incomplete intrenchments of Brooklyn, -extending from the Wallabout (the present Navy Yard) to Gowanus Cove -on New York Bay. These were now strengthened by four redoubts armed -with twenty pieces of artillery, and by a strong interior keep mounting -seven guns. These Brooklyn Heights, from their proximity and command of -New York, were considered the key of the defence of this valuable city. - -Fort George, with several redoubts and batteries, guarded the southern -end of Manhattan Island, while the fortified hills overlooking -Kingsbridge protected its northern extremity. On Red and Paulus -Hooks, and at various points along the shores of the East and Hudson -rivers, were erected earthworks, and a strong redoubt was built upon -Governor's Island. Between the latter and the "Battery", hulks were -sunk to obstruct the main channel. Notwithstanding all these defences, -Manhattan Island, as events proved, was assailable at many points. - -To defend these works, scattered over more than twenty miles, -Washington had an army of only 17,225 men, of whom 6,711 were sick, -on furlough, or detached, leaving but 10,514 present for duty. Most -of these were militia, badly clothed, imperfectly armed, without -discipline or military experience, and their artillery was old and of -various patterns and calibres. - -There had been dispatched from England a powerful fleet under Lord -Howe, convoying a large body of troops to reinforce those already in -America. The army of General William Howe (brother of the Admiral) -on Staten Island in August (including some 8,600 German hirelings) -numbered, as stated by General Clinton, 31,625 rank and file, of whom -24,464 were well-appointed, disciplined soldiers, fit for duty and -equal to any in Europe. - -The struggle for the Hudson, by the coöperation of the army of Canada -with Howe, was now about to begin; but Washington was at his wits' end -to foresee the particular point upon which the blow would fall. Hence -he was obliged to retain the greater part of his troops in New York to -defend the city, holding them ready, however, to support any point in -the vicinity whether assailed by the enemy's large fleet or by their -powerful army. - -[Illustration: THE MORTIER HOUSE, RICHMOND HILL. (_Washington's -Headquarters._) - -From a plate in the _New York Magazine_, June, 1790, when the -house, then owned by Mrs. Jephson, was occupied by John Adams, as -Vice-President of the United States. It was at one time the home of -Aaron Burr. See Parton's _Burr_, i. 81. - -Washington's first headquarters in New York were probably at a house, -180 Pearl St., opposite Cedar St., sometimes called the house of Gov. -Geo. Clinton, of which a view is given in Valentine's _Manual_, 1854, -p. 446, and in Lossing's _Mary and Martha Washington_ (N. Y., 1886), p. -153. He is also supposed by some to have occupied for a short interval -the Kennedy mansion, No. 1 Broadway, known to have been used certainly -by Col. Knox as artillery headquarters, of which a view is given in -Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed. ii. 211, and in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. -S._, iii. 495. (Cf. Drake's _Knox_; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 594; -Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, p. 86.) In June, if not earlier, he -removed to the Mortier House on Richmond Hill, and remained there till -September, when he transferred his headquarters first to the Apthorp -House (view in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 227), still standing at -the corner of Ninth Avenue and Ninety-first Street, and next to the -Morris House at Harlem.—ED.] - -On the morning of August 22, 1776, General Howe, under cover of the -guns of the British ships, without mishap, delay, or opposition, -debarked, as stated by Admiral Howe, about 15,000 men, with artillery, -baggage, and stores, on Long Island, in the vicinity of the Narrows; -and on the 25th, General de Heister's German division was landed at -Gravesend Cove. This invading force of "upwards of 20,000 rank and -file", well armed and with forty cannon, promptly occupied a line -extending from the Narrows, through Gravesend, to Flatlands, and made -ready for an immediate advance through the passes of the long range of -densely wooded hills running eastwardly from the Narrows to Jamaica, -about two and a half miles in front of Brooklyn. To oppose this large -force of regular troops, the Americans had not quite 8,000 men, most of -whom were raw militia, and of these about one half were outside of the -defences of Brooklyn, ready to participate in the impending battle. - -[Illustration: LORD HOWE. - -From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, Lond., 1785, vol. ii.—ED.] - -The most direct route from the British landing-place to the Brooklyn -intrenchments was by the road running nearly parallel to the bay, -and passing through a gorge just back of the Red Lion Tavern, where -Martense Lane joins the usual thoroughfare at the edge of Greenwood -Cemetery. A second road led from Flatbush directly through the pass -defended by General Sullivan's intrenchments. The third was by the road -from Flatbush to Bedford. Finally, the fourth, extending to Flushing, -intersected the Bedford and Jamaica road at the pass between the -present Evergreen and Cypress Cemeteries, about three miles east of -Bedford, or about ten miles from the Narrows. - -[Illustration: GEN. SIR WM. HOWE. - -From the upper part of an engraving of full length in _An Impartial -Hist. of the War in America_, Lond., 1780, p. 204. Smith in his _Brit. -Mez. Portraits_ records a print, standing posture, sash and star, right -elbow on block, left hand on hip, marked "Corbutt delin't et fecit. -Lond. 10 Nov. 1777."—ED.] - -When the British landed on the 22d, Colonel Hand's regiment was -deployed to oppose them, but the enemy proving to be in too great -force, Hand fell back to Prospect Hill and thence to Flatbush, burning -property which would be of immediate use to the foe; but he did not -at once apprise the commanding general of the real character of the -British movement. So soon, however, as Washington heard of the landing, -he dispatched six regiments to reinforce the garrison of Brooklyn -Heights, and ordered additional forces to be in readiness to cross the -East River from Manhattan Island, if Howe's movement did not prove -to be a feint to cover a real attack upon New York. General Greene, -unfortunately, was too sick to retain the active command on Long -Island, every point of which, between Hell Gate and the Narrows, he had -carefully studied. He was succeeded, August 20th, by General Sullivan, -a far inferior officer. As Washington said of him, he was "active, -spirited, and zealously attached to the cause", but was tinctured with -"vanity, which now and then led him into embarrassments;" besides which -he lacked "experience to move on a large scale", as he had just shown -in Canada. On the 24th of August, Washington placed Putnam in command -over Sullivan. Putnam was a brave soldier, but wholly ignorant of -the science of war, besides being advanced in years. He was entirely -unacquainted with the arrangements which had been made for the defence -of his position, and he never went beyond the Brooklyn Heights -intrenchments on the day of the battle. The truth is, no one exercised -a general command in that conflict. - -De Heister's division, constituting the enemy's centre, occupied -Flatbush August 26th, threatening the pass in front, which Sullivan -held with a large force under cover of intrenchments. During the -evening, Cornwallis withdrew from Flatbush to Flatlands, there becoming -the reserve of the British right, which was composed of choice -regiments under General Clinton, aided by Lord Percy and accompanied by -the commander-in-chief. - -The British plan of attack would have been very hazardous in the -presence of an enterprising enemy; but against undisciplined troops, -small in numbers and without skilful leadership, it proved a brilliant -success. The right, under Clinton, by a night march was to seize the -Cypress Hill pass, and then move down the Jamaica road towards Bedford -to get in the rear of Sullivan's left. To divert the attention of the -Americans from this stealthy march, General Grant was to menace their -right, towards Gravesend, before daybreak, and De Heister at the same -time was to cannonade the American centre under Colonel Hand. These -attacks were not, however, to be pressed till General Clinton's guns -were heard in the rear of Sullivan, when the Americans were to be -assailed with the utmost vigor from all quarters. Besides these land -operations a squadron of five ships, under Sir Peter Parker, was to -menace New York and keep up a cannonade against Governor's Island and -the right flank of the American defences. - -Sir Henry Clinton, the principal actor in this contest, with his heavy -column and its artillery, guided by a Tory farmer, at nine in the -evening of the 26th, moved silently forward from Flatlands through -New Lots (now East New York), having successfully crossed Shoemaker's -narrow causeway over a long marsh. At three on the morning of the -27th, Clinton arrived within half a mile of the pass he was to force, -being followed and joined before daybreak by the main body under Lord -Percy. Soon after daylight a small American patrol was captured and the -unguarded pass occupied. Thus the whole right wing of the enemy, after -partaking of refreshments, was marching unopposed directly to Brooklyn -Heights. The battle, by this bold and lucky manœuvre, was in this way -virtually gained before any real struggle had begun. - -General Grant, on the enemy's left, with two brigades and a regiment, -two companies of Tories and ten pieces of artillery, in the mean -time advanced along the bay road against the flying Americans, and, -at daybreak of the 27th, got through the pass in the hills and was -marching on the Brooklyn lines. General Parsons, in command of the -American outpost on the right, succeeded in rallying some of the -fugitives and posting them advantageously on a hill until the arrival -of Lord Stirling, who, with 1,500 choice Continental troops, had been -sent by Putnam on learning the condition of affairs. For some hours -Grant amused Stirling by slight skirmishes about Battle Hill (now -in Greenwood Cemetery), till Clinton had reached his destined goal, -when Grant, with quadruple forces, pushed forward to grapple in a -death-struggle with his gallant foe. At the same time De Heister, who -had slept upon his arms during the night at Flatbush, as soon as he -heard Clinton's signal guns, sent Count Donop to storm the redoubt -which protected Sullivan and defended the pass through the hills, -while he himself pressed forward with the main body of the Hessians. -Sullivan, hemmed in on all sides, ordered a retreat to the Brooklyn -lines, but it was too late, as he was already ensnared in the prepared -net, and before long all was a scene of confusion, consternation, and -slaughter. Some of the Americans, after fighting desperately, broke -through the enemy's line, but a large number were killed, wounded, -or taken prisoners. Washington, from Brooklyn, witnessed this sad -catastrophe, but was powerless to prevent it. - -Stirling in like manner, met by the force under Cornwallis, which had -been detached from Clinton's column, was nearly surrounded, having no -chance for escape except across Gowanus Creek, in which the tide was -fast rising. After a terrible conflict of twenty minutes, the mass -of Stirling's command succeeded in passing the muddy stream, but the -general and some of his bravest companions were compelled to surrender -to superior numbers. Washington wrung his hands in agony at the sight -of such disaster. "Good God", he cried, "what brave fellows I must this -day lose!" - -[Illustration: STIRLING. - -After a photograph of a portrait in a family brooch, attested by H. S. -Watts, Oct. 8, 1879 (in Harvard College library, given by Professor -C. E. Norton). There is a picture, taken at a later day, engraved in -Duer's _Life of Stirling._—ED.] - -By two o'clock in the afternoon, this battle, or rather this series -of skirmishes between forces very unequal in numbers, quality, and -skill, was terminated by the retreat of the remnant of Americans which -had escaped capture. Howe stated his loss at 367 killed, wounded, -and missing; and he estimated that of the Americans at 3,300, though -probably it did not exceed one half of that number, of whom 1,076, -including Generals Stirling, Sullivan, and Woodhull (captured at -Jamaica on the next day), were made prisoners. - -Fortunately the victor, instead of pressing his advantage and at once -assaulting the Brooklyn intrenchments, which covered the demoralized -troops, waited till the next day, when he broke ground as for a regular -siege, and began cannonading the American works. "By such ill-timed -caution", says Lord Mahon, "arising probably from an overestimate of -the insurgents' force, the English general flung away the fairest -opportunity of utterly destroying or capturing the flower of the -American army;" yet such was the joy of the British government over -this cheap success that General Howe was knighted for a victory over -inexperienced troops one fifth his own numbers. - -Washington, promptly profiting by the over-caution of his antagonist, -strengthened his position, and conceived the masterly measures for -his retreat from Long Island. Without the knowledge of Howe, availing -himself of a dense fog and rain, and favored by a fair wind, he safely -crossed the East River with all his troops, stores, and artillery, -except a few heavy pieces which the mud prevented him from moving. The -army reached New York on the morning of the 30th, Washington leaving in -the last boat after having been forty-eight hours almost continuously -in the saddle without once closing his eyes. "Whoever", says Botta, -"will attend to all the details of this retreat will easily believe -that no military operation was ever conducted by great captains with -more ability and prudence, or under more unfavorable auspices." - -Though the British general had gained a decided success, he was as far -as ever from the object of his campaign—the capture of New York. The -victors and the vanquished now confronted each other from opposite -sides of a stream half a mile broad, each making ready for a decisive -effort. Howe possessed a large, veteran, and disciplined European -army, while Washington's troops, for the most part, were a demoralized -assemblage of heterogeneous organizations, not much superior to an -armed mob. - -"Our situation", writes Washington to the President of Congress, "is -truly distressing. The check our detachment sustained on the 27th -ultimo has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled -their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of -calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition in -order to repair our losses, are discouraged, intractable, and impatient -to return. Great numbers of them have gone off: in some instances -almost by whole regiments, by half ones, and by companies at a time. -This circumstance of itself, independently of others, when fronted by a -well-appointed enemy superior in numbers to our whole collected force, -would be sufficiently disagreeable; but when their example has infected -another part of the army, when their want of discipline and refusal -of almost every kind of restraint and government have produced a like -conduct but too common to the whole, and an entire disregard of that -order and subordination necessary to the well-doing of an army, and -which had been inculcated before, as well as the nature of our military -establishment would admit of, our condition becomes more alarming; and, -with the deepest concern, I am obliged to confess my want of confidence -in the generality of the troops. - -"All these circumstances fully confirm the opinion I ever entertained, -and which I more than once in my letters took the liberty of mentioning -to Congress, that no dependence could be put in a militia, or other -troops, than those enlisted and embodied for a longer period than our -regulations heretofore have prescribed. I am persuaded, and as fully -convinced as I am of any one fact that has happened, that our liberties -must of necessity be greatly hazarded, if not entirely lost, if their -defence is left to any but a permanent standing army; I mean, one to -exist during the war. Nor would the expense incident to the support of -such a body of troops as would be competent to almost every emergency -far exceed that which is daily incurred by calling in succor and new -enlistments, which, when effected, are not attended with any good -consequences. Men who have been free and subject to no control cannot -be reduced to order in an instant; and the privileges and exemptions, -which they claim and will have, influence the conduct of others; and -the aid derived from them is nearly counterbalanced by the disorder, -irregularity, and confusion they occasion." - -Three weeks later, he again writes: "It becomes evident to me, then, -that, as this contest is not likely to be the work of a day, as the -war must be carried on systematically, and to do it you must have -good officers, there are no other possible means to obtain them but -by establishing your army upon a permanent footing, and giving your -officers good pay. This will induce gentlemen and men of character to -engage; and till the bulk of your officers is composed of such persons -as are actuated by principles of honor and a spirit of enterprise, you -have little to expect from them.... But while the only merit an officer -possesses is his ability to raise men, while these men consider and -treat him as an equal, and in the character of an officer regard him -no more than a broomstick, being mixed together as one common herd, no -order nor discipline can prevail; nor will the officer ever meet with -that respect which is essentially necessary to due subordination. To -place any dependence upon militia is assuredly resting upon a broken -staff.... To bring men to a proper degree of subordination is not the -work of a day, a month, or even a year; and unhappily for us and the -cause we are engaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring -to establish in the army under my immediate command is in a manner -done away with by having such a mixture of troops as have been called -together within these few months.... - -"The jealousy of a standing army and the evils to be apprehended -from one are remote, and in my judgment, situated and circumstanced -as we are, not at all to be dreaded; but the consequence of wanting -one, according to my ideas formed from the present view of things, is -certain and inevitable ruin. For, if I was called upon to declare upon -oath whether the militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, upon -the whole, I should subscribe to the latter." - -The defeat of the American army on Long Island, a heavy blow to -the patriot cause, suggested a desperate remedy to the mind of -Washington,—no less a measure than the deliberate destruction of the -great commercial city of New York. "Till of late", he writes to the -President of Congress, "I had no doubt in my own mind of defending -this place; nor should I have yet if the men would do their duty, but -this I despair of.... If we should be obliged to abandon the town, -ought it to stand as winter-quarters for the enemy? They would derive -great conveniences from it on the one hand, and much property would -be destroyed on the other.... At present I dare say the enemy mean to -preserve it if they can. If Congress, therefore, should resolve upon -the destruction of it, the resolution should be a profound secret, as -the knowledge of it will make a capital change in their plans." General -Greene, John Jay, and many others of note were of the same opinion. -Congress decided otherwise, and Howe forbore to bombard it from -Brooklyn Heights and Governor's Island, both belligerents deeming its -possession of far greater service to either than its destruction. - -As New York was not to be destroyed, it became a serious question -how a city swarming with Tories was to be defended with less than -twenty thousand militia against a powerful army. Washington, Greene, -Putnam, and others were opposed to the attempt, but were overruled by -a council of war. The question was finally left by Congress to the -commander-in-chief, who, deeming the city untenable, made preparations, -September 10th, for its speedy evacuation, which was concurred in, two -days later, by a new council of war. This determination was timely, as -the Americans were about to be driven out. - -Howe, anticipating Washington's design, determined to prevent the -execution of it by the same manœuvre he had tried so successfully on -Long Island,—that was to threaten the city's front and right flank by -the fleet, while his army, assembled about the present site of Astoria, -should cross the East River, turn Washington's left flank, cut off his -communications with the mainland, oblige him to fight on the enemy's -terms, and force him to surrender at discretion, or by a brilliant -stroke break the American army in pieces, and secure their arms and -stores. - -On the evening of September 14th Howe began his crossing of the East -River by taking possession of Montressor (Randall's) Island, and the -next morning he sent three ships up the Hudson as high as Bloomingdale, -which stopped any further evacuation of the city by water. Soon after, -under the fire of ten vessels-of-war, the main British force, under -Sir Henry Clinton, embarked upon flatboats, barges, and galleys, at -the mouth of Newtown Creek, and by the favoring tide was carried to -Kip's Bay (34th Street), where they disembarked and quickly put to -rout the panic-stricken American militia, and pursued the fugitives in -disorderly flight over the fields to Murray Hill. - -So soon as Washington heard the enemy's cannonade he rode with all -speed to the front, and used every exertion to rally the runaways; but -his efforts, though seconded by the officers in immediate command, -were utterly futile. Mortified and in despair at such poltroonery, the -commander-in-chief almost lost control of himself, and, says General -Greene, "sought death rather than life" at the hands of the enemy. - -Unopposed, the British marched to the Incleberg on Murray Hill and -encamped, while the Americans retreated to Harlem Heights. Putnam, -at the sacrifice of baggage and stores, and of most of his heavy -artillery, by taking the river road, barely escaped with the troops -remaining in the city. Howe was in close pursuit of this rear-guard of -about four thousand men, but unexpectedly stopped for nearly two hours -at the residence of Mrs. Murray[721] to enjoy her old Madeira, so that, -in the language of the times, "Mrs. Murray saved the American army." - -[Illustration: WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS AT HARLEM (Sept., 1776) - -This was the house of Col. Roger Morris, and at a later day the -residence of Madam Jumel. It follows a drawing in Valentine's _N. Y. -City Manual_, 1854, p. 362. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 816; Gay's -_Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 505; and for a view of the hall, _Harper's -Magazine_, lii. 640. Its position was east of Tenth Avenue, near One -Hundred and Sixtieth Street.—ED.] - -The British, on September 15, 1776, took possession of New York with a -large detachment under General Robertson; while Howe with the main body -of the army encamped on the outskirts of the city. The northern line of -their camp extended from Horen's Hook on the East River to Bloomingdale -on the Hudson, which line was fortified with field-works and protected -on the flanks by vessels-of-war. Behind this line lay their disciplined -army of twenty-five thousand British and Germans. - -Washington took position in their front, and for the protection of -his army of about fourteen thousand fit for duty he fortified Harlem -Heights with a triple line of intrenchments extending across Manhattan -Island. Immediately after securing his position, Washington, to arouse -some military ardor in his discomfited militia, formed the design of -cutting off some of the enemy's light troops, who, encouraged by their -recent successes, had advanced to the extremity of the high ground -opposite to the American camp. To effect this object, Colonel Knowlton, -of Bunker Hill fame, and Major Leitch were detached with parties of -rangers and riflemen to get in their rear, while Washington diverted -their attention by a feigned direct attack. By some mistake, the fire -was begun on the front instead of upon their flank and rear, by which -the enemy, though defeated, secured their escape to their main body. -This successful skirmish, called the battle of Harlem Plains, was -purchased by the loss of the brave Knowlton and Leitch, both of whom -were mortally wounded. - -The British rejoicings upon the occupation of their snug -winter-quarters in New York were suddenly interrupted, early on the -morning of September 21st, by the breaking out of flames from a low -groggery near Whitehall Slip, which, for want of proper fire apparatus -to check them, spread rapidly over one fourth of the city, consuming -five hundred buildings, including the Lutheran and Trinity churches. -Whether this was the work of incendiaries is not positively known. -Congress and the city's inhabitants had strenuously opposed such an -act, though it was strongly recommended as a military necessity by -Washington and by others of high rank and position. - -While Howe "continued at gaze" awaiting coming events, Washington -continued to strengthen his position on Harlem Heights, and established -alarm posts on the east side of Harlem River as far as Throg's Neck on -the Sound, to insure surveillance of the whole field of operations. - -The Harlem lines being too strong for a front attack, Howe, after -leaving a sufficient force under Lord Percy to watch them and guard the -city, embarked, October 12th, his main army on ninety flatboats, to -execute by his favorite manœuvre the turning of these obstacles and of -Washington's left flank. His object was to cut off Washington's retreat -and shut him up on Manhattan Island, the only exit from which was by -Kingsbridge. Adverse winds so delayed the British general that he only -passed Hell Gate on the afternoon of the 14th, and the fleet did not -reach Throg's Neck till nightfall. Here Howe had previously landed his -advance-guard, but Washington had anticipated him by occupying, on the -12th, the passes leading to the mainland. - -The enemy's design being now fully developed, it was decided in a -council of war, held in the American camp on the 16th, to leave Harlem -Heights, no longer tenable, and to evacuate the whole of Manhattan -Island except Fort Washington, which General Greene deemed impregnable -and of great value for future operations. Accordingly, the American -army formed a series of intrenched camps on the hills skirting the -right bank of the swollen Bronx, and extending thirteen miles, from -Fordham Heights to White Plains, and protected from the enemy by the -river in front. - -After waiting five days for supplies, Howe, on the 18th, left Throg's -Neck, debarked again on Pell's Point, and on the march northward -encountered Glover's brigade well posted behind stone fences. After -a hot skirmish Glover slowly fell back, while the enemy advanced to -the heights of New Rochelle. Here the British encamped till the 22d, -when they were joined by the second division of Hessians under General -Knyphausen. This delay gave Washington ample time to strengthen himself -at White Plains, where he held a strong and important strategic -position commanding the roads leading up the Hudson and to New England. - -On the morning of the 28th of October the opposing armies, each -about thirteen thousand strong, confronted each other. Washington's -intrenchments, partly a double line, occupied the hilly ground within -the village of White Plains, the left resting upon a mill-pond and -the right on a bend of the Bronx, which protected its flank and rear. -Across the Bronx rose Chatterton's Hill, presenting a steep rocky front -to the enemy, but it was not fortified. - -Howe, believing he was now to fight the decisive battle of the war, -moved up in two heavy columns, Clinton commanding the one on the right -and De Heister that on the left. They seemed at first as if intending -to attack in front; but they soon filed off to the left, extending -their line to the front of Chatterton's Hill. Here the main body -halted, while a column four thousand strong proceeded to cross the -Bronx and storm the hill under cover of the fire of twenty pieces of -artillery. General McDougall with fifteen hundred Continentals and -militia, and Captain Alexander Hamilton with two pieces of artillery, -immediately arrayed themselves on the rocky brow of the hill for its -defence. As the main British body, under General Leslie, clambered up -the steep acclivity it was met by a withering fire from the infantry -and artillery, from which it recoiled and sought shelter. A second -assault up the slope met with an equally determined resistance, and -for some time the enemy was held in check. Rahl, with two regiments -that had forded the Bronx a quarter of a mile below, now appeared on -the American right, and drove the militia from their post. This break -compelled McDougall, exposed to a heavy fire in front and flank, to -retreat across the Bronx to White Plains, though with his six hundred -Continentals he maintained an obstinate conflict for an hour, and -carried off all his wounded and artillery. The American loss in the -engagement was 30 prisoners and 130 killed and wounded, while their -opponents' losses were 231. - -Howe contemplated an assault, the next morning, upon the American camp, -but was deterred by the apparent strength of the lines. These had -been built hastily, as General Heath says, of _corn-stalks_, the tops -being turned inwards, and the roots with the adhering earth outwards. -The British army, strongly reinforced by the arrival of Lord Percy -on the 30th, designed attacking the American works on the following -day, but a storm delayed their operations, and gave Washington time -to withdraw his forces to the heights of New Castle, where he erected -strong defences. In the meanwhile Knyphausen had been ordered to move -from New Rochelle to Kingsbridge, where he encamped on November 2d, the -Americans retiring to Fort Washington on his approach. Howe in person -suddenly left White Plains on the night of the 5th for Dobbs's Ferry, -to which his army was already moving. "The design of this manœuvre", -wrote Washington on the 6th to the President of Congress, "is a matter -of much conjecture and speculation, and cannot be accounted for with -any degree of certainty." A council of war which met that day evidently -inferred that it threatened a movement across or up the Hudson, for it -was unanimously agreed immediately to throw a body of troops into New -Jersey, and station three thousand at Peekskill to guard the Highlands. -Howe really contemplated a far different move—the capture of Fort -Washington. - -Why Sir William did not again attack Washington, and why he changed -his whole plan, is now well understood to be due to the treason of -William Demont, the adjutant of Colonel Magaw, in command of Fort -Washington. This man, on the 2d of November, undiscovered, passed into -the British camp, and placed in the hands of Lord Percy complete plans -of the defences of Mount Washington and a statement of their armament -and garrisons. This detailed information was immediately sent, with -its author, to Howe, and must have reached him a day or two before -his sudden departure from White Plains. The conclusive evidence of -this treason is furnished by the culprit himself in his letter,[722] -dated London, January 16, 1792, to the Rev. Dr. Peters, of the Church -of England, which was first published by Mr. E. F. DeLancey, in the -_Magazine of American History_ (Feb., 1877). - -Fort Washington, built by Colonel Rufus Putnam soon after the -evacuation of Boston, occupied the highest ground at the northern -end of Manhattan Island. It was a pentagonal bastioned earthwork -without a keep, having a feeble profile and scarcely any ditch. In its -vicinity were batteries, redoubts, and intrenched lines. These various -field fortifications, of which Fort Washington may be considered the -citadel, extended north and south over two and a half miles, and had -a circuit of six miles. The three intrenched lines of Harlem Heights, -crossing the island, were to the south; Laurel Hill, with Fort George -at its northern extremity, lay to the east; upon the River Ridge, near -Tubby Hook, was Fort Tryon, and close to Spuyten Duyvel Creek were -some slight works known as "Cork Hill Fort;" and across the creek, -on Tetard's Hill, was Fort Independence. The main communication with -these various works was the old Albany road, crossing Harlem River -at Kingsbridge. This road was obstructed by three lines of abatis, -extending from Laurel Hill to the River Ridge. - -Fort Washington mounted not more than eighteen guns _en barbette_, of -various calibres, from nines to thirty-twos. The garrison of all the -various works was less than 3,000 men, mostly Pennsylvanians, who -were commanded by Colonel Magaw, an officer of but little military -experience. The ground about the fort was well suited for defence, and -the works not only protected the upper part of Manhattan Island, but -in conjunction with Fort Lee, on the palisades opposite, commanded -the Hudson. However, from their too elevated positions and distance -from each other, these two works, on the opposite sides of the river, -with their feeble armament, proved insufficient, even with a partially -constructed barrier of sunken hulks, to prevent the passage of the -British vessels-of-war. - -As these forts did not close the river, Washington did not deem it -expedient to weaken his force, which was necessary to him for field -operations, by leaving a large garrison on an island essentially in -the hands of the enemy. To the opinion of General Greene, in general -command of these works, and in deference to the expressed wishes of -Congress to hold them at any cost, Washington yielded his better -judgment. His modesty and sense of imperfect knowledge of the science -and practice of war led him, as it did on several occasions, to defer -too much to others, and though he did not think it "prudent to hazard -the men and stores at Mount Washington", he left it discretionary with -Greene to give the necessary orders for its evacuation. - -Howe, November 15th, demanded the surrender of Fort Washington, stating -that, if he were compelled to take it by assault, the garrison would be -put to the sword. Magaw replied that to propose such an alternative was -unworthy of a British officer, and that, for himself, he should defend -the fort to the last extremity. - -On the 15th Washington started across the river from Fort Lee, to -which he had come, to determine the condition of the garrison at Fort -Washington. He says, "I had partly crossed the North River when I met -General Putnam and General Greene, who were just returning from thence, -and they informed me that the troops were in high spirits and would -make a good defence, and, it being late at night, I returned." - -Magaw, awaiting the enemy's attack, made a judicious disposition of -his forces to defend Fort Washington and the various intrenchments -in its vicinity. Colonel Rawlings took command of Fort Tryon and the -northern end of the River Ridge, with an outpost at Cork Hill Fort; -Colonel Baxter held Fort George and the summit of Laurel Hill; Colonel -Cadwallader occupied the Harlem Lines; while Magaw, at his central -position of Fort Washington, directed the whole. - -Howe's attack upon Fort Washington was skilfully planned and admirably -executed. A vessel-of-war, the "Pearl", took up a position in the -Hudson to protect the contemplated movement of the Hessian troops -and enfilade the northern outworks of Fort Washington; while thirty -flatboats were in the Harlem River for ferrying troops,—these boats -having eluded the vigilance of the American sentries on the night of -the 14th, when passing up the Hudson and through Spuyten Duyvel Creek. - -On the morning of the 16th, under a furious cannonade from the heights -on the east bank of the Harlem, three distinct assaults were ordered -to be made upon the American defences, besides a fourth movement, -which, though designed as a feint, became a real attack at the critical -moment. The _first_ British column, under General Knyphausen, moved -down from Kingsbridge, and with him were Rahl's Germans marching close -to the Hudson; the _second_, under General Matthews, supported by Lord -Cornwallis, crossed the Harlem and moved upon Fort George and the -northern end of Laurel Hill; the _third_, or feint, under Lieut.-Col. -Stirling, floated down the Harlem to threaten the southerly part of -Laurel Hill; while the _fourth_, of British and Hessians, led by Earl -Percy and accompanied by Howe, moved from Harlem Plain upon the triple -lines of Harlem Heights. - -[Illustration] - -The latter column, advancing from the south, began the attack upon -the outer or southernmost American line, where Cadwallader, unable to -check Lord Percy's superior forces, fell back to his stronger middle -line. Howe then ordered Stirling to land from the Harlem and clamber -up the steep slope of Laurel Hill to threaten the rear of Cadwallader. -The latter sent a detachment, as did also Colonel Magaw, to oppose -Stirling's landing, without avail. Matthews at the same time debarked -his column and attacked the Americans on Laurel Hill, where Baxter -was killed. The united forces of Matthews and Stirling overcame all -opposition and took 170 prisoners. Baxter's force was compelled, as -was also Cadwallader, when pressed by Percy, to seek refuge in Fort -Washington. About noon the Hessian column from the north was in motion. -Rahl soon scattered the small guard in Cork Hill Fort and advanced upon -Fort Tryon, crowding Rawlings by superior force nearly back to Fort -Washington, when, being joined by Knyphausen, who had made his way over -wooded and difficult ground and across abatis, the reunited German -columns bore down all opposition. The Americans at this point also, -after a spirited resistance, were compelled to take refuge in Fort -Washington, which, now overcrowded and exposed to the deadly concentric -fire of the enemy, left Magaw no alternative but surrender. He asked -for a parley of four hours, but he was allowed only half an hour. In -the end he capitulated, upon honorable terms, to General Knyphausen, -to whom the glory of the day belonged. Magaw had received a promise -from Washington to attempt to bring off the troops if he would hold -out till night, which Magaw deemed impossible, with troops huddled -together and exposed to destruction from the enemy's near circle of -fire. This capture cost the enemy nearly 500 men in killed and wounded. -The American loss was 150 killed and wounded, 2,634 taken prisoners -(including many of their best troops), 43 pieces of artillery of from -three to thirty-two pounds calibre, a large number of small arms, and -much ammunition and stores. The whole of Manhattan Island thus passed -into British hands. - -Immediately after the capture of Fort Washington, Sir William Howe -crossed with his army into New Jersey, it being too late for any -coöperation with the Northern army under General Carleton, who had -already retreated from Crown Point into Canada.[723] - - * * * * * - -This New York campaign had been most disastrous to the American cause; -yet it was far from a brilliant success for the Anglo-Hessian arms. -Washington, with troops inferior in numbers, arms, organization, -discipline, and experience, had outgeneralled Howe, with a superior -veteran army, whenever he acted upon his own good judgment and did not -yield his convictions to his subordinates, to whom most of the errors -of the campaign were due. - -It is doubtful whether there was any necessity whatever for the British -to fight the battle of Long Island, as their fleet might have occupied -the East River, as it subsequently did, and thus have caged the part -of Washington's army which was on Long Island. It is true that the -American batteries on Brooklyn Heights and Governor's Island might have -done the fleet much damage; but if it was too dangerous to run the -gauntlet of the Buttermilk Channel, four fathoms deep, it would have -been an easy matter to sail around the eastern end of Long Island, and -safely enter the East River from that direction. - -Had the East River been occupied by the British fleet, it could, while -cutting off half of our army from the defence of New York, at the same -time have threatened the city front pending the transportation of the -British army by water to points above the city from whence to turn -either or both flanks of Manhattan Island. Washington, thus shut up, -would have been compelled to fight at great disadvantage, and possibly -surrender at discretion. - -Even admitting that the battle of Long Island was necessary, Howe, in -dividing his army into three masses, stretching over a line of more -than ten miles, ran great risk of being beaten in detail had all of the -American forces on the island been concentrated at a central position, -ready to be thrown successively upon his isolated columns. It is true -the undisciplined American forces might not have been able to cope in -the open field with British and German regulars; but Howe had no right -to presume their inferiority after his own experience of their good -conduct at Bunker Hill and Clinton's trial at Sullivan's Island. - -The American general also committed a great military blunder in leaving -with raw troops the shelter of the Brooklyn intrenchments for the -precarious protection of the Long Island Ridge, several important -passes in which were left entirely unguarded, though Washington had -ordered their careful observation. - -After the retreat of the American army to New York, Howe wasted two -precious weeks, during which Washington had time to organize his -defence; and when the British general crossed the East River, he -committed a great mistake in debarking at Kip's Bay,—a halfway measure -which involved a long land march to his objective, White Plains. -Washington, with great vigor, seized his advantage, and, by availing -himself of his shorter interior line, arrived first at the coveted -position and fortified it. Had Howe moved to this point by water -immediately after the battle of Long Island, he undoubtedly would have -succeeded in turning Washington's left flank, and would thus have cut -off his retreat. The British general's delay of _two months_ after the -battle of Long Island in moving less than thirty miles to reach White -Plains was inexcusable. In a shorter period Moltke began and ended the -campaign of 1866, which so humbled the great power of the Austrian -empire. - -When Howe decided to attack the American army at White Plains he should -have thrown his entire force upon Washington's centre, and thus have -won a decisive victory with his superior troops; whereas he used less -than one third of his army in driving Washington's right wing from -Chatterton's Hill upon his main body, which then successfully retreated -before the tardy and inert British general. - -Howe's good fortune in capturing Fort Washington was due more to the -treason of Magaw's adjutant and to Washington's yielding to bad advice, -than to any skill of the British commander.[724] - - * * * * * - -With the invasion of New Jersey by the Anglo-Hessian army all military -operations at the mouth of the Hudson were terminated. The struggle -for the control of this great river was to be transferred to its upper -waters, and it was expected that the coming campaign would be so -conducted as soon to force the whole power of the colonies into silence -and submission. - -General Gates, who was appointed the successor of Sullivan in the -command of the army of Canada, was, says Horace Walpole, "the son of -a housekeeper of the second Duke of Leeds." He had neither brilliant -qualities nor military genius, but possessed the vanity and ambition to -covet the highest position, for the attainment of which he resorted to -disgraceful intrigue. When assigned to this command, in June, 1776, the -army of Canada was flying to Crown Point; so, like Sancho Panza, Gates -found himself a governor without a government; but, nothing abashed, -he at once claimed the command of the Northern department, then under -Schuyler. Congress sustained the latter, whereupon Gates took post at -Ticonderoga, where the remnant of the American army had retired upon -the abandonment of Crown Point, and promptly adopted vigorous measures -to put the work in good condition for defence and to reinforce its -garrison against any forward movement of General Carleton. - -To secure control of Lake Champlain, a squadron of small vessels was -ordered to be constructed at its head (Skenesborough), which, to the -number of nine, mounting in all fifty-five guns, were completed by -the middle of August. Arnold, in command of these and some additional -galleys from Ticonderoga, moved down to the foot of the lake, and -anchored his vessels across it to bar the passage of the enemy. - -[Illustration: - -From _Political Magazine_ (1780), i. 743, with a memoir of Burgoyne. -There are modern engravings of this likeness in Moore's _Diary of the -Amer. Rev._, i. p. 513; and in Lossing's _Field Book_, i. 37.—ED.] - -Carleton, as active as his adversary, had built at St. Johns a flotilla -of "thirty fighting vessels." When Arnold discovered the superiority of -the enemy's fleet in vessels and guns to be more than double his own, -and that they were manned by picked British sailors, he fell back and -formed line of battle between Valcour's Island and the western shore -of the lake. In this disadvantageous position he was attacked, October -11th, by Captain Pringle, of the British navy, with thirty-eight -vessels and boats, mounting 123 guns. Though the crews of Arnold's -flotilla were landsmen, he maintained a desperate fight from eleven in -the forenoon until dark, when, availing himself of the obscurity of a -thick fog, he escaped with part of his vessels, unobserved, through the -enemy's fleet; but, owing to adverse winds and his crippled condition, -he was overtaken on the 13th off Split Rock, where he was again -attacked. Some of his flotilla escaped and some were captured, but he -himself, after fighting four hours, ran his remaining vessels ashore, -set them on fire with their flags flying, and escaped with their crews -through the forests to Ticonderoga. General Carleton now advanced to -Crown Point, of which he took possession October 14th, and pushed a -reconnoissance to within sight of Ticonderoga. When Carleton's boats -appeared, Gates made an effective display of his garrison, whereupon -the British general fell back to Crown Point, which he evacuated, and, -it being too late for further active operations, he retired to Canada. - -[Illustration: BURGOYNE. - -From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. iii. Fonblanque -gives a likeness painted by Ramsay at Rome in 1750, and this is -repeated in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 567. Reynolds painted him in -1766 (Fonblanque, p. 86). J. C. Smith (_Brit. Mez. Portraits_, ii. 710) -records a picture by Pine. Cf. Jones's _Campaign for the Conquest of -Canada_, p. 194, and the illus. ed. of Irving's _Washington_, iii.—ED.] - -The enemy had scarcely departed when Schuyler applied himself with -tireless assiduity to prepare against a new invasion during that -winter or in the coming year. He continually pressed upon Congress and -Washington the wants of his department in men and munitions of war. -In every way he tried to conciliate the Indian tribes; and he lost no -opportunity of gaining information of the enemy's designs and movements. - -Burgoyne, after the battle of Bunker Hill, had suggested to Lord -Rochefort, Secretary of State for the colonies, that, as there was -"no probable prospect of bringing the war to a speedy conclusion with -any force that Great Britain and Ireland could supply", there should -be employed "a large army of such foreign troops as might be hired, -to begin their operations up the Hudson River; another army, composed -partly of old disciplined troops and partly of Canadians, to act from -Canada; a large levy of Indians and a supply of arms for the blacks, -to awe the Southern provinces, conjointly with detachments of regulars; -and a numerous fleet to sweep the whole coast,—might possibly do the -business in one campaign." - -The importance of securing the control of the Hudson, thereby to -separate the New England from the Middle and Southern States, was -eminently correct; but the proposed mode of accomplishing it was, as -the sequel proved, entirely wrong. - -Burgoyne, like many other Englishmen, had held American prowess in -contempt, and ridiculed the enrolment of provincials as "a preposterous -parade of military arrangement." His later experience probably changed -his views, for when he had supplanted that noble soldier Sir Guy -Carleton in the command of the British army in Canada, through "family -support" more than from "military merit", he took good care to secure a -strong and veteran force, commanded by officers of noted skill and long -experience. - -Burgoyne's army, which took the field in July, 1777, had a total, -rank and file, of 7,902, of which 4,135 were British, 3,116 Germans, -148 Canadian militia, and 503 Indians. The artillery corps and train -were of the most serviceable character, "probably the finest and most -excellently supplied as to officers and private men that had ever been -allotted to second the operations of any army." - -The commander-in-chief was a polished gentleman, a popular dramatist, -an effective speaker, a useful member of Parliament, and a gallant -officer who had won laurels in Portugal; Major-General Phillips, the -second in command, was a distinguished artillerist who had earned a -high reputation in Germany; Major-General Riedesel had been selected -because of his long experience, especially in the Seven Years' War; -Brigadier-General Fraser, who commanded the light brigade, was a -knightly soldier, ambitious of glory, who had seen much service in -America; Hamilton and Powel, who commanded brigades, had been twenty -years on active duty; Lord Balcarras and Major Acland, commanding -respectively the light infantry and grenadiers, were soldiers of high -professional attainments; La Corne St. Luc, the commander of the -Indians, had been an active partisan of the French in Canada wars, -and "was notorious for brutal inhumanity;" and the many staff and -regimental officers were already men of mark, or subsequently rose to -high positions. - -With such a thoroughly disciplined and well-appointed army, Burgoyne -fondly anticipated making a triumphal march of two hundred miles -to Albany, there to meet St. Leger descending the Mohawk, and Howe -ascending the Hudson, and thus by combined movements to dismember the -thirteen United States. This march of the Northern army seemed not -arduous, as most of Burgoyne's way was by water through the Sorel, Lake -Champlain, and the upper Hudson; but he had taken little account of the -extraordinary physical difficulties he was doomed to encounter, and the -hostility of the inhabitants along much of his route. - -[Illustration: LORD GEORGE GERMAIN. - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the present War_, i. 190.—ED.] - -Another embarrassment greatly marred the British plans. Lord -George Germain, the Secretary of State for the colonies, had given -Burgoyne positive orders for his march to Albany, from which he was -not to deviate; while Howe was left, through a piece of criminal -negligence,[725] without any imperative instructions to coöperate with -the army in Canada; besides which, it was almost impossible to arrange -any concerted action between forces separated by four hundred miles of -hostile country. - -Burgoyne, however, like a true soldier, determined to obey orders, -though it might break empires. Consequently, on June 13th, at St. -Johns, the standard of England was hoisted on board the "Radeau", and -saluted by all the rest of the shipping and forts, thus announcing the -beginning of this eventful and important campaign. - -On the 20th, Burgoyne issued, with seeming royal prerogative, a -bombastic proclamation, commending the justice and clemency of the -king, who had directed "that Indians be employed;" denouncing the -obstinacy of Americans as "wilful outcasts;" threatening the terrors -of savage warfare of the "thousands of Indians" under his command, "to -overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain;" and, "in consciousness -of Christianity and the honor of soldiership", warned all of his -opposers that "the messengers of justice and wrath await them on -the field, and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror -that a reluctant but indispensable prosecution of military duty must -occasion."[726] - -Burgoyne, after delivering himself of this pronunciamiento of -loving-kindness towards his American erring brothers, and setting -forth the sweet humanity of his dusky allies, who "had sharpened their -affections upon their hatchets", proceeded up Lake Champlain, pioneered -by these children of the forest in their birch canoes, the fleet and -army following, with music and banners, as if engaged in a splendid -regatta. - -While Burgoyne with the main army was moving south, Lieutenant-Colonel -St. Leger, in conformity with instructions from the British cabinet, -with a detachment of about 1,000 men (English regulars, provincials, -and Indians), was rapidly advancing west to Fort Stanwix, by the St. -Lawrence and Lakes Ontario and Oneida. After reducing this post and -subjugating the patriots of the Mohawk valley, he was ordered to join -his chief at or near Albany. - -Burgoyne's formidable invading force of 7,863 men, with 42 pieces of -artillery, which reached Crown Point June 27th, advanced thence, July -1st, in battle array: the right wing of British troops under General -Phillips, upon Fort Ticonderoga on the west bank of the lake; the left -wing of Germans under General Riedesel, upon Fort Independence on the -east bank; and the floating batteries in line across the lake. Burgoyne -had announced in orders: "This army must not retreat." - -General Schuyler had recently visited Forts Ticonderoga and -Independence, where, instead of a garrison of 5,000 men, he found only -2,546 half-armed and poorly provided Continental troops and 900 raw -militia, "many of them mere boys, and one third of the whole force -unfit for duty." He noted, with serious forebodings, the unfitness of -the works to resist attack, a state to which lack of workmen and the -neglect of Gates had brought them. The reduction of this stronghold -was indispensable to Burgoyne's progress, not only as insuring his -communications with Canada, but because of the danger of leaving such a -force in his rear. - -In an endeavor to strengthen these fortifications, of which General -St. Clair had recently taken command, the works had been too much -extended, and the key-points—Mount Hope, commanding Fort Ticonderoga, -and Mount Defiance, a supposed inaccessible eminence at the confluence -of the waters of Lakes George and Champlain—had not been occupied; -consequently, they were seized by the British and artillery was planted -upon them. - -St. Clair, no favorite of fortune, finding himself nearly invested -on the 5th, and exposed to a plunging fire from these heights, which -he could not return, wisely determined to evacuate all his works -that night, under pretence of making a sortie. As soon as it was -dark enough, the women and wounded, together with some ammunition -and stores, were placed upon 200 bateaux, which were to be escorted -to Skenesborough by five armed galleys and a guard of 600 men, all -under the command of Colonel Long. In thus abandoning Ticonderoga, St. -Clair justified himself, saying that "we had lost a post, but saved a -province." - -St. Clair, leaving his heavy artillery and many supplies behind, with -the garrison of Fort Ticonderoga passed undisturbed, at midnight, over -the floating bridge across the lake. On the southern side the troops -from Fort Independence joined him, and all were safely escaping, when, -without orders, General De Fermois's headquarters were fired, the -blaze of which disclosed the retreat to the enemy. The alarm was at -once given, and the deserted forts were seized by the British. General -Fraser was in pursuit at daylight of the 6th, followed soon after by -General Riedesel with the German grenadiers. - -[Illustration: ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. - -From a photograph of a miniature furnished by Mr. F. D. Stone. It was -painted near the close of the war. Daniel Goodwin, Jr., _Provincial -Pictures_, p. 72, says there is another miniature on ivory, owned by -Miss Mary R. Sheets, of Indianapolis. - -[Illustration] - -A likeness by C. W. Peale hangs in Independence Hall in Philadelphia. -It was drawn by J. B. Longacre, and engraved by E. Wellmore. It -represents him at the time he was governor of the Northwest Territory. -Cf. _St. Clair Papers_; Goodwin's _Provincial Pictures_, p.72. There is -also a pencil sketch by John Trumbull given in the _St. Clair Papers_, -and in the illustrated edition of Irving's _Washington_. Cf. 2 _Penna. -Archives_, vol. x.; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 132. A view of his home -is given in Egle's _Pennsylvania_, p. 1156.—ED.] - -Meanwhile, Burgoyne and Phillips, in the fleet, broke through the boom -and bridge across the lake, in chase of Colonel Long and the American -flotilla, which, on the afternoon of the 7th, was overtaken and -attacked at the wharves of Skenesborough. Two of the covering galleys -struck their colors, and the others were blown up by their crews. The -bateaux, mills, and stockade there were promptly burned, and then -the detachment fled to Fort Anne, eleven miles below. Early the next -morning Long sallied out and had a sharp encounter with his pursuers -under Colonel Hill; but when victory was almost within his grasp, the -enemy was reinforced by a number of savages sent forward by Burgoyne, -who had remained at Skenesborough. Colonel Long, after burning Fort -Anne, retreated sixteen miles to Fort Edward, where he met Schuyler on -his way to Ticonderoga with a small reinforcement. - -St. Clair, with the main body, was even less fortunate. He retreated -through the wilderness to Castleton, his rear-guard of 1,200 men, -under Colonel Warner, stopping over night at Hubbardton, where on -the morning of the 8th it was attacked by Fraser with an inferior -force. After a spirited engagement Hale's militia regiment abandoned -the field, and the enemy was reinforced by the arrival of Riedesel's -Brunswickers, which latter turned the American right flank and -compelled their retreat to Rutland, the rendezvous appointed by St. -Clair in the event of disaster. From here the remnant of St. Clair's -forces, by a circuitous march of more than a hundred miles, on the -12th reached Fort Edward, where Schuyler, on the 20th, could muster -only 4,467 men fit for duty. This little army was deficient in almost -every requisite for battle, while Burgoyne, flushed with victory, lay -within a day's forced march with his veteran army of nearly double the -American force. - -Schuyler was charged by Congress with "neglect of duty" in not ordering -a timely retreat of the garrison from Ticonderoga, if untenable; and, -if to be defended, not to have been present at the attack upon it. -The court-martial, of thirteen distinguished officers, unanimously -acquitted him "with the highest honor."[727] - -These reverses, which closed the first act of the drama of varied -events in this checkered campaign, seemed to open the way to Burgoyne's -triumph, and they spread universal alarm among the patriots, who had -considered Ticonderoga the closed gate to northern invasion. These -disasters, however, were blessings in disguise, despite the desertion -of the militia. Washington predicted ultimate success, and Schuyler was -roused to great efforts to oppose the enemy's advance. Wood Creek was -at once obstructed with logs and huge stones; all roads were broken up -and their bridges destroyed; dry land was converted into morass, trees -were felled in every direction, and the whole of this wild and savage -country was stripped of cattle and supplies, for which the enemy had -consequently to depend upon Canada and remoter England. - -Having provided this barrier against the enemy, Schuyler, who had -been joined by Arnold, fell back to Fort Miller with his artillery -(brought from Fort George), where he tarried till he had ruined the -road over which he passed, and thence proceeded to Stillwater to await -reinforcements, making that his fortified headquarters, while his -little army occupied a camp, which was intrenched on Van Schaick's -Island, near the mouth of the Mohawk. - -Burgoyne was so elated by his successes that he dispatched his -aide-de-camp Captain Gardner to England, "with news so important to -the king's service, and so honorable to the troops under his command." -But while the British colors were flying over Ticonderoga, he little -dreamed of the difficulties and reverses which were awaiting him. To -provide garrisons for these works in his rear, to which he had sent -all his surplus artillery and baggage, he was compelled "to drain the -life-blood of his army", since Carleton had declined to supply the -necessary troops for their defence, on the ground that his jurisdiction -as governor did not extend beyond the bounds of Canada. - -Burgoyne availed himself of the water transportation of Lake George for -most of his artillery and stores; but, for the march of his army from -Skenesborough, a trackless wilderness confronted him, through which he -had to remove countless obstacles, cut a new pathway, and build no less -than forty bridges, one of which, over a swamp, was two miles long. -Wood Creek had also to be opened for his bateaux. In these laborious -undertakings his army was exhausted with overwork, and suffered -terribly with midsummer heat and innumerable insects. Consequently, -with his utmost efforts, he did not reach Fort Edward till July 30th, -or twenty-four days after leaving Lake Champlain, a distance of only -twenty-six miles. Burgoyne remained at Fort Edward till August 15th, -awaiting the transportation across the portage from Lake George of -the necessary artillery, ammunition, provisions, and bateaux for his -descent of the Hudson. - -During this enforced delay important events were occurring elsewhere, -on the Mohawk and near Bennington. General Lincoln at the same time was -recruiting troops in New England, with which to attempt the recapture -of Ticonderoga and cut off the British retreat to Canada. - -Fort Stanwix, or Fort Schuyler as it was subsequently called, on the -head-waters of the Mohawk, near the present Rome, N. Y., was built in -1758, and in April, 1777, was put under command of Colonel Gansevoort, -who, with Colonel Marinus Willet, placed it in a better condition of -defence. The garrison of the work was 750 Continental troops, before -which St. Leger, accompanied by the loyalist Sir John Johnson, and -Joseph Brant the great Mohawk chief, appeared, August 2, and the -next day summoned it to surrender. Gansevoort paying no attention to -this, the British colonel prepared for a regular siege, and sent out -detachments to cut off all succor. - -The inhabitants of Tryon County were panic-stricken, but the aged -General Herkimer by great efforts collected 800 militia and marched -to Oriskany, within eight miles of the fort, to which he sent a -messenger with a request that upon the messenger's arrival three guns -should be fired and a sortie made to facilitate the advance of the -succoring party through the besiegers. The signal was delayed, and, -unfortunately, Herkimer's better judgment was overruled by his younger -officers, who were impatient of delay. This led to his moving forward -and to his being ambushed in a valley, the head of which was held by -loyalists, while Indian allies under Brant occupied the sides. Here a -desperate hand-to-hand fight of five hours ensued, early in which the -brave Herkimer was mortally wounded; but seated upon his saddle, and -propped against a tree, he calmly continued to give his orders and -animate his men with his own heroism till the end of the battle. - -At length the long-expected signal guns were heard, when Colonel Willet -with 250 men made a sudden dash upon a weak part of the besiegers' -camp. Though he failed to reach Herkimer, he destroyed two sections of -the enemy's intrenchments, and captured the British camp equipage, Sir -John Johnson's papers, five flags, and some prisoners. - -The Indians, who had lost many of their braves at Oriskany, hearing -the sound of Willet's musketry in their rear, quickly retreated, and -were soon followed by the loyalists, leaving Herkimer in possession of -the field. St. Leger still continued the siege of the fort, where now -floated for the first time the American flag, just adopted by Congress, -made of alternate stripes of a soldier's white shirt and a camp-woman's -red petticoat, the field being cut out of an old blue overcoat. Beneath -this were hung the five captured British standards. - -St. Leger on the 7th again demanded the surrender of the fort, -threatening Indian vengeance, and falsely stating that Burgoyne was in -possession of Albany. Gansevoort returned an indignant refusal to this -disgraceful threat. Soon came rumors of the approach of the intrepid -Arnold to raise the siege. Statements sent forward of his numbers, -purposely exaggerated, caused the flight of the panic-stricken Indians, -and St. Leger, August 22, abandoned his trenches, some artillery and -camp equipage, and fled to Canada. The right wing of the invaders being -thus paralyzed, Arnold returned in triumph to join Schuyler. - -Burgoyne's difficulties increased. His Indian allies were -insubordinate, and the patriots swelled the American ranks. Finding -that his scanty supplies had to be replenished from his distant base -in Canada, or rather from England, he decided to make a raid upon -Bennington, to secure horses, cattle, and provisions from the depot -there. He hoped also that this move would strike terror among the -unfriendly inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants, who hung "like a -gathering storm upon his left", and also would elevate the flagging -spirits of his army, by a victory which he supposed would be easy. -Accordingly, Lieutenant-Colonel Baum was dispatched with a select corps -of 550 British, German, and loyalist troops and 150 Indians. Colonel -Breyman, with 642 heavy dismounted Brunswick chasseurs, was sent on -the 15th as a support. To oppose this expedition, General John Stark -hastily collected 1,400 trained militia. - -[Illustration: JOHN STARK. - -After a silhouette given in Rev. Albert Tyler's _Bennington, the -battle, 1777; Centennial Celebration, 1877_ (Worcester, 1878). This -book is of some interest for its account of the ground and its -landmarks, and relics of the battle. A view of Stark's monument is -given in Potter's _Manchester_, N. H., p. 584; and an account of his -homestead is in the _Granite Monthly_, v. 84. The usual portrait of -Stark is that given in Caleb Stark's _Memoir of Gen. John Stark_ -(Concord, 1860), and in the illustrated ed. of Irving's _Washington_, -ii. 437. Cf. _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, July, 1853, and the original -ed. of the Stark _Memoirs_, for another likeness.—ED.] - -Though constant skirmishing took place on the 15th, a pouring rain -prevented a general engagement till the next day, when the determined -Yankee leader declared he would beat the invader or "before night -Molly Stark would be a widow." To fulfil his pledge he seized the -initiative, attacked the enemy on three sides, stormed their -intrenchments on the Walloomscoick River and captured their guns, -dispersed the Indians and loyalists, and went in hot pursuit of -the Germans and British, when his exhausted forces were checked by -Breyman's supporting detachment. Colonel Warner's excellent regiment, -at once fresh and eager, arrived that afternoon and renewed the action, -which was continued till dark, when Breyman, under the cover of night, -made good his retreat. Baum was mortally wounded, 207 men were killed, -700 were captured, including the wounded; and 1,000 stand of small -arms, all the enemy's artillery and most of their baggage fell into the -hands of the Americans. Had there been another hour of daylight, none -would have escaped. Stark's losses were 40 killed and 42 wounded. - -This victory and the success in the Mohawk valley were as inspiriting -to the American as depressing to the Anglo-German army. Burgoyne was -now beset with danger on every side. Formidable obstacles accumulated -in his path, famine stared him in the face; all his English flour and -beef had been consumed, and the whole surrounding country was sending -enthusiastic volunteers to bar his progress. - -Nearly a month before, Washington had predicted that Burgoyne's -successes "would precipitate his ruin", and that his "acting in -detachments was the course of all others most favorable to the American -cause", as cutting off any of them "would inspirit the people and do -away with much of their present anxiety." The beginning of the end had -already come. - -The first stage in this eventful campaign was for Burgoyne a great -success; the second was an equally great failure; and now the last was -coming, in which the most decisive results and the highest plaudits -were to be won or lost. Schuyler unquestionably would have been the -hero of this final development had he not most inopportunely been -replaced by Gates, a mediocre soldier. Fortunately, the latter's -deficiencies were compensated by officers inferior in rank but superior -in ability,—the dashing Arnold, the daring Morgan, not to name others. - -[Illustration: HORATIO GATES. - -From _An Impartial Hist. of the War in Amer._, London, 1780, p. 494. -The engraving in the Boston edition, 1781, vol. ii., is by J. Norman. -Smith (_Brit. Mez. Portraits_) records an engraving published in -London, Jan. 2, 1778, which represents him holding a similar scroll, -but "with right hand on hip."—ED.] - -Congress, in the exercise of its prerogative, made and displaced -generals at its will, and too often was influenced by sectional -interests and rivalries. The command of the Northern Department was -especially the prize of party favorites. Wooster, Thomas, Sullivan, -Schuyler, and Gates had in rapid succession followed each other, and -now Schuyler, after all he had done to baffle the enemy and organize -victory, was to be the victim of prejudice—of New England against -New York—which dated back to colonial days. Schuyler placed little -reliance upon New England troops, and their representatives in Congress -had as little confidence in Schuyler's generalship. - -[Illustration: Horatio Gates - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the Present War_, vol. ii. There is a -portrait by Stuart, published in 1798 as engraved by Tiebout, given in -steel (bust only) by H. B. Hall in Jones's _Campaign for the Conquest -of Canada_ (p. 140), and in photogravure (whole picture) in Mason's -Stuart (p. 183). The expression in this last is wholly different -from the steel engraving. There is also a picture in the _Heads of -Illustrious Americans_, London, 1783. There are other likenesses,—cf. -Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 586; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 669. - -Gates after the war lived for a while on his estate in the Shenandoah -valley (view of his house in _Appleton's Journal_, July 19, 1873, p. -69, and Mrs. Lamb's _Homes of America_), but finally removed to New -York, and lived near what is now Second Avenue and Twenty-third Street. -A view of the house occupied by him as headquarters at Saratoga is in -Lossing's _Hudson River_, p. 94.—ED.] - -Each misjudged the other; but the outcome of this feeling between Dutch -and Puritan blood was unfortunate in superseding the soldierly Schuyler -by the intriguing Gates. And it was a cruel reverse to the former, just -as his skilful plans were culminating in the utter discomfiture of -the enemy, and his successes at Stanwix and Bennington were bringing -reinforcements from every quarter to his standard with which to take -the offensive, that he should be shorn of the laurels which were about -to crown him as the brilliant leader in this most important campaign of -the Revolution. If Schuyler had been left in command, probably all the -after-complications connected with Burgoyne's surrender would have been -avoided. - -The resolution of Congress superseding Schuyler reached him on the 10th -of August. The noble patriot responded to this ungenerous censure by -renewed efforts for his army till Gates's arrival on the 19th, and then -he extended to his unworthy successor the courtesy of a true gentleman, -for with him the country's welfare was paramount to all personal wrongs. - -Gates, clothed with plenary powers and granted by Congress almost -everything denied to Schuyler, moved, after a delay of three weeks, -with his army, 6,000 strong, from the mouth of the Mohawk to Bemis's -Heights, a commanding position on the west bank of the Hudson, which -was selected by Arnold and fortified by the engineer Kosciusko. The -principal hill was occupied on three sides by extensive intrenchments -and redoubts with an abatis. A line of breastworks on the east extended -from the hill to the Hudson, to guard a floating bridge across the -river and to sweep the plain in front; and on the west was a lower hill -which was only partially fortified. The whole position was covered by a -ravine in front, through which flowed a branch of Mill Creek. - -Gates took personal command of the right wing of the army, occupying -the intrenchments between the Hudson and the heights to the west; -Learned held the centre; while Arnold had charge of the left wing, -comprising Morgan's riflemen, some Continental troops, and a body of -militia. - -To coöperate in checking the advance of the enemy, General Lincoln with -2,000 militia was sent to threaten Burgoyne's communications. Colonel -Brown with 500 of Lincoln's force, on September 18th, surprised the -outposts and key-points of Ticonderoga, destroyed over two hundred -bateaux and gunboats, captured 293 prisoners and 5 cannon, released 100 -Americans, and brought away the Continental standard left flying over -the fort when abandoned by St. Clair. - -Burgoyne was greatly perplexed. To retreat was to acknowledge his -weakness, and to advance was possibly to sacrifice his army and -lose his coveted peerage. Under these circumstances he stood still, -hoping his recent defeats would soon be forgotten, and he should be -strengthened for the future. - -Having finally received from Lake George his artillery, military -stores, and thirty days' provisions, Burgoyne crossed to the west bank -of the Hudson; September 13th-14th, he moved with his army to Saratoga; -on the 15th-16th he tarried at Dovegot (near Coveville) to reconnoitre, -repair bridges, and open roads over this rugged country; on the 17th -he marched to Sword's Farm; on the 18th he advanced to Wilbur's Basin, -within two miles of the American position, having constantly to -skirmish with Arnold; and on the morning of the 19th he was engaged -in reconnoitring and making preparations to attack Gates, if deemed -expedient. - -A table-land, intersected with ravines through which flowed Mill Creek -and its branches, separated the two armies. Except a narrow cultivated -strip, adjoining the Hudson, the ground was covered in great part by a -dense forest. The river formed its eastern boundary, and on the north, -west, and south sides were wooded heights, separated from each other by -valleys. - -While the Americans occupied the south heights, the Anglo-German army -made ready to take possession of those on the north, and then to turn -the western hills, thus to get in rear of the American left by a flank -movement of their right, while their centre attacked in front and was -supported by their left. - -About eleven o'clock on the morning of the 19th, Burgoyne's army -advanced in three columns. He, in person, in command of the centre -column, moved towards Freeman's Farm, opposite to the American left; -Riedesel and Phillips with a large train of artillery, forming the -left column, followed the river road, and, after the attack had begun, -turned westward to support and prolong the line of battle of the -deployed centre; while, by a circuitous march, Fraser, with Breyman's -German riflemen, having his flanks covered by Canadians, loyalists, -and Indians, moved with the right column, taking post westward of -the centre, thus greatly overlapping the American left, which it was -designed to turn and rout. - -Gates, called by Burgoyne "an old midwife", impassively looked on, -giving no orders and evincing no desire to fight, while the impatient -Arnold, foreseeing the enemy's movement to turn his left, sent Morgan's -riflemen and some of Dearborn's light infantry to check it. They rushed -upon the enemy, and dispersed the Canadians and Indians; but following -up their success too eagerly, they soon encountered the British line of -battle, and were overpowered by superior numbers. This being reported -to Gates, the Continental troops were sent to support Morgan, but the -entire force proved insufficient to cope with and counteract Fraser's -movement. Arnold, undismayed, then changed his direction, and fell -suddenly upon the enemy's centre with a view of separating Burgoyne -from Fraser. The battle was waged with great fury by both antagonists, -and as each received reinforcements the conflict deepened, and, with -varying success, became more and more stubborn. Burgoyne finally -escaped defeat by the timely coming up of Riedesel with Pausch's -artillery. After this death-struggle of four hours' duration, darkness -terminated the contest. The Americans fell back in good order to their -intrenchments, while the Anglo-German army, lying on their arms, -retained the barren field of their foiled efforts to advance. Though -both sides claimed the victory, neither had triumphed at "Freeman's -Farm." It was in reality a drawn battle. The forces engaged in the -conflict were nearly equal, the Americans having about 3,000 and the -enemy nearly 3,500 of their best troops. The loss of the former was -65 killed, 218 wounded, and 38 missing; while that of the latter, -according to their own authorities, was about 600 killed and wounded. -British bayonets and abundant artillery were fully matched by American -rifles, without a single piece of ordnance. Had Arnold been properly -reinforced by Gates, he might have broken the enemy's line and have -gained a complete victory. - -Gates's army was confident and jubilant as to the issue of the -campaign, Burgoyne's anxious and despondent; while both generals -strengthened their positions, and their camps resounded with "dreadful -note of preparation" for a coming conflict. - -[Illustration: - -From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. iii. There is -also a likeness in Murray's _Impartial Hist._ Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ -October, 1883, p. 326.—ED.] - -The quarrel which had been brewing between Gates and Arnold, growing -out of former jealousy and the supersedure of Schuyler, ripened into -open hostility. The crisis of the feud came when Gates failed in his -official report to make any mention of Arnold's personal participation -in the battle of Freeman's Farm. Thereupon a violent altercation -ensued, resulting in Arnold being relieved of his command and excluded -from headquarters. - -Though unemployed, he continued with the army, the officers of his -division begging him not to leave them, as another battle was impending. - -The two armies confronted each other within cannon-shot, and scarcely a -night passed without some contest between pickets or foraging parties. -Burgoyne, anxiously awaiting news of Sir Henry Clinton's coöperation -from New York, tenaciously held his ground, though living upon half -rations. Gates in the mean time supinely rested in his camp, awaiting -the day when the ripened fruit of Schuyler's skill, in retarding the -enemy's march and cutting off his detachments, should fall at his feet, -and Burgoyne be compelled to starve or pass under the Caudine Forks. - - * * * * * - -Sir Henry Clinton, having been reinforced from England, left New -York, October 3, with a large fleet and 3,000 troops, to effect the -long-expected junction with Burgoyne. On the 5th he reached Verplanck's -Point, on the Hudson River, from which he made a feint upon Peekskill. -Having by this ruse deceived the aged Putnam, in command of the Hudson -Highlands, Clinton crossed with his main body on the 6th to King's -Ferry, and, by following a circuitous route around the Dunderberg -Mountain, the British general in the afternoon carried by assault the -feebly garrisoned but bravely defended Forts Montgomery and Clinton. -The enemy's fleet then destroyed the boom and chain across the river, -forced the Americans to burn two frigates, which could not escape, -and ended their excursion up the Hudson at Esopus (now Kingston) by -laying it in ashes and returning to New York, it being too late to save -Burgoyne. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: SIR HENRY CLINTON. - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the Present War_, i. p. 526.—ED.] - -The American army, after the battle of Freeman's Farm, was daily -growing stronger in men and fortifications, while the Anglo-German -force was constantly becoming weaker and worn out by watching and -incessant alarms. Burgoyne's situation was critical, for he could -neither advance nor retreat with safety, and to stand still was to -starve. Already the loyalists and Canadians were deserting in numbers, -and his Indians, having little opportunity for plundering and scalping, -were abandoning him altogether. - -Receiving no tidings from Sir Henry Clinton, Burgoyne determined -to make an armed reconnoissance of the American left on the 7th of -October, and attack the next day, should there be a reasonable prospect -of success; if not, to fall back on the 11th behind the Batten-Kill. - -Accordingly, leaving proper guards for his camp, Burgoyne in person, -at ten A. M. of the 7th, with 1,500 choice troops and ten pieces of -artillery, moved out for the contemplated reconnoissance, which was -at the same time to cover a foraging party to gather wheat for the -pressing necessities of his army. His troops were formed in three -columns, and when within three quarters of a mile of the American left -were deployed in line of battle upon open ground behind a screen of -dense forest. Fraser, with 500 picked men, formed the right, ready -to fall upon Gates's left; Riedesel, with his Brunswickers, held the -centre; Phillips was in charge of the British left; while the Indians, -rangers, and provincials were to work their way through the woods to -gain the left and rear of the American camp, in which Lincoln then -commanded the right, and Gates had taken Arnold's place on the left. - -So soon as the enemy moved and the foragers were at work, Gates ordered -out Morgan. Divining Burgoyne's intention, Morgan was to seize the -high ground on the enemy's right by making a wide sweep; Learned was -to hold the German centre in check; and Poor, with his brigade of -Continentals and some militia, concealed by the woods, was to assail -the British left. Poor, supported by Learned, opened the battle at -half past two with great fury against Major Acland's grenadiers, and -extended his blows to Riedesel's centre; Morgan and Dearborn almost -simultaneously fell like a thunderbolt upon the enemy's right. - -[Illustration: GEORGE CLINTON. - -Reproduced from Delaplaine's _Repository of the lives and portraits -of Distinguished Americans_ (Philad.). It was painted by Ames. It is -engraved on steel in Allen C. Beach's _Centennial Celebrations of the -State of New York_ (Albany, 1879), and by J. B. Forrest in Irving's -_Washington_, ii. 209. A profile likeness by St. Memin is engraved in -the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. iv. A portrait in uniform at an earlier -age was etched by H. B. Hall, in 1866, and appears in the _Mag. of -American History_, December, 1881. An engraving of a bust by Ceracchi -(owned by the N. Y. Hist. Soc.) accompanies a memoir of Clinton by W. -L. Stone in _Ibid._, iii. 336.—ED.] - -Burgoyne, seeing the danger of Fraser's right being turned, ordered -him to fall back to a new position, in doing which Fraser was mortally -wounded by one of Morgan's sharpshooters. In the mean time, Poor was -playing wild havoc with Acland's grenadiers, captured Phillips's -artillery after killing nearly all of its gunners, and then turned -their own pieces upon the British, putting the entire left of their -army to flight. - -The Germans still firmly held their ground in the centre, when Arnold, -maddened by his wrongs, dashed wildly into the thickest of the -fight, without authority assumed command of his old division, with -audacity and judgment led regiment after regiment to the attack at -different points, roused his troops to the highest enthusiasm, and -forced back by his impetuous assaults the already shattered British -line, which Burgoyne then courageously led in person. But all of the -British commander's determination was of little avail, his entire -forces being driven back into their intrenched camp. Here the wreck -of the Anglo-German army made a firm stand; but Arnold still sought -new dangers. With desperation he and his fearless followers mounted -embankments and abatis to assail Balcarras, then dashed upon the strong -works of the German camp, and ceased not his furious onsets till the -whole of the enemy's fortified position lay open, when night closed the -scene. - -The American army in this decisive battle lost 50 killed and 150 -wounded, including among the latter the dauntless Arnold. The enemy, -besides nine guns, a large supply of ammunition, and much baggage, lost -176 killed, about 250 wounded, and some 200 prisoners. Among those who -lost their lives were the gallant Fraser and the sturdy Breyman, and -included in the wounded were several British officers of high rank. - -Burgoyne, signally defeated and exposed to a new attack by double his -fighting force, prudently retreated, on the stormy night of the 8th, -to Saratoga, leaving behind his sick, wounded, and everything he could -possibly spare. General Fraser was buried, as he had requested, in a -large redoubt near the Hudson, the guns fired over his grave being the -American artillery aimed at the group of distinguished mourners before -knowing the occasion of their assembling. - -Gates, who had not been personally engaged in either battle of his -army, remained two days with his main body in the abandoned camp of the -enemy at Wilbur's Basin, he judiciously having sent detachments to take -advantageous positions to hem in Burgoyne. On the 11th, Gates ordered -his main body to cross the Fishkill, supposing Burgoyne had further -retreated; but his advanced guard of 1,500 men under Nixon quickly -withdrew, having discovered the enemy intrenched and in battle array on -the other side of the stream. - -Burgoyne, now finding himself exposed to the concentric fire of the -Americans, who nearly surrounded him, and having no opening through -which to retreat to Lake George or to Lake Champlain, called a council -of war to deliberate upon his desperate situation. "By their unanimous -concurrence and advice", says he, "I was induced to open a treaty with -Major-General Gates." At ten A. M. of the 14th, a flag of truce was -sent by Burgoyne, asking for a parley, during which Gates demanded an -unconditional surrender of the enemy's troops as prisoners of war. This -proposition Burgoyne peremptorily refused to entertain. Hostilities in -the mean time were suspended, and modified proposals were made. After -two days' delay, Gates, hearing of Sir Henry Clinton's advance up the -Hudson, and fearing that he might reach Albany, agreed upon the terms, -dictated by Burgoyne, as follows:— - -The Anglo-German troops to march out of their camp with all the honors -of war, and their artillery to be moved to the bank of the Hudson -River, and there left, together with the soldiers' arms, which were -to be piled at the word of command from their own officers. It was -further agreed that a free passage to Great Britain should be granted -to the troops on condition of their not serving again in the present -contest; that all officers should retain their baggage and side-arms, -and not be separated from their men; and that all, of whatever country -they might be, following the camp, should be included in the terms of -capitulation. Before signing the treaty, Burgoyne demurred to designate -it as a _capitulation_, whereupon Gates readily consented to its being -called a TREATY OF CONVENTION, and as such it was signed October 16, -1777. - -[Illustration: BURGOYNE TO GATES. - -Somewhat reduced, after the fac-simile in Wilkinson's _Memoirs_, i. -282.—ED.] - -Burgoyne in a rich uniform, accompanied by his brilliant staff and -general officers, rode, on October 17, to the headquarters of General -Gates, who was simply attired in a plain blue coat. Reining up their -horses, Burgoyne gracefully raising his cocked hat, said, "The fortune -of war, General Gates, has made me your prisoner;" to which the victor, -gracefully returning the salute, replied, "I shall always be ready -to bear testimony that it has not been through any fault of your -excellency." - -[Illustration: WASHINGTON AND GATES. - -From _Bickerstaff's Boston Almanac_. This is from the title of the -number for 1778, and shows the kind of effigies popularly current in -such publications.—ED.] - -On the site of old Fort Hardy the Anglo-German army, October 17, -grounded their arms at the command of their own officers, none of the -American troops being present to witness this humiliation of the enemy. -In the afternoon the captured troops crossed the Hudson, and, escorted -by a company of light dragoons, were marched between the parallel -lines of American soldiers, preceded by two officers, unfurling "the -stars and stripes" just adopted by Congress. While this ceremony took -place in the presence of Burgoyne and Gates, the former drew his sword -and presented it to the latter, which being received was courteously -returned, when both generals retired into Gates's tent.[728] - -While the prisoners, under guard of General Heath, were marching to -Boston, Gates hurried to Albany to oppose any movement of Sir Henry -Clinton; and Major Wilkinson was sent to Congress to communicate -the joyful tidings of Burgoyne's surrender. Rejoicings were heard -throughout the United States, and the successful general was so elated -and his vanity so stimulated that he aspired to supplant Washington, as -he had Schuyler. - - * * * * * - -A few criticisms upon the plan of the campaign of 1777, and the mode -of conducting it, may be permitted. The British cabinet wisely decided -upon the seizure of the Hudson as the most efficient way of breaking -the power of the revolted colonies; but, in carrying out its design, it -violated a fundamental maxim of war. No principle of strategy is better -established than the superiority of _interior_ as against _exterior_ -lines of operation of armies, as was so admirably illustrated in the -"Seven Years' War." Frederic the Great, without any frontier barriers -and open to attack on all sides, from his central position kept at bay -France, Austria, Russia, Saxony, Sweden, and the Germanic body, whose -united population was over twenty times as great as that of Prussia, -including Silesia, a recently conquered province. In like manner, the -Americans, in July, 1777, were within a great circle,—Schuyler on the -upper Hudson, Putnam at the Highlands, and Washington in New Jersey, -within supporting distance of each other; while the British armies were -widely separated upon its vast circumference,—St. Leger moving to -the upper Mohawk, Burgoyne from Canada, Clinton at New York, and Howe -sailing to the Chesapeake. - -In the struggle for the Hudson, the two independent British armies—one -in Canada and the other in New York—were expected to coöperate in -order to attain a common object, while Burgoyne with the one was tied -down by fixed orders, and Clinton with the other had no instructions -as to the part he was expected to perform. Besides, their bases were -separated by about four hundred miles of wild, hostile, and thinly -populated country, rendering intercommunication so difficult that, of -ten messengers sent out by different routes to Howe, not one returned -to Burgoyne. - -No precaution was taken to provide for the losses of Burgoyne's -army, nor to supply the necessary drafts upon it to garrison the -posts in his rear, guarding his communications with Canada. When he -gained possession of Ticonderoga, he called upon Sir Guy Carleton to -furnish the necessary force to hold the place; but Carleton did not -feel justified, under his precise orders, to send troops beyond his -jurisdiction. Consequently, Burgoyne "drained the life-blood of his -force" in the field to provide for the defence of this and other works -left behind. - -Burgoyne's _logistics_, or means of supplying and moving his army, were -very defective. Not till June 7, 1777, a month after his arrival in -Canada, did he make provision for the transportation of either stores -or artillery, and then his arrangements were so entirely inadequate -that they seemed based upon the assumption that his adversary was his -inferior in all military qualities. Hence, he decided "to trust to the -resources of the expedition for the rest", while for his own personal -baggage he used no less than "_thirty carts_." Most of his provisions -had to be brought from England, a distance of 3,600 miles; some from -Canada; and for the rest he relied upon the meagre resources of the -hostile country he was to traverse. Consequently his army was often on -reduced rations, sometimes nearly starving, and finally, to secure its -existence, he undertook his disastrous raid upon Bennington. - -After the pursuit of St. Clair, Burgoyne should have returned with his -army to Ticonderoga, and taken the water route by Lake George, instead -of forcing his way through an obstructed wilderness to Fort Edward, -which he did not reach till July 30th, nor leave till August 14th. -Had Schuyler directed Burgoyne's operations he could not have planned -measures more conducive to his own advantage. On the Lake George route -were only two small armed schooners to oppose any resistance, and -from the head of the lake was a direct road to Albany, which had been -followed by Abercrombie and Amherst. As it was, Burgoyne was compelled -to send his supplies and artillery by the lake, and then carry them -over the portage to Fort Edward, which consumed more time than would -have been necessary to move in light marching order direct to Albany. -General De Peyster, a careful student of this campaign, says: "Burgoyne -could have been reassembled at 'Old Ty' by the 10th July; could have -been transported to Fort George by the 12th; and, having left his heavy -guns and all but his light artillery and indispensable materials there -or at Ty, in depot, with a sufficient guard, could have reached Fort -Edward on the evening of the 13th July. From this point to Albany is -about fifty miles. With six or ten days' rations and an extra supply of -ammunition sufficient for a battle of that period, Burgoyne could have -swept Schuyler out of his path with ease, and, allowing one day's delay -for a fight, could have occupied Albany on the 16th July." But the -British commander had proclaimed, "This army must not retreat." Though -he subsequently tried to palliate his mistake, all his correspondence -shows that pride in carrying out his declaration, not military -principles, made him persevere in the false movement which lost him the -campaign, and secured in the end American independence. - -Burgoyne, after his brilliant success at the opening of the campaign, -suddenly relapsed into the sluggishness of his German allies. Instead -of rapidly pursuing his demoralized foe, he tarried at Skenesborough -till his pathway was thoroughly obstructed and the fugitives had -recovered from their panic. After he had lost his prestige and the -Americans had gained confidence by success at Stanwix and Bennington, -he attempted with diminished forces to cope with the growing strength -of his opponent. Thus, by delay, he lost in September what he might -have achieved in July. From his arrival at Skenesborough till he had -reached his southernmost point at Freeman's Farm, he moved only _fifty -miles in seventy-four days_. - -Slow in all his movements, Burgoyne's tardiness was increased by his -large and superfluous train of artillery which accompanied all his -toilsome marches. Even when he required the greatest celerity, he chose -for his raid upon Bennington, not the nimble-footed light infantry -under the dashing Fraser, but cumbrous dismounted German dragoons -moving only a mile and a third an hour. - -Burgoyne was not only slow, but he was irresolute. After his disastrous -defeat at Bemis's Heights he lost five precious days in fatal -indecision while retreat was possible. On October 12th his last chance -had passed, he then being completely invested by the Americans, and -nothing was left to him but surrender. According to Madame Riedesel, -he had given in this crisis of his fate more attention to his mistress -than to his army. Aspasia had triumphed over Mars. - -While Burgoyne committed many blunders, his opponents had their -shortcomings also. The fortifications of Ticonderoga, after falling -into the hands of the Americans, were too much extended for their -defence by a moderate garrison; but the most fatal error was the -failure to occupy Mount Defiance, which completely commanded all the -American works, and, when seized by the British, left St. Clair no -alternative but hasty retreat and the abandonment of much artillery and -considerable supplies. The fugitives then counted largely on the delay -of their pursuers, who followed them with celerity, severely punishing -them at Skenesborough and Hubbardton. - -Congress committed the most criminal error, outweighing all others, in -substituting, at the most critical moment of the campaign, a military -charlatan for an accomplished soldier,—in supplanting Schuyler, who -was the organizer of the victories, by Gates, who "had no fitness for -command and wanted personal courage." To say nothing of the difference -in merit of the two commanders, the time for making the change was most -inopportune. - -Putnam, a brave officer but no general, managed things so badly in the -Highlands that Forts Montgomery and Clinton were lost, and the Hudson -was opened to the enemy whenever he chose to advance.[729] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE titles alone of the numerous works which have been consulted in the -preparation of the foregoing narratives would fill many of these pages. -Therefore, to avoid repetition, as most of them are common to all the -chapters of this History of the American Revolution, reference will -be made only to those authorities which have a bearing upon disputed -points, or to newly discovered facts respecting the "Struggle for the -Hudson." - -Of the many authors who have written of the New York campaign of 1776, -nearly all have followed the narrations given in Sparks's _Washington_ -and in the official despatches of the various officers engaged. For -topographical details we have relied upon Des Barres' _Atlantic -Neptune_ (1780-81), with its plans of battles, sieges, etc., and maps -of the seat of war, and upon the recent Coast Survey charts. Local -historians have supplied many minor particulars, which need not be -enumerated, except, perhaps, the one relating to the treason of William -Demont, already referred to in the text. Much new light has been thrown -upon the Burgoyne campaign by works published within the last few -years.[730] - -One of the most earnestly disputed points of Burgoyne's campaign is -whether Arnold was personally engaged with the enemy at the battle of -Freeman's Farm, on Sept. 19, 1777. Some authorities, notably Bancroft, -while admitting that Arnold's troops were in the thickest of the fray, -deny that the general himself was on the battlefield; while Stedman, -Irving, Stone, and many others, equally competent to weigh the facts, -maintain that Arnold was the conquering hero of the fight, and that, -but for him, Burgoyne would have marched straight on to Albany. - -Just after Gates had superseded Schuyler in the command of the -Northern army, Arnold had returned from the Mohawk valley flushed -with success and impatient to win new laurels. He was incessantly -engaged in skirmishing with the enemy and adding to his reputation as a -brilliant, dashing officer. Gates was envious of Arnold's growing fame, -and resentful of his partiality for Schuyler. Hence arose a coolness -towards Arnold, which rapidly ripened into bitter hostility. That -the action of Freeman's Farm, a five hours' battle, full of skilful -movements, was purely a series of chance operations without a guiding -spirit, is utterly preposterous. As Gates was not engaged, whose was -the directing mind but Arnold's, the second in command? - -It seems impossible that one devoid of fear, brave even to rashness, -who even courted danger at the risk of death, and one too who was -filled with ambition and love of military glory, could possibly have -allowed his command to go into action without leading its movements -and sharing its perils. His subsequent heroism amid the carnage of -battle at Bemis's Heights would seem a sufficient refutation of the -charge that he who was always in the thickest of the fight was only -a looker-on while the conflict of September 19th was raging around -Freeman's Farm. - -Gates, in his official report of the battle of Freeman's Farm, makes no -mention of Arnold being engaged; and his adjutant-general, Wilkinson, -in his _Memoirs_, written long after Arnold's good name had been -blasted by his treason, says: "Not a single general officer was on the -field of battle on the 19th of September, until evening, when General -Learned was ordered out." - -Under ordinary circumstances, the testimony of the commander-in-chief -and his adjutant-general would be considered conclusive; but it must -be borne in mind that both of these officers were inimical to Arnold, -that neither was personally engaged in the battle, and that the wooded -character of the ground precluded either from following any one's -movements through the conflict. - -On the other side, we have the contemporary testimony of officers -present on the battlefield, newspaper accounts of the time, and -Arnold's own division order of the day after the battle, in which he -speaks of the zeal and spirit of the company officers engaged, in -a manner which none but a close observer could notice. Besides, we -have the direct evidence of two of Arnold's staff officers—Colonels -Livingston and Varick—that their chief was the hero of the battle of -Freeman's Farm; the former warmly lauding "his conduct during the late -action", and declaring that "to him alone is due the honor of our late -victory." Even the enemy's chief, Burgoyne, said in the British House -of Commons: "Mr. Gates had determined to receive the attack in his -lines. Mr. Arnold, who commanded on the left, foreseeing the danger of -being turned, advanced without consultation with his general, and gave -instead of receiving battle." - -Another much-disputed point is whether to Schuyler or Gates is chiefly -due the triumph of our arms in the Burgoyne campaign. Bancroft, in his -_History of the United States_ (vol. ix. ch. 21, orig. ed.), states -that Schuyler lacked military talents, failed to harry the advance -of Burgoyne, wanted personal courage, and had no influence with the -people. All these charges have been triumphantly refuted by his -grandson and by his biographer.[731] - -General Schuyler's zeal, energy, ability, and sterling virtues have -been so fully set forth in the preceding narrative of the Burgoyne -campaign that any amplification here is needless; but it may be proper -to add the testimony of some of our most distinguished countrymen as -to the merits of this true gentleman, noble soldier, and patriotic -Fabian hero. Chief Justice Marshall says: "In this gloomy state -of things no officer could have exerted more diligence and skill -than Schuyler." Chancellor Kent writes: "In acuteness of intellect, -profound thought, indefatigable activity, exhaustless energy, pure -patriotism, and persevering and intrepid public efforts, Schuyler had -no superior." Daniel Webster said: "I consider Schuyler as second only -to Washington in the services he rendered to the country in the war of -the Revolution. His zeal and devotion to the cause under difficulties -which would have paralyzed the efforts of most men, and his fortitude -and courage when assailed by malicious attacks upon his public and -private character, _every one of which was proved to be false_, have -impressed me with a strong desire to express publicly my sense of his -great qualities." - -Washington, Hamilton, Jay, Jefferson, and most of the great men of the -Revolution had unbounded confidence in Schuyler; and modern historians, -such as Irving, Sparks, Lossing, and others, bear like testimony to -his virtues and services. Even Congress, which had so unjustly removed -Schuyler from his command, when convinced of its error, would not -consent to his resignation from the army till he persistently demanded -it. Though Schuyler's military career did not sparkle with "feats of -broil and battle", he exhibited those great qualities which are as -conducive to the success of war as "the magnificently stern array" -of arms in the heady fight. He was ready in expedients to foil the -enemy, skilful and persevering in executing them, and resolute and -untiring till his end was obtained. Never discouraged by disaster, -and stimulated to higher effort as fortune frowned, he continued -sanguine of success in the darkest hour of adversity. Every assault -upon his reputation fell harmless before his invulnerable patriotism; -no injustice could swerve him from the path of honor; and to him, as to -all true men, the meaning of life was concentrated in the single word -DUTY. - -[Illustration] - - -NOTE BY GENERAL CULLUM. - -DISPOSAL OF THE CONVENTION TROOPS.[732]—In accordance with Article -IV. of the convention, the captured army was marched, under guard of -General Glover, to the neighborhood of Boston, where it arrived about -Nov. 6th. The British troops were barracked on Prospect Hill and the -German troops on Winter Hill, the officers being quartered in Cambridge -and the neighboring towns. Much complaint was made of the character -and insufficiency of their accommodations, but considering the limited -supply of houses at the disposal of General Heath, commanding the -Eastern department, he did the best in his power, without the aid of -the State of Massachusetts, to whose Council he appealed for the use -of "at least one of the colleges" for their comfort. At the worst, -however, these captives fared far better than our own troops at Valley -Forge during that winter.[733] - -Under Article V. supplies were to be furnished to Burgoyne's army -"at the same rates." This was interpreted by Congress, Dec. 19th, to -mean "that the accounts of all provisions and other necessaries which -already have been or which hereafter may be supplied by the public to -prisoners in the power of these States shall be discharged by either -receiving from the British Commissary of Prisoners, or any of his -agents, provisions or other necessaries, equal in quality and kind to -what had been supplied, or the amount thereof in gold or silver." - -Exacting provisions _in kind_, though inconvenient to the British -commissary, was not unreasonable, considering their scarcity; but the -condition that expenditures made in depreciated Continental money -should be liquidated, dollar for dollar, in gold and silver, was a hard -one. As a justification for this latter requirement, it was stated by -Congress "that General Howe had required that provisions should be sent -in for the subsistence of the American prisoners in his possession, -and that for the purchase of such necessaries he had forbidden the -circulation of the currency of the States within such parts as are -subject to his power." - -By Article II. General Howe was authorized to send transports to Boston -to receive the troops for their conveyance to England. For its failure -to carry out the obligation imposed upon it by its own general, the -American government, through Congress, justified itself by claiming -that Burgoyne had already evaded the provisions of Article I. of the -convention. Bancroft, in his _History of the United States_, contends -that it had been broken by Burgoyne at the time of the surrender, -by the concealment of the military chest and other public property, -of which the United States were thus defrauded.[734] He therefore -sustains Congress in its subsequent demand for the descriptive lists -"of all persons comprehended in the surrender", and the postponing of -the embarkation of Burgoyne's army "until his capitulation should be -expressly confirmed by Great Britain." - -On the other side are many high authorities, among whom is Dr. Charles -Deane, who, Oct. 22, 1877, made an exhaustive report upon the subject -of the Convention of Saratoga to the American Antiquarian Society. He -contends that the acts of Congress "were not marked by the highest -exhibition of good policy or of good faith."[735] - -Fair inferences, from the facts in evidence, lead to the belief -that neither party was scrupulous in carrying out its obligations. -Burgoyne, after a preliminary agreement to the terms of the convention, -_was in favor of breaking the treaty_, because, before affixing his -signature to it, he had heard of the success of Sir Henry Clinton -in the Hudson Highlands. He was willing, therefore, to barter his -plighted promise to further his own interest, and actually submitted -to a council of his officers "whether it was consistent with public -faith, and if so, expedient, to suspend the execution of the treaty, -and trust to events." To the honor of the officers of the Anglo-German -army, a decided majority of the council overruled the wishes of the -general-in-chief, whereupon Burgoyne, Oct. 17, signed the convention. - -Its second article stipulated that "a free passage be granted to the -army, under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, to Great Britain, on condition -of not serving again in North America during the present contest." -It seems almost incredible that even Gates could have been guilty of -such fatuity in sacrificing by this article all the fruits of the past -campaign, and jeoparding American independence. It would have been -better to have disarmed and disbanded these demoralized troops on the -spot. He could thus have saved the country much anxiety, inconvenience, -and expense, in guarding, housing, and caring for them till rested from -their fatigues and embarked for England, where they could be exchanged -for an army of fresh troops, which might cross the ocean in the spring -to plague the inventors of such a stupid compact, or convention. - -Burgoyne was not slow to avail himself of a _literal_ interpretation -of words he had designedly used in drawing up the convention, for we -find him, only three days after the surrender, writing to his friend, -Colonel Phillopson: "I dictated terms of convention which save the army -to the State for the next campaign." - -Was it in the same spirit that Burgoyne carried out the first article -of the convention, by which his "arms and artillery" were to be left -piled on the banks of the Hudson? By a _literal_ interpretation this -might mean only muskets and cannon, but certainly such would not be -the accepted military meaning of that article, especially as it had -to be construed in connection with the sixth article, permitting all -officers "to retain their carriages, bat-horses, and other cattle, and -no baggage to be molested or searched; Lieutenant-General Burgoyne -giving his honor that there are no public stores secreted therein." -But, notwithstanding all this, Madame Riedesel, the wife of General -Riedesel, says in her journal: "Now I was forced to consider how I -should safely carry the colors of our German regiments still further, -as we had made the Americans at Saratoga believe that they were burnt -up—a circumstance which they at first took in bad part, though -afterwards they tacitly overlooked it. But it was only the staves that -had been burned, the colors having been thus far concealed. Now my -husband confided to me his secret, and entrusted me with their still -further concealment. I therefore shut myself in with a right honorable -tailor, who helped me make a mattress in which we sewed every one of -them. Captain O'Connell, under pretence of some errand, was dispatched -to New York and passed the mattress off as his bed. He sent it to -Halifax, where we again found it on our passage from New York to -Canada, and where—in order to ward off all suspicion in case our ship -should be taken—I transferred it into my cabin, and slept during the -whole of the remaining voyage to Canada upon those honorable badges." -She truly called them "honorable badges", for to an army they are the -insignia of nationality and emblems of power, under which the soldier -ventures his life and reputation. - -How was it with the British flags? Burgoyne stated that they were -all left in Canada. But it happens that one of them was displayed at -Ticonderoga upon the evacuation of that place by St. Clair; and five -of them were captured at Fort Stanwix from St. Leger, whose detachment -accompanied Burgoyne till just before leaving Canada upon his great -campaign. Further, it is written in the _Historical Record of the -Ninth Regiment_ that Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, of that regiment, "being -anxious to preserve the colors, took them off the staves and concealed -them in his baggage, which he was permitted to retain." Subsequently -these colors, hidden among his baggage, in which Burgoyne had given his -honor that no public property was secreted, Colonel Hill presented "to -George III., who rewarded his faithful services with the appointment of -aide-de-camp to his Majesty, and the rank of Colonel in the army." - -As Burgoyne was by Article I. allowed to march to the ground of -surrender "with the honors of war", General Horatio Rogers, with the -sentiment of a true soldier, says in one of his admirable annotations -of _Hadden's Journal_: "Had Burgoyne's officers believed that their -colors were not embraced in the terms of the convention, they would -have flung them to the breeze and proudly marched out under them, as an -indication of how much of their honor they had preserved, especially -when they supposed they were about to embark for England; for soldiers -lay down their lives for their flags, the loss, surrender, or -concealment of which, save in rare instances, is synonymous with defeat -and humiliation."[736] - -Though it appears that all of the accoutrements and other public -property of the Anglo-German army were not surrendered and a -considerable part was found unserviceable, it is unnecessary to make -a special point of this minor matter, after presenting the graver -delinquencies on Burgoyne's part. - -General Halleck, one of the best authorities on the Laws of War, in -his work on _International Law_, says: "The general phrase, 'with all -the honors of war,' is usually construed to include the right to march -with colors displayed, drums beating, etc.... A capitulation includes -all property in the place not expressly excepted, and a commander who -destroys military stores or other property after entering into such -agreement not only forfeits all its benefits, but he subjects himself -to severe punishment for his perfidy. So, after a capitulation for the -surrender of an army in the field, any officer who destroys his side -arms or his insignia of rank deprives himself of all the privileges of -that rank, and may be treated as a private soldier. The reason of the -rule is manifest. The victor is entitled to all the honors and benefits -of his agreement the moment it is entered into, and to destroy colors, -arms, etc. thereafter is to deprive him of his just rights. Such -conduct is both dishonorable and criminal." - -Whether the shortcomings of the British general-in-chief were known -to Washington cannot be determined, but the latter's correspondence -clearly indicates what he believed would be the action of George III. -upon the arrival of the convention troops in Great Britain. Hence -he writes, November 13, to General Heath: "Policy and a regard to -our own interest are strongly opposed to our adopting or pursuing -any measures to facilitate their embarkation and passage home, which -are not required of us by the capitulation."[737] Congress, December -17, concurred in these views, and consequently refused Burgoyne's -application for his army to embark from Newport or some port on Long -Island Sound, to avoid the long and dangerous winter passage around -Cape Cod of the British transports which were to receive the troops. - -In this, as in all matters involving the success of the Revolution, -Washington was not only patriotic, but morally right. We had committed -a blunder at Saratoga, but there was no reason why we should increase -the mischievous effect of it by expediting the enemy's movements from -Boston, and thus add to the danger of our destruction by enabling him -to replace Burgoyne's troops in America by others they might relieve -elsewhere, in time for the next year's campaign. - -Congress had, November 8th, instructed General Heath to require -descriptive lists of all the convention troops, to secure us against -their reappearing in arms against us during the war. This Burgoyne -resented as impeaching the honor of his nation, but he subsequently -complied with a measure so essential to our protection. - -In Burgoyne's complaint of November 14th regarding the quarters for his -officers and men, he inadvertently said, "The public faith is broke", -which unguarded expression was at once seized upon by Congress; when a -committee, of which Francis Lightfoot Lee was chairman, submitted its -report, upon which Congress, then composed "of but a few members, and -all of them not the most suitable for the station", adopted, January 8, -1778, the following resolutions:— - -"_Resolved_, that as many of the cartouch-boxes and several other -articles of military accoutrements annexed to the persons of the -non-commissioned officers and soldiers included in the Convention of -Saratoga have not been delivered up, the Convention, on the part of the -British army, has not been strictly complied with. - -"_Resolved_, that the refusal of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to give -descriptive lists of the non-commissioned officers and privates -belonging to his army, subsequent to his declaration that the public -faith was broke, is considered by Congress in an alarming point of -view; since a compliance with the resolution of Congress could only -have been prejudicial to that army in case of an infraction of the -convention on their part. - -"_Resolved_, that the charge made by Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, in -his letter to Major-General Gates of the 14th of November, of a breach -of the public faith on the part of these States, is not warranted by -the just construction of any article of the Convention of Saratoga; -that it is a strong indication of his intention, and affords just -ground of fear that he will avail himself of such pretended breach of -the convention, in order to disengage himself and the army under him -of the obligation they are under to these United States; and that the -security which these States have had in his personal honor is thereby -destroyed. - -"_Resolved, therefore_, that the embarkation of Lieutenant-General -Burgoyne and the troops under his command be suspended till a distinct -and explicit ratification of the Convention of Saratoga shall be -properly notified by the court of Great Britain to Congress."[738] - -Delays followed these resolutions, and finally, February 3, 1778, -General Heath was instructed that the embarkation of the troops was -to be indefinitely postponed, the transports upon their arrival to be -ordered away from the port of Boston, and the guard over the prisoners -to be strengthened. General Burgoyne, of course, was indignant, and -offered that, "should any doubt still subsist that the idea of being -released from the engagement of the convention has been adopted by any -part of the troops", he would give a further pledge of the faith of -every officer in his command, "provided the suspension is immediately -broken off." This frank offer was referred to a committee, which -reported that in their opinion it contained nothing "sufficient to -induce Congress to recede from their resolution of the 8th of January;" -and the report was agreed to March 2, 1778. - -This disingenuous resolution of Congress, "that the embarkation be -suspended" until the happening of some further contingent event, was -returning the poisoned chalice to Burgoyne's lips, being exactly in -keeping with his proposition submitted, October 15, 1777, to a council -of his officers, "whether it was consistent with public faith, and if -so, expedient, to suspend the execution of the treaty and trust to -events." - -Notwithstanding many members had no confidence in the political -integrity of Great Britain,[739] such holding of the convention troops -as prisoners of war, contrary to the principles of international -law, certainly placed Congress in a most unfavorable light. Even so -distinguished a member as Richard Henry Lee, writing to Washington, -says: "It is unfortunately too true that our enemies pay little regard -to good faith, or any obligations of justice and humanity which render -the Convention of Saratoga a matter of great moment; and it is also, -as you justly observe, an affair of infinite delicacy. The undoubted -advantage they will take even of the appearance of infraction on our -part, and the American character, which is concerned in preserving its -faith inviolate, cover this affair with difficulties, and prove the -disadvantage we are under in conducting war against an old, corrupt, -and powerful people, who, having much credit and influence in the -world, will venture on things that would totally ruin the reputation -of young and rising communities like ours." We would further remark -that the moral standard of even the most civilized nations was not then -as high as in this more advanced age, and that upon the construction -of this convention hung the independence of the United States. Napier -said of the Convention of Cintra in 1808: "A convention implies some -weakness, and must be weighed in _the scales of prudence, not those of -justice_." - -General Burgoyne and his staff were allowed by Congress to return to -England on parole. Soon after their departure the British troops were -removed to Rutland, Mass., because of fears of their being rescued by -the British forces then at Newport, R. I. Congress finally directed -that the Convention troops, in order to be more easily subsisted, -should be removed to Charlottesville, Virginia,[740] where they arrived -in January, 1779, and they were detained in the United States till the -conclusion of peace with Great Britain. Most of the officers had in the -mean time been exchanged. - -Dr. Deane, in concluding his investigation of this subject, says: -"There can be no doubt that the supreme authority in the State would -always have the right, as it has the power, to revise a treaty made -by its agents, as in the case we have been considering. This follows -from the nature of sovereignty itself. An Arnold might be bribed to -to capitulate to the enemy. But where such treaties are entered into -in good faith, and the obvious powers of the commanders have not been -exceeded, the agreements between the victor and the vanquished are -regarded by the highest authorities as to be sacredly kept. Humanity -demands it; otherwise there would be no cessation of hostilities till -the annihilation of both belligerents."[741] - -While Great Britain had just cause to complain of the violation of the -Convention of Saratoga by the American Congress, she might ask herself, -did she always observe strict faith with her revolted colonies. - -According to the Articles of Capitulation of Charleston, S. C., May 12, -1780, the garrison were allowed some of the honors of war. They were -to march out and deposit their arms between the canal and the works -of the place, but the drums were not to beat a British march, nor the -colors to be uncased; the Continental troops and seamen, keeping their -baggage, were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia -were to be permitted to return to their respective homes as prisoners -on parole, and while they kept their parole were not to be molested in -their property by the British troops; the citizens of all descriptions -were to be considered as prisoners on parole, and to hold their -property in the town on the same terms as the militia. - -After the capitulation, Sir Henry Clinton sent out three expeditions -and issued three proclamations, all having in view the subjugation of -South Carolina. The butchery which Tarleton inflicted is well known; -and even the British historian, Stedman, who was then an officer under -General Clinton, says of it: "The virtue of humanity was totally -forgot." The enemy's detachments, sent to various parts of the State, -paid little regard to the rights and property of its inhabitants. Sir -Henry, assuming that the province was already conquered, issued, before -his departure to New York, a proclamation discharging all the military -prisoners, except those captured in Fort Moultrie and Charleston, from -their parole after June 20, 1780. Thus, without their own consent, by -Clinton's arbitrary fiat, these paroled persons were converted from -their neutrality into British subjects, and compelled to take up arms -against their neighbors, or, failing to comply with this enforced -allegiance, were treated as rebels. The Whig inhabitants were worried, -plundered, and murdered by Tories, in open violation of all British -pledges; leading men were confined in prison-ships; and patriotic -citizens, who had resumed their swords upon finding all guaranties -violated, had their property sequestrated, and themselves were severely -punished, sometimes with death. The British rule was truly a reign of -terror. - -Lord Mahon stigmatizes in the severest language American faith as -utterly derelict in carrying out the Convention of Saratoga,[742] while -of the sequel of the capitulation of Charleston he has no holy horror. -His only remark is: "_Perhaps_ these measures exceeded the bounds of -justice; certainly they did the bounds of policy." This same English -historian, in his account of Arnold's treason, speaks of the death of -André as the "greatest blot" upon the career of Washington. He contends -that it was unjust to arrest André, because he had a safeguard from -Arnold; and sneers at the twelve distinguished American generals upon -the Board which condemned the spy, as incompetent plebeians, drawn -from "the plough-handle and from the shop-board." According to Mahon's -fallacious mode of reasoning, Washington should not only have let André -go free, because protected by the traitor's pass, but should have -given up West Point, its garrison and arms, to Sir Henry Clinton, as -fully agreed upon by Arnold, the duly constituted American commander. -According to such reasoning, Judas Iscariot was justified in betraying -the Saviour, because he had been one of the trusted twelve who sat down -to the Last Supper. The just fate of the spy and betrayer was the same, -except that Judas was his own executioner. - -Of the various military conventions, that of Kloster-Zeven, of -September 8, 1757, between the Duke of Cumberland and Marshal -Richelieu, most resembles that of Saratoga. In both the victors had -the vanquished at their mercy; in both the terms of surrender, under -the circumstances, were moderate beyond all necessity; in both the -capitulations were unsatisfactory to the governments concerned; and in -both the treaties were broken from motives of expediency, frivolous -pretexts being used to cover the odium of bad faith. - -George II., as Elector of Hanover, "to clear himself", says Sir -Edward Cust, "from the dishonor of the convention, disavowed his son's -authority to sign it", recalled him from his command, and declared -that the hero of Culloden had ruined his father and disgraced himself. -We cannot enter into the reasons assigned by the British ministry for -abrogating this compact, but they were at the least as invalid as those -used by our Congress in suspending the execution of the Convention -of Saratoga. When the Hanoverian army, under Prince Ferdinand of -Brunswick, took the field in contravention of agreement, Marshal -Richelieu declared his own fidelity in keeping the treaty, and that, -should the enemy "commit any act of hostility", he, as authorized -by the laws of war, "would push matters to the last extremity." The -declaration of the French marshal "was seconded", says Smollett, the -British historian, "by the Count de Lynar, the Danish ambassador, who -had meditated the Convention of Kloster-Zeven under direction of his -master to save Hanover from the horrors of war." - - -EDITORIAL NOTES ON THE AUTHORITIES. - -=I.= THE CAMPAIGN AROUND NEW YORK CITY IN 1776.—The Americans had been -early warned of the British plans to secure the line of the Hudson -(_Journal of the Provincial Congress of New York_, 172; Lossing's -_Schuyler_, ii. 16), and on the American side plans of obstructing -and defending the river had been made as early as Sept., 1775, and -they ever after constituted a chief anxiety of the continental and -provincial authorities.[743] Several early maps making record of these -efforts have been preserved.[744] - -[Illustration: FORT MONTGOMERY, MAY 31, 1776.] - -[Illustration: CHAIN AT FORT MONTGOMERY. - -Reduced from the cut in Ruttenber's _Obstructions to the Navigation of -Hudson's River_, p. 64. - -KEY. A, Fort Montgomery. B, Fort Clinton. C, Poplopen's Kill. D, -Anthony's Nose. _a_, floats to chain. _b b b_, boom in front of chain. -_c c c_, chain. _d_, rock at which the chain was secured and large -iron roller. _e e_, cribs and anchors. _f_, blocks and purchase for -tightening chain. _g h_, ground batteries for defence of chain. [S, -section showing floats and chain; _c c c_, chain; _f f f_, floats.] - -The cut follows the original drawing found in the papers of the secret -committee. There is a plate showing the boom and chain at West Point in -Boynton's _West Point_, p. 70.] - -The anomalous condition of New York during the later part of 1775 is -shown from the Tory point of view in Jones's _New York during the -Revolution_. Rivington's press was destroyed in Nov., 1775 (_N. Y. City -Manual_, 1868, p. 813). There was an irruption from New Jersey into -Long Island in Jan., 1776 (Jones, i. 68). In Feb. the military control -appears in Col. David Waterbury's orderly-book (_Mag. of American -Hist._, Dec., 1884, p. 555). Moore gives current published reports, -including Gov. Tryon's proclamation in March (_Diary of the Rev._, i. -216). During the same month Lee made a report on the fortifications of -the city (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 354), and Field, in his -_Battle of Long Island_, traces the measures of Lee to convert New York -into a camp and to root out the Tories on Long Island. - -[Illustration: CONSTITUTION ISLAND, 1776. - -From the _Sparks Maps_. KEY: "A, Gravel Hill battery, 11 guns. B, Hill -clift battery, 3 in front, not finished. C, Marine battery, 8 guns. D, -Romain's battery, 14 guns. E, Round Tower, 8 guns." These works were -later commanded by those erected at West Point.] - -Stirling had also been exercising command in New York (Duer's -_Stirling_, 139), and had seized Gov. Franklin of New Jersey (_N. J. -Archives_, x. 702). In April, 1776, Putnam arrived with instructions -from Washington (Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 337), finding Heath fresh -from a review of the troops (Moore, i. 228).[745] - -With the arrival of Washington in the middle of April, 1776, the -campaign may be said to have begun. His batteries soon sent the -few British ships in the harbor down to Sandy Hook, and Benjamin -Tupper, commanding the little American flotilla, tried to destroy the -lighthouse at that point, June 21.[746] Beside the official letters of -this time there are numerous private ones.[747] - -Late in June and early in July Lord Howe's fleet arrived in the lower -harbor, and the troops were landed on Staten Island.[748] - -The harbor of New York necessarily had more or less hydrographical -treatment in all the early plans. Before the outbreak of hostilities, -this may be seen, not only in the Des Barres series of maps, but in -the chart of 1764,[749] reproduced in Valentine's _Manual_ (1861, p. -597).[750] After the war began, we find several harbor maps worthy of -note.[751] - -During June came the plot for assassinating Washington in New -York.[752] Washington was discouraged with the progress of the -recruiting. "Washington and Mercer's camps recruit with amazing -slowness", wrote Jefferson from Philadelphia, July 20th.[753] Mercer -commanded the Flying Camp of militia from Pennsylvania, Delaware, and -Maryland, which were hovering between the British and Philadelphia.[754] - -Clinton's expeditionary force returned from Sullivan's Island Aug. 1st, -and the active campaign began when, three weeks later, Howe moved a -large part of his force across from Staten Island[755] to Gravesend, -on Long Island, Aug. 22d, Sir George Collier commanding the fleet -which covered the landing,[756] and the advance then began towards -the lines near Brooklyn which General Greene had had the charge of -constructing.[757] - -Respecting the orders antecedent to and during the battle, those -of Washington are in Force; but Johnston adds to them from the -orderly-books.[758] Washington's own account can be found in his -letters to Congress, to Gov. Trumbull, to the Mass. Assembly,[759] and -he probably dictated the letter of Col. Harrison, his secretary, to -Congress.[760] - -[Illustration: BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND, 1776. - -Sketched from a part of a MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, -called _Plan générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les -Rebelles_, etc. - -KEY: "A, Le camp du Général Howe sur Staten Island à l'arrivée du -général de Heister avec la 1re division des troupes Hessoises le 22 -d'Aoust, 1776. B, Le camp qu'on occupa sur Staten Island cette division -après du debarqué. C, L'endroit où les troupes debarquerent sur Long -Island. D, Camp du général Howe près de Gravesend. E, Camp du général -de Heister après la descente sur Long Island le 27 d'Aoust, 1776. F, -Marche de la colonne droite commandée par le général Clinton vers -Bedford dans la nuit du 26 au 27 Aoust. G, Marche de la colonne gauche, -commandée par le général Grant. H, Attaque de l'avant garde du général -Clinton du 27me Aoust. J, Où le général Clinton forma sa colonne pour -continuer l'attaque. K, Attaque du général Grant. L, Attaque du général -de Heister. M, Les lignes des enemis à Brooklin. N, Corps détachés de -l'enemis hors de ses lignes. O, Les redoutes de l'enemis à Readhook. Q, -Les redoutes à Gouverneur island." - -The lines (·—·—) represent roads. The blocks, half-black and -half-white, are the Americans; those divided diagonally are the -Hessians; the solid black are the British. - -A Hessian officer's map, obtained from Brunswick, and showing Ratzer's -topography, is given in fac-simile in Field's monograph (p. 310), and a -German map of Long Island is given in the _Geographische Belustigungen_ -(Leipzig, 1776). There is a somewhat coarse-colored map among the -Rochambeau maps (no. 25), measuring fifteen inches wide by eighteen -high, called _Attaque de l'armée des Provinciaux dans Long Island du 27 -Août, 1776_. _Publié, 1776._ A MS. "Plan of the Attack of the Rebels -on Long Island by an officer of the army" is among the Faden maps (no. -56) in the library of Congress. The map used in Stedman is re-engraved, -with additions, in Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., ii. 309.] - -[Illustration: LONG ISLAND, AUGUST, 27, 1776. - -Sketched from a large _Plan of the Battle of Long Island and of the -Brooklyn defences, Aug. 27, 1776, compiled by Henry P. Johnston_, -which accompanies his _Campaign of 1776_, and is based, as he says, on -Ratzer's map of Brooklyn (1767-68) and the United States coast survey. -Before daylight on the morning of the 27th, the British advance under -General Grant disturbed the American pickets at the Red Lion, which -is near the westerly angle of the present Greenwood Cemetery area, -marked on the plan with a dotted line. As the day wore on, the conflict -pressed between the British at P and Q and the Americans under Stirling -and Parsons at O and N,—Smallwood's Marylanders holding the extreme -right on the water, and Huntington's Connecticut regiment on the -extreme left. Johnston (p. 165) says Stirling's position was between -18th and 20th streets of the modern Brooklyn, and not as Sparks's map -places him, near the Narrows. Meanwhile, a British column at 9 o'clock -the previous evening had begun to move from Flatlands, and at 3 the -next morning captured an American patrol at B, and at 6 the British -column (marching in this order,—Clinton, Cornwallis, Percy, Howe) -neared the American advance under Miles at C, who retired; and at 9 -A. M. the British column was at Bedford and threw out a force to M, -which began to attack the American outposts of D (Miles), E (Wyley), -and F (Chester), forcing them to retire upon Sullivan, who commanded -the forces of Johnston (H), Hitchcock (J), and Little (G), with pickets -at K,—all within or near the present limits of Prospect Park, shown -by the dotted line. Threatened by the British flanking column as well -as by the Hessians in front, approaching from Flatbush under Heister -with the commands of Von Stirn (S), Von Mirbach (T), and Donop (U), -the Americans, after the capture of Sullivan himself, retreated as -best they could across the creek and got within the lines. The column -of the British advancing from Bedford threw out a force under Vaughan -towards L to menace Fort Putnam and that part of the American works, -while Cornwallis advancing towards R had a conflict there round the -Cortelyou house at 11.30 A. M. with Stirling, who was trying to check -this rear attack of the British, while such of his troops as could be -controlled retreated from N and O, and, passing the marsh, crossed -the creek (half a dozen or so being drowned), and reached dry land -near some redoubts within the American line of defence. The point A -represents the position of the present City Hall of Brooklyn. Stirling, -meanwhile, with Smallwood's Marylanders in danger of being crushed -between Cornwallis and Grant, and foiled in the attempt to reach Fort -Box, retreated towards Flatbush, but encountered in that direction Gen. -Heister's Hessians, and gave himself up to that officer. - -T. W. Field in his monograph, the _Battle of Long Island_, gives a -large plan showing the relations of the modern streets to the old -landmarks, and marking "the natural defensible line, as nearly as it -could be authenticated by documentary and traditionary evidence." -Field adds that "the routes of the British were generally over country -roads long since abandoned, and now covered with buildings; but their -localities were accurately surveyed by the author before their traces -were lost." Field also says (p. 145) that the American works were at -once levelled by the British, and new ones were erected on interior -lines. (Cf. G. W. Greene's _General Greene_, i. 159.) These latter -lines are shown, as well as the earlier American works, in a _Map of -Brooklyn at the time of the Revolution_, drawn by Gen. Jeremiah Johnson -(Valentine's _Manual_, 1858). A rude map by J. Ewing, made Sept., 1776, -is given in fac-simile in Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_ (Documents, p. -50) and in 2d ser. _Penna. Archives_, x. 194. Dr. Stiles made a rough -plan in his diary, which he based upon a map of the ground and upon the -information given him by one who was at Red Hook at the time. It is -given in fac-simile by Johnston (p. 70). - -The plan in Carrington's _Battles_ (p. 214) is extended enough to -illustrate the movements after the British occupation of New York; -that in H. R. Stiles's _Brooklyn_ (vol. i. 250) is an eclectic one, -made with care, and his text attempts to identify the position of the -lines and forts in relation to present landmarks. Gordon acknowledges -receiving from Greene a map improved by that general (_Hist. Mag._, -xiii. 25). - -There are other plans in Marshall's _Washington_ (large and small -atlas); Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 68, repeated in Duer's _Stirling_ -(p. 162); Guizot's _Washington_; Samuel Ward's lecture on the battle, -1839; J. T. Bailey's _Hist. Sketch of Brooklyn_ (Brooklyn, 1840); W. -L. Stone's _New York City_, p. 246; Henry Onderdonk, Jr.'s _Queens -County_, and _Suffolk and Kings Counties_; Ridpath's _United States_; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 806, 809, 810; Lowell's _Hessians_; -_Harper's Monthly_, Aug., 1876. Ratzer's map of Brooklyn is reproduced -in Stiles's _Brooklyn_ (i. 63), with a view of the same date (p. 217). -Cf. map in Valentine's _N. Y. Manual_ (1856). Cf. the bibliography -of Long Island in _Amer. Bibliopolist_, Oct., 1872, and in Furman's -_Antiquities of Long Island_, App.] - -Sullivan's letter is in effect a defence of himself,[761] and other -letters from participants and observers are preserved,[762] as well as -journals of actors on the field,[763] and other personal recitals,[764] -and narratives in the public press.[765] On the British side we have -Howe's despatch[766] of Sept. 3, with the comments and inquiry which -it elicited,[767] and the report and journals of Sir George Collier, -in command of the fleet.[768] In addition we have a number of personal -experiences and accounts of eye-witnesses,[769] as well as statements -from the German participants.[770] - -The circumstances of the battle and retreat have occasioned some -controversy, in which Bancroft has been criticised by the grandsons of -Gen. Greene[771] and Joseph Reed.[772] - -Respecting the armies on both sides and their losses, there is ground -for dispute. It is claimed that the British had about double the -numbers of the Americans, and the losses of killed and wounded were -about equal on both sides, though the Americans also lost heavily in -prisoners.[773] But on this point see the preceding chapter. - -Without enumerating at length the treatment of the general -histories,[774] and the biographies of participants,[775] the battle -of Long Island has had much special local[776] and monographic -treatment, particularly at the hands of Field, Johnston, Dawson, and -Carrington.[777] On the English side we have contemporary and later -examples of historical treatment.[778] It was the first substantial -victory for the royal arms, and had little of the disheartening -influence which the forcing of the redoubt at Bunker Hill had brought -with it. The effect was correspondingly inspiriting to the Tories in -America and to the government party in England.[779] - - * * * * * - -In transferring the scene across the river to New York, it is best -in the first place to trace the topography of the town and island by -the maps of the period, and to follow the cartographical records of -the military movements during the campaign, before classifying the -authorities. - -John Hill's large plan of New York, extending as far north as -Thirty-fourth Street, surveyed in 1782, and dedicated to Gov. George -Clinton, was drawn in 1785.[780] He marks all the works of the -Revolution,—coloring yellow those thrown up by the Americans in -1776; orange, those of the Americans which the British repaired; and -green, those later erected by the royal forces. Johnston's map[781] -adopts these yellow lines. Loosing (_Field-Book_, ii. 593, 799), in -describing the New York lines, differs somewhat from Hill's map. -Johnston controverts Jones and De Lancey (Jones's _New York during the -Revolutionary War_), who claim that the American lines were levelled by -the British; he also cites Smythe, who described them in March, 1777, -as was also done by Thomas Eddis in Aug., 1777,[782] and by Anburey -in 1781, and he depends on Hill's draft of them in 1782. Johnston (p. -36) also describes the appearance of the town at the opening of the -war.[783] Johnston (p. 194) claims that his eclectic map is the first -to give the entire island as it was in 1776. He followed the surveys -of Ratzer and Montresor as far north as Fiftieth Street, and from that -point to Kingsbridge he used the map of 1814, made by Randall for the -commissioners to lay out streets. The annexed sketch of Johnston's map -shows the fortifications surrounding the town of New York. - -[Illustration: PART OF RATZER'S SMALLER MAP OF NEW YORK CITY. - -The following key explains the figures: 1, Fort George; 2, Trinity -Church; 5, Old Dutch Church; 6, New Eng. Dutch Church; 8, Presbyterian -meeting; 10, French Church; 11, Lutheran Church; 13, Calvinist Church; -16, New Scots' meeting; 17, Quakers' meeting; 18, Jews' synagogue; -20, Free English School; 21, Secretary's office; 22, City Hall; 25, -Exchange; 26, Barracks; 27, Fish Market; 28, Old slip; 31, Oswego -Market. - -This is the best contemporary map on a large scale of the city of New -York. It is dedicated to Gov. Moore, and made after surveys by Lieut. -B. Ratzer in 1767. The whole map is given in Valentine's _Manual_, -1854; Dawson's _New York City during the Amer. Rev._ (1861); Jones's -_N. Y. during the Rev. War_, i. 388. There is an original in Harvard -College library. Cf. _Map Catal. Brit. Mus._, 1885, col. 2972. It was -reissued in 1776 and 1777. Cf. Lamb's _New York_, i. 757, 760. This -map of the town is a different one from Ratzer's map of the city and -vicinity, which has at the bottom a southwest view of the town. - -Thomas Kitchen, the English cartographer, published a map, after -Ratzer's surveys, of New York city and vicinity in the _London Mag._, -1778. It has been reproduced in Shannon's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1869, -and in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 549. - -_A Plan of the City of New York and its Environs_, "surveyed in the -winter of 1766", and dedicated to Gen. Gage by John Montresor, is given -in Jefferys' _General Topog. of North America and the West Indies_ -(London, 1768). Another form of it, purporting to be a later work, is -the large folding _Plan of the City of New York and its environs, ... -surveyed in the winter, 1775_, also dedicated to Gen. Gage by John -Montresor, and published in London. It has been reproduced in D. T. -Valentine's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1855, p. 482. It has a corner chart of -the bay from Hoboken to Sandy Hook. Cf. the _American Atlas_, nos. 20 -and 25. Montresor's plan was reproduced in Paris by Le Rouge in 1777. - -Major Holland, the British surveyor-general, made a plan of the city -of New York, which appeared separately and as a part of his _Map of -New York and New Jersey_ (1776). Cf. Valentine's _Manual_, 1863, p. -533, and the small plan of New York and vicinity, eight miles to an -inch, which is given in _New York City in the Revolution_ (1861). A -plan of part of the city made in 1771 is given in Valentine's _Manual_, -1856, p. 426. There are among the Rochambeau maps several plans of New -York and its environs, rather coarse and faded (nos. 26, 27, 28, 31). -Contemporary printed maps are in Gaine's _Universal Register_ (N. Y., -1776) and in the _Universal Mag._, 1776. - -A survey of the region of Turtle Bay in 1771 is given in Valentine's -_Manual_, 1860, p. 572, and a view at a later day in _Ibid._, 1858, -p. 600. A MS. plan of Fort George (New York) by Sauthier is among the -Faden maps (no. 95) in the library of Congress.] - -Howe was much criticised for his dilatoriness and his failure promptly -to use his fleet to get in the rear of Washington's army.[784] There -was a division of counsels among Washington's officers as to the -advisability of attempting to hold the city; but a decision to evacuate -finally prevailed.[785] Washington's army was gradually dwindling, -for Congress and the country had hardly reached a conception of the -necessity of long enlistments.[786] Finally on Sept. 15th the British -passed over from Long Island to Kip's Bay, and the Americans fled in -a panic;[787] and, with loss of many stores, Washington gathered his -forces within the Harlem lines. Johnston's draft of the works on Harlem -Heights follows Sauthier's plan. The site of the fight thereabouts is -west of Eighth Avenue and north of One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street -of the modern city. Johnston (p. 258) identifies the localities by the -present landmarks, and says (p.264) that "some of the works are well -preserved to-day" (1878). He also says that Randall, when he surveyed -the island in 1812, found the remains of the works agreeing with -Sauthier's drafts.[788] - -Sauthier's draft of the conflict at Harlem Plains is reproduced in -the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1880. Later plans of the locality, -drawn with reference to the landmarks of the battle, or interesting -for comparison, are the map of 1814 in Valentine's _Manual_ (1856) and -the large folding plan of the upper part of New York, with the modern -streets, upon which, in colors, is superposed a draft of this action. -This last is given, with an account of the fight, in Shannon's _N. Y. -City Manual_, 1868, p. 812.[789] We may note some of the principal -contemporary and later authorities on this action of Harlem Plains.[790] - -The origin of the fire of Sept. 21st, by which a considerable part of -New York was burned, has been a subject of dispute, the Tories charging -it upon the Americans;[791] but later authorities, English as well as -American, agree in not believing it the work of incendiaries. It is -known that Washington advocated the burning of the city if evacuation -became necessary, and Jones (i. p. 84) says committees of Congress had -agreed upon it, but that body certainly in the end directed Washington -to spare it (_Journals_, Sept. 3, 1776).[792] - -[Illustration: JOHNSTON'S NEW YORK ISLAND, 1776. - -A marks the position of Trinity Church; B, the City Hall Park; C, -the Mortier house, the American headquarters; D, Badlam's fort; E, -Spencer's fort; F, the redoubt on Jones's hill; G, Bayard Hill fort; H, -Hospital. Fort Stirling, in Brooklyn, is at K. The figures represent -the batteries and redoubts: 1, Grand battery; 2, Whitehall battery; -3, Waterbury's battery; 4, redoubts; 5, Grenadier battery; 6, Jersey -battery; 7, McDougal's battery; 8, Oyster (?) battery. The other marks -indicate the positions of barricades. - -When the British, leaving Newtown Creek, on Long Island, landed at -Kip's Bay, the shore batteries thereabouts were abandoned by the -Americans. Scott, at L, retreated by the broken line (— — —), and -crossed along Bowery Lane, the ground now covered by Union and Madison -squares (shown by the dotted oblongs). Wadsworth and Douglas retreated -from M and N respectively, back upon Parsons at P and Fellows at Q, -and all pursued the Bloomingdale road, just skirting the southwesterly -corner of the area now known as Central Park (the large dotted oblong -E E). Meanwhile, the garrison of the town lines, under Putnam and -Silliman, retreated by the road leading from Fort G towards Greenwich; -and near Bloomingdale the several columns joined and pursued their -march to the lines on the heights above Harlem. Parton (_Life of Burr_, -86) describes how Burr at this time led Knox's brigade successfully -away from Bunker Hill. Howe, who had advanced from Kip's Bay, dallied -at the Murray house at O, and so failed to intercept the fugitives. -Chester (R) and Sargeant (S) also deserted the works at Horn's Hook, -and, striking the Kingsbridge or post read, retreated through McGowan's -Pass at T. Thus all, by one road or another, got within the lines on -Harlem Heights. Farther on in the text this map will be again referred -to, for later movements. Cf. map in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. -491.] - -[Illustration: THE SAUTHIER-FADEN PLAN, 1776.] - -The movement of Howe, which now forced Washington off New York Island -and to a position at White Plains, is illustrated by a sketch of the -"Sauthier-Faden plan", herewith given, and which may be explained -by the annexed note[793] in connection with the special original -sources,[794] and later historians.[795] - -The reader may now revert to two outline maps already given, namely -_Johnston's New York Island_ and the _Sauthier-Faden plan_, in order to -follow the movements which led to the fall of Fort Washington, using -the annexed descriptive key;[796] but the outline of the original -sources of the fall of Fort Washington, as well as the later accounts, -are much the same as for the earlier events of the campaign.[797] - -[Illustration: FORT WASHINGTON AND DEPENDENCIES.] - -[Illustration: - -A part of the map made by Claude Joseph Sauthier in 1774, by order of -Gov. Tryon, and published by William Faden in London, Jan. 1, 1779, as -a _Chorographical Map of the Province of New York in North America, -Compiled from actual surveys deposited in the Patent Office at New -York_. This section is reproduced from a reduction made in 1849 by -David Vaughan, and published in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i., where -Tryon's report on the province in 1774 is printed. There is a copy of -the original in Harvard College library (portfolio 3520). It was the -basis of the map _Carte des troubles de l'Amérique, par ordre du Chev. -Tryon, par Sauthier et Ratzer, traduite de l'Anglais, à Paris, chez -Le Rouge_, 1778, which is included in the _Atlas Amériquain_, no. 15. -It was also followed in maps published at Augsburg in 1777, and at -Nuremberg, 1778. There is another _Special Karte von den Brittischen -Colonien in Nord America_, showing the New England and Middle colonies, -published in Christian Leiste's _Beschreibung des Brittischen Amerika -zur Ersparung der Englischen Karten_, Wolfenbüttel, 1778. An English -map with a Swedish title, _Krigs Theatre in America_, is found in the -_Beskrifning öfver de Engelska Colonierne i Nord America, 1776-1777_ -(Stockholm, 1777). Sauthier's surveys also appear in _A map of the -province of New York by Sauthier, to which is added New Jersey from -the topographical observations of Sauthier and Ratzer_, 1776. Cf. -also _A map of the provinces of New York and New Jersey ... from the -topographical observations of Sauthier_, Lotter, 1777 (_Brit. Mus. -Maps_, 1885, col. 3,666). - -Sauthier's drafts may be compared with _A map of the province of New -York with part of Pensilvania and New England from an actual survey by -Captain Montresor, engineer, 1775_, which was published in London, June -10, 1775, by A. Dury, making four sheets, and was republished "with -great improvements", April 1, 1777 (_Brit. Mus. Map Catal._, 1885, col. -2,969). It was reëngraved in Paris and published in 1777 by Le Rouge, -separately, and as nos. 13 and 14 of the _Atlas Amériquain_ in 1778. -Ithiel Town, in the preface of his _Particular services_, etc.,—now -a scarce book, as only seventy copies escaped a fire,—speaks of his -having obtained from a family near London maps of the American war, -mostly about Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, made by Montresor, -which were submitted to Marshall. There is a portrait and account of -Montresor in Scull's _Evelyns in America_, 251. - -Another important map is _The Provinces of New York and New Jersey with -part of Pensilvania and the province of Quebec, drawn by Major Holland, -Surveyor-General of the northern district in America, corrected and -improved from the original materials by Govern^r, Pownall, Member of -Parliament_. It was first published in London, June 15, 1775, and in a -second edition, in 1776, there were added to it marginal maps of Amboy -and the city and bay of New York. The _Brit. Mus. Map_, 1885, col. -2,969, shows the plates with different titles, dated 1775, 1776; also -Frankfort, 1777, and London, 1777. Cf. the map in Mills's _Boundaries -of Ontario_; the Evans map as reproduced by Jefferys, 1775 (see Vol. -V. p. 85); the map in the _American Atlas_, and that of the country -from the Chesapeake to the Connecticut, in the _Gent. Mag._, September, -1776.] - -The letters of Washington and Greene are still the main source -of information for the evacuation of Fort Lee, which at once -followed.[798] - -It may be well now to note some of the contemporary maps of the whole -campaign, as indicating the extent and character of the geographical -knowledge then current. The earliest of these is one which appeared -in the supplement (p. 607) of the _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1776, and -is called a _Map of the Progress of his Majesty's Armies_. Two of the -American household manuals, _Low's Almanac_ (1776) and _Isaac Warren's -Almanac_ (1777), had the same rude cut, a fac-simile of which, with the -key, is shown below. - -[Illustration: LOW'S ALMANAC, 1777. - -KEY: A, Gen. Washington's lines on New York Island; B, fort at Powles -Hook; C, Bunker Hill, near New York; D, the Sound; E, Kingsbridge; F, -Hell Gate; G, Fort Constitution [Washington]; H, Mount Washington; I, -Governor's Island.] - -A popular map (price one shilling) of _The Country twenty-five miles -round New York, drawn by a gentleman from that City_, was also -published in London, Jan. 1, 1777, by W. Hawkes, with a chronological -table of events from Dec. 16, 1773, to Oct. 18, 1776. - -Des Barres issued in London, Jan. 17, 1777, a large map, _Plan of the -operations of the army and fleet of Admiral and Lord Howe near New -York, 1776_,[799] and a more popular presentation of the same field was -made in the _Political Mag._, vol. ii. p. 657. The earliest attempt -at historical rendering, Capt. Hall's _History of the Civil War in -America_ (London, 1780), was accompanied by a map, a portion of which -is here given in fac-simile; and Gordon (ii. 310), a few years later, -gave an eclectic map, made in the main from American data.[800] - -[Illustration: NEW YORK AND VICINITY. - -(_Political Mag._)] - -[Illustration: CAMPAIGN OF 1776. (_Hall._) - -A, the landing of the British near Utrecht on Long Island, under cover -of the "Phœnix", "Rose", and "Greyhound", with the "Thunder" and -"Carcass" bombs, Aug. 22, 1776; B, pass at Flatbush and field of action -where the rebels were defeated, Aug. 27th; C, British and Hessian -encampment, Aug. 28th; D, encampments of the British army, Sept. 1st; -E, embarkation of the British troops at Newtown Inlet, and then landing -at New York Island, Sept. 15th; F, skirmish on Vanderwater's Height, -the rebels retiring, Sept. 16th; G, route of British in boats to Frog's -Neck, Oct. 12th; H, several corps of British troops in boats go to -Pell's Point, Oct. 18th; I, skirmish, rebels routed, Oct. 18th. Then -followed fighting at Mararo Neck (shown on the full map), the rebels -retreating, Oct. 21st; on the road to Kingsbridge, Oct. 23d; again -approaching White Plains, Oct. 28th; at Brunx's River, Oct. 28th; -followed Nov. 1st by the rebel evacuation of their intrenchments near -White Plains, and by Cornwallis's landing on the Jersey shore, Nov. -18th. Q, attack on Fort Washington, Nov. 16th; R, Fort Lee surprised, -Nov. 20th.] - -In giving detailed references for the several stages of the campaign, -the letters from and to Washington have been a source of the first -importance; and beside those given by Sparks in his printed works, -there are others registered in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxix.), the -_Heath Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xliv.), not to name less important -gatherings,[801] all of which form a general running commentary on -events of the summer's and autumn's campaign, which could be further -elucidated by the memoirs of Heath and Graydon, the lives of Reed and -Greene, and by various diaries on both sides.[802] - -[Illustration: CAMPAIGN ABOVE NEW YORK, 1776. - -A section of a large Hessian map in the library of Congress, _Plan -général des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, -etc. The lines (·—·—) represent roads. KEY: "3, Marche du général de -Heister et le camp qu'il occupa le 14^{me} Juin.—-S, Les batteries -faites à Remsen's Mill à Hell Gate. T, Lieu du rendezvous donné aux -troupes destinées à faire une descente sur York islande. U, Les -vaisseaux de guerre postes pour proteger cette descente. V, Descente -de l'armée sur York island. W, Position d'une partie de la première -division après la descente. Y, Redoutes de l'armée devant son camp. -Z, Où le général Howe, après avoir laissé le général Percy sur York -island, debarqua et campa avec le général de Heister le 12^{me} Oct., -1776.—_a_, Descente du général Clinton à Pell's point le 18 Oct. _b_, -Camp de l'armée depuis New Rochelle jusqu'à Pell's Point. _c_, Camp du -général de Knyphausen après son arrivée avec la 2^{de} division des -Troupes Hessoises le 23^{me} Oct. _d_, Marche de la colonne droite -sous les ordres du général Clinton. _e_, Celle de la colonne gauche -commandée par le général de Heister. _f_, Engagement du général de -Heister avec l'enemis aux environs de White Plains [apparently not on -the original map]. _g_, Position de l'enemis après sa retraite. _h_, -Position de l'armée. _i_, Position des généraux Clinton et Heister -à Dobbs' Ferry. _k_, Position de général Cornwallis à Courtland -House. _m_, Campement de toute l'armée après que pleusieurs regiments -laissés dans differents endroits par le général de Knyphausen l'eurent -rejoints. _n_, La colonne droite du général de Knyphausen sous les -ordres du Colonel Rall. _o_, Où le général Cornwallis se placa pour -soutenir l'attaque du Fort Washington. _p_, Corps commandé par le -général Matheu. _q_, Descente des troupes Angloises. _r_, Attaque du -général Sterling vis-a-vis de Morris House. _s_, Batteries faites pour -soutenir l'attaque. _t_, Batteries construites de l'autre coté du creek -d'Harlem. _u_, Le fort du Washington avec ses lignes de defences. _v_, -Attaque du général Percy." - -There is among the Rochambeau maps (no. 24), measuring about 16 inches -wide by 18 high, a map of the campaigns of 1776 and 1777, giving detail -with considerable precision, and accompanied by a good key.] - - -=II.= THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN, 1776-1777.—Gates had taken command -in Canada early in the summer of 1776, under instructions from -Washington;[803] but as his army fell back within the department which -had been assigned to Schuyler, questions of authority arose between -them.[804] - -The condition of the army during the summer is noted in Colonel -Trumbull's _Autobiography_ (p. 302), and in General Gates's returns of -September 22, 1776, in 5 _Force's American Archives_ (ii. 479).[805] - -There is a list of armed vessels on Lake Champlain in 1776 in _Letters -and Papers_, 1761-1776 (MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc.). Arnold received his -instructions from Gates.[806] - -Arnold's reports on the fight near Valcour's Island, Oct., 1776, are -dated Oct. 12 (to Gates) and Oct. 15 (to Schuyler).[807] - -Waterbury's account to Congress, Oct. 24, is in Dawson (i. p. 173) and -in _Hadden's Journal_ (App.). Gen. Maxwell gave no very flattering -account of Arnold's manœuvres in a letter from Ticonderoga, Oct. 20, in -Sedgwick's _Livingston_ (p. 209).[808] - -On the English side, Carleton's despatch, Oct. 14, and Capt. Pringle's, -are in Dawson (pp. 174, 175). The Hanau artillerist Pausch covers the -fight in his journal.[809] - -[Illustration: ARNOLD'S FIGHT. (_Sparks's copy._) - -KEY: A, schooner "Carleton." B, the "Royal Savage" on shore, and burnt -on the 11th of October. C, the "Inflexible." D, schooner "Maria." E, -gondola "Royal Convert. F, radeau Thunderer." G, Point au Sable is -forty-eight miles from Crown Point. H, The French vessels sunk here in -1759. - -The map of the action accompanying _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 23) is very -similar to the Sparks map; and a marginal note says that the gunboats -are from 30 to 36 feet long, and 10, 16, or 18 feet wide. Gen. Rogers -thinks Hadden's map is based on Brassier, whose amended plate is in -the _American Pocket Atlas_ (1776). Rogers objects to the view that -Arnold's retreat was round the north end of Valcour's Island (instead -of the route marked on the map), as has been maintained by Palmer in -his _Lake Champlain_, and by W. C. Watson in the _Amer. Hist. Record_ -(iii. 438, 501) and _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (June, 1881, vol. vi. p. -414).] - -The earliest plan of this naval action seems to have been added to the -then recently published plate of Lake Champlain, engraved after surveys -by William Brassier, by order of Amherst, in 1762,[810] which, with -Jackson's survey of Lake George, was published by Sayer and Bennett, -in London, Aug. 5, 1776. Some copies of the map with the same date -show the position of Arnold's fight of Oct. 11. The plate has been -altered at that point, and it is this section of the map which Lossing -copies in his _Field-Book_[811] (i. 163) and in his paper in _Harper's -Monthly_ (vol. xxiii. p. 726). The annexed sketch is based upon a plan -in the Sparks maps (Cornell University), kindly transmitted to the -editor by the librarian.[812] - - * * * * * - -In the winter of 1776-77, Burgoyne had submitted to the government -some "Thoughts for conducting the war from the side of Canada",—a -paper which, barring some important changes, became the scheme of the -summer's plans.[813] - -The stages of the preparation in Canada can be followed in _Force's -American Archives_; and references will be found in the _Index to MSS. -in the British Museum_ (particularly under "Canada" and "Burgoyne", in -those acquired 1854-1875).[814] - -The records of the Germans are mentioned in Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. -117), and in the sources indicated by Mr. Lowell in another chapter of -the present volume[815] - -In the spring of 1777 St. Clair was designated for the command at -Ticonderoga, the advanced post against the invasion of Burgoyne (_St. -Clair Papers_). The light-headed Sullivan thought it unfair that he -was not selected for the post (_Correspondence of the Rev._, i. 352). -The British onset was appalling. James Lovell, in March, wrote, "It -is plain that we must look forward for another summer's bloody work" -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1860, p. 9). Congress was emphasizing -the stories of British brutality (_Journals of Congress_, ii. 97). - -On May 22d Schuyler had been confirmed in his command of the Northern -department, and Gates had gone to Philadelphia to lay his grievances -before Congress (Lossing's _Schuyler_, ii.; Irving's _Washington_, -iii.). Burgoyne (Fonblanque, App. E) was talking to his Indians in -June, and two days later he made his famous proclamation to frighten or -allure the country people. Fonblanque (p. 23) is not unmindful of its -unworthy bombast, and Lecky (vi. 64) says it was "greatly and justly -blamed."[816] - -There will be occasion later to enumerate the maps illustrating the -successive stages and conflicts of the campaign; but it may be well -at this point to append in a note the principal maps of the entire -movement of the British army, which cover also the field of its actions -on both flanks.[817] - -The most important source respecting the siege and evacuation of -Ticonderoga is the _Proceedings of a General Court Martial, held at -Whiteplains, N. Y., for the trial of Maj.-Gen. St. Clair, Aug. 25, -1778_ (Philad., 1778).[818] It was reprinted in the _Collections_ of -the N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1880. It includes various letters of Schuyler -and St. Clair in June (pp. 14, 101, 121, etc.), the doings of the -council of war, July 5th, which decided upon a retreat (p. 33), and the -letters of St. Clair at Ticonderoga, and one to Hancock, July 14th, -from Fort Edward (p. 69, etc.). Three days later, July 17th, St. Clair -sent an account from Fort Edward to Washington, which, with the letter -of Schuyler, likewise to Washington, is in Sparks's _Corresp. of the -Rev._, i. 393, 400.[819] Much of this material is also included in the -published _St. Clair Papers_.[820] Sparks had earlier added copies of -some of the St. Clair papers to his Collection of Manuscripts.[821] - -On the English side, Burgoyne's letters are in Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ -(p. 248), _Gent. Mag._, Aug., 1777, and Dawson's _Battles_. Anburey's -_Travels_ (letter xxx.) throws some light. - -For the effect of the evacuation on the country, see _Journals of -Congress_, iv. 719; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 485, 488; _Diplomatic -Correspondence of the Amer. Rev._, i. 315. The apprehension felt in the -adjacent country is shown in letters of Ira Allen and others in the _N. -H. State Papers_, viii. 632, 633, 643, 644, 648, 651. - -We have some contemporary maps of Ticonderoga previous to and during -the siege. In August, 1776, Colonel John Trumbull made a plan which -is engraved in his _Autobiography_ (N. Y., 1841, p. 32),[822] and is -reproduced herewith.[823] The map used at the trial of St. Clair is -engraved in the _Proceedings_; and from a MS. copy made for Sparks, and -now at Cornell University, the annexed sketch (p. 353) is drawn. - -On the affair at Hubbardton, July 7th, the official accounts of St. -Clair (July 14th) and Burgoyne (July 11th) are given in Dawson's -_Battles_ (i. 224, 229, 231), and other contemporary accounts in the -_Vermont Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 168, etc.[824] - -In Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_ is a "plan of the action at -Huberton under Brig.-Gen. Fraser, supported by Maj.-Gen. Riedesel, on -the 7th July, 1777, drawn by P. Gerlach, engraved by Wm. Faden", and -published at London, Feb. 1, 1780.[825] Three days later, Burgoyne -(July 10) issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Vermont, and -Schuyler (July 13) made a counter proclamation.[826] - - * * * * * - -The chief sources of documentary evidence regarding the movements in -1777 around Fort Stanwix are _5 Force's Archives_ (vols. i., ii., -and iii.) and the Gansevoort Papers (copies in _Sparks MSS._, lx.), -including a letter of Arnold, August 22, 1777, dated at German Flats, -which Sparks has indorsed "evidently intended to be intercepted." On -the American side, we have further Colonel Willet's letter[827] to -Trumbull, Aug. 11th, in Dawson (i. 248); the account in the _Penna. -Evening Post_, given in Moore's _Diary_ (i. 477); Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ -(pp. 204, 212); the _Journals of the New York Provincial Congress_ -(vol. i.); and Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (ii. 578). Gordon gives -some details from eye-witnesses, mainly through reports made to him -by the Rev. Samuel Kirkland. Dwight picked up anecdotes about the -battlefield in 1799, which he prints in his _Travels_ (vol. iii.). -The best eclectic accounts are those by William L. Stone, father and -son,—the elder giving us his _Life of Brant_ (i. ch. 10 and 11), and -the younger, his _Orderly-book of Sir John Johnson during the Oriskany -campaign, 1776-1777, annotated by William L. Stone. With an historical -introduction illustrating the life of Sir John Johnson, by J. Watts -De Peyster. And some tracings from the footprints of the tories or -loyalists in America contributed by Theodorus Bailey Myers_ (Albany, -1882), being no. 11 of Munsell's historical series.[828] The younger -Stone's labors took a wider range in that portion of his _Campaign of -Lieutenant-Gen. John Burgoyne_ which is given to the expedition of St. -Leger, though he followed in the main his father's _Life of Brant_. In -the _Orderly-book_, just mentioned, however he modified some of his -views. - -There is rather too much of patriotic fervor for a discriminating -analysis in a monograph, _The Battle of Oriskany, its place in History, -an address at the Centennial Celebration, Aug. 6, 1877, by Ellis H. -Roberts_ (Utica, 1877), but it is in most respects valuable and a -convenient gathering of information, not otherwise found without much -trouble, and is well fortified with notes.[829] - -The principal English source is the account by St. Leger.[830] - -To illustrate the movements near Fort Schuyler or Stanwix, we have -the plan made by Fleury in Sept., 1777, which is engraved in Stone's -_Life of Brant_, i. p. 230,—the essential portion of which is given -herewith.[831] - -[Illustration: TICONDEROGA AND ITS DEPENDENCIES. AUGUST, 1776. J. T. -(_Trumbull's Plan._)] - -[Illustration: TICONDEROGA, 1777. (_Sketched from the St. Clair trial -map._) - -KEY: A, old fort in very bad condition, wanting repair; could not -be defended with less than 500 men. B, stone redoubt; about 200 men -would defend it; overlooketh the line Y, opposite the Lake, in Fort -Independence. C, block-house for 100 men. D, French redoubt upon the -low ground for about 200 men, commanded by the opposite side. E, new -breastwork for 200 men. F, new fleche for 100 men. G, new redoubt for -150 men. H, new redoubt for 100 men. I, redoubt upon the low ground -for 250 men, commanded by the opposite side. K, Jersey redoubt upon -the low ground for 300 men, commanded by the opposite side. L, redoubt -upon the low ground for 100 men. M, redoubt upon the low ground for -100 men. N, French lines upon the high ground; overlooks all the works -on Ticonderoga side; for 2,000 men and not less, considering the -great length and importance of the place. O, P, Q, R, new works in -addition to the French lines. S, high ground occupied by the enemy, -and overlooks the French lines. T, Mount Hope; overlooks ground, S, -occupied by the enemy. U, block-house burnt by the enemy. VV, high -hill; overlooks Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. X, the bridge [and -boom]. Y, line upon the low ground, commanded by the opposite side (B), -for 800 men. Z, barbet battery. - -1, sloops. 2, line only marked upon the ground. 3, picket-fort for -600 men. 4, block-house for 100 men. 5, 6, line with three new-made -batteries for 1,500 men and not less. 7, block-house for 100 men. 8, -battery made by the enemy. 9, road made by the enemy to cut off the -communication from Mount Independence to Skenesborough. - -The drawn plan in _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 83) speaks of the lines -protecting Fort Independence on the land side as being made "of logs -thrown up but not completed", from which a "path for cattle" led to -Hubbardton. Mount Defiance is called "Sugar Loaf Hill." The English -are represented as landing at the point marked "Camp", and the Germans -on the opposite shore. Gen. Phillips took the position on Mount Hope. -Lossing (_Field-Book_, i. 131) gives a view from the top of Mount -Defiance. A description of the fortifications about Ticonderoga, from -Riedesel's _Memoirs_, is in Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. 434).] - -The position of the ground as shown by Fleury can be compared with -that of a _Topographical map of the country between the Mohawk River -and Wood Creek, from an actual survey taken in Nov., 1758_, which is -engraved from the original MS. (in the N. Y. State library) in the -_Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (quarto ed. iv. p. 324), where will also be found -(p. 327) a detailed plan of Fort Stanwix, as erected in 1758 (see Vol. -V., p. 528).[832] - - * * * * * - -Respecting the action (Aug. 16th) at Bennington, General Lincoln sent -the first accounts to Schuyler, who transmitted them to Washington -(Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 425). Stark's letter to Gates, of -Aug. 22d, is in Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (p. 209); _Vermont Hist. Coll._ -(i. 206); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. 260). His letter of the same day to -the Council of New Hampshire is in the _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 670. -The papers of Stark were used by Sparks in copies in the _Sparks MSS._ -(no. xxxix.).[833] - -There is in the Gates Papers (copies in _Sparks MSS._, xx.) an "account -of the enemy's loss in the late action of the 16th Aug., 1777, near -Bennington",—amounting to 991 killed, wounded, and prisoners; -Hessians, Canadians, and Tories. American loss, killed, between twenty -and thirty; wounded, not known.[834] - -Burgoyne's original instructions to Baum are in the cabinet of the -Mass. Hist. Soc.,[835] and are printed in their _Collections_ (vol. -ii.).[836] - -Letters of Baum and Burgoyne, Riedesel's report to the Duke of -Brunswick, Breymann's report[837] to Burgoyne, and Burgoyne's reports -to Germain, are in the _Documents in relation to the part taken by -Vermont in resisting the invasion of Burgoyne_ (_Vt. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -vol. i. pp. 198, 223, 225); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. 261-264); Eelking's -_Riedesel_ (iii. 184, 210, 261). A long account by Glick, a German -officer, is also in the _Vt. Hist. Coll._ (i. 211). On the jealousy of -the British and Hessians, see a letter by Hagan in the _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._ (1864, p. 33).[838] An account "by a gentleman who -was present" is copied from the _Penna. Evening Post_, Sept. 4th, in -Moore's _Diary of the Rev._ (p. 479). A narrative by the Rev. Mr. -Allen in the _Connecticut Courant_, Aug. 25th, is copied in Smith's -_Pittsfield, Mass._[839] - -[Illustration: FORT STANWIX OR SCHUYLER. - -KEY: A, Fort Schuyler. B, Flagstaff, 3 guns. C, Northwest, 4 guns. -D, Northeast, 3 guns. E, Southeast, 4 guns. F, Powder magazine. G, -Laboratory. H, Barracks. I, Hornwork begun. J, Drawbridge. K, Covered -way. L, Glacis. M, Sally-port. N, Commandant's quarters. O, Willett's -attack. The following are British batteries, etc. 1, three guns. 2, -four mortars. 3, three guns. 4, redoubts to cover the batteries. 5, -lines of approaches. 6, British encampment. 7, Loyalists. 8, Indians. -9, ruins of Fort Newport. There is a copy of the map made for Mr. -Sparks among the Sparks Maps at Cornell University.] - -The local aspects of the fight are touched upon in Hall's and other -histories of Vermont,[840] and the general authorities necessarily -enlarge more or less upon it, as an episode.[841] At the first -anniversary of the Bennington fight, in 1778, a speech was made by Noah -Smith, which was printed at Hartford in 1779, and is reprinted in the -_Vermont Hist. Coll._ (i. p. 251). On Oct. 20, 1848, James D. Butler -gave an address before the Legislature of Vermont, which "contained -original testimonies of witnesses now long dead, and notes from papers -since burned in the Vermont State House." When printed at Burlington, -in 1849, it was accompanied by an address by George Frederick Houghton -on the life and services of Col. Seth Warner.[842] The centennial -observances of 1877 produced several memorials.[843] - -Gen. Carrington (_Battles_, p. 334) gives one of the best plans of -the Bennington fight. There is among the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxviii.) -a sketch map, with this indorsement by Mr. Sparks: "Drawn by Mr. -Hiland Hall, Bennington, Oct. 13, 1826. Very accurate. Ground examined -by myself at the time." It shows the Walloomsack River (a branch of -the Hoosick River) with the skirting road to Bennington, three times -crossing the river. On this road, going up stream, are marked (in -order) the beginning of the second action, the hill where the stand was -attempted, the places where Breyman was met by Warner, where the cannon -were posted in the first battle, and the line of Stark's advance. - -In Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_ is a plan called "Position of -the Detachment under Lieut.-Col. Baum, at Walmscook, near Bennington, -shewing the attacks of the enemy on the 16th of August, 1777, drawn by -Lieut. Durnford, engineer; engraved by Wm. Faden", and published at -London, Feb. 1, 1780.[844] - - * * * * * - -Meanwhile Schuyler was gathering an army as best he could. In July -he wrote to Heath that its spirits were recovering (_Heath Papers_, -i. 300). The militia were called out early in August to assist him -(_Journals of Congress_, ii. 214). W. L. Stone tells the story of Moses -Harris, his faithful spy, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (ii. 414). The -discontent with Schuyler on the part of the politicians was beginning -to be shaped to party measures, and led to his being superseded in -August by Gates, while a battle was imminent, as Schuyler thought.[845] - -Bancroft (vol. ix.) does not hold Schuyler free from the responsibility -of the ill success of the campaign up to this time; but he is -controverted by G. W. Schuyler in his _Correspondence and Remarks -upon Bancroft's History of the Northern Campaign_; by Lossing in his -_Schuyler_; and by J. W. De Peyster in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ -(February, 1877, vol. i. 134).[846] - -Burgoyne meanwhile (August 26) was writing to Germain that the campaign -was looking badly, and the loyalists not as helpful as he hoped. The -conflict which Schuyler thought impending took place September 19, and -is variously known as the battle of Freeman's Farm, or Stillwater, or -the first battle of Bemis's Heights. Gates had already appealed to -the Green Mountain boys for assistance, as the records of the Vermont -Council of Safety show (Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, 1870, no. 693). Gen. -Glover's letters to James Warren during Aug. and Sept. are in the -_Sparks MSS._ (no. xlvii.) and in Upham's _Glover_, and his account -of the battle of the 19th is in _Essex Institute Hist. Coll._ (v. no. -3). Col. Varick's letter to Schuyler is in the _Sparks MSS._, lxvi. -Wilkinson gives the best account of any participant (i. ch. 6), and his -letter of Sept. 20 is in Dawson (i. 301). Gates's letter to Congress, -Sept. 22, is also in Dawson (i. 301). Gordon gives the American -loss.[847] - -The question of Arnold's participancy in the battle of the 19th, while -the left wing—his own command—was engaged, has been the subject of -controversy.[848] - -The attempt of an American force to cut Burgoyne's line of -communications by the lakes is described in the "Fight at Diamond -Island", Sept. 24, by De Costa, who gives the official report of Col. -Brown (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872, p. 147). These evidences -come mainly from the Gates Papers, and are recapitulated in Stone's -_Campaign of Burgoyne_ (App. 10). - -Respecting the action of Oct. 7, the earliest official accounts are -in Glover's letter of Oct. 9, and in Gates's to Congress, of Oct. -18,—both of which are reprinted by Dawson (i. 302, 303). James -Wilkinson's letter of Oct. 9 is in the New York Archives, with various -other letters of the campaign (_Sparks MSS._, no. xxix.). A letter of -Oliver Wolcott from Bemis's Heights is in the _Trumbull MSS._ (vol. -vii.). The lives of Arnold (by I. N. Arnold, ch. 10, etc.) indicate his -important influence on the field, where he was wounded.[849] - -On the action of Col. Brooks in the field see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ -(vii. 478). There is an account by Samuel Woodruff, an eye-witness, in -the appendix of _An account of Burgoyne's Campaign and the memorable -battles of Bemis's Heights, Sept. 19th, and October 7th, 1777, from -the most authentic resources of information, including many incidents -connected with the same_, by Charles Neilson (Albany, 1844).[850] - -The story of Major Acland and Lady Acland has long been one of the -romantic episodes of the campaign. The family account is given by W. L. -Stone in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ 1877 (iv. 50), and Jan., 1880, and -in _Lippincott's Mag._, Oct., 1879.[851] - -The various stages of the negotiations which resulted in what is -known as the "Convention" can be followed in the documents given in -Fonblanque (p. 306); Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (pp. 304, 306, 317); Dawson -(i. 303); Stedman's _Amer. War_; Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. -102); and O'Callaghan's _Orderly-Book of Burgoyne_. The original -definitive articles are in the N. Y. Hist. Soc., and fac-similes of the -signatures are in Lossing's _Field-Book_ (i. 79).[852] - -Wilkinson carried the news of the surrender to Congress (Wilkinson's -_Memoirs_; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 494). Gates describes his own -success to his wife (Moore's _Diary_, 511). Chaplain Smith gives some -details of the meeting of Gates and Burgoyne (_Chaplain Smith and the -Baptists_, p. 222). There are reminiscences in Surgeon Meyrick's letter -in Trumbull's _Autobiography_ (p. 301), and papers in _Pennsylvania -Archives_ (vol. v.). Recollections of Gen. Ebenezer Mattoon, an actor -in the scene as written out in 1835, are in the Appendix (no. 13) of -Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. The comment of Wm. Whipple is in _N. H. -State Papers_, viii. 707. Burgoyne's letter from Albany, Oct. 20, to -Germain is in his _State of the Expedition_.[853] - -De Lancey (App. p. 674, to Jones's _New York during the Rev._) collates -the authorities on the strength of the respective armies. Gates's -returns of his army (11,098) are in the Gates MSS. Burgoyne, in his -_State of the Expedition_, gives Gates's returns as 18,624,—the -difference may be the number of sick and furloughed men. Burgoyne -praised Gates's men after he had seen them (Fonblanque, 316). The -numbers of Burgoyne's army are given in Appendix D in Fonblanque. -The question is also examined in the App. of Stone's _Campaign of -Burgoyne_. Gordon (_Amer. Rev._, ii. 578) gives the number surrendered -at 5,791; but there is a great difference in the estimates. Alexander -Scammell makes it 10,611 in _Letters and Papers, 1777-80_ (Mass. Hist. -Soc. Cabinet). In the Stark MSS. is a table of Burgoyne's losses -(14,000), covering the whole campaign, and put into verse (_Sparks -MSS._, xxxix.).[854] - -Respecting the campaign as a whole, the best contemporary accounts on -the American side are found in the official correspondence as embraced -in Sparks's _Washington_ (iv. 486, etc.) and _Correspondence of the -Revolution_ (vol. ii., App.), and in the letters of the commanding -generals.[855] - -Various important letters are put in evidence in the _Proceedings of -the general court martial for the trial of Maj.-Gen. Schuyler, Oct. 1, -1778_ (Philad., 1778).[856] - -An account of Alexander Bryan, Gates's chief scout, is in the App. of -Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. - -There are among the copies of the Lincoln Papers in the _Sparks MSS._ -(xii.) various letters, etc., respecting the campaign against Burgoyne. -The earliest is one from Gen. Schuyler to Lincoln, dated at Saratoga, -July 31, 1777, and the last is one from Lincoln to Gov. Clinton, -Oct. 5, 1777, expressing anxiety lest Putnam should not be able to -resist Gen. Clinton, to whom Burgoyne in his straits was looking for -relief.[857] At a later day Lincoln wrote a long letter from Boston, -Feb. 5, 1781, to John Laurens, recounting his part in this campaign -from the time of Gates's taking command to the date of Lincoln's being -wounded, Oct. 8th (Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. 533). - -Various letters of Henry Brockholst Livingston during the Northern -campaign of 1777 (June-Aug.), only parts of which are printed in -Sedgwick's _Livingston_, are among the papers of Gov. William -Livingston, which, when Sparks made his copies in 1832 (_Sparks MSS._, -lii., vol. iii.) were in the possession of Theodore Sedgwick, Jr. Other -letters will be found in the _Trumbull MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.)[858] - -The campaign of Burgoyne has necessarily made part of the labors of the -general historians. Gordon and Ramsay were among the earliest, on the -American, and Stedman (i. ch. 16) on the English side. Of the later -writers, Bancroft gives it three chapters (21, 22, 24) in his original -edition, and four in his final revision[859] (10, 11, 12, 13). Lowell -finds it an important section of his history of the German auxiliaries -(_Hessians_, p. 221, etc.). The lives of principal participants, like -Arnold, Lincoln, Gates, and Schuyler on the American side, cover it. - -A recent life of Morgan, _The Hero of Cowpens_, by Rebecca McConkey -(N. Y., 1881), would claim for the Virginian the praise which is -usually given to Arnold. The general surveys of Marshall (iii. ch. 5) -and Irving (iii. ch. 9-22) brought it within the scope of their lives -of Washington; and J. C. Hamilton's _Republic of the United States_ -includes it. Local aspects are treated in Dunlap's _New York_; Holden's -_Queensbury_ (p. 433); Hollister's _Connecticut_; Hinman's _Connecticut -during the Revolution_ (p. 112); and Mrs. Bonney's _Historical -Gleanings_ (i. 58). Robin's _New Travels_ (letter 12) gives the current -accounts prevailing a little later. - -The earliest considerable monographic narrative was Charles Neilson's -_Original, Compiled and Corrected Account of Burgoyne's Campaign, and -the Memorable Battle of Bemis's Heights, September 19, and October 7, -1777, from the most Authentic Sources of Information_, etc. (Albany, -1844). - -The most devoted chronicler of the campaign, however, is the younger -William L. Stone (b. 1835), who published _Reminiscences of Saratoga -and Ballston_ in 1875, an article on "Burgoyne in a new light" in _The -Galaxy_ (v. 78), and one on the campaign in _Harper's Monthly_ in 1877 -(vol. lv. p. 673), and in the same year the most important work on the -subject yet produced, _The Campaign of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne -and the Expedition of Lieutenant-Colonel Barry St. Leger_, which draws -from every important help to the study of the military movements which -had been so far brought to light. In the next year (1878), Mr. Stone -prepared the _Memoir of the Centennial Celebration of Burgoyne's -Surrender, Schuylerville, Oct. 17, 1875_. It included an historical -address by Mr. Stone himself, others by Horatio Seymour and George -William Curtis.[860] - -The English later writers have been in the main fair in their -statements. Mahon (vi. 191), while praising the army of Gates, denies -him the merit of its successful conduct, giving it essentially to -Stark and Arnold. The American student finds little to question in -the unusually impartial narrative embodied in Edward Barrington De -Fonblanque's _Political and Military episodes in the latter half of the -Eighteenth Century, derived from the life and Correspondence of John -Burgoyne_ (London, 1776).[861] - -On the German side the main sources are Max von Eelking's _Die -Deutschen Hülfstruppen im nord-amerikanischen Befreiungskriege, -1776-1783_ (Hannover, 1863,—2 vols.), who gives chapters 7 and -8 to this campaign; the same writer's _Leben und Wirken des -Herzoglich-Braunschweig'schen_ _General-lieutenants Friedrich Adolph -von Riedesel_ (Leipzig, 1856,—3 vols.) and _Generalin von Riedesel's -Berufs-Reise nach Amerika_ (Berlin, 1801), both of which Riedesel -memoirs have been translated by W. L. Stone.[862] - -The succession of battles and movements preceding the final surrender -of Burgoyne have been well mapped.[863] - - * * * * * - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—The main British map of the attack of Clinton and Montgomery -(Oct. 6, 1777) is one made by John Hills, and published in London by -Faden, Jan., 1784, a portion of which, showing the detail, is annexed. -The same map is used by Stedman (i. 362), and there is a reduction in -the _Catal. of Hist. MSS. rel. to the War of the Rev._ (Albany, 1868, -ii. 298), and in the illus. ed. of Irving's _Washington_, iii. 244. -Cf. also the maps in Sparks's _Washington_ (v. 92); _Harper's Mag._, -lii. 648; and in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 166. Original MS. drafts, -showing the attack on the forts, made by Holland, by the Hessian -Wangenheim, and by others, are among the Faden maps (nos. 70-73) in -the library of Congress. Holland's surveys were followed in the plans -of Montgomery and Clinton (1777) by Lieut. John Knight, of the Royal -Navy.] - -Respecting the diversion of Clinton in Burgoyne's favor, the letters of -Putnam, whose business it was to hold the passes of the Hudson against -the British, are in Sparks's _Washington_ (v. App. p. 471), and in his -_Correspondence of the Revolution_ (i. 438; ii. App. 536, etc.), and in -the _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts_, no. 46.[864] Dawson, beside -the despatch of Putnam to Washington on the capture, gives also George -Clinton's to Washington (i. 341, 342).[865] Contemporary American -accounts of the capture and of the burning of Kingston are in Moore's -_Diary_ (p. 506, 510); and a narrative, by G. W. Pratt, of the Kingston -episode is in the _Ulster Hist. Soc. Coll._ (i. 107). - -[Illustration] - -On the British side, Sir Henry Clinton's despatches are in _Almon's -Remembrancer_ (vol. v.), and that to Howe of Oct. 9th is in Dawson (i. -344), with one from Commodore Hotham to Howe (p. 346).[866] - -The maps of the Hudson already enumerated are of use in the study of -this movement.[867] Plans of intended works (1776) and obstructions in -the river near Fort Montgomery are given in the _Calendar of Historical -MSS. relating to the War of the Rev._ (Albany, 1868, vol. i. 474, -616),[868] and a MS. plan of William A. Patterson, first lieutenant, -15th reg., April 22, 1776, is in the _Heath MSS._, i. 246 (Mass. Hist. -Soc.). - -The correspondence of the committee of Congress with the commissioners -in France, regarding the effect of the surrender of Burgoyne, is in -_Diplomatic Correspondence_ (i. 338, 355). Cf. Stuart's _Jonathan -Trumbull_. Jonathan Loring Austin, dispatched by the Massachusetts -authorities, carried the first intelligence to France.[869] Schulenberg -wrote to the commissioners from Berlin (_Diplom. Corresp._, ii. 120), -and Izard replied (_Ibid._, ii. 370).[870] - -Burgoyne sailed from Rhode Island for England in April, 1778.[871] On -arriving, he had an early interview with Lord George Germain, but the -king refused to see him. He appeared in Parliament,[872] where he had -earlier been a firm but not bellicose upholder of the government,[873] -on May 21st, and on the 26th and 28th made speeches in his own defence, -which were published in London, June 16, 1778, as _The substance of -General Burgoyne's speeches, ... with an appendix containing Gen. -Washington's letter to Gen. Burgoyne_.[874] - -The king, piqued at finding Burgoyne on the side of the opposition in -Parliament, ordered him to return to his imprisoned troops, and, rather -than go, the general resigned his civil and military offices, and -printed an explanation in _A letter from Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to -his constituents, with the correspondence between the secretaries of -war and him, relative to his return to America_ (London, 1779).[875] - -[Illustration: ATTACK ON CLINTON AND MONTGOMERY. - -After the plan in Leake's _Life of Lamb_, p. 176. The legend in -northwest corner of the map reads by error "Halt of the _right_ -[should be _left_] column." Other eclectic maps are given in Sparks's -_Washington_, v. 92; in Boynton's _West Point_; and in Carrington's -_Battles_, p. 362.] - -Lord George Germain, or, as some have thought, Sir John Dalrymple, -published a _Reply to Lieutenant-General Burgoyne's letter to his -constituents_[876] (London, 1779), pronouncing it a libel upon the -king's government, and this was seconded by an anonymous _Letter to -Lieutenant-General Burgoyne on his letter to his constituents_ (London, -1779).[877] - -The further controversy over Burgoyne's failure includes the following -publications:— - -_A brief examination of the plan and conduct of the Northern expedition -in America in 1777, and of the surrender of the army under the command -of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne_ (London, 1779),—a severe attack.[878] - -_An Enquiry into and remarks upon the Conduct of Lieutenant-General -Burgoyne; the plan of operations for the campaign of 1777; the -instructions from the Secretary of State, and the circumstances that -led to the loss of the northern army_ (London, 1780).[879] - -_Essay on modern martyrs, with a letter to General Burgoyne_ (London, -1780),[880]—charging him with being the personal cause of his own -misfortunes. - -In addition, there were some publications reviewing the conduct of -Howe's as well as Burgoyne's campaigns in 1777, which will be noticed -in another place. - -Burgoyne's main defence against all these charges appeared in his -_A State of the Expedition from Canada as laid before the House of -Commons, with a collection of Authentic Documents, and an addition -of many circumstances which were prevented from appearing before -the House by the Prorogation of Parliament, written and collated by -himself, with plans_ (London, 1780).[881] In his introduction Burgoyne -says, that, being denied a professional examination of his conduct, -and disappointed in a parliamentary one, he was induced to make this -publication.[882] - -This publication was followed by _A Supplement to the State of the -Expedition from Canada, containing Gen. Burgoyne's Orders respecting -the Principal Movements and Operations of the Army to the Raising of -the Siege of Ticonderoga_ (London, 1780).[883] - -Burgoyne was attacked in return in the following: _Remarks on General -Burgoyne's State of the Expedition from Canada_ (London, 1780),[884] -being a defence of the ministry, and holding that Burgoyne had -forfeited all claims to pity. _A letter to Lieutenant-General Burgoyne -occasioned by a second edition of his State of the Expedition, etc._ -(London, 1780).[885] Fonblanque (ch. viii.) portrays the effect in -England of the parliamentary inquiry. Cf. Macknight's _Burke_ (ch. 30). -The Rev. Samuel Peters' reply to Burgoyne in the Appendix of Jones's -_New York during the Revolutionary War_ (vol. i. p. 683). - -The _Centennial Celebrations of the State of New York_ (Albany, 1879) -gives the addresses of that period, by M. I. Townshend and John A. -Stevens.[886] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DELAWARE.—PHILADELPHIA UNDER HOWE AND UNDER -ARNOLD. - -BY FREDERICK D. STONE, - -_Librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania._ - - -"THESE are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the -sunshine patriot will in this crisis shrink from the service of his -country, but he that stands it now deserves the love and thanks of man -and woman." - -So wrote Thomas Paine, December 19, 1776. The preceding month had been -fraught with adversity. The loss of Fort Washington on the 16th of -November had rendered Fort Lee useless, as with it alone the passage -of the river could not be obstructed. Its evacuation was immediately -ordered, and the ammunition and some of the guns were removed. Before -all could be taken away, however, the fort became the object of -the enemy's attention. On the night of the 19th, two columns under -Cornwallis, composed of British and Germans, with a detachment from -the fleet, in all about six thousand men, crossed the river and landed -at Closter dock, seven miles above Fort Lee, then commanded by General -Greene. The night was stormy, and the movement escaped the notice of -Greene's sentries. By morning the sailors had dragged the artillery -to the top of the Palisades, and everything was ready for an advance -upon the fort. Greene was informed of the landing of Cornwallis, and -immediately took steps to secure a retreat for his command, then -numbering about three thousand men. Word was sent to Washington, who -was at the village of Hackensack with the troops which he had brought -with him from White Plains. In three quarters of an hour the commanding -general was at Greene's side. Seeing that the fort was not tenable, -he ordered a retreat. No time was to be lost; and leaving the tents -standing, the kettles over the fires, and such stores as could not be -removed, the troops were hurried towards the advancing enemy with such -speed that they gained the road leading to the only bridge over the -Hackensack before Cornwallis could intercept them. - -The situation of the Americans was now more precarious than it had -been at Fort Lee. They were in danger of being shut in between the -Hackensack and Passaic rivers; they were in a perfectly flat country, -without intrenching tools or camp equipage; their right flank could be -turned and their line of retreat threatened if the British should land -a force at the head of Newark Bay or at Amboy. Washington's forces were -greatly reduced by reverses and by desertions. Nearly all that were -left were militia of the flying camp, called out for an emergency, and -impatient to return home, as their time of service had nearly expired. -Small as his numbers were, Washington was obliged to post some at Amboy -and others at Brunswick, to protect his flanks. As those remaining -were insufficient to hinder the advance of the enemy in his front, he -ordered Lee, whom he had left in command on the east of the Hudson, to -cross that river and join him, and, with hardly three thousand men, -Washington began his retreat through the Jerseys. - -On the 21st he was at Aquacknoc Bridge on the Passaic, and by the -23d at Newark. On the 28th he left Newark, the advance-guard of the -British entering the town as his rear-guard quitted it, and the next -day he arrived at Brunswick. Here an attempt would have been made to -prevent the enemy crossing the Raritan, but the stream was fordable in -a number of places. As the British approached, the Jersey and Maryland -brigades, whose terms of service expired that day, refused to stay an -hour longer, and as the British crossed the river the line of march -was again taken up for Trenton. This point was reached on the 2d of -December, two brigades having been left at Princeton, under Stirling, -to watch the enemy. - -Having seen his stores and baggage safely over the Delaware, and being -reinforced by about twelve hundred militia from the neighborhood of -Philadelphia, Washington faced about on the 6th, with such men as were -fit for service, and set out to join Stirling at Princeton. - -It had not been the intention of Howe, when he ordered Cornwallis over -the Hudson, to do more than take possession of and hold East Jersey, -and Cornwallis's orders did not permit him to go beyond Brunswick. But -the slight opposition which Washington was able to offer to the British -advance excited in Howe the hopes of capturing Philadelphia, and he -joined Cornwallis in person at Brunswick. After a short halt, he pushed -on towards Stirling at Princeton, and before Washington could reach -that general Stirling was in full retreat, to avoid being intercepted. -A retrograde movement was ordered, and by the 8th the American army was -on the west bank of the Delaware. The advance of Cornwallis's column -reached the river before the rear-guard of the Americans had landed -on the Pennsylvania side; but as Washington had secured all the boats -for a considerable distance above and below Trenton, his position -was comparatively a safe one. Here for a time he rested his men, and -urged upon Congress the necessity of raising additional troops, and -the importance of preparing for the defence of Philadelphia, as the -military stores were in that city. - -In his retreat through the Jerseys, Washington was greatly embarrassed -by the conduct of General Charles Lee. The instructions he had given -Lee on the 17th of November to join him may have been discretionary, -but the language and frequency of his orders left no doubt of the -expectations of the commander-in-chief. But Lee chose to read the -orders in the light of his wishes. On the east of the Hudson he -had an independent command, which he purposed to retain as long as -he could. Schemes and suggestions that should have had no weight -were allowed to delay his passage over the river until December -2d, and then his advance was slow and hesitating. The prospect of -receiving reinforcements from the Northern army, which would make his -command equal to that of Washington, strengthened his wish to act -independently. He proposed, as soon as the troops from the north should -join him, to attack the rear of the enemy. While this plan may not -have been devoid of military judgment, it is doubtful if it would have -had more than a temporary effect on Howe's movements, while it would -have deprived Washington of the reinforcements he so greatly needed. -Notwithstanding Washington's explicit directions to avoid the enemy -in joining him, Lee hung so close to the enemy's flank as to leave a -doubt of his real intentions, and on the morning of the 13th, just -after having put on record that he believed Washington to be "damnably -deficient", he was surprised and taken prisoner by Lieutenant-Colonel -Harcourt, at White's tavern, near Baskingridge, three miles from his -camp. - -[Illustration: CHARLES LEE - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the Present War_, i. p. 478.] - -The estimation in which Lee was held gave an undue importance to -his capture. The British thought that in it they had deprived their -opponents of nearly all the military science they possessed, and they -styled him the American Palladium. With the Americans he had many -friends, who were flattered that a soldier of European distinction -should have espoused their cause, and, dazzled with his success at -Charleston, they rated him higher than Washington, and, unintentionally -perhaps, weakened the confidence that should have been reposed in the -commander-in-chief by his subordinates. - -Having failed to overtake Washington in New Jersey, Howe turned -northward to Coryell's Ferry, fifteen miles above Trenton, in hopes of -finding boats to enable him to cross the Delaware; but in this he was -disappointed. He then took post at Pennington with a portion of his -force, while with the remainder he returned to Trenton, repaired the -bridges below the town which the Americans had destroyed, and extended -his line as far as Burlington. - -So great was the terror spread through New Jersey as the British -advanced, that many of her citizens took advantage of the amnesty which -was offered by the Howes to all who would put themselves under their -protection within sixty days from the 30th of November. Chief among -these was Samuel Tucker, president of the Committee of Safety, who had -held many positions of honor and trust. Nor was this defection confined -to the east side of the Delaware. It was now that Joseph Galloway, and -citizens of Philadelphia, like the Allens, who had supported the cause -of the colonies until independence became the avowed object of the war, -sought safety within the British lines. But the influence which their -conduct might have exercised upon the people was neutralized by what -was soon endured at the hands of the British and Hessian troops. Never -before had any of the colonies been exposed to the unbridled impulses -of a mercenary and licentious soldiery. Houses were plundered and their -contents destroyed in mere wantonness, women were forced to submit to -indignities, and all the horrors which usually attended the invasion -of a European country by a foreign army in the eighteenth century were -transferred to the soil of New Jersey.[887] - -[Illustration] - -In Philadelphia the excitement was intense. On the 28th of November a -meeting was held in the State House yard to consider the condition of -affairs. It was addressed by Mifflin, who had been sent to the city to -warn Congress of the danger which threatened the army. He spoke with -animation, and endeavored to rouse the people to action. His efforts -met with some success, and in a few days the troops that reinforced -Washington prior to his retreat into Pennsylvania were in motion. On -the 30th the Council of Safety advised the citizens to prepare, upon -short notice, to remove their wives and children to places of safety. -On December 2d, when it was known in the city that Howe's army was at -Brunswick, crowds gathered at the Coffee House to learn the news. The -stores and schools were closed, and all business was suspended. No one -was allowed to cross the Delaware without a pass, while recruiting -parties with drums beating paraded in the streets. The roads leading -from the city were crowded with vehicles of every description, bearing -the families of citizens and their effects to places of refuge. - -[Illustration: AN APPEAL. - -Reduced from an original in the library of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania.] - -When these means of transportation failed, the water craft on the -Delaware was pressed into service. Women with children in their arms -were crowded in smoky cabins so low that they could not sit upright, -while the younger girls were quartered on the decks, from whence -they were driven by the snow and rain. But sadder sights presented -themselves in the streets of the city. The sick of the army arrived -daily. Many of the men had gone to the field clad only for a summer -campaign. They had succumbed to exposure, and had reached Philadelphia -in an almost naked condition. Measures were at once set on foot for -their relief. Vacant houses were taken for their accommodation. The -most seriously afflicted were sent to the hospitals, while committees -of citizens went from door to door begging clothing for their use. - -[Illustration: BROADSIDE. - -Reduced from an original in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] - -Handbills were issued giving information of the advance of the enemy, -and to awaken the indignation of the people printed sheets were -circulated describing the insults to which the women of New Jersey had -been subjected. Some of the citizens refused to take the Continental -money, as it was rumored that Congress would soon disperse. On the 11th -of December Congress requested Washington to contradict this rumor in -general orders, and to assure the army that the delegates would remain -in Philadelphia until it was certain the enemy would capture the city. -It was well that Washington exercised his discretion in this matter, -for the next day the crushing news was known throughout the city that -he had been obliged to cross the Delaware. Congress at once adjourned -to Baltimore, having first conferred on Washington "full power to order -and direct all things relative to the department and to the operations -of the war." - -The state of political affairs in Pennsylvania was the chief cause of -the inefficiency which exposed Philadelphia to the danger of capture -and of the panic with which her citizens were seized. The old colonial -charter had been abrogated, but the new constitution had not been put -into effect, and the condition of society bordered upon anarchy. - -For two weeks after Washington had retreated across the Delaware there -seemed little chance of impeding the British advance. "Day by day the -little handful was decreasing, from sickness and other causes." The -services of all the regular troops in it, with the exception of those -from Virginia and Maryland, expired on the first of the year, and the -militia could not be depended upon. "They come", wrote Washington, -"you cannot tell how, go you cannot tell when, and act you cannot tell -where, consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you at -last at a critical moment." "These", he said again to Congress, on the -20th of December, "are the men I am to depend upon ten days hence." On -Congress he urged the importance of raising at once an army upon a more -substantial basis, and impressed upon those around him the necessity of -the utmost vigilance. But in the anguish of the moment he wrote to his -brother: "If every nerve is not strained to recruit the new army with -all possible expedition, I think the game is pretty nearly up.... I -cannot entertain the idea that [our cause] will finally sink, though it -may remain for some time under a cloud." - -Each day brought new difficulties to be overcome. When it was learned -that the fleet that had sailed from New York had appeared off New -London, the march of a portion of Heath's troops, which had been -ordered from Peekskill, was countermanded, and three regiments from -Ticonderoga were directed to halt at Morristown, where about eight -hundred militia had been collected, and General Maxwell was sent -to command them. On the 20th, the troops under Gates and Sullivan -joined Washington. The former had been sent by Schuyler. Sullivan's -division was that which had been commanded by Lee up to the time of his -capture. Washington had been led to believe that a portion of these -troops had reënlisted, and he had been waiting until they should join -him to strike a blow at Howe's forces. Only a small number of the men -had done so, however, and he found that on the first of the year he -would have but fifteen hundred men independent of the militia. It was -evident, therefore, that the blow must be struck at once. - -On the 14th of December the British troops went into winter-quarters. -They were stationed at Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, and Bordentown. -Howe returned to his easy quarters in New York. Cornwallis obtained -permission to visit England, and left Grant at Brunswick in command of -New Jersey. The troops at Trenton were under the Hessian, Lieut.-Col. -Rahl; those at Bordentown were commanded by his superior, Count Donop, -who had some outposts as far south as Burlington and Mount Holly. Howe -knew his line was too far extended, but he wished to cover the county -of Monmouth, where there were indications of an outbreak on the part -of some loyalists. The American army reached from Coryell's Ferry to -Bristol. The crossings above Trenton were guarded by Stirling, Mercer, -Stephen, and Fermoy. Ewing lay opposite Trenton. Dickinson with a few -New Jersey troops was opposite Bordentown, and Cadwalader with the -Pennsylvania militia was at Bristol. - -Washington decided to attack the troops at Trenton. His men fit for -duty did not exceed five thousand, and of these nearly two thousand -were militia. The troops under Rahl consisted of three battalions of -Hessians, having with them six field-pieces, fifty chasseurs, and -twenty dragoons,—twelve hundred in all. Circumstances favored the plan -which Washington now adopted. Colonel Griffin, with two companies of -Virginians and some militia, had driven a party of Hessians, who had -penetrated as far south as Moorestown and Haddonfield, back to Mount -Holly, where they had been reinforced by Donop, who was thus too far -removed from Trenton to support Rahl in case of an emergency. The -success of Griffin made the militia at Bristol anxious for service, and -it was decided by Cadwalader and Reed, who was with him, to gratify -them by supporting Griffin. To this Washington assented, and at the -same time confided to Reed and Cadwalader his contemplated movement -against Trenton. On the morning of the 23d he wrote to them asking if -the plan had been carried out, and informed them that one hour before -day on the morning of the 26th was the time he had fixed upon for -attacking Rahl. "For heaven's sake", he wrote, "keep this to yourselves -as the discovery of it may prove fatal to us. Our numbers, sorry I -am to say, being less than I had any conception of; but necessity, -dire necessity, will, nay must justify an attack. Prepare and concert -with Griffin; attack as many of their posts as you possibly can with -a prospect of success; the more we can attack at the same instant the -more confusion we shall spread, and the greater good will result from -it." - -Washington was informed that it was impracticable to act with Griffin; -and Reed repaired to Philadelphia to urge Putnam to create a diversion -by crossing the river at Cooper's Ferry. He found, however, that little -could be expected from Putnam, and returned to Bristol on the 25th, -where Cadwalader was preparing to carry out the part which Washington -had assigned to him. It was the intention of Washington to cross the -Delaware above Trenton with about one half of his command, and attack -the enemy, while Ewing and Cadwalader should cross opposite Trenton and -Bristol, and not only cut Rahl's line of retreat but prevent Donop from -reinforcing him. - -Notwithstanding the fact that no aid could be expected from Putnam, -Washington determined to proceed, and urged Cadwalader to do all in his -power to support him. The boats had been gathered at McKonkey's Ferry, -nine miles above Trenton, and as the men marched to them the footprints -they left in the snow were here and there tinged with blood from the -feet of those who wore broken shoes. The boats were promptly manned -by Glover's regiment from Marblehead, and at dark the crossing began. -It was three o'clock before the artillery was landed, and four before -the troops took up the line of march. The attack was to have been made -about five, and against a more vigilant enemy this delay would have -proved fatal. But Rahl was not vigilant. He despised his opponents, and -refused to protect his position with redoubts as instructed by Donop. -He had been informed of Washington's intended movement, but paid no -attention to the report. It so happened that on the morning of the -attack his outposts had been fired upon by a body of strolling militia, -and this he supposed was the attack he was to look for. Washington -had with him two thousand four hundred men. These he divided into two -columns. One was commanded by Sullivan, and marched by the river road -which entered the town on the northwest. The other, under Greene, -took the Pennington road which approached the town from the north. -The Americans advanced in a violent storm of snow and hail. Greene's -command arrived at the outskirts of the town three minutes before -Sullivan's. The attacks of both parties were almost simultaneously. -Many of the guns were rendered useless by the storm, and the men were -ordered to charge. Those who had bayonets fixed them and rushed upon -the pickets, who retired. The Hessians were taken entirely by surprise. -For a while Rahl was allowed to remain undisturbed in bed, but when -matters grew serious he was aroused and hurriedly assumed command. -Some of his half-formed regiments were advanced towards the Americans, -but were driven back, throwing those in their rear into inextricable -confusion. Two lines of retreat were open to Rahl. One lay over the -bridge which crossed the Assanpink, south of the town; the other was -the road to Brunswick. But Sullivan's attack was so spirited that the -Hessians were driven past the road which led to the bridge, and as they -attempted to escape towards Brunswick, Washington intercepted them -with Hand's riflemen and held them in check. A battery under Captain -Thomas Forrest created great havoc in their ranks, and two of their -guns were turned against it. These were immediately charged by the -Americans, who were led by Captain William Washington and Lieutenant -James Monroe. Both were wounded, but the guns were captured. Rahl was -mortally wounded in trying to rally his men, and shortly after he fell -his command surrendered. All was over in three quarters of an hour. -With the exception of the horse and a small number of the infantry -which escaped over the Assanpink or to Brunswick, Rahl's entire force -was either killed or captured. The prisoners numbered nine hundred and -eighteen. The killed, Washington thought, did not exceed twenty or -thirty. The Americans had two privates killed, one frozen to death, -and two officers and four men wounded. As the enemy were supposed to -be in force at Princeton and Bordentown, and the Americans were in no -condition to withstand an attack, it was thought best not to risk the -advantage which had been gained, and as soon as the men were rested the -army, with its prisoners, returned to Pennsylvania. - -Ewing and Cadwalader had been unable to carry out the parts assigned -them, on account of the ice. The latter sent a portion of his infantry -over the river, but recalled it when he found he could not land his -artillery. With no definite news of Washington's success, Cadwalader -recrossed on the morning of the 27th, supposing Washington to be at -Trenton. He soon learned his mistake, but discovered that Donop had -retreated towards Brunswick when he heard of the action at Trenton. -Cadwalader then moved on to Burlington, and on the 29th marched to -Crosswicks. The desperate condition of affairs previous to the battle -had stimulated the people to extraordinary efforts, and the news of the -victory raised their spirits in proportion to the depression they had -so lately suffered. Ignorant of the victory Washington had achieved, -Congress on the 27th vested him with powers that virtually constituted -him a military dictator for the period of six months. To convince the -people of the reality of the victory, the Hessians were marched through -the streets of Philadelphia, and one of their standards was hung up in -the chamber of Congress at Baltimore. Public rejoicings broke forth on -every side. "The Lord of Hosts has heard the cry of the distressed, and -sent an angel to their assistance", exclaimed Muhlenberg, the patriarch -of the Lutherans. On the 27th and 28th of December, fifteen hundred -militia under Mifflin followed Cadwalader into New Jersey, while the -Jerseymen gathered at Morristown and other points. In the face of this -feeling it was necessary that the offensive should be resumed, and on -the 30th Washington occupied Trenton. The service of the New England -troops expired on the first of the year; but through the efforts of -Robert Morris money was raised to offer bounties, which, with appeals -to their patriotism, induced them to remain six weeks longer with the -army. - -As soon as Cornwallis heard of the surprise at Trenton, he gave up his -visit to England and hastily joined Grant at Brunswick. On the 30th, -with 8,000 men, he marched towards Trenton, with the determination of -driving Washington over the Delaware or capturing his entire force. -Washington immediately ordered Cadwalader and Mifflin to Trenton, and -sent forward a detachment under General Fermoy to retard the advance -of Cornwallis. On the night of January the 1st this detachment was at -Five Mile Run, between Trenton and Princeton. Early on the morning of -the 2d Cornwallis set out from Princeton, where he had halted the night -previous. The Americans retired before him, disputing every foot of -ground. Hand's riflemen, Scott's Virginians, and Forrest's battery bore -the brunt of the fighting. It was nearly noon by the time Shabbakong -Creek was reached, and two hours passed before the British succeeded in -crossing it. The main portion of the American army was strongly posted -on the south side of the Assanpink, the banks being sufficiently high -to enable the men in the rear to fire over the heads of those in front -of them. As the British approached Trenton, troops were sent forward by -Washington to support the Americans. A battery placed on a hill beyond -Trenton held the British in check for a short time, but the Americans -were soon driven into the town and across the bridge. The cannonading -on both sides was heavy, but the British were unable to force their -way across the stream, and as night approached Cornwallis, against the -advice of his officers, withdrew his troops, determined to renew the -conflict in the morning. "If ever there was a crisis in the affairs of -the Revolution", wrote Wilkinson, "this was the moment. Thirty minutes -would have sufficed to have brought the two armies into contact, and -thirty minutes more would have decided the combat." Washington's -position was indeed critical. It was hardly possible that with his -raw levies he could continue to hold in check the well-disciplined -troops of Cornwallis, which in the morning would be reinforced with -troops he had left at Maidenhead and Princeton. The Delaware behind -Washington was full of floating ice, and to cross it in that condition -was impossible. If Cornwallis should force the Americans' position, -the victory of the British would be decisive. Immediately after dark a -council of war was held. It was then decided to turn the left flank of -the enemy, strike a blow at Princeton, where the garrison was small, -and march on Brunswick, the depository of the British stores. The -sentries of both armies were posted along the banks of the Assanpink, -and at some points were within one hundred and fifty yards of each -other. Working parties were sent within hearing distance of the enemy -to throw up intrenchments, the guards were doubled, and everything was -done to indicate that Washington intended to defend his position to -the last. But at midnight the fires were replenished and the troops -silently withdrawn. Marching by the Quaker road, Washington turned the -left flank of Cornwallis, and by daybreak reached a point directly -south of Princeton. With the main body he moved directly on the town, -and ordered a detachment under Mercer to march to the left and demolish -the bridge over Stony Brook, thus destroying direct communication with -Cornwallis. The garrison at Princeton consisted of the 17th, 40th, -and 55th regiments and three companies of light horse. The 17th and -55th, with a few dragoons, started at sunrise on the morning of the -3d to join Cornwallis. The 17th, under Colonel Mawhood, had crossed -the bridge over Stony Brook, that Mercer was to destroy, and was some -distance beyond it, when Mawhood discovered Mercer on his flank and -rear, moving north on the east side of the stream. He at once recrossed -the bridge, and both parties endeavored to gain the high ground east of -the stream. As the Americans had the shortest distance to march, they -were successful, and with their rifles they poured a deadly fire into -the 17th and 55th, as they advanced to drive them from their position. -They had no bayonets, however, and were unable to stand the charge of -the British. They fled through an orchard in their rear, leaving their -commander mortally wounded on the ground. It was not until Mawhood -emerged from the orchard that he was aware that the whole American army -was within supporting distance of the troops he had just engaged. On -hearing the firing on his left, Washington halted his column, and with -the Pennsylvania militia moved to the support of Mercer. Encouraged -by the irresolution of the militia, Mawhood charged them, but other -regiments coming up and the militia gaining confidence, the British -halted, and then fled, as the Americans in turn advanced against them. -The 55th retreated to Princeton and joined the 40th. They made a mere -show of defending the town, took refuge in the college building, -deserted it, and were soon seen in full retreat across the Millstone -towards Brunswick. Washington's troops had been under arms for over -eighteen hours, and were too much fatigued to follow them. Having -dispersed the 17th regiment, he destroyed the bridge over Stony Brook -and Millstone as the head of Cornwallis's rear-guard came in sight. It -was commanded by Leslie, who had marched from Maidenhead as soon as he -heard the firing in his rear. Washington turned north at Kingston, and -proceeded to Somerset Court-House, where he rested his men. Cornwallis -was not aware that the Americans had been withdrawn from his front -until he heard the sound of the guns at Princeton. Realizing at once -that he had been outgeneralled, and that his stores were in danger, he -ordered a retreat. Failing to reach Princeton in time to be of service, -he continued his march to Brunswick, and made no attempt to follow -Washington. The losses of the British in these engagements were severe; -those on the 2d of January were never known. At Princeton, Washington -estimated that one hundred men were left dead upon the field, and that -the killed, wounded, and prisoners amounted to five hundred. Ensign -Inman, of the 17th, wrote that of the two hundred and twenty-four rank -and file of his regiment, which set out on the morning of the 3d, one -hundred and one were either killed or wounded, and that he was the only -officer of the right wing not injured. The Americans lost only twenty -or thirty privates, but many officers. Bravely had they urged their -men on in the thickest of the fight. That Washington escaped seemed -a miracle to those who saw him lead the troops which drove Mawhood -back. Hazlet, Morris, Neal, and Shippin fell upon the field. Mercer, -mortally wounded, died upon the 12th, lamented by the whole country. -From Somerset Court-House Washington marched to Morristown, where he -went into winter-quarters. The British troops were soon all withdrawn -to Amboy and Brunswick. In less than three weeks Washington had turned -back the tide of adversity, and had compelled his opponents to evacuate -West Jersey. - -Washington remained at Morristown from the 7th of January until the -28th of May, during which time no military movement of importance took -place. His men left for their homes as soon as their terms of service -expired, and as few militia entered the camp to take their places, at -times it seemed as if the army would be so reduced as to be unworthy -of the name. It was not until late in the spring that the new levies -reached headquarters. On the 28th of May the Americans marched to -Middlebrook, and took position behind the Raritan. On the 13th of -June Howe marched from Brunswick and extended his line to Somerset -Court-House, and Arnold was sent to Trenton to take measures to prevent -his crossing the Delaware. The militia turned out in a spirited manner, -and Howe did not care to advance in the face of the opposition they -could offer, with Washington on his flank. He endeavored to bring on a -general engagement with the latter, but Washington refused to leave the -strong position he occupied, and Howe retired to Amboy. - -Early in April Howe had settled upon a campaign having for its object -the capture of Philadelphia. He determined to embark his troops -and transport them to the banks of the Delaware or Chesapeake, and -march directly on the city. With the object of reaching the fleet he -started to cross to Staten Island; but learning that Washington was at -Quibbletown, he recalled his men and proceeded to Westfield, hoping to -outflank him. But, as Washington retired, Howe was unsuccessful, and -finally passed over to Staten Island, totally evacuating New Jersey. - -For over six weeks Washington was ignorant of Howe's intentions. -Supposing that he would endeavor to coöperate with Burgoyne, and -would sail up the Hudson, Washington moved his army to Ramapo, in New -York. On the 23d of July, after Howe's troops had been three weeks -on the vessels, the fleet sailed, shaping its course southwesterly. -Its departure was promptly reported to Congress. Signal fires were -lighted along the Jersey coast as it was seen from time to time by -those who were watching for it, and messengers carried inland the news -of its progress. At last, on the 30th, it was spoken off the capes of -Delaware, but Lord Howe deemed it too hazardous to sail up that river, -and after consulting with his brother, the general, continued on his -course southward. On the 15th of August he entered Chesapeake Bay, and -on the 25th the troops were landed at Elk Ferry. - -On the 24th of July Washington heard that the fleet had sailed -southward, and in consequence marched his army from Ramapo to Coryell's -Ferry. He continued his march to Philadelphia, when he learned that -the fleet was off the capes of Delaware; but as it was soon lost sight -of, he retraced his steps, and halted in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, -twenty miles from Philadelphia. While there, Lafayette, De Kalb, and -Pulaski joined the army. - -[Illustration: LORD HOWE. - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the present War_, ii. p. 96. Cf. cut -in _European Mag._, ii. 432. There is a colossal statue of Howe, by -Flaxman, in St. Paul's, London.] - -For a while everything was in suspense. Concluding at last that Howe -had sailed for Charleston, Washington consulted with his officers, and -decided to return to the Hudson, so that Burgoyne could be opposed or -New York attacked, as circumstances should direct. He was just about -to do this when word was brought that the fleet had entered Chesapeake -Bay, and was at least two hundred miles from the capes. This news -created great consternation in Philadelphia, but the excitement was not -as great as it had been the previous winter, when Howe was at Trenton. -Repeated alarms had made the people callous, and internal political -differences continued to divide them. Besides this, the pacific -influence which the presence of a large Quaker population exercised -seemed to bear down all military efforts. Stirring appeals were made -by the authorities, new bodies of militia were ordered to be raised, -handbills calculated to arouse the people were issued, but all with -unsatisfactory results. To impress the lukewarm with the strength of -his forces, and to inspire hopes in the breasts of the patriotic, on -the 24th of August Washington marched his army through the streets of -Philadelphia. The men were poorly armed and clothed, and to give them -some uniformity they wore sprigs of green in their hats. - -The Americans halted south of Wilmington, and a picked corps under -Maxwell was thrown to the front. The country below was patrolled by -parties of Delaware militia under Rodney, and Washington reconnoitred -it in person. The disembarkation of Howe's army on the 25th was -watched by a few militia, who fled when a landing was effected. Howe's -men were in good health, but hundreds of his horses had died on the -voyage, and those that survived were little better than carrion. His -advance, therefore, was slow. He moved in two columns, one on each -side of Elk River. Several days were spent in collecting horses, and -on the 3d of September the columns joined at Aitken's tavern. Here a -severe skirmish took place with Maxwell's corps, which was driven back. -Washington's force then lay behind Red Clay Creek, his left resting -on Christiana Creek, and extending in the direction of Newport. On the -8th the British advanced as if to attack the American left, but by -night Washington learned that the greater part of Howe's army was at -Milltown, on his right. Fearing that Howe would push past him in that -direction, cross the Brandywine, and gain the road to Philadelphia, -Washington, on the evening of the 8th, quietly withdrew his troops from -Red Clay Creek, and threw them in front of Howe, at Chad's Ford, on the -Brandywine. A redoubt, commanded by Proctor, was thrown up on the east -bank to protect the crossing. Wayne's division, formerly Lincoln's, was -within supporting distance, and Greene's, still further to the rear, -was to act as a reserve. The Pennsylvania militia, under Armstrong, -formed the left wing. They were posted at the fords below Chad's, which -were easily protected. The right wing was commanded by Sullivan. It was -composed of his own division and those of Stirling and Stephen. Both -Washington and Sullivan were unacquainted with the country to their -right, and supposed that, when they guarded the fords three miles above -where Sullivan was stationed, the enemy could not approach from that -direction without their receiving timely notice. - -The British marched from Milltown to Kennett Square. On the morning -of the 11th, Knyphausen with 7,000 men took the direct road to Chad's -Ford. He skirmished with Maxwell, who had crossed the stream to meet -him, and drove him back over the Brandywine. At daybreak on the same -day, another column, 7,000 strong, set out from Kennett Square. It was -commanded by Cornwallis, and Howe accompanied it in person. It took -a road leading north to a point above the forks of the Brandywine, -turned to the east, crossed the west branch at Trimble's Ford and the -east at Jeffrey's, and then moved south. The plan was that Knyphausen -should engage the attention of the Americans in front until Cornwallis -had gained a position to attack their right. In this Knyphausen was -successful, his attempts to cross the Brandywine at Chad's Ford being -only feints. - -About noon Washington heard of Cornwallis's march. He promptly -determined to cross the stream and engage Knyphausen, while Cornwallis -was too far distant to reinforce him or threaten the American right. -Wayne, Greene, and Sullivan's divisions were ordered to advance. Greene -had gained the west bank when word was received from Sullivan that a -Major Spear had assured him that there must be some mistake. He had -that morning passed over the road Cornwallis was said to be on, and -had seen nothing of him. Fearing that Cornwallis's march was only a -feint, and that he had returned and rejoined Knyphausen, Washington -ordered Greene back and sent scouts out for additional information. -By two o'clock it was obtained. Cornwallis was discovered on the -road to Dilworth, and would soon be in the rear of the Americans. -Stirling and Stephen were deployed on the hill southwest of Birmingham -Meeting-House, and Sullivan's division was ordered to join them. -Before it could reach its position Cornwallis began the attack. As he -attempted to turn the American right, Sullivan endeavored to move his -three divisions to the east. His own division had been formed in line -half a mile from those of Stirling and Stephen, and in closing the gap -it fell into confusion and was routed. With the divisions of Stirling -and Stephen, Sullivan made every effort to hold the position; but he -was outnumbered, his left flank was uncovered, and his entire command -was finally driven in confusion from the field. Sullivan, Stirling, -and Conway had encouraged their men with exhibitions of personal -bravery, and Lafayette, who acted as a volunteer, was wounded while -endeavoring to rally some fugitives. When Washington heard the firing -in the direction of Birmingham he rode thither with the utmost speed. -Meeting the fugitives, he ordered Greene to support the right wing. The -order was executed with wonderful promptness. Greene, throwing Weedon's -brigade on the flank of the enemy and Muhlenberg's in their front, -checked the pursuit. But the Americans were obliged to fall back until -they came to a narrow defile, flanked on both sides by woods, from -which the British could not drive them, and night ended the conflict. -When Knyphausen learned that Cornwallis was engaged he pushed across -the stream at Chad's Ford, but Wayne, Maxwell, and Proctor held him -in check until they found that the right wing had been defeated, when -they retired in good order, fighting as they fell back towards Chester. -There at night the defeated army gathered, and Washington reported to -Congress that, notwithstanding the misfortunes of the day, his troops -were in good spirits. - -The American loss was about one thousand, killed, wounded, and -prisoners; that of the British, five hundred and seventy-nine. That -the conduct of the Americans inspired their opponents with respect is -shown by the language of Sir William Howe in summarizing the opposition -he had met with up to this time. "They fought the king's army", he -wrote, "on Long Island; they sustained the attack at Fort Washington; -they stood the battle at Brandywine: and our loss upon those occasions, -though by no means equal to theirs, was not inconsiderable." - -The day after the battle Washington marched from Chester to -Philadelphia. He rested his army two days at Germantown, and then -recrossed the Schuylkill; public opinion demanding that another battle -should be risked before the city should be given up. On the 16th the -two armies met on the high ground south of Chester Valley and prepared -for action. The skirmishing had actually begun, when a violent storm -stopped the engagement by ruining the ammunition of both armies. -Washington withdrew to the hills north of the valley, and finding it -impossible to repair the damage done by the storm, retreated again -over the Schuylkill, leaving Wayne behind him to watch the enemy and -attack their rear should they attempt to follow. Wayne was to have -been reinforced by detachments under Smallwood and Gist, which did not -reach him. When the British moved nearer to the Lancaster road, Wayne -took position in their rear. He supposed that they were ignorant of his -presence, and wrote to Washington to that effect. But on the night of -the 20th he was attacked by a strong detachment under Major-General -Grey, and although he had taken measures to guard against a surprise, -the onslaught was so sudden that his men, who were sleeping on their -arms, were unable to make an effective resistance, and about one -hundred and fifty were either killed or wounded by the bayonet. - -[Illustration: GENERAL GREY. - -From Doyle's _Official Baronage_, ii. 76. There is a print in the -_European Mag._, Oct., 1797, and in Murray's _Impartial Hist._, vol. -ii. p. 433.] - -Howe on the 21st resumed his march towards Philadelphia. Finding that -the Americans had thrown up intrenchments at Swedes Ford, he turned -up the river as if to cross above. Washington feared that it was his -intention to strike at Reading, where his stores were deposited, and to -protect them marched in the same direction on the opposite side of the -river. When he reached Potts Grove, now Pottstown, he discovered that -Howe, by a retrograde movement on the night of the 22d, had crossed at -Fatland and Gordon's fords, and was in full march for Philadelphia. - -On the day of the battle of Brandywine the citizens of Philadelphia -heard the sound of cannon in the west, and gathered in the streets -to discuss and wonder what the future would bring forth. At night -a messenger arrived with news of the disaster. Everything was in -confusion, and when, on the morning of the 19th, about one o'clock, a -letter was received from Colonel Hamilton stating that the British were -marching on the city, the members of Congress were aroused from their -beds, and departed in haste for Lancaster, where they had agreed to -meet should their removal from Philadelphia become necessary. - -[Illustration: GENERAL HOWE. - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the present War_, i. 280.] - -"It was a beautiful still moonlight night, and the streets as full of -men, women, and children as on a market day." The alarm was premature, -but on the 25th Howe's army encamped at Germantown. Through Thomas -Willing, a leading citizen of Philadelphia, the inhabitants were -promised by Sir William Howe that if they should remain peaceably -in their dwellings they would not be molested. The next morning, -Cornwallis, with three thousand men, took possession of the city. -The troops marched down Second Street to the music of "God save the -King", and were greeted by some of the inhabitants with "acclamations -of joy", but the people generally "appeared sad and serious." Howe -immediately began to throw up a line of intrenchments north of the -city, extending from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, and informed his -brother, the admiral, who was in Delaware Bay, that the army was in -possession of the city. The defences of the river prevented the fleet -from approaching, and the day after the occupation an attempt was made -by the American flotilla to cannonade the city. The smaller vessels -were driven off before they had done serious damage, but the frigate -"Delaware" ran aground and was captured. - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER HAMILTON. - -After a crayon in the Hist. Soc. of Pennsylvania. There is a picture in -Independence Hall. Ceracchi's bust is given in stipple in Delaplaine's -_Repository_ (1815). - -For view of "The Grange", Hamilton's home, see Valentine's _N. Y. -Manual_, 1858, p. 468; Mrs. Lamb's _Homes of America_; Lossing's -_Hudson_, 275.—ED.] - -The main portion of Howe's army remained at Germantown, a village of -a single street, two miles in length, and five from the city. In the -centre stood the market-house, and along the road which there crosses -the main street Howe's army was encamped. The left under Knyphausen -reached to the Schuylkill, the right under Grant and Mathews to the -York road. At the upper end of the town stood the large stone mansion -of Benjamin Chew, late chief justice of the province, and in a field -opposite the 40th Regiment under Colonel Musgrave was encamped. The -advance was a mile beyond at Mount Pleasant, where the second battalion -of light infantry was stationed, with their pickets thrown out at Mount -Airy still further on. After Howe crossed the Schuylkill, Washington -marched to Pennybacker's Mills, and thence to Metutchen Hills, fifteen -miles from Philadelphia. He had been reinforced by McDougall's brigade -and other troops; and learning that Howe had detached a portion of his -command to reduce the forts on the Delaware, he determined to attack -him at Germantown. His plan was to engage the troops at Mount Pleasant -with a portion of his army, while a large force under Greene should -move down the Lime Kiln road, which enters the town from the east at -the market-house, and attack Grant and Mathews. At the same time the -Pennsylvania and Jersey militia were to make demonstrations on the -enemy's left and right flanks respectively. - -[Illustration: ANTHONY WAYNE. - -From the _New York Magazine_, March, 1797, following a picture by -Trumbull, now at New Haven. Other engravings are in the _National -Portrait Gallery_ (N. Y., 1834); Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., -vol. iii.; in Jones's _Georgia_, vol. ii., engraved by H. B. Hall; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 177. It has been engraved by I. B. Forrest, -J. F. E. Prud'homme, and others. A portrait by Henry Elonis is engraved -by Geo. Grahame. A likeness, front face, without hat, is in the _Mag. -of Amer. History_, Feb., 1886, and _History of Chester County_ by Futhy -and Cope. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, vol. x., and the sketch by J. W. De -Peyster, and a new portrait in _United Service_, March, 1886, p. 304. - -A view of Wayne's house is given in Egle's _Pennsylvania_, p. 540; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 373; _Harper's Mag._, April, 1880.—ED.] - -Washington moved from his quarters on the evening of October 3d. -Sullivan commanded the troops that were to attack the enemy in front, -and was followed by the reserve under Stirling, which Washington -accompanied. Sullivan arrived at Chestnut Hill on the morning of the -4th at sunrise, and halted two hours to allow Greene to gain his -ground, that the attacks might be made at the same time. Captain Allen -McLane's company and a portion of Conway's brigade were then ordered -to advance. They drove the guard at Mount Airy back on the light -infantry, and held them in check while Sullivan formed his line. -Wayne's division was on the east of the road, Sullivan's on the west. -The whole under Sullivan then moved forward, driving the light infantry -before them. A thick fog enveloped everything, and the men could not -see forty yards in front of them. But Wayne's men dashed on, calling -to each other to remember Paoli and crying for vengeance. The light -infantry were reinforced by the 40th Regiment under Musgrave. Just -then Howe rode up, calling out: "For shame, light infantry! I never -saw you retreat before." But he found the attack was general, and rode -back to the main line. Down the main street and past Chew's house -Sullivan and Wayne pursued the flying troops. But here the rout of -the British was checked by Agnew, who hastened forward with a portion -of the left wing. As the reserve passed Chew's house they were fired -upon by six companies of the 40th that had taken refuge there with -their commander Musgrave. Stirling endeavored to dislodge them, but -the effort was futile. Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens and Major Louis -Fleury daringly attempted to fire the house, but were unsuccessful. -While this was going on, Greene made his attack on the right wing. His -march had taken half an hour longer than anticipated, while he still -met the enemy sooner than planned, as their first battalion of light -infantry had been moved forward the night before on the Lime Kiln -road. Greene attempted to advance in line of battle, but his line was -thrown into confusion. He drove a portion of the troops back to the -market-house, but when he encountered Grant he was obliged to retire, -and a part of his command was captured. Woodford's brigade wandered so -far from Greene's right as to reach the rear of Chew's house. It was -then directly behind Wayne's division, and when the brigade fired on -the house Wayne's men retired, as they supposed the enemy were in their -rear. This uncovered Sullivan's flank, and he too was obliged to fall -back. The British pursued until Whitemarsh was reached, where Wayne -checked them with a battery posted on the hill, near the church. The -Americans lost nearly eleven hundred killed, wounded, and prisoners; -the British, five hundred and twenty-one. The American General Nash, of -North Carolina, and the British General Agnew were mortally wounded. -While the Americans were defeated in their object, the moral results of -the battle were in their favor. It inspired them with confidence, and -showed the world that though driven from the field of Brandywine they -were still aggressive. - -It was now evident to Howe that he must open communication with New -York by water, or his army would be in a state of siege. His attention -was therefore turned to the defences of the Delaware which were held by -the Americans. The most formidable of these was Fort Mifflin, situated -on an island in the river a short distance below the mouth of the -Schuylkill. Opposite this, at Red Bank, on the Jersey shore, was Fort -Mercer, while four or five miles below, at Billingsport, was another -fortification. Opposite these points _chevaux-de-frise_ were sunk in -the channel, which were protected by the batteries and by a fleet of -small vessels, known as the Pennsylvania navy, commanded by Commodore -John Hazelwood. Besides these, there were several larger vessels which -had been built by order of Congress. - -On the 19th of October Howe withdrew his troops from Germantown and -encamped them behind his lines of intrenchments on the north side of -the city. Before this he had erected batteries to attack Fort Mifflin. -He now sent a body of men, under Colonel Stirling, over the river from -Chester to capture the fort at Billingsport. The garrison there was not -sufficient for the defence of the fort, and as the British approached -they evacuated the post. By the 21st Admiral Howe succeeded in passing -the lower _chevaux-de-frise_, and his vessels sailed up the river to a -point nearly opposite Fort Mifflin. On the same day three battalions -of Hessians, with artillery, crossed into Jersey from Philadelphia -to attack Fort Mercer. They arrived before the fort on the afternoon -of the 22d. It was commanded by Colonel Christopher Greene, of Rhode -Island, who had with him but six hundred men. The fortifications were -unfinished, but a strong redoubt, with an abatis, had been constructed. -Donop summoned the garrison to surrender, and upon receiving a refusal -formed his regiments for the attack. They rushed upon the embankments -and passed the abandoned lines with little opposition. But when they -charged the redoubt, they were met with a fire that nearly filled the -ditches with killed and wounded. Most of the men retired in confusion, -and those who attempted to scale the works were beaten back in a -hand-to-hand conflict. It was intended that the fleet should coöperate -with Donop; that the "Vigilant", with sixteen 24-pounders, should -pass to the west of Fort Mifflin, while other vessels should engage -Hazelwood and prevent his offering assistance to Greene. The plan -failed, however, at all points. The "Vigilant" could not sail up the -west channel, and Hazelwood was more than a match for the vessels sent -against him. He drove them back, while some of his boats sailed close -to the shore and poured an effective fire into the flank of Donop's -column. It was in vain that Donop and his officers re-formed the men -and led them back to the attack. They were shot down in scores as -they attempted to remove the abatis, and in three quarters of an hour -from the time the engagement opened the men withdrew for the last -time, leaving Donop behind them, mortally wounded. He died three days -afterwards, "finishing", to use his own words, "a noble career early." -His command had numbered about twenty-five hundred men, one sixth of -whom were either killed or wounded. The Americans had but fourteen -killed and twenty-three wounded. Two of the vessels which had been -sent against Hazelwood, the "Augusta" and the "Merlin", ran aground, -and were discovered in that position by the Americans on the 22d. They -were at once attacked, and the magazine of the "Augusta" exploded -with terrific force. She had been set on fire either by accident or -by a shot from the American batteries, and blew up before all of her -crew could be removed. It was found impossible to save the "Merlin", -and she was fired by her officers and destroyed. - -[Illustration: THE DESTRUCTION OF THE AUGUSTA. - -After a painting in gallery of the Hist. Soc. of Pennsylvania, said -to have been painted by a French officer. Cf. Wallace's _Col. Wm. -Bradford_.] - -Taught caution by these reverses, Howe made no further effort to -capture the forts until he had succeeded in erecting a number of -batteries on the Pennsylvania shore within range of Fort Mifflin. On -the 10th of November these were opened with serious result to the -Americans. The reply from the fort was spirited, and the damage done to -it in daytime was repaired during the night. On the first day, Colonel -Samuel Smith, of Maryland, who commanded the garrison, was wounded, -and was taken to Red Bank. The second in command, Lieutenant-Colonel -Russell, was relieved, on account of ill-health, by Major Simeon -Thayer, of Rhode Island, and the defence of the fort was continued. -On the 15th the "Vigilant", carrying sixteen 24-pounders, and a hulk -with three guns of the same capacity, succeeded in passing up the -west channel and taking the fort in the rear, while other vessels -engaged the fleet. The fort by this time was little more than a mass -of ruins. The ammunition was nearly exhausted. Major Fleury, the -engineer of the fort, and Major Talbot were wounded; nearly all the -guns were dismounted, and whenever the men appeared on the platforms -they were picked off by sharpshooters in the shrouds of the vessels. -During the night of the 15th the garrison was removed to Red Bank, as -preparations were being made to storm the place the next day, and on -the morning of the 16th the British took possession of the place. The -gallant defence of this fort by about three hundred men called forth -commendations from all sides. Swords were voted to Hazelwood and Smith -by Congress, while Fleury and Thayer were promoted. Fort Mercer was -now the only water-defence held by the Americans. With the object of -capturing it, on the 18th Cornwallis marched to Chester and crossed to -Billingsport. Greene was sent to oppose him, and crossed the Delaware -at Bristol; but before he could render any assistance to Varnum, who -commanded the troops on the Jersey side of the river, that officer was -obliged to retire before Cornwallis and abandon Fort Mercer, which the -British now destroyed. Lafayette, who was with Greene, made a spirited -attack on a body of Hessians encamped near Gloucester, for which he -gained considerable credit. The majority of the small vessels of the -Pennsylvania navy succeeded in passing up the river by the batteries -that Howe had erected at Philadelphia, but the larger ones, together -with nearly all those built by Congress, were destroyed. - -A few days after the fall of Fort Mifflin the British transports made -their way up to Philadelphia, and to some extent relieved the distress -that the scarcity of provisions occasioned. About the end of October -Washington removed his headquarters to Whitemarsh, and on November 24th -reconnoitred the enemy's lines with a view to attack them. A majority -of his officers, however, opposed the plan. It was soon evident that -Sir William Howe was about to resume the offensive, and Greene was -recalled from Jersey. On the evening of December 4th, Howe, with nearly -all his army, marched out of Philadelphia with the avowed intention of -driving Washington over the mountains. His advance-guard arrived at -Chestnut Hill about daylight the next morning. General James Irvine -with the Pennsylvania militia met them at the foot of the hill, and, -after a sharp skirmish, the militia fled, leaving Irvine wounded in the -hands of the British. When Howe arrived in front of Washington's lines -he found them so strong that he did not dare to attack them, and after -spending four days in endeavoring to gain a position that would compel -Washington to attack him, he suddenly gave up the design and returned -to the city. - -[Illustration] - -As the season was advancing, and the Americans were in no condition to -keep the field, it was decided to go into winter-quarters at Valley -Forge, on the west side of the Schuylkill, where the Valley Creek -empties into the river. The surrounding hills were covered with woods -and presented an inhospitable appearance. The choice was severely -criticised, and De Kalb described it as a wilderness. But the position -was central and easily defended. The army arrived there about the -middle of December, and the erection of huts began. They were built -of logs, and were fourteen by fifteen feet each. The windows were -covered with oiled paper, and the openings between the logs were -closed with clay. The huts were arranged in streets, giving the place -the appearance of a city. It was the first of the year, however, -before they were occupied, and previous to that the suffering of the -army had become great. Although the weather was intensely cold the -men were obliged to work at the buildings, with nothing to support -life but flour mixed with water, which they baked into cakes at the -open fires. "My brigade's out of provisions, nor can the commissary -obtain any meat", wrote Huntington on the 22d of December. "Three -days successively we have been destitute of bread", said Varnum the -same day, "and two days we have been entirely without meat." Soap, -vinegar, and other articles necessary for the health of the men were -never furnished, and so imperfectly did the clothier-general perform -his duties that many of the men were without shirts, and hundreds were -confined to the hospitals and farm-houses for want of shoes. Blankets -and proper coverings were so scarce that numbers, after toiling -during the day, were obliged to sit by the fires all night to keep -from freezing. By the 23d of December two thousand eight hundred and -ninety-eight men were unfit for duty, because they were barefoot and -otherwise naked. The horses died of starvation by hundreds, and the -men were obliged to haul their own provisions and firewood. As straw -could not be found to protect the men from the cold ground, sickness -spread through their quarters with fearful rapidity. "The unfortunate -soldiers", wrote Lafayette, in after-years, "were in want of -everything; they had neither coats, hats, shirts, nor shoes; their feet -and their legs froze till they became black, and it was often necessary -to amputate them.... The army frequently remained whole days without -provisions, and the patient endurance of both soldiers and officers -was a miracle which each moment served to renew." At times, however, -it seemed as if the forbearance of the men was exhausted, and that the -war would end in mutiny. But the officers succeeded in allaying the -feelings of discontent, and under the management of Greene, who assumed -the duties of quarter-master-general on the 23d of March, a change for -the better took place. - -While the country around Valley Forge was so impoverished by the -military operations of the previous summer as to make it impossible -for it to support the army, the sufferings of the latter were chiefly -owing to the inefficiency of Congress. That body met at Lancaster -after leaving Philadelphia, and at once adjourned to York, where its -sessions were continued. But it in no way equalled the congresses which -had preceded it. "The Continental Congress and the currency", wrote -Gouverneur Morris in 1778, "have greatly depreciated." Many of the -members entertained the widespread fear of a standing army, and refused -to follow the advice given by Washington for the relief of the men -who defended them. Some of the delegates, indeed, did not hesitate to -criticise the judgment of Washington, and question his abilities. The -capture of Burgoyne gave them an opportunity of comparing the results -of the Northern and Southern campaigns. In writing of Washington's -army a member of Congress said to Gates: "We have had a noble army -melted down by ill-judged marches, which disgrace their authors and -directors, and which have occasioned the severest and most just sarcasm -and contempt of our enemies. How much you are to be envied, my dear -general! How different your conduct and your fortune! In short, this -army will be totally lost unless you come down and collect the virtuous -band, who wish to fight under your banner, and with their aid save -the southern hemisphere. Congress must send for you." "I am weary", -exclaimed John Adams, "with so much insipidity." "I am sick of Fabian -systems in all quarters." It was a matter for thanksgiving, he thought, -that the credit of defending the Delaware was "not immediately due to -the commander-in-chief nor to Southern troops. If it had been, idolatry -and adulation would have been unbounded." The prevalence of these -sentiments made it easy for disappointed soldiers like Mifflin and -Conway to spread dissensions which, if they had been allowed to grow, -would have brought about the removal of Washington. Mifflin's eloquence -and abilities as a politician far exceeded his merits in the field; and -he was jealous of the preference shown by Washington for Greene and -Knox. Conway aspired to a major-generalship, and was chagrined that -Washington opposed him. If Washington had been removed and Lee or Gates -appointed in his place, Mifflin and Conway would have been benefited -by the change. The schemes of the last two were warmly supported by -James Lovell and Dr. Benjamin Rush, and the most insidious measures -were entered upon to undermine the reputation of Washington. Anonymous -letters were circulated for this purpose, and the country was made to -ring with the cry that, under a Gates, a Lee, or a Conway, the Southern -army would be victorious. Through the influence of this faction, Gates -was made president of the Board of War, of which Mifflin was a member, -and authority which belonged to the commander-in-chief was vested in -it. To separate Lafayette from Washington, and gain for themselves the -influence of his name, the "Cabal", as it has been called, proposed -an impracticable winter campaign against Canada, which Lafayette was -to command, with Conway to assist him. But here the faction spent -its strength. The friends of Washington had been put on their guard -by the disclosure of a correspondence which showed the malignity of -his enemies. Wilkinson, who was on Gates's staff, repeated, while his -tongue was loosened with wine, an opinion expressed in a letter that -Conway had written to Gates. Gates read it to his military family. -"Heaven has been determined to save your country", it said, "or a weak -general and bad counsellors would have ruined it." The words reached -Washington, who enclosed them to Conway, simply informing him that he -understood they formed a portion of a letter of his to Gates. It was -in vain that the members of the Cabal attempted at first to carry the -matter through with a high hand, then to deny that such a letter had -ever been written, and finally to excuse themselves. Their ends were -discovered and their power was gone. Lafayette would have nothing to -do with the Canadian expedition unless De Kalb was made his second -in command. He repaired to Albany only to find that no measures had -been taken to carry out the promises made him, and as the friends of -Washington were soon in the ascendency in Congress, Lafayette was -recalled to Valley Forge. - -Through the advice of a committee which Congress had sent to camp to -inquire into the condition of the army, many defects and abuses were -corrected, and its organization was improved. The new troops that had -been called for came in slowly, but their effectiveness was increased -through the exertion of Baron Steuben, who joined the army about the -close of February. A pupil of Frederick the Great, and a distinguished -officer in the Prussian service, he won the esteem of Congress by -offering to serve as a volunteer. His experience and industry soon -instilled a discipline into the army which it had never known, and -in May he was made inspector-general, with the rank and pay of a -major-general. - - * * * * * - -While the American army was suffering at Valley Forge the British were -comfortably quartered in Philadelphia. When they first entered the -city it presented a sorry appearance: 590 dwellings and 240 stores -were unoccupied; the leaden spouts of many houses had been taken -down to mould into bullets, and the bells of the churches and public -buildings had been removed to places of safety. The male population -between the ages of eighteen and sixty numbered but 5,335, and of -these one fifth were Quakers. The feelings of the Quaker citizens had -been greatly outraged by the arrest and banishment to the western -part of Virginia of a number of their people. Sullivan had discovered -on his march through New Jersey what he believed to be a treasonable -correspondence on their part with the enemy, and he had forwarded the -papers to Congress. The matter had been referred to the authorities -of Pennsylvania, who found in the correspondence, and in an address -issued by the Quaker meeting in December, the grounds for sending -the Quaker leaders into exile. It was but natural that the families -of these men should have looked upon the British as their deliverers -from an outrageous tyranny. But they soon found to their sorrow that -their opposition to war afforded them as little protection from one -side as from the other. The property destroyed by the British was -enormous, and a revulsion of feeling was the consequence. At one time -seventeen handsome houses beyond the lines were set on fire to prevent -their being occupied by the American pickets. Persons living in the -neighborhood of the city were robbed by both parties, and their crops -carried off or destroyed. The temptation to sell their produce for -hard money induced some of the neighboring farmers to supply the enemy -with luxuries, though they found access to the city hazardous. The -Americans under Smallwood guarded the roads leading to Wilmington, -while Generals Potter and Lacy scoured the country west and north of -the city. Captains Allen McLane, Clark, and Lee watched the movements -of the enemy and reported them to Washington, but they could not oppose -the large forces that Howe frequently sent out to protect those who -were willing to risk furnishing him with provisions. - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—The play-bill on the opposite page is after a fac-simile given -in Smith's _Amer. Hist. and Lit. Curios._, 2d series. A list of such -bills printed in Philadelphia at this time is given in Hildeburn's -_Issues of the Press in Penna._, ii. pp. 315, 316.] - -The desolation which surrounded the town was soon in striking contrast -with the scenes within. The empty stores were occupied by itinerant -traders from New York, who offered for sale articles of luxury that -the war had driven from the American market. The officers of the army -were quartered on the citizens, and after the campaign closed they gave -themselves up to social enjoyments. Clubs met at the public-houses, and -weekly balls were given at the City Tavern. As many of the officers -were men of education and refinement, they were warmly welcomed in -the families of leading citizens; but there was another class who did -much to change the moral aspect of the city, when, by following the -loose example of their commander, Sir William Howe, they shocked the -staid citizens with their immorality. Cock-fighting and gambling were -favorite amusements, and a faro-table kept by a foreigner proved the -ruin of many young officers. The theatre on South Street was fitted up -under directions of Captains André and De Lancey. Some of the scenes -were painted by André. The profits of the performances were divided -among the widows and orphans of the soldiers. As spring approached, -horse-racing was added to the list of amusements. While citizens of -wealth could take part in the gaieties which surrounded them, those -in moderate circumstances suffered privations. Firewood was extremely -scarce and provisions high. "Nothing but hard money will pass", wrote a -resident to a relative outside of the lines. "There is plenty of goods, -but little money among the tradespeople. The market is poor. I received -the butter by J——; we are no longer accustomed to eat butter on our -bread. I keep it to make water soup, which we have nearly every day." -The army of occupation, on the other hand, was plentifully supplied -with military stores after the defences on the Delaware were captured. - -Martial law ruled supreme. The appointment of Joseph Galloway to be -superintendent of police and the designation of magistrates under him -were the only steps taken towards the revival of civil authority, and -Galloway received his orders from headquarters. - -The supineness of Howe robbed the British of all the benefits that -might have resulted from the capture of Philadelphia. Attempts were -made to raise regiments of loyalists, but so little support did the -scheme receive that it was only partially successful. The "Pennsylvania -Loyalists", of which William Allen, Jr., was colonel, and the "Queen's -Rangers", commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, were the most -efficient of these corps. No attempt was made to drive Washington's -half-starved forces from their camp, although their condition was -perfectly well known to Howe through the deserters that flocked to -the city. The military movements of Howe while in Philadelphia were -confined to foraging expeditions and attacks on isolated posts that -could be surprised and broken up with little danger of loss. While -these were successful, they gave to the war a predatory character that -reflected little credit on British arms, and intensified the bitterness -entertained for all representatives of royal authority. - -The British government, dissatisfied with the results of Howe's -campaigns, decided early in 1778 upon his recall. Sir Henry Clinton, -his successor, arrived in Philadelphia the 8th of May, and on the 18th -an entertainment was given by the officers of the army in honor of the -retiring commander. The fête was styled the "Mischianza", and consisted -of a regatta, a mock tournament, and a ball. But "Knights of the -Burning Mountain" and of the "Blended Rose", with squires and ladies -decked with spangles and ribbons, could not disguise the fact that the -royal army had failed in accomplishing the task assigned to it, and -the chagrin of its veterans was deepened by the frivolous scenes which -marked the retirement of Sir William Howe. - -The alliance with France made it necessary for the British to contract -their operations, and Sir Henry Clinton brought with him orders to -evacuate Philadelphia. His intention of doing so became known to -Washington, and that his information might be more certain he ordered -Lafayette, with a body of two thousand four hundred men, the flower of -the army, to cross the Schuylkill and take a position near the city. -This movement was made on the very day of the Mischianza, and on the -morning of the 19th Howe learned that Lafayette was at Barren Hill, -twelve miles distant. Clinton had not yet assumed command, and in the -hope of closing his career in America by a brilliant stroke, Howe -determined to make an effort to capture the young Frenchman and his -detachment. So confident was he of doing this, that, before leaving the -city, he invited his friends to meet Lafayette, whom he promised to -bring with him on his return, while his brother, the admiral, prepared -a vessel in which to take the distinguished captive to England. On -the night of the 19th Grant, with five thousand men, marched by way -of Frankford and Oxford, and by morning he had gained a point on -the Swedes Ford road two miles in the rear of Lafayette. Another -detachment, under Grey, was sent by way of Chestnut Hill to attack -Lafayette's flank; while the main portion of the army, under Howe, -took the Ridge road, to attack him in front. Lafayette's position was -on high ground, and was naturally strong. Neither Grey nor Howe could -approach him without his being aware of their advance. In his rear were -two roads. One led along the riverside to Matson's Ford, three miles -distant; the other along a ridge, a short distance from the river, to -Swedes Ford, still higher up. The ground between the roads was heavily -wooded. Had Grant, who held the Swedes Ford road, sent a portion of -his force to Matson's Ford (which he could have done by a cross-road), -Lafayette's only line of retreat would have been destroyed. But in -place of doing this he marched down the Swedes Ford road to attack the -American rear. Through the carelessness of his scouts, Lafayette was -ignorant of Grant's position. He was preparing his force to receive -Howe, when he heard of the column advancing from Chestnut Hill. He had -just faced a portion of his troops in that direction when he learned -that Grant was in his rear. Lafayette's danger was now apparent, but -he was equal to the occasion. Without losing a moment, he sent troops -through the woods, with orders to allow themselves to be seen at times -by Grant, and lead him to suppose that they were the advance-guards of -larger numbers. He also left a small body to engage the attention of -Howe and Grey, and then silently marched his detachment along the river -road, below Grant, to Matson's Ford. Grant was entirely deceived. He -halted his men, reconnoitred the troops seen in the woods, and then -pushed on to Barren Hill, where he met the other columns and discovered -that Lafayette had escaped. The British pursued him to the ford, but by -the time they reached it Lafayette had drawn up his force on the other -side, and his rear-guard could be seen following him, dotting the river -like the corks of a seine. Fearing that Lafayette had been reinforced -by the entire American army, Howe made no attempt to follow him, but -returned to the city, and on the 24th sailed for England. - -The evacuation of Philadelphia was now only a question of time, and the -news that it had been decided upon was appalling to the Tory citizens -who had openly committed themselves to the royal side. In their despair -they offered to raise three thousand men, if two thousand of the royal -army could be left in addition, to protect the city. Howe had advised -some of them to make terms with Congress, but those who had been most -active in serving him decided to leave with the army. One hundred and -eighty transports arrived in the Delaware, and such diligence was -used in loading them that for days light carts drawn by soldiers, and -every kind of carriage, from wagons to wheelbarrows, were constantly -rolling between the houses and the river. As fast as the transports -received their cargoes they dropped down the river. The defences were -dismantled. On the 30th of May bodies of troops were thrown across -the Delaware to protect the passage of the army. Everything was now -ready for the departure of the British, but the final movement was -delayed for a few days on account of the arrival of the commissioners -appointed under the conciliatory bills of Parliament. At last, on the -morning of June 18th, the men were withdrawn from the lines and marched -below the city, where they were embarked upon boats and taken over to -Gloucester. This was done so quietly that many of the citizens were not -aware of the departure of the army until they noticed the absence of -the redcoats in the streets. "They did not go away", wrote a resident, -"they vanished." - -By narrowly watching the movements of the enemy Washington was -convinced that it was Clinton's intention to march the greater part of -his army across Jersey. In this opinion he was opposed by the erratic -Charles Lee, who had been exchanged, and had reached the camp. Lee -could not believe that the British would give up Pennsylvania, and -argued that it was more probable that they would strike at Lancaster, -or possibly cross the lower Susquehanna and take up a position on its -west bank. Before this, however, Washington had sent all of the Jersey -troops into that State. He had put them under the command of Maxwell, -with directions to coöperate with Dickinson, who commanded the militia, -in opposing any attempt Clinton should make to cross the State. On -the 18th of June George Roberts rode at full speed into camp at Valley -Forge. He had been at the ferry over the Schuylkill at Market Street, -and citizens on the Philadelphia side had shouted over the water that -the British had gone. They had destroyed the bridge, so that he was -unable to cross, but the intelligence could be relied upon. Shortly -afterwards a letter was received from Captain Allen McLane confirming -the news. He had ridden into the city from the north, and had picked up -some stragglers. - -Washington had everything in readiness to move the army at a moment's -notice. Six brigades were immediately put in motion, and the remainder -of the army followed the next day. Crossing the Schuylkill at Valley -Forge, Washington marched directly for Coryell's Ferry on the Delaware, -which he crossed on the 22d. He now sent a picked corps under Morgan -to assist Maxwell. At Hopewell a council of war was held. Lee opposed -any attack, and argued that, on military grounds, rather than delay -the British, he would build a bridge of gold to facilitate their -march. He so successfully urged his views that it was decided to -move on a line parallel with the enemy, and send only a detachment -of fifteen hundred men under Scott to aid Maxwell in annoying their -flanks. Greene, Lafayette, and Wayne protested against the decision -of the Council, and as their views agreed with Washington's, and -were supported by Steuben and Du Portail, Washington determined to -attack Clinton if an opportunity offered. For this purpose he moved -his army to Kingston, whence he could strike at Clinton's line if he -attempted to cross the Raritan. He also sent Wayne with a thousand men -and Poor's detachment to join Scott and Maxwell. The command of this -body belonged to Lee, but as he did not approve of the change in the -plans, he declined it in favor of Lafayette. Subsequently, however, Lee -claimed it, and to relieve Washington from an embarrassing position, -and save Lee's feelings, Lafayette magnanimously yielded. The Jersey -militia had turned out in a spirited manner, and under Dickinson and -Forman were doing all in their power to retard Clinton's advance. They -destroyed the bridges as they retired from Haddonfield to Mount Holly, -and filled up the wells so that the enemy could not obtain water. The -heat was intense and the British suffered severely. Clinton arrived at -Crosswicks on the 23d, just in time to save a bridge over the creek at -that place. There he learned that Washington was in Jersey, and would -soon be on his flank if he continued to march in his present direction. -Encumbered as he was with a baggage train twelve miles long, Clinton -knew it would be impossible to protect it in crossing the Raritan. He -determined, therefore, to march by the way of Freehold to the Neversink -Hills, from which place he could embark his army for New York. Morgan -and Maxwell hung on his rear from the time he left Crosswicks, and to -protect his baggage Clinton sent it to the head of the column. As he -approached Freehold, he knew from the frequency with which troops were -seen on his left that he was in close proximity to the American army. -He arrived at Freehold, where the court-house of Monmouth County is -situated, on the morning of the 26th, and there encamped. The head of -his column extended a mile and a half beyond the court-house on the -road to Middletown. His left was on the road just marched over from -Crosswicks to Freehold. The village was entered on the west by a road -leading to Cranberry. It passed over low ground that was intersected -by several swamps and ravines, which, with woods, completely covered -the left of Clinton's line. The American army reached Cranberry, -eight miles from Freehold, on the morning of the 26th. On account of -a violent storm it was obliged to halt there, but the advance under -Lee was within five miles of the enemy. When Washington heard of -Clinton's position he ordered Lee to prepare a plan to attack him as -soon as he resumed his march, unless it should prove that there were -strong reasons for his not doing so. On the evening of the 27th Lee -called his officers together only to tell them that no plan could be -decided upon until the field was reached. At sunrise on the morning -of the 28th, Knyphausen, with the baggage, began his march towards -Middletown. At eight o'clock he was followed by the rest of the army. -Scarcely had the rear-guard moved from its ground when it was fired -upon by the militia under Dickinson. The militia were forced to retire, -and as they did so were met by Lee's detachment as it advanced from -Englishtown. On account of conflicting information the Americans halted -for a short time, and then engaged the enemy and drove them towards -their retreating columns. As matters were growing serious, Clinton -reinforced his rear-guard, and the fighting promised to become general. -But Lee had no faith in the ability of the Americans to cope with the -British, and as the latter occupied strong ground he withdrew his men. -From the time Clinton began his march across Jersey, Lee had contended -that all the Americans could hope to do was to fall upon some isolated -party of the enemy and either rout or capture it. To effect this he -endeavored to draw the rear-guard of the British across the ravines -intersecting the low ground west of Freehold, and while they were thus -separated from the main body to defeat them. But his men could not -understand his strategy. As they were withdrawn from one position after -another they lost heart. It seemed to them that they were flying from -a shadow, and so frequently were they ordered back that the retreat -became rapid and confused. When Washington heard that Dickinson had -engaged the enemy he again sent word to Lee to attack them also, unless -there were powerful reasons for the contrary, and he would support him -with the entire army. The day was excessively hot, and the men threw -off their knapsacks that they might march more quickly. As they came to -the church which stands between Englishtown and Freehold, stragglers -were met who told them that Lee was retreating. Unwilling to believe -the story, Washington spurred to the front to learn the truth. After -passing the ravine which borders the low ground we have spoken of, -on the west, he met Lee and his men in full retreat. A stormy scene -ensued. Overwhelmed by the indignation which Washington manifested, -Lee vainly endeavored to excuse his conduct. Little time, however, was -lost in wasting words. Calling upon Colonels Stewart and Ramsey, who -were near him with their regiments, to check the enemy, then but two -hundred yards distant, Washington crossed the ravine in his rear, and -formed his men as they came up on its western bank. Greene was placed -on the right and Stirling on the left, while Wayne remained east of -the ravine in front of Greene. In this position a severe engagement -took place. Encouraged by the retreat of Lee, Clinton sent additional -reinforcements to his rear, and vainly strove to drive Washington from -his chosen ground. A battery under the Chevalier de Mauduit Duplessis, -planted on an elevation on Greene's right, kept up an effective fire -on the enemy's left, while Wayne repelled a desperate charge led by -Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton, in which that officer fell at the head of -his men. Night ended the conflict, and both parties slept on the ground -which they had occupied. At midnight Clinton withdrew his troops, and, -leaving his dead unburied, resumed his march to Middletown. He retired -so silently that Poor, who lay close to his right, was not aware of the -movement, and on the morning of the 29th the Americans found themselves -alone on the field. By daybreak Clinton was on too strong ground to be -attacked, and after resting his men a few days Washington marched to -the North River, and Clinton embarked for New York. - -The battle of Monmouth, as the conflict at Freehold was called, was the -last general engagement fought on Northern soil. The Americans had 229 -killed and wounded, the British over 400. Besides this, the latter lost -many by desertion on their march, and numbers fell from the effects of -the heat, which registered ninety-six degrees on the day of the battle. - -Lee's conduct would probably have passed unnoticed had he not, in a -letter to Washington, endeavored to defend himself, while he demanded -the grounds which called forth the remarks addressed to him on the -battlefield. The letter was written in a highly improper spirit, and -the result was a court-martial, that found Lee guilty of disobedience -of orders, misbehavior before the enemy, and disrespect of the -commander-in-chief. For these reasons he was suspended from command -for twelve months, and before he was again ordered to service he was -dismissed from the army for having written an impertinent letter to -Congress. - -Before leaving Valley Forge, Washington directed General Arnold, who -had not fully recovered from the wounds received at Saratoga, to -proceed to Philadelphia and take military command of the city. The -duties assigned him were of a delicate nature. Congress had ordered -that when the Americans took possession of the city no goods should -be sold or removed until their ownership had been decided upon by a -properly constituted commission. The object of this was to secure for -the army such goods as the British and Tories might have abandoned or -parted with at nominal prices to their friends. In his instructions to -Arnold, Washington had referred him to the resolutions of Congress for -his guidance, and had urged him to take every step in his power to -preserve tranquillity and give security to individuals of every class -until the restoration of civil power. Arnold arrived on the morning of -the 19th of June, and with the approbation of several of the principal -citizens issued a proclamation that closed the stores and suspended -business. It also commanded the citizens to make returns to the town -major of goods in their possession, beyond those needed for family -use, that the purchasing agents of the army might contract for those -they required. The temptation to benefit himself by the power he now -exercised was greater than Arnold could withstand, and three days after -he issued his first proclamation he entered into an agreement with the -clothier-general of the army and another individual, that all goods -purchased for the public and found to be superfluous should be charged -to them and sold for their joint account. It soon became noised about -that Arnold was personally interested in the purchases ostensibly -made for the government, and although the secret of the agreement was -preserved until after his treason, the knowledge of his speculations -in Montreal gave such a color of truth to the rumor that the community -were greatly dissatisfied: besides, he took up his abode in a spacious -mansion on Market Street, formerly the residence of Governor Penn, -which Howe had just vacated, and entered upon a style of living far -beyond his means. - -When the exiled Whigs returned to their homes they found the city in -a filthy condition, and its surroundings a scene of desolation. The -houses in the built-up portions of the city were not much injured, -but many of them had been stripped of their furniture, and the papers -were filled with advertisements of missing articles which the owners -hoped to recover. The Supreme Executive Council resumed its sessions -in Philadelphia on the 26th of June. Its patriotic president, Thomas -Wharton, Jr., had died at Lancaster the month previous, and it was -presided over by the vice-president, George Bryan. The Congress -assembled more slowly. On the 2d of July a few delegates gathered in -the State House, and two days afterwards celebrated the anniversary -of Independence at the City Tavern; but it was not until the 7th that -a sufficient number were present to conduct business. On the 12th, -Gérard, the French ambassador, arrived. Until a suitable residence -could be found for him he was the guest of Arnold. Congress received -and entertained him on the 6th of August. No opportunity was lost of -honoring the new ally. On the birthday of Louis XVI. the president -and members of Congress called upon his ambassador and offered their -congratulations, and on the 25th were in turn entertained by Gérard. - -In the midst of their rejoicings the Whigs did not forget the Tories, -whom they looked upon as promoters of their sufferings. Many of them -had been attainted of treason while the government was at Lancaster, -but the most obnoxious had gone off with the British. Such as remained -were summoned before the authorities, and so great was the clamor -against them that several were executed for aiding the enemy. The -new Constitution had been put into effect, but it was opposed by a -number of conscientious Whigs, and its administration was largely -in the hands of new men, who did not command universal respect. -The depreciation of the currency had also a demoralizing effect. -Speculation ran wild, and the greatest extravagance prevailed. The -prices of all kinds of commodities rose to enormous figures, and the -attempts of Congress to regulate them by law and fix the value of the -currency only served to increase the evil. The community was soon -divided into two classes. The Anti-Constitutionalists and the Tories -formed one party; the supporters of the new government the other. -The latter zealously advocated all the measures of Congress, and, -classing their opponents under the one head of "Tories", accused them -of being the authors of all the difficulties that embarrassed the -government; it was through their efforts that traitors were allowed to -go unpunished, and the necessaries of life locked up so that higher -prices could be wrung from the people. "Party disputes and personal -quarrels", wrote Washington from Philadelphia, in December, "are the -great business of the day; whilst the momentous concerns of an empire, -a great and accumulating debt, ruined finances, depreciated money, and -want of credit ... are but secondary considerations." "Our money", he -continued, "is now sinking fifty per cent. a day in this city; and yet -an assembly, a concert, a dinner, or a supper, that will cost three or -four hundred pounds, will not only take men off from acting in this -business, but even from thinking of it." - -It was in a community thus rent by faction and passion that Arnold -commanded. The early restoration of civil power limited his authority, -but his arrogance soon brought him in conflict with the new government. -Unable to brook the restraint it put upon him, he joined its opponents, -and was soon the centre of a gay and fashionable circle that gladly -added so distinguished a soldier to their number. Arnold at that time -was a widower, in his thirty-eighth year. He was of a susceptible -nature, and before long fell in love with Miss Peggy Shippen, the -daughter of Edward Shippen, a leading lawyer of character and -position, whose political opinions caused him to be numbered among -the disaffected. In this company the temptations to spend money were -not easily resisted, and Arnold soon yielded to them. He gave elegant -entertainments, and lived ostentatiously, if not extravagantly. He was -soon involved in debt, and in the hopes of extracting himself entered -into questionable speculations. His quarrel with the state authorities -became more bitter, and in February, 1779, the Council published a -series of charges which were referred to Congress. The committee who -considered them failed to find Arnold guilty of any intentional wrong, -and on the 19th of March he resigned the command of Philadelphia, and -on the 8th of April was married to Miss Shippen. The Pennsylvania -authorities were dissatisfied with the action of the committee of -Congress, and succeeded in having the case reconsidered. After -considerable delay, it was determined that the whole matter should be -referred to a court-martial, to be appointed by the commander-in-chief. -The court met in December, and the following month found Arnold guilty -of two of the charges that had been preferred against him. The most -serious one, that of speculating in goods bought for the public while -the stores were closed, was not sustained for want of evidence, which -was not discovered until after his treason. The acts he was found -guilty of were indiscretions rather than crimes; and for these he was -sentenced to be reprimanded by the commander-in-chief. - - -EDITORIAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -DURING the movements of Washington to check the British in their -attempts to secure New York, what Congress called a flying camp was -formed of some militia in Jersey, under Mercer, to impede the enemy's -advance in case he turned towards Philadelphia.[888] - -In Nov., 1776, Washington, crossing into New Jersey,[889] left Lee in -command on the New York side, but Washington, at first requesting, -afterwards instructed Lee to follow him (Sparks's _Washington_, iv. -168, 186-7, 193; 5 Force, iii. 779; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1872, p. -267). Lee's secret purpose was to find some excuse for delaying, and so -to prolong his independent command, with a chance of making a brilliant -stroke. He endeavored at first to quiet Washington's importunities by -detaching a part of Heath's force at Peekskill, but Heath would take -orders only from Washington (_Memoirs_).[890] Finally Lee was moved to -follow (Dec. 2d and 3d), and while crossing Jersey "to reconquer it" he -was surprised at his transient quarters, Dec. 13, 1776, and captured. -Captain Bradford, Lee's aid, gave Stiles the account which is entered -in his diary (Johnston's _Campaign of 1776, Docs._, p. 146, and _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, p. 33).[891] - -[Illustration: (From the _Gentleman's Magazine_.)] - -We have abundant evidence of the consternation which ensued in -Philadelphia upon the advance of the British to Trenton.[892] The -political condition of the government of the colony was very unstable. -The colonial charter, under the instigation of Congress (May 10, 1776), -had been overthrown by a convention called in the interests of the -patriot party, which in July had met to frame a new constitution.[893] -This, however, upon its adoption, failed of being effective, by its -opponents' obstructive movements to prevent the organization of an -executive council, so that in the interim the supreme power, such as it -was, resided in a Council of Safety, which was hampered in its control -of the militia. Such was the conjunction when fear of an invasion -came, and the Quaker element was passive under the alarm, and, indeed, -antagonistic to measures of resistance.[894] - -[Illustration: JOS. REED. - -From Du Simitière's _Thirteen Portraits_ (Lond., 1783). Cf. also _Heads -of illustrious Americans_ (London, 1783). A likeness by C. W. Peale, -engraved by Sartain, is in W. B. Reed's _Life of Jos. Reed_, vol. i. A -copy of the original painting is in the Hist. Society of Penna. There -is also the profile likeness in _2 Penna. Archives_, xi.; Scharf and -Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 279. There is a painting in Independence -Hall by C. W. Peale, which differs from that engraved by Sartain.] - -The Jersey campaign in general can be followed in original authorities -in Sparks's _Washington_, vol. iv.; Force's _5 Amer. Archives_, iii.; -in Joseph Reed's "Narrative of the movements of the American army in -the neighborhood of Trenton in the winter of 1776-1777", which, having -been used in Reed's _Reed_, i. ch. 14, is printed in the _Penna. Mag. -of Hist._, Dec., 1884, p. 391; the account by Congress,—not very -correct,—dated Baltimore, Jan. 9, 1777, and sent to France (Lee's _R. -H. Lee_, and E. E. Hale's _Franklin in France_, 97); and the current -reports sent from Boston, Feb. 27, by Bowdoin to Franklin (Hale, p. -110.)[895] - -The principal British contemporary accounts are in Stedman, _Annual -Register_, Howe's _Narrative_, the evidence of Cornwallis in the -_Detail and Conduct of the War_, and _Letter to a Nobleman_, 1779. - -[Illustration: CHARLES LEE. - -From _An Impartial Hist. of the War in America_, Lond., 1780, p. 319, -where the print represents his full length. Compare with this a print -by Thomlinson, published in London, Oct. 31, 1755, with cannon and -a flag bearing the motto "Appeal to Heaven", which is reproduced in -Smith's _British Mezzotint Portraits_, and the engraving by G. R. Hall -in Moore's _Treason of Charles Lee_, and in the quarto edition of -Irving's _Washington_. There is a German print in the _Geschichte der -Kriege in und ausser Europa_ (Nürnberg, 1778). - -Dr. Moore considers the only picture of Lee which "bears any -evidence of authenticity, or answers to the descriptions given by -his contemporary friends and biographers", to be one drawn by Barham -Rushbrooke at the time of Lee's return from Poland, and showing him -dressed in the uniform of an aid of King Stanislaus. It was first -engraved in 1813 in Dr. Thomas Gridlestone's treatise to prove that -Lee was Junius, and that writer said of it that, "though designed as a -caricature, it was allowed, by all who knew General Lee, to be the only -successful delineation of his countenance or person." It is familiar in -prints, representing his extremely attenuated figure in profile, with -a small dog in front of him. It is given in Moore's _Treason of Lee_; -Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 460; in Scull's _Evelyns in America_ (p. -295,—also see p. 196); and in K. M. Rowland's "Virginia Cavaliers" in -the _Southern Bivouac_, April, 1886. - -There are views of Lee's house in Virginia in J. E. Cooke's "Historic -houses in the Shenandoah", in _Appleton's Journal_, p. 69, July 19, -1873, and in Mrs. Lamb's _Homes of America_. - -The principal sources of Lee's history are: Edward Langworthy's -_Memoirs of the Life of the late Charles Lee, to which are added his -Political and Military Essays_ (London, 1792; Dublin, 1792; New York, -1792, 1793). It was reproduced as _Life and Memoirs of Maj.-Gen. -Charles Lee_ (N. Y., 1795, 1813), as _Political and Military Essays, -with Memoirs_, etc., 2d ed., with App. (London, 1797), and with new -title as _Anecdotes of the late Charles Lee, Esq._ (London, 1797). Cf. -Sparks's _Life of Charles Lee_ (1846); Moore's _Treason of Lee_; the -_Papers of Charles Lee_, published by the N. Y. Hist. Soc. in their -collections; Irving's _Washington_, i. 377; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, -160; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, ii. ch. 23; John Bernard's -_Retrospections of America_ (1887), p. 96.] - -The story is also told in local monographs,[896] and by the general -historians.[897] - -On the temporary clothing of Washington with dictatorial powers, see -the Circular of Congress (Dec. 28th), explaining why it was done -(_Journals_, i. 585). Cf. also Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 550; Greene's -_Greene_, i. 292; Thacher's _Military Journal_, 74; Wells's _Sam. -Adams_, ii. 458, and the adverse views of Abraham Clark in _N. Jersey -Rev. Corresp._, p. 68. - -The purpose of some sudden stroke on Washington's part is well -indicated.[898] The advance of Griffin with militia was opportune in -drawing Donop forward to Mount Holly, so that he was too distant to -support Rahl at Trenton. - -On the attack on Trenton there is special record from the Washington -papers in Sparks (iv. 242, 246, 541), Dawson, i. 20 (to Congress), -_Mass. Soc. Hist. Col._, xliv. 32 (to Heath, and Heath's letter in -_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 445). Others are in 5 Force, iii., a full -record of the battle. Congress wrote to the agents in France (_Diplom. -Corresp._, i. 246.)[899] - -What is known as the Reed-Cadwalader controversy, hinging upon the -alleged weakness or defection of Joseph Reed at this time, is more -particularly examined in another place. - -On the English side we have Howe's despatch in Dawson (i. 202) Tryon to -Germain in _N. Y. Col. Doc._ (viii. 694). The effect of the battle in -England to discourage the expatriated loyalists is told in Hutchinson's -_Diary_, ii. 139. Stedman accuses Howe of bad judgment in placing -so unfit a man in command as Rahl. Adolphus (ii. 385), On "private -information" supposed to have been Arnold's, says that Arnold suggested -to Washington the movement, and Mahon (vi. 130) has followed Adolphus. - -[Illustration: TRENTON, PRINCETON, MONMOUTH. - -From the map in Marshall's _Atlas_ to his _Washington_ (1804). Cf. also -Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 258; Guizot's _Atlas_ to his _Washington_. -The plans of Trenton and Princeton in Carrington (pp. 270, 302) vary -somewhat from the contemporary ones as to roads. The chief contemporary -English map of New Jersey is one based on the surveys of Bernard Ratzer -in 1769, which was published in London, Dec. 1, 1777, by William -Faden, and called _The Province of New Jersey, divided into East and -West, commonly called the Jerseys_ (32 × 23 inches). It was improved -from surveys by Gerard Banker. It was reissued in fac-simile by the -Geological Survey of New Jersey in 1877, and this fac-simile is in W. -S. Sharp's reprint of Smith's _New Jersey_, 1877. Another fac-simile -was published in 1884. A second edition of the original was published -in 1778, corrected by the British and Hessian engineers. - -An American map of the campaign, by Erskine, is given in the -illustrated ed. of Irving's _Washington_, ii. 430. There are English -maps in the _Gent. Mag._, Sept., 1776, and in Stedman's _American War_. -Gordon gives a map (vol. ii. 525). Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, vol. ii. - -We have Hessian maps of some of the movements preceding Howe's -evacuation of New Jersey in 1777, which are among the Faden MS. -maps in the library of Congress, and bear the name of Wangenheim, a -"lieutenant dans les chasseurs Hessois, 1777", namely: No. 75, "Plan -de l'affaire de Westfield et du camp de Raway, 1777, Jan. 26, 27." No. -76, "Plan de notre camp à New Brunswick, le 12^e Juin; notre marche le -14 à Middlebush; la situation du camp le 15^e Juin, et celle de Gen. -Washington à Boundbrook." No. 77, "Position de notre camp le 24 Juin, -1777, à Perth Amboy."] - -[Illustration: TRENTON AND PRINCETON. - -A section of a large map in the library of Congress, apparently of -Hessian origin, _Plan général des opérations de l'armée Britannique -contre les Rebelles_, etc. The broken lines represent roads. The -Americans are represented by blocks, half white and half black. The -British are solid black. KEY: "76, Marche du Général Cornwallis. -77, Marche du Général Knyphausen le 23 Juin, et son camp près de -Richardstown."] - -[Illustration: FADEN'S MAP OF TRENTON AND PRINCETON. - -Sketched from a _Plan of the Operations of General Washington against -the king's troops in New Jersey, from the 26th of December, 1776, to -the 3d January, 1777, by William Faden_. London, 15th April, 1777. -This map also makes part of the _American Atlas_, and the original -MS. draft is among the Faden maps in the library of Congress. The map -(the roads being represented by broken lines) bears legends to the -following purport: Washington from his headquarters at Newtown moved -his men on the evening of December 25th to 1, and by 4 o'clock on the -morning of the 26th he had crossed to 2, where he divided his army into -two divisions. The left, composed of 1,200 men with ten field-pieces -under Greene, but accompanied by Washington himself, proceeded through -3 towards Trenton; the right, under Sullivan, consisting of 1,500 -men with ten field-pieces, went through 4. Meanwhile "Erwin's" and -Cadwallader's forces came to 5, hoping to cross the ferry, but the ice -in the river prevented. At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 26th, Rahl -at Trenton was surprised, and the entire force of Hessians with him -were captured except 200 men, who, with some chasseurs and dragoons, -escaped to "Burdenton", where they net Count Donop, who now, joined -by these fugitives, proceeded with his command to Crosswicks, thence -to Allenstown and Princeton. Washington, after his victory, encamped -at 6, where he was reinforced by troops from Virginia, Maryland, and -Pennsylvania. On January 2d the position was this: Washington had been -confronted at 7 by the advance of Cornwallis at 8. The second brigade -of the British under Leslie was at Maidenhead, and Lieutenant-Colonel -Mawhood, with the 17th, 40th, and 55th British regiments, was on the -road at 10,—all these troops having moved forward from Princeton -after Washington's attack at Trenton. During the night of January 2d, -Washington having withdrawn his detachments over the bridge, left fires -along the southern bank of the Assumpink Creek to deceive the British, -and marched from his camp at 6 to Allenstown, then turned towards -Princeton, but his force in part left the road, and by the dotted line -proceeded to 9, and on the morning of Jan. 3d attacked Mawhood at 10. -Of the three British regiments here, the 17th was driven upon Leslie -at Maidenhead, while the 40th and 55th retreated through Princeton and -Kingstown towards Brunswick, beyond 12. Washington followed them to -Kingstown and encamped there on Jan. 3, after having broken down the -bridge over the Millstone to interfere with Cornwallis's overtaking -him. On Jan. 4 Washington took the road through 11 to the passes in the -hills, while Cornwallis, reaching Kingstown the same day, proceeded -through 12 towards Brunswick.] - -[Illustration: TRENTON. - -Wiederhold's plan from the archives at Marburg, sketched from a -fac-simile furnished by Mr. E. J. Lowell. (Cf. his _Hessians_, 92.) -_A_ marks the centre of the village. The Hessian outposts were at -_B_, one officer and 24 men; _C_, Captain Altenbocum's company of the -Lossberg regiment, quartered in the neighborhood, which formed in -front of the captain's quarters, while the picket at _B_ occupied the -enemy; _D_, one captain, one officer, and 75 men; _E_, one officer and -50 Jägers, who retreated over the bridge on Sullivan's approach; _F_, -one officer and 30 men, who joined Donop over the Bordentown road. The -two columns of Washington and Sullivan emerged from the woods at _G -G_. The broken lines (— — — —) indicate their line of march and -successive positions, till they surrounded the Hessians. The beginning -of the dotted lines (. . . . .) in the village shows where the Hessians -attempted to form; but Rahl and Lossberg were driven back to _H_, -and Knyphausen to _J_, and surrounded they surrendered. Knyphausen -endeavored to reach the bridge, having with him the Lossberg cannon, -which got stuck in the marsh at _K_, and the delay in extricating -them was sufficient for Sullivan to occupy the bridge and cut off -Knyphausen's retreat. His own cannon were at _M_, and were not used. -Rahl's cannon were at _N_, and early dismounted. The Americans used -cannon at _s s s_, etc. There is also among the Rochambeau maps (no. -18) a map done in faint colors, with an elaborate key, which is marked -_Engagement de Trenton_, by Wiederhold, measuring about eight inches -wide by ten high. A French plan is given in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -1880, p. 369. Cf. map in Raum's _Trenton_; Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 228 (with Rahl's headquarters, p. 228, and a view, p. 222). -Carrington's special map of Trenton (p. 278) gives more detail than the -contemporary plans.] - -Bancroft (ix. 217; cf. Irving, ii. 466) notes the Hessian journals -which he had used.[900] - -The affair at Princeton has special treatment in the Washington papers -(Sparks, iv. 259; Dawson, i. 204), and is necessarily covered by the -general historians.[901] On the English side Howe's letter (Jan. 5, -1777) to Germain is the principal source, and it will be found in -_Gent. Mag._, Feb., 1777; C. C. Haven's _Thirty days_, 60; Dawson, i. -210. Cf. Mahon, vi. 132.[902] - -[Illustration: FROM WILKINSON'S ATLAS. - -Sullivan delayed at F to give Washington a chance to make his longer -detour by A before he (Sullivan) advanced by D. Washington attacked -at B, and threw out riflemen at G and H. Rahl, deserted by a part of -his force, who fled to Donop at Bordentown, surrendered at I, when he -became aware of Sullivan's approach behind him. - -Wilkinson also gives a map showing the movements between Dec. 25, 1776, -and Jan. 3, 1777, and this is the basis of the map in C. C. Haven's -_New Historic Manual concerning the battles of Trenton and Princeton_ -(Trenton, 1871).] - -[Illustration: FROM WILKINSON'S ATLAS. - -The advance, with which Wilkinson was, came by G to the vicinity of -the wood A and Quaker meeting-house B. The main column turned off and -followed the line _b_. Gen. Mercer proceeded to _f_. A detachment of -the British at _d_, with officers reconnoitring at _a a_, discovered -the American line on the route _h_; but coming to _g_, they also -discovered Mercer at _f_, who wheeled by the line _c_, and gaining -the orchard of Wm. Clark's house (5) confronted at 1—2 the British -detachment now formed at 3—4. The Americans retreated when the British -advanced to the slope (_o o o_), where they saw Moulder's battery, -X, near Thomas Clark's house (7), which Washington had sent from his -main line at _h_, together with other troops by the line _r r_, which -induced the British to retreat on the line _e e_, while Mawhood, -their commander, fled with a few infantry by the line, _s s_. At this -juncture another British regiment, which had advanced from Princeton to -C, fell back, and joining other troops took post at K and C, where they -confronted Washington's main body, which now deployed at _i i_; and as -the Americans attacked, the British fled to the college building (P), -and then beyond by the route _t t_. Cf. plan in Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 235. Carrington's plan of Princeton (p. 278) gives further details -from later study.] - -[Illustration: CAMPAIGN OF 1777. - -A map in Captain Hall's _Hist. of the Civil War in America_ (London, -1780), vol. i.] - -Howe's campaign of 1777 was the ruin of his military reputation.[903] -Jones, in his severe criticism upon Howe, unjustly charges Galloway -with making the suggestion of the expedition to the Head of Elk.[904] -It is certain that Galloway threw himself upon Howe's protection not -far from the time when Howe committed himself to a plan of capturing -Philadelphia. About the same time it has been charged that General Lee, -by a treasonable project, aided Howe's purposes in the same direction. - -[Illustration: CAMPAIGN OF 1777. - -From Galloway's _Letters to a Nobleman_, London, 1779. KEY: _A_, the -British army before the battle of Brandywine. _B_, Gen. Knyphausen's -advance to the attack. _C_, Lord Cornwallis having turned the right -wing of the rebel army. _D_, Sullivan advanced to oppose him. _E_, -position of the rebel army. _F_, General Howe's quarters, in which -he remained five days after the rebel defeat. _a a a_, Washington's -retreat to Chester and Philadelphia. _G_, his camp at Chester, where -he remained fourteen hours after the battle. The roads with the zigzag -mark show those by which the rebels might have been intercepted after -the battle. _H_, Washington's flight after the skirmish at Goshen. -_I_, Washington's retreat when Sir Wm. Howe crossed the Schuylkill. -_K_, Washington's camp, whence he marched to surprise the British -army at Germantown, and to which he retreated after the battle. _L_, -Washington's camp at Whitemarsh. (For his headquarters see Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 321, and his _Mary and Martha Washington_, p. 162.) -_M_, the first position of the British. _N_, the second. _O, O, O_, -where Washington's camp might have been attacked with advantage. _P_, -British camp at Germantown. The line ——— denotes marches of the -British army; the line of dots . . . . . . . . the marches of the rebel -army. _Q_, Washington's lines at Valley Forge in the winter 1777. -_R, R, R, R, R_, positions which might have been taken to besiege -or assault the rebel quarters. _S_, the bridge. This map is also -reproduced in _The Evelyns in America_, p. 252. - -The principal contemporary engraved maps of this part of the country -were the 1770 edition of Scull's _Map of Pennsylvania_ (see Vol. V. p. -240), which was at this time included in the _American Atlas_ (London, -1776), and the _Atlas Amériquain_ (Paris, 1777), and Pownall's edition, -1776, of Evans's _Map of the Middle Colonies_ (see Vol. V. p. 85), as -well as Jefferys' edition, 1775, of the same, not so accurate. To these -might be added Montresor's _Province of New York and Pennsylvania, -1777_; Mellish and Tanner's _Seat of War in America_; Faden's map of -July 1, 1778, given in fac-simile in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. -285; the maps in the _Gentleman's Mag._, 1776 and 1777; Almon's _Seat -of War in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 1777_. A modern -map, covering the same field to illustrate the campaign, is given in -Theodore W. Bean's _Washington at Valley Forge one hundred years ago_, -and is repeated, with a few changes, in _Proceedings at the Dedication -of the Paoli Monument_ (Westchester, 1877). The contemporary French -maps are Du Chesnoy's _Théâtre de la Guerre_, 1775-1778, Beaurain's -_Carte pour servir à l'intelligence de la guerre_ (Paris, 1777), Brion -de la Tour's _Théâtre de la Guerre_ (Paris, 1777), with another by -Phelippeaux "pour servir de suite", and Bourgoin's _Théâtre de la -Guerre_ (Paris). There is a German map in the _Geschichte der Kriege in -und ausser Europa_. There is in the Maryland Hist. Soc. library a map -of stage routes between Baltimore and New York, showing the operations -of the British from Elk River (1777) to Neversink (1778). (Lewis -Mayer's _Catal. of MSS. etc., in Maryland Hist. Soc._, 1854.) - -Cf. also the maps in Sparks's _Washington_, v. 66; Moore's _Diary of -the Revolution_, orig. ed., 495; _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser. vol. iii.; -Moorsom's _Fifty-second Regiment_; Hamilton's _Coldstream Guards_; -Carrington's _Battles_, p. 398.] - -George H. Moore laid before the N. Y. Hist. Soc., in June, 1859, the -document in Lee's handwriting, dated March 29, 1777, while he was a -prisoner in New York, in which he sketches a plan for Howe's guidance -in the coming campaign. The "plan" in fac-simile, together with an -elucidation of it, was printed in Moore's _Treason of Charles Lee_, -New York, 1860. The "plan" is also in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -1872, p. 361. Lee was at that time trying to induce Congress to send -commissioners to New York to confer with him (Bancroft, ix. ch. 19), -but Congress was not ensnared. Moore contends (p. 84) that the "plan" -is responsible for Howe turning towards Philadelphia, instead of going -north to help Burgoyne. Bancroft (ix. 333; also see p. 211) asserts -that it could have had no influence on Howe's movements.[905] - -Lecky quotes Galloway's testimony, that of the 66,000 men voted by -Congress for this campaign, hardly 16,000 were in the field. Bancroft -admits that no one better than Marshall (iii. ch. 3) has described the -part of Washington in this campaign.[906] - -At the opening of the campaign Washington was kept long in suspense -as to the purpose of Howe. The eastern people feared his object -was Boston.[907] Alexander Hamilton early in the season had become -Washington's aide, and his letters at once begin to contain -speculations on Howe's purpose (_Works_, Lodge's ed., vii. 481, -496, 500). On May 28th, Washington moved his headquarters from -Morristown[908] to Middlebrook, and it was thought Howe would attempt -to march direct for Philadelphia. On June 12th, Sullivan writes to -Weare that Howe was to be confronted the next day (_N. H. State -Papers_, viii. 584); and when it was known that Howe was retiring -towards New York, Washington, June 23d, little credited a report, then -prevalent, that the British army was panic-struck (_Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, vii. 138).[909] Cf., for all these movements, Montresor's -_Journal_. - -[Illustration: GENERAL HOWE. - -From _The Impartial Hist. of the War in America_.] - -In July, when news came of the fall of Ticonderoga, there were no -signs that Howe was preparing to coöperate with Burgoyne, and Hamilton -wondered (_Works_, vii. 507, 515). When Howe sailed from New York, -Washington was in suspense.[910] On July 31st, it was learned that -Howe's fleet was at the capes of Delaware, and the next day the -vessels had disappeared.[911] It was now supposed that Howe had gone -to Charleston, S. C., and that Washington might safely reinforce the -Northern army (_Hamilton's Works_, vii. 517). Lafayette first took -his seat at a council of war called to consider the propriety of this -(Sparks's _Washington_, v. 445). - -In August, 1777, Gen. Sullivan conducted a raid into Staten Island to -seize Tories. He captured some papers which implicated the Philadelphia -Quakers in inimical movements. (Cf. _Journals of Congress_, ii. -246, 253.) In other respects the incursion was unfortunate, and -his movements were examined by a court of inquiry, which acquitted -him.[912] - -Howe had been six weeks at sea, with three weeks' provisions, when he -landed at the Head of Elk.[913] - -Upon Washington's march to confront Howe, see, for the preliminary -movements, William J. Buck's paper on "Washington's Head Quarters on -the Neshaminy", in the _Penna. Mag. Hist._, i. 275.[914] - -[Illustration: GENERAL SIR WILLIAM HOWE. - -From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. i. It is -reëngraved in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U.S._, iii. 412. Cf. engraving in -Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., New York, 1857, ii. Sargent gives a -clever presentation of the character of Howe in his _André_, p. 136.] - -Upon the battle on the Brandywine the main American source is the -letters of Washington. With Washington's aid, R. H. Harrison wrote -to Congress from Chad's Ford, Sept. 11th, at 5 P. M., a letter which -was at once circulated in broadside (Sabin, iii. p. 463; Hildeburn, -no. 3,533). Pickering drafted for the commander-in-chief the report -(_Life of T. Pickering_, i. 157) written at Chester, at midnight, -September 11th (Sparks, i. 251; v. 58; Dawson, i. 278). Hamilton was -on Washington's staff (J. C. Hamilton's _Life of Hamilton_). C. C. -Pinckney, also on the staff, wrote a letter in 1820 (_Hist. Mag._, -July, 1866, x. 202). Marshall, as a participant, drew somewhat upon -personal experience in his account in the _Life of Washington_. -Lafayette's narrative, as given to Sparks, is in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. -xxxii. Cf. also Lafayette's _Mémoires_). There is a journal of Capt. -William Beatty, of the Maryland line, in the _Hist. Mag._, 2d. ser., i. -79. Sparks examines some of the disputed points of the battle.[915] - -There are contemporary records and opinions in the _Penna. Archives_, -2d ser., x. 316; the letter of the N. H. delegates in Congress in _N. -H. State Papers_, viii. 678; current reports in Moore's _Diary_, 495; -gossip in Adams's _Familiar Letters_, 296, etc.; Knox's account (Sept. -13th) in Drake's _Knox_, 48.[916] - -On the British side, we find Howe's report, Oct. 10th, to Germain in -Almon, v. 409; Dawson, i. 281. Cf. the evidence before Parliament in -the _Conduct of the War_ and the narrative in Stedman.[917] - -The Hessian participancy is examined in Lowell's _Hessians_, 197. -Bancroft quotes Ewald's _Beyspiele grosser Helden_ as the testimony of -an eye-witness of Washington's well-conducted retreat.[918] - -A portion of the British troops used breech-loaders.[919] - -The movements of the opposing armies toward Philadelphia can be -followed in the main in the authorities cited for the battle. Some -local details are in Pennypacker's _Phœnixville_, and an account of the -damage done by the British on the march is in Smith's _Delaware County_ -(p. 544). - -For the Paoli attack, we have Wayne's defence at the court-martial in -Dawson, i. 315, and in the _One hundredth anniversary of the Paoli -massacre_, p. 52, which last contains also, beside sundry contemporary -records, the addresses of J. S. Futhey (also in _Penna. Mag. Hist._, i. -285) and Wayne McVeagh. The report of Howe to Germain is in Dawson, i. -317.[920] - -On Sept. 26th, Washington described the state of the army, then at -Potsgrove (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 461). He was foiled by -a rain in an effort to hold the British once more at bay, and Howe -entered Philadelphia.[921] - -[Illustration: - -NOTE TO THE OPPOSITE MAP.—Washington's map of the Brandywine campaign, -on the opposite page, is reduced from a tracing of the original in the -possession of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. The legends upon it -in Washington's handwriting are noted in the following key by letters, -while those of the surveyor are given by figures. At one end of the -map is the following inscription: "Laid down at 200 p^s in an Inch, -the 27^{th} day of August, An. Dom^i 1777. P^r Jais. Broom, Surv^r. N. -Castle Co^y." At the other end is the following table:— - - "_m._ _q._ _p^s._ - From Chester County to Brandywine 7 0 21 - From Brandywine to New Castle 6 1 19 - From New Castle to Red Lyon 7 1 0 - From Red Lyon to St. George 3 2 46 - From St. George to Cantwell's Bridge 7 0 60 - From Cantwell's to Blackbird 5 2 70 - —— — —— - 37 0 56 - - From Chester County to Brandywine 7 0 21 - From Brandywine to Newport 4 0 79 - From Newport to Bridgetown 5 0 12 - From Bridgetown to Red Lyon 4 0 19 - From Red Lyon to Harris Inn 5 2 51 - From Harris Inn to Witherspoon's 6 1 44 - From Witherspoon's to Blackbird 6 1 42 - —— — —— - 38 3 28 - - From New Castle to Christiana Bridge 4 3 45" - -KEY: A, Chandler Ford, very good, but very broken ground and narrow -defiles on the Et. side. B, Fording place by Thomas Gibson's. C, To -Gibson's Ford. D, Road leading to Kennet's Square. E, Road leading -towards Red Clay Creek. F, Hendrickson's Tavern. G, Richland fording -place. H, Tavern. I, Smith's Store. J, James Walker. K, Mill Town. L, -Rising Sun Tavern. - -1, The Bottom Road, passing Brandywine at Chad's Ford (18). 2, -Newlin's. 3, The line dividing the counties of Chester and Newcastle. -[This is the curved northern boundary of Delaware.] 4, Gibson's Mill. -5, Gibson's Ford. The Center Road [runs to F]. 6, Kennet Meeting-house. -7, Clark's Inn. 8 [to 7 and beyond], The Road leading from Wilmington -to Kennet's. 9, Naaman's Creek. 10, Grubb's Inn. Grubb's Road [leads -from 10 to 5]. 11, The Road leading from Wilmington to Chester. 12, -Shelpot Creek. 13, Foulk's Road. 14, The Concord Road. 15, Brandywine -Creek. This creek, except the fording place, impassable. 16, Bridge. -17, M'Kim's [?] Mill. 18, Chad's Ford. 19, 20, Delaware River. 21, -Wm. Miller's Mill. 22, Red Clay Creek. 23, Christiana River. 24, The -Borough of Wilmington. 25, The Road leading from Wilmington towards -Lancaster. 26, Mill Creek. 27, Bridge. 28, The Road leading from -Wilmington to Newcastle. 29, Ferry. 30, Newport. 31, The Road leading -from Newport towards Lancaster with bridge at 32. 33, The Lancaster -Road. 34, Mill creek. 35, Bridge. 36 [to 46], White Clay Creek. 37, New -Castle. 38, The Road leading from N. Castle to Christiana Bridge. 39, -Bridge [Christiana]. 40, Hamburgh. 41, [The Road] to the Red Lyon. 42, -The Road leading from New Castle to the Elk River. 43, The Road leading -from Christiana Bridge to Elk River. 44, Ogle Town. 45, The Road -leading from Ogletown to the Head of Elk. 46, Mill of Capt. Black's. -47, 48, [Shaded space showing where the original is worn through]. -49, Newark. 50, The Road to Johnson Ferry on Susquehanna. 51, [Road -to Nottingham]. 52, Iron Hill. 53, The Road leading from Red Lyon to -Black Bird Creek. 54, St. George's Creek. 55, Mill Pond. 56, Trap [?] -57, Drawyer's Creek. 58, Appoquinimink Creek. 59, Cantwell's Bridge. -60, Witherspoon's. 61, Part of Bohemia. 62, The upper Road leading from -Red Lyon to Blackbird Creek. 63, Clemon Mill. 64, Elk. 65, Part of -Elk River. 66, Joseph Gilpin's. 67, Harris Inn. 68, The Road leading -towards Bohemia.] - -Sullivan, with the charge of inefficiency for Brandywine still hanging -over him, was the first to encounter the outposts of the British at -Chestnut Hill, when he opened the day of Germantown. His letter (Oct. -25th) addressed to the president of New Hampshire was first printed by -Sparks.[922] - -Washington's letters to Congress and others are of the first -importance.[923] - -In Timothy Pickering's _Life_ (i. 166) there is an account of the -battle from his journal, which sustains the positions taken by -Pickering in 1826,—though he does not refer to it at that time,—in -the controversy which was waged by him and Sparks with Johnson, the -author of the _Life of Greene_.[924] - -[Illustration: BRANDYWINE. - -Sketched from a large MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, _Plan -générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, -etc. KEY: "19, Marche de l'armée pour New Gardens. 22, Marche du -général Knyphausen pour Kennet Square, 9 Sept. 24, Camp que l'armée -occupa aux environs de Kennet Square. 26, Marche du général Cornwallis -vers le Brandywine. 30, Première position du Gen. Cornwallis. 31, -2me position de ce général. 32, Attaque de ce général. 33, Position -des enemis. 34, Retraite des enemis. 38, Marche du corps detaché à -Wilmington. 57, Marche du corps detaché à Wilmington pour Philadelphia -le 16 Oct." The lines (·–·–) represent roads. - -The published plans of Brandywine are the following: In the -_Examination of Joseph Galloway and letters on the Conduct of the war_. -In Sparks's _Washington_, v. 58. Cf. also Duer's _Stirling_, ii.; -Irving's _Washington_, iii. 190. In Marshall's _Washington_, vol. v. -Sketch by J. S. Bowen and J. S. Futhey in _Penna. Hist. Soc. Bull._, -i. no. 7 (1846). In _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., x. 316; Carrington's -_Battles_, p. 382; Hamilton's _Grenadier Guards_, ii.; Lowell's -_Hessians_, 198; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 377 (with views of the -ground, 378, 379). - -There are among the Faden maps (nos. 78, 79) in the library of Congress -a careful topographical drawing of the battle of Brandywine, and a -corrected proof of the map as published by Faden in 1778. There are -among the Faden maps (nos. 80, 80½) plans, by the Hessian Wangenheim, -of the camp at Wilmington to cover the British hospitals after the -fight at Brandywine, and a map of the positions of the army in the -action of Sept. 19th, as well as Cornwallis's march in November to -Philadelphia.] - -Of the writers near the event, Gordon drew from original sources; -Marshall was an actor in the scenes; and there are accounts in -Wilkinson, i. 353, 359, 361. G. W. P. Custis's _Recollections_, ch. 4, -and the later writers need to be consulted.[925] - -On the English side, Howe's despatch to Germain is in Dawson (i. 330). -The letter of a British officer, dated Philadelphia, Oct. 19, 1777 -(London Chronicle, Jan. 3-6, 1778), is reprinted in _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, April, 1887, p. 112.[926] - -[Illustration: TRUDRUFFRIN, OR PAOLI. - -Sketched from a portion of a MS. Hessian map in the library of -Congress, called _Plan générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique -contre les Rebelles_, etc. The lines ·–·– represent roads. - -KEY: "41, marche du général Knyphausen et son camp le 18^{me}; 42, -marche du général Cornwallis le même jour; 43, camp du corps près de -Valley Forge; 44, corps des Rebelles surpris par le général Grey le -21^{me}; 45, camp et marche du général Knyphausen le 21^{me}; 46, -marche de l'armée par le Schuylkill près de Valley Forge, et le camp -qu'elle occupa le 23^{me} près de Norris Town House." The British are -shown in solid black blocks, the Americans in black and white.] - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—This map is a fac-simile from one of Faden's maps. There is -among the copies of the Lafayette maps in the Sparks collection at -Cornell University one of the _British Camp at Trudruffrin, from the -13th to the 21st of September, with the attack made by Major-General -Grey against the Rebels near White Horse tavern on the 20th of -September_. This is merely a transcript of the Faden map, of which -there is a fac-simile in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 285. Cf. _Penna. -Archives_, 2d ser., x. 316. The MS. of Faden's maps is among the Faden -maps in the library of Congress (no. 81). There is a view of the Paoli -monument in Scharf and Westcott's _Philad._, i. 349, and in Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 372.] - -[Illustration: From _Pennsylvania Archives_ (2d ser., vol. xi. p. 191). - -Cf. the maps in Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 353, and in -_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 375.] - -The seaward defence of Philadelphia depended on the forts Mercer -and Mifflin, on the _chevaux-de-frise_ in the river, and on the -Pennsylvania navy. Howe's first attempt, in October, to get his -shipping up to support his army failed.[927] - -[Illustration: MONTRESOR'S PLAN OF GERMANTOWN. - -NOTE.—This map is sketched after an original in Harvard College -library. There is a duplicate, evidently made by the same hand, among -the Peter Force maps, in the library of Congress. The map was engraved -and published in London. There is a map published by Faden in London, -March 12, 1784, which is not trustworthy, however, as to roads, which -was called _Sketch of the Surprise of Germantown by the American forces -commanded by General Washington, Oct. 4, 1777, by J_[ohn] _Hills, Lt. -23d Reg._ - -Other published maps are the following: in Johnson's _Greene_, i. 80 -(showing three stages); Sparks's _Washington_, v. 86 (also in Duer's -_Stirling_, ii. 177; Irving's illustrated _Washington_, iii. 286; -Guizot's _Atlas_); Carrington's _Battles_, 392; Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 314; Scharf and Westcott's _Philad._, i. 354; _Penna. Archives_, 2d -ser., xi. 188; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 368. - -For views of the Chew House, see Day's _Hist. Coll. of Penna._, -492; Scharf and Westcott's _Philad._, i. 356; Egle's _Penna._, 178; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 514; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (March, 1880), -iv. 192. - -The following are the main portions of Howe's despatch to Lord George -Germain, dated at Germantown, Oct. 10, 1777: "The enemy marched at -six o'clock in the evening of the third from their camp near Skippach -Creek, about sixteen miles from Germantown. This village forms one -continued street for two miles, which the line of the encampment, in -the position the army then occupied, crossed at right angles, near a -mile from the head of it, where the second battalion of light infantry -and the fortieth regiment were posted. At three o'clock in the morning -of the fourth, the patrols discovered the enemy's approach, and the -army was immediately ordered under arms. Soon after the break of day -the enemy began their attack upon the second light infantry, which -they sustained for a considerable time, supported by the fortieth -regiment; but at length being overpowered by increasing numbers, the -light infantry and a part of the fortieth retired into the village, -when Lieutenant-Colonel Mulgrave with six companies of the latter corps -threw themselves into a large stone house [Chew's], which, though -surrounded by a brigade, and attacked by four pieces of cannon, he most -gallantly defended, until Major-General Grey, at the head of three -battalions of the third brigade, turning his front to the village, and -Brigadier-General Agnew, who covered Major-General Grey's left with -the fourth brigade, by a vigorous attack repulsed the enemy with great -slaughter. The fifth and fifty-fifth regiments from the right, engaging -them at the same on the other side of the village, completed the defeat -of the enemy in this quarter. The regiments of Du Corps and Donop being -formed to support the left of the fourth brigade and one battalion of -the Hessian grenadiers in the rear of the Chasseurs, were not engaged. -The precipitate flight of the enemy preventing the two first corps from -entering into action, and the success of the Chasseurs in repelling all -efforts against them on that side, did not call for the support of the -latter. The first light infantry and the pickets of the line in front -of the right wing were engaged soon after the attack began upon the -head of the village. The pickets were obliged to fall back, but the -light infantry, being well supported by the fourth regiment, sustained -the enemy's attack with such determined bravery that they could not -make the least impression on them. - -"Two columns of the enemy were opposite to the guards, twenty-seventh -and twenty-eighth regiments, who formed the right of the line. -Major-General Grant, who was upon the right, moved up the forty-ninth -regiment about the time that Major-General Grey had forced the enemy in -the village, and then advancing with the right wing, the enemy's left -gave way, and was pursued through a strong country between four and -five miles. - -"Lord Cornwallis, being early apprised, at Philadelphia, of the enemy's -approach, put in motion the two battalions of the British and one of -the Hessian grenadiers, with a squadron of dragoons, and his lordship -getting to Germantown just as the enemy had been forced out of the -village, he joined Major-General Grey, when, placing himself at the -head of the troops, he followed the enemy eight miles on the Skippach -road; but such was the expedition with which they fled, he was not able -to overtake them. The grenadiers from Philadelphia, who, full of ardor, -had run most of the way to Germantown, could not arrive in time to join -in the action."] - -[Illustration: GERMANTOWN AND VICINITY. - -Sketched from a part of a large map in the library of Congress, -evidently of Hessian origin,—_Plan générale des opérations de l'armée -Britannique contre les Rebelles_, etc. (August, 1776 to 1779). From -the Renvoy the interpretation of the following numbers is taken: "40, -marche du général Cornwallis le 16^{me}; 47, marche du général de -Knyphausen vers Germantown et le camp qu'il occupa le 23^{me} près -de ce village; 48, marche du général Cornwallis vers Germantown et -son camp près de village; 50, campment de l'armée aux environs de -Germantown; 51, emplacement des enemies et leur attaque; 52, la maison -deffendue par le Colonel Musgrave avec un partie du 40^{me} regiment; -54, retraite de l'enemie." The lines (·–·–) mark the roads.] - -The _chevaux-de-frise_ at Billingsport was laid by Robert Whyte, who -went subsequently over the enemy, and he is charged with placing it -purposely in a defective manner. Wallace (p. 228, with plans, p. -134), who examines the evidence, seems to think the charge is proved. -Respecting the share of the navy in the defence of the river, the -principal sources are the minutes of the naval board, etc., in _2 -Penna. Archives_, vol. i., and other papers in iv. 748. An examination -of this defence is made in Wallace, p. 130, etc.[928] - -[Illustration: STENTON (JAMES LOGAN'S HOUSE). - -This view of the house occupied by Howe and Washington as headquarters -is taken from a painting in the Penna. Hist. Society. It is a rear view -of the building. There is in the same collection a pen-and-ink sketch -by Joseph Pennell. The position of the house can be seen in the map on -another page, called "Approaches to Germantown." Howe occupied it at -the time of the battle of Germantown. Cf. Scharf and Westcott, p. 871.] - -[Illustration: FADEN'S MAP OF THE OPERATIONS ON THE DELAWARE. - -Sketched from an adaptation of Faden's _Course of the Delaware river -from Philadelphia to Chester, exhibiting the several works erected by -the rebels to defend its passage, with the attacks made upon them by -his majesty's land and sea forces, engraved by Wm. Faden, 1778_, which -is given in Wallace's _Col. Wm. Bradford_, p. 228. - -KEY: 1, Lord Howe in the "Eagle", with the "Apollo" and transports; 2, -the "Camille" and "Zebra;" 3, the "Vigilant" and "Fury", which moved -up by the dotted line to a position in the channel between Mud Island -and Carpenter's Island, to attack Fort Mifflin, on Mud Island; 4, the -"Experiment" and transports, below the "lower stackadoes" (shown by the -zigzag line) through which there was a passage of seventeen feet near -the fort at "Billingport", which was abandoned to Lt.-Col. Stirling, -Oct. 1st; 5, camp on Nov. 18th; 6, wreck of "Merlin;" 7, the "Augusta" -blown up; at these points (6 and 7) were the other British vessels, -"Somerset", "Isis", "Roebuck", "Pearl", "Liverpool", "Cornwallis's -galley",—some attacking Fort Mifflin, others engaging the American -fleet at 8, others the battery of two 18-pounders and two 9-pounders -at 10; the house of Tench Frances is between this battery and Manto -Creek; 8, between the American fleet at this point and Mud Island is -the "upper stackadoes" (shown by the zigzags); 9, the nearer of the -two islands off Fort Mercer is Woodberry Island, and the other is Red -Bank Island. These two islands have since disappeared. The rest of -the American fleet was at this point. Beside the shore batteries on -Carpenter's Island, there was a redoubt further inland, and another -redoubt protected Webb's Ferry and the road to Philadelphia.] - -Upon the attack of Donop on Fort Mercer, at Red Bank (Oct. 22), the -letter received by Washington from Major Ward, written at the desire of -the commander of the fort, Col. Christopher Greene (cf. Greene's _Nath. -Greene_, i. 489), is in Sparks's _Washington_, v. 112, and Dawson, i. -355, as is also Commodore Hazlewood's description of the naval part of -the attack.[929] - -[Illustration: LAFAYETTE'S VICTORY NEAR GLOUCESTER, N.J. - -This sketch follows a colored map among the Lafayette maps in the -Sparks collection at Cornell University, entitled _Carte de l'action de -Gloucester entre un parti Américain, sous le G^l. Lafayette et un parti -des Troupes de Lord Cornwallis, commandé par ce G^l. après son fourage -dans le Jersey, le 25 9^{bre}, 1777_. While Lafayette's forces were at -Haddonfield, the enemy at Gloucester were reconnoitred from Sand Point -(1), and when the troops moved along the Haddonfield road the American -riflemen (6), supported by the militia, attacked the Hessian outposts -(9), when detachments were stationed on the cross-roads (7, 7) to -protect the American right flank, while some chasseurs (8) threatened -the Hessians' right flank. The enemy were driven back (10) till -Cornwallis supported them with some English. They were still further -pushed back till within a mile of Gloucester (11), when night closed -the conflict. The legend on the map puts the English and Hessians (2, -3, 9) at 5,000 men, the boats (4) representing the withdrawal of part -of them with their baggage across the river. - -Lafayette's narrative, as given by him to Sparks, is in the _Sparks -MSS._, no. xxxii.] - -Lafayette talked with Sparks of Donop (_Sparks MSS._, xxxii.). -Knyphausen's report is in the archives at Marburg, and is used by -Lowell (_Hessians_, 206). The despatches of the Howes are in Almon (v. -499), and Dawson (i. 356, 357). - -[Illustration: (From a large map in the library of Congress.)] - -Of the attack (Nov. 10-16) on Fort Mifflin (Mud Island) and its -evacuation, with the opening of the river to the British fleet, the -best garner of contemporary accounts with comment, is in Wallace's -_Bradford_ (p. 194, etc.), but some of this material is found also -elsewhere.[930] - -There has been some dispute over the respective claims of Col. Samuel -Smith[931] and Commodore Hazlewood for the defence of the fort -(Wallace, App. 10). - -[Illustration: FLEURY'S PLAN OF FORT MIFFLIN. - -NOTE.—The annexed plan is a fac-simile, somewhat reduced, of a -pen-and-ink sketch among the Sparks maps in the library of Cornell -University. It is endorsed "Maj. Fleury's Plan of Fort Mifflin", and it -bears also on the back in the author's hand these words: - -"The engineer author of this imperfect draugh begg endulgence for it; -considering that he has not paper, pen, rule, neither circel, and being -disturbed by good many shells or cannon balls flying in the fort. LEWIS -FLEUR." - -The reverse also bears an "Explanation" in French in Fleury's hand, and -beneath an English translation in another hand, seemingly made at the -time. This last is as follows:— - -"Explanation—All marked A are new works. A 1, 2, 3. Traverses to -defend the battery from ricochet shot. A 4, 5. Ditches to close the -left of the battery, which was open. A 6. A double iron chain which -encloses the right of the battery. A 7. Pits with sharp upright stakes -to defend the approaches to our enclosure. A 8. Banquet raised round -the wall. A 9. Ditches and parapet of reunion between our barracks, -which will make a second inclosure and be furnished with loop-holes. A -10. Last retreat in the middle of the Fort, made when we had only 120 -men in garrison. A 11. Demilunes to flank the front, substituted to -[_sic_] the block house, which was blown up. A 12, 13, 14. Fraisework. - -"15. Enemy's battery of 2 mortars. 16. [Ditto] 5 pieces large cannon, 1 -mortar. 17. [Ditto] 2 pieces cannon, 1 mortar. 18. Unfinished Redoubt -at a mile and a third from the fort, near the road. 19. A pretty -extensive work at about the same distance. 20. Epaulements for the -guards."] - -[Illustration: ATTACK ON FORT MIFFLIN. - -NOTE.—This map is reduced in fac-simile from one of Fleury's -pen-and-ink sketches among the Sparks maps at Cornell University. -It is endorsed "Mudd Island", but not by Washington, as the _Sparks -Catalogue_ (p. 207) says. There are noted in the same catalogue (p. -207) two other pen-and-ink drafts of the fort and its vicinity, both -apparently the work of Fleury, also. One is smaller, covering much the -same ground as the present fac-simile except that it does not show -the ships and Hog Island. It is entitled: "Figuré aproximatif de fort -island et des ouvrages des assiégeans. 16 octobre, 1777." It has an -"Explanation" in French on the reverse, accompanied by a statement -that it had been scrawled on a gun-carriage, without compasses, rule, -or scale, and under difficulties arising from the bursting of one bomb -which carried away his inkstand, and of another which ploughed the -ground where he sat. - -The other plan is larger, and has been folded like a letter, and -is addressed on the outside, "His Excellency General Washington, -Headquarters." It shows only the west edge of Mud Island, but marks -particularly the distance, range, and armament of the attacking -batteries, and is called, "Figuré aproximatif des ouvrages des -assiégeans 14 9^{bre,} 1777." It marks the distance from the redoubt -on the highland to Fort Mifflin as "1 mile 1-4 5 p." The wharf on the -island is described as "où l'enemie déscendra, quoi que nous l'ayons -detruite." - -Other published maps of Mud Island (Fort Mifflin) are in Scharf and -Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 363; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 296; -Wallace's _William Bradford_, p. 229. - -Scharf and Westcott (p. 361) also give a plan made before the attack, -by Col. Downman, of the British army. - -Red Bank is particularly delineated in Smith's _Delaware Co._, 321; -_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. v.; and Lossing, ii. 290, with views, -etc.] - -On the British side we have the despatches of the Howes (Dawson, i. -364, 366), the journal of Montresor (_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1882, v. -393; vi. 34); the letters in Scull's _Evelyns in America_, 246, 253; -and the account in Rivington's _Gazette_, cited by Wallace. - -In addition to the references already made for the two attacks, the -entire movements on the river are illustrated more generally in the -letters of Washington, copied from the Penna. Archives, as well as in -the diary of the Council of War in the _Sparks MSS._, no. 2. There are -other contemporary accounts.[932] - -Lafayette's attack on Gloucester soon followed. See plan on page 430. - -The contrasts between the hilarities of the British in Philadelphia -and the trials of the Americans at Valley Forge during the winter are -abundantly illustrated. - -The publication of the _Penna. Evening Post_ was resumed in -Philadelphia, Oct. 11, 1777, and continued during the British -occupation of Philadelphia.[933] - -Various diaries kept in and near Philadelphia have been preserved,[934] -and the details of the life in the town have been worked up by modern -writers.[935] - -The complimentary festival given to General Howe on his departure, -known as the Mischianza, took place May 18th, at the Wharton house.[936] - -On the condition of Washington's camp at Valley Forge we have first the -testimony of his own letters and those of his corespondents,[937] as -well as that of sundry diaries and journals.[938] - -The question of supplies as affecting the camp is considered in -Stuart's _Trumbull_ and Greene's _Greene_ (ii. 48), this general being -made quartermaster-general in March. - -[Illustration: ATTACK ON MUD ISLAND. - -From Galloway's _Letters to a Nobleman_, London, 1779. The leading -published map of Delaware Bay and River at this time was one surveyed -by Joshua Fisher, and published in London by Sayer and Bennett, 1775 -and 1776. It was reproduced in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. iii.; -and maps based on them are in the _Gent. Mag._, July, 1779. There was -a French edition issued in Paris by Le Rouge in 1777, which also made -part of the _Atlas Amériquain_. Other charts are in the _No. Amer. -Pilot_, 1776, and in the _Neptune Américo-Septentrional_, 1778. - -There are plans for obstructing the river, in _Penna. Archives_, -2d ser., i. 749. Other maps of the river defences will be found in -Sparks's _Washington_, v. 156; Irving's _Washington_ (quarto), iii. -278; Smith's _Delaware County_, p. 321; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. -298; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 396.] - -There are preserved various orderly-books of the camp.[939] - -There were efforts to reorganize the army during the winter. Congress -had created a board of war in November, 1777 (Pickering, i. 187; -Lossing, ii. 867). On Jan. 10, 1778, a committee of Congress was -appointed to visit the camp and concert plans for the reorganization -(_Journals_, ii. 401). A plan was drawn up by conference, and later -adopted by Congress (Sparks, v. 525). Francis Dana wrote from the -camp, Feb. 12th, to Congress, and the draft, found among the papers of -Laurens, was printed in the _Polit. Mag._ (vol. i.,—1780), by which it -was thought to appear that Howe could have destroyed the American army -if he had had enterprise.[940] - -A few days after the taking of Philadelphia, the Rev. Jacob Duché, -of that city, who had been an approved supporter of the Americans, -transmitted a letter to Washington, tempting him to desert the cause. -Washington sent the letter to Congress; but Sparks could not find -it in the Archives at Washington, and prints it from _Rivington's -Gazette_ (_Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 448). The letters which grew out -of this act, including one of expostulation from Francis Hopkinson, the -brother-in-law of Duché, and that of repentance sent to Washington by -Duché in 1783, can be found in Sparks, v. 94, 476.[941] - -[Illustration: MUD ISLAND, 1777-1778. - -Sketched from a corner map of the large MS. map, called on another -page, "The Defences of Philadelphia, 1777-1778."] - -The military movements during the autumn of 1777 were mainly to try the -temper of the opposing forces and to secure forage, and the incessant -watching of each other's motions made Pickering write to Elbridge -Gerry (Nov. 2d,—_Mag. Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 461) that "since -Brandywine we have been in a constant state of hurry."[942] - -[Illustration: ENCAMPMENT AT VALLEY FORGE, 1777-1778. - -A sketch made by combining two in the Sparks collection at Cornell -University. One is a French plan, from the Lafayette maps, which -gives the main features of the topography to the present sketch. The -other is one transmitted by General Armstrong to Mr. Sparks in 1833, -embodying the recollections of a Mr. William Davis, "a remarkably -active and intelligent man, who resided within the limits of the camp -during its continuance there." General Armstrong cites the testimony -of a son of General Wayne, that the recollections of Davis "of the -most minute occurrences of the period were entirety unaffected by -age." Upon this dependence has been put for the positions of the -troops and the quarters of the general officers. The plan given by -Sparks (_Washington_, v. 196) seems to have been made by a similar -combination, though he omits the locations of the general's quarters. -The plan of Sparks is essentially followed in Guizot's _Washington_, -in Lossing's _Field-Book_ (vol. ii. 334,—also see _Harper's Monthly_, -xii. 307), and in Carrington's _Battles_, p. 402 (and in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, Feb., 1882). - -There is a view of Washington's headquarters in Scharf and Westcott's -_Philadelphia_, i. 369; Egle's _Pennsylvania_, p. 182; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 332, and in his _Mary and Martha Washington_, p. 168; -and _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1882. - -The French alliance was celebrated in camp May 6, 1778 (Sparks, v. 355; -Moore's _Diary_, ii.). - -For landmarks, etc., of Valley Forge, see Lossing's _Field-Book_; -Read's _Geo. Read_ (p. 326), from the _Ohio State Journal_; _Harper's -Mag._, lx., 660, April, 1880. - -At the centennial celebration, June, 1878, there were addresses by -Henry Armitt Brown (in his _Memoir and Orations_, edited by J. M. -Hoppin), and one by Theodore W. Bean, printed in the _Daily Local -News_, Westchester, Pa., June 20, 1878.] - -During this time, Oct.-Dec., Washington was kept informed of the -British movements through the letters of Maj. Clark (_Penna. Hist. Soc. -Bull._, vol. i.). There was in November a project discussed of taking -Philadelphia by storm (Drake's _Knox_, 136). Congress was urging the -States to renewed efforts (_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 728). Early in -December Howe had tried to allure Washington to a battle near Chestnut -Hill or Whitemarsh (Sparks, v. 180; Dawson, i. ch. 31). By the middle -of December the American army had gone into winter-quarters at Valley -Forge (Reed's _Reed_, i. 345), but not without having thought at the -same time of an attack on New York (_Ibid._, 344). - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—This plan of the British works between the Delaware and the -Schuylkill is sketched from the main portion of a drawing preserved in -the Penna. Hist. Society, which bears the following indorsement: "The -redoubts in the English lines are ten, beside two advanced ones. No. -1, which I took a plan of in the month of July, was then compleat, but -the excessive heat of the weather and many avocations prevented our -prosecuting the survey till October, by which time the wooden work of -the other redoubts, as well as the abaties, were carried away, which -rendered it uncertain how many platforms there were in each, but from -what traces remained [I] believe I am right in nos. 2 & ten: the other -seven [eight] varied so little from no. 2, that the plan of that may -serve for the rest: I am equally uncertain whether the abatis ran -in direct lines from redoubt to redoubt or formed angles, but know -that each part terminated at about 20 feet from the counter-scarps of -contiguous redoubts, these intervals being occasionally stopped up by -chevaux-de-frize. All the 10 redoubts were well faced both within and -without with strong planks, but the advanced redoubts and other small -pieces were only faced with fascines. On the right of the line where -small streams run through swampy ground an inundation was formed by -sloping the arches of the bridges, and making dams were necessary, each -furnished with a tumbling dam, well planked on the top and slopes of -the main dam, to carry off superfluous water. - - LEWIS NICOLA." - -Enlarged plans and cross-sections of redoubts nos. 1, 2, and 10 are -given in the margin, as well as of the western advanced redoubt, and -other small works, including the "Barriers across Kensington and -Germantown roads with a cremaillered work between them cut out of the -bank between the roads." The stars near the lines denote the places of -"houses destroyed by the English." Cf. description in _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, iv. 181.] - -[Illustration: DEFENCES OF PHILADELPHIA, 1777-1778. - -Sketched from a large MS. map by John Montresor in the library of -Congress, dedicated to Sir William Howe, and called _Plan of the City -of Philadelphia and its environs, shewing the defences during the years -1777-1778, together with the Siege of Mud Island_. A similar map by -Montresor is among the King's maps in the British Museum (_Catal._, ii. -176).] - -[Illustration: VICINITY OF PHILADELPHIA. - -Sketched from a part of a MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, -called _Plan générale des opérations de l'Armée Britannique contre -les Rebelles, etc._ The lines (·—·—) are roads. KEY: "59, Attaque -de mudden island le 15 Novembre. 60, Position du général Howe le 4 -Dec. pour forcer le général Washington à quitter sa position sur les -hauteurs de White Marsh. 61, Marche du général Howe pour fourages -entre Derby et Chester. 62, Camp de l'armée près de Philadelphia. 63, -Camp de l'armée après avoir evacué Philadelphia le 26^{me} Juin, 1778. -64, Corps detaché à Gloucester. 65, Marche du général Knyphausen le -18^{me} Juin et son camp à Haddenfield. 66, Marche et camp du général -Cornwallis le 18^{me} Juin. 67, Marche du général Knyphausen le 20^{me} -Juin et son camp à Moorfield." - -The published maps of Philadelphia and its vicinity at this time are -the following: N. Scull and G. Heap's, originally in 1750 (cf. Vol. V. -240), and reproduced by Faden in 1777, and reduced in the _Gent. Mag._, -Dec., 1777. Kitchin's _Philadelphia and Environs_, in _London Mag._, -Dec., 1777, and reproduced in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d series, vol. -iii. A map surveyed by Eastburn in 1776, Philad., 1777; one surveyed -by Hill, Philadelphia, 1777. Plan of Philadelphia in the _Atlantic -Neptune_ (1777), vol. i. Plan in the _American Atlas_ (1777). _Gegend -und Stadt von Philadelphia_, in _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser -Europa_, Nürnberg, 1778, Zehnter Theil. There was published by John -Reed, in 1774, _An Explanation of the Map of the City and Liberties -of Philadelphia_. A folding plan showing the British works is in -Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 360. Various MS. plans of -Philadelphia and its neighborhood, with the river defences, are among -the Faden maps (nos. 82-86) in the library of Congress. Among the Penn -papers in the Hist. Soc. of Penna. is a MS. map showing the positions -of the British at Germantown before the battle.] - -In January an attempt by the Americans to destroy the shipping at -Philadelphia, by floating combustibles down the river from above, -failed; but it gave rise to Hopkinson's humorous verses on the "Battle -of the Kegs."[943] - -In March Congress was urging young men of spirit and property to raise -light cavalry troops (_Journals_, ii. 463), for Simcoe's British -horsemen were raiding about the country for forage, meeting, however, -now and then with resistance, as at Quintin's Bridge (March 18th) and -Hancock's Bridge (March 21st).[944] At the beginning of May there was -another conflict at Crooked Billet.[945] Three weeks later (May 20th) -Lafayette skilfully extricated himself from an advanced position at -Barren Hill, whither Washington had sent him towards the enemy, and -Where the British commander sought to cut him off.[946] - -[Illustration: BARREN HILL. - -This map is sketched and reduced from a MS. map preserved in the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania, signed "Major Capitaine, A. D. C. -du Gen^l. Lafayette", and called _Plan de la retraite de Barrenhill -en Pensilvanie, où un detachement de 2,200 hommes sous le Général -la Fayette, etoit entourré par l'armée Anglaise sous les G^x. Howe, -Clinton, et Grant, le 28 May, 1778_. It bears the following KEY: -(_translation_) _a._ Position of the American detachment on Barren -Hill, eleven miles from Philadelphia and twelve miles from Valley -Forge, on the right bank of the Schuylkill. _b._ Pickets of the -Americans, which retired on the approach of the enemy. _c._ A French -company under Captain M'Clean, with fifty Indians. _e._ Place where -the militia were ordered to gather, but they failed to do so. _f._ -March of Maj.-Gen. Grant at the head of grenadiers and chasseurs, and -two brigades, making in all 8,000 men, with 15 pieces of cannon. _g._ -Where the enemy were first discovered. _h._ Americans occupying the -meeting-house and burial-ground, deploying to defend their left flank. -_i._ March of the detachment on the second warning to reach Matson's -Ford. _k._ Chasseurs detached to confront Gen. Grant. _l._ Body of -English cavalry, followed by a body of grenadiers and chasseurs. _m._ -March of Gen. Grant, always following the Americans. _n._ Matson's -Ford, which the Americans gained and passed, when they occupied the -highlands, _o_, while a small force was sent to Swede's Ford. _p._ Rich -road by which Howe and Clinton advanced with the rest of the British -army. _q._ Point where Howe and Grant formed, whence, seeing that their -attempt had failed, they returned to Philadelphia. _r._ Road from -Swede's Ford, by which the American detachment returned the next day to -occupy Barren Hill. - -There is among the Sparks maps at Cornell University a duplicate copy -of this map, made from Lafayette's original. Cf. maps in Sparks, v. -378; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 408; Lossing, ii. 329; and the view of -the church (p. 322).] - -Clinton, on relieving Howe from the command in Philadelphia, was -instructed to evacuate the city (Sparks, v. 548). This materially -changed the plans for the campaign, which had been determined upon -prior to the announcement of the French alliance (_Sparks MSS._, xlv. -and lviii.). Washington meanwhile was considering an alternative of -plans, and getting the opinions of his general officers;[947] but -the movements of the British to evacuate Philadelphia soon changed -all.[948] - -[Illustration: PLAN OF MONMOUTH BATTLE. - -From a plan in Hilliard d'Auberteuil's _Essais_, i. p. 270. KEY: The -English had passed the night at _a_. Lee's advance showed itself at 3, -when the British debouched from their position at 1, while their guns -at 2 fired on the Americans. The Americans at 3 retired into the wood, -and joined Lee's main body, which debouched from the wood at 4, their -guns taking position at 6 and 7, while the British guns were at 5. The -Americans (4, 8, and 10) retired and took position at 11; and while -still further retreating, the British attacked at 12, and the Americans -made a stand at 13, and before all could retire still farther the -British again attacked at 14. The Americans again formed at 15, when -Washington, coming up by way of the new Baptist meeting-house with the -main body, formed at 16, Stirling and Greene in front, and Lafayette in -the rear, while Lee's men at 15 passed to Washington's rear, a British -reconnoitring force appearing meanwhile at 17, and Plessis-Mauduit's -battery, supported by 500 men, taking position at 18. The British at 14 -and 17, being repulsed, united at 19, whence they were further repulsed -and took position at 20. They formed again at 21 after Washington's -attack. They passed the night at 22. - -This map was apparently engraved from an original, followed in two -plans, differently drawn, but in effect the same, which are among the -maps in the Sparks collection at Cornell University, and which were -copied from Lafayette's own plan at Lagrange. It is called _Carte de -l'affaire de Montmouth, où le général Washington commandait l'armée -Américaine et le général Clinton commandait l'armée Anglaise, le 28 -Juin, 1778_. The "legende" shows references from 1 to 22, with extra -ones _a_ and _b_, the latter (_b_) being at the junction of the two -dotted lines in the rear of 16, and is explained as the "movement of -the second line, commanded by General Lafayette, which, as soon as the -column at 17 was perceived, was detached to occupy the wood west of -the meeting-house, which the column 17 was approaching; but when this -column 17 was repulsed the line was restored." - -There is also among the Sparks maps (Lafayette copies) a pen-and-ink -sketch-plan,—differing somewhat, giving more detail,—made on the -American side, and this more nearly resembles the plan given by Sparks -in his _Washington_ (v. p. 430,—repeated in Duer's _Stirling_, ii. -196; and in Guizot's _Washington_. Cf. Irving's _Washington_, quarto -ed.). The plan in Lossing's _Field-Book_ (ii. 356) is based on the one -here engraved, and he also gives a view of the Freehold meeting-house -(p. 359) and of the field (p. 362). Carrington (ch. 56) gives an -eclectic plan with more detail than any other. - -A view of the monument commemorating the battle is in the _U. S. Art -Directory_ (1884).] - -[Illustration: MONMOUTH AND VICINITY. - -Sketched from a part of a MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, -called _Plan générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les -Rebelles_, etc. The lines (·—·—) represent roads. KEY: "79, Marche du -général de Knyphausen de son camp devant Englishtown le 24 Juin. 80, -Marche du général Cornwallis. 83, Retraite des enemis." - -There is a copy of the map of the region of the march by Clinton's -engineer in the library of the N. Y. Hist. Soc. (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Sept., 1878, p. 759).] - -The battle of Monmouth, though in the end a victory for Washington, -secured for the British what they fought for, a further unimpeded march -toward New York. Washington's letters are of the first importance.[949] -We have also accounts by Hamilton;[950] by Lafayette,[951] as given to -Sparks; and statements by several other witnesses.[952] - -The trial of Lee, and the papers produced by it, furnish abundant -contemporary evidence. The trial was published at Philadelphia, 1778, -as _Proceedings of Court-Martial held at Brunswick in New Jersey, July -4, 1778_.[953] - -On the British side, Clinton's despatch is in _Lee Papers_, (1872), p. -461; Dawson, i. 415. A British journal kept during the march is in the -_N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 15; an orderly-book picked up on the field -is in a transcript in the Penna. Hist. Society.[954] - -The British retreat is commended in Baron von Ochs's _Betrachtungen -über die neuere Kriegskunst_ (Cassel, 1817). Cf. Lowell's _Hessians_, -p. 209. - -Respecting the Conway Cabal, the best gathering of the documentary -evidence is in an appendix to Sparks's _Washington_.[955] Sparks's -conclusion is that the plot never developed into "a clear and fixed -purpose", and that no one section of the country more than another -specially promoted it. Mahon (vi. 243) thinks that Sparks glides over -too gently the participation of the New Englanders, who have been -defended from the charge of participation by Austin in his _Life of -Elbridge Gerry_ (ch. 16). Gordon implicates Samuel Adams, and J. C. -Hamilton is severe on the Adamses (_Repub. U. S._, i. ch. 13, 14). -Mrs. Warren found no cause to connect Sam. Adams with the plot, and -Wells (_Sam. Adams_, ii. ch. 46) naturally dismisses the charge. It -is not to be denied that among the New England members of Congress -there were strong partisans of Gates, and the action of Congress for -good in military matters was impaired by an unsettled estimate of the -wisdom of keeping Washington at the head of the army, though it did -not always manifest itself in assertion (Greene's _Greene_, i. 287, -403, 411). Nothing could be worse than John Adams's proposition to have -Congress annually elect the generals (_Works_, i. 263); and he was not -chary of his disgust with what was called Washington's Fabian policy. -Sullivan, in one of his oily, fussy letters to Washington (_Corresp. -of the Rev._, ii. 366) finds expression of a purpose to revive the -plot in William Tudor's massacre oration in Boston in March, 1779. The -expressions of Charles Lee, that "a certain great man is most damnably -deficient" (Moore's _Treason of Lee_, p. 68), like utterances of -others, are rather indicative of ordinary revulsions of feeling under -misfortunes than of a purpose of combination among the disaffected. -Gates's refusal to reinforce Washington, and Hamilton's vain efforts to -persuade him, naturally fall among the indicative signs;[956] and this -apathy of Gates very likely conduced immediately to the loss of Fort -Mifflin at the time it was abandoned (Wallace's _Bradford_, App. 12). -The attempt to gain over Lafayette by the attractions of a command in -invading Canada, can be followed in Sparks's _Washington_.[957] - - -THE TREASON OF ARNOLD. - -A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE AUTHORITIES BY THE EDITOR. - -JUST when and by what act Arnold was put in treasonable correspondence -with the British is not clearly established. Bancroft[958] says it was -towards the end of February, 1779,[959] but he gives no authority. - -[Illustration: ARNOLD. - -After the medallion, engraved by Adam, of a picture by Du Simitière, -painted in Philadelphia from life. The original is in Marbois' -_Complot d'Arnold et de Sir Henry Clinton_ (Paris, 1816), where it is -inscribed "Le Général Arnold, déserté de l'armée des Etats Unis, le 25 -Sept^{bre}, 1780." The copy of Marbois in the Brinley sale (no. 3,961) -had also the sepia drawing from which the engraver worked. The Du -Simitière head had already appeared in the _European Magazine_ (1783), -vol. iii. 83, and in his _Thirteen Heads_, etc. - -A familiar profile likeness, looking to the right, was engraved by H. -B. Hall for the illustrated edition of Irving's _Washington_, and is -also to be found in H. W. Smith's _Andreana_. Another profile, similar, -but facing to the left, is in Arnold's _Arnold_, and was etched by H. -B. Hall in 1879. Cf. Harris and Allyn's _Battle of Groton Heights_. - -Lossing has given us views of Arnold's birthplace in Norwich (_Harper's -Mag._, xxiii. 722; _Field-Book_, ii. 36), and of his house in New -Haven (_Harper_, xvii. 13; _Field-Book_, i. 421), and of his Willow -(_Harper_, xxiv. 735).] - -[Illustration: BENEDICT ARNOLD. - -From the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa, Eilfter Theil_, -Nürnberg, 1778.] - -Clinton, in Oct., 1780,[960] says it was eighteen months before, which -would place it about April, 1779, and this is the period adopted -by Sparks[961] and Sargent.[962] The latter writer thinks Arnold -made the advances; the former believes them to have come from the -British.[963] It has also been believed that the mutual recognition -was effected in some way through a Lieutenant Hele, a British spy, who -was in Philadelphia after Arnold took command. There might arise a -suspicion that the understanding was induced through the Tory family -of Miss Peggy Shippen, whom Arnold had married in April, 1779. There -are stories of her maintaining correspondence with her British friends -in New York, but we do not know of any letters remaining as proof of -it, except one from André to that lady after her marriage to Arnold, -and after the British correspondence with him under feigned names had -begun, in which letter the gambolling Major André commiserated his fair -friend of the previous winter on the difficulty she might experience in -buying gewgaws in Philadelphia, and offering to find them for her in -New York. Whether this language, like the commercial phrases in which -Arnold was at this time conducting his correspondence under the name -of "Gustavus" with one "John Anderson", a British merchant in that -city, was likewise a blind is not probably to be discovered, and it -might or might not involve a doubt as to the privity of Peggy Arnold -in the rather lagging negotiations;[964] but the probability is that -André wrote the letter in his own name in order that Arnold might, by -the similarity of the handwriting, identify his _pseudo_ Anderson; for -by this time the nature of information which inured to the advantage -of the British, and which Gustavus communicated to Anderson from time -to time, had pretty well convinced Clinton that the person with whom -he was dealing was high in rank, and probably near headquarters in -Philadelphia. - -[Illustration: ARNOLD. - -From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the present War_, ii. p. 48.] - -Arnold had warm admirers; and those who trusted him for certain -brilliant merits in the field included, among others, Washington -himself; but Congress did not confide in him with so unquestioning a -spirit. That body had raised over him in rank several of his juniors, -much to Arnold's chagrin[965] and Washington's annoyance; and it was -only after a renewed exhibition of his intrepidity at Danbury that it -had tardily raised him to a major-generalship. Though his commission -of May, 1777, gave him equal rank, it made him still, by its later -date, the junior of those who had been his inferiors.[966] The Burgoyne -campaign had been fought by him under a consequent vexation of mind, -and his spirits chafed, not unreasonably, at the slight. The wound he -then received incapacitating him for the field, had induced Washington, -as has been shown, to put him in command of Philadelphia after the -British evacuated it. It was now observed that he more willingly -consorted with the Tory friends of his wife than with the tried -adherents of the cause. His arrogance and impetuosity of manner always -made him enemies. The Council of Pennsylvania by a resolution (_Hist. -Mag._, Dec., 1870), as we have seen, brought Congress to the point of -ordering a court-martial to decide upon the charges preferred against -the general, and to Arnold's revulsion of feelings at this time has -been traced, by some, the beginning of his defection.[967] Certain it -is that he was kept in suspense too long to render him better proof -against insidious thought, for it was not till December, 1779, that -the trial came on. Meanwhile his debts pressed, his scrutinizers were -vigilant, and there seems some reason to believe that he sought to get -relief by selling himself to the French minister,—a project which, if -we may believe the account, was repelled by that ambassador. To add -to his irritation, Congress did not find the accounts which he had -rendered of his expenditures in the Canada expedition well vouched, and -Arnold resented their inquiries as an imputation upon his honesty.[968] - -[Illustration: ARNOLD'S COMMISSION AS MAJOR-GENERAL. - -Reduced from the fac-simile given in Smith and Watson's _Hist. and Lit. -Curios._, 1st series, plate xlii.] - -[Illustration: WEST POINT. - -Sketched from a colored drawing in the _Moses Greenleaf Papers_ (Mass. -Hist. Soc.).] - -The trial at last resulted in his acquittal on two of the more serious -charges; but being judged censurable on two others, he was sentenced to -a public reprimand from the commander-in-chief.[969] - -[Illustration - -A profile cut by himself for Miss Rebecca Redman, in 1778, and given in -Smith and Watson's _Hist. and Lit. Curiosities_, 1st series, pl. xxv.] - -The burden of a public reproof, no matter how delicately imposed, was -not calculated to arrest the defection of man already too far committed -to retreat. If we may believe Marbois, not the best of guides, there -was found among Arnold's papers, after his flight, a letter, undated -and unsigned, in which he was urged to emulate the example of Gen. -Monk, and save his country by an opportune desertion of what was no -longer a prospering cause.[970] It soon became evident to Arnold that -of himself, destitute of representative value, he was not a commodity -that Clinton was eager to buy. Accordingly the recusant soldier -sought to offer a better bargain to the purchaser by the makeweight -of something that Clinton particularly longed for, and this was the -possession of the Hudson Valley through its chief military posts.[971] -To get a hold upon this, the time was opportune, for there was a -change to be made in its commander. Arnold, however, did not get the -coveted prize without some intrigue, for Washington, when he found -that the wounded soldier professed eagerness for hotter work, proposed -his taking the command of one of the wings of the main army. Arnold -met the compliment by referring to his wounds as precluding work in -the saddle, and induced Schuyler and R. R. Livingston to importune -Washington to assign him to West Point.[972] The device succeeded, -and Arnold reached West Point, as its commander, in the first week of -August, and established his headquarters in the confiscated house which -had belonged to Beverley Robinson, and which was situated on the east -bank of the river, a little below West Point.[973] Clinton could have -no longer any doubt of the identity of his correspondent, now that -"Gustavus" wrote from the Robinson house. - -The conspirators' first effort was to establish communications through -Robinson, on business ostensibly having relations to this confiscated -property; but Washington, to whom, for appearances, Arnold showed -Robinson's application for an interview, told him that the civil, and -not the military, powers should meet such proposals. Arnold could find -at this time little difficulty in transmitting his clandestine letters, -for there was constant occasion for the passage of flags from his -own headquarters. To cover his proceedings from the officers of the -American outposts, he only had to pretend that the expected messages or -messengers were from his own spies in New York.[974] - -[Illustration - -From the _Political Magazine_, March, 1781, ii. 171. There is a modern -reproduction of this engraving in the _Minutes of a Court of Inquiry_, -etc., Albany, 1865. and in H. W. Smith's _Andreana_, Phila., 1865, who -gives a full-length, of the origin of which we are left uninformed.] - -Clinton was apparently not willing to commit himself to any bargain, -unless Arnold would give a personal interview as an evidence of his -sincerity; while Arnold, in according, on his part insisted that -his interviewer should be the convenient Anderson. André, since he -had become the adjutant-general of the British army, was now fully -understood to represent that fictitious New York merchant. Arnold -named Robinson's house for the meeting, and would make arrangements by -which any flag should pass the outposts. This was objected to, and the -neutral ground near Dobbs Ferry was settled upon. Here Arnold went in -his barge; but the officers of the British guard-boats were not in -the secret, and the meeting failed by reason of their chasing Arnold's -barge up the river. Another attempt was planned, but this failed -in the beginning, apparently by André's going up to the "Vulture", -sloop-of-war, which was lying in the river, instead of landing lower -down, as was expected. André was provided with full instructions, which -if obeyed would have saved him the ignominy of a felon's death. He was -not to put off his uniform, was not to go within the American lines, -and was not to receive any papers. His bargain with Arnold was to have -no written expression, and it involved on Sir Henry's part the dispatch -of an ample force in a flotilla from Sir George Rodney's fleet, then -in New York, where the men were already embarked, ostensibly for the -Chesapeake, and the attack was to be made on the 25th of September, -when it was supposed that Washington would have left the Hudson to go -to Connecticut for an interview with Rochambeau. There was further to -be made by André a promise that Arnold should have a commission in the -British army and a sum of money. The American general, on his part, was -so to dispose the forces in the works about West Point that the attack -would, beyond doubt, end in a surprise and a mastery that would give -color to the necessity of a surrender, which he was promptly to make. - -[Illustration: ANDRE. - -This picture of André, by himself, was originally engraved in 1784 -by J. K. Sherwin, and was reëngraved by Hopwood for J. H. Smith's -_Authentic Narrative_, London, 1808, and from this second engraving -the present cut is taken. It has of late years been engraved by H. B. -Hall in Sparks's _Washington_, quarto ed., vol. iv.; H. W. Smith's -_Andreana_; Sargent's _André_; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1879, p. 745 -(etched by H. B. Hall). What seems to be the same, but extended to -include the thighs, is given in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 197; _Two -Spies_, 36. A picture by Reynolds (given in Harper's, lii. 822, and -_Cyclop. U. S. Hist._, i. 46) is said to be preserved at Tunbridge -Wells. A pen-and-ink sketch by himself, made during his confinement, -is now preserved in the Trumbull gallery at New Haven. Sparks first -engraved it, and it has since been reproduced by Lossing, in _Harper's -Mag._, xxi. 4, in Smith's _Andreana_, and elsewhere.] - -It now became necessary that some device should be practised to let -Arnold know that André had reached the "Vulture." There had just -happened some firing upon a boat of the "Vulture", in going to meet -what the British captain supposed or pretended to suppose a white flag -displayed on the shore. This gave the opportunity of dispatching a flag -to the commander in the Highlands, to remonstrate against such perfidy. -The British captain accordingly sent such a message, and André wrote -the letter in a hand which he knew Arnold would recognize, and moreover -countersigned it with "John Anderson, Secretary." - -Arnold at once bent to the occasion. He engaged one Joshua Hett Smith, -who lived in the neighborhood, to go by night to the "Vulture" in a -boat, and bring to the adjacent shore a gentleman whom he would find -on board, from whom Arnold expected to get information. How far Smith -was a dupe or a knave has never been satisfactorily determined. The -business would seem to have had a plain significance to a quick-witted -man; but a court was not able later to convict Smith of knowing -precisely what it all meant. Smith had also with him two oarsmen, and -it was not apparently believed that they were in a position to know -enough to render their patriotism doubtful. It was then by night, in -a boat steered by Smith, that André, dressed in his uniform, but with -an overcoat wrapped about him, was rowed ashore. According to Smith, -the darkness and the outer garment so concealed Andre's dress that -his steersman never suspected him to be an officer. Arnold was found -waiting in the bushes, a little remote from the landing. Here Smith -left the two conspirators alone and returned to his boat; but when the -signs of dawn began to appear he returned to warn them. Arnold, who had -brought along with him an extra horse, mounted André on it, and the two -started to go to Smith's house,[975] which was two or three miles away -on the hill, and within the American lines. - -[Illustration: HUDSON RIVER. - -Reduced from a rough pen-and-ink sketch, three feet and eight inches -long, preserved among the Sparks MS. maps in Cornell University -library, and inscribed "To his Excellency George Clinton, Esq^r, -Governor of the State of New York, this map of Hudson's River through -the Highlands is humbly dedicated by his Excellency's most humble -servant THOMAS MACHIN, iv. January, MDCCLXXVIII."] - -If André is to be believed, he was not told that he was to go within -the American outposts, and indeed there is no conclusive evidence -to show why they went to Smith's house at all. Perhaps Smith or the -boatmen refused, in the growing light, to take the risk of the return -to the vessel. The general opinion has been that the conspirators had -not concluded their negotiations, and needed more time. That Arnold had -had a predetermined purpose to go to the house, if necessary, seems -to be made clear from the fact that he had induced Smith to move his -family away from their home temporarily, and on some pretext which -Smith did not object to. André says that he first discovered Arnold's -plan to get him within the American lines when, as they rode on their -way, Arnold gave the countersign at the outposts. This was the first -departure from Clinton's instructions. After they had reached the house -the day broadened, and, the sound of cannon being heard, André went to -a window, whence he could see the "Vulture" in the distance,[976] and -saw that the Americans had dragged some cannon to a neighboring point, -whence their fire became so annoying that the vessel raised her anchor -and fell down the river. André became anxious lest this incident should -preclude his return by water. The day had not far advanced when the -bargain was completed, and Arnold prepared to leave for West Point to -perfect the dispositions expected of him. He left behind sundry papers, -mostly in his own handwriting, which André was to take to Clinton. Why -another injunction of his superior was evaded by André in accepting the -papers is not clear. They conveyed no information about the condition -of the post which Clinton did not already possess or André could repeat -to him. Possibly it was thought that, being in Arnold's autograph, the -documents might serve as a pledge for what André was verbally to report -to him. - -Arnold seems to have made no certain provision for his -fellow-conspirator's return to the "Vulture", but he left passes, which -could be used either on the water or land passage, as circumstance -might determine. André spent an anxious day after Arnold left. He was -finally cheered by observing that the "Vulture", as if mindful of him, -had returned to her previous moorings; but his hopes were futile. As -night came on Smith showed no signs of arranging for a water passage to -the ship, and made excuses. - -[Illustration: HUDSON RIVER. - -After the original draft by Major Villefranche (1780) as reproduced in -Boynton's _West Point_, p. 45. Sargent, in his _André_, gives a map -"engraved from a number of original drawings by Villefranche and other -engineers, and preserved by Major Sargent, of the American army, who -was stationed at West Point as aide to General [Robert] Howe until that -officer was relieved by Arnold."] - -The fact probably was, that, after the cannonading of the morning, -Smith had no desire to risk himself on the river in a boat. It was -accordingly agreed that André should undertake to return to New York by -land, and that Smith should accompany him beyond the American outposts, -under the protection of Arnold's pass and of his own acquaintance with -the officers of the lower posts. It now became necessary for André to -disregard another of Clinton's directions, and exchange his uniform -for common clothes.[977] This done, he put the papers which Arnold -had given him under his soles and within his stockings. Thus arrayed, -about dusk the two started, accompanied by Smith's negro servant. They -crossed King's Ferry, and proceeding on their way were stopped once, -but suffered to advance on showing Arnold's pass. After spending the -night at a house, they had gone on some distance the next morning when -Smith parted with André, and, going to Robinson's house, reported to -Arnold that André had been conducted beyond the lines. André went on in -better spirits than before, feeling sure now that he could encounter -nothing more serious than some wandering cowboys, as the British -marauders who infested the Neutral Ground between the two armies were -called, and with whom he could easily parley to their satisfaction. -The natural foes of the "Cowboys" were the "Skinners", who harried the -unfortunate adherents of the British along the same roads, and wrestled -with the Cowboys as opportunity offered.[978] As it happened, a party -of the American prowlers were out to intercept some British marauders, -and three of the number were ensconced close by a stream not far from -Tarrytown, on the upper side. They were by name John Paulding, David -Williams, and Isaac Van Wart. Paulding was by force of character the -leader, and was dressed in a refugee's suit, which not many days before -had been put upon him in exchange for his own better garments, when -he had come out from confinement within the British lines. This suit, -as well as Paulding's profession that he was "of the lower party", -given to André's inquiry when, as he came along, he was stopped by the -men, led to André's revealing himself as a British officer. When the -traveller found he had made a mistake, he showed Arnold's pass, and -tried to enforce it by threats of the American commander's displeasure -if the captors dared to disregard it. This failing, he tried bribes, -and it was André's opinion that if he could have made the payment sure -he might have got off, as money seemed to be their object. The men, -on the other hand, said that they could have resisted any offer of -money when, on searching their prisoner, they found the papers in his -boots.[979] Paulding, who alone could read, saw the purport of the -documents, and pronounced André a spy. - -[Illustration: COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE. - -After a sketch taken by Colonel Trumbull, at the close of the war, and -engraved in the _Memoir of Col. Benjamin Tallmadge, prepared by himself -at the request of his children_, New York, 1858. A portrait in his -later years, painted by E. Ames and engraved by G. Parker, is in the -_National Portrait Gallery_, Philadelphia, 1836, vol. iii.] - -André was remounted and led under their combined guidance to the -quarters[980] of Colonel Jameson, who commanded some dragoons at -Northcastle. That officer recognized Arnold's handwriting in the -papers found on the prisoner, but he seems to have been bewildered -by the discovery, though it was afterwards urged that he thought -the transaction was a plot of "John Anderson", whoever he might be, -to implicate Arnold in some mischief. How far the prisoner himself -may have prompted Jameson is not known, for it was clear enough to -André that Arnold only could now extricate him from the gathering -toils. Accordingly, events took a promising turn for him when Jameson -dispatched the prisoner, under escort, to Arnold's headquarters, with -a letter which informed his superior of what was apparent enough, that -some dangerous papers had been found on Anderson, and that he had sent -them to Washington. Major Benjamin Tallmadge, one of his officers, who -was absent on a scout, returned before André had long been gone, and -learning the particulars from Jameson saw at once the blunder, and -persuaded Jameson to send a messenger to recall André and his escort. -Jameson did so, but insisted that the letter to Arnold should go on, as -it did. - -The messenger with the papers sought to intercept Washington on the -lower road from Hartford, which the commander-in-chief was supposed -at that time to be traversing on his return from the interview with -Rochambeau. - -The next morning André was sent, for better security, in the charge of -Tallmadge to Colonel Sheldon's quarters at New Salem. Here, getting -permission to walk in the door-yard in the custody of an officer named -King, André revealed his name and station, and being allowed pen and -paper, he made the same avowal in a letter to Washington, which, when -written, he handed to Tallmadge. Its contents confirmed that officer's -suspicion that the prisoner was a military man, for he had shown a -soldier's habit of turning on his heel as he paced his room. - -Washington, returning by the upper road, had missed Jameson's -messenger, who, retracing his steps, passed through New Salem, where -he was entrusted also with the letter which André had just written, -and then went on towards the Robinson house, where Washington was then -supposed to be. - -It was now the 25th, the very day when Rodney was to come up the river -with his flotilla, and Arnold sat at breakfast at this same Robinson -house,[981] not knowing what the day would develop. There were with him -Mrs. Arnold, who had not long before (Sept. 15) come from Philadelphia, -and two of Washington's aides, who had arrived a little in advance of -their chief. - -It was two days earlier than Washington had been expected back, and -this was a serious perplexity in the mind of the conspirator. The -suspense was soon ended, for Jameson's messenger to him shortly -arrived, and the letter was put in Arnold's hands before the company. -He read it, showed, as was remembered afterwards, a little agitation, -but only a little, and in a few minutes left the table, saying that it -was necessary for him to go to West Point. It seemed natural enough -to his guests; but Mrs. Arnold observed his agitation more keenly, -and followed him to their chamber, where all was revealed to her. She -swooned; he kissed the infant lying there; descended the stairs;[982] -stopped an instant to say to the breakfast party that Mrs. Arnold -was not feeling well and would not come down again; mounted a horse -which he had already ordered; hurried down the steep road to the -river; entered his barge and seated himself in its prow; directed -his men to row to mid-stream; and then priming his pistols, which he -had taken from his holster, he ordered them to hurry down the river, -as he had to go with a flag to the "Vulture", and must hasten back -to meet Washington, who was shortly to reach his quarters. He tied a -white handkerchief to a cane, and waved it as he passed Livingston's -batteries at Verplanck's Point, and that officer recognizing the -barge allowed it to pass on. In a few minutes more he was under the -"Vulture's" guns, and then under her flag. His boatmen resisted his -offers of recompense for desertion, and were not allowed to return to -shore to spread the intelligence, which they now comprehended.[983] - -[Illustration: WEST POINT. - -Reproduced from the plan in Marbois' _Complot d'Arnold et de Sir Henry -Clinton_, Paris, 1816. A plate in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist_., 1879, -p. 756, showing the route of André, is a portion of a map among the -Simeon de Witt's maps (i. no. 66) in the library of the New York Hist. -Society, and was made by Robert Erskine, the topographical engineer -of the army, 1778-1780, and was for the whole length of it, from -Staten Island to Newburgh, engraved for the first time in Irving's -_Washington_, quarto ed., ii. 276. - -There are other maps of the scene of the conspiracy and its attendant -events in Sparks's _Washington_, vii. 216; Guizot's Atlas to his -_Washington_; Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., vol. iv.; Carrington's -_Battles_, 512; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 148; and Boynton's _West -Point_, 104.] - -Not long after Arnold left the Robinson house, Washington arrived, -and, learning that Arnold had gone to West Point, he passed over -unsuspicious to that post, where he was surprised not to find -Arnold.[984] While Washington was gone, Jameson's messenger with the -captured papers and André's letter arrived, and Hamilton, left behind -by Washington, opened them as his confidential aide.[985] As soon as -Washington's boat approached on his return from West Point, Hamilton -went towards the dock to meet his chief, whispered a word, and both -later entered the house and were closeted. The plot was revealed. -Hamilton was dispatched to Livingston to head off Arnold in his escape -if possible, but on reaching that officer's post it was found that -Arnold's boat had already passed. Before Hamilton was ready to set out -on his return, a flag from the "Vulture" brought ashore a letter from -Arnold, addressed to Washington, framed in lofty expressions of his own -rectitude, and avowing the innocence of Smith, of his own wife, and his -aides.[986] Before Hamilton's return, Washington had dined with his -officers without revealing the secret, but he shortly took Knox and -Lafayette into his confidence. There was naturally great uncertainty -as respects the extent of the conspiracy, and of what preparations -the enemy had made for an immediate onset. The anxiety of the moment -was soon evinced by the great activity of aides and orderlies. Word -was sent in every direction for arrangements to be made for any -emergency.[987] - -André was brought to West Point, and Smith was arrested and held for -examination. Special precautions were taken to keep them apart and to -prevent escape. André was then conveyed down the river, still under -Tallmadge's care, to headquarters at Tappan, where he was closely -guarded in an old stone house, still standing.[988] - -A board of general officers was at once summoned to consider the case -and recommend what action should be taken. The papers taken from André -were laid before them.[989] André himself was brought into their -presence, when he made a written statement, and answered questions. -He acknowledged everything, but said nothing to implicate others. He -affirmed that he did not consider himself under the protection of a -flag when he landed from the "Vulture." The report of the board was -that André was a spy, and merited the death of a spy. Washington -ordered the execution, and sent a record of the proceedings to Congress -and recommended its publication. Congress printed the record.[990] - -Clinton was meanwhile informed of what had happened by the return of -the "Vulture" to New York, and wrote to Washington that Arnold's -flag and pass should save André from the character of a spy. Beverley -Robinson wrote to a similar purport, and so did Arnold; but the latter -added a threat of retaliation in case André was executed, which was not -calculated to further the purpose of André's friends, and it is rather -surprising they allowed the letter to proceed. Washington replied -in effect that a flag must be used in good faith to preserve its -character, and that the concealment of dress and papers was the action -of a spy. - -Gen. Robertson was sent by Clinton to make further representations, and -Washington put off the execution till Greene could confer with that -general at an outpost. A repetition of the arguments on the British -side made no change in the aspects of the case; and when Robertson -quoted Arnold as saying André was under a flag, Greene told him they -believed André rather than Arnold. Robertson wrote again to Washington, -who had now definitely fixed mid-day of Oct. 2d for the execution. -Washington thought it also best to leave unanswered a note of André -requesting to be shot rather than hanged. Further letters, amplifying -the British arguments, were prepared,[991] but before they could be -sent to Washington word came that the execution had taken place. - -During his confinement in Tappan, and after he became aware of his -fate, André conducted himself with a cheerful dignity that much -endeared him to the gentlemen who came in contact with him. His -servant had brought from New York fresh linen and his uniform, which -André put on with evident satisfaction. He practised his ready skill -in pen-and-ink drawing, and made several sketches, which he gave -to his attendants as souvenirs.[992] As his hour approached, he -said graciously to his escort, "I am ready", and went to the place -appointed, surrounded by guards and through a large concourse of -people. Of the general officers of the army at the post only the -commander-in-chief and staff were absent; and as the sad procession -passed headquarters the blinds were drawn, and no one was seen. -When the gibbet came in sight, André shrank a moment, but instantly -recovered, for he had nourished hopes that his request as to the manner -of his death would not be denied. He bandaged his eyes himself; lifted -the cloth a moment to say that he wished all to bear witness to the -firmness with which he met his death; and when the cart was withdrawn -died instantly.[993] When his uniform was removed and placed in his -servant's hands, the coffin which contained the body was buried near -the spot. - -His remains were disinterred in 1821 and taken to England,[994] where -they were deposited in Westminster Abbey, beside the monument which -had been erected there to his memory shortly after his death.[995] -Many years after the removal, a rude boulder,[996] on which a simple -record was chiselled, was placed on the spot of his burial; but this -had disappeared when a few years since a plain monument, with an -inscription by Dean Stanley of the Abbey, was made to perpetuate the -record of his grave.[997] - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—A reduced sketch is placed opposite from a plan by Villefranche, -made in 1780, and given in fac-simile in Boynton's _West Point_, p. -86. He also (p. 79) gives Villefranche's plan (1780) of Fort Arnold, -built 1778 on the eastern limits of West Point. On Villefranche see -_Ibid._, p. 160. Boynton also gives a long folding panoramic view of -West Point in 1780 from the eastern bank of the river, which shows the -batteries and camps on both banks. Cf. illustrated paper, by Lossing, -in _Scribner's Mag._, v. 4.] - -Arnold received the price of his desertion,[998] was made a general -in the British service, and turned his sword, both in Connecticut -and Virginia, against his countrymen. Afterwards he went to England, -was treated with an enforced respect in some places, and scorned in -others.[999] He lived for a while in New Brunswick, but he never -escaped the torments which the presence of honorable men inflicted upon -him. His descendants live to-day in England and in Canada, and some of -them have attained high rank in the British army; and no one of them, -as far as known, has disgraced the good name of the old Rhode Island -family, whence Benedict Arnold descended.[1000] - -The report of the court respecting André, with its appendix (already -referred to), and the trial of Smith were the first public sifting of -the evidence about the conspiracy. Smith was acquitted by the military -tribunal,[1001] and was then turned over to the civil authorities for -a further trial; but, succeeding in escaping in women's clothes, he -reached New York, and England, where several years later he published a -narrative, which it is not easy to reconcile with all his evidence in -his trial,—the supposition[1002] being that he was addressing injured -Americans in the one case and disappointed Britons in the other.[1003] -Marbois, the secretary of the French legation at Philadelphia at the -time, wrote a _Complot d'Arnold et Clinton_, which was not published -till 1816 at Paris. Sparks says, that what came under Marbois' personal -observation is valuable; but otherwise the book, as most students -think, should be used with caution.[1004] - -The earliest comprehensive treatment of the subject—and it has hardly -been surpassed since—was in Sparks's _Life and Treason of Arnold_ -(Boston), and he gives the principal documentary evidence in his -_Washington_, vol. vii. App.[1005] - -The next special examination of the conspiracy was made in Winthrop -Sargent's[1006] _Life and Career of Major John André_ (Boston, -1861),—an excellent book.[1007] - -In 1864 the story necessarily made a part of Edward C. Boynton's -_History of West Point_, who pointed out the military advantage of the -Highlands of the Hudson.[1008] Not long after this, Henry B. Dawson, -then editing the _Yonkers Gazette_, printed in its columns sixty-eight -contemporary documents or narratives, and these, subsequently printed -from the same type in book-form, constitute no. 1 of Dawson's -_Gazette Series_, under the title of _Papers concerning the capture -and detention of Major John André_ (1866). It is the most complete -gathering of authentic material which has been made. - -The volume (x.) of Bancroft which contains his account of the -conspiracy appeared in 1875, and was constructed "by following -only contemporary documents, which are abundant and of the surest -character, and which, taken collectively, solve every question.... -The reminiscences of men who wrote in later days are so mixed up with -errors of memory and fable that they offer no sure foothold."[1009] - -The _Life of Arnold_, by Isaac N. Arnold, of Chicago, and the _Two -Spies_ of Benson J. Lossing, are the last considerable examinations of -the subject.[1010] - -[Illustration] - -The story of the culmination and collapse of the conspiracy is easily -told with the abundant testimony of those who were observers and -actors,—much of the record being made at the time, though some of it, -put upon paper at varying intervals later, may need to be scrutinized -closely, particularly as regards André's demeanor from the moment of -his arrest to his execution.[1011] - -For the English side we must mainly depend on the letters and -statements of Clinton, which are elaborate, and may well be -supplemented by contemporary and later English historians.[1012] - -As respects the justice of André's execution, the military authorities -were disagreed on the two sides at the time, and for a while the -alleged offence of Washington was considered in England a conspicuous -blot upon his character; but Lord Mahon has been the only prominent -instance of continued belief in this view among English writers, who -have generally conceded the right of the Americans to count André a -spy, however they might wish that Washington had been more clement. -The attractive manners and brilliant mental habit of André have -blinded even American writers to the atrocious nature of his mission, -and to the sinister purpose which a man of sensibility and elevated -character should never have grasped, even amid the license which a -state of war gives. The power to face death with a calm and graceful -courage may indeed be mated with the moral lightness that belongs to an -intellectual popinjay and a debased intriguer.[1013] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE WAR IN THE SOUTHERN DEPARTMENT. - -BY EDWARD CHANNING, - -_Instructor in History in Harvard College_. - - -IN the autumn of 1778 the British commander-in-chief, Sir Henry -Clinton, determined to attempt for the second time the subjugation of -the Southern colonies, and Savannah was selected as the first point of -attack. On November 27, 1778, Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, -with thirty-five hundred men of all arms, sailed from Sandy Hook, and -anchored off Tybee Entrance December 23d. Meantime a deserter from an -advance transport had given the Americans warning. Their commander was -General Robert Howe, a good but unsuccessful officer, who had not been -fortunate in securing the confidence of the authorities of Georgia. -Ascertaining these facts, Campbell pressed on without awaiting the -arrival of Brigadier-General Augustine Prevost with a reinforcement -from Florida. On the 28th, late in the afternoon, the British fleet -assembled in the Savannah River, off Giradeau's house on Brewton Hill, -which is about two miles from Savannah in a straight line, though -double that distance by road. A causeway, nearly half a mile in length, -ran from the river to the bluff through a rice-field which in ordinary -times could have been flooded, but over which the bluff was now -accessible from all points. - -On the morning of the 29th the Highlanders carried the position with -trifling loss, when Campbell, advancing toward Savannah, found the -Americans most advantageously posted across the highroad. Through no -fault of Howe, his rear was attained, while he awaited an attack in -front. The Americans suffered a severe loss, and only a small part of -them succeeded in joining Lincoln beyond the Savannah River. Campbell -pushed up the Savannah, and in ten days the frontier of Georgia was -secured, and this was the condition when Prevost arrived and took -command. - -Although Lincoln had arrived at Charleston on December 6th, he was not -able to reach Purisburgh before the 5th of January, 1779. His army, -composed almost entirely of militia, refused under him, as it had under -Howe, to be governed by the Continental rules of war.[1014] - -At first it seemed to the enemy that the occupation of Georgia could be -easily maintained, but the neighboring militia rallied under Pickens, -and drove the British back. The American success, however, was brief, -for Colonel Prevost, a brother of the general, turned upon General -Ashe, who with a detachment from Lincoln's army was following the -British retreat. The Americans were surprised and suffered a defeat, -which cost Lincoln one third of his army and restored to Prevost his -superiority in Georgia.[1015] - -The scale again turned. Lincoln, reinforced, once more severed the -British communications with the up-country Tories, when Prevost, to -disconcert his adversary, at first sought to get between him and -Charleston, and then suddenly advanced on the city itself. Here -Moultrie, who had been watching the British advance, threw up some -defences. Negotiations for a surrender followed, and Governor Rutledge, -who was in the town, even proposed a scheme of neutrality for the State -during the war, to which Prevost would not listen. The British now -intercepted a messenger from Lincoln, and finding that general closing -in upon him, Prevost suddenly decamped and marched toward Savannah. - -The summer was uneventful; but in the early autumn D'Estaing, who -after leaving Newport had been cruising with some success in the West -Indies, now turned northerly, and on September 3 (1779) his advance -ships arrived off the mouth of the Savannah River. A landing, however, -was not effected until the 12th, when the troops landed at Beaulieu, on -Ossabaw Sound, fourteen to sixteen miles from Savannah. They did not -reach that town until the 16th, so that Prevost had time to call in -his scattered detachments, and all but those from Beaufort had arrived -when, on the evening of that day, D'Estaing, in the name of the king of -France, summoned him to surrender. A correspondence followed, which was -prolonged till the defences were strengthened and Maitland got up from -Beaufort with eight hundred men, when Prevost refused to surrender. - -D'Estaing had been all the more willing to grant the truce as Lincoln, -who was looked for from Charleston, had not arrived on the 16th. By -the 23d a considerable part of the Americans had joined the French, -and siege operations were begun. Guns were brought up from the French -ships and trenches pushed to within three hundred yards of the besieged -lines. On September 24th a sortie was made by the garrison for the -purpose of developing the strength of the besiegers. The sortie was -repulsed with ease, but the French, following the assailants back to -their lines, were exposed to a murderous fire, and incurred a heavy -loss in killed and wounded. The bombardment was then begun with vigor, -but with little effect. At last, on October 8th, D'Estaing declared -that he could not keep his vessels longer exposed to the Atlantic -gales. An assault was determined on. In the night the sergeant-major of -one of the Charleston militia regiments deserted to the enemy and gave -full information of the intended movement, and further declared that -the attack on the British left would be only a feint, the real attack -being directed against the Spring Hill redoubt, on the right.[1016] - -The assault took place, and failed as much by a lack of coöperation -between the columns as by the treachery. This disaster so dispirited -the allies that Lincoln crossed the river on the 19th, and when he was -safe on the other side the French withdrew to their ships and sailed -away,—their last frigate leaving the river on the 2d of November. - -[Illustration: VIEW OF CHARLESTOWN, S. C. - -Sketched from a marginal view on a chart of _The Harbour of -Charlestown, from the surveys of Sir Jas. Wallace, Captain in his -Majesty's navy and others_, published in London by Des Barres, Nov. 1, -1777, and making part of the _Atlantic Neptune_. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._ (1883), p. 830. _The Catal. of the king's maps_ (Brit. Mus.) -shows an engraved view of 1739, and other early views are noted in -Vol. V., p. 331. There is a view by Leitch, in 1776. In a paper, "Up -the Ashley and Cooper", by C. F. Woolson, in _Harper's Magazine_, lii. -p. 1, there is a view of Drayton house, occupied by Cornwallis as -headquarters.—ED.] - -[Illustration: GENERAL MOULTRIE'S ORDER, MARCH 25, 1780. - -From the Commodore Tucker Papers in Harvard College library.—ED.] - -The sailing of the French left the coast again exposed, and Clinton, -coming from New York, now prepared to attack Charleston. On the 11th -of February, 1780, a landing was made on Simmons' Island, just to the -north of the North Edisto River. Thence by John's Island, Stono Ferry, -Wappoo Cut and River, the Ashley was reached, and a lodgment was -effected on the neck of land at the seaward end of which Charleston -stands. Clinton advanced with caution. On the 1st of April the first -parallel was opened about eight hundred yards from the American works. - -[Illustration: From the Tucker Papers in Harvard College library.] - -On the 21st of March the British fleet, commanded by Admiral Mariot -Arbuthnot in person, had crossed the bar unopposed. Some time was spent -in taking on board their provisions and guns. Then on the afternoon of -the 7th, 8th, or 9th of April—for there is a hopeless confusion as -to the exact date—in the midst of a furious thunder-shower the fleet -ran by Fort Moultrie without material damage, except to the store-ship -"Eolus", which was abandoned. The greater portion of the garrison of -Moultrie, commanded by Colonel C. C. Pinckney, was then withdrawn,—the -feeble remnant surrendering on the 6th of May, with scarcely a show of -resistance. - -On the 8th of April guns were mounted in battery in the first British -parallel. On the 11th, Lincoln having refused to surrender, fire was -opened. The second parallel was completed on the 19th, bringing the -British to within four hundred and fifty yards of the opposing line. - -[Illustration: - -After a picture by Col. Sargent, owned by the Mass. Hist. Society -(_Proc._, Jan., 1807, vol. i. p. 192; _Catal. Cabinet_, no. 13). A copy -by Herring was engraved by T. Illman. Cf. Jones's _Georgia_, vol. ii. -(bust only); Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., vol. iii.; _Harper's -Mag._, lxiii. 341. A rude contemporary copperplate print, by Norman, -appeared in the Boston ed. of _An Impartial Hist. of the War_ (1784), -vol. iii. 64.—ED.] - -On the morning of the 13th Tarleton and Ferguson, by a sudden push, -dispersed the force at Monk's Corner, which had guarded Lincoln's -supplies. On the 18th a reinforcement of three thousand men arrived -from New York, and enabled Clinton to complete the investment of -the town, the command on the eastern side of the Cooper being -given to Cornwallis. There was during the next few days a sortie, -some desultory fighting, and an unsuccessful correspondence for a -surrender. On May 8th the third parallel was completed, bringing the -besiegers to within forty yards of the works, while the canal in -front of the lines was partly drained and the batteries were ready -to open fire. Clinton again summoned the garrison, but again Lincoln -declined to surrender,—this time because Clinton refused to regard the -citizens as anything but prisoners on parole. On the 11th the British -reached the ditch and advanced to within twenty-five yards of the -works. Resistance was no longer to be thought of, especially as the -citizens themselves now petitioned to have the terms offered by Clinton -accepted. The articles were accordingly drawn up and signed on the -12th, and the English took possession. - -[Illustration: CORNWALLIS. - -From Andrews' _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. ii. There is an -engraving after an original drawing by T. Prattent in the _European -Mag._, Aug., 1786. There are engravings of him later in life in Lee's -_Memoir of the War in the Southern Department_ (Philadelphia, 1872), -vol. ii., and in the _Cornwallis Correspondence_. Cf. _Harper's Mag._, -lxiii. p. 325; Irving's _Washington_, ii. 282; Boyle's _Official -Baronage_, i. 459. Reynolds painted him in 1780, having already painted -him in 1761. The former picture was engraved by Chas. Knight in 1780. -Cf. Hamilton's _Engraved Works of Reynolds_, pp. 19, 169. There is a -mezzotint by D. Gardiner. Cf. John C. Smith's _Brit. Mez. Port._, ii. -745; and in _Ibid._, iv. 1,444, an engraving by Ward after a picture by -Buckley is noted. There is a contemporary account of Cornwallis in the -_Polit. Mag._, ii. 450.—ED.] - -On that day the Continentals to the number of perhaps fifteen -hundred—there were about five hundred in the hospital at the -time—marched out, with colors cased and drums beating the "Turk's -March", and laid down their arms. By regarding every adult capable of -bearing arms as a militiaman, Clinton reckoned his prisoners at five -thousand. Lincoln has been severely censured for this defence, but -if the Carolinians had rallied as expected, he might have held out -until the heats of the summer and the arrival of De Ternay would have -compelled Clinton's retirement. - -Clinton now sent out three expeditions to the up-country, the most -important of which was destined to secure the region north of the -Santee and Wateree.[1017] Cornwallis, commanding this expedition, -detached Tarleton against Buford, who had with him the remnants of the -American cavalry and some Continentals from Virginia. Tarleton overtook -him at Waxhaw Creek on the 29th of May. Of the five hundred Americans -who entered the fight, one hundred and thirteen were killed, while -one hundred and fifty were wounded. The slaughter was vindictive, and -"Tarleton's Quarters" will never be forgotten in the upper regions of -South Carolina. - -Clinton and Arbuthnot, judging their conquest of the province -permanent, now proclaimed as rebels all who refused the oath of -allegiance, and then sailed for New York, leaving Cornwallis in -command. - -[Illustration: CORNWALLIS. - -From the _London Mag._, June, 1781 (p. 251).—ED.] - -The new commander's proclamations, following upon those of Clinton and -Arbuthnot, were enough at variance with them to create discontent among -those inclined toward the British side. The spirits of the patriots -began to revive, especially in the back regions, where Colonels Locke -and Williams and Generals Rutherford and Sumter gathered strong bands -around their standards. The fights at Ramsour Mills, Rocky Mount, -Hanging Rock, and Musgrove Mills, which these partisans conducted, -were in the main successful, but all were lost to sight in the great -disaster which soon overtook the American arms near Camden. - -Early in the spring of 1780, it had been decided to send a -reinforcement under De Kalb to Lincoln, at Charleston. With about -fourteen hundred men of the Maryland and Delaware lines, that general -left Morristown on the 16th of April, 1780, and on the 1st of June, in -Petersburg, he learned of the fall of Charleston. He decided to push on -with the utmost speed, in the hope that his coming might still save the -interior of the State. But delay after delay occurred, and De Kalb did -not reach the Deep River before the 6th of July, when he found nothing -prepared for his reception; and what was still more inexcusable, the -North Carolina militia, under Caswell, were holding aloof. On the 25th -a new commander of the Southern armies arrived in Horatio Gates, the -popular hero of Saratoga. His appointment had been made by Congress -against the wishes of Washington, but in obedience to a general popular -consent. De Kalb received Gates with genuine pleasure, and took his -place at the head of the regulars, then forming the whole army. - -Against the advice of his ablest officer, Otho H. Williams, Gates -determined to join the North Carolinians in their camp near Lynch's -Creek, since they would not join him, and with them he hoped to seize -Camden. Two days after his arrival, on July 27th, the march began, and -after the most acute suffering from hunger the regulars joined the -militia. So lax was the discipline among Caswell's men, that Williams -and a party of officers rode through their lines and camp without being -once challenged. Approaching the general's tent, they were informed -that it was an unseasonable hour for gentlemen to call. Yet Caswell -was within striking distance of a disciplined army, commanded by an -enterprising general, Lord Rawdon. Marching a little farther, the -British were found in a strong position on the southern bank of Little -Lynch's Creek. - -[Illustration: HORATIO GATES. - -From Du Simitière's _Thirteen Portraits_ (London, 1783).—ED.] - -By a march up the creek, Gates might have placed his superior force on -Rawdon's flank and rear. This was what Rawdon feared, and what De Kalb -is said to have advised. Instead he passed two days in idleness, and -then, inclining to the right, marched to Clermont or Rugeley's Mill, -on the road from Charlotte to Camden, and not more than thirteen miles -from the latter. There, seven hundred militia from Virginia joined -him. From that place, too, he sent four hundred men, including some -regulars, to assist Sumter in a contemplated attack on the enemy's -communications. It was now determined to seek a more defensible -position on the banks of a creek seven miles nearer Camden. This -position could be turned only by marching a considerable distance -either up or down the creek. Exactly what Gates had in view by this -movement can not now be ascertained.[1018] - -Cornwallis arrived at the front on the morning of August 14th, and -decided to surprise Gates; but the two armies started on respective -marches at precisely the same hour, ten o'clock of the evening of -August 15, 1780. Their advanced guards met at about half past two the -next morning. Armand, a French adventurer, with his "legion" forming -the American van, retired panic-stricken, and the two armies deployed -across the road. The position in which the opposing generals now found -themselves was singularly favorable to the smaller numbers of the -British, as the front was necessarily very short, owing to a marsh -which protected while limiting either flank. This advantage Cornwallis -was not slow to perceive. A hurried council was held on the American -side, and it was decided that there was no alternative but to fight. At -dawn the enemy was observed getting into position on the extreme left. -Stevens, with the Virginia militia, already in line, was ordered to -charge before the enemy's formation was complete. It so happened that -Cornwallis, thinking the Virginians were making some change in their -dispositions, ordered his right forward. Led by the gallant Webster, -the British came on with such a rush that the men of Virginia threw -down their loaded guns with bayonets set, broke and dispersed to the -rear. Nor did the North Carolinians do better. Seeing the Virginians -break, they did not await the onset, but threw away their arms and -fled. One regiment indeed, inspired by the example of the regulars, -fired several rounds before it broke. Deserted by those whom they had -marched so many weary miles to succor, the men of Maryland and Delaware -fought till to fight longer was criminal. Then the under-officers, -on their own responsibility, brought off all they could, for their -commander, De Kalb, overwhelmed by eleven wounds, had fallen into -the hands of the enemy,—"a fate", says Williams, "which probably -was avoided by other generals only by an opportune retreat." That -night Gates found himself at Charlotte, sixty miles from the scene of -conflict. Caswell was with him, and they were soon joined by Smallwood -and Gist. In fact, excepting the one order issued to the Virginians at -the outset, the leaders seem to have left the conduct of the fight to -De Kalb and the subordinate officers. From Charlotte Gates retired to -Hillsborough, where the legislature was then sitting. - -Cornwallis seems to have been satisfied with the havoc wrought on -the field of battle, for he pursued without vigor, and soon returned -to Camden and gave his attention to Sumter. That enterprising but -negligent chieftain had captured the redoubt at the ferry over the -Wateree, and had ensnared a convoy destined for Cornwallis. On the -night of the 17th, hearing of Gates's overthrow, Sumter left his camp, -and moved with such celerity that a corps which Cornwallis sent -against him failed to strike him. Shortly after, Tarleton found him -less vigilant, and came upon him so unexpectedly that resistance was -hardly attempted, and Sumter escaped with scarcely half his force. - -Gates has been severely blamed for this defeat; too severely, it seems -to me. The march of the regulars from Buffalo Ford to Lynch's Creek was -undoubtedly full of hardship, but it was well planned and executed. Nor -do the troops who made it seem to have been demoralized by it. On the -contrary, seldom have men fought more gallantly than De Kalb's division -fought on the morning of August 16, 1780. The Virginians, whose flight -made defeat probable, followed the Continentals in the march across the -"desert", and did not suffer nearly as much as the leading division. -The North Carolina militia, whose panic turned a probable defeat into -a rout, had no part whatever in that painful march. The disaster was -due to the over-confidence which Gates felt in his men. Had the militia -stood firm, the event of the campaign might have been different. -There was no defect in Gates as a strategist or tactician. He had a -larger number of men in line than his opponent. His dispositions were -as perfect as the time and place permitted. The defeat Was "brought -on", to use the emphatic words of Stevens, the gallant leader of the -Virginians, "by the damned cowardly behavior of the militia." - -From Camden Cornwallis advanced to Charlotte, overcoming all obstacles -which the militia under Davie interposed. Other militia, meanwhile, -under Clarke, advanced on Augusta, but British reinforcements from -Ninety-Six, under Cruger, forced Clarke to abandon the attack, and, -burdened with the families of some leading Whigs, he retired towards -the mountains. Cornwallis, hearing of this, ordered Ferguson, who -had been beating up recruits in the upper country, to endeavor to -cut Clarke off. Now it happened that at this very time the sturdy -frontiersmen, under the leadership of Colonel William Campbell, Colonel -Isaac Shelby, Lieutenant-Colonel John Sevier, and Colonel Charles -McDowell, had assembled at Watauga, bent on the destruction of Ferguson -and his little army.[1019] To the number of one thousand and forty -they left their place of meeting on September 26th and marched for -Gilberton, where Ferguson was supposed to be. On the 30th they were -joined by Colonel Cleveland, with three hundred and fifty men from -North Carolina. The senior officer was McDowell, but from his slowness -he was not deemed the best man to conduct such an arduous enterprise, -and while he was sent to Gates to name a leader they chose Campbell -for their chief. Pressing on, they reached the Cowpens, where they -were joined by Williams and Lacy, with about four hundred men from the -Carolinas. - -Meantime Ferguson, not ignorant of the approach of this formidable -force, which appeared to have sprung from the earth, had begun his -retreat towards Charlotte. Anxious to intercept Clarke, he had delayed -his march longer than was prudent, and had taken post on the top of -a spur of King's Mountain, where he probably hoped to be reinforced -before the enemy should come up with him. While at the Cowpens, on -October 6th, the Americans received certain information of Ferguson's -position. They resolved to select the best mounted of their little -army, and, leaving the poorly mounted and the footmen to follow, to go -in pursuit of Ferguson and fight him wherever found. In the evening, -therefore, they broke up from the Cowpens, and, marching all night, -reached, without being discovered, the foot of King's Mountain on -the afternoon of the next day. The spot on which the British were -found was singularly well suited to the mode of fighting in which the -backwoodsmen were adepts. King's Mountain proper is sixteen miles long, -and in some places is high and steep. The southern end, however, where -Ferguson was encamped, rises only about sixty feet. It was wooded, -except on the summit, which partook of the nature of a plateau. The -Americans, under their respective leaders, so timed their movements -that Ferguson was surrounded almost before he knew it. The band led -by Campbell seems to have made the first attack from the south. It -was speedily driven back at the point of the bayonet, but re-formed -at the foot of the hill and returned to the charge. Meantime Shelby -was pressing on from the north. He, too, was driven back, when, -re-forming his men, he also returned to the fight. These charges and -countercharges were three times repeated. Cleveland, Sevier, and the -rest did their work splendidly in their respective positions. The -British, inspired by the example of their heroic leader, fought bravely -and well; but their position was so perilous that their loss was double -that of the assailants. Ferguson, while leading a charge, or perhaps -while endeavoring to cut his way out, was killed. De Peyster, the -second in command, showed the white flag, as was his duty, resistance -being useless, but the firing did not cease for some time, even though -the beaten Tories were suing for quarter. At that moment an attack -was made from the rear by another band of British, who were probably -returning from a foraging expedition. This new and sudden attack led to -a renewal of the slaughter of the unresisting foe on the hill. - -The neighborhood was bare of provisions, and the next morning the -now half famished victors, with their no less hungry prisoners, made -a hurried retreat towards the mountains. On the 13th the Americans -arrived at a place then called Bickerstaff's Old Fields, about nine -miles from the present hamlet of Rutherfordton. There they improvised a -court, and sentenced thirty to forty of their prisoners to death. But -after nine had been hanged, the remainder were reprieved or pardoned. - -Such was the famous battle of King's Mountain in South Carolina. It -changed to a great extent the whole course of the war in the Southern -department, as it deprived Cornwallis of the only corps that he could -afford to hazard for a long time out of supporting distance. As for -Cornwallis, as soon as he heard of the disaster, instead of sending -Tarleton in pursuit, he broke up from Charlotte, and retired as fast -as he could to Wynnesborough, in South Carolina, midway between Camden -and Ninety-Six, where he would be within supporting distance of either -in case they were attacked. He was followed by Gates, who encamped at -Charlotte, his light parties advancing even to Rugeley's. - -Not long after his arrival at Wynnesborough, Cornwallis detached -Tarleton, with a portion of the Legion, to disperse the band with -which Marion awed the country between the Santee and Pedee rivers. -Tarleton had now to deal with a soldier both bold and discreet. All his -artifices were unavailing to entrap Marion, and he was recalled to go -in pursuit of Sumter, who had encamped at Fishdam Ford, not far from -the British headquarters. Meanwhile, Major Wemyss had attacked Sumter -just before daybreak on the morning of November 11th. He approached -the camp unchallenged at first, but he soon encountered a picket, -which fired five shots before retiring. Two shots disabled Wemyss. His -second in command, continuing the attack without a proper knowledge of -the ground, was repulsed. Sumter, hearing of the approach of Tarleton, -prudently withdrew from such a dangerous neighborhood, and had reached -the ford of the Tyger, near Blackstocks, when Tarleton appeared. Unable -to cross, he drew up his men on the side of a hill. Tarleton, rashly -attacking with his advance, was beaten off with great loss. The British -leader withdrew to his main body, and prepared to storm the hill the -following morning; but in the night Sumter crossed the river, and once -over his men dispersed in every direction. The American loss at these -two actions was small, though a wound received at the Blackstocks kept -Sumter from the field for several months. - -From this time on the war in the Southern department assumed a new and -brighter aspect, for on December 2, 1780, less than a month after the -affair at the Blackstocks, Nathanael Greene arrived at Charlotte, and -took command of the remnants of the gallant Continentals who had fought -so splendidly at Camden. He was respectfully received by Gates, who -retired to his Virginia farm.[1020] - -The task that Greene had before him might well have appalled the -boldest. Without food, without money or credit, almost without an army, -he was expected to face the most enterprising commanders—Cornwallis, -Rawdon, and Tarleton—that the British had on this continent, while -they were at the head of a large and well-appointed army. But Greene -was not the man to be easily disheartened. With the possible exception -of Washington, the best soldier of high rank in the American army, he -resembled his chief in being a careful observer of men. His judgment, -too, with regard to all matters connected with war was excellent, and -has seldom been surpassed. As a strategist he had no equal in the -opposing army, while he possessed the rare power of being able to -adapt his tactics to the army and to the country, although it has been -claimed that credit has been given him for what really was the product -of another mind. - -Gates handed over to his successor an army which numbered on paper -twenty-three hundred and seven men, including nine hundred and -forty-nine Continentals. But so many were insufficiently clad and -equipped that, to use the new commander's own words, "not more than -eight hundred were present and fit for duty." Food was scarce, and the -_morale_ of the army was low. Greene sought a new camp on the eastern -bank of the Pedee, opposite Cheraw Hill, where food was more abundant. -There he subjected his men to a discipline to which they had long -been strangers, while Morgan, with a strong detachment, threatened -Cornwallis's other flank. - -Morgan took with him four hundred of the Maryland line, under -Lieutenant-Colonel J. E. Howard, two companies of Virginia militia, and -about one hundred dragoons led by William Washington. To these were -afterwards added more than five hundred militia from the Carolinas. -Morgan advanced to Grindall's Ford on the Pacolet, near its confluence -with Broad River. In this position he seriously menaced Ninety-Six and -even Augusta itself. Cornwallis needed to dislodge him before he could -advance far in his projected invasion of North Carolina. He therefore -detached Tarleton, with his Legion and a strong infantry support, -against Morgan, while he himself advanced with the main body along the -upper road to North Carolina, thus placing himself on Morgan's line -of retreat whenever that commander should be driven back. Learning of -these movements, Morgan retired from Grindall's Ford, and moving with -commendable speed on the night of January 16, 1781, encamped at the -Cowpens. Tarleton was now close upon him, and, marching the greater -part of the night, he discovered the Americans drawn up in line of -battle on the morning of the 17th. The position which Morgan had chosen -was in many respects a weak one. The country was well fitted for the -use of cavalry, in which the British excelled, while the Broad River, -flowing parallel to his rear, made retreat difficult if not impossible. -Nor were the flanks protected in any manner.[1021] Hardly waiting -for his line to be formed, and with his reserve too far in the rear, -Tarleton dashed forward.[1022] A militia skirmish line was easily -brushed aside, and the main body of militia, after firing a few rounds -with terrible precision, also retreated. The Continentals, however, -under their gallant leader, stood firm. But Howard's flank soon became -enveloped. He ordered his flank company to change its front. Mistaking -the order, the company fell back, and the whole line was ordered to -retire upon the cavalry. The British, who had been joined by the -reserve, thinking that the Americans were retreating, came on like a -mob. Seeing this, Howard ordered the 1st Maryland to face about. They -obeyed, and poured such an unexpected and murderous fire into the -advancing foe that the British line paused, became panic-stricken, -turned, and fled. In vain did Tarleton call upon his dragoons for -a charge. His order was either not delivered or was misunderstood. -Colonel Washington, on the other hand, advanced with a rush, and the -day was won. Almost to a man the British infantry was either killed -or captured. But they had fought well, and their loss, especially in -officers, bears testimony to their splendid conduct on the field.[1023] - -King's Mountain lost to Cornwallis his best corps of scouts. This -disaster deprived him of his light infantry, whose presence during the -forced marches now to come would have been of incalculable service. For -this reason the affair at the Cowpens, while in reality only a fight -between two small bodies of troops, in importance of results deserves -to be ranked among the most important conflicts of the war. It was -indeed, as has so often been said, "the Bennington of the South." - -Cornwallis, when he had detached Tarleton to the defence of Ninety-Six, -and later, when he had ordered him to push Morgan to the utmost, had -expected to be able to get on Morgan's line of retreat, and thus drive -him into the mountains, or at least prevent his rejoining Greene. But -with Greene on his flank at the Cheraws, he had been afraid to move -far from Camden before Leslie with the reinforcements could get out -of Greene's reach. He was, therefore, no further advanced than Turkey -Creek, twenty-five miles away, when the news of the disaster at the -Cowpens reached him. On the 18th, Leslie, with two battalions of the -Guards under O'Hara and the Hessian regiment of Bose, arrived. On the -19th the pursuit was begun, and on the 24th Cornwallis reached the -crossing of the Little Catawba at Ramsour's Mill, only to learn that -Morgan had crossed at the same place two days before. In fact, that -enterprising leader, instead of being dazzled by the victory at the -Cowpens, passed the Broad River on the evening of the day of action, -and, pursuing his route toward the mountains, passed Ramsour's Mill on -the 21st. With the bulk of his detachment he then sought a junction -with the main body under Greene. Turning to the east, he crossed the -Catawba at Sherrald's Ford on the 23d, and took post on the eastern -bank. At this place he finally rid himself of his prisoners, sending -them to Virginia under an escort of militia. - -There can be little doubt of the chagrin Cornwallis experienced at -the escape of Morgan. It prompted him to destroy what he thought -was useless baggage, and to make another attempt to overtake the -Americans. This burning of his train occupied two days, and, necessary -as it may have seemed, the consequent lack of supplies led to the -fearful suffering of his army after Guilford, and made his retreat to -Wilmington a necessity. It was his first grave error in his struggle -with Greene. On the 27th he put his troops in motion for the Catawba, -but before he reached the fords a sudden rise of the river made the -crossing an impossibility, and gave Morgan two days' respite. The delay -was still more important in giving Greene time to reach the post of -danger and take command of the detachment. The news of the victory -at Cowpens had not reached the camp at the Cheraws until the 25th. -Instantly divining the course that Cornwallis would pursue, Greene sent -an express to Lee, who, as soon as he had joined, had been dispatched -to coöperate with Marion in an attack on Georgetown, next to Charleston -then the most important seaport in South Carolina. The attack failed -for some reason that is not quite apparent; but Lee brought off -his troops in safety, and rejoined Greene in time to render most -important service. On the 29th, the main army, under command of General -Huger, left the camp for Salisbury, where Greene hoped to be able to -concentrate his entire force. On the 31st the Catawba began to subside. -Putting their troops in motion, Greene and Morgan directed their steps -toward Salisbury, where they arrived on February 2d. The Yadkin was -crossed in safety the next day, though rising rapidly all the time; -then sending orders to Huger to join him at Guilford Court-House, and -not at Salisbury as formerly ordered, Greene once more breathed freely. - -On the afternoon of the 1st, Cornwallis had also put his troops in -motion. His design was to make a feint of crossing at Beattie's Ford -while with the Guards he should pass the river at the less known -Cowan's Ford. By some means, Davidson, who commanded the militia in -that region, became cognizant of the design, and stationed himself -at Cowan's with about four hundred men, where he expected to hold -Cornwallis in check long enough to be of real service to the retiring -Americans. - -Shortly before daybreak Cornwallis reached the river, and saw the -watch-fires on the opposite bank. Without a moment's hesitation the -Guards rushed into the rapid stream. When about halfway across they -were discovered, and a fire was opened upon them by the militia. But -now occurred one of those accidents that so often in war defeat the -best-laid plans. The ford, turning in mid-stream at an angle with -the direct line, ran under a bank where the militia were waiting for -the British; but when they arrived at the turning-point, instead of -inclining to the right, the Guards—their guide having deserted through -fear—kept straight on, and gained the bank with a loss of only sixty -in killed, wounded, and missing. The militia retired, and although -Tarleton was sent after them, they made good their retreat with a loss -which would have been trifling but for a mortal wound under which the -gallant Davidson fell. There were many hair-breadth escapes during this -splendid charge. Cornwallis's horse was shot under him, but reached the -bank before he fell. Leslie was carried down stream, and O'Hara's horse -rolled over with his rider while in the water. - -Pushing on with all speed possible in the wretched condition of the -roads, Cornwallis's van, under O'Hara, reached the Yadkin at the -Trading Ford a few hours after the Americans had crossed; but O'Hara, -though he missed the soldiers, captured a train of wagons belonging to -the country people who were flying with the army. Here again the forces -of nature came to the assistance of the Americans, for the Yadkin -rose so rapidly that it could not be forded, and Greene had carefully -secured all the boats on the eastern bank. - -Cornwallis now gave up all idea of preventing the union of the two -wings of the opposing army, which, indeed, was effected soon after at -Martinsville, near Guilford. The British commander decided to place -himself between his opponents and the fords of the Dan, hoping thereby -to prevent the Americans taking refuge in Virginia. Accordingly, on the -7th he crossed the Yadkin at the Shallow Ford. It was now a serious -question with Greene to escape the new danger. The militia failing to -come to his aid, he was obliged to protect his Continentals by a flight -into Virginia. He determined to cross the Dan at Irwin's Ferry, and -sent orders to have boats ready at that point. On the 10th the march -was renewed. The light troops, united in one division, were placed -under the command of O. H. Williams, with orders to delay the enemy as -much as possible. By rapid marching the main army reached Irwin's Ferry -and crossed on the 13th and 14th, before Williams and the rear-guard -came in sight. The experience of this light division has been well -told by Lee, whose Legion first measured sabres with Tarleton's men on -the 12th. From that time the rear of the Americans and the advance of -O'Hara were almost constantly in sight of each other. At every crossing -or other suitable place Williams would draw his men out and thus compel -the British to deploy; then, his object being accomplished, and the -British delayed for a few minutes, the march would be resumed, and the -two armies would soon be marching as one again. Cornwallis, conscious -finally that his prey had escaped, turned back to Hillsborough, and, -erecting the Royal Standard, called upon all loyal North Carolinians to -rally to the aid of their royal master. - -On the 18th, only four days after his escape, recruits had come in so -rapidly that Greene detached Lee across the Dan to seek information, -and to show the Tories that the Americans were by no means beaten. Lee -had, in addition to his legion, two companies of the Maryland line. -He was joined on the southern side of the river by Pickens with a -considerable body of Carolina militia. - -On the 23d Greene himself crossed the Dan with the main army, and -sought the difficult country on the head-waters of the Haw, as the -Cape Fear River is called in its upper course. Here again, as during -the retreat, the light troops were put into the hands of Williams. The -two divisions manœuvred with such precision that Cornwallis was held -at arm's length, while militia and Continentals came into the American -camp from all directions. The American commander saw that the time had -now come to give way no more. He stationed himself on a hillside near -Guilford, and awaited the approach of the British. The position which -had attracted his attention during the retreat possessed a combination -of rising ground, cleared spaces, and woods which could hardly be -surpassed for the irregular formation that Greene, following the -example set by Morgan at the Cowpens, deemed best suited to his troops. - -To Cornwallis, the presence of Greene had been most disastrous. -Strategy had failed to annihilate his opponent, and the offered battle, -even on ground of the American general's own selection, was welcome to -the British commander; and on the morning of the 15th of March, 1781, -the trial came. - -In his front line Greene put the North Carolina militia, their flanks -resting in the woods, the centre being protected in some measure by -a rail fence. Three hundred yards behind were posted the Virginia -militia under Stevens and Lawson. Though militia in name, some of those -under Stevens were veterans in reality. But, taught by his bitter -experience at Camden, Stevens posted riflemen behind his line, with -orders to shoot any who should run. The Virginians were entirely in -the woods. Three to four hundred yards behind them, on the brow of a -declivity, with open fields in their front, were the regulars. On the -right was the Virginia brigade under Huger. Then, after an interval for -the artillery under Singleton, came the Maryland brigade, commanded -by Williams. The first regiment was led by Gunby, with Howard as -lieutenant-colonel. This was the regiment which had aroused universal -admiration by its splendid conduct at Camden and its wonderful -subordination at the Cowpens, when a gallant charge converted a bloody -check into a crushing disaster. The second Maryland regiment, commanded -by Ford, was new to the service. It held the extreme left of the line. -The regulars presented a convex front. Lee with the "Legion" and -Campbell's riflemen from the backwoods acted as a corps of observation -on the left, while Washington, with the regular cavalry and the -remnant of the Delaware regiment under the heroic Kirkwood and Lynch's -riflemen, protected the right flank. - -As soon as Cornwallis found himself in the presence of his enemy, he -deployed without reserves, except the British dragoons under Tarleton. -The "Hessian" regiment of Bose and the 71st under Leslie, with the -1st battalion of the Guards in support, held the right; next came the -23d and 33d regiments under Webster, with the Grenadiers and the 2d -battalion of the Guards under O'Hara in support; while the extreme -left was occupied by the light infantry of the Guards and the Jägers. -The artillery was on the road with Tarleton. As the line moved forward -it first encountered the North Carolinians, who fired a volley, and -perhaps more, before they broke. On the extreme right, however, Lee -with his light troops held the regiment of Bose and the 1st battalion -of the Guards in check. But the defection of the North Carolinians -separated him from the rest of the army. The first line being broken, -Webster rushed upon the Virginians. But the woods were so thick, and -the defence of the Virginians so stout, that his loss at this point was -very considerable. At length, Stevens having been wounded in the thigh, -the Virginians retired and Webster advanced upon the Continentals. On -his right was Leslie with the 71st. When the advancing line reached the -front of the 1st Maryland, it was received with such a murderous fire -that it stopped. The Marylanders then advanced with the bayonet, and -the British gave way and retreated. It has been said by writers on both -sides, that had Greene thrown forward another regiment at this moment -the day would have been won. But this is by no means certain, as the -events of the next few minutes were to show. For Leslie with the 71st -and O'Hara with the Guards now came up and assailed the 2d Maryland -with such fierceness that it broke and fled. But the 1st Maryland was -not far off. Wheeling into line, it opposed the Guards until Washington -charged and broke the British line. J. E. Howard—now in command, Gunby -having been dismounted—then followed with the bayonet, and pressed -the enemy so hard that re-formation was for the moment impossible. -Cornwallis, seeing that the flight must be stopped at all hazards, -ordered his artillery—posted on an eminence in the centre of the -field—to open on the Marylanders through the ranks of his own men. -In this way the pursuit was checked, though at terrible loss to the -British. - -Greene's hopes were soon dashed. The shattered lines of the enemy -re-formed and returned to the conflict. Pressing heavily on the -Virginia regulars, and reinforced by the 1st battalion of the Guards, -which had disengaged itself from Lee, the whole American line was -endangered. Greene, who wished to run no chances, and who probably -did not know that Lee had once more connected himself with the main -line, ordered a retreat. The artillery, the horses having been killed, -was left on the ground, but otherwise the withdrawal was easily and -skilfully effected. - -Such was the battle of Guilford. Numerically, Greene was superior; -but of good troops he had only a handful. When the two leaders summed -up their losses, it became evident that a decisive blow had been -struck at Cornwallis. The Americans lost seventy-nine killed and -one hundred and eighty-four wounded, together with one thousand and -forty-six missing. Of these last some may have been wounded, but by -far the greater part were militiamen, who had returned to their homes. -Cornwallis reported his own loss at ninety-three killed, and four -hundred and thirteen wounded, and twenty-six missing—a most serious -diminution of his force. - -Cornwallis in his proclamation and letters maintained, however, that -he had achieved a great triumph. It was his despatch to Germain which -occasioned the well-known assertion of Charles James Fox that "another -such victory would destroy the British army." Even before the fight it -had been almost a necessity to open communications with the sea, as -the army was suffering for want of the stores that had been destroyed -at Ramsour's Mill. Believing the Cape Fear River navigable as far as -Cross Creek, Cornwallis had sent Major Craig to seize Wilmington and to -open navigation as far as possible, which he succeeded in doing to a -point at a short distance above Wilmington. Leaving his wounded at the -New Garden Quaker Meeting-house, near the battlefield, Cornwallis set -out on the morning of the 18th for Wilmington, arriving there on April -7, 1781. Greene had pursued as soon as possible. But his ammunition, -never very abundant, was now almost exhausted. Besides, food was very -scarce in the district to be traversed, and Greene arrived at Ramsey's -Mill only to find that Cornwallis had built a bridge over Deep River -at that point and escaped, although Lee had pressed so hard on his -rear that the bridge could not be destroyed. Here the pursuit ended; -for the Virginia militia, now that their time was up, refused to serve -longer. Though Cornwallis escaped, and though Greene had lost one of -the best contested battles of the war, he had won the campaign. He was -free once more to turn his attention toward relieving South Carolina of -her military rulers. On April 6th, one day before Cornwallis arrived at -Wilmington, the southward march began, Lee being detached to operate on -the line of Rawdon's communications with Charleston. - -Lee soon joined Marion, who was skulking in swamps between the Pedee -and Santee, and, uniting forces, the two captured a fortified depot of -Watson, the British officer scouring this region, and then endeavored -to prevent his rejoining Rawdon. - -On the 7th of April Greene had broken up from Ramsey's, and, taking the -direct road, had encamped on Hobkirk's Hill, to the north of Camden, -and about a mile and a half from the British works at that place. As -Rawdon did not come out from his intrenchments, Greene on the 23d moved -nearer. Anxious for Marion and Lee, and desirous of supporting some -artillery which he detached to them, Greene moved to a position south -of Camden. It appears, however, that on the 23d or 24th he decided to -fall back. Accordingly, on the afternoon of the 24th he reëncamped -on Hobkirk's Hill. During that night a renegade drummer-boy informed -Rawdon of the position and number of the American force. He also said -that Greene had neither artillery nor trains near at hand, although -both were on the march to join him. It was a most propitious time to -strike, and Rawdon determined to attempt a surprise the next morning. - -Making a considerable detour to the right, he struck the American left -almost unperceived. Greene had thrown out a strong picket in that -direction, but the superiority of the British was so great that they -drove in the guards and were upon the Americans before the formation -was complete. That the attack was not a disaster was due to the -prudence of Greene, who had encamped in order of battle. Perceiving -that Rawdon's line was very short, Greene ordered Ford with the 2d -Maryland to flank it on the right, and Campbell was told to do the -same on the left. Gunby with the 1st Maryland, and Hawes with the -Virginia regulars, were ordered to attack with the bayonet in front, -while Washington with the cavalry was to get into the rear and take -advantage of any opening that might offer. Unfortunately, neither Ford -nor Campbell were able to put in their men before Rawdon, seeing his -danger, brought up his reserves and extended his flank. This was owing -partly to Ford being struck down in the beginning of the movement. - -The defeat of Greene, however, was due to one of those accidents -against which no foresight can provide. It seems that as the 1st -Maryland was getting into position to charge, or perhaps as it was -moving forward, Beattie, the captain of one of the leading companies, -was shot. His men began firing, and fell into confusion. Then Gunby, -instead of pushing his rear companies forward, as Greene always -declared he should have done, ordered the regiment to form on the rear -companies. The men retiring were seized with a panic, and the heroes of -three battles broke. They were rallied soon after, but it was then too -late. The whole line was compromised, and Greene ordered a retreat. - -Though Greene was not surprised, the attack was most unexpected. -This was owing in a great measure to the woods in his front, which -permitted Rawdon to reach the picket line without discovery. Even -then Greene fully expected victory, and had his men done their duty, -as he had a perfect right to expect, this adventurous attempt of the -young British commander would have resulted in his complete overthrow. -Such was Greene's opinion, and such is the opinion of most American -writers.[1024] Retiring first to Sanders Creek or Gum Swamp, the very -spot Gates was trying to reach when he met Cornwallis, and later to -Rugeley's Mill, Greene brought up his provisions and recruited the -strength of his men. Though not beaten at Hobkirk's Hill, Greene was -greatly discouraged. Especially distressing was the non-arrival of -expected reinforcements. The terms of service of his best men were -expiring, and he could see no source from which to draw recruits. His -losses in the recent engagement had not been so great as those of -his opponent; but Marion and Lee had been unable to prevent Watson -from rejoining his chief. Still Greene did not lose heart. As soon as -his men had recovered from fatigue he crossed the Wateree and posted -himself at Twenty-five-Mile Creek, on the road from Camden to Fishing -Creek and the Catawba settlements. - -Watson reached Camden on May 7th. On the evening of the same day Rawdon -moved out from his fortifications, and, crossing the Wateree, turned -on Greene, intending to pass his flank and attack him from the rear. -But Greene was too vigilant, for, learning of Rawdon's departure from -Camden, he retired still higher up the river, first to Sandy's Creek -and later to Colonel's Creek, the latter being nine miles from his -former position. The position on the further bank of Colonel's Creek -was very favorable to the party attacked. The light troops had been -left in the front, as at Hobkirk's Hill. Coming upon them at Sandy's -Creek, Rawdon mistook them for the main body, and their position -seemed so strong that he did not feel willing to risk an attack. It -was impossible for him to remain longer in Camden with Greene in such -threatening attitude, especially as his line of communication with -Charleston was in the hands of Lee and Marion. On the 10th, leaving his -wounded who were unable to be moved at Camden, Rawdon evacuated that -place, and marching to the east of the Santee, he crossed at Nelson's -Ferry and took post at Monk's Corner, not more than thirty miles from -Charleston. - -[Illustration: RAWDON. - -From Doyle's _Official Baronage_, ii. 151. The likeness by Reynolds -was painted in 1789, and is at Windsor Castle, and is engraved in the -_European Mag._, June, 1791; it was also engraved in mezzotint by -John Jones. Cf. Hamilton's _Engraved Works of Reynolds_, pp. 56, 183, -and J. C. Smith's _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, ii. 767. Cf. Irving's -_Washington_, 4^o ed., iv. 331.—ED.] There is an account of Rawdon's -career to date in _Pol. Mag._, ii. 339, and Lossing has given a sketch -of his life in _Harper's Monthly_, xlvii. 15. He is better known by his -later title of Marquis of Hastings, which he bore as governor-general -of India. Cf. note to p. 49 of _Cornwallis Corresp._ It is to be noted -that both he and his chief, Cornwallis, showed a humanity in after life -which did not grace their careers in America.] - -One of the motives which had induced Rawdon to make this precipitate -retreat was the hope of saving the garrison of Fort Motte, an important -post on the Congaree, near its confluence with the Wateree. Lee and -Marion had appeared before the place on the 8th. They had pushed the -siege with vigor, but were so destitute of artillery and siege tools -that it seemed the siege might be prolonged until the coming of Rawdon -should enforce its abandonment. Happily it occurred to some one that -the roof of Mrs. Motte's house, which stood in the middle of the -inclosure, could be set on fire. It is related that Mrs. Motte herself -furnished the bow and arrows with which this was accomplished. At any -rate, soon after Rawdon's watch-fires were seen in the distance the -house was on fire, the stockade untenable, and the garrison prisoners -of war. Marion then separated from Lee, and, turning toward Charleston, -compelled the enemy to look well to his communications. - -When Rawdon evacuated Camden he sent orders to the commander at Fort -Granby to retire to Charleston, and directed Cruger, at Ninety-Six, to -join Brown at Augusta. Neither of these orders reached its destination. -As soon as the post at Motte's had surrendered, Lee was ordered to -Fort Granby. Proceeding with his usual celerity, he arrived before the -place in the night of the 14th. His single piece of artillery opened -on the fort as soon as the morning fog had dispersed. The garrison was -completely taken by surprise. Time being of the utmost importance to -Lee, the besieged were promised their baggage—in reality the property -of plundered patriots—if they would immediately surrender. The terms -were accepted, and Lee joined Pickens at Augusta.[1025] - -Lee reached this place on the evening of the 21st of May. On his way -he had captured a small stockade, containing, under a strong guard, -valuable stores for the Indians. Augusta is, or rather was, situated -on the southern bank of the Savannah River. Its defences consisted -of a strong work, Fort Cornwallis, in the centre of the town. It was -garrisoned by a force of regulars under Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, who -had already once successfully defended the place. Not far from Fort -Cornwallis was a smaller work, named after its defender Fort Grierson. -While Lee watched the garrison of the larger fort, Pickens and Clarke -advanced to the attack of Fort Grierson. Its defenders soon were -compelled to leave their stronghold for the main fort. Their attempt -to reach it was a vain one, as most of the garrison were captured or -killed.[1026] - -The attack on Fort Cornwallis was now pressed with vigor. As at Fort -Watson, use was here made of an expedient, already tried in the -campaign, of advancing a log pen or Mahem tower, on the top of which -was mounted the besiegers' only piece of artillery, whence it was -used with great effect. The defence was most gallant, the garrison -often sallying, and even attempting to blow up a house in which a -covering party of riflemen were to have been placed; but the explosion -was premature. Everything being ready for an assault, the garrison -capitulated after one of the most splendid defences of the war. Lee -then went to the assistance of Greene, who was now conducting the siege -of Ninety-Six. - -The village of Ninety-Six was then situated near the Saluda River, -about twenty-five miles from Augusta. For many years a post had been -established there as a protection against the Indians. When the British -overran the State, it was selected as a proper position for one of the -exterior line of posts of which Camden was the most important, though -the possession of Augusta gave to the British the command of upper -Georgia. When Camden was evacuated, Ninety-Six became useless and -should have been abandoned; but the messengers bearing Rawdon's orders -to that effect were stopped by the Americans. When, therefore, Greene -arrived before the place, on the 22d of May, he found it defended -by Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger, with about 500 men, mainly New York -loyalists. A stockade protected the rivulet which supplied the garrison -with water, and their main fort, the "Star", had sixteen salient and -reëntering angles. Greene was not strong enough completely to invest -this fort, and he contented himself with an attempt to carry it by -regular approaches. - -This was Greene's first siege, and, unfortunately, he had no engineer -of the requisite ability. Acting on the advice of Kosciusko, ground was -broken at a distance of seventy paces from the "Star." The besieged -soon sallied, destroyed the uncompleted works, and retired with -trifling loss, taking with them the intrenching tools. The British were -surprised at the temerity of the Americans in opening their trenches so -near. The sally taught Greene a lesson, for he next opened a trench at -a distance of four hundred paces, under the protection of a ravine. The -work was now pushed with vigor, and, notwithstanding numerous sallies -on the part of the garrison, by the morning of June 18th the third -parallel was completed. The assailants were now within six feet of the -ditch, while riflemen in a Mahem tower kept the besieged from their -guns during the day. - -[Illustration: KOSCIUSZKO. - -NOTE ON PORTRAIT OF KOSCIUSZKO.—After an engraving by Anton -Oleszeynski. Cf. Dr. Theodor Flathe's _Geschichte der neuesten Zeit_ -(Berlin, 1887), i. p. 205. Cf. A. W. W. Evans's _Memoir of Kosciusko_, -privately printed for the Cincinnati Society, 1883. There was a model -made in wax from life by C. Andras, from which an engraving was made by -W. Sharp (W. S. Baker's _William Sharp, Engraver_, Philad., 1875, p. -66). - -There are some notes on Kosciusko by Gen. Armstrong in the _Sparks -MSS._ Cf. Greene's _Hist. View_, 297, and B. P. Poore's _Index_, for -his claims on the United States (p. 131).—ED.] - -Lee with the "Legion" had arrived from Augusta on the 3d, and had -conducted operations against the stockade covering the watering-place -with such vigor that it had been evacuated on the 17th. Four days more -would have placed the garrison in the power of the besiegers. But it -was not so to be. Rawdon, in Charleston, had received considerable -reinforcements direct from Ireland, and early in June he pushed forward -through the heat, and eluded Sumter.[1027] With Rawdon within a day's -march, Greene must either take the fort by storm or abandon the siege. -He decided on an assault,—probably more to satisfy the desires of his -men than because he thought it was the best thing to be done. On the -18th, at noon, the attack was made in two columns, Greene not being -willing to hazard his whole force in a general storm. On the extreme -right, Lee, with "Legion" infantry and the remains of the gallant -Delaware regiment, directed his efforts against the stockaded fort, -which had already been abandoned, according to the British account of -the siege. At all events, Lee had no trouble in carrying out his part -of the work. But on the other flank the assault was not so successful. -Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, with his Virginia regiment and with the -1st Maryland, formed the storming column. They advanced with great -gallantry, but, though they gained the ditch, they could not effect a -lodgment on the parapet. They were driven back with considerable loss -by two parties of the besieged, which attacked them in the ditch on -both flanks in such a way that the artillery and riflemen in the tower -could not fire without injuring friend and foe alike. Greene called off -his men, and Rawdon being within a few miles, he retired on the next -morning to a safe place of retreat. In the end he retreated as far as -Timm's Ordinary, between the Broad and Catawba rivers. Rawdon, his men -worn down with their long march, could not overtake him, and finally -halting on the banks of the Enroree, he turned back to Ninety-Six. That -place being untenable with the means at his disposal, he divided his -men into two parties. With one he regained the low country, resigning -the command to Stuart on account of ill-health.[1028] Gathering the -Tories of the neighborhood, Cruger escorted them to Charleston, while -Greene led his army to the High Hills of the Santee, where he passed -the heats of the summer. - -At length, toward the end of August, Greene learned that Stuart was -proposing to establish a fortified post at a strong and healthful -position called Eutaw Springs. Greene determined to prevent this, -and descending from his camp he made a wide detour to get across the -river which separated the two armies; for although he was distant from -Stuart only sixteen miles as a bird flies, the most practicable route -was nearly seventy miles long. He crossed the Wateree at Camden, and, -marching parallel to the river, crossed its affluent, the Congaree, -at Howell's Ferry on the 28th and 29th. Proceeding by slow and easy -marches, he reached Burden's plantation on the 7th of September. -At that place Marion joined him, and preparations were made for an -advance on the enemy the next day. Stuart at Eutaw seems to have been -singularly negligent. He sent out but one patrol, which was captured -by Lee. He would have been surprised had not two men deserted from the -North Carolina regiment and given him warning. As it was, he had barely -time to call in his foraging parties before Greene was upon him. - -Stuart had with him about 2,300 men of all arms, Greene rather less. -The British commander ranged his men in one line, the right being -protected by Eutaw Creek, while the left was in the air, as the -military term is. Greene advanced in two lines, the militia, under -Marion, Pickens, and Malmady, being in the front. The right of the -second line was held by Sumner with the North Carolina regulars. In the -centre were the Virginia Continentals under Campbell, while on the left -J. E. Howard and Hardman led the two Maryland regiments. To Lee, who -had the advance during the march, was assigned the protection of the -right flank, Henderson with a South Carolina brigade covering the left. -The cavalry under Washington and the brave remnant of the Delaware -regiment brought up the rear, and acted as a reserve. - -Here at last there was no wavering among the militia, excepting those -from North Carolina, who nevertheless fired several rounds before -breaking. Under Marion and Pickens the rest fought splendidly. It is -said that some of them fired no less than seventeen rounds before -giving way; then Sumner advanced with the North Carolina regulars. At -length they, too, were forced back; but the British following them -with too great impetuosity, their own line became deranged. This was -the opportunity for the men of Maryland and Virginia to retrieve -the reputation lost at Guilford and Hobkirk's Hill, and splendidly -they responded to the call. Rushing forward,—the Virginians alone -disobeying orders so far as to fire,—the whole burst upon the enemy -in front and swept him from the field. Unfortunately, their course led -through the British camp, and they dispersed to plunder the abandoned -tents. Now it happened that when the British fell back a party threw -themselves into a strong brick house and an adjoining picketed garden; -thence they delivered a withering fire upon the victors of a moment -before. And more unfortunate still, when the "Legion" was ordered to -charge the retiring foe, Lee could not be found, and the charge, being -made without vigor, was a failure. On the right, too, the British had -not retreated: they still occupied a flanking position, from which -they could not be dislodged, even though Washington and all but two of -his officers were killed or wounded in the attempt. All these things, -coupled with the heat, compelled Greene to sound the retreat. Leaving -such of the wounded as were within range of the brick house on the -field, he retired to his camp at Burdell's, seven miles distant, that -being the nearest point where a supply of good water could be obtained. -Both commanders claimed the victory. It would be not unfair, perhaps, -to call it a drawn battle. Neither party can be said to have retained -possession of the field, as Stuart retreated with great precipitation -from the vicinity on the night of the next day. Greene acknowledged a -loss in Continentals alone of 408 in killed and wounded. The loss in -militia has never been stated. It must have been considerable, as a -portion of the militia fought with great obstinacy. According to the -American accounts, the enemy lost in prisoners 500 men, including 70 -wounded. But Stuart reported only 257 missing; his killed and wounded -he gives at 433. - -As soon as Greene ascertained the retreat of the enemy he followed -with all speed; but Marion and Lee were too weak to prevent Stuart's -receiving a reinforcement. Stuart finally halted at Monk's Corner, -while Greene passed the Santee at Nelson's Ferry and retired to the -High Hills. - - * * * * * - -Cornwallis at Wilmington had a difficult problem to solve. Should he -go south to the relief of Rawdon, or north to the conquest of Virginia? -Another campaign in North Carolina was plainly out of the question. -The distances were so great and the country was so sparsely settled -that it was a matter of great difficulty to move any considerable force -there, even when unopposed. The recent campaign had fully demonstrated -that a bold and enterprising leader with a handful of trained troops -could seriously impair the usefulness of a royal army, even though he -could not destroy it. The best base of operations for another campaign -in South Carolina was Charleston, and the best way to get there was -by water; but any such movement looked too much like a retreat to be -seriously considered. Besides, Cornwallis did not believe that he -could get to Camden in time to relieve Rawdon, as the place was not -provisioned for a siege. On the other hand, a movement into Virginia -offered many advantages. There the army would always be within easy -march of the sea, and reinforcements could be brought from New York or -sent thither with great ease. Then, too, it seemed to Cornwallis—and -his supposition was probably correct—that with Virginia, the great -storehouse of the Southern armies, once in his hands, the complete -conquest of the Carolinas would be easy and certain. So impressed -was he with this idea that he endeavored to induce Clinton to shift -the headquarters of the army from the Hudson to the Chesapeake; but -Clinton had other views, and New York remained the base of operations. -Clinton even went further, and avowed his dislike of the whole plan -of operations; but Cornwallis had the approval of Germain, and the -northern movement was undertaken. - -Clinton, however, had always looked with favor on desultory expeditions -to Virginia, as they drew the attention of that State to her own -defence, and therefore away from the defence of the Carolinas. As -early as the spring of 1779, he had sent Matthews and Collier to the -Chesapeake, with instructions to do as much damage to the Americans as -possible; but beyond plundering Portsmouth and burning Suffolk they -accomplished little, and returned to New York. The next year Leslie -was detached in the same direction to effect a diversion in favor of -Cornwallis's invasion of North Carolina. King's Mountain not only put -an end to that invasion, but compelled Cornwallis to call Leslie to -his aid. Leaving Portsmouth, which he had fortified, Leslie sailed -for Charleston, and reached the front in season to take part in the -campaign against Greene. On Leslie's withdrawal Clinton sent another -expedition to Virginia to destroy military stores which had been -collected for the supply of Greene. The command this time was given to -Arnold, though, to guard against a new treason, dormant commissions -were given to his chief officers, Lieutenant-Colonels Dundas and -Simcoe. Arnold penetrated to Richmond without encountering much -opposition. He destroyed nearly everything of value at that place, and -then endeavored to seize some arms which had at one time been deposited -at Westham. Failing in this, he descended the river to Portsmouth. The -militia had now collected in considerable numbers. For this or for -some other reason, Arnold kept within the fortifications of that place. - -About this time Rochambeau had sent a few vessels to annoy the British -in the Chesapeake; but, besides capturing the "Romulus",—a 44-gun -ship,—they did little, and returned to Newport. Washington now -proposed that the two armies should unite in an attempt to capture the -traitor. To this end he detached Lafayette with the light infantry,—a -picked corps of about twelve hundred men from the New England and New -Jersey lines,—to act in unison with a force of the same size which -Rochambeau detached from his army. Lafayette, for a time concealing his -destination by a feigned attack on Staten Island, reached Annapolis -in safety. Leaving his troops there, to be brought the rest of the -way by the French fleet when it should arrive, Lafayette proceeded to -Suffolk. He found Muhlenberg, with the militia, at that place, guarding -the approaches to Portsmouth. But the French were not fortunate, since -their departure from Newport was so long delayed that the fleet arrived -off the Capes of the Chesapeake only to find Arbuthnot guarding the -entrance. In the fight which followed, both sides claimed the victory. -But all the advantages of victory were on the side of the British, as -Destouches' ships were so badly cut up that he was obliged to return -to Newport. Success now being improbable, Lafayette returned to his -troops, and the march to the North was begun. At the Head of Elk new -orders were found, directing him to return to the South and place -himself under the orders of Greene. The cause of this radical change -in plan was the reinforcement of two thousand men under Phillips which -Clinton had sent to Virginia. - -Phillips arrived on March 25, and took command. Towards the end of -April, the British to the number of twenty-five hundred landed at City -Point on the James River. Steuben, who was then at Petersburg, took -up a strong position at Blandford, where the enemy found him on the -morning of April 25. He was soon obliged to retreat. The enemy then -marched to Petersburg, and destroyed a large amount of tobacco and -other valuable property. The 27th saw them at Osborn's, where they -captured, after some show of resistance, a fleet of merchant vessels. - -When Phillips and Arnold arrived at Richmond they found that Lafayette -was before them. The young Frenchman had reached Baltimore on the -17th of April. Purchasing on his own credit shoes and clothes suited -to a Virginia summer, he made a forced march, and threw himself into -Richmond twenty-four hours in advance of the British. Not wishing to -attack him in such a strong position, Phillips retired down the river, -followed by the Americans. On the 7th of the next month (May, 1781), -the British commander received word from Cornwallis that he would join -him at Petersburg. Suddenly ascending the river, he reoccupied that -town on the night of the 9th. On the 13th Phillips died, and a week -later Cornwallis arrived and assumed command, Arnold returning to New -York. - -Then followed a series of marches, the design of the British commander -being to cut Lafayette off from Wayne, who was marching to his support. -But Lafayette moved with too great celerity. Early in June the desired -junction of the Americans was made near Raccoon Ford, on the Rapidan. -Meantime, while Lafayette was out of reach, Cornwallis sent out two -expeditions. The first, under Simcoe, operated against Steuben, at that -time guarding the stores at the Point of Fork. The Prussian veteran, -mistaking Simcoe's detachment for the main army, abandoned the stores -and retired with great precipitation. The second expedition, led by -Tarleton, was designed for the capture of the civil rulers of Virginia, -but a Virginia Paul Revere warned them of their danger in time, and -they made good their escape,—though it is said that Jefferson, then -resting from the fatigues of the session at Monticello, had but five -minutes to spare. But the raid, successful, or not, had no importance, -although popular writers are wont to dwell upon it. - -[Illustration: STEUBEN. - -From Du Simitière's _Thirteen Portraits_, London, 1783. Cf. _Harper's -Mag._, lxiii p. 336, and the lives of Steuben.—ED.] - -With Wayne and his Pennsylvanians, in addition to his own Light -Infantry, Lafayette felt strong enough again to oppose the enemy -in the field. By a well-executed movement through an unknown and -long-disused road, the young marquis placed himself between Cornwallis -and Albemarle Old Court House, whither the stores had been removed -from Richmond. Cornwallis, instead of attacking him, retired down the -James, Lafayette following at a distance of about twenty miles. On the -25th of June the British were at Williamsburg, the Americans being -not far off, at Bottom's Bridge. While at Williamsburg, Cornwallis -sent Simcoe to destroy some boats and stores which had been collected -on the Chickahominy. Lafayette, on his part, detached Butler of -the Pennsylvania line, with orders to attack Simcoe on his return. -A partial engagement ensued at Spencer's Ordinary, which ended in -Simcoe's being able to continue his retreat. - -It can hardly be said that this retrograde movement on the part of the -British was due to the presence of Lafayette, although his presence -undoubtedly contributed toward making Cornwallis desirous of getting -into communication with Clinton. It is probable, too, that Cornwallis -hoped to be so strongly reinforced that the conquest of the State -during the coming autumn would be assured. But Clinton, believing, from -intercepted despatches, and from the movements of the Americans, that -Washington was meditating an attack on New York, instead of complying -with Cornwallis's desires, ordered him to send a portion of his own -troops to New York. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - -After a sketch supposed to be by Fersen, aide of Rochambeau, and -following a reproduction given in Balch's _Les Français en Amérique_, -p. 174. Cf. Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., and E. M. Stone's _Our -French Allies_, p. 281; _Harper's Mag._, lxiii. 329.—ED.] - -The latter, therefore, retired to Portsmouth, where the embarkation -could be easily effected. To Lafayette, the crossing of the James -seemed to offer the chance of at least picking off a rear guard; but -Cornwallis was attacked too soon, owing in part to the impetuosity of -Wayne, and the onset came near being a disaster. In the end, however, -Wayne succeeded in bringing off his men, though he lost two pieces of -artillery. Cornwallis, fearing an ambuscade, did not push the pursuit. -He then made his way to Portsmouth unmolested, while the Americans -sought a healthy summer camp on Malvern Hill. Just at this moment, -owing to the arrival of reinforcements in New York, Clinton decided -to leave Cornwallis's force intact. Furthermore, he determined to -establish a permanent base in the Chesapeake, and ordered Cornwallis -to fortify a place, mentioning Old Point Comfort, where the navy could -be sheltered. He also authorized him to take possession of some other -post, as Yorktown, if he thought it necessary. Now Cornwallis seems to -have regarded the fortifying of Yorktown as the only alternative, and -the engineers and naval officers declaring Old Point Comfort unsuitable -for a naval station, he seized York and Gloucester, and began the -erection of the proper works. Clinton always asserted that he had no -intention of ordering anything of the kind. But the weight of evidence -seems to be in favor of Cornwallis. At all events, he took possession -of Yorktown. As soon as his movements were discovered, Lafayette left -his summer camp, and, taking a strong position in the fork of the -Pamunkey and Mattapony rivers, sent out parties to watch the further -movements of the enemy, Wayne being ordered toward the south, as if -to the assistance of Greene. Such was the situation in Virginia when -the French came to the aid of the Americans, and began the operations -leading to the siege of Yorktown. - -On the 1st and 2d of May, 1780, the Marquis of Rochambeau, with about -five thousand men, left the roadstead of Brest. The transports were -convoyed by a small fleet of seven ships of the line, under the command -of the Chevalier de Ternay. Their progress was slow, and it was not -until July 12th that the fleet anchored in Newport harbor.[1029] -Batteries were immediately erected on shore to protect the shipping -from the English fleet, which was under Arbuthnot. This admiral, -hastening from Charleston, in company with Clinton, now bent his whole -energy toward the destruction of the French fleet. But the British -commanders, always on bad terms, quarrelled, and Washington threatening -New York, while the New England militia rallied to the defence of their -newly arrived allies, the attempt on Newport was abandoned. A naval -blockade was kept up, however, and the French army was neutralized by a -few ships of war. Thus they passed the remainder of 1780 and the first -part of 1781. - -On the 8th of May (1781) M. de Barras, successor to De Ternay, who -had died in the preceding year,[1030] arrived at Boston. He brought -news of the departure from Brest of a powerful fleet commanded by M. -de Grasse. This French admiral had with him a small convoy with six -hundred recruits for Rochambeau; but the bulk of his fleet was destined -primarily for the West Indies. De Grasse had been directed, however, -to come on the American coast in July or August, relieve the fleet at -Newport, and for a limited period act in conjunction with the American -and French armies. On May 21st a conference between Washington and -the French commanders was held at Weathersfield, in Connecticut. It -was there determined to make a united attack upon New York, provided -De Grasse could coöperate. This was Washington's plan, though an -expedition against the British in Virginia seems even then to have been -proposed. Later a note from De Grasse arrived, asking where he should -strike the American coast. Rochambeau replied that it would be best -for him to look into the Chesapeake, and then, should no employment -be found there, to proceed to New York. Rochambeau also inclosed the -articles of the Weathersfield conference, hinting at the same time that -De Grasse must be his own judge as to the practicability of crossing -the New York bar with his ships. Finally he asked him to borrow for -three months the brigade under St. Simon, which was destined to act in -conjunction with the Spaniards. - -On the 18th the advance of the French left Providence for the Hudson. -Washington at this time was encamped at Peekskill. Ten days later, -on June 28th, he determined to seize by surprise, if possible, the -forts on the northern end of New York Island. The night of July 2d was -selected for the enterprise, and the command of the advance was given -to Lincoln; Lauzun, with the French Legion, making a forced march to -his aid. But the scheme failed. The enemy attacked Lincoln, and Lauzun -reached the scene of conflict too late to be of assistance. The troops -were drawn off in safety, however, and retired to Dobbs Ferry, where -they were joined by the French infantry on July 6th. While awaiting the -arrival of the fleet, nothing was attempted beyond a reconnoissance -in force of the northern defences of the island. It was this movement -which induced Clinton to send for the Virginia troops. - -On August 14th a letter from De Grasse arrived which put a new face on -the whole war; for the French admiral announced that he should sail for -the Chesapeake, with a view to carry out the scheme of Rochambeau for -a united movement against Cornwallis. He added that his stay on the -American coast would be short, and that he hoped the land forces would -be ready to act with him. - -[Illustration: FRENCH OFFICERS.] - -There was now nothing to be done but to abandon the cherished project -against New York, and to move all of the allied armies that could -be spared from the vicinity of New York to the Chesapeake. Leaving -Heath with four thousand men to garrison the forts on the Hudson, and -suitable parties to guard against an irruption from Canada, Washington -set out with the rest of the land forces for Williamsburg, by the -way of Philadelphia, Head of Elk, and the Chesapeake. On the 19th -the army crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry, and moved as though to -attack Staten Island. This feint was so well managed that Clinton was -completely deceived. On September 2d the Americans marched through -Philadelphia, the French following on the 3d, 4th, and 5th. By the -8th the allied army was again united at the Head of Elk. The news of -the arrival of De Grasse at the Capes of the Chesapeake had reached -Washington on the 5th, and had been communicated to the troops on the -following morning.[1031] - -De Grasse, on his arrival at Lynnhaven Bay, just inside Cape Henry, had -found an aide of Lafayette's, and soon the marquis arrived in person. -As soon as possible the troops under St. Simon were landed at Jamestown -Island, and Wayne was recalled from his southward march. These corps, -with the light infantry and the Virginia militia, took up a strong -position at Williamsburg, not more than twelve miles from Yorktown. -Cornwallis reconnoitred the lines; but they were too strong to be -attacked except at great risk. Confident in being relieved by Clinton -and Graves, he retired to his fortifications. - -Had Rodney done his full duty he would have followed De Grasse in his -northward cruise. But pleading illness, he sent fourteen ships of the -line, under Hood, to the assistance of Graves, and sailed himself for -Europe.[1032] The event was most fortunate for the American cause, -as the control of the sea for a brief period passed away from the -British. It should be said that Rodney had written to Graves, warning -him of his danger; but through a fortunate accident the letter never -reached Graves, and the first he heard of the coming of De Grasse was -on the arrival of Hood. That admiral on August 25th had looked into -the Chesapeake on his way north; but the French had not yet arrived. -Graves had already discovered that Barras had sailed from Newport with -a siege train and tools, and the two admirals, conjecturing, therefore, -that the destination of Barras was the Chesapeake, determined to seek -him there and destroy him before the arrival of the main fleet. They -reached Cape Henry on the 5th of September, and there they found, not -Barras, as he had purposely taken a long, roundabout route to avoid -them, but De Grasse. The English fleet numbered nineteen sail of the -line, the French twenty-four, but fifteen hundred men were absent, -engaged in landing the troops of St. Simon. Nevertheless, De Grasse -slipped his cables and stood out to sea. The ensuing action was -indecisive, but De Grasse accomplished his purpose, as the British were -obliged to seek New York to refit. On his arrival back at Lynnhaven -Bay he found Barras. There was now abundant transportation, and by -the 26th of September the allied troops—Washington's, Rochambeau's, -Lafayette's, and St. Simon's—were concentrated at Williamsburg. - -Two days later, on the 28th, the allied army marched to Yorktown, and -found Cornwallis occupying an intrenched camp outside the immediate -defences of the town. On the 29th the lines were extended so as to -envelop the place, the Americans taking the right, with their right -flank resting on Wormley Creek. Cornwallis, seeing that he would be -outflanked, withdrew to the inner defences, and on the morning of the -30th the besiegers took possession of the abandoned works.[1033] - -[Illustration: COUNT DE GRASSE. - -From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, Lond., 1785, vol. ii. Cf. _European -Mag._, ii. 83; Hennequin's _Biographie maritime_, iii. 297; E. M. -Stone's _French Allies_, 396, 398; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vi. p. 1; -_Harper's Mag._, lxiii. 330. - -[Illustration] - -_The Operations of the French feet under the Count de Grasse in -1781-82, as described in two Contemporary Journals_ (New York, 1864, -for the Bradford Club, 150 copies), edited by John G. Shea, gives two -narratives, of which one purports to have been written by a certain -Chevalier de Goussencourt, who is hostile and cannot be identified, -while the other is anonymous and friendly. This last had been printed -at Amsterdam in 1782, and it is suspected was written by De Grasse -himself. A sketch of De Grasse's life, for which his family gave -material, is prefixed. It also contains (p. 192) the account, abridged -from the _Gazette de France_, Nov. 20th, in the _Remembrancer_, xiii. -46. A _Notice Biographique_ of De Grasse, by his son, was published in -Paris in 1840.—ED.] - -[Illustration: COMTE DE GRASSE. - -From the _London Mag._, Aug., 1782, p. 355. There is a profile head in -_The Operations of the French fleet under the Count De Grasse_ (N. Y. -1864).—ED.] - -On the night of the 5th and 6th of October the first parallel was -opened, at a distance of between five and six hundred yards from the -enemy's works. It extended from the river bank below the town to a deep -ravine nearly opposite the centre of the besieged lines. A battery on -the bank above the town opposed a battery of the enemy in that quarter, -and also prevented the British fleet from enfilading the works. Guns -were mounted and fire opened from this parallel on the afternoon of -the 9th. The ground was singularly favorable to the construction of -the approaches, and by the night of the 11th and 12th the works were -in such a state of forwardness that the second parallel was begun, not -more than three hundred yards from the British lines. On the extreme -right, however, there were two redoubts, commanding this parallel, -which on the night of the 14th and 15th were carried by storm,—the -smaller one, on the right, by Lafayette's division, the advance being -commanded by Alexander Hamilton; while the one further away from the -river was stormed by a party of French infantry commanded by Colonel G. -de Deux-Ponts, the Baron de Viomenil having command of the division. -The loss on the American side was inconsiderable, but that of the -French was severe, the redoubt carried by them being larger and much -more strongly garrisoned. Before morning the two redoubts were included -in the second parallel. Cornwallis, hoping for relief, determined to -prolong the defence as long as possible. To this end, on the morning of -the 16th, Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie led a determined but useless -assault on two batteries at the French end of the trenches. Cornwallis -next tried, on the night of the same day, to cut his way out by passing -his men over to Gloucester Point; but a storm arose in the midst of the -ferrying, and the enterprise, hazardous at best, was abandoned. - -An assault becoming practicable, at ten o'clock of the morning of the -17th, four years since Burgoyne's surrender, a drummer-boy appeared on -the parapet and beat a parley. Negotiations were begun, but, though -pushed with the greatest energy by Washington, the final articles were -not signed in the trenches until two days later, on the 19th. On that -day, at noon, two redoubts were taken possession of by detachments from -the French and American forces. At two in the afternoon the British -army, with colors cased and drums beating "The World turned upside -down", marched out and laid down their arms; O'Hara, in the absence -of Cornwallis, making the formal surrender to Lincoln, Washington's -representative. - -At the beginning of the siege the British numbered not far from seven -thousand men of all arms,—perhaps a few more. On the day of the -capitulation, according to Cornwallis, little more than thirty-eight -hundred were fit for duty, including the garrison at Gloucester Point. -The allied army is usually given at sixteen thousand men,—nine -thousand Americans, including thirty-five hundred militia. The French -numbered probably more than seven thousand. The total British loss -during the siege was five hundred and forty-one, including the missing. -The allied loss, excluding the missing, was seventy-six Americans and -one hundred and eighty French. It has been stated that, at the time -of the surrender, there were about fourteen hundred unfit for duty in -the allied camp. This great victory, due even more than most victories -to chance, virtually ended the war. It remains only to describe the -closing scenes in the South. - -[Illustration: CAPITULATION OF YORKTOWN. - -From a fac-simile of the articles in Smith and Watson's _Hist. and Lit. -Curios._, 1st ser., 6th ed., pl. xxxiv. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 523. The articles are given in Shea's _Operations of the French -fleet_, p. 78; R. E. Lee's ed. of Lee's _Memoirs_, 509; Tarleton, 438; -_Polit. Mag._, ii. 67; Sparks's _Washington_, viii. App. 8; _Cornwallis -Corresp._, App.—ED.] - -[Illustrtation: NELSON HOUSE, YORKTOWN. - -After a drawing given in Meade's _Churches and Families of Virginia_, -i. 204. It was here that Cornwallis had his headquarters. - -See other views and accounts in Balch's _Les Français en Amérique_, -1; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (1881), vii. 47 (by R. A. Brock); x. 458, -July, 1881; Brotherhead's _Signers of the Declaration of Independence_ -(1861), p. 61; E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, p. 428; G. W. P. -Custis's _Recoll. of Washington_, p. 337. A journal of Mr. Samuel -Vaughan in 1787, owned by Dr. Charles Deane, describes the havoc made -in this house by the bombardment. - -The Moore house, at which the terms of surrender were arranged, is -depicted in _Appleton's Journal_, xii. 705; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -vi. 16 (etching); E. M. Stone's _French Allies_, 466; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 530. Washington's headquarters at Williamsburg is -shown in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vii. 270. A view of the field -where the arms were laid down is in Paulding's _Washington_, vol. -ii. The so-called Cornwallis Cave is drawn in _Scribner's Mag._, v. -141. For other landmarks, see Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 509; _Cycl. -U. S. Hist._, 155-157; Porte Crayon's "Shrines of Old Virginia" in -_Lippincott's Mag._, April, 1879. In the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (1881), -pp. 270, 275, are views of Washington's headquarters at Williamsburg; -and of those, earlier occupied by Cornwallis, the president's house of -William and Mary College. - -For the Yorktown and Saratoga medal, see Loubat's _Medallic Hist. U. -S._; _Amer. Jl. of Numismatics_, xv. 76; _Coin Collectors' Journal_, -vi. 173; Sparks's _Franklin_, ix. 173. - -The best known picture of the surrender is Trumbull's painting, which -is engraved in _Harper's Mag._, lxiii. 344, and elsewhere. Cf. early -engravings of the scene in Barnard's _Hist. of England_; in Godefroy's -_Recueil d'Estamps_ (Paris, 1784).—ED.] - -Greene's army had been so roughly handled at the Eutaws that it was the -first of November before he felt strong enough again to take the field. -He advanced first to Dorchester and the Round O. Then, reinforcements -arriving from the troops set free by the surrender at Yorktown, he -assumed a more vigorous offensive. He advanced to the eastern bank -of the Edisto, between Jacksonborough, where the legislature was -then assembling, and Charleston, still in the hands of the British. -But if the Pennsylvanians were a welcome addition on account of -their strength, they brought also a spirit of discontent. A plot was -discovered to betray the army into the power of the enemy. A few -examples were made and the attempted treason stamped out. - -Greene now detached Wayne, with about five hundred men, to do what he -could toward the recovery of the Georgia seaboard. On his approach -the British retired to Savannah, burning everything that could not -be removed. Wayne was too weak to attempt more than the blockade of -the town. But on the 21st of May Lieutenant-Colonel Brown left the -fortifications as if to attack the Americans. Placing himself between -this party and the garrison, Wayne surprised Brown by a night attack, -killing or dispersing the whole party. About a month later he was -himself surprised by a large body of Creek Indians led by a British -officer. Successful at first, the savages were finally beaten off, with -the loss of their chief Escomaligo and a dozen braves. On the 11th of -the next month, July, 1782, Savannah was evacuated, and the whole State -once more came into the hands of the Americans. - -The British government had decided upon the abandonment of all posts -in America with the exception of New York. On August 7th, Leslie, -then commanding in the South, announced in "after orders" that the -evacuation of Charleston had been determined on. He also wrote to -Greene, proposing a cessation of hostilities. The proposal was -declined, Greene having no instructions on the point. Later Leslie -again wrote, offering to pay for all rice and other provisions that -might be brought into Charleston; but Greene, fearing that the rice -was intended for use during a campaign against the French in the -West Indies, again refused. Leslie then endeavored to seize the -coveted articles by force. One of his foraging parties, commanded by -Lieutenant Benjamin Thompson,—better known by his later title of Count -Rumford,—surprised and dispersed Marion's brigade while its commander -was absent attending a meeting of the legislature. The most serious -loss through these desultory expeditions was in the death of the -younger Laurens, who was killed during a useless skirmish at Combahee -Ferry. This was the last action of the war in the South. On the 14th of -December the British left Charleston, and three days later their last -ship passed the bar and went to sea. The South was free. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE most complete contemporary account of the Southern campaign is -David Ramsay's _Revolution of South Carolina_.[1034] This author, by -birth a Pennsylvanian, removed to Charleston in 1773, and at once -took a leading part in the management of the affairs of that town. -During the stormy years of 1779-1780 he was a member of the governor's -council, but went with the Charleston artillery company to the siege -of Savannah. When Rutledge, with a portion of his council, left -Charleston during the siege, Ramsay remained behind with Gadsden. He -was, therefore, a prisoner during the greater portion of Gates's and -Greene's campaigns. Ramsay was thus a prominent actor in many of the -scenes described in his volumes, while his facilities for obtaining -accurate information as to the rest were so excellent that his book -may be regarded as an authority of the first importance. He retold the -story in a condensed form in several other publications. - -[Illustration: NATHANAEL GREENE. (_Norman's print._)] - -Moultrie[1035] was a prominent actor in the defence of his native -State before the capitulation of Charleston. After that he resided -with the other officers at Haddrell's Point until his exchange in -1781. At a later day he was present at the entry of the victorious -army into Charleston. Whenever he speaks from his own observation, -Moultrie may be trusted[1036]. But he seems to have been too ready to -listen to exaggerated stories, and though we must believe that there -was a foundation for his account of the sufferings of the Charleston -prisoners, it should always be remembered that the charges were -indignantly denied by the British officers in charge. - -[Illustration: GENERAL GREENE. (_From Andrews' History of the War._) - -PORTRAITS OF GENERAL GREENE.—One of the earliest of the contemporary -prints is the rude copperplate, made by the Boston engraver Norman, -which appeared in the Boston edition (1781, vol. ii. p. 229) of _An -Impartial History of the War in America_. A fac-simile is annexed. In -1785, Andrews' _History of the War_, published in London (vol. i.), had -a youthful picture, a reproduction of which is also given herewith. -The next year the _Columbian Magazine_ (Sept., 1786), published in -Philadelphia, gave an engraving after R. Peale's likeness of Greene, of -which a better engraving by Robert Whitechurch can be found in Irving's -_Washington_ (ii. p. 8) and in E. M. Stone's _French Allies_ (p. 496). -In 1794 the _New York Magazine_ (May) gave as from an original painting -a copperplate engraving, of which a fac-simile is given on another -page. It is evidently a rendering of the canvas of which, after a -photograph given in George W. Greene's _Life of Greene_, the woodcut on -the page opposite to the other is a more adequate representation. There -is also a print in the _Monthly Military Repository_, N. Y., 1796-1797. -A portrait by C. W. Peale was engraved, while in the Philadelphia -Museum, by Edwin, and appeared in Lee's _Memoirs of the War in the -Southern Department_ (vol. i., Philadelphia, 1812). It was again -engraved by James Neagle in 1819 for Charles Caldwell's _Memoirs of the -life and character of the Honorable Nathanael Greene_ (Philadelphia, -1819); and in 1822 it furnished the head and shoulders, turned in -the opposite direction, for the full-length figure, engraved by J. -B. Longacre, after a drawing by H. Bounetheau, which is in the first -volume of William Johnson's _Sketches of the life and correspondence -of Nathaniel Greene_ (Charleston, 1822). One of the pleasantest of the -likenesses of Greene is that painted by Col. John Trumbull, which was -engraved by J. B. Forrest for the _National Portrait Gallery_ (New -York, 1834). The same picture is selected by W. G. Simms for his _Life -of Greene_, and it is given in R. E. Lee's ed. of Henry Lee's _Memoirs -of the War_ (N. Y. 1869), and H. B. Anthony's _Memorial Address_ -(Providence, 1875) on presenting the statue of Greene to Congress. -This statue, modelled by Henry K. Brown, was offered in 1870, and a -cut of it is given in the _Presentation of the Statue of Major-General -Greene in the Senate_, Jane 20, 1870 (Washington, 1870), an account -of which, under the title of _Proceedings in Congress attending the -reception of the statue of Maj.-Gen. Greene_, was reprinted (twenty -copies) in Providence the same year. For congressional documents -pertaining, see B. P. Poore's _Descriptive Catal. of U. S. Gov't -publications_, pp. 896, 901, 1221. Congress voted a medal to Greene -after the battle of Eutaw, and on one side it bears a profile likeness -of Greene. It is engraved in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 704; and in -_Ibid._ p. 720, is a view of the monument erected to the memories -of Greene and Pulaski. The Polish hero has since, however, been -commemorated in a separate monument, so that the shaft first erected -is now called a memorial of Greene alone. Greene died in 1786 of a -sunstroke, at a plantation near Savannah, which had been given to -him by the State of Georgia,—it being the confiscated estate of the -late royal lieutenant-governor,—and he was buried in Savannah; but -when the monument was built, the search to discover his remains was -unsuccessful. Cf. _The Sepulture of Greene and Pulaski, by C. C. Jones, -Jr._ (Augusta, 1885)—ED.] - -Henry Lee, of Virginia,—"Light-Horse" or "Legion Harry", as he was -often called,—though not in the South prior to the days of the -Cowpens, was so intimate with all the actors in the operations after -the fall of Charleston, and enjoyed such advantages for acquiring -information of earlier events, that as a source of information his -book[1037] is of considerable value. As the work of an outspoken and -generally impartial military critic of these campaigns, it has no -equal. It should be borne in mind, however, that as to dates and minor -details it needs the confirmation of contemporary documents.[1038] Like -so many of the Revolutionary heroes, Lee in his later years became -involved in unfortunate speculations, and a painful disease increased -the distress of his last days.[1039] As an orator he fashioned phrases -which have not yet lost their hold on the popular mind. As a writer he -avoided the stilted sentences of his contemporaries, and his book may -still be read with pleasure. Probably no one enjoyed the confidence of -Greene to such an extent as Henry Lee.[1040] - -Nathanael Greene came of good Rhode Island stock,[1041] and, like -other prominent Rhode Islanders of his day, was a self-educated man. -Fortunately for posterity, though not always for himself, Greene was a -copious and candid letter-writer. His letters and fragments of letters, -so far as they have been printed, are his best biography.[1042] He has -not lacked biographers, however. First, in point of time, was Charles -Caldwell, who put forth a worthless volume as early as 1819.[1043] -William Gilmore Simms, the Carolina novelist, also tried his hand -at the alluring theme, and his book, while possessing no claim to -originality, has at least the merit of being interesting. The most -formidable of these early biographies was the work of Judge Johnson, -of Charleston. He enjoyed the best facilities, as the Greenes placed -the family papers at his disposal. Many of these documents he printed -at length, and as a repository his work has a value.[1044] In other -respects it is worth very little. This is due mainly to the fact -that in order to glorify his hero he belittled every other prominent -character—with the exception of Marion.[1045] A formidable antagonist -of Johnson was soon found in the person of Henry Lee, the son of -Light-Horse Harry. He resented the slurs of Johnson, and even wrote -a book[1046] to show the small reliance to be placed on the learned -judge's military criticisms. As a review, the work of the younger Lee -is interesting, but it is so one-sided as to be of little importance. - -It is, however, to the labors of a descendant that the great leader -owes much of the honor in which he is held. In various publications, -from the little seven-page sketch in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of -History_ (vol. ii. p. 84) to the large three-volume biography,[1047] -the grandson sought to spread the fame of the grandsire. Unfortunately, -through these family works of love there runs the same spirit of -adulation that so disfigured Johnson. A still greater drawback to the -value of the largest work is the hesitation of the author in printing -letters and documents not elsewhere in print. - -In this respect the biographer of Greene's able lieutenant, Daniel -Morgan, set a good example. In fact, Graham's _Morgan_[1048] is an -excellent and generally trustworthy book. It is to be noted that -Graham has cleared Morgan from the charge that he retired from the army -after the Cowpens, through a treasonable fear that the Revolution would -not be successful. Nor does the assertion that Morgan was chagrined at -the treatment accorded him by Greene appear to be well founded. - -[Illustration: GENERAL GREENE. (_New York Magazine, 1794._)] - -But of all the Southern leaders, Marion was most fortunate in his -biographers.[1049] It is true that Horry's work was largely written by -Mason L. Weems, notorious for his so-called _Life of Washington_. Both -Horry and James had a foundation for their narratives. The confidence -reposed by Greene in his ablest leader of irregular troops is best seen -in their letters printed by Gibbes in his _Documentary History_,[1050] -which is composed mainly of the "Horry Papers", already used in -Horry's memoir. Another partisan worthy of mention was Pickens. But of -him only slight and unworthy sketches have been printed.[1051] - -The only extended notice of Benjamin Lincoln is the biography by -Francis Bowen in Sparks's collection.[1052] This book was not written -in the calm judicial spirit that should characterize an historical -work. Many of Lincoln's order-books have been preserved, and have -been of material service in preparing the foregoing narrative. Though -Lincoln's career was marked by no brilliant successes, his work was -always well done, and demands a fuller recognition.[1053] - -[Illustration: GENERAL GREENE. (_After a Photograph of a Painting._)] - -Little original material concerning the operations in Georgia has come -to light. It is fortunate, therefore, that Hugh McCall overcame his -physical infirmities to such an extent as to enable him to finish the -second volume of his _History of Georgia_. This writer was an active -cavalry leader in the defence of his native State. He also fought well -on other fields. It should he said, however, that what he wrote of -actions in which he did not take part should be received with caution. -His work is the basis of all subsequent accounts of the war in Georgia. - -[Illustration] - -Anthony Wayne and his Pennsylvanians did good service in Virginia, and -later in Georgia. But the life of Wayne remains to be written.[1054] -His letters and reports are scattered here and there through the books. -The best account of his career is the one printed by his son in the -_Casket_, a magazine not to be found in every library. - -The second volume of Wheeler's _Sketches of North Carolina_ contains -many articles by actors in the struggle. But they were mostly -written long after the event, as, too, were those in the _North -Carolina University Magazine_. They should not be relied upon unless -confirmed.[1055] This is the more regrettable as there is very little -original material in print relating to these North Carolina campaigns -from a North Carolina point of view. The most labored defence of the -"Old North State" is Caruthers' _Incidents_.[1056] Much of this work -seems to be based on good material; but one should be especially -careful to separate such portions from those founded on tradition, -which must have misled Caruthers in several instances. Of the same -general character are Johnson's _Traditions_;[1057] Logan's _Upper -Country of South Carolina_; Foote's _Sketches of Western North -Carolina_; and C. L. Hunter's _Sketches of Western North Carolina_ -(Raleigh, 1877). Such are the main sources of information from the -American side so far as the campaigns in the Carolinas and Georgia are -concerned. Let us now turn to Virginia. - -On his way South, Greene left Steuben[1058] in Virginia to organize and -push forward recruits as fast as possible. The gallant Prussian seems -to have been ill-suited to the command of raw republican militia; but -the American leaders in the State, Muhlenberg, Lawson, and Stevens, -aided him as well as they could. It was not until the arrival of -Lafayette with his Continentals from the Eastern States that much was -done to oppose the enemy. The governor of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson, -showed a lamentable lack of energy during Arnold's and Cornwallis's -invasions, though the word "imbecility", applied to his conduct by -Howison, would seem to be undeserved.[1059] Of course, Jefferson's -biographers have defended their hero from these charges,[1060] but -Giradin's _Continuation of Burk's Virginia_,[1061] written in the -neighborhood of Monticello, and apparently under Jeffersonian auspices, -is the most extensive account of Jefferson's administration from his -side. - -It was not, however, until the publication of the _Virginia State -Papers_[1062] that the truth concerning the campaigns preliminary -to Yorktown could be ascertained. But these two volumes taken in -connection with the _Nelson Papers_ have thrown a new light on all -these transactions.[1063] - -Washington's _Writings_ and Sparks's _Correspondence of the Revolution_ -contain much relating to all these operations, though Washington's -_Journal_ and his order-books are even more valuable for the Yorktown -campaign. Of the commander of the auxiliary troops, the Marquis -of Rochambeau, I have found little outside of his well-known -_Mémoires_.[1064] For much of what we know concerning the movements of -the French we are indebted to John Austin Stevens, a former editor of -the _Magazine of American History_. His articles, as well as those by -other hands, will be mentioned in the Notes. - -The papers of the British commanders have been much better preserved. -All official documents of popular interest and conducing to the glory -of the nation were published, sometimes in full, sometimes in extract, -in the governmental organ known as _The London Gazette_. Thence they -were copied, in whole or in part, into the _Remembrancer_, _Gentleman's -Magazine_, _Scot's Magazine_, _Political Magazine_, and often into that -portion of the _Annual Register_ known as "Principal Occurrences." Many -of them, and many other papers of the greatest importance, were printed -in the _Parliamentary Register_, or Debrett's _Debates_, as it is often -called. - -The Sackville Papers, forming the third appendix to the _Ninth Report_ -of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts,[1065] contain much -of very great value; but many of the most important papers therein -printed have been accessible in other forms. Soon after the surrender -at Yorktown, the House of Lords appointed a committee to inquire -into the conduct of the Yorktown campaign. Later, upon their order, -many of the letters and papers bearing on this event were printed. -They may be found in the _Parliamentary Register_,[1066] while many -were translated into French, and published in a small volume under -the title of _Correspondance du Lord G. Germain avec les Généraux -Clinton, Cornwallis_, etc. (Berne, 1782). Most of these documents, -however, had been already printed in other places. The surrender -induced Cornwallis[1067] and Clinton to lay upon the shoulders of each -other the responsibility.[1068] The truth seems to be that neither was -responsible, since the disaster was due, above all, to the arrival -of De Grasse and the consequent transference of the control of the -sea from the British to the Allies. For this neither Clinton nor -Cornwallis was to blame. The quarrel led to the publication, however, -of so many papers of the greatest importance that the historical -student can hardly regret its occurrence. - -Nor was Clinton on good terms with Mariot Arbuthnot, who had accused -Clinton of permitting thievery to go on under his very eyes.[1069] -Naturally this want of cordiality made coöperation very difficult. -After Clinton's departure Cornwallis was the commander-in-chief in -the South; but Colonel Nesbit Balfour, who commanded in the city of -Charleston, made separate reports to Germain. He does not seem to -have been possessed with a very sanguine disposition, and his reports -therefore present a more accurate picture of affairs than do the -despatches of Cornwallis himself. - -Several of the British officers wrote formal accounts of their doings, -the most notable of which is Tarleton's _Campaigns_.[1070] Portions of -it are trustworthy, but in general the author placed his own services -in such a favorable light that the true course of history is almost -unrecognisable. Nevertheless, the book contains so many documents not -elsewhere to be obtained, except at great labor, that it has a value. -Tarleton's unjust discriminations and criticisms brought forth a most -caustic review from the pen of Mackenzie,[1071] a Scotch officer, who -served in a regiment which often accompanied the "Legion." Cornwallis, -who had also been attacked by Tarleton, never replied to his criticisms -in print; but he wrote to a "friend" (cf. letter dated Calcutta, Dec. -12, 1787, in the _Cornwallis Corres._, i. 59, note) that "Tarleton's -is a most malicious and false attack; he knew and approved the reasons -for several of the measures which he now blames. My not sending relief -to Colonel Ferguson, although he was positively ordered to retire, -was entirely owing to Tarleton himself: he pleaded weakness from the -remains of a fever, and refused to make the attempt, although I used -the most earnest entreaties." It should be noted, however, that this -alleged refusal on Tarleton's part created no coolness at the time. -Simcoe's narrative[1072] is even more egotistical than Tarleton's. -But his details may be relied upon if one constantly remembers that -events are related without any regard to their real importance. -Captain, afterwards General, Graham served with Cornwallis in the -76th Highlanders through the most important portions of his North -Carolina and Virginia campaigns. His _Memoirs_,[1073] therefore, though -execrably edited so far as the American portion is concerned, should -be consulted. Another book which partakes of the nature of an original -source is the so-called _Journal_[1074] of R. Lamb, who served through -the war, and his statements have a value. The only regimental history -of much interest is Hamilton's _Grenadier Guards_,[1075] a corps -which after Cowpens rendered good service, and this account of their -achievements bears all the marks of originality. There are but few -manuscripts of importance, written by British officers, accessible on -this side of the ocean.[1076] - -The most valuable history of the Revolution from a British pen is -Gordon's well-known work. This author was assisted by Gates and Greene -so far as the Southern campaigns were concerned. The volumes contain, -moreover, many fragments of letters that have never seen the light -in their entirety. Taken altogether, this work ranks with Ramsay as -an authority of the very first importance. The only other important -_History of the American War_ from the English side is the work which -bears the name of Charles Stedman on the title-page. Whoever the author -of the text may have been, the writer of many of the notes in the part -devoted to the war in the South was undoubtedly an on-looker. Still -another work worthy of mention in this place, though mainly as the -repository of documents, is Beatson's _Memoirs_. In addition there are -numerous diaries, journals, etc. They relate mainly to but one battle -or campaign, and will be mentioned in the following "Notes." - - -NOTES. - -SAVANNAH, 1778.[1077]—Campbell's formal report to Germain was first -printed in _The London Gazette_ for Feb. 20-23, 1779,—reprinted in -_Remembrancer_, vii. 235; Hough's _Siege of Savannah_, Introduction, -p. 7; _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1779, p. 177; and Dawson's _Battles_, -i. 477. Major-General Augustine Prevost's report is in the _Gazette_ -for Feb. 23, 1779, and _Remembrancer_, vii. 243. It deals especially -with his march from St. Augustine and capture of Sunbury.[1078] An -American account of this latter event is in McCall's _Georgia_, ii. -176. Captain Hyde Parker[1079] reported to the Admiralty through the -customary channel, and his report usually follows that of Prevost, -as above. Howe seems to have presented no formal report, but Lincoln -wrote to Washington (_Corresp. Rev._, ii. 244) early in the next year, -describing the disaster. Howe's own side of the case, however, is -fully set forth in the _Proceedings of a General Court-Martial held at -Philadelphia in the State of Penna. by order of his Excellency General -Washington_, Phila., 1782; reprinted in the _New York Historical -Society's Collections_ (1879, pp. 213-311), where will be found Howe's -orders (Dec. 29th,[1080] p. 282) and statement (pp. 285-310). The -court, presided over by Steuben, acquitted Howe on all the charges -"with the highest honor." Nevertheless, the majority of writers have -been unfavorable to Howe. See especially Moultrie's _Memoirs_, i. 244; -Lee's _Memoirs_ (2d edition), p. 40; Ramsay's _Rev. in S. C._, ii. -4. This last is a fairer view, and is followed by Gordon (_American -Revolution_, iii. 212). See also Stedman, _American War_, ii. 66; -McCall's _Georgia_, ii. 164, and C. C. Jones's _Georgia_, ii. 314. In -this, the most recent history of Georgia, all the old statements are -repeated.[1081] - -An American description from a different point of view is the _Account -of the Capture of Mordecai Sheftall, Deputy Commissary of Issues to the -Continental Troops for the State of Georgia_, in White's _Historical -Collections of Georgia_, p. 340. Sheftall also testified at the -court-martial.[1082] - - * * * * * - -MINOR ACTIONS, 1779.—There is not much to be found as to Lincoln's -doings before the siege of Savannah except his manuscript -"order-books." Moultrie made an elaborate report of his encounter near -Beaufort.[1083] - -McCall was present at Kettle Creek, and his account[1084] of Boyd's -overthrow has been generally followed by later writers. No official -report of the affair has been found. The disaster at Brier Creek was -much better chronicled. First comes Ashe's report to Lincoln (Moultrie, -_Memoirs_, i. 323, and abridged in Dawson, _Battles_, i. 492). Lincoln -wrote a good account of the affair (an extract of his letter in Dawson, -as above), and the evidence given at the court-martial[1085] which -tried Ashe is as full as can be desired.[1086] The British accounts do -not differ essentially from these.[1087] - -There is no lack of original material as to Prevost's unsuccessful -attempt on Charleston,[1088] and Lincoln's attack on Stono. Moultrie -made no formal report, but the documents and bits of journals scattered -through his _Memoirs_ (i. 412-506) may well take its place. Prevost's -report of his attempt was dated June 12, 1779 (_London Gazette_, Sept. -21-25, 1779, reprinted in _Remembrancer_, viii. 302). His report as -to Stono is in the _Gazette_, as above, and also in _Remembrancer_ -viii. 300. Lincoln's version of the latter affair is contained in a -letter to Moultrie (_Memoirs_, i. 490, and Dawson, i. 501). Moultrie -also printed other letters (cf. especially one from Colonel Grimkie in -_Memoirs_, i. 495), and an interesting journal by an unknown hand is -in _Remembrancer_ (viii. 349). Capt. John Henry, who succeeded Parker, -in his reports corroborated Prevost as to the offer of neutrality on -the part of some one in Charleston (_London Gazette_, July 10-13, 1779, -and _Remembrancer_ viii. 183). Clinton also has something to say on -the campaign in general in a report to Germain (_Remembrancer_, viii. -297).[1089] - -Lincoln has been criticised for his march into Georgia, but the -movement had the unanimous support of his generals. Cf. report of the -council of war in Moultrie, i. 374. He supposed rightly, as we now -know (cf. Prevost's report in _Remembrancer_, viii. 302), that the -British commander's only object was to compel his return to South -Carolina. Moultrie could have offered sufficient resistance if one -half of his men had not deserted. Nevertheless, Lincoln was assailed -in the Charleston papers, and complained bitterly of their unfairness. -Cf. letter to Moultrie in _Memoirs_, i. 477. With regard to Rutledge's -offer of neutrality, Professor Bowen has undoubtedly gone too far -in describing it as "little short of treason."[1090] Still, if, as -Rutledge's friends claim, the proposition was made merely to gain time, -it was not made in good faith, and was therefore highly discreditable -to the governor. But there is no evidence that the proposition was made -in any such spirit, except the statement in Ramsay, which was copied -by Gordon. The truth seems to be that Rutledge, greatly overestimating -the numbers of the enemy, sought to save his native State from pillage. -He yielded too easily to his fears. Moultrie takes no pains to conceal -his disgust at the offer. The younger Laurens refused to have anything -to do with the matter, while Gadsden and Ferguson, two members of the -Council, voted against the proposal, and Edwards, another member, wept -at the thought. Unfortunately, the minutes of the Council have been -lost. Cf. Johnson, _Reply to Bentalou and Sparks_.[1091] - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF SAVANNAH, SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER, 1779. - -Sketched from a MS. map belonging to Dr. Samuel A. Green, of Boston, -found in Paris, and giving the French view. - -The plans of the siege are mainly English ones. That made by Colonel -Moncrieff and published by Faden is used in Stedman's _American War_, -ii. 79, and is reduced in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 736. Cf. also -C. C. Jones's _Two Journals_ for a fac-simile (reduced in _Hist. of -Georgia_, vol. ii.) of a _Plan of the French and American Siege of -Savannah in Georgia in South America_ [sic] _under Command of the -French general Count d'Estaing_. _The British commander in the town -was General August Prevost, 1779._ It is from Hessian sources, and -resembles Faden's. Also see Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, 1st ed., -ii. 221. Carrington (p. 483) gives an eclectic map. Two contemporary -MS. French maps (one measuring 28 × 16 and the other 22 × 22 inches) -are in the Boston Public Library (Dufossé, _Americana_, no. 5,495). -There are various MS. plans of Savannah and the siege among the Peter -Force maps, and one in the Faden collection in the library of Congress. -A good map of this region is _The Coasts, Rivers, and Inlets of the -Province of Georgia; surveyed by Joseph Avery and others, and published -by command of Gov't by J. F. W. Des Barres, 1st Feb., 1780_. Parker did -not find his charts correct. _Remembrancer_, vii. 246.—ED.] - -It is to be noted that, although there is no record of the actual -presence of Indians at this siege, their absence was not due to any -remissness on the part of Rutledge, who made every effort to persuade -a band of "eighty Catawbas" to act with Moultrie. (Cf. the latter's -_Memoirs_, i. pp. 397, 419, and 453.) - - -SIEGE OF SAVANNAH, 1779.—The best account of this disastrous siege -is the _Journal_, by an unknown hand, which Col. C. C. Jones has -translated, with copious notes, in his _Siege of Savannah in 1779 as -described in two contemporaneous journals of French officers in the -fleet of Count D'Estaing_, Albany, 1874, pp. 9-52. The other journal, -of which he there gives a partial translation, is the well-known -_Extrait du Journal d'un Officier de la Marine de l'escadre de M. -le Comte D'Estaing, 1782_.[1092] Still another French account is in -the form of an official report,[1093] and may have been the report -of the commander himself. This is by no means certain, though Soulés -(_Troublés_, iii. 217), in speaking of the numbers given in this -report, says: "Le Comte d'Estaing dit dans sa relation", etc. This was -first printed in the _Paris Gazette_, and was reprinted in the English -and American papers of the time. - -Prevost made an elaborate report to Germain, under date of Savannah, -Nov. 1, 1779. It was accompanied by translations of the correspondence -between the commanders, and was first printed in _The London Gazette_, -Dec. 21-25, 1779.[1094] Captain John Henry also reported through -the usual channel. He viewed the siege from a point different from -Prevost's, and his report is therefore of interest.[1095] Hough -has also reprinted in his _Savannah_ two "journals" from English -sources.[1096] Mention must also be made of a valuable _Memorandum of -a very critical period in the Province of South Carolina_, inclosed in -a letter from J. H. Cruger to H. Cruger, etc., dated Savannah, Nov. 8, -1779, in _Magazine of American History_, 1878, p. 489.[1097] - -Lincoln's report is very meagre (Hough, _Savannah_, 149). It should be -supplemented by _An Account of the Siege of Savannah furnished by an -Officer engaged in the attack, Major Thomas Pinckney_.[1098] Stevens, -the Georgia historian, had access to Prevost's order-book, and he has -printed in his _Georgia_ (ii. 200, etc.) a few documents not otherwise -accessible. Lincoln's order-book is still in existence, and his papers -were used by Lee in his valuable account of the affair (_Memoirs_, i. -99). The orders for the assault have been printed.[1099] - -Moultrie was not present during the siege, but he gives a graphic -account of the assault (_Memoirs_, 33-43). It is curious to note his -attempt to defend the militia from the charge of luke-warmness on -the ground that they joined the army to witness the surrender of the -British, not to take part in a bloody storm. Ramsay was present at -the siege, and his account is good (_Rev. in S. C._, ii. 34. See also -Gordon, iii. 325, and Stedman, ii. 121). Captain McCall was there, too, -and his account (_Georgia_, ii. 240-283) may be regarded as an original -authority. The local histories[1100] are sufficiently detailed for the -general reader, and there are at least two good French accounts,[1101] -while the German historians[1102] should not be neglected, as there -was a "Hessian" regiment in the town. - -D'Estaing has usually been represented as hurrying on board and sailing -away just in time to avoid a predicted storm. So far was this from -being the case, that, although the assault was made on the 9th of -October, the French were in front of the town on the 19th and 29th of -the same month. The bulk of the fleet was blown from the anchorage -on the 26th, though the last frigates did not leave until the 2d of -November.[1103] Historians ignoring these facts have too often praised -the prescience of D'Estaing. The truth seems to be, that, being -conscious of exceeding his instructions and impatient of delay, the -French commander hazarded everything on an assault, and lost. The delay -in getting away was due for the most part to the bad discipline which -prevailed in the fleet.[1104] - -This gallant defence made Prevost a major-general, though he enjoyed -his honors for but a short time, as he died in 1786. Maitland, to whose -timely succor so much was due, died on the 26th of October from a fever -contracted, it was supposed, during his gallant march to the aid of -the beleaguered town. Cf. Hough, _Savannah_, p. 110. The success of -the defence was due mainly to the talents and energy of the engineer -officer, Moncrieff, attached to Prevost's expedition. No one was more -conscious of this than Prevost, who wrote of him in the warmest terms -in his report to Germain.[1105] - -The charge of Oct. 9th was fatal to two of the most romantic characters -in our Revolutionary history, Jasper and Pulaski.[1106] - - * * * * * - -CHARLESTON, 1780.—Lincoln presented no detailed report of his -unsuccessful defence of Charleston, though a short note announcing the -capitulation is in print. Lincoln asked for a court of inquiry into -his conduct.[1107] But as no one doubted his integrity or capacity, -no court was ever held. As to the siege itself, Moultrie has been -the main reliance. His _Memoirs_ (ii. pp. 65 _et seq._) contain the -official correspondence between the opposing commanders, and a diary or -journal running from March 28th to May 12th, which bears all the marks -of a contemporaneous document. Ramsay, too, was present at the defence, -but his account (_Rev. in S. C._, ii. 45-62,—followed by Gordon, iii. -346) is very meagre.[1108] - -On the British side, the descriptions in Tarleton (_Campaigns_, -4-23) and Stedman (_American War_, ii. 176-192) are interesting and -detailed. So far as they relate to events outside of the immediate -vicinity of the city, they are trustworthy; but neither of these -officers was present at the siege itself.[1109] Of more importance than -any contemporary account, with the possible exception of Moultrie's -journal, is the report of Clinton to Germain. It is also in the form -of a journal, and runs from March 29th to May 12th, and is printed -as a part of _The London Gazette Extra_, issued on the 15th of June, -1780.[1110] - -[Illustration: CHARLESTON, 1780. - -"KEY: A, landing of the king's troops at Edisto inlet on the 11th -Feb., 1780. B, march of the army on landing from James island. C, the -king's ships in the offing, waiting for the spring tides to cross the -bar, which being effected the 20th March, they anchored in Five Fathom -hole, whence having [passed] through a heavy fire from Fort Moultrie -and the batteries of Sullivan island, [they] dropped anchor before the -town on the 9th of April. E, redoubts to protect the transports in -Stono river. F, strong redoubt erected near Fort Johnson. G, battery to -remove the enemy's ships at _d_ in Ashley river. H, bridge made over -Wapoo. I, march of the army from Linning's to Drayton's, 29th March, -whence having crossed Ashley river, [it] halted the same night at X. K, -encampment of the army, 30th March, on Charlestown Neck. L, march of -a strong reinforcement to Col. Webster's corps, under the command of -Earl Cornwallis, to cut off the enemy's communication by Cooper river. -_a_, Fort Moultrie and works on Sullivan island, with the enemy's ships -to enfilade the channel (surrendered on terms the 4th of May to the -seamen and marines of the fleet). _d_, strong post on Lempries. _e_, -ships in Cooper river, and Boom to obstruct the navigation. _f_, post -on Mount Pleasant. _g_, Gibbs' Landing. _h_, redoubts and batteries -to establish the first parallel begun the 1st of April. _i_, second -parallel finished the 19th April. _k_, third parallel completed the -6th of May, whence having by sap drained and passed the enemy's canal -works, [it] was carried on towards the ditch of the place, and the -garrison, consisting of upwards of 6,000 men, [were] surrendered to his -Majesty's arms, under the command of Lt.-Gen. Sir Hen. Clinton, K. B., -etc., and Vice-Admiral Mariot Arbuthnot, on the 10th of May, 1780. The -king's army and works are colored red, the enemy's yellow."—ED.] - -The correspondence between Clinton and Germain with regard to the -planning of this campaign is in the _Ninth Report of the Hist. MSS. -Commission_, App. iii. pp. 95, 98, etc.[1111] In this same appendix -are three letters from Arbuthnot to Germain, giving interesting -details. His official report was made to Mr. Stevens, secretary of the -Admiralty, and was printed with Clinton's report. It is especially -valuable with regard to the operations of the fleet. There is a -critical account of the siege in Lee's _Memoirs_, i. 115-142, and the -more popular descriptions are unusually good, especially those from -German sources.[1112] - - * * * * * - -MINOR ACTIONS, 1780.—It is to be regretted that we have no official -account of the disaster at the Waxhaws from the American commander. -Tarleton's official report to Cornwallis was originally printed in -_The London Gazette Extra_, July 5, 1780.[1113] The description of the -affair in Dawson's _Battles_, i. 582, is based upon _Adj. Bowyer's -Particular Account of Colonel Buford's defeat_. It differs materially -from the account of the British commander.[1114] - -Lee says that most of the wounded died of their wounds. This can -hardly be true, as Muhlenberg in a letter to Washington (Muhlenberg's -_Muhlenberg_, 368) says that the prisoners taken at the Waxhaws have -nearly all returned. There are no plans of the battle, and it has been -found impossible to make any estimate of the numbers engaged.[1115] - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. - -Reduced from the plan in Johnson's _Traditions and Reminiscences of -the Amer. Rev._ (Charleston, 1851), p. 247.—KEY (American works): -A, Wilkins, 16 guns; B, Gibbs, 9 guns; C, Ferguson, 5 guns; D, Sugar -House, 6 guns; E, old magazine, 5 guns; F, Cummings, 5 guns; G, -northwest point, 4 guns; H, horn-work (citadel) and lines, 66 guns, -beside mortars; K, Gadsden's wharf, 7 guns; L, Old Indian, 5 guns; M, -Governor's bridge, 3 guns; N, Exchange, 7 guns; O, end of the bay, -Littleton's bastion, 4 guns; P, Darrell's, 7 guns; Q, boom, eight -vessels, secured by chains and spars. - -(British works). 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, redoubts begun April 1st; _o_, -second parallel, finished April 19th; _p_, third parallel, completed -May 6th; _q_, gun batteries; _r_, mortar batteries.—ED. - -There is a contemporary English map: _Environs of Charleston, S. C. -Published June 1, 1780_. _By Capt. George Sproule, Assistant Engineer -on the spot_; and a MS. _Sketch of the coast from South Edisto to -Charlestown, 1 March, 1780_,—showing, among other things, "the rebel -redoubt" at Stono. The best plan of the siege itself is _A Sketch of -the operations before Charleston, the Capital of South Carolina_. -_Published 17th of June, 1780, according to Act of Parliament, by I. -F. W. Des Barres, Eng._ It will be noticed that this was put forth two -days after Clinton's despatch of May 14th was published in London. -It is a large map, showing the positions in colors. There are two -copies in the Harvard College library. It has been reprinted by Mayor -Courtenay in the _Charleston Year-Book for 1882_, P. 360, as "Sir -Henry Clinton's Map, 1780", with a description (p. 371). Some one has -apparently attempted to remove the inscription referred to above, and -only the words "of June, 1780" are legible. In other respects it is -identical with the Des Barres map. In his _Year-Book_ (1880, p. 264) -Mayor Courtenay has reproduced an interesting _Plan of Charlestown_. -_With its Entrenchments and those made by the English, 1780._ It -relates only to the lines themselves, and was probably the work of an -American. There is a good map, with lines in colors, in Faden's _Plans -of Battles_, which is reproduced in Tarleton, p. 32, and Stedman, ii. -184, Ramsay (_Rev. S. C._, ii. 59) gives an excellent map of a later -date, as does Gordon (iii. 358). See also Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. -765; Marshall's _Washington_, atlas no. 10; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 258; -Carrington's _Battles_, p. 498; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1883, p. 827; -and R. E. Lee's edition of Lee's _Memoirs_, p. 146. Mention should also -be made of a MS. plan in the Faden coll., and of a map, apparently -of French origin, the property of Daniel Ravenal, of Charleston -(_Charleston Year-Book_, 1884, p. 295), which Mr. De Saussure regards -as a copy of "Brigadier-General Du Portail's engineer's map;" but -there seems to be no evidence of this in print. There is a good chart -of Charleston harbor in the corner of Des Barres's map, and in the -so-called _Mouzon Map_ (1775), while Ramsay (_Rev. S. C._, ii. 52) has -a _Sketch of Charleston Harbour, showing the disposition of the British -fleet under the command of Vice-Admiral Mariot Arbuthnot in the attack -on Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Island in 1780_. - -Attempts at the identification of localities have been made by W. G. -De Saussure in _Charleston Year-Book_ (1884, pp. 282-308), and in an -_Historical Map of Charleston, 1670-1883_, in the _Year-Book_ for 1883. -A plan of Fort Johnson on James' Island is in _Ibid._ (p. 473). These -latter maps are also in a reprint of a portion of this _Year-Book_, -issued under the title of _1670-1783: The Centennial of Incorporation, -1883_ (Charleston, 1884). - -There are other charts of the harbor in the _No. Amer. Pilot_; in the -_Neptune Americo-Septentrional_. A chart of the harbor and bars by R. -Cowley is sometimes noted as published in London in 1780. - -There are other maps of Charleston in Bellin's _Petit Atlas Maritime_, -vol. i. 37; in Castiglione's _Viaggio_ p. 309, etc. There are among the -Rochambeau maps in the library of Congress (no. 19) _Vues de la rade -de Charleston et du fort Sullivan, 1780_, and a colored plan (no. 46), -measuring 20 X 18 inches, called _Plan de la ville de Charlestown, de -les retrenchments et du siège fait par les Anglais en 1780_.—ED.] - -For the period between the Waxhaws and the disaster near Camden, the -reports of Cornwallis are of value (_Remembrancer_, x. 261; _Pol. -Mag._, i. 261, etc.); Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 128-145, has a fair -account. The affair at Ramsour's Mill has not been given due prominence -in the general histories. There is a good account of it in Caldwell's -_Greene_, 123. But the description which has generally been followed -is the one which General Joseph Graham—who was not present at the -fight—printed in the _Catawba Journal_ for Feb. 1, 1825.[1116] - -Colonel Williams transmitted a report of the action at Musgrove's Mill -to Gates (_Remembrancer_, xi. 87). But the best account of the affair -is in Draper's _King's Mountain_, who (p. 122) gives a list of his -authorities. See especially MCCall, _Georgia_, ii. 304-317; Jones, -_Georgia_, ii. 452; and _Amer. Whig Rev._, new series, ii. 578. - - * * * * * - -GATES'S DEFEAT NEAR CAMDEN, 1780.—The defeated general dated his -official report at Hillsborough, Aug. 20, 1780 (_Remembrancer_, x. 335; -Tarleton, 145; _Sparks's Correspondence of the Revolution_, iii. 66 and -76; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, v. 502, etc.). Cornwallis presented two reports -bearing on the campaign. In the first—sometimes dated Aug. 20th, and -sometimes Aug. 21st—he follows his movement to his arrival at Camden. -The second—always dated the 21st—takes up the story at that point. -They are both in the _London Gazette Extra_ for October 9th, 1780.[1117] - -I have found nothing official from Rawdon; but on Sept. 19th, 1780, -he wrote to his mother, the Countess of Moira, describing the events -preceding the battle. He speaks of the course taken by Gates as "the -ruinous part which they, the Americans, actually did embrace", adding -that De Kalb had advised Gates to cross Lynch's Creek and attack him -there. This Rawdon learned from an aide to De Kalb[1118]—probably Du -Buysson—who was taken with his chief.[1119] - -Tarleton, too, was a participator in the action, and his account -(_Campaigns_, 85-110), though written long after the event, is -valuable. It begins with Cornwallis's arrival at Camden. - -But the description of the campaign and battle which far outweighs -all others, is the _Narrative of the Campaign of 1780, by Colonel -Otho Holland Williams, Adjutant-general_,—printed as "Appendix B" to -Johnson's _Greene_, vol. i. pp. 465-510, and copied thence into Simms's -_Greene_, Appendix. There is no reason to doubt the general accuracy -of the story, though no one knows when Williams wrote it. Two of the -American commander's aides wrote accounts. The more important is the -letter from Thomas Pinckney to William Johnson, the biographer of -Greene, dated Clermont, July, 1822, and therefore written long after -the battle; but the author's recollections so exactly agree with the -facts as now known that it is an account of the greatest value.[1120] - -The other is Major McGill's letter to his father, written within eight -miles of the scene of action.[1121] - -McGill carried Gates's despatches to Jefferson, then governor of -Virginia, and gave him an account of the battle, which formed part -of a statement "of this unlucky affair, taken from letters from -General Gates, General Stevens, and Governor Nash, and, as to some -circumstances, from an officer [McGill] who was in the action."[1122] - -Still another excellent narrative of the campaign is in _A Journal of -the Southern Expedition, 1780-83. By William Seymour_ (_Penna. Mag. -of Hist._, vii. 286, 377), who was sergeant-major of the Delaware -regiment. The journal begins at Petersburg, May 26, 1780, thus -describing the whole movement. - -[Illustration: CAMDEN, AUGUST 16, 1780. - -Faden's map, dated March 1, 1787,—the same used in Tarleton (p. -108) and in Stedman (ii. 210) and in the latter dated Jan. 20, 1794. -KEY: 1. Three companies light infantry. 2. Twenty-third regiment. -3. Thirty-third regiment. 4. Volunteers of Ireland. 5. Infantry of -the British Legion. 6. Hamilton's corps. 7. Bryan's corps. 8, 8. Two -battalions, seventy-first regiment. 9. Dragoons, British Legion. - -This same plan is re-engraved in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, v. 275, -and in R. E. Lee's ed. of Henry Lee's _Memoir of the War_, etc., p. -182. The original MS. of the plan is among the Faden maps (no. 51) in -the library of Congress. There is an eclectic plan in Carrington's -_Battles_, p. 533; but the best of the modern maps is that by H. -P. Johnston in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. 496. Cf. Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 466. The _Political Mag._, i. 731, has a map of the -roads about Camden.—ED.] - -There are numerous descriptions by persons who, though not actually -present at the disaster, yet enjoyed exceptionally good advantages for -obtaining correct information.[1123] - -Of the earlier historians, Gordon (_History_, iii. 391 and 429) -enjoyed the best advantages. He visited Gates in 1781 and used his -papers. These MSS. had disappeared until a few years ago, when Dr. T. -A. Emmet, whose grandfather was Gates's counsellor, found them in a -garret. (Cf. _Mag. Amer. Hist._, v. 241.) A portion of this collection -was printed in _Ibid._ v. 281; as to the value of those reserved I have -been able to learn nothing. A large part of the papers printed consists -merely of the orders issued during the campaign. The most important -of these—technically termed "after-orders", giving the order for the -movement which brought on the action—have been printed over and over -again.[1124] - -We have no detailed account of Sumter's attempt to injure the enemy, -nor of his overthrow at Fishdam Ford, except that in Tarleton's -_Campaigns_, 110-116. As may be imagined, Tarleton gave his own side -of the case more than due prominence. Lee, in his _Memoirs_ (i. 187), -gives a good account. He adds that "Tarleton evinced a temerity which -could not, if pursued, long escape exemplary chastisement." There is -something in Stedman, ii. 211, and in Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. -152. The accounts in the more popular books are so inaccurate that no -mention of them is required.[1125] - -TREATMENT OF THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE BY THE BRITISH.—The well-known -letters from Rawdon to Rugely have been widely printed.[1126] - -[Illustration: GATES'S DEFEAT AT CAMDEN. - -The movements as detailed in a plan by Colonel Senff, preserved among -the _Steuben Papers_ (N. Y. Hist. Soc.), are shown in this sketch after -a cut in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (1880), vol. v. p. 275. The plan -and accompanying journal, taken from the Steuben Papers, are in the -Sparks MSS., no. xv. A marsh and the river were on the American right -and the British left. The road to Camden is marked by parallel lines. -The American right, 400 Marylanders under General Gist, were between -the road and the low ground at 1, with two cannon on their right at -2, and two others on the left in the road at 3. Beyond the road were -three brigades of North Carolina militia (4, 4, 4), under Brigadiers -Rutherford, Graigery, and Butler, with two field-pieces at 5, on their -left. Beyond this the American line was completed by 700 Virginia -militia under Brigadier Stevens (6), and 300 light infantry under -Colonel Potterfield (7). Colonel Armand, with 60 horse, was in the rear -(8) of this part of the line, and as a reserve Smallwood with the first -Maryland brigade of about 400 men, was across the road at 9. [The names -are given as in the sketch.] - -On the British side the first troops to appear were at 10 with a -field-piece, and their main body formed at 11. The American troops at 6 -and 7 advanced to 12, and were met by the British (11) moving by their -right flank and then advancing to 13. The American reserve (9) then -moved to 12 to support the left wing, while the right wing (1) advanced -to 12 and engaged the British left (13). The Americans at 4, 4, 4, and -12 (opposite 6 and 7) now broke and fled. At this opportune moment the -British cavalry (14) charged along the line shown by small crosses, and -turning to the right and left took in reverse the Americans at 1, and -the reserve (9) in their new position at 12. The whole American army -scattered in retreat before the British advance.—ED.] - -With regard to the treatment of those captured at Savannah and -Charleston, Southern writers do not seem to have strictly adhered to -the truth. Those captured by Campbell were protected by no treaty of -capitulation; and as to those taken at Charleston, the charges of -Moultrie and others were always denied.[1127] - -Isaac Hayne, at the time of the surrender of Charleston, was a colonel -in a militia regiment, but, being in the country, he was not included -in the capitulation. His wife and two children were ill with the -small-pox, and it was impossible to take them to a place of refuge. He -went to Charleston and offered to give his parole as a prisoner of war. -He was told that he must take the oath of allegiance or be confined as -a rebel. It was a hard position, and, thinking of his wife dying at -home, he took the oath; not, however, until he had called Ramsay (_Rev. -in S. C._) to bear witness that he was forced to it by necessity. He -retired to his farm, and lived there unmolested until the success of -the American arms once more brought his friends around him. Then he -was told by the British leaders that he must arm on the king's side or -go to prison. He regarded this as a violation of his agreement, and -enlisted under Pickens. He commanded a regiment of militia drawn from -the neighborhood, and composed of men who believed with him that when -protection was withdrawn the duty of allegiance went with it. Soon -after this he captured, not many miles from Charleston, Williamson, a -noted renegade, who was regarded by his former friends as the "Arnold -of the South." On his way back Hayne was captured, taken to Charleston, -and hanged.[1128] The fact that Greene and Marion (Gibbes, _Doc. -Hist._, i. 125) both regarded it as calling for retaliation[1129] goes -a great way towards showing that Rawdon and Balfour acted harshly and -precipitately in the matter; but the case is an admirable example of -the light in which Cornwallis—for Balfour tried to justify his conduct -by a reference to the letter or order issued by Cornwallis after -Camden—persisted in regarding those who fought for their country and -their rights. It seems to me, however, that Cornwallis's position was a -false one; and to assert, as Balfour asserted, that South Carolina was -completely conquered in 1780, was to assert what was not true. Rawdon -sailed for home soon after this affair. He was captured by the French, -and did not reach London until after Yorktown. He was immediately -assailed in the House of Peers by the Duke of Richmond for his share in -this business. In reply he challenged the noble duke, and the upshot -was that Richmond apologized.[1130] Many years later, Lee sent Rawdon -a copy of his _Memoirs_, in which Hayne is warmly defended. Rawdon, -then Earl of Moira, wrote a long letter (June 24, 1813) in reply, but -his defence does not appear to be sound.[1131] It should be said, in -justification of the light in which Hayne was regarded by the British -officers at the time, that they believed he had taken a second oath to -the king just before his capture in arms; but this does not appear to -have been the case.[1132] - -The most aggravated case of murder on the American side was the -shooting of the Tory Col. Grierson after his surrender, near Augusta. -The murder was committed in broad day, yet Pickens declared that the -murderer was not known.[1133] - -KING'S MOUNTAIN.—There is very little original material in print -bearing on Clarke's siege of Augusta. McCall's narrative (_Georgia_, -ii. 321) has been very generally followed. An anonymous account from a -British source is in the _Remembrancer_, xi. 28. - -Lyman C. Draper,[1134] in his _King's Mountain and its Heroes_, -gives nearly all the important documents relating to that action. -Unfortunately, as its title indicates, there is too much hero -worship[1135] in the volume, and Draper's own account is based too -largely on tradition to be wholly trustworthy, and is too diffuse and -intricate. As a repository of documents, however, the volume is of -the first importance. I shall attempt only a summary of the documents -bearing on the movement. - -Shelby wrote to his father five days after the fight (Draper, 302), -and later, on October 26th, to Col. Arthur Campbell (Draper, 524). The -statements in the first letter as to losses, etc., are strangely at -variance with those contained in an official report signed by Campbell, -Shelby, and Cleveland on October 20th.[1136] Col. William Campbell -also wrote to Arthur Campbell on the same day (Draper, 526; Gibbes, -p. 140, and elsewhere). Draper gives several other accounts, the most -important being "Battle of King's Mountain", probably written by Robert -Campbell, "an ensign in Dysart's corps" (Draper, 537, from MS. in -possession of the Tenn. Hist. Soc.). Gen. Joseph Graham, who had no -part in the fight, being still confined in the hospital from the wound -received at the defence of Charlotte, wrote a description.[1137] David -Campbell, in a letter (Foote's _Sketches of Virginia_, 2d series, p. -126) dated Montcalm, Dec. 1, 1851,[1138] defended his ancestor. Still -other accounts are in Draper, many of them reprints; and a letter from -Iredell to his wife, dated Granville, Oct. 8, 1780 (McRee's _Iredell_, -i. 463), should not be overlooked. - -The most interesting description of the campaign from the British -side is in the _Diary of Anthony Allaire_, of Ferguson's corps.[1139] -The chronology is useful in fixing dates, and his narrative of his -treatment while in captivity and during his successful attempt to -escape is very interesting. He is also supposed to have been the author -of a letter written by "an officer from Charleston, Jan. 30", which is -printed in Rivington's _Royal Gazette_ of Feb. 14, 1781, and reprinted -in Draper, 516.[1140] - -There are two interesting letters from Rawdon, showing the extent of -the disaffection to the royalist cause in the Carolinas.[1141] - -Cornwallis seems to have presented no detailed report; at least, none -has been printed, to my knowledge. There are allusions to the affair -which show how deeply he was impressed by the coming of the men from -beyond the mountains. The effect it had upon the plans of the British -can be learned from a letter from Germain to Clinton, dated Jan. 3, -1781, in which he regrets that Ferguson's defeat compelled Cornwallis -to require Leslie to quit the Chesapeake.[1142] - -There is also an anonymous memoir of A Carolina Loyalist in the -Revolutionary War in Chesney's _Essays in Modern Military Biography_ -(London, 1874, pp. 461-468), which contains something of interest. - -[The latest contribution to the story of the parts played by John -Sevier, Isaac Shelby, and James Robertson in helping to work the -discomfiture of the British in the Southern colonies is the _Rear Guard -of the Revolution by Edmund Kirke_ [J. R. Gilmore], N. Y., 1886. The -author says "his materials were principally gathered from old settlers -in East Tennessee and Western North Carolina, one of whom was the -son of a trusted friend of Sevier, Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey of Knoxville, -the author of the _Annals of Tennessee_, who in his youth had known -Sevier and Robertson, and who was nearly ninety years old when he was -questioned by Gilmore."—ED.] - - -MINOR ACTIONS, 1780.—The library of the Massachusetts Historical -Society contains an original account of Weemys's unfortunate night -attack on Sumter's camp at Fishdam Ford, from the pen of the British -commander. It should not be followed too closely, as it was not written -until many years of peace and poverty had clouded Weemys's judgment -and memory. A more trustworthy description is in a letter from Sumter -to Smallwood, written on the field of battle, Nov. 9, 1780 (_Maryland -Papers_, p. 122). It is to be regretted that no letter of his relating -to the affair at the Blackstocks has been preserved; for the British -accounts are very confusing, Tarleton even claiming the victory -(_Campaigns_, p. 178). This he did on the strength of a despatch from -Cornwallis to Clinton, dated at Wynnesborough, Dec. 3, 1781.[1143] -This, in its turn, as Mackenzie points out (_Strictures_, p. 71), -was based—so far as it relates to the affair at the Blackstocks—on -Tarleton's own report. In fact, Tarleton was beaten at that time. -Mackenzie does not seem to have been present in person, but his account -was based on the declarations of witnesses. It is the best description -of the fight that we have, and has been followed by later writers, -notably by Stedman (ii. 226-231). The only account that we have from an -American source was written by Col. Samuel Hammond, who was present, as -he was at the Cowpens (Johnson's _Traditions_, pp. 507, 522). It should -not be too closely followed. There are a few reports and letters -written by Cornwallis, and by Rawdon during his chief's illness, -relating to this period, that should not be overlooked.[1144] - - -GREENE'S CAMPAIGN IN GENERAL.—The standard authorities relating -to Greene's campaign have already been mentioned.[1145] Lee was -Greene's most trusted adviser, but there were others also deep -in his confidence, such as Morgan, O. H. Williams,[1146] William -Washington,[1147] Carrington,[1148] Howard,[1149] and W. R. -Davie.[1150] Greene also utilized the services of the partisans Marion, -Sumter, Pickens, and the rest. There is a noted passage bearing on -the proper method of treating these men in one of Greene's letters -to Morgan before the affair at the Cowpens. It seems that Morgan had -complained of Sumter's order to his subordinates to obey no commands -unless conveyed through him. Greene replied to Morgan: "As it is better -to conciliate than aggravate matters, where everything depends so -much upon voluntary principles, I wish you to take no notice of the -matter, but endeavor to influence his conduct to give you all the aid -in his power." It was by pursuing such a course that Greene secured the -coöperation of all men in the South. - -A good knowledge of the scene of operations is indispensable to a -thorough understanding of Greene's remarkable campaigns. The general -direction of the rivers should be especially noted, as upon it the -success of a particular movement often turned.[1151] - - -THE COWPENS.—Morgan's official report (Jan. 19) to Greene and Greene's -instructions to Morgan (Charlotte, December 16, 1780) are in Graham, -pp. 260, 467, while from that point and date the whole campaign can be -traced by the letters printed by Graham.[1152] - -A letter from Tarleton to Morgan dated on the 19th, two days after the -battle, and relating to prisoners and wounded, is in _The Charleston -News and Courier_. I have nowhere found a formal report by Tarleton. -His description of the fight, at the time, is undoubtedly embodied in -Cornwallis's report to Germain, dated Turkey Creek, Broad River, Jan. -18, 1781.[1153] - -At a later day Tarleton wrote out an account (_Campaigns_, pp. -213-223). Seldom has a commander written a more unfair account of -his defeat. Not merely that he is unjust to Morgan, but he is also -very unjust to his own men. A much better description, by a British -eye-witness, is Mackenzie's (_Strictures_, 95, followed by Stedman, -_Amer. War_, ii. 316-325). Indeed, this last is in some respects the -best account that we have. A narrative from "Colonel Samuel Hammond" -(Johnson's _Traditions_, pp. 526-530) is not trustworthy.[1154] - - -THE RETREAT.—Our knowledge of the period from the Cowpens to the -crossing of the Dan is based to a great extent upon the letters of the -American leaders.[1155] - -Cornwallis made a formal report to Germain, dated Guilford, March -17, 1781.[1156] Balfour in an independent report to Clinton -(_Remembrancer_, xi. 330, and _Polit. Mag._, ii. 328), gave a somewhat -similar account of the operations; but the most important document -that has yet been printed is Cornwallis's _Order-book_, covering -this period. It opens with an order of January 18, 1781, and runs -with scarcely a break to March 20th. It was used by Graham in his -preparation of the _Life of Morgan_, but was not generally accessible -until some years later, when Caruthers printed it as the appendix to -the second volume of his _Incidents_. Caruthers' own account of the -movement (_Incidents_, pp. 13-67), although weighted with personal -reminiscences, is still the best single narrative.[1157] - -Tarleton's description (_Campaigns_, 222) of the march is far from -satisfactory, and should be supplemented by that of the less partial -Stedman (_Amer. War_, ii. 325) and Gordon (iv. 37).[1158] - -The only action of this retreat that deserves special mention is the -very gallant charge of the Guards at Cowan's Ford over the Catawba. It -was especially creditable to the Grenadiers, and has received far less -attention at the hands of American writers than it deserves. A good -account is in Hamilton's _Grenadier Guards_, ii. 243,[1159] and Stedman -has devoted considerable space to it. On the other hand, it should be -said that the description in Tarleton cannot be reconciled with known -facts, and deserves no credit. - - -THE GUILFORD CAMPAIGN.—Lee's description of the overthrow of Pyle -and his companions has been generally followed by historians. It is -not entirely satisfactory (_Memoirs_, i. 306).[1160] Lee says that -the action was begun by the Tories, and that he acted merely on the -defensive. General Joseph Graham, who was on the field as a captain of -militia, asserts the contrary.[1161] - -[Illustration: GUILDFORD, MARCH 15, 1781. - -Sketched from Faden's map (March 1, 1787), which is the same as the -map in Tarleton (p. 108), with the same date, and in Stedman, ii. -342, with slight changes, dated Jan. 20, 1794. It is followed in the -maps in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (1881), p. 44; in R. E. Lee's _Lee's -Memoir_, etc., p. 276; in Caruthers' _Incidents_ (Philadelphia, 1808), -p. 108; in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 608. There are among the Faden -maps (nos. 52, 53) in the library of Congress two MS. drafts of the -battle,—one showing the changes in the position of the forces. Johnson -(_Greene_, ii. 5) gives five different stages of the fight, and G. W. -Greene (iii. 176) copies them. His lines vary from the descriptions of -Cornwallis. Cf. Carrington's _Battles_, p. 565; Hamilton's _Grenadier -Guards_ (ii. 245); _Harper's Monthly_, xv. 162, etc.—ED.] - -As to the other operations leading up to the final action at Guilford -Court-House, and as to that combat itself, the reports and other -letters of the opposing commanders, Greene[1162] and Cornwallis,[1163] -are all that can he desired. - -The narratives of Lee (_Memoirs_, i. 338-376) and Tarleton -(_Campaigns_, 269) are interesting, though neither saw much of the -battle,—Tarleton being in reserve, and Lee's attention being fully -occupied by the regiment of Bose. Wounds received at the Cowpens -unfortunately prevented Mackenzie from speaking with authority of -Tarleton's account of this battle.[1164] - -The best account by a later writer is that in Caruthers (_Incidents_, -2d series, pp. 103-180); but, like all North Carolinians, he endeavors -to excuse the early flight of the militia of that State, and his -narrative is too largely founded on tradition.[1165] - - -HOBKIRK'S HILL.—The official reports serve us first: Greene's, full -and precise,[1166] on the American side; and on the British, Rawdon's -and those of the intermediate officers, till the accounts reached -Germain.[1167] - -Col. O. H. Williams also wrote an interesting account of the fight in -a letter to "Elie" (his wife), dated Camp before Camden, April 27, -1781 (Potter's _American Monthly_, iv. 101, and Tiffany's _Williams_, -p. 19). Still another of Greene's officers—Major William Pierce—in -a letter (August 20) devoted considerable space to this indecisive -engagement (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, vii. 431-435). A somewhat different -description by a looker-on was written many years afterwards by Samuel -Matthis, an inhabitant of the district. It is entitled: _Account of the -battle of Hobkirk's Hill as some call it, or Battle of Camden as called -by others, tho' the ground on which it was fought is now (1810) called -the Big Sand Hill above Camden_ (_American Historical Record_, ii. 103). - -[Illustration: From the _Political Magazine_ (vol. ii p. 117). - -There is a chart of Cape Fear River, 1776, in the _No. Amer. Pilot_, -no. 28.—ED.] - -Whether Greene was or was not surprised is the only point about which -there has been much dispute in recent years. Johnson (_Greene_, ii. -72) has effectually disposed of this question in Greene's favor; but -it must be admitted that he was "very suddenly attacked", to use the -words of Lee, who was not present at the battle, and who seems to have -forgotten the exact relation of events of this campaign. The account of -this affair in the lives of Greene by Johnson and Greene (iii. 241), -as well as that in Marshall's _Washington_ (iv. 510), is based upon -an unpublished narrative by Colonel Davie, which is among the "Greene -MSS."[1168] - -[Illustration: HOBKIRK'S HILL. (_Sometimes called the Second Battle of -Camden._) - -_Sketch of the battle of Hobkirk's Hill, near Camden, on the 25th -April, 1781, drawn by C. Vallancey, Capt. of the Vols. of Ireland._ -[The cross-swords show] _where the enemy's piquets were attacked_. -_Faden_, Aug. 1, 1783. It is the same plate, with slight changes, -used in Stedman (ii. 358), where it is dated Feb. 6, 1794. It is -reëngraved in R. E. Lee's ed. of Henry Lee's _Memoirs of the War_, p. -336. Johnson's plan (_Greene_, ii. 76) is reproduced in G. W. Greene's -_Greene_, iii. 241. Carrington (p. 576) gives an eclectic plan, and -there is a small plan in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 679.—ED.] - - -THE CAPTURE OF THE POSTS.—For the account of the capture of Fort -Watson, Marion's report (April 23) to Greene has been the main reliance -(Simms, _Marion_, p. 231; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 548; _Remembrancer_, xii. -127, etc.). Lee's narrative of this period (_Memoirs_, ii. 50) is -detailed, but it was written too long after the war to be accurate. -This is unfortunate, as we have no other account of the taking of Fort -Motte (_Memoirs_, ii. 73) by an on-looker, unless we accept the letter -sent by Greene to Congress as an original source. It is not known -when Greene arrived at Fort Motte, which was at some time before the -surrender.[1169] - -At this time Marion became discouraged, and wrote to Greene that he -contemplated retiring. These letters are in Gibbes, p. 67-69. Rawdon -presented a report covering this period.[1170] - -The siege of Augusta was much better chronicled, as with it McCall -(Georgia, ii. 321) again becomes useful.[1171] Another description, -though from what source is not stated, is in Johnson's _Traditions_, -354. Lee's account is in his _Memoirs_, ii. 81-95 and 100-118. The -first part refers more especially to the capture of Fort Granby and -of Fort Galphin, an outpost of Augusta. The official correspondence -between Lee and Pickens on one side and Brown on the other has been -printed over and over again.[1172] - - -SIEGE OF NINETY-SIX.—Cruger[1173] presented no formal report of his -defence—so far as I know; but there is a good account of the siege in -Mackenzie's _Strictures_, pp. 139-164, written by Lieutenant Hatton, -of the New Jersey Loyalist Volunteers: cf. p. 129. Mackenzie himself -is very severe on Tarleton's account (_Campaigns_, 495). Greene's -very meagre report is dated Little River, June 20, 1781 (Caldwell's -_Greene_; _Pol. Mag._, Tarleton, 498, etc.).[1174] - -Rawdon's report of his successful attempt to relieve the garrison is in -_Remembrancer_, xv. 9.[1175] - -Neither Greene nor Lee (_Memoirs_, ii. 119) intimate that the stockaded -fort was abandoned before Lee's assault, though the English authorities -assert it. Nor does Greene allude to the gallant sally of the defenders -of the "Star", which compelled the assailants to retire from the -ditch, with great loss to themselves.[1176] - -EUTAWS.—I should place first Greene's official report, though it is -not as full as could be desired.[1177] - -Williams has left two accounts: the first is a letter, dated Fort -Motte, Sept., 1781 (Tiffany's _Williams_, p. 22). The important paper, -however, is entitled: _Account furnished by Colonel Otho Williams, with -additions by Cols. W. Hampton, Polk, Howard, and Watt_ (when written -is not stated), in Gibbes (pp. 144-157). It is a long and detailed -description of the battle by men who actually took part, but as it may -have been written long after the event, too much reliance should not be -placed upon it. Still another description of the campaign, though not -of the battle, is contained in two letters from Major William Pierce to -St. George Tucker (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, vii. 435). Lieutenant-Colonel -Stuart presented a report to Cornwallis, which has been widely -reprinted.[1178] - -It differs from the American accounts in many particulars, especially -as to the disorganization of his own troops, which very likely has -been described in too glowing colors by American writers. Lee was -present at the battle, but his description (_Memoirs_, ii. 276-301) of -the contest is sometimes hard to reconcile with the accounts of his -fellow-soldiers. Greene, according to Williams, was hardly satisfied -with the conduct of that partisan leader, and Lee soon after retired -from the army, ostensibly for other reasons. Neither Johnson (_Greene_, -ii. 219) nor G. W. Greene (_Greene_, iii. 384) have added much to our -knowledge of this action, and the same may be said of the other writers -on the war.[1179] - - -GREENE'S LATER CAMPAIGNS.—There are many letters of this period in -the third volume of Sparks's _Correspondence of the Revolution_, and -in Gibbes's _Documentary History_ (1781-1782). Many of those in the -latter are of merely local interest, a large number of them relating -more especially to a quarrel between Horry and Mahem, Marion's -two subordinates. Lee, too, after his return from Yorktown became -discontented, and many letters which passed between him and his -commander are printed by Gibbes. Much of Lee's uneasiness was doubtless -due to the prominence which Greene awarded to Laurens. Leslie's letter -proposing a cessation of hostilities was enclosed by Greene in a letter -to the President of Congress (_Remembrancer_, xiv. 324). A truce not -being acceded to, he demanded provisions (_Remembrancer_, xv. 28). This -too being refused, he endeavored to seize them. One of the expeditions -resulted in the death of Laurens.[1180] Gist made a report of this -action, and there is a note from Greene to Washington.[1181] Benjamin -Thomson,—afterwards Count Rumford,—at this time lieutenant-colonel -in a regiment stationed near Charleston, wrote many letters in Jan., -1782, which have been printed by the Royal Commission on Hist. MSS. in -their _Ninth Report_, Appendix, iii. p. 118.[1182] - -An account of the march of the reinforcements sent south under St. -Clair is in _Harmer's Journal_, while the "Journal" of Major Denny in -_Penna. Hist. Soc. Memoirs_, vii. pp. 249 _et seq._, contains much of -interest relating to the operations around Charleston.[1183] Mention -should also be made of a series of letters from Major Pierce to St. -George Tucker, bearing on this period, in _Mag. Am. Hist._ (1881), -pp. 431-445, while there is an original account by Seymour in _Penna. -Mag._, vii. 377. A British narrative of the same operations is in -_Political Mag._, iv. 36-44.[1184] - -There are several descriptions of the triumphant entry of the -Americans into Charleston on the 14th of December, 1782; that by Horry -in _Charleston Year Book_ (1883) is perhaps the best.[1185] Of the -contemporary historians, Gordon (vol. iv. 173-177, 298-305) has given -the best account of this time.[1186] In the library of the Mass. Hist. -Soc. there is a manuscript giving details of the emigration at the -evacuations of Savannah and Charleston.[1187] It appears from this -that no less than 13,271 of the former inhabitants of those States, -including 8,676 blacks, left with the British army when it finally -retired from the South. - - -THE BRITISH IN VIRGINIA, 1779 AND 1780.—Besides the documents -mentioned in the _Virginia Calendar of State Papers_, there are -full and detailed accounts by Mathews and Collier of their doings -at Portsmouth and Suffolk.[1188] There is some account also of the -naval portion of this expedition in Town's _Detail of Some Particular -Services performed in America, compiled from journals ... kept aboard -the Ship Rainbow_, New York, 1835, pp. 77-88.[1189] - -Clinton's instructions to Leslie are in _Clinton's Observations on -Cornwallis_, App., pp. 25, 27. There is little else bearing on this -movement except a few letters from Steuben in _Historical Mag._, iv. -301, and _Corres. of the Rev._, iii. 203.[1190] - - -ARNOLD AND PHILLIPS IN VIRGINIA, 1781.—With regard to the first part -of Arnold's raid into Virginia, we have several letters from him to -Clinton.[1191] On the American side there are many interesting letters -in the _Maryland Papers_ (134-144), and in Muhlenberg's _Muhlenberg_, -404, etc. See also _Ibid._ 216-253, for a description of Gen. -Muhlenberg's share in resisting these incursions. Steuben, as Greene's -lieutenant, had the chief command in Virginia at the time, and Kapp in -his _Steuben_ (Amer. ed., p. 371 _et seq._) has not failed to give him -full credit for his courageous endeavors.[1192] - - * * * * * - -LAFAYETTE AND CORNWALLIS IN VIRGINIA.—Lafayette, during his campaign -against Phillips, and afterwards against Cornwallis, was considered as -under the command of Greene. He reported to Greene, and his reports may -be found in the _Remembrancer_, (vol. xii.).[1193] He also kept up an -incessant correspondence with Washington, and Sparks's _Corres. of the -Rev._[1194] should therefore be compared with the papers in Lafayette's -_Memoirs_.[1195] A few reports and letters from Cornwallis at this time -will be found in his _Correspondence_ (i. 105 _et seq._). Tarleton -(_Campaigns_, 279) gives a good account of the march from Guilford -to Wilmington and thence to Petersburg, from his point of view. Gen. -Graham was at that time a captain in the 76th regiment, which, with -the 80th, bore the brunt of the action at the crossing of the James. -The account of the affair in his _Memoirs_ (pp. 53-55) is one of the -best we have. Simcoe, in his _Journal_ (ed. 1787, pp. 146-177; Am. ed., -pp. 209-250), has given a detailed description of the campaign. He has -exaggerated his own services, but has atoned, in part, for this by -giving a set of good plans of the rencounters which he tried to dignify -into battles.[1196] Giradin (_Continuation of Burk_, iv. 490) has given -the Jeffersonian version of the period.[1197] - -This gallant struggle of Lafayette against great odds was very -creditable to him and to his soldiers; but it had little or no -influence on the final result. Nevertheless, it has attracted the -attention of recent writers, and has brought out two good articles: one -from the pen of Carrington (_Mag. Am. Hist._, vi. 340, with map), the -other from a less known writer, Mr. Coleman (_Ibid._ vii. 201).[1198] - - * * * * * - -THE YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN.—Clinton and Cornwallis, in their pamphlets on -the conduct of the campaign, printed most of the important documents -which passed between them and their superiors and subordinates. Others -will be found in the documents printed by order of the Lords, and still -others in the biographies of the different commanders. I shall point -out only the most important. In a letter (Wilmington, April 18, 1781) -Cornwallis explained the reasons for the Guilford campaign, gave an -account of his later movements, and advocated a march into Virginia. On -the 24th he wrote to Phillips that his situation at Wilmington was very -distressing (_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 155, etc.). On the preceding day he had -announced his determination to Germain to go north (_Parl. Reg._, xxv. -145; extracts in numerous places, among others in Tarleton, 325). But -more valuable than these are two letters to Clinton written April 24th -(_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 156; extracts in Cornwallis's _Correspondence_, i. -94; Cornwallis's _Answer_, p. 55; and in many other places). Clinton -disapproved this movement from the outset. (Cf. letter, May 29th, in -Clinton's _Observations on Cornwallis_, App. p. 99.) Cornwallis tried -to justify his conduct in a letter dated Portsmouth, July 24th (_Parl. -Reg._, xxv. 207, etc.). On the other hand, Germain was "well pleased to -find Cornwallis's opinion entirely coincided" with his (_Parl. Reg._, -xxv. 135). Cornwallis therefore went north without any misgivings.[1199] - -[Illustration: DE GRASSE'S VICTORY. - -A contemporary type-sketch from the _London Magazine_. The _Political -Mag._, 1784, p. 20, has a folding plan. The most detailed plan is in -Stedman (ii. ch. 44), _The position of the English and French fleets -immediately previous to the Action on the 5th of Sept., 1781_, which -is reproduced in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1881, p. 367. For -the operations in and about the bay, see Carrington's plan in his -_Battles_, p. 596. Contemporary charts of the bay are in the _No. Amer. -Pilot_, nos. 26 and 27; the _Neptune Americo-Septentrional_, no. 20; -and Des Barres's _Atlantic Neptune_. Graves's despatch on his failure, -dated at sea, Sept. 14, is in the _Political Mag._, ii. 605, with -other accounts (p. 620); with further explanations from Clinton and -Graves (p. 668). Cf. _Ibid._ iii. 153. John G. Shea edited in 1864 two -contemporary journals as _Operations of the French Fleet_, etc., with a -plan. One of these journals was printed at Amsterdam in 1783 (_Murphy -Catal._, no. 1,386). Cf. Stedman, ii. ch. 44; Chevalier's _Hist. de -la marine française_ (Paris, 1877), ch. vii.; Léon Chotteau's _Les -Français en Amérique_, p. 248; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 476.—ED.] - -On June 11th Clinton ordered Cornwallis to seek some defensive position -(_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 160). Four days later he wrote that he should need -some of Cornwallis's troops (_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 175, and Cornwallis's -_Answer_, App. p. 112). This request he repeated on the 19th, and again -on the 26th (_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 177, and _Germain Corresp._, 187). In -this last he announced his purpose of marching on Philadelphia. On the -30th Cornwallis wrote one or two letters questioning the utility of the -defensive post he was ordered to occupy (_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 169, and -at greater length in Cornwallis's _Answer_, App. p. 118). In another -letter, dated July 8th, he again questioned the utility of a defensive -post. Clinton on his part, in two letters of July 8th and 11th, -censured the Virginia commander for repassing the James, and ordered -him to occupy Old Point Comfort (_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 171). Again, in -another letter of the same date as the second of these, he reiterates -his order to fortify a station in the Chesapeake for the protection of -large ships. Admiral Graves also wrote to Cornwallis, urging him to -seize and fortify Old Point Comfort (Cornwallis's _Answer_, App. p. -180). A board of officers was now sent to report on the practicability -of holding Old Point Comfort as a station for line-of-battle ships. -They reported (_Parl. Reg._, xxv. 182) that the proposed site was not -suitable, and this decision Cornwallis communicated to Graves (Aug. -26th, in the App. to his _Answer_). He also wrote to Clinton on the -next day somewhat bitterly in regard to his criticisms and orders -(_Corn. Corresp._, i. 107). Thinking that his orders required him -to fortify Yorktown, he repaired thither, though writing to O'Hara -that the position was a bad one on account of the heat, etc. (_Corn. -Corresp._, i. III.). Clinton also wrote three letters at about this -time, which Cornwallis did not receive until after his surrender. The -first and important one is in _Parl. Reg._, xxv. 182, while all three -are in the Appendix to Cornwallis's _Answer_, pp. 237, 251, 257. Such -are the most important documents bearing on the responsibility[1200] -for the disaster at Yorktown. - -Cornwallis's official report to Clinton (Yorktown, Oct. 20, 1781) -was forwarded by Clinton to Germain on Nov. 15, 1781.[1201] The two -commanders kept up a constant correspondence during the siege, and from -their letters the details may be gathered. These are all printed in the -Appendix to the _Parliamentary Register_ and in numerous other places. - -As soon as it was known at New York that Cornwallis was besieged by -such superior numbers, every effort was made to relieve him.[1202] The -fleet had been so badly cut up during the recent encounter with De -Grasse that Graves refused to venture again to sea before extensive -repairs had been completed. Consequently, when the relieving fleet -arrived off the capes of the Chesapeake the capitulation of Yorktown -had been signed. The letters and reports relating to this abortive -endeavor will be found in the _Parl. Reg._, xxv. pp. 190-200. There -seems to be no reason to blame Clinton or Graves for this delay.[1203] - -The correspondence between the opposing commanders as to the surrender -has been often printed, as have the articles.[1204] As late as Oct. -19th Clinton wrote to some one in England giving an account of the -operations leading to the siege.[1205] On Oct. 29th Clinton wrote to -Germain the first official news concerning the surrender. This letter -(_London Gazette_, Nov. 24-27, 1781, and _Remembrancer_, xiii. 33) is -marked as received on Nov. 27th; but Wraxall, in a well-known passage, -says that the first official news of the surrender was received on the -25th.[1206] - -The _Ninth Rep. of the Hist. MSS. Commission_ (App. iii. pp. 112-114) -contains four letters from "G. Damer" to Lord George Germain, relating -to the Virginia campaigns from Phillips's expedition to the end. -These letters are of exceeding value and interest. They bear out the -assertion so often made in the preceding narrative as to the great want -of harmony which prevailed in the higher ranks of the British forces in -this country. - -Washington's official report[1207] announcing the surrender -(_Remembrancer_, xiii. 60, and innumerable other places) is of far less -importance than his order-book and his journal (May to Nov., 1781), -which last is in the State Department at Washington (T. F. Dwight in -_Mag. Am. Hist._, vi. 81). The portion on this campaign is in _Ibid._ -(vol. vi. pp. 108-125; vii. 122-133). - -[Illustration: YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN. - -From the _Political Mag._, ii. 624, being the westerly half of the map -there given, originally published in London, Nov. 30, 1781, by J. Bew. -Faden published in 1781 _A Plan of the Entrance of Chesapeake Bay, with -James and York Rivers, by an officer_, which shows the condition in the -beginning of October.—ED.] - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF YORKTOWN, 1781. (_Ramsay._) - -NOTE ON THE MAPS OF THE YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN.—There is among the -Rochambeau maps the original sketch, done with a pen and a wash, 40×12 -inches, showing the different encampments of the French army between -Boston and Yorktown, which is etched in Soulés' _Histoire des Troubles -de l'Amérique Anglaise_, and reproduced in Balch's _Les Français en -Amérique_, and in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, v. p. 1, and vii. pp. 8, 12, -17. - -_The route of the allies from Chatham to Head of Elk, by Lieutenant -Hills_, a British map, is in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, v. 16. Cf., for -a general view, _Harper's Mag._, lxiii. p. 328. The best account of -this march and the return to Boston is by J. A. Stevens in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, iii. 393; iv. 1; v. 1; vii. 1. - -The earliest American map of the siege is one by Sebastian Bauman, an -officer of German extraction attached to Lamb's artillery, whose draft -was engraved in Philadelphia in 1782. There are copies in the N. Y. and -Penna. Hist. Societies, and, reduced one half, it is given in the _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._ (vol. vi. 57), and it is also in Johnston's _Yorktown_, -p. 198. There is among the Rochambeau maps in the library of Congress -(no. 63) a _Plan of the investment of York and Gloucester by Sebastian -Bauman_; the French in yellow, the Americans in blue, and the English -in red. - -The earliest American maps issued to accompany narratives were Ramsay's -in his _Rev. in So. Carolina_, ii. 545 (reproduced herewith, and -followed in _Harper's Mag._, lxiii. 333, and Lowell's _Hessians_, -278); Gordon's, in his vol. iv. 196, also follows Bauman; Marshall's, -in his _Atlas_ to his _Washington_ (reproduced herewith). Later -published are the maps in Sparks's _Washington_, viii. 186; in Atlas -to Guizot's _Washington_; in Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., iv. -356; E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, 424; Carrington's _Battles_, -646; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 518; Ridpath's _United States_; J. A. -Stevens's _Yorktown Centennial Handbook_; Johnston's _Yorktown_ (pp. -133, 144). - -The leading British map of the siege is _A Plan of Yorktown and -Gloucester ... from an actual survey in the possession of Jno. Hills, -late lieut. in the 23d Regiment_ (Faden, London, Oct. 7, 1785). There -is another dated March 1, 1787, and, though a different plate, it -corresponds nearly to the one in Stedman, ii. 412, which is reproduced -in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vi. p. 8; Tarleton's _Campaigns_, ch. -vii.; R. E. Lee's ed. of Henry Lee's _Memoirs_, etc., p. 300; Hamilton, -_Repub. of the U. S._, ii. 263. Other early English maps are: _A Plan -of the Posts of York and Gloucester in the Province of Virginia, -established by his Majesty's Army, etc., which terminated in the -Surrender ... on the 17th Oct., 1781. Surveyed by Capt. Fage of the -Royal Artillery_, which contains a small plan showing the position of -the army between the ravines. What appears to be an original map is the -_Plan of York Town shewing the Batteries and Approaches of the French -and Americans, 1781_, on p. 61 of the _Memoir of General Graham_. A -large map in colors is: _Plan of York Town in Virginia and adjacent -country exhibiting the operations of the American, French, and English -armies during the siege of that place in Oct. 1781_, by J. F. Renault. -Leake's _Lamb_, p. 278, contains a fair map, with contours shown, -although incorrectly. - -There are MS. maps of the siege in the British Museum. Other MS. maps -of Yorktown and the neighboring waters, including the drawn plan made -for Faden's engraved map, are among the Faden maps (nos. 90, 91, 92) in -the library of Congress. - -There are among the Rochambeau maps in the library of Congress -several illustrating the siege of Yorktown and attendant movements in -Virginia:— - -No. 50, _Carte des environs d'Hampton_, 1781, measuring 36 x 24 inches, -and colored faintly. - -No. 52, a pen-and-ink _Plan de Portsmouth, Va._, 15 x 12 inches. - -No. 53, _Plan des ouvrages de Portsmouth en Virginie_, colored, 15 x 12 -inches. - -No. 54, _Carte detaillé de West Point sur la rivière de York au -confluent des rivières de Pamunky et Matapony_, a colored sketch. - -No. 55, a pen-and-ink sketch, _Batteries de West Point de la rivière -York_, 15 x 12 inches. - -No. 56, a pen-and-ink sketch, _Plan des environs de Williamsburg, York, -Hampton and Portsmouth_, measuring 12 x 12 inches. - -No. 57, a colored plan, 3 x 4 inches, showing the French army in camp, -Sept., 1781, called _Carte des environs de Williamsburg en Virginie_. - -No. 58, _Plan d'York en Virginie, avec les attaques faits par les -armées français et Américain en Oct. 1781_, a colored sketch. - -No. 59, _Siége d'York, 1781_, a colored plan, 23 x 24 inches. - -No. 60, _Plan des ouvrages faits à Yorktown en Virginie_, a tracing, 24 -x 20 inches. - -No. 61, a sketch in ink and water-colors, with an elaborate key, _Notes -sur les environs de York_, 24 x 12 inches. - -Balch refers to a MS. map by Soulés, preserved in the Archives de la -Guerre at Paris, and another attached to the MS. _Journal de mon séjour -en Amérique_, which he attributes to Cromot-Dubourg. Soulés' map, -_Plan d'York en Virginie avec les attaques et les campemens de l'Armée -combiné de France et d'Amérique_, is given in his _Troubles_, etc., -vol. iv., reduced in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (June, 1880). - -Another published French map is a _Plan de l'armée de Cornwallis, -attaquée et faitte prisoniere dans Yorktown, le 19 8^{bre} par l'armée -combinée Française et Américaine. Dessiné sur les lieux par les -Ingenieurs de l'armée à Paris. Chez Le Rouge, X^{bre}, 1781._ Another -good French map has no clew to its authorship except the words "M. -fecit." It is entitled _Plan de l'Attaque des villes de Yorck et -Gloucester dans lesquelles etoit fortifié le Général Cornwallis fait -prisonnier le 19 Octobre, 1781_ (a copy in Harvard College library). -Two anonymous French maps are: _Plan d'York en Virginia avec les -attaques et les Campemens de l'armée de France et de l'Amérique_ -(fac-simile in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1880, p. 440), and _Carte de -la partie de la Virginie ... avec le plan de l'Attaque d'Yorktown -et de Gloucester_. There is also a Paris map of Virginia, published -by Esnauts and Rapilly, giving the _Baie de Chesapeake avec plan de -l'attaque_. - -There is a German map by Sotzman. - -All these maps were based on more or less imperfect surveys. A map -giving correct topography, _Yorktown, Virginia, and the Ground -Occupied in the Siege of 1781; a topographical survey by direction -of Brev.-Maj.-Gen. G. W. Getty, U. S. A., commanding Artillery -School, Fort Monroe, 1880_, was drawn by Lieut. Caziare. A reduced -fac-simile is given in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (vii. 408,—described, -p. 339). Caziare also drew the plan, embodying the lines of Faden and -Renault, which is given in Patton's _Yorktown_, p. 34, and _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, vii. 288. A section of another and earlier government -survey, by Major Kearney, showing the roads as they were in 1818, is -in Johnston's _Yorktown_, p. 103. Cf. his list of maps in _Ibid._, p. -198.—ED.] - -[Illustration: YORKTOWN, 1781. (Marshall's _Washington_.)] - -Portions of his orderly-books, extending, with breaks, from June 19, -1781, to April 30, 1782, were printed in the _Amer. Hist. Record_ -(iii.; on the siege itself, pp. 403, 457-462). The orderly-books were -reprinted at Philadelphia in 1865,[1208] while two orders of Sept. -15th and 25th, not included, are in the _Penna. Hist. Mag._ (1881), -and in Johnston's _Yorktown_, 199. Many other important journals and -orderly-books on the American side are preserved.[1209] - -On the French side we have several contemporary accounts. First of -all I should place an anonymous journal which has been attributed to -Rochambeau.[1210] The _Diary of a French Officer, 1781_ (March 26 -to Nov. 18, 1781), presumed to be the work of Baron Cromot-Dubourg, -an aide to Rochambeau, was brought to light by Mr. Balch (_Mag. -Am. Hist._, vii. 295), and is printed in _Ibid._ iv. 205, from an -unpublished MS. then in the possession of Mr. C. Fiske Harris,[1211] -of Providence, R. I.[1212] In some respects this is the most valuable -paper of this class that we have. Still another important diary is the -_Journal of Claude Blanchard, Commissary of the French Auxiliary Army -sent to the United States during the American Revolution, 1780-1783. -Translated from the French MS. by William Duane, and edited by Thomas -Balch_ (Albany, 1876, pp. 92-184 especially including the march back to -Boston).[1213] - -In 1879 Mr. J. A. Stevens printed in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ a series -of letters from Count Fersen to his father, occasionally inclosing -a bit of journal, a great deal of which relates to the operations -before and after Yorktown, and it is in all respects a very valuable -contribution. The greater part of Deux-Pont's _Campaigns_[1214] relates -to this period, while the _Journal of an Officer_ (pp. 148-164) and -portions of the diaries kept by the naval officers refer to the same -campaign. - -The French accounts of the assaults on the redoubts are in the above. -Hamilton's report to Lafayette is in _Remembrancer_, xiii. 61, while -Lafayette's report to Washington is in _Corresp. of the Rev._, iii. -425.[1215] - -There are good accounts of this campaign in the standard books.[1216] -Of the more recent works, Henry P. Johnston's _Yorktown_[1217] stands -first, though it was written with an evident bias. J. H. Patton[1218] -also produced a small volume. Giradin's _Continuation of Burk_ (iv. -519) contains a one-sided description; and the lives of any of the -Revolutionary worthies[1219] devote a considerable space to the -campaign. Among these is the _Life of Muhlenberg_ by his son (268-276), -in which an unfounded claim is advanced for the sire that he commanded -the storming party led by Hamilton. The more popular books also have -detailed accounts,[1220] while the subject has been repeatedly treated -by orators, notably by Robert C. Winthrop.[1221] - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES ON EVENTS IN THE NORTH, 1779-1781. - -WHILE the events followed in the preceding chapter were all tending, -both by Washington's victory and Greene's defeats, to a discouragement -of the English necessary to induce the British government to desire -a peace, the succession of events in the North had hardly any -interdependence, and of themselves conduced but little to the same end. -The campaigns of Sullivan in 1778 and 1779, the dismal failure of the -Massachusetts expedition to Penobscot in 1779, and the plot of Arnold, -are considered in other chapters. A brief commentary upon the other -transactions of this period here follows. The spring of 1779 was not -an encouraging one for the cause. Washington had kept his main army -during the winter at Middlebrook (Irving, iii.; Greene's _Greene_, ii. -160), and he was now resolved on a defensive campaign (Bancroft, x. -ch. 9). He gave his views to Congress (Sparks, vi. 158); but that body -inspired little confidence. It did something to increase the efficiency -of the army in creating an inspector-general (_Journals_, iii. 202); -but its internal bickerings were sadly discouraging (Greene's _Hist. -View_; Bancroft, x. 208; Greene's _Greene_, ii. 170, 175; John -Adams's _Works_, i. 292). The legislators were powerless to regulate -prices as they wished, and riots were in progress at their very doors -(Reed's _Reed_, ii. ch. 6). They sent _A circular letter_ to their -constituents, and urged enlistments in an address (May 26th; Niles's -_Principles_, etc., 1876, p. 405); while Gouverneur Morris prepared for -them some _Observations on the American Revolution, published according -to a Resolution of Congress, by their Committee for the Consideration -of those who are desirous of comparing the Conduct of the Opposed -Parties, and the several Consequences which have flowed from it_ -(Phila., 1779). (Cf. Sparks's _Gouv. Morris_, and the letter of Thomas -Paine, _Hist. Mag._, i. 20.) - -[Illustration: HESSIAN MAP OF THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS.] - -The British in New York were as inactive as Washington was. We get -pictures of the life of the fortified town in the _Memoirs_ of the -Baroness Riedesel; Duncan's _Royal Artillery_, ii. ch. 28; Montresor's -account in _N. Y. City Manual_, 1870, p. 884,—also see that for 1863; -Gen. Pattison's letters in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875; _Memoirs of -General Samuel Graham_. - -Heath was commanding east of the Hudson (_Memoirs_), and Gen. McDougall -at West Point, which had been fortified the previous year (Sparks, v. -224, 282, 311; Ruttenber, _Obstructions_, 115; Lossing, _Field-Book_, -ii. 132; Journal of Capt. Page in _Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, iv., -v.) There is among the _Moses Greenleaf MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.) an -orderly-book beginning at West Point, Jan. 1, 1779, and ending at -Morristown, Dec. 12, 1779. - -[Illustration: STONY POINT.] - -There is annexed a sketch from the Hessian _Plan des opérations dans -l'Amérique septentrionale depuis 12 Aoûst, 1776, jusqu'à 1779_. The -broken lines mark the roads. Cf. _The Country west of the Hudson, -occupied by the American army under Washington, from a MS. map drawn -for Lord Stirling in 1779_, given in Evans's _Memoir of Kosciuszko_ -(1883), etc. - -Early in July (2d) there was an affair between Tarleton and Col. -Sheldon at Poundridge in Westchester (Tarleton's _Memoirs_; _Mag. -Amer. Hist._, iii. 685). Washington, as the season advanced, kept to -the Highlands, and an attempt to draw him down was made by Clinton -in dispatching Tryon with a marauding force to invade Connecticut by -water. Tryon's instructions, July 2d, are in Charles H. Townshend's -_British Invasion of New Haven and Connecticut, with some account of -the burning of Fairfield and Norwalk_. They did not contemplate the -destruction of houses; and Johnston, in his _Observations on Judge -Jones_ (p. 59), controverts that Tory chronicler who charged such -intent upon Clinton. Cf. Hinman, _Hist. Coll. of Conn._, 607; Stuart's -_Jona. Trumbull_, ch. 37; Chauncey Goodrich in _New Haven Hist. Soc. -Coll._, ii. 27; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 180; Ithiel Town's _Particular -Services_, etc., p. 90; Gen. Parsons's letters in Hildreth's _Pioneer -Settlers of Ohio_, 537; Dawson, i. 507; _Hist. Mag._, ii. 88; Lossing, -i. 424; Sparks, _Corresp. of Rev._ i. 315; Leonard Bacon's oration on -the Centennial; and addresses of E. E. Rankin and Samuel Osgood in -the _Centennial Commemoration of the burning of Fairfield_ (New York, -1879). Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, iii. 103; _Diplom. Corresp._, ii. -253; iii. 99. - -There is an address of Admiral Collier and Gen. Tryon, July 4th, to the -inhabitants of Connecticut. Tryon subsequently published an _Address -of Maj.-Gen. Tryon, written in consequence of his late expedition into -Connecticut_ (Sabin, xiii. 53, 495). Trumbull feared another invasion -in the autumn (_Hist. Mag._ ii. 10). - -[Illustration: VERPLANCK'S POINT.] - -The posts at Stony Point and Verplanck's had been begun as outposts -of West Point, and to protect King's Ferry, the crossing below the -Highlands. Before the works were finished the British had captured -them, in June (Sparks's _Washington_, vi. 292). Washington planned -a surprise of the British garrison, and the two annexed sketches, -furnished to him by Gen. Heath, seem to have been prepared in -anticipation of the movement. - -The first, "Stoney Point", is from a pen-and-ink sketch, indorsed -"From Genl. Heath, letter 3d July, 1779", which is among the Sparks -maps in Cornell University library, and carries the following KEY: -1, the capital work on the highest part of the point, commanding the -out-flêches, which is conformed to the broken eminence it is built on; -2, 3, 4, 5, flêches built on so many little eminences, each with one -embrasure; but in the principal work (1) the number of embrasures is -uncertain, being covered by the works and the declivity of the hill. -Two rows of abatis (× × ×) cross the point from water to water. The -other plan, marked "Verplanck's Point", is sketched from a pen-and-ink -drawing in the same collection, also indorsed "From Gen^l. Heath, -letter 3d July, 1779", and bears this KEY: 1, Fort de la Fayette, with -block-house and barbette battery; 2, board huts in form of tents; 3, -American barbette; 4, British tents, about one regiment; 5, 6, two new -flêches by the Britons; 7, block-house on a stony hill, with a redoubt. -The abatis is marked × × ×. - -[Illustration: FADEN'S STONY POINT, 1779.] - -The lead of the movement was entrusted to Wayne. His instructions, -in Washington's handwriting, are given in Dawson, in fac-simile (p. -18). His orders are dated July 15 (Niles, _Principles_, 1876, p. -495; _Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, v. 7). Wayne's first report of his -successful attack to Washington is given in fac-simile in Armstrong's -_Wayne_, Dawson, and Lossing (ii. 179); and his longer account of the -next day is in Sparks's _Washington_, vi. 537; and in _Ibid._ vi. 298, -is Washington's report to Congress. H. B. Dawson's _Assault on Stony -Point_ (Morrisania, 1863) is an elaborate monograph. H. P. Johnston -has a special paper in _Harper's Monthly_ lix. 233 (July, 1879), and -J. W. De Peyster another in the _N. Y. Mail_, July 15, 1879, while a -controversy of Johnston and De Peyster is in the _Monmouth Inquirer_. -"Who led the forlorn hope at Stony Point?" is discussed in the -_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 357. Cf. Armstrong's _Wayne_; -Dawson's _Battles_; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 192; _Penna. Archives_, -vii.; Marshall's _Washington_, iv. ch. 2; Irving's _Washington_, iii. -465; Hull's _Rev. Services_, ch. 16; Reed's _Reed_, ii. 110; Kapp's -_Steuben_, ch. 11; Hamilton's _Republic_, i. 443; acc. of Col. Febiger -in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, March, 1881; Duncan's _Royal Artillery_, 3d ed., -ii. 353; Pattison in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 95; and Gen. -Joseph Hawley's _Centennial Address_, July 16, 1879. The British later -reoccupied the post (Sparks's _Corresp. of Rev._, ii. 328). - -The chief map of the attack is a _Plan of the Surprise of Stoney -Point, 15 July, 1779, from surveys of Wm. Simpson, Lt. 17th Regt. and -D. Campbell, Lt. 42d Regt., by John Hills, Lt. 23d Regt., London, -Faden, March 1, 1784_. There is a fac-simile in the _N. Y. Calendar -of Hist. MSS._, p. 347, and in Dawson. It needs the following KEY: -1, Two companies of the 17th regiment. 2, Ditto. 3, Sixty of the -loyal Americans. 4, Two grenadier companies of the 17th regiment. -5, A detachment of the royal artillery. A, Ruins of a block-house -erected and destroyed by the Americans. B, A temporary magazine. -C, One 24 and one 18 pounder, ship guns. D, Ditto. E, One iron -12-pounder. F, One 8-inch-howitzer. G, One brass 12-pounder. H, One -short brass 12-pounder. I, One long brass 12-pounder. Cf. plans in -Hull's _Revolutionary Services_, ch. 16; Sparks's _Washington_, vi. -304; Guizot's _Washington_, Atlas; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 175. -The medals given to Wayne, De Fleury, and Stewart are described in -Loubat. (Cf. Lossing, ii. 180, 181.) A rude view of the capture in -Bickerstaff's (Boston) _Almanac_, 1780, is reproduced in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, xvi. 592. - -A few weeks later (Aug. 19), Major Henry Lee emulated Wayne in a -sudden attack on Paulus Hook (Jersey City). We have reports on both -sides. That of the British, General Pattison's, is in Duncan's _Royal -Artillery_, ii. 355, and his letter to Townshend in _N. Y. Hist. -Coll._, 1875, p. 79. On the American side we have accounts in Sparks's -_Washington_, vi. 317, 326, 332-336, 376; Lowell (_Hessians_, 228) says -that R. E. Lee's statement (in H. Lee's _Memoirs_) that Paulus Hook was -captured by a stratagem is not borne out by Marshall (_Washington_, iv. -87) or by the German accounts (Ewald, ii. 295). Cf. Moore's _Diary_, -ii. 206; Irving's _Washington_, iii. 475; Dawson's _Battles_; Quincy's -_Shaw_, 65; Reed's _Reed_, ii. 125; Duer's _Stirling_, 204; Bancroft, -x. 229; J. W. De Peyster in _N. Y. Mail_, Aug. 18, 1879; and S. A. -Green in _Hist. Mag._, Dec., 1868 (2d ser., iv. 264). George H. Farrier -prepared a _Memorial of the centennial celebration of the battle -of Paulus Hook, Aug. 19th, 1879_ (Jersey City, 1879), which has an -appendix of documents. - -Loubat and Farrier give an account of the medal presented to Lee. - -The annexed sketch, "Paulus Hook", is from a draft of an original -Hessian map in the library at Cassel, furnished by Mr. Edward J. Lowell -(cf. his _Hessians_, p. 228), with the following KEY: A, Covering force -of the attacking Americans. B, Line of attack on the block-houses (1, -2, 3) and fort (C), which mounted seven six-pounders, which were not -used. D, Barracks in which one hundred and ten prisoners were taken. E, -Work occupied by a Hessian captain, one officer and twenty-five men, -possessed at the time the Americans retired, at daybreak. (Cf. plan in -Lossing, ii. 828.) Farrier gives a plan from an original in the library -of Congress. - -The winter of 1779-80 was an exceptionally severe one in the North -(Jones's N. Y., i. 320; Greene's _Greene_, ii. 184; Leake's _Lamb_; -Almon's _Remembrancer_, ix.) After Clinton had gone South to attack -Charleston, Knyphausen was left in command in New York (Eld's journal -in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 73; Eugene Lawrence on life in N. -Y. in Hist. Mag., i. 37; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, vol. ii.). - -[Illustration: OCTOBER 18-19, 1779.] - -Washington was encamped at Morristown, New Jersey. Views of his -headquarters are in Lamb's _Homes of America_; _Appleton's Journal_, -xii. 129; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 309, and his _M. and M. -Washington_, 191. (Cf. _Poole's Index_, p. 873; _Harper's Mag._, xviii. -289; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 89, 118.) Letters of Washington, while -in Morristown, in addition to those given in Sparks, are in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, iii. 496. Orderly-books are in N. Y. Hist. Soc. cabinet and in -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 48. - -The trials and deprivations of the army were so great that Washington -did not dare take advantage of an ice-bridge formed across the Hudson, -for an attack on New York, though the British feared that he might. -There were varying councils on this point in the American camp (Duer's -_Stirling_, ch. viii.). The British apprehension (Feb., 1780) is shown -in Duncan's _Royal Artillery_, ii. 359; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -1875, pp. 147, 152. The difficulties in the American camp are followed -in Irving's _Washington_, iv. ch. 1 and 4; Thacher's _Mil. Journal_; -J. F. Tuttle in _Hist. Mag._, June, 1871, and _Harper's Mag._, Feb., -1859. A lack of money in the paymasters' chests caused dissatisfaction, -which grew into an insurrection. The British, seeking to increase the -trouble, marched into New Jersey, under General Matthews, but they -were driven back, and waited on the coast till Clinton, returning -from Carolina, reinforced them, when they again advanced. Washington, -meanwhile, suspecting an incursion up the Hudson, had gone thither -with a large part of his troops, leaving Greene at Morristown. Greene -met the British and defeated them at Springfield, when they returned -to New York. The progress of these events can be followed. On the -American side, Greene's _Greene_, ii., and his letters in Sparks's -_Washington_, vii. 75, 506; Gordon, iii. 368; Marshall's _Washington_; -Sedgwick's _Livingston_; Bancroft, x. ch. 18; Irving's _Washington_, -iv. 6; Carrington, 502; Lossing, i. 322; in histories of N. Jersey; -Atkinson's _Newark_, 104; Hatfield's _Elizabeth_, ch. 22; _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, iii. 211, 490. On the British side, Moore's _Diary_, ii. 285; -Simcoe's _Queen's Rangers_; in letters in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -1875, p. 458. George Mathew, of the Coldstream Guards, wrote an account -(_Hist. Mag._, i. 103,—App., 1857), and some details are in the -_Court Martial of Col. Cosmo Gordon_ (London, 1783). For maps, John -Hill's, published by Faden, 1784, is the principal one. Cf. Carrington; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 322; and the map of Elizabethport Point -(1775-1783) by E. L. Meyer, published in 1879. - -What is known as the affair of Bull's Ferry (July 21, 1780) was -an unsuccessful attempt by Wayne upon a block-house garrisoned by -Tories. (Cf. _Mag. Amer. Hist._, v. 161; Armstrong's _Wayne_; Sparks's -_Washington_, vii. 116; and his _Corresp. of Rev._, iii. 34, 37; -Sargent's _André_, 234.) André wrote on this misadventure of Wayne the -well-known doggerel verses called _The Cow-Chace_, part of Wayne's -project having been to gather cattle. The verses appeared in three -numbers of _Rivington's Gazette_ (New York, Aug. 16, 30, Sept. 23, -1780; Menzies, $23), and were republished by Rivington separately, -1780 (J. A. Rice's sale, $265), and also in Philadelphia, 1780. The -book was reprinted at London with notes in 1781; at New York in 1789 -(Morrell's _Catal._, $36); at London in 1799, with Dunlap's tragedy of -_André_ (Menzies, 61, $23); at Albany in 1866, edited by F. B. Hough; -at Cincinnati in 1869. André seems to have made several copies of the -MS. Sargent prints it from one of these. Another belonged to Dr. W. B. -Sprague, and Lossing printed from this (_Field-Book_, ii. 878; _Two -Spies_, 68). It will also be found in Moore's _Songs and Ballads_, 299; -J. A. Spencer's _United States_, vol. ii. etc. - -The summer was barren of military interest. Steuben was trying to -reorganize the army (Kapp's _Steuben_, ch. 12-15). The low condition of -the army is shown in Washington's letters (Sparks, vii. 156; _Corresp. -of Rev._, iii. 15; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1879). Washington issued -a circular letter on the army's distress (_New Hampshire State -Papers_, viii. 870; cf. _Journals of Congress_, iii. 469). The British -intercepted some mournful letters, and printed them (_Political Mag._, -ii. 73). - -In August there was a gathering of delegates from the New England -States at Boston, "to advise the most vigorous prosecution of the war, -and provide for the reception of our French allies." The _Proceedings_ -of this meeting have been edited from the original MS. by F. B. Hough -(Albany, 1867). In November a convention of the Northern States at -Hartford sought methods of furnishing men and supplies (_Mag. Amer. -Hist._, Oct., 1882, viii. 688; and Clinton's knowledge of it in _Ibid._ -x. 411). - -Hope revived with the prospect of the arrival of Rochambeau and the -French, in July, 1780 (Heath's _Memoirs_, 243; _Corresp. of Rev._, -iii. 12). The first communications of Washington and Rochambeau are -in Sparks's _Washington_, vii. 110, and App. 4, with an account of -Lafayette's conference with the French. Rochambeau's instructions are -in _Ibid._ vii. 493. The letters of Rochambeau and Lafayette are in the -_Sparks MSS._, lxxxv. - -The English fleet blockaded the French in Newport harbor. The -_Political Mag._, 1780, has a map showing the blockade of the French -admiral Ternay by Arbuthnot. Letters of the English admiral are in the -_Hist. MSS. Com. Report IX._, App. iii. p. 106. - -On the occupation of Newport by the French, see Mason's _Newport_; -_Newport Hist. Mag._, ii. 41; iii. 177; Stone's _French Allies_, 256; -_Lippincott's Mag._, xxvi. 351; Drake's _Nooks and Corners of the N. -E. Coast_; _Harper's Mag._, lix. 497. The correspondence of Rochambeau -and the Rhode Island authorities is in the _R. I. Col. Rec._, ix. There -is a diary of a French officer in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, iv. 209; and -Fersen's letters are in _Ibid._ iii. 300, 369, 437. - -Several maps of Newport and vicinity are given in the _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, like the plan of the town by Blaskowitz; the _Defences of -Newport, 1781_, from a MS. French chart; and the _Scene of Operations -before Newport, 1781_, from a MS. survey by Robert Erskine, geographer -to the American army, of which the original is in the cabinet of the N. -Y. Hist. Society. - -There are among the Rochambeau maps several plans of Newport and its -neighborhood, including no. 38, _Plan de Rhodes Isle et position de -l'armée française à Newport_, measuring 5 x 3 inches, colored and -showing roads, fences, forts, and the fleet in the harbor; no. 39, -_Plan de la ville, port, et rade de Newport, avec une partie de Rhode -Island, occupée par l'armée française_, evidently by the same draftsman -as the preceding, dated 1780, colored, measuring 24 x 30 inches, -showing forts, Gen. Sullivan's old camp, the old line of the English, -etc.; no. 41, a plan, 8 x 15 inches, called _Quatre positions de la -flotte française et position de la flotte anglaise_; no. 42, evidently -by Montresor, colored, measuring 4 x 3 inches, dated 1780, called _Plan -de la position de l'armée française au tour de Newport, et du mouillage -de l'escadre dans la rade de cette ville_. Le Rouge published a map of -this title in Paris, in 1783. Cf. map in _Political Mag._, i. 692. - -On the French participation in the war we have Rochambeau, _Mémoires_, -with an English translation by Wright, and the _Troubles_ of Soulés, -which is supposed to have been inspired by Rochambeau. Cf. Walsh's -_Amer. Register_, ii. The other French contemporary accounts are the -_Mémoires_ of Count Ségur and the Duc de Lauzun; the _Travels_ of Abbé -Robin and of Chastellux, of which there is an English translation by -George Greive (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1869); the _Journals_ -of Deux-Ponts, edited by S. A. Green, and of Claude Blanchard. -(Cf. _Revue militaire française_, and Tuckerman's _America and her -Commentators_.) The later French accounts in general are Leboucher's -_Hist. de la guerre de l'indépendance des Etats-Unis_; Balch's _Les -français en Amérique_ (1872), Chotteau's _Les français_, etc. A -comprehensive later American account is E. M. Stone's Our _French -Allies_. Cf. Lossing in _Harper's Mag._, xlii. 753. - -Counter attacks of Clinton on Newport and of Washington and Rochambeau -on New York were prevented by untoward circumstances (Sparks's -_Washington_, vii. 130, 137, 171, with App. 6; Jones's _New York during -the Rev._, i. 358; _Mémoires_ of Rochambeau). - -In September, 1780, Washington had an interview with Rochambeau -at Hartford to devise further operations, but the plot of Arnold -disconcerted all measures (E. M. Stone, 281; Irving's _Washington_; J. -C. Hamilton's _Republic_, ii. 49). Alexander Hamilton had drawn up a -plan of combined operations. - -In October there was an unsuccessful expedition to Staten Island (_Life -of Pickering_, i. ch. 17; _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 257; _Hist. -Mag._, i. 104). - -Washington was now in camp at Totowa and Preakness, in New Jersey. -There are a map and view of his headquarters in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, -Aug., 1879. Cf. orderly-book in _2 Penna. Archives_, xi., and Journal -of Capt. Joseph McClellan in _Ibid._ - -The Pennsylvania line was at Morristown, under Wayne, and in January, -being without pay and supplies, they revolted, and marched towards -Philadelphia to claim redress of Congress. The New Jersey line was -similarly affected. Prompt and judicious measures quelled the mutiny, -but not till some emissaries, whom Clinton had sent to increase the -trouble, had been hanged by the insurrectionists. Original sources: -Wayne's letters to Washington, in the _Corresp. of Rev._, iii. 192; -Sparks's _Washington_, vii. 348, with App. x.; proposal of a Committee -of Sergeants, with Wayne's comments, in the _Sparks MSS._, xxxix. p. -100 (also no. liv. 5); documents in _Penna. Archives_, viii. 698, -701, 704, and ix.; second series, xi.; _Colonial Records_, xii. 624; -_Hazard's Register_, ii. 160; _St. Clair Papers_, i. 108, 532; _Bland -Papers_, ii. Cf. also Marshall's _Washington_, iv. 393; Irving's, iv. -195; Hamilton's _Hamilton_, i. 323, and _Works_, ii. 147; Amory's -_Sullivan_, 181; _Madison Papers_, i. 77; Reed's _Reed_, ii. ch. 14. -Clinton's report is in Almon's _Remembrancer_, xi. 148. The information -reaching the British camp is in Clinton's _Secret intelligence_, in -_Mag. Amer. Hist._, x. 328, 331, 418, 497; an account of the hanging of -the British emissaries is in the _Hist. of First Troop of Philad. City -Cavalry_, p. 28. - -Washington and Rochambeau had held a conference at Weathersfield, Conn. -(May 22, 1781), to arrange for a plan of combined action (Sparks's -_Washington_, viii. 517, for their views respecting the safety of -Newport, meanwhile). The conference was held at the Webb House (_Mag. -Amer. Hist._, June, 1880). The French army then moved by way of -Providence to the Hudson, and there is among the Rochambeau maps in -the library of Congress a plan of their route, with key, giving their -twelve encampments on the way (nos. 42 (bis), 43, 44). _Marche de -l'armée française de Providence à la Rivière du Nord, 1782._ In the -_Mag. Amer. Hist._ (iv. 299) there is a map of the _Route of the French -from Providence to King's Ferry_, following a MS. attached to a diary -of a French officer. - -Rochambeau established his headquarters at the Odell House, in -Westchester (Stone, _French Allies_, 394; C. A. Campbell in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, iv. 46). On June 12th, the two commanders held a council of -war at New Windsor (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, iii. 102). Clinton's secret -journal shows how well the British commander was informed of what was -going on (_Ibid._ xii. 73, etc., 162, etc.). Beside the correspondence -of Washington at this time, in Sparks, there are other letters in -Ibid. iv. and v. Washington's first attempt to act in union with the -French was in the proposed attack on the forts on New York Island. -(Cf. Washington's journal in _Ibid._ vi. 117; xi. 535.) There is -among the _Lincoln Papers_ (_Sparks MSS._, xii.) a "memorandum to -regulate the movements of the allied army on the night of the 31st -of July, 1781." J. A. Stevens follows the operations of the combined -armies at this time (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, iv., Jan., 1880). He gives -a map of the attempt at King's Bridge, July 3, 1781. There is among -the Rochambeau maps an excellent draft, about thirty inches wide by -fifteen high, showing New York with Long Island, with the French -camp as high up as Tarrytown, called _Position du camp de l'armée -combinée de Phillipsbourg du 6 Juillet au 19 Août, 1781_. Stevens -gives a fac-simile of this, and also a map of the environs of New -York between the Sound and the Hudson, called _Surveys in New York -and Connecticut States for his Excellency, Gen. Washington, by Robert -Erskine, Anno 1778, W. Scull delin._,—a MS. plan in the New York -Hist. Soc. library (_Proc._, 1845, p. 56), where is also a MS. _Chart -of the Harbour of New York, with a map of the Country bordering upon -the Sound, and extending to the Connecticut, with the names of the -principal places laid down thereon, by Robert Erskine, 1779_ (_N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1848, p. 188). The Rochambeau maps contain other -evidences of the activity at this time of the French topographical -engineers; as, for instance, a plan (no. 29) done in ink and color, -measuring ten inches wide by twelve high, and not very exact, called -_Reconnaisance Juillet, 1781, ouvrages [de] Morrisania, Isle de New -York_, by Montresor and Buchanan, and a second (12 x 15 inches) which -gives the works at Frog's Point (no. 30), and adds to the title "Plan -d'une batterie de Long Island." Another (no. 32), called _Reconnaisance -des ouvrages du nord de l'Isle New York, 22-23 Juillet, 1781_, measures -twelve inches wide by fifteen high, apparently the work of Montresor, -and shows Fort Washington, Laurel Hill, etc. It was Washington's -purpose at this time to make Clinton expect an attack on New York -(Sparks's _Washington_, viii. 54, 130, 517; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -2d series, i. 327). Clinton has recorded his reason why he did not -venture to attack Washington in July and August, while the Americans -were encamped at King's Bridge (_New York City during the Rev._, New -York, 1861, pp. 177-184). By August 14th, the coöperation of the French -fleet being assured, Washington decided to march to Virginia (_Mag. -Amer. Hist._, vii.; also xi. 343; _Diplom. Corresp._, xi. 417). He -said the main cause of his coming to this decision was the failure of -the New England States to supply men (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, vi. 125). -Washington's headquarters at this time were in the Livingston mansion -(Lossing, ii. 195). - -The question of Washington having been made a marshal of France has -caused some discussion. _Hist. Mag._, ii., iii.; E. M. Stone's _French -Allies_, 373; Balch, _Les Français en Amérique_, 122. - -While Washington marched towards Virginia, the marauding expedition -which Clinton had sent under Arnold, along the Connecticut coast, -failed to divert him from his purpose, as the British commander had -hoped it would. The attack fell upon New London and Groton, early in -September. Trumbull's letter to Washington is in the _Corresp. of -Rev._, iii. 403. Cf. Stuart's _Trumbull_, ch. 45; Arnold's account in -the _Polit. Mag._, ii. 666; Sparks's _Arnold_, and Arnold's _Arnold_; -"Sir Henry Clinton and the burning of New London", in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, March, 1883, p. 187. There are contemporary accounts in _N. -E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, x. 127 (1856); Niles's _Principles_ (1876), -p. 143; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 479; and in the _Narrative of Jonathan -Rathbun, with accurate accounts of the capture of Groton fort, the -massacre that followed, and the sacking and burning of New London, -Sept. 6, 1781, by the British forces_, by Rufus Avery and Stephen -Hempstead, with an appendix (1810). - -The principal monograph is William W. Harris's _Battle of Groton -heights: a collection of narratives, official reports, records, etc., -of the storming of Fort Griswold, the massacre of its garrison and the -burning of New London by British troops. With introd. and notes; rev. -and enl. with additional notes, by Charles Allyn_ (New London, 1882). -The original issue was in 1870. The perfected edition is enriched with -many documentary proofs. - -There have been other anniversary addresses: Tuttle's at Fort Griswold -(1821); W. F. Brainerd's (1825); Griswold's in commemoration of Col. -Ledyard (1826), who was run through by his own sword after he had -surrendered it; R. C. Winthrop's (1853) in his _Addresses_ (1852-1867, -p. 84); Leonard W. Bacon's, with an historical sketch by J. J. Copp, in -the _Battle of Groton Heights_ (1879). - -The local authorities are Hollister's and other histories of -Connecticut; Caulkins' _New London_, ch. 32; Hinman's _Hist. -Collections_; L. W Champney's "Memories of New London" in _Harper's -Mag._, lx. (Dec., 1879), p. 62, with views in Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 43, 46. - -A paper by C. B. Todd on the massacre (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, vii. 161) -has an account of Ledyard and his family, with views of his house in -Hartford and the monument on Groton Heights (cf. Harris and Allyn, -p. 179), and a list of the slain. Gov. Trumbull made a report on the -losses inflicted at New London and Groton, Sept. 6, 1781, which, with -affidavits respecting the conduct of the enemy, are in the State Dept. -at Washington. - -There are critical accounts in Dawson's _Battles_ and in Carrington's -_Battles_. The latter has a plan. A map of Mass., Rhode Island, and -Connecticut, showing the geographical relations, is in _Polit. Mag._, -iii. 171. - -A MS. "Sketch of New London and Groton, with the attacks made on Forts -Trumbull and Griswold by the British troops, under the command of -Brig.-Gen. Arnold, Sept. 6, 1781", is among the Faden maps (no. 98) in -the library of Congress, together with a separate ink drawing of Fort -Griswold (no. 99),—both of which are engraved in Harris and Allyn. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE NAVAL HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. - -BY THE REVEREND EDWARD E. HALE, D. D. - - -THE battles of the Revolution were fought on the sea as often as on the -land, and to as much purpose. The losses inflicted on their enemies -by the United States in their naval warfare were more constant, and -probably more serious, than any losses which they inflicted elsewhere. -At the beginning of the war, the mercantile class of England, even -then a powerful element in her politics, were far more indifferent to -the questions at issue than they became afterwards, when the rates -of maritime insurance began to rise rapidly. These high rates had -begun long before France and Spain entered into the struggle; and the -captures which the English navy made by no means compensated England -for the losses which she sustained. In such a contest, it generally -proves that the richer combatant is he who pays the most. The loss of -an English Indiaman or a Mediterranean trader on her voyage to "the -Pool",[1222] or to Bristol, was but poorly compensated by the capture -of even a dozen American schooners laden with salt fish and clapboards. - -The men of New England, after the early exodus of the Tories, were -almost unanimously engaged against England, and they were engaged with -that intensity of purpose which belongs to Puritans and to republicans. -They were then almost wholly a maritime race; and those ethnologists -who think that New Englanders have a larger share of Norse blood than -most Englishmen may well justify their theory by the fearlessness of -the genuine Yankee upon the sea and his passion for maritime adventure. -So soon, therefore, as the outbreak of hostilities began to disturb the -natural course of their commerce, the seamen of the New England coast -took up the business of cruising against their enemies, as if it were -quite normal and something to which they had been born and trained. - -New England was at this moment an important factor in the maritime -interest of the world. She had special facilities for ship-building. In -that essential department of maritime commerce her artisans excelled -any in the world, and for three quarters of a century the export of -ships, which were sold abroad, had been one of the most profitable -features of New England commerce. It required two thirds of a century -after John Winthrop built the "Blessing of the Bay" to persuade the -masters of the royal ship-yards that there was any timber in America -which they could use in preference to that which they received from -Norway.[1223] But Lord Bellomont, as early as 1700, had urged that -the king should not buy his spars in the open market in England, but -should send his own vessels to New England for them. In the same -letters he pointed out to his correspondents that the effect of the -present regulations was that the Americans shipped spars to Portugal, -which were then used in the navy of France. In point of fact, when -at last, in 1778, all four parties were engaged in the Revolutionary -War, the spars of most of the vessels of England, France, Spain, and -America had all been cut in the forests of New England. It is, indeed, -quite within the memory of men now living that in the wildernesses of -Maine or New Hampshire some fine old monarch of the forest might still -be found bearing the broad arrow of the king of England. He had been -marked for the royal navy while King George yet reigned over half this -continent, and he had been spared from the axe by the Declaration of -Independence.[1224] - -A people thus bred to the sea, and able to assert themselves upon -it, lost no time, when they found themselves at war with England, in -carrying their war upon the element to which they were born. They -won their first naval victory over England on the 5th of May, 1775, -scarcely a fortnight after the battle of Lexington. The "Falcon", a -British sloop of war, had, under some pretence, seized one or more -prizes from the people of Buzzard's Bay. Inspired probably by the -success at Lexington and Concord, the people of New Bedford and -Dartmouth fitted out a vessel, with which they attacked and cut out -one of the "Falcon's" prizes, with fifteen prisoners, from a harbor in -Martha's Vineyard. On the 12th of June the people of Machias, in Maine, -seized the "Margaretta", a king's sloop, and two other vessels. The -captain and his crew resisted, but he was killed, with one of his men, -and five were wounded.[1225] Her armament was transferred to another -vessel, which was placed under the command of Jeremiah O'Brien, who -received from the government of Massachusetts a commission as marine -captain. As early as the 2d of September, Washington, who was then in -command at Cambridge, issued commissions, authorizing those who held -them to cut off the supply-vessels of the English as they entered the -harbor.[1226] The provincial congress at once legalized their capture, -so far as its enactments could do so, and six vessels were commissioned -by the province of Massachusetts Bay,—the "Lynch", the "Franklin", the -"Lee", the "Washington", the "Harrison", and the "Warren." - -On the 16th of October, Washington, acting under instructions from -Congress,[1227] directed Broughton and Selman, captains in the -Marblehead regiment of Continentals, to take their companies on board -the "Lynch" (six guns) and "Franklin" (four guns), and attempt to -intercept in the river St. Lawrence two English transports bound for -Quebec, with military stores. They did not find these two vessels; but -they took ten other prizes, attacked and took a fort on the Island -of St. John, and brought off as prisoners of war the governor and -one of the judges of that island.[1228] On their return in December -to Massachusetts, both officers were reprimanded for exceeding their -instructions, and both prisoners and prizes were released. The -Congress and Washington were still maintaining a friendly attitude -towards Canada and the other northern provinces, and gave up prizes -and prisoners in hopes of conciliating them. Meanwhile, on the 29th of -November, another Marblehead captain, John Manly, in command of the -schooner "Lee", took the brigantine "Nancy" from London, as she entered -Massachusetts Bay, laden with military stores for Howe.[1229] We have -the contemporary records of the joy of the Americans at Cambridge, -and the dismay of the besieged in Boston. The extemporized camp of -the besiegers read with delight from the invoice of her stores such -phrases as "two thousand muskets", "one hundred and five thousand -flints", "sixty reams of cartridge paper", "thirty-one tons of musket -shot", "three thousand round-shot for 12-pounders, four thousand for -6-pounders." - -[Illustration: COMMODORE TUCKER'S ORDERS. - -After original in the _Tucker Papers_, in Harvard College library, -giving him, by direction of Congress, charge of the frigate -"Boston."—ED.] - -Before the end of 1775 the Continental Congress ordered that five -ships of thirty-two guns should be built, five of twenty-eight, and -three of twenty-four. This order was carried out, and these vessels are -the proper beginning of the navy of the United States.[1230] Almost -every one of them, before the war was over, had been captured, or -burned to avoid capture. But the names of the little fleet will always -be of interest to Americans, and some of those names have always been -preserved on the calendar of the navy. They are the "Washington", -"Raleigh", "Hancock", "Randolph", "Warren", "Virginia", "Trumbull", -"Effingham", "Congress", "Providence", "Boston", "Delaware", -"Montgomery." The State of Rhode Island, at the very outbreak of -hostilities, commissioned Abraham Whipple, who went with his little -vessel as far as Bermuda, and, from his experience in naval warfare -earned in the French War, he was recognized as commodore of the -little fleet of American cruisers. England had no force at Bermuda to -resist him, and he found the inhabitants friendly. A raid, directed -by Congress, had already brought from the island all the powder in -their stores, and this was one of the first supplies which Washington -received at Cambridge.[1231] Meanwhile, every maritime State issued -commissions to privateers, and established admiralty or prize courts, -with power to condemn prizes when brought in. Legitimate commerce had -been largely checked,[1232] and, as has been said, the seamen of the -country, who had formerly been employed in the fisheries,[1233] or in -our large foreign trade with the West India Islands and with Europe, -gladly volunteered in the private service. Till the end of the war -the seamen preferred the privateer service to that of the government. -This fact, indeed, materially affected the somewhat bold proposals -with which the Continental Congress began the war; and, at the time -when the war virtually closed by Cornwallis's surrender, the national -government, if it can be called such, had very few vessels in its -service. - -The larger maritime States had in commission one or more vessels from -the beginning, but they found the same difficulty which the Congress -found in enlisting seamen, when any bold privateer captain came into -rivalry with them. The States of Massachusetts, of Rhode Island, of -Connecticut, of Pennsylvania, of Virginia, and of South Carolina had, -however, as we shall see, each nominally a naval force of its own, -all through the war. The general disposition of all parties being the -same, it was not difficult to unite Continental ships, state ships, and -privateers, on occasion, in the same endeavor. - -In March, 1776, the English fleet in Boston Bay, with a large number -of transports, carried to Halifax the whole English army, and those -inhabitants of Massachusetts who did not venture to remain.[1234] -Meanwhile, the English government at home was sending large -reinforcements to Howe, and he was not as successful as he could have -wished in meeting at sea the vessels which brought them, and turning -them into Halifax. Among the first considerable successes of the -privateers and the armed ships of Massachusetts Bay were the capture -of several of these vessels as they came unsuspiciously toward the -harbor of Boston. The Connecticut brig "Defence", of fourteen guns, -the Massachusetts State schooner "Lee", of eight, and three privateer -schooners attacked two armed English transports off Cape Cod, and -captured them after a sharp action of an hour. The next day they took -a third, and in this way five hundred prisoners fell into the hands of -the Americans. This was on the 17th and 18th of June, 1776.[1235] - -As early as the 22d of December, in 1775,[1236] Congress had appointed -Esek Hopkins, of Rhode Island, commander-in-chief of its navy, and had -named four captains beside, with several lieutenants, the first of -whom was John Paul Jones. Hopkins and the rest fitted a squadron of -eight small vessels, of which the "Alfred" (twenty-four guns) was his -flag-ship. Jones was with him as his lieutenant. With this force they -made a descent upon New Providence in the Bahamas, and although they -failed in obtaining a stock of powder, which they had hoped for, they -did capture a hundred cannon and a large quantity of other military -stores. - -[Illustration: ESEK HOPKINS. - -From an engraving in _An Impartial History of the War in America_, -London, 1780, p. 310, where he is called "Robert Hopkins, Commodore of -the American Sea-forces", in a sketch of his life which is far from -accurate, and which is cited in the _United Service_, Feb., 1885, -etc. A more common picture is given in Murray's _Impartial History_ -(vol. ii.), which has been quently reëngraved. (Cf. _The Providence -Plantation for 250 Years_, Prov., 1886, p. 61; Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 844 _Cyclop. U. S. Hist._, i. 844; _Harper's Mag._, xxiv. 160.) -There is a German print in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser -Europa_ (1778), and a Dutch one in _Nederlandsche Mercurius_, xxiii. p. -128. - -The best known picture is one published in London, Aug. 22, 1776, -by Thomas Hart, of which a reproduction is given in Smith's _Brit. -Mezzotint Portraits_, and in the _United Service_ (xii. 137, 300), -Feb., 1885, accompanying a memoir by Admiral Geo. H. Preble. (Cf. -Preble's _Hist. of the U. S. Flag_.) It represents "Commodore Hopkins" -standing on his deck, sword in hand, with two ships in the background, -one bearing a Liberty Tree flag with the motto "An appeal to God;" the -other having a striped flag with a serpent across the stripes, and the -motto "Don't tread on me." (Cf. E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, p. -12, and Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. p. 844.)—ED.] - -On his way home, Hopkins took a tender of six guns and a bomb brig off -Long Island, and on the 6th of April, with a part of his squadron, -engaged the English ship-of-war "Glasgow", of twenty guns. He did not -take her, but the audacity of the attack, made by vessels each of which -was her inferior, pleased the country, and it was at first represented -as a great victory. When it was learned that Hopkins had five vessels, -however small, to the Englishman's one, a reaction of public feeling -took place, from which he never recovered. He was honorably acquitted -by a court-martial, but never regained full public confidence, and he -does not appear in the public naval service afterwards. This hasty -public condemnation seems to have been unjust, and to have cost the -country the service, in its national navy, of a skilful and brave -commander.[1237] - -While Hopkins was undergoing his trial, on the 10th of May, 1776, Paul -Jones was appointed to the command of the "Providence", in place of -Hazard, who did or did not fight her as he should have done in the -engagement with the "Glasgow." Through the summer, Jones was engaged in -cruising. At one time he ran as far as Bermuda, and afterwards to the -eastward as far as Canso. In this summer cruise he made sixteen prizes, -and his reputation as a favorite dates from this time. - -On the 10th of October a resolution of Congress fixed the rank -of captains in the navy. James Nicholson[1238] was first, Manly -second, McNiel third, Saltonstall fourth, Lambert Wickes eleventh, -John B. Hopkins fourteenth, and Paul Jones eighteenth on a list of -twenty-four.[1239] - -Jones was not pleased that his rank was not higher, but eventually his -achievements were such that his reputation probably now stands higher -as a successful officer than that of any of the number. - -While he was cruising at the East, Nicholas Biddle,[1240] in the -"Andrea Doria", a little brig carrying fourteen 4-pounders, took two -armed transports filled with soldiers, and captured many merchantmen. -On returning from his cruise he was appointed to the "Randolph" -(thirty-two guns), which had been built that summer in Philadelphia and -was launched in the autumn. Biddle's reputation was high in consequence -of his success, and early in 1777 he sailed on the "Randolph's" first -cruise. He captured four Jamaica-men when he was three days out, one -of which had an armament of twenty guns, but he was then blockaded in -Charleston by an English force through the summer.[1241] - -In the autumn of 1776, Jones, at Newport, took command of the "Alfred" -(twenty-four guns) and "Providence" (twelve guns), and in the month of -November went to sea. He was fortunate enough to take the armed ship -"Mellish", with stores for Burgoyne's army. But while returning to -Boston with her, he met the "Milford" (thirty-two), an English frigate. -He succeeded in turning her away from his prize and brought it into -Boston harbor. The "Mellish" had ten thousand suits of uniform on -board, in charge of a company of soldiers. It was when he arrived that -Jones found that he was only eighteenth on the list of captains, and -this really meant that there was hardly a ship which he could expect in -the service, and that if he found any it would be even inferior to the -"Alfred." - -On this occasion he first used Poor Richard's rule, "If you want a -thing done, do it yourself." He went to Philadelphia to urge his own -claims on Congress or its naval committee. But they could not work -impossibilities, and it was not till some months later that he was -appointed to the "Ranger." He believed that she was the first armed -vessel to display the national American flag. It was not till November, -1777, that he got to sea with her. He hoped to carry out the great news -of Burgoyne's surrender. But the government of Massachusetts had been -too quick for him. They had commissioned the brigantine "Perch", with a -special messenger, Jonathan Loring Austin, and he had arrived in France -with the news some days before Jones appeared. - -Lambert Wickes, the eleventh on the list of captains, had been the -first officer to carry a national cruiser across the ocean. He was -directed to take Dr. Franklin to France in the "Reprisal", and did -so,—in a voyage which gave Franklin a high opinion of his ability. -Several times he beat to quarters when an attack from a hostile force -seemed possible, but with such a passenger he did not, of course, court -an action. When near the coast of France he made two or three prizes -and brought them in with him. - -His arrival and theirs, and the arrival of some other prizes which -had been taken early in the year by other privateers, opened all the -questions regarding neutrality, which recently, in our civil war and -afterwards, made the history of the cruiser "Alabama" so important a -feature in modern international law. France made no treaty with America -until the end of 1777. Till that time—indeed, until the formal rupture -with England—she was under very strict treaty obligations with that -power. The Treaty of Utrecht (1713) provided that "it shall not be -lawful for any foreign Privateers to fit their ships in the Ports of -one or the other of the aforesaid Partys, to sell what they have taken, -or in any manner whatever to exchange either Ships, Merchandises, or -any other Ladings." Wickes was annoyed and provoked at the treatment -he received from French officials, who pretended to observe the -obligations by which the French king was thus bound. But he succeeded -in going to sea again, and made a successful cruise around Ireland, -taking several prizes.[1242] - -The French people looked with great satisfaction on such captures. -But war was not yet declared with England by France, and the French -cabinet knew perfectly well that the act of Wickes involved a flagrant -violation of French neutrality. The fitting out war-vessels in French -ports was not only wrong, under a fair construction of international -law, but the king of France had specially waived all right to harbor -privateers of foreign powers—unless they were in actual distress—by -these special articles in this treaty. Wickes could never understand -this. He knew that France was sending munitions of war to his -countrymen. Why should France not permit him to bring his prizes into -French ports to sell? And the temptation was great. Once and again he -slipped out to sea; and he sent in one and another prize. But at last -Vergennes, the French minister, could bear it no longer. Poor Wickes's -last letters show how strong the hand of France was, even upon her -friends.[1243] - -All the diplomacy of Franklin, the good-nature of Vergennes, and the -real sympathy of the French people could not forever prevail. Wickes -was at last ordered squarely to make ready for America, and did so. -But, alas! the refitting seems to have been incomplete, and he never -reached the United States. His vessel was lost off Newfoundland, and -only one man was saved. - -The other name which should rank with those of Jones and Wickes as one -of those early naval heroes who in a courageous though fitful manner -kept the stars and stripes afloat in European waters, and infested -the English shores to the annoyance of their merchant marine and the -terror of the maritime towns, is that of Gustavus Conyngham. In the -spring of 1777, before Wickes had rendered himself so utterly obnoxious -to the French ministry as he afterwards did—before the complaints of -Lord Stormont had received much attention, Silas Deane, ever on the -lookout for the accomplishment of some successful naval enterprise, -took thought with William Hodge, a Philadelphia merchant, and planned -what was to be the boldest raid yet made upon the English shipping. A -lugger was purchased at Dover and sent around to Dunkirk, that old nest -of smugglers and privateersmen. She was fitted out with an armament -and crew, and given, with the name of the "Surprise", to Gustavus -Conyngham, for a raid on the English marine. The expedition was partly -public and partly private in its nature. Conyngham was, however, -an officer in the navy, for he was furnished with one of the blank -commissions given the commissioners for that very purpose, signed by -John Hancock, president of Congress. This point was of some importance -to him afterwards, when he was accused by the English of piracy. The -charge was groundless. The commissioners had received power to create -officers in the navy of the United States, by virtue of these blank -commissions, which were to be filled out to suit the circumstances. -Conyngham sailed from Dunkirk with instructions to cruise in the -British Channel for merchant vessels, and to look particularly for the -"Prince of Orange" packet from Harwich. He was fortunate. On one of the -very first days of the cruise he came across the packet, captured her -without a blow, and then made sail with his prizes for Dunkirk. He had -also taken a brig. - -But this breach of French neutrality was too shameless. A storm of -English complaint compelled the French court to take firmer measures -than they may have desired. Conyngham and his crew were put in prison, -the lugger was confiscated, the prizes were returned. The French, -indeed, went so far that the English government, quite deceived by -their great zeal, sent over vessels to bring to England Conyngham and -his crew to be tried for piracy. But to this point the French could not -quite go. - -The affair caused great excitement in England. It was so unexpected, -so bold, so audacious, that no one could tell what would come next. As -a consequence, insurance rose quickly. British ships were no longer -considered safe, even in the English Channel. There were at one time -in the Thames as many as forty French vessels loading with English -merchandise, while it is said that ten per cent. was sometimes paid as -insurance for the short passage between Dover and Calais. Although the -measures of the French government tended to quiet apprehension, it was -some little time before confidence was restored. - -Meanwhile, the planners of the first scheme had resolved to repeat -the outrage. Another cutter was bought, again at Dover, and equipped -with fourteen sixes and twenty-four swivels. Conyngham's release was -obtained through the courtesy of the French ministry, and that of his -crew, by the representation that they were to sail upon a trading -voyage. Mr. Hodge himself went surety for the truth of this statement. -The French court did not like the business; they would have preferred -that the expedition should be abandoned, and they offered to purchase -the cutter of its owners. But it was declared to the ministers that -the voyage was for trading purposes only, and that the owners would -suffer serious loss if it were not allowed to proceed, and they gave -way. The business is not a clear one. It seems evident that the French -suspected that all was not as it should have been, but that they were -deceived as to the real object of the expedition. It is not probable -that they desired to blind themselves to the truth, for they were at -this time in a delicate position with England through the operations of -Wickes, Johnston, and Nicholson, and there was but little in the aspect -of American affairs that would have tended to make them consider an -alliance with the United States with such seriousness as to be willing -to allow the English ministry to have more cause for complaint than -could be helped. However this was, Conyngham sailed in the "Revenge" -on the 18th of July for another cruise, by no means a trading voyage. -In this case, also, although the ship was undoubtedly fitted out -in a measure by private parties, Conyngham himself sailed with a -regular commission. His former one had been taken from him when he -was imprisoned, and sent to Versailles, and was never heard of again. -This second commission was drawn on one of the blanks with which the -commissioners were furnished. - -This cruise was even more successful than the former, although no such -capture was made as that of the Harwich packet. Conyngham made prize of -several ships, alarmed the English merchant marine again, threatened -the English coast, actually refitted his vessel in an English port, -having made his way thither in disguise, and escaped with safety to -Spain in course of time. Most of his prizes were disposed of to the -benefit of the United States government as well as of the private -parties concerned. There was more English complaint in Paris, but -nothing actually came of it beyond the imprisonment of Mr. Hodge in -the Bastille. But he was shortly released on such representations by -the commissioners as seem to have satisfied the French court. - -Captain Johnston does not appear among the twenty-four captains first -commissioned by Congress; but in the spring of 1777 he took the -"Lexington" across to Europe, and arrived there in April. With the -"Dolphin", under Lieutenant Nicholson, a brother of Nicholson who was -senior captain, he went to sea under Wickes's command in the cruise -which has been described. But in a second cruise fortune failed him. -He engaged the "Alert", an English man-of-war cutter of force somewhat -less than his own; but after a long action, having expended all his -ammunition, he was obliged to surrender. It is said that his little -vessel was the first to bear the American flag in an ocean victory. She -had already been taken once, and once recaptured by her own crew, after -they had been placed under an English prize crew. She had taken many -prizes, and had won for herself a reputation in both hemispheres in -only one year and eight months, which comprise all her American service. - -As a consequence of her capture, Johnston and his crew were made -prisoners. At one time the English had nearly one thousand American -seamen imprisoned in Forton, near Portsmouth. But the successes of -Jones and other cruisers, after the French alliance enabled the -Americans to keep their prisoners, compelled the English administration -to assent to an exchange; and in the winter of 1779-80, most of the -Americans were released by such exchanges.[1244] - -It is impossible, within the space at our command, to give any detail -of the successes of the various armed vessels, whether fitted out -by individuals, by States, or by the Congress on the shores of the -United States. A good authority[1245] says that, in 1776, 342 sail of -English vessels were captured by the Americans. Of these, forty-four -were recaptured, eighteen released, and the rest carried into port. -The same authority tells us that in the year 1777 the commerce of -England suffered a loss of 467 sail, though the government kept seventy -cruisers on the American coast alone. Such successes were not of course -without their compensations. In March the English captured the brig -"Cabot", of sixteen guns, one of the first American cruisers. When -Gen. Howe took Philadelphia the Americans were obliged to destroy the -"Andrea Doria", the "Wasp", and the "Hornet." The "Raleigh", one of the -Continental frigates, got to sea from New Hampshire. She engaged the -"Druid", an English vessel in convoy of the Windward Island fleet, and -disabled her, so that she returned to England. - -When 1778 began, of the new frigates ordered in 1775, the "Congress" -and "Montgomery" had been burned in the Hudson that they might not -be taken; the "Delaware" had been captured in the bay whose name she -bore, and the "Hancock" taken off Halifax. At about the same time -the "Randolph" blew up, as has been told. In 1778 the "Washington" -and "Effingham" were burned in the Delaware by the enemy, and the -"Virginia" was captured by a squadron of theirs on her first voyage. -To supply the places of the unfortunate ships which were lost so soon -after they were built, the government had commissioned the "Alliance", -the "Confederacy", the "Deane", afterwards called "The Hague", and -the "Queen of France." Of these, the three first carried thirty-two -guns each, and the last twenty-eight. The "Alliance" and "The Hague" -were the only two, of all the seventeen, which remained in the service -when the war was over. While the American naval force, so far as it -was under Continental orders, was thus insignificant for any action -against an English fleet of more than seventy vessels, the arrival of -D'Estaing with a large French fleet off the capes of the Delaware, in -July, did much to hold that force in check and to compel it to act on -the defensive. Before describing the movements of D'Estaing's fleet, -we must return to the eastern side of the Atlantic, and continue the -history of naval warfare on the coast of England. - -Such captures as those made by Wickes and Conyngham, under the very eye -of the English nation, naturally attracted more attention among those -who led the public opinion of England than did any captures made by the -navy of America on her own coast, and there were bolder movements yet -to claim their attention than any we have chronicled. - -John Paul Jones was a native of Scotland, but at an early age he -removed to America, and he had been engaged there in commerce many -years before the breaking out of the war. As the reader has seen, -he crossed the Atlantic in hopes of obtaining a better vessel than -Congress could give to him on this side of the water. But he found on -his arrival that no such vessel was to be had at once. He therefore -refitted the "Ranger", the vessel in which he had crossed the ocean, -and in the month of April, 1778, he made a bold descent on the coast -of Scotland and England. In this expedition he took the English ship -"Drake", of a force quite equal to his own, and he brought her with him -as a prize into the harbor of Brest. In this voyage he made a landing -on the Scotch coast, and his men carried off the family plate from the -mansion of the Earl of Selkirk. Jones himself had been in the service -of this nobleman, and he made it a point of honor to buy back the plate -from his men and send it to the Countess of Selkirk. - -The news of his exploit was of no little importance for the American -name in France. It seemed to open an opportunity for giving to Jones -the command of the "Indian", a fine vessel then upon the stocks, -and through the summer he was amused by this hope and by various -enterprises which were proposed for so energetic a leader. Of his -disappointments and of his renewed expectation full record has been -left in his letter-books. One of the plans was that of a descent on the -English coast, to be made by a French force under the command of La -Fayette. Jones was to be the naval leader of this expedition. But as -the alliance of France with America was now determined on, the French -government enlarged their plans. D'Estaing was sent to the American -coast, and La Fayette and Jones were told that their services would not -be needed. In the midst of these disappointments, Jones had given up -the command of the "Ranger", which he would have thought better than -nothing. It is at this moment that he says he adopted "Poor Richard's" -motto, which, as our reader knows, he had tried before in America,—"If -you want a thing done, do it yourself",—and went to Paris himself to -urge his claims for employment. The result of his visit was that an old -Indiaman was bought for him, which he transformed into a two-decked -frigate, and to this ship, in compliment to Franklin, his fast -friend, he gave the name of "Bonhomme Richard", that being the French -translation of "Poor Richard." She was armed and equipped in haste, -which, as it proved, was almost ruinous. The "Alliance", under Landais, -the "Pallas", hired for the expedition, and two smaller vessels, joined -the squadron. These two vessels were privateers, and the cost of the -whole expedition seems to have been borne, in part at least, by private -adventurers. The seamen were persons of all nationalities. But Jones -and his own officers on the "Richard" were Americans serving under the -American commission. With this heterogeneous squadron Jones sailed, -and the several vessels made a good many rather insignificant prizes. -They passed around the north of Scotland, and came down on the east -side of the island into the Northern Ocean. On the 23d of September -he discovered the Baltic squadron of merchantmen in the convoy of the -frigate "Serapis", and the "Countess of Scarborough." Jones's squadron -at this time consisted of the "Richard", the "Alliance", and the -"Pallas." The English squadron was commanded by Richard Pearson. - -Pearson signalled to his convoy to take care of themselves, and at -once engaged the American squadron, unless we say that they engaged -him. The "Pallas" took the "Countess of Scarborough" in an action of -which we have not any such account as could be wished for. The fight -between the "Richard" and the "Serapis" was long and close, and proved -indeed to be one of the most remarkable naval duels in history. The two -vessels were of about the same force in respect to the number of guns. -But on the first discharge of the lower-deck guns of the "Richard", -two of them burst, so inferior was their metal, and the men at the -other guns on that deck refused to fight their batteries, probably not -unwisely. They repaired to the upper deck, and through the rest of this -remarkable action the lower-deck guns of the "Serapis" were served -against the main deck of the "Richard" without receiving any reply. -Jones fastened the ships together, it is said, with his own hand, as -soon as they first touched each other. Through the action their sides -were so close that not only at the moment when one party attempted to -board the other, but for most of the battle, it was easy to pass from -ship to ship. They had been for some time engaged when the firing of -the "Richard" slacked, and Pearson called to know if she had struck. -It was then that Jones made the ominous reply which has become almost -proverbial: "I have not begun to fight." When he did begin to fight he -showed all the remarkable qualities which certainly made him a great -naval commander. He was willing to serve guns with his own hands, -but he kept an eye on everything which was passing on both ships. He -succeeded in so placing one or two of his guns that he nearly raked the -enemy's deck fore and aft, and it was almost impossible for any man -to stand against his fire. This terrible action raged through several -hours of the night. The anxieties attending it for the Americans were -the more acute, because Landais, in the "Alliance", rendered no direct -assistance, but hovered around, firing occasional shots, which the -American seamen always declared were aimed at their vessel and not -at their enemies. The crisis came at last, when some sailors on the -main-yard of the "Richard" succeeded in dropping hand-grenades through -the open hatchways of the "Serapis" upon the men at work there. One -of these grenades fired some loose powder, which was followed by the -explosion of a powder-chest, which demoralized all the crew in that -part of the vessel. Pearson was obliged to surrender. But so close and -so confused had been the action that it is said that his first officer, -when he heard the cry "She has struck!" believed that it was their -antagonist that had surrendered, so confident was he still of victory. - -Jones carried the prizes, the "Serapis" and the "Scarborough", into the -Texel, in Holland. The "Richard" was so damaged that she sank the day -after the battle. - -It may readily be imagined that this exploit, by which two English -men-of-war were carried away in triumph under the very eyes of the -people of Scarborough, excited immense attention in all Europe. Jones -was the hero of the hour. He was literally crowned with laurel at -the theatre, and the French government made him the most flattering -proposals with a view to his taking command in their service. Jones -himself and all his officers were mad with rage at the conduct of -Landais. Nothing but the enthusiasm of the alliance between the two -nations had made him the commander of an American frigate. Franklin -and Jones would have been glad to try him by court-martial, but this -proved impossible. He was sent home in the "Alliance", and on the way -became evidently insane. All necessities of a court-martial were thus -avoided.[1246] - -This ill-success of Landais was a good enough illustration of the -danger of entrusting seamen of one nation to a commander from another. -Either this danger or some other consideration prevented the French -government from employing Jones. But the hope of such service was -so constant with him that he took no command from the government of -the United States for some time. And thus his service, which might -have been of great importance, was lost, while he was dangling in -antechambers. - -These conflicts on the coast of Europe attracted, as has been said, -more of the attention of Europe than the naval battles between England -and America in other seas. But the years 1777 and 1778 had not passed -without frequent naval engagements on the American coast, some of them -of considerable importance. In May, 1777, Manly took the "Hancock" and -"Boston", frigates from the port of Boston, with which he captured -the English frigate "Fox." The three vessels looked into the harbor -of Halifax, and drew into action the "Rainbow", the "Flora", and the -"Victor", a superior force. The two smaller American vessels escaped, -but the "Hancock" was sacrificed. - -The "Raleigh", one of the thirteen frigates built for the Continent, -had, as the reader knows, made a successful cruise in the end of 1777. -The next year, with the "Alfred", one of the little favorites in -the beginning of the war, she sailed from France. Both vessels were -overtaken by a superior English force, and the "Alfred" was lost, -though the "Raleigh" succeeded in reaching Boston. At that time most of -the naval force of the Congress was in Boston harbor. It consisted of -but three vessels, the "Warren", the "Raleigh", and the "Deane", each -of thirty-two guns. The State of Massachusetts had in the same harbor -the "Tyrannicide", the "Independent", the "Sampson", and the "Hancock", -of fourteen guns and of twenty. But besides this little fleet, so -insignificant in itself, hundreds of privateers were afloat, many of -them of force nearly equal to the largest of the vessels which have -been named. - -It had been the hope of Franklin in Paris, of Paul Jones, his naval -adviser, and of the court to which they both gave counsel, that -D'Estaing's fleet might arrive off Delaware Bay in time to shut up the -English fleet there. The same issue was feared in England.[1247] But -D'Estaing was just too late. He arrived on the 7th of July off the -capes; he only landed his passengers, Deane, and Gérard, the new French -minister, and without even watering his fleet followed the English -fleet to New York. Had he entrapped them in the Delaware, a crisis like -that of Yorktown might have come three years earlier. - -But the harbor of New York was too well protected by the intricacies -of its channels to make an attack possible. D'Estaing remained in the -offing off Sandy Hook for some days, and then bore away for Newport. -His coöperation with the army of Sullivan is described in another -place.[1248] - -A full letter from Cooper to Franklin exists among the Franklin -papers,[1249] which gives D'Estaing's own view of the transactions -which followed, and that view is probably substantially correct. When -he threatened the English fleet in New York Bay, it consisted of six -ships of the line, six fifty-gun ships, two of forty-four guns, with -smaller vessels. When he entered Newport Bay the English burned the -"Orpheus", the "Lark", the "Cerberus", and the "King-Fisher",—of -various force, from thirty-two guns to twenty,—and several smaller -vessels. When, in conjunction with Sullivan, D'Estaing attacked -the town, the English burned the "Grand Duke" and the "Flora", of -thirty-two guns, with fifteen transports. While he was in Newport -Bay, Byron's English fleet reinforced the fleet in New York, and they -were now strong enough to retaliate on D'Estaing and give to him -the challenge which he had so lately given to them. With a fleet of -thirty-six sail, fourteen of which were double-deckers, they appeared -off Newport. - -D'Estaing was not averse to a contest. On the 10th of August, with -the advantage of a fresh north wind, he took his squadron to sea. -The English admiral, Howe, slipped his cables and went to sea also. -D'Estaing did not avoid a battle, and, in the gale which followed, -engaged the rear of the English fleet. But his own flag-ship, the -"Languedoc", was dismasted in the gale, and, after communicating with -Sullivan again, he went round to Boston to refit. - -Samuel Cooper, in writing the letter to which we have alluded, is well -aware that there was some popular disappointment because the Count -D'Estaing had not done more. But he resumes the whole by saying: "The -very sound of his aid occasioned the evacuation of Philadelphia by the -British army; his presence suspended the operation of a vast British -force in these States, by sea and land; it animated our own efforts; -it protected our coast and navigation, obliging the enemy to keep -their men-of-war and cruisers collected, and facilitated our necessary -supplies from abroad. By drawing the powerful squadron of Admiral Byron -to these seas, it gave security to the islands of France in the West -Indies, an equilibrium to her naval power in the Channel, and a decided -superiority in the Mediterranean." - -When it is remembered that, in the events of the summer and autumn, -the English lost twenty vessels in their collisions with D'Estaing's -fleet, it must be granted that its exploits were by no means -inconsiderable. - -[Illustration] - -Of the American ships which have been spoken of, the "Raleigh" was -the only one which was seriously engaged in this year. She put to sea -on the 25th of September, with a small convoy. Before night she was -pursued by two cruisers of the enemy. Barry, the commander, ran his -ship on shore and saved his officers and men; but the "Raleigh" was -floated by the English and taken into their service.[1250] - -Meanwhile, in adventures which separately do not claim the dignity of -historical narrative, the public and private cruisers from New England -so swept the ocean that they sent into Boston most of the provision -ships intended for the English army in New York. D'Estaing was able -to leave Boston on the 3d of November for an expedition to the West -Indies, with a fleet provisioned with the very stores which had been -provided for his enemies. His vessels had been thoroughly repaired, -cleaned, and sailed in good condition, and well fitted for the -important duty assigned to them. - -Early in 1779 the "Alliance" was fitted out for France, from Boston, -to take General Lafayette on an important mission home. She was under -the command of Pierre Landais, of whose misbehavior afterwards, in the -battle of the "Serapis", the reader has been informed. Landais was -already so unpopular that American sailors would not enlist under him, -although the "Alliance" herself was a favorite vessel. Lafayette was, -however, eager to be on his way, and at his urgent instance a crew -was made up by accepting the services of English seamen, prisoners of -war, who had been taken when the "Somerset" was shipwrecked on Cape -Cod. As might have been expected, a mutiny was planned before she -reached France; but it was fortunately revealed by an Irish seaman -who was loyal to his new country. Passengers and officers united in -confining the mutineers, and the ship was safely brought to France. She -was a fine, new, swift vessel. Seamen liked her, though they disliked -Landais. Another crew was obtained for her, and it was thus that she -sailed with Paul Jones. It has been more convenient to speak of her -after-history as we described transactions in the European waters. - -In April, a squadron of three vessels, commanded by Hopkins in the -"Warren", sailed from Boston and overtook a fleet of transports and -store-ships which Clinton had sent from New York to Georgia. Hopkins -captured eight out of ten vessels, of which three were armed. By this -brilliant success the Americans took as prisoners twenty-four officers -and a large number of private soldiers. - -In the same summer, Whipple, one of the old commanders, in the -"Providence", fell in with a large convoy of English merchantmen bound -from the West Indies to England. The American officer disguised his -vessel, or concealed her character, so that he boldly entered the fleet -as one of their number. As night fell, on each of ten successive days -he boarded and captured some vessel from the convoy, and eight of the -prizes thus taken arrived in Boston. Their cargoes were sold for more -than a million dollars, and the bold venture is spoken of as the most -successful pecuniary enterprise of the war. - -Early in the same year, Hallett, in the "Tyrannicide", a cruiser of -the State of Massachusetts, took the "Revenge", a privateer cruiser -from Jamaica.[1251] In the same summer, John Foster Williams, in the -Massachusetts cruiser "Hazard", engaged the "Active", an English vessel -with a larger force, with success. He was then transferred to the -"Protector", a ship of twenty guns, in which he engaged the "Duff", an -English privateer, which blew up after an action of an hour.[1252] - -These successes, perhaps, stimulated the State of Massachusetts to -attempt an enterprise which proved the most unfortunate in her military -history, and was the end of her separate state naval force. John Foster -Williams, who had commanded the "Protector", was very popular, and -he was placed at the head of the state squadron, consisting of the -"Tyrannicide", the "Hazard", and the "Protector", fitted out by the -State against the English post at Penobscot, which was then within -her own borders. The state authorities obtained from Congress, as an -accession to their own force, the "Warren", the "Diligent", and the -"Providence", which were nearly all that were left of the Continental -navy. Some privateersmen joined the expedition. The whole naval force -was placed under Saltonstall, who had a Continental commission. The -land force consisted of 1,500 militiamen. This little force landed near -the end of July; but Lovell, the land commander, thought his force -insufficient, and sent for reinforcements. While they were waiting, -Sir George Collier appeared with five English vessels. Saltonstall did -not dare engage them, and ran his own ship, the "Warren", on shore and -burnt her. Most of the other vessels followed his example, and the -rest were captured by the English. The crews, with the land forces, -abandoned the expedition, and returned to Boston by land. - -The national navy of the United States was thus reduced to the very -lowest terms. Of the few vessels left, four were taken by the English -when they captured Charleston, namely, the "Providence", the "Queen -of France", the "Ranger", and the "Boston." Nor had Congress much -enthusiasm for replacing them. In the first place, Congress had no -money with which to build ships; and in the second place, the alliance -with France gave it the use of a navy much more powerful than it could -itself create.[1253] It was also clear enough that the great prizes -to be hoped for in privateering gave a sufficient inducement to call -out all the force the country had for naval warfare. The history of -such warfare can never be written, but the damage which the privateers -inflicted upon the enemy's commerce was such that the mercantile -classes of England became bitterly opposed to the war. On the other -hand, it has been said, and probably truly, that New England, the home -of the privateers, was never more prosperous than in the last years -of the Revolution, so large were the profits made in privateering -enterprises. - -[Illustration: TUCKER'S PAROLE, MAY 20, 1780. - -From the _Tucker Papers_, in Harvard College library. He commanded the -"Boston" when surrendered.] - -After the fall of Charleston, the principal vessels left in the -national navy were the "Alliance", the "Hague", formerly the "Deane", -the "Confederacy", the "Trumbull", the "Saratoga", and the "Ariel." -In February, 1781, the "Alliance" crossed to France, and started to -return with the "Marquis de Lafayette", a ship of forty guns, laden -with a very valuable cargo of stores for the government. A few days -after, she took the "Mars" and the "Minerva", heavily armed privateers, -and then parted from her consort. The "Lafayette" was captured soon -after, to the great distress of the American army, which needed her -stores; but the "Alliance" completed her cruise, and, on the 28th of -May, captured the "Atalanta" and the "Trepasy", two English cruisers. -The "Atalanta", however, was subsequently taken by an English squadron. -The "Confederacy", which was launched in 1778, was captured by the -English in the West Indies, on the 22d of June. Captain Nicholson, in -the "Trumbull", after a romantic series of adventures, surrendered to -the "Iris" and the "Monk" in August of the same year. The "Congress" -in September captured the sloop-of-war "Savage." In the next year, -which was the last of the war, the "Alliance" made a cruise in which -she maintained her reputation. The "Hague", the only frigate which -remained to the nation, having been given to Manly, whose success in -the beginning of the war gave such joy to Washington and his army, -"this officer in a manner closed it", as Fenimore Cooper says, "with a -very brilliant cruise in the West Indies." - -The signal success of Count de Grasse in blocking up Lord Cornwallis -in the Chesapeake, and the history of his engagements with Rodney and -others, belong more properly to another chapter of this history.[1254] - -It is a misfortune for the history of this country that no intelligent -man in New England interested himself in the systematic history of the -privateer enterprises of the United States in the Revolution while -the seamen lived who engaged in them. But no such person undertook -this historical work, and the materials do not now exist from which it -could be thoroughly done. Some details noticed by authors of the time -excite attention and surprise as they reveal the magnitude and number -of the prizes made by the privateers. Such is the statement, cited -above, that the prizes sent in by Whipple in one cruise exceeded one -million dollars in value. Hutchinson, in his diary, reports the belief -that seventy thousand New Englanders were engaged in privateering at -one time. This was probably an overestimate at that moment. But it -is certain that, as the war went on, many more than seventy thousand -Americans fought their enemy upon the sea. On the other hand, the -reader knows that there was no time when seventy thousand men were -enrolled in the armies of the United States on shore.[1255] - -In the year 1781 the privateer fleet of the port of Salem alone -consisted of fifty-nine vessels, which carried nearly four thousand -men, and mounted seven hundred and forty-six guns. In 1780 the -Admiralty Court of the Essex district of Massachusetts, which was the -largest of the three admiralty districts, had condemned 818 prizes. It -must not be supposed that other districts were insignificant. In the -single month of May, 1779, eighteen prizes were brought into New London. - -As has been said, there seems to be no method of making any complete -computation of the magnitude of the privateer fleet at any one time. -But an incomplete list in the _Massachusetts Archives_ of those -commissioned in that State gives us the names of two hundred and -seventy-six vessels. As the reader has seen, the fleets from Rhode -Island, Connecticut, and Philadelphia were also large. It would -probably be fair to say that between the beginning and end of the -war more than five hundred privateers were commissioned by different -States. The magnitude of the injury inflicted upon the English trade -by these vessels may be judged by such a comparison as is in our -power of the respective forces. In the year 1777 the whole number -of officers and men in the English navy was eighty-seven thousand. -Although Hutchinson's estimate is probably an overestimate, it is to be -remembered that, as the reader has seen, there were at the same time -very considerable naval forces in the employ of the several States and -of the United States government. This would seem to show that, man for -man, the numerical forces engaged by the two parties were not very much -unlike. In the Atlantic Ocean, the Americans seem to have outnumbered -the English. - -After the navy of the United States, which was officered and built -or purchased by Congress, the largest separate force was that of the -State of Massachusetts. So soon as O'Brien and his friends seized the -"Margaretta", as has been told, the provincial government took her into -its service, and christened her the "Liberty", keeping her at first -under the care of O'Brien. - -For the first five years of the war, Massachusetts was governed by -a committee of the Council. Many of the members of this committee, -from time to time, were Boston merchants, of large experience in -maritime affairs. The State was acting as an independent sovereignty. -It contributed to the resources of its allies, the other States in -the confederation, but none the less did it carry on war against the -common enemy. It would sometimes happen that the State needed to make a -remittance to France in its purchase of military stores. If the market -were favorable, the merchants on the council boards would arrange for -the purchase or charter of a vessel on State account, and the State -bought and sent to Europe the freight by which it made its payments -to its agents. The naval archives of the commonwealth are therefore a -curious mixture of warlike operations and of commercial adventure. It -will sometimes happen that the vessel which appears in one month as a -cruiser, officered and manned for war by the authority of the State, -shall appear in another month as a merchantman, freighted for a foreign -port and intended to bring home a cargo to be sold to the credit of -the State. An interesting instance of the promptness of the government -was its readiness in taking up and fitting for use a little brigantine -which carried to Franklin, in Paris, the first news of Burgoyne's -surrender. Paul Jones hoped, as has been seen, to carry out the same -news in the "Ranger" from Philadelphia; but although his passage was -but twenty days in length, he did not arrive at Bordeaux till the same -day on which Austin, the messenger of Massachusetts, was telling the -great news to Franklin and the commissioners at Passy.[1256] - -The navy of Massachusetts, between the beginning and end of the war, -numbered at least thirty-four vessels. One or two of these were vessels -which ranked in the language of that day as frigates. The finest -and largest of them was the "Protector", built on state account at -Salisbury, Mass., where the fine frigate "Alliance", which proved so -successful and popular, was also built, almost at the same time. It -may be said, in passing, that the names of the New England vessels -showed very distinctly that men had not yet lost the traditions of -their ancestry. The "Tyrannicide" was a favorite cruiser in the state -navy, and the action which has been spoken of, in which she took the -"Revenge", was one of the best fought battles of the war. The "Oliver -Cromwell" was a Massachusetts privateer, and the name of the "Hampden" -appears twice on the lists of those days. The keel of the "Protector" -was laid in 1778, and she sailed first in 1780. But she was also one of -the unfortunate squadron destroyed in the Penobscot. The failure of the -well-planned but disastrous expedition to that river resulted in the -destruction of all the important vessels belonging to the State. - -We have only a partial catalogue of the privateers commissioned by the -State between 1775 and 1783. It is sometimes difficult to draw the line -between state cruisers and privateers, and it will sometimes happen -that a vessel which has one year been chartered by the State, and -officered in her commission, falls back the next year into the hands -of her owners, and is equipped and fought by them under a privateer's -commission. In this list there are rather more than three hundred names -of separate vessels. Of the privateersmen sent out from Salem there is -a separate list. Between the beginning and end of the war, the Salem -vessels alone numbered nearly one hundred and fifty. The _Massachusetts -Archives_ give a list of three hundred and sixty-five, as commissioned -and belonging in Boston. If we had lists, equally full, of the -privateers which sailed from Falmouth (Portland), from the Merrimac, -from Marblehead, from Falmouth, Dartmouth, Plymouth, Barnstable, and -the other towns on Cape Cod, it is probable that we should enlarge -the list of Massachusetts privateers so that it should include more -than six hundred vessels. It is to be remembered that all the regular -operations of the fishing fleet were stopped, and that therefore, in -every town on the coast, there were vessels and men ready for service, -and very easily commissioned if a spirited commander appeared. To this -number must be added the considerable list of what were virtually New -England privateers among the vessels commissioned in France by Deane -and Franklin. - -The largest of these privateers, at starting, carried one hundred -and fifty men. Such an exploit as Whipple's, which has been already -recorded, would have been impossible unless he had as many as ten prize -crews on his vessel, of fifteen men each. With each prize sent in, the -fighting force of the captor was reduced, and in such reduction is -the reason to be found why we often find that at the last a privateer -captain was not able to fight his own ship, and, after he had sent in -many prizes, was himself taken. On the other hand, the smallest of -these vessels, equipped for short cruises, carried but few guns and few -men. - -Mr. Felt's statement of the privateer force of Salem and Beverly at -the end of the war gives a total force of fifty-nine ships, carrying -four thousand men. This would give an average of about sixty-six men -to a vessel. The general estimate is higher, and we suppose that the -average crew of a Massachusetts privateer, when she sailed, was about -one hundred men. - -If this estimate is correct, we must modify Hutchinson's statement so -far as to say that, sooner or later, Massachusetts alone probably sent -sixty thousand men out in warfare upon the seas. Rhode Island, New -Hampshire, and Connecticut probably sent twenty thousand more. Next -to this fleet was that of the Delaware; next to that, the privateers -commissioned in France; and to these must be added those from the -Chesapeake and more southern waters. - -The number of seamen and officers employed by the Continental Congress -was probably largest in the earlier years of the war. No papers now -exist which give full returns of this force. But it would probably be -fair to estimate it as varying in different years from five thousand -to ten thousand men. The several state navies represented, perhaps, as -many more. - -When one considers these forces in the privateer fleet and the national -and state navies, the English force opposed seems surprisingly small. -We have the official returns of the officers and men in the whole -English navy for every year of the contest. The number comes up to -87,000, after England was well engaged with America, France, and Spain. -But of this fleet a very considerable part was in the East Indies and -on other stations. Almon's _Remembrancer_ says distinctly that the -number of men engaged against the colonies at sea in 1776 was 26,000. -It is very sure that in that year the colonies had many more men at sea -engaged against England. There were some English privateers; but their -number was not considerable. - -A comparison between the military and naval forces of America in the -Revolution shows that the navy, in its various forms, embodied almost -as many men as the army, and sometimes, indeed, more. - -In a report sent by General Knox to Congress on the 11th of May, -1790, he gives the number of men actually in the Continental army -year by year, the number of militia called out from time to time, -and the number of men demanded in the quotas fixed by Congress. The -last figures are of no great importance now, though they have some -historical curiosity. The others exhibit the forces for seven years, -thus:— - - _Continentals._ _Militia._ - 1775 27,443 37,623 - 1776 46,891 42,760 - 1777 34,820 33,900 - 1778 32,899 18,153 - 1779 27,699 17,485 - 1780 21,015 21,811 - 1781 33,408 16,048 - 1782 14,256 3,750 - 1783 13,476 _No militia._ - - A curiously extravagant estimate of the extent of the continental - forces engaged has been commonly set forth by adding these yearly - figures, a process which takes no recognition of the fact that a man - serving through three years, for instance, is counted in each year. - The history of this confusion is traced in a paper by Justin Winsor in - the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1886.—ED. - -It is to be observed that the number of militia stated here is largely -conjectural; and in no instance were the men called out in service for -any considerable time. A comparison of these figures with figures quite -as authentic, which give the number of men who were afloat year by year -for purposes of offence, either in the national or state navies, or -in larger numbers in privateers, will show that, in some of the later -years of the war, this naval service enlisted a larger number of men -than were serving in the army. Indeed, as has been shown, Great Britain -appears to have often had more American enemies afloat on the Atlantic -than she had seamen and officers of her own upon that ocean. - -[Illustration] - - -GENERAL EDITORIAL NOTES. - -THE earliest account of the Revolutionary navy was in Thomas Clark's -_Naval History of the United States from the Commencement of the -Revolution_ (Philad., 1813; second ed., 1814), in two volumes. - -Chas. W. Goldsborough's _United States Naval Chronicle_, bringing the -story down to 1822, was printed in Washington in 1824. - -In 1828 there appeared at Brooklyn, N. Y., a _General View of the rise, -etc., of the American Navy_,—a book of little importance. - -The most important of all the accounts is the _Naval Hist. of -the United States_, by James Fenimore Cooper, first published in -Philadelphia in 1839, and in a second edition in 1840. In some -respects, relating to the war of 1812, Cooper's views have been called -in question; but his story of the Revolutionary navy is the result of -investigations that have not, on the whole, been improved upon.[1257] -Cooper gives a list of the Continental cruisers, with the fate of each; -and Lossing, in the summary of the Revolutionary naval history in his -_Field-Book_, ii. 851, copies this list. An official and authentic -record, with no attempt at a readable narrative, is found in G. F. -Emmons's _Navy of the United States, 1775-1853, with a brief history -of each vessel's service, to which is added a list of private armed -vessels, previous and subsequent to the Revolutionary War_ (Washington, -1853, published under authority of the Navy Department). The book -contains a list of captures during the Revolution, both by public and -private armed vessels. - -On the British side, the earliest connected narrative is that in the -fourth and fifth volumes of Robert Beatson's _Naval and Military -Memoirs of Great Britain_, 1727-1783 (London, 1804). Among the later -books are C. D. Yonge's _Hist. of the British Navy_,[1258] and Allen's -_Battles of the British Navy_.[1259] - - -SPECIAL EDITORIAL NOTES. - -I. PAUL JONES.—In respect to the lives of Paul Jones, Sabin's (ix. -nos. 36,546, etc.) enumeration includes many anonymous and unimportant -ones not now to be mentioned. The earliest biography of any original -authority was one issued at Washington in 1825 (second ed. 1851), _Life -and Character of John Paul Jones_, by John Henry Sherburne, register of -the U. S. navy, and this was reprinted in an abridged form at London, -the same year as _The life of Paul Jones from original documents in -the possession of John Henry Sherburne, register of the Navy of the U. -S._ This life was based upon documents in the naval archives of the -government, upon some letters contributed by Thomas Jefferson, and upon -some papers brought to light in a baker's shop in New York (_No. Amer. -Rev._, Oct., 1826, p. 292). These papers had been left by Jones, when -he went to Europe, in the hands of his friend Ross, of Philadelphia. -At Jones's death, and on his heirs' orders, these papers were handed -over to Robert Hyslop, and, upon this gentleman's death, came into -the charge of his cousin, John Hyslop, the baker, in whose shop they -were found by Mr. George A. Ward, of New York, by whom they were put -at Sherburne's disposal. This biographer, hearing of other papers in -Scotland, applied for them, but was refused, as it was intended to use -them in another memoir. This other narrative appeared as _Memoirs of -Rear Admiral Paul Jones, now first compiled from his original journals -and correspondence_ (Edinburgh, 1830, in 2 vols.; London, 1843, in 2 -vols.). The author of it referred rather slightingly to the New York -MSS. as "a few fragments", and claimed that Jones took to Europe the -essential part of his papers, which by his will passed to his sisters -in Scotland, and eventually to his niece, Miss Janette Taylor, of -Dumfries, who possessed several bound volumes of them, beside other -loose papers. Some of Jones's papers are in the possession of J. C. -Brevoort, of Brooklyn; others are among the Force Papers in the library -of Congress; and others in the Lee Papers in the libraries of Harvard -College and of the University of Virginia. Franklin's letters to him -are in Sparks's ed., vol. viii. The Taylor MSS. were the original -material mentioned in the title of this Edinburgh edition, which was -reprinted, under the editing of Robert Sands, in New York (1830) as -_The life and Correspondence of Paul Jones from original letters and -manuscripts in the possession of Miss Janette Taylor_. The Sparks -Library has a copy of this book, with Miss Taylor's MS. annotations. -Based upon the same material, but with some alterations and additions, -was the _Life of Rear Admiral John Paul Jones, compiled from his -original Journals and Correspondence_ (Philad., 1845, 1847, 1853, 1858, -1869), which appeared under the editing of B. Walker. The _Life of Paul -Jones by Alexander Slidell Mackenzie_ (Boston, 1841, in two vols.) was -written at the instance of Jared Sparks, and its merit is that it has -sifted all the existing material, making a more readable and better -constructed narrative than the others. Mackenzie acknowledges his use -of the preceding lives, but says he has used guardedly a _Memoir of the -Life of Capt. Nathaniel Fanning, an American naval officer, who served -during part of the American Revolution under Commodore John Paul Jones_ -(New York, 1808), which is known in another edition as _A narrative of -the Adventures of an American Naval Officer_ (New York, 1806). Fanning -is said to have been Jones's private secretary, though he is also -spoken of as a midshipman on the "Bon Homme Richard." Thomas Chase, -of Chesterfield, Va., published _Sketches of the life, character, and -times of Paul Jones_ (Richmond, 1850), which is of small extent, and -in part derived from stories told by the author's grandfather, who had -served with Jones. - -A French _Mémoire de Paul Jones_ (Paris, 1798) purports to be a -translation under his own eyes, by "Citoyen André", of a narrative -written by Jones himself. _Poole's Index_, p. 695, gives various -periodical references to articles on Jones; and his career is the -subject of J. F. Cooper's novel of _The Pilot_, and of its sequel, -Dumas' _Capitaine Paul_. Cf. Herman Melville's _Israel Potter_. The -Rev. E. E. Hale gives a chapter (no. xiv.) to his career in his -_Franklin in France_. - -For Jones's services in the "Ranger", see, beside the lives of Jones, -the _Annual Register_ (xxi. 176); Parton's _Franklin_ (vol. ii.); a -journal of Dr. Ezra Green in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1875, -edited by Admiral Preble (whose own copy with additions is in the -Mass. Hist. Soc.). A log of the "Ranger" is cited as belonging to a -gentleman in Greenock in 1830; and one, Aug. 24, 1778, to May 10, 1780, -is printed in the _Granite Monthly_, v. 64. The _Memoirs of Andrew -Sherburne, a pensioner of the navy of the Revolution_ (Utica, 1828; -Providence, 1831) covers the service of a lad on the ship. - -Of the remarkable fight of the "Bon Homme Richard" and the "Serapis" -we have Jones's account in his letter from Texel to Franklin, also -transmitted to Congress; the narrative of Dale, his lieutenant; and -the letter sent to the admiralty by Capt. Pearson, of the English -ship. These are given by Sherburne, the Edinburgh editor, and others. -The account in Cooper's _Naval History_ passed under the eye of Dale. -The log-book of the "Richard" was in 1830 in the possession of George -Napier, of Edinburgh. The statements about the progress of the fight -are somewhat contradictory, and Dawson (_Battles_, 554) collates them. -A letter of Jones to Robert Morris, Oct. 13, 1779, is in the _N. -Y. Hist. Coll._, 1878, p. 442. Beside the accounts in the lives of -Jones and the general histories, see Parton's _Franklin_ (ii. 335); -_Analectic Mag._ (vol. viii.); Allen's _Battles of the British Navy_; -J. T. Headley's _Miscellanies_. The effect in England is depicted in -Albemarle's _Rockingham and his Contemporaries_ (ii. 381). The story of -the flag of the "Bon Homme Richard" is told by Admiral G. H. Preble in -his _Three Historic Flags_ (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1874, -and separately with additions, Boston, 1874,—the author's annotated -copy being in the Mass. Hist. Soc.). There is a contemporary print of -the fight by Peltro, after a painting by Robert Dodd (London, 1781). -Cf. Barnard's _Hist. of England_, p. 693. - -Jones accused Landais, who commanded the "Alliance", of failure to -afford assistance, and of even firing into the "Bon Homme Richard." -Landais published a _Memorial to justify Peter Landais' conduct during -the late war_ (Boston, 1784), and a _Second Part_ (New York, 1787?), -being his defence against the specifications of _Charges and proofs -respecting the conduct of Peter Landais_ (New York [1787]). Landais' -quarrel with Jones and his subsequent career are traced in Hale's -_Franklin in France_, ch. xvii. For Landais' claims on government, see -B. P. Poore's _Descriptive Catal. of govt. publications_, pp. 61, 67, -82, 94; and Jones's claims can be traced in _Ibid._ Cf. _Journals of -Congress_, iv. 796. - -The _Diplomatic Correspondence_ (vol. i.) shows the complications which -the harboring of Jones and his prizes in Holland caused. For titles on -this point, see Sabin (ix. 36,562, etc.) and Muller, _Books on America_ -(1872), p. 187, and nos. 1,181-1,187. The difficulty occasioned by the -captures of Wickes and Conyngham, and their efforts to refit in French -ports, as well as those of Jones, are set forth in Hale's _Franklin in -France_. - - * * * * * - -II. PRIVATEERING.—The Provincial Assembly of Massachusetts, Nov. 13, -1775, authorized private-armed vessels to cruise, and established a -court for condemning their prizes,—the law being drawn by Elbridge -Gerry (Austin's _Gerry_, i. 92, 505; Barry's _Mass._, iii. 58, and -references; Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 155; Frothingham's _Siege of -Boston_, 261; _Gent. Mag._, Jan., 1776; Almon' s _Remembrancer_, ii. -149). For the provincial legislation, see Goodell's _Provincial Laws_, -vol. v., under "Admiralty", "Letters of Marque", "Armed Vessels", and -"Privateers", in the index. - -For the early captures, see _Siege of Boston_, 269, 272, 289, 308; -Adams's _Familiar Letters_, 208, 220, 230. Abigail Adams wrote, Sept. -9, 1776, "The rage for privateering is as great here as anywhere, and -I believe the success has been as great" (_Familiar Letters_, 226). -The _Massachusetts Archives_ show how large the number of privateers -was that hailed from that State. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 118, -with references; and the _Report on the Mass. Archives_ (1885), pp. -25, 27-29, 31, 34. Cf. a letter of Thomas Cushing on the building of -armed vessels in Mass., in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Oct., 1886, p. 355; -and a list by Admiral Preble of those fitted out in Massachusetts, -1776-1783, in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1871. After Boston, -the most activity was in Salem. Cf. extracts from _Salem Gazette_, -quoted in A. B. Ellis's _Amer. Patriotism on the Sea_ (Cambridge, 1884, -and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1884); _Annals of Salem_, by J. B. -Felt; _Curwen's Journal_, 589; W. P. Upham's _General Glover_; life of -E. H. Derby in Hunt's _Amer. Merchants_, vol. ii; T. W. Higginson, in -_Harper's Monthly_, Sept., 1886. - -The records of the proprietors of the New Hampshire privateer -"Gen. Sullivan" (1777-1780), showing how the business part of such -enterprises was conducted, and the instructions given to commanders, -have been printed by Charles H. Bell in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1869, pp. 47, 181, 289. Correspondence of Josiah Bartlett and -William Whipple on privateering is in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 73. - -Concerning the Rhode Island privateers, we have William Paine -Sheffield's _Rhode Island privateers and privateersmen_ (an address, -Newport, 1883); and an account of the privateer "Gen. Washington", -in E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, p. 275. (Cf. Arnold's _Rhode -Island_, etc.) Newport is thought to have furnished more seamen than -any port except Boston. - -For those of Connecticut, see _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1873, p. -101; and on the whale-boat warfare, of which a large part was on Long -Island Sound, see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, March, 1882, p. 168; _N. Y. -Evening Post_, July 18, 1853 (quoted by Ellis); Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 851; Onderdonk's _Rev. Incidents of Long Island_, i. 170-234. Cf. -also F. M. Caulkins's _New London_, ch. 31; Hinman's _Conn. during -the Rev._, 592. The British expedition to Danbury was offset by the -incursion of Connecticut whale-boats (May, 1777), under Return Jonathan -Meigs, to Sag Harbor, where captures were made and shipping burned. -Cf. Hildreth's _Pioneer Settlers of Ohio_, 532; Sparks's _Washington_, -iv. 440; _Mag. of American History_, April, 1880. Judge Jones (_N. -Y. during the Rev._) asperses Meigs's character, and Johnston -(_Observations_, etc., 23) defends him. - -For those of New York, see _N. Y. City Manual_, 1870, p. 867. We know -less about the privateers fitted out south of New York; but Robert -Morris is said to have grown rich on the profits of such enterprises -(Chastellux's _Voyages_, Eng. tr., i. 199, etc.). These ventures were -far from uniformly successful, and the losses were many (cf. such -instances as are detailed in Moore's _Diary_, i. 284, 316, etc.), but -the losses inflicted by privateers on the British were vastly greater. -Lecky (iv. 17) thinks that, though the allurements of such service -helped to stay enlistments in the army, it was quite worth such a cost -in the damage which the British suffered. - -Congress first authorized privateers under Continental commissions -March 23, 1776, and regulations were adopted April 2d and -3d,—Washington having made suggestions (_Journals_, i. 183, 296, 305; -John Adams's _Works_, iii. 37). A collection of _Extracts from the -Journals of Congress relative to prizes and privateers_ was printed at -Philad. in 1777 (Brinley, no. 4,112). For prize claims, see Poore's -_Descriptive Catalogue_ p. 1347; and for lists of prize cases, cf. -_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, 2d ser., ii. 120. - -We have various journals and narratives of cruises in privateers: the -MS. _Journal_ of Capt. J. Fish in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. (1776-77); -Timothy Boardman's _Log-book, kept on board the privateer Oliver -Cromwell, during a cruise from New London, Ct., to Charleston, S. -C., and return, in 1778; also, a biographical sketch of the author, -by S. W. Boardman_, issued under the auspices of the Rutland County -Historical Society (Albany, N. Y., 1885); Solomon Drowne's _Journal -of a cruise in the fall of 1780, in the private sloop of war Hope, -with notes by H. T. Drowne_ (New York, 1872), and reprinted in _The -R. I. Hist. Mag._, July, 1884; narrative of Capt. Philip Besom, of -Marblehead, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 357. - -[Illustration: PAUL JONES. - -After the medal struck in his honor by Congress, to commemorate his -victory over the "Serapis." Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 299; -Loubat's _Medallic Hist. U. S._; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 845; Gay's -_Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 622; Thomas Wyatt's _Memoirs of the Generals, -Commodores_, etc. (Phil., 1848, no. 23); John Frost's _Pictorial Book -of the Commodores_ (New York, 1845). Madison called Houdon's bust -of Jones "an exact likeness." The familiar portrait by C. W. Peale -represents him full face, with chapeau, has been engraved by J. B. -Longacre, and is in Sherburne's _Life of Jones_. For a contemporary -English print, see J. C. Smith's _British Mezzotint Portraits_, v. -1735.] - -Respecting the international complications occasioned by the -privateers, see the _Diplom. Corresp. of the Rev._ Capt. John Lee, of -Marblehead, carried some prisoners taken from prizes, which he had -sent home, into Bilbao in 1776, where he was put under arrest; but the -news of the Declaration of Independence arriving at Madrid, he was -discharged (George Sumner's _Oration at Boston_, July 4, 1859, p. 12; -_Dipl. Corresp._, i. 53). The Grantham correspondence, copied in the -_Sparks MSS._ (no. xxiii.), shows much on these complications. The -histories of American diplomacy in Europe at this time necessarily -cover these points; and the copies of the Lord Stormont and Sir Joseph -Yorke Papers, among the Sparks MSS., show the complications which the -ministers of England had to encounter in France and Holland. E. E. -Hale's _Franklin in France_ has a chapter on the American privateers -sailing from Dunkirk. On the participancy of Franklin and Deane in the -movements of the privateers, see Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 239. There -were instances of privateers being retaken by their prisoners and -carried into England (P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. Hutchinson_, ii. 86). - - * * * * * - -III. THE RHODE ISLAND CAMPAIGN OF 1778.—In 1776 all the entrances to -Narragansett Bay had been fortified, except the westerly, or that -one lying between Conanicut Island and the western shore of the bay; -and accordingly, in December of that year, Sir Peter Parker with a -British fleet entered by this passage, and, passing round the northern -end of Conanicut, landed Sir Henry Clinton and a force of British and -Hessians on Rhode Island, and occupied Newport (_New Hampshire State -Papers_, viii. 411, 431; Bancroft, ix. 200, 357. Cf. G. C. Mason on the -English fleet in R. I. in the _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vii. 301). The -_Journals_ of Congress, ii. 233, show a proposition to send fire-ships -against the British in August, 1777. The Americans, under the direction -of a French engineer, Malmedy, completed at once the defences of all -vulnerable points round the bay, and the chart of the bay, made by the -English engineer Blaskowitz in 1777, shows what some of these points -were. The American as well as the British defences are enumerated -in Gen. George W. Cullum's _Historical sketch of the fortification -defences of Narragansett Bay_ (Washington, 1884). Cf. also his paper in -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, June, 1884. A section of Blaskowitz's map of the -bay, 1777, given in E. M. Stone's _French Allies_, shows the defences -of Providence. - -[Illustration: CAPTAIN PEARSON.] - -D'Estaing, by reason of the draft of his heavier ships, had declined to -risk entering New York harbor (Sparks, _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. 155; -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 387). A sketch in the Montresor Papers (_N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1881_, p. 505) gives the positions of the English -and French fleets, July 22, 1778, respectively, within and without -Sandy Hook. When D'Estaing sailed to Newport, it was in pursuance of -a plan contrived with Washington for the capture of that place and -the British forces there. On July 29, 1778, D'Estaing anchored near -Point Judith. Sullivan was now in command of about ten thousand men, -largely militia, and under him were Greene and Lafayette commanding -divisions, and they all were gathered about the head of the bay. Copies -of Lafayette's letters during this campaign, made by him for Sparks, -are in the _Sparks MSS._ no. lxxxiv. There were about 6,000 men under -Maj.-Gen. Pigot in the Newport defences. On Newport in the hands of -the British, see _Hist. Mag._, iv. 1, 34, 69, 105, 133, 172, and the -Journal in _Narragansett Hist. Reg._, i. 28, 91, 167, 277. There was a -small British fleet, mostly of thirty-two guns each, protecting their -water-front. When on August 5 D'Estaing began to send his ships in, -the British burned or sunk their ships. The plan agreed upon by the -joint forces was to attack the British on August 10; but Sullivan had -crossed his troops over to the island earlier than D'Estaing expected, -since he found that Pigot was drawing in his troops from the northern -end of the island, and massing them nearer Newport, while the French -troops had not yet landed so as to be ready to act in concert. This -was the condition, when one morning, as the fog lifted, the English -fleet of Howe was seen off the entrance of the bay. Some of the French -ships were outside and exposed, and so D'Estaing promptly passed out to -keep his fleet together and present his strongest front. Howe declined -battle, because the French had the weather-gauge. A gale coming -on, both fleets sought sea-room and were widely scattered, so that -little fighting took place except as opposing vessels chanced to come -together. The storm damaged both fleets equally, and each commander -sought a harbor as best he could; Howe at New York, and D'Estaing at -Newport. - -[Illustration: COUNT D'ESTAING. - -After a copperplate engraving of a picture by Bonneville.] - -The movements of the British fleet are followed in a _Candid and -impartial narrative of the transactions of the fleet under Lord Howe_ -(London, 1779). Cf. also Sir John Barrow's _Life of Richard, Earl Howe_ -(London, 1838). In the _Third report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_, -p. 124, there is noted a diary on the fleet, July 29-Aug. 31, 1778. -There is an account of a participant on the French fleet, given in -Moore's _Diary_, ii. 85. Paul Revere speaks of the storm as being of -unexampled severity (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 251). - -[Illustration: D'ESTAING. - -[Illustration] - -From Andrews' _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. i. It is also -engraved in _Extrait du Journal d'un officier de la marine_ [Paris?], -1782 (two editions, but with different engravings). Cf. the portrait in -Hennequin's _Biographie Maritime_ (ii. 221); an engraving by Porreau in -Jones's _Georgia_,] vol. ii.; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 78, etc.] - -Meanwhile, on August 15, Sullivan began a movement down the island, and -the British retired behind their two lines of defences. When D'Estaing -reëntered the bay on the 20th, Sullivan had begun his approaches -against the British works, but not wisely in plan, as General Cullum -says. Sullivan urged D'Estaing to join in the attack; but that officer -thought that his first duty, under his instructions, was to make the -safety of his fleet sure, and accordingly did not dare risk, in his -shattered condition, an attack from Howe, should the English admiral -chance to have fared better in the gale, and have made ready to fall -upon him. So D'Estaing told Sullivan he must go to Boston to refit, and -on the 22d he set sail, expressing regret that Sullivan had been so -precipitate in passing over from the main. He declared that he could -not help the American general, and this purpose he insisted upon, -despite the protests of Sullivan and his officers. The predicament of -the American commander was certainly an unfortunate one, but he was -not steady enough of head to refrain from publicly casting reproach on -the French general, in an order which he found he must in part recall -after the mischief had been done (Lodge's _Hamilton's Works_, vii. -557. Cf. Lafayette's letter to Washington in Sparks's _Corresp. of -the Rev._, ii., Aug. 25; and a letter of Greene, in _Ibid._, Aug. 28; -also Greene's _Greene_, iii. 148). Sullivan thus gave the militia an -excuse for deserting him. While in front of the British works and in -this condition, Sullivan got intelligence from Washington that Clinton -had sailed from New York with reinforcements for Pigot. Beginning a -retrograde movement on the 26th, Sullivan stopped at the northern end -of the island and strengthened his position, while Lafayette made a -fruitless visit to Boston to induce D'Estaing to return. That officer -was not yet ready; his ships not yet repaired. - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF NEWPORT, 1778. - -From the map in the atlas of Marshall's _Washington_. Cf. E. M. Stone's -_Our French Allies_, p. 68; and the map given in Diman's address on the -capture of Prescott. A MS. plan of the attack on Rhode Island, Aug., -1778, is among the Faden maps (no. 88) in the library of Congress.] - -[Illustration: NEWPORT. - -This plan, by Charles Blaskowitz, was published by Faden in 1777, and -is here somewhat reduced. Cf. fac-simile in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -July, 1879. A MS. map of the mouth of Taunton River and Newport harbor, -by Charles Blaskowitz, is among the Faden maps (no. 89) in the library -of Congress. There is another plan by Des Barres, published April 24, -1776, and making part of the _Atlantic Neptune_. A plan of Newport and -the bay is in the _American Atlas_, nos. 17 and 18. The British had -contemplated founding a navy yard at Newport in 1764 (_Rhode Island -Hist. Mag._, July, 1885, p. 42). Rider (_Hist. Tracts_, no. 6) gives a -fac-simile of an old map.] - -Meanwhile, on the 29th, the British, who had followed Sullivan, began -to press him, and some fighting took place. The centennial of this -action was celebrated August 29, 1878, and S. S. Rider includes an -account of it in his _R. I. Hist. Tracts_, vi. S. G. Arnold delivered -the historical address. This book has also Sullivan's Report, Aug. -31st; Pigot to Clinton; and the German account from Eelking's -_Hülfstruppen_, translated by J. W. De Peyster. Cf. also _R. I. -Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1877-78), p. 88. A letter of Col. Trumbull, Aug. -20th, is in the _Trumbull MSS._, and the fight is described in his -_Autobiography_. A letter of James Lanman, Sept. 16th, is in the -_Sparks MSS._ (xlvii. p. 29). Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 89, -and Arnold's _Rhode Island_ and other histories of the State, and of -Newport. - -The British strength on the island, Aug. 22d, is given as 6,860 men; -and the loss in the action of the 29th is given at 207 in all. _Sparks -MSS._, xlix. vol. iii. - -As night fell, the Americans deceived Pigot into thinking them at work -on their defences, when in fact they were crossing to the mainland -by two ferries. An hour before midnight Lafayette got back from -Boston, and found this retreat going on. He took at once charge of the -rear-guard, and by midnight the entire army was rescued. - -[Illustration: GENERAL SULLIVAN'S CAMPAIGN MAP, AUGUST. 9-30, 1778. - -This follows a sketch in E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, p. 108, -which is a reduction of the original (38 inches long,—scale, one inch -to mile), given by Sullivan, after the retreat, to the government of -Rhode Island, and discovered in the State House a few years ago. - -KEY: A, "American army under the command of the Hon'ble Gen'l -Sullivan." B, "British lines." B L W, "British Lines and works." B -A, "British Army. Order of March." "Here a severe cannonading and -bombarding on both sides began Aug. 17, 1778, and continued till the -27th." C, "British Army. Order of Battle." D, "Daify Hill" is properly -Durfee's Hill. Y, Turkey Hill. A H, Almy's Hill. O, "British redoubts", -north of Easton's pond. _Windmill._ "Here the British army came up -with the Light Corps of Gen. Sullivan, which was in advance Aug. 29th, -1778, 7 o'c'k A. M., when the battle of that day began." A B, "American -batteries and covered way." R, Howland's Ferry. "Here the American army -landed Aug. 9th, 1778, beginning after 6 o'clock A. M., and retreated -the 30th in the evening." - -The sentences above in quotation-marks are legends on the map at the -points indicated. A letter of Sullivan, Oct. 25, 1778, respecting this -map is in the _Trumbull MSS._, iv. p. 181.] - -The conduct of Sullivan in this brief campaign has been much -criticised, and Thomas C. Amory attempts his defence in the _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._ (Sept., 1879), vol. xvii. p. 163; and _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._ (1879), vol. iii. pp. 550, 692. Cf. Amory's _Sullivan_, -p. 70, and his papers in the _R. I. Hist. Mag._, 1884, p. 106; 1885, -pp. 244, 271. Sullivan's general orders are in the _Sparks MSS._, no. -xlvii., and in Upham's _John Glover_, p. 46. Letters of Sullivan are -in _Sparks MSS._, no. xx., including his correspondence with Pigot; -others are in the _Trumbull MSS._; some to Laurens, Aug. 6th and 16th, -in the _Laurens Corresp._ (ed. by F. Moore), pp. 116, 120. One of the -miscellaneous volumes of MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library (_Letters -and Papers, 1777-1780_) is mostly made up of the papers of Meshech -Weare, President of New Hampshire, and they include various letters -from Sullivan, Whipple, and others during this campaign. - -The French side of the controversy with D'Estaing is given in -Chevalier's _Histoire de la Marine Française pendant la guerre de -l'Indépendance Américaine_, and in a _Journal d'un officier de la -Marine_ (1782). The correspondence of D'Estaing is in the Archives de -la Marine at Paris, and copies of much of it are in the _Sparks MSS._ -(lii. vol. i.) Arnold (_Rhode Island_, vol. ii.) used papers from these -French archives. - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—This view of the action of August 25th, taken from Mr. -Brindley's house, is from the _Gentleman's Mag._, 1779, p. 100. The -key is wanting. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 83, and Drake's _New -England Coast_.] - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—The map on the preceding page is sketched from a colored map -belonging to the Lafayette copies in the Sparks collection at Cornell -University, called _Carte des positions occupées par les troupes -Américaines après leur retraite de Rhode Island, le 30 août, 1778_. - -The contemporary English engraved maps of Narragansett Bay of the -most importance are those published by Des Barres and Faden. That -of Des Barres is called _A chart of the harbour of Rhode Island and -Narreganset Bay, published at the request of the Right Honourable Lord -Viscount Howe, by F. F. W. Des Barres, 20 July, 1776_, in two sheets, -which subsequently made part of the _Atlantic Neptune_. It bears -the following "Notes and references explaining the situation of the -British ships and forces after the 29th of July, 1778, when the French -fleet under the command of Count D'Estaing appeared and anchored off -the harbour. The same day two French frigates went up the Seakonnet -Passage. July 30th two French line-of-battle ships anchored in the -Narraganset Passage, on which the king's troops quitted Connanicut -Island. Aug. 5th the French ships came towards Dyer's Island where the -British advanced frigates were destroyed and the seamen encamped. 8th, -the rest of the French fleet came into harbour and anchored abreast -of Gold Island [small island south of Providence Island], upon which -the king's troops withdrew within the lines [north of Newport]. 9th, -the enemy's forces landed." It places the sinking and burning of the -"Alarm" (10 guns), "Cerberus" (28), "Juno" (32), "Kingfisher" (18), -"Lark" (32), "Orpheus" (32), "Pigot" (8), "Spitfire" (8), "Flora" (32), -and "Falcon" (18). - -The Faden map was published July 22, 1777, and is entitled _A -Topographical Chart of the Bay of Narraganset, in the Province of New -England, with all the Isles contained therein, among which Rhode Island -and Connonicut have been particularly surveyed ... to which have been -added the several Works and Batteries raised by the Americans, taken by -order of the Principal Farmers on Rhode Island, by Charles Blaskowitz_. - -A marginal table gives the names of the farmers, and enumerates ten -batteries, mounting one hundred and twenty-seven guns in all. The map -is dedicated to Earl Percy. - -A French reproduction of it. _Plan de to Baie de Narragansett_ makes -part of the _Neptune Américo-septentrional_, no. 6. It is given in -fac-simile in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1879. - -The _Sparks Catalogue_, p. 206, shows a "Map of the Nara Gansett Bay, -by Lieut.-Col. Putnam, Jan. 7, 1776, presented to his Excellency, -George Washington, Esq.;" but it is not among the maps at Cornell -University. - -There is in the British Museum a colored plan (1778) of Rhode Island -and the adjacent islands and coast, made by Edward Page, second -artillery (measuring 1 2-12 × 7 6-12 inches); and a colored view of -Bristol Neck (1765). - -Modern eclectic war maps of the bay are given in Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 80; Carrington's _Battles_, 456 (the last repeated in -the _R. I. Hist. Mag._, 1884, p. 106).] - -The despatch of Pigot to his government is in the _Gent. Mag._, Nov., -1778, p. 537; in Dawson; in Rider's _R. I. Hist. Tracts_, vi.; in -_Newport Hist. Mag._, ii. 253; in E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, p. -111. Cf. also paper of Aug. 31, to Clinton, in _London Gazette_, Oct. -15; _Gent. Mag._, Nov., 1778; Almon's _Remembrancer_; Stone's _French -Allies_. See diaries at Newport in _Hist. Mag._, 1860, and Mrs. Almy's -in _Newport Hist. Mag._, July, 1880. Stedman (ii. ch. 23, 24) tells the -story. - -The loyal wits had now their chance, and some of their effusions can -be seen in Moore's _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._, p. 231. Wells -(_S. Adams_, iii. 38) traces the effect of Sullivan's retreat on the -country. Upon the general management of the campaign a committee of -Congress reported, Aug. 7, on the early stages (_Journals_, iii. 9). -An orderly-book of Glover's is in the _Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._ (vol. -v.; cf. also i. p. 112), and another is noted in the _Cooke Catal._ -no. 1,897. Maj. Gibbs' diary (Aug.) is in _Penna. Archives_, vol. vi. -A diary of Manassah Cutler, who was a chaplain in Titcomb's regiment, -is in E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, p. xv. Lafayette gave an -account fifty years afterwards which is in the _Hist. Mag._, Aug., -1861. His letters to Washington are in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ -(ii. 181, 196). Cf. also Sparks's _Washington_, v. 29, 40, 45; vi., -etc.; Irving's _Washington_, iii. ch. 36; Marshall's _Washington_, iv.; -Bancroft, ix. 209, 357; x. ch. 5; Greene's letter in Sparks's _Corresp. -of the Rev._, ii. 188, and Greene's _Greene_, ii. 100, etc. A long -letter of Dr. Cooper of Boston, Aug., 1778, to Franklin, defending -D'Estaing's action, in Hale's _Franklin in France_, p. 183; Heath's -_Memoirs_; John Trumbull's _Autobiog._ 51; Stuart's _Gov. Trumbull_, -ch. 32; Williams' _Gen. Barton_, ch. 3; Arnold's _Rhode Island_, ii. -419; Barry's _Mass._, ii. 150; Hamilton's _Republic of the U. S._, i. -ch. 17. There are rolls of the campaign in the _Mass. Archives_; and in -_N. H. Rev. Rolls_, ii. 500, 508. Connecticut did not respond (_Hist. -Mag._, ii. 7; cf. also iv. 145). - -[Illustration: RHODE ISLAND, AUGUST, 1778. - -Sketched from a colored plan among the Sparks maps at Cornell -University, which follows a plan made for Lafayette. It is called _Plan -de Rhode Island avec les différentes opérations de la flotte Française, -et des troupes Américaines, commandées par le Major Général Sullivan, -contre les forces de terre et de mer des Anglais, depuis le 9 Août, -jusqu'à la nuit du 30 au 31 du même mois, 1778, que les Américains ont -fait leur Retraite_. - -KEY: The British works are solid black, their troops diagonally black -and white; the American works of open lines, and their troops shaded -obliquely. The British in Newport were protected on the water side -by batteries (3, 3, 3); on the land side by an inner line of defence -(4) and an outer line (5, 6, 7, 8), with nine guns (8) commanding the -water approach by Easton Pond. At the north end of the island they had -works (16, 18, 20,—solid black) to resist attack from the mainland. -Upon the entrance of the French fleet by the Newport batteries, the -English evacuated these advanced posts, and some frigates were sent -into the East passage (15) to protect the movements of the Americans, -who, moving over to the island, threw up redoubts (17) to protect their -first position, and erected a battery of two guns at 20 to cover their -retreat across Howland's Ferry, should that become necessary. They now -advanced, and on August 15th took position on the line 11, and began -their approaches (9). The French had landed from the ships at 22, and -joined the left wing under Lafayette. The redoubts on the extreme -left and right of the line 11 were never completed. The fire from the -parallels was kept up from the 19th to the evening of the 28th, when -the retreat began, and the Americans in the night of the 28th, erected -the breastworks (19, 19) flanking the abandoned British forts (18), and -during the night of the 30th left the island by Howland's Ferry, while -the British were at Turkey Hill (16). The position of the British fleet -was at 1. - -Sparks has added to the plan these references: 12, Overing's house, -where Col. Barton captured Gen. Prescott; 13, guard-house; 14, round -redoubt thrown up by the New Hampshire militia,—skirmishing commenced -here under Col. Laurens; and 10, Bishop Berkeley's house. The broken -lines are roads. - -The most elaborate of the manuscript contemporary maps is one belonging -to the Mass. Hist. Society, which is reproduced, full size, in the -_Proceedings_ of that society (vol. xx. p. 350), and is given in its -essential parts in Gen. G. W. Cullum's _Historical Sketch of the -Fortification Defences of Narragansett Bay_ (Washington, 1884). It -is on a scale of nearly an inch and a quarter to the mile, and is -signed "J. Denison scripsit." The French fleet is represented as going -out to join battle with Lord Howe's fleet, exchanging shots with the -English shore batteries, which are more numerous than in the Lafayette -map. The French ships in the East passage are shown as sailing out -to sea, to join D'Estaing on his way to Boston. In the battle of the -29th, near Butt's Hill, English ships are drawn as engaging both the -American right and a battery on the Bristol shore. The first line of -the Americans stretches across the island in this order from west to -east,—Livingston, Varnum, Cornell, Greene, Glover, Tyler. These are -without the breastworks. Behind them are Lovell at the west, Titcomb -between the abandoned British forts, with a reserve under West behind -them.] - -There are general surveys in Carrington and Dawson; in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, by J. A. Stevens, July, 1879; in Stone's _Our French Allies_ -(Providence, 1884), part iii. On the British side see the contemporary -account in _Gent. Mag._, xlix. 101; the Tory account in Jones, _N. -Y. during the Rev._, ii. ch. 12; the German in Ewald, _Belehrungen_, -ii. 249; Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_, i. 105; ii. 14, 30; epitomized in -Lowell's _Hessians_, 215, 220. Cf. J. G. Rosengarten on the German -soldiers in Newport, in _R. I. Hist. Mag._, vii. 81. Silas Talbot, a -Rhode Islander, who had gained credit in the land service, and had -managed some fire-ships against the British fleet in New York, captured -a floating battery of the enemy near Newport, and made his subsequent -record on the water as an officer of the navy. Henry T. Tuckerman -wrote the _Life of Silas Talbot_, which had been intended for Sparks's -_Amer. Biography_, but was published separately in N. Y. in 1850. Cf. -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 849. - -The next morning Clinton's reinforcements appeared, brought by Howe's -fleet. They were not needed; and so, while Gen. Grey made some raids, -with transports and light craft, upon Fairhaven and other ports, whose -privateers had annoyed the British (cf. _Harper's Monthly Mag._, 1885, -p. 823; and statement of losses in _Sparks MSS._, lii. vol. ii. 29), -Clinton took his troops back to New York, and Howe went round Cape Cod -and cruised off Boston harbor, trying in vain to allure D'Estaing to -battle. The French commander remained in port till November. As the -time for his sailing approached, another English fleet, under Admiral -Byron, appeared off the harbor; but a storm scattering his ships, the -French, on the 3d of November, left the port unmolested, and sailed for -the West Indies. - -D'Estaing, while in Boston, addressed a letter to Congress (_Sparks -MSS._, lii. vol. iii.), and promulgated a proclamation (Oct. 28th) to -former French subjects in Canada, seeking to detach them from English -interests (Andrews's _Late War_, iii. 171; Niles's _Principles_, 1876 -ed., p. 136, _Doc. rel. to Col. Hist., N. Y._, x. 1165). - -The reports which reached Boston relative to the campaign under -Sullivan, and the impressions respecting the French, are given in -Ezekiel Price's diary (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1865, p. -334). Hancock, who had been in command of the Massachusetts militia -during the campaign, returned to Boston to do what he could by his -hospitality to prevent the general indifference of the Boston people -producing evil effects on the French (_Memorial Hist. Boston_, iii. -185; Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, 102; Adams's _Familiar -Letters_, 342; Greene's _Greene_, ii. 143). On the unfortunate riot -(Sept. 17, 1778) in the town, in which the French were roughly handled, -see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. 785, 856, xv. 95. Considerable -apprehension was felt lest the British, elated by success, should push -towards Boston from Rhode Island, and beacons were got in readiness -(Sept. 7th) on Blue Hill in Milton. A regiment of artillery had been -raised for the defence of the town, and an orderly-book covering -its service, June 8, 1777, to Dec. 18, 1778, is given in the _Essex -Inst. Hist. Coll._, xiii. 115, 237; xiv. 60, 110, 188. Heath (cf. his -_Memoirs_ for this period), at a time when the French were making ready -to sail, wrote from Boston, Oct. 22, 1778, to Weare, of New Hampshire, -that he feared the British were planning an attack by water (_Letters -and Papers, MSS._, 1777-1780, in Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet). - - * * * * * - -IV. THE PENOBSCOT EXPEDITION, 1779.—This expedition was fitted out -in Boston by the Massachusetts authorities, with some assistance from -New Hampshire, for the purpose of dislodging a British force, which in -June, under General McNeill, supported by a few vessels under Captain -Mowatt, had taken possession of the peninsula now called Castine. The -treasury of Massachusetts issued bills to cover the cost (Goodell's -_Province Laws_, v. 1191). - -[Illustration] - -Solomon Lovell was put in command of 1,200 militia and 100 artillery, -while Peleg Wadsworth was second in command, and Paul Revere had -charge of the artillery. The general government lent the "Warren" -and "Providence", Continental vessels, and Dudley Saltonstall, a -Continental officer, commanded the fleet. The expedition, consisting -of nineteen armed vessels, of three hundred and twenty-four guns, -with twenty transports, and 2,000 men in all, left Boston harbor -July 19th. Quarrels between Lovell and Saltonstall prevented prompt -action, and before success could be insured the expedition was -overcome by a naval force which Clinton had sent from New York when -he heard of the undertaking. Our main sources on the American side -are _The original Journal of General Solomon Lovell, kept during the -Penobscot Expedition, 1779, with a sketch of his life by Gilbert -Nash_, published in 1881 by the Weymouth (Mass.) Hist. Society; the -_Boston Gazette_, March 18, 25, April 1, 8, 1782; journal on board the -Continental sloop "Hunter", July 19-Aug. 11, in _Hist. Mag._, viii. -51. Further on the American side Thacher's _Military Journal_; Heath's -_Memoirs_; Thomas Philbrook's account in Cowell's _Spirit of '76 in -Rhode Island_; Pemberton's journal in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. -172; letters of Artemas Ward, Peleg Wadsworth, and Charles Chauncey; -a letter of James Sullivan, saying that it had involved Massachusetts -in a debt of $7,000,000, "which is not so distressing as the disgrace" -(Amory's _James Sullivan_, ii. 376; _Sparks MSS._, xx.); Wheeler's -_Pentagoet_, p. 36; Kidder's _Military Operations in Eastern Maine_, -p. 265; Williamson's _Maine_ (ii. 471) and _Belfast_, ch. 12; Willis's -_Portland_, ch. 19; William Goold's _Portland in the Past_, p. 374; -Barry's _Mass._, ii. ch. 14; J. W. De Peyster in the _N. Y. Mail_, Aug. -13, 1879. - -The _Revolutionary Rolls_, in the Massachusetts Archives, give the -_personnel_ of the expedition; the orders, vessels, etc. (vols. -xxxvii., xxxviii., xxxix.) - -On the English side we have John Calef's _Siege of Penobscot by the -Rebels_ (London, 1781,—Sabin, iii. no. 9,925), which is copied in -Wheeler; the journal, July 24-Aug. 12, in the _Nova Scotia Gazette_, -Sept. 14, 1779, which is reprinted in the _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, -vii. 121, and that in the _Particular Services_, etc., edited by Ithiel -Town. There is a Tory view in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 297. - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF PENOBSCOT, 1779.] - -Lovell's troops and the seamen struggled in disorder through the Maine -wilderness, and the general himself reached Boston about Sept. 20th. -A court of inquiry, under Gen. Artemas Ward, exonerated Lovell, and -blamed Saltonstall. Nash prints its report, which is preserved in the -_Mass. Archives_, vol. cxiv. It is examined by Eben Hazard in a letter -printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 129, in which he intimates -that the blame was not all the naval commander's, and that it was a -part of the plan to throw the responsibility on a Continental officer, -in order to force the cost of the expedition upon Congress. - -The annexed sketch is a combination of the two maps on a much larger -scale in Calef's _Siege of Penobscot_ (London, 1781). On the approach -of the American fleet up the river, the British garrison was encamped -on the peninsula of Maja-big-waduce (the modern Castine) at Q, and -their main fortification, Fort George (A), was not completed. Capt. -Mowatt, the naval commander, placed his three vessels in line (L) to -defend the harbor. The Americans were first seen July 24th. On the -25th the American transports passed up the river and anchored, while -nine armed ships in three divisions at K attacked the British ships -at L; the American land forces, meanwhile, attempting to land at R, -were repulsed. On the 26th, towards night, the Americans placed some -heavy guns on Nautilus Island, whereupon the British ships moved back -to a position at M. On the 27th the American ships engaged the British -battery D with little result. On the 28th the Americans succeeded in -landing at R, captured the battery D, and established the lines C. -The battery on Nautilus Island disturbing the ships at M, they moved -farther up to N. On the 29th the Americans opened their batteries along -the lines C, and the British moved some guns from the half-moon E to -the fort, and the ships sent ashore some cannon to be mounted at E. On -the 31st the American seamen and marines attempted a landing between D -and E, but were repulsed. On August 4th the Americans opened a battery -at G, annoying the ships at N, and endangering their communications -with the forts. The American batteries at F and H were not completed, -and the one at H was abandoned on August 9th. On August 5th the British -naval commander began the battery B to protect his communications with -the fort; and while building it, the Americans planted, on the 8th, a -field-piece at F to annoy the men working. - -On the 13th arrangements were making for a vigorous attack, when the -reinforcing British fleet appeared in the offing. During the night -the Americans reëmbarked, and all their vessels fled up the river. -Only the "Hunter" and "Hampden" attempted to escape down the river, -and these were captured. Night coming on, the British anchored; while -the Americans landed their men, and then blew up their vessels. The -commodore's ship, "Warren", of thirty-two guns, was burned at Oak Point. - -Calef's map is given in Wheeler's _Pentagoet_. A MS. plan of the -operations of the English fleet is among the Faden maps (no. 101), in -the library of Congress. As a result of their success at Penobscot, -the British government, the next year, attempted to erect Maine into -a province under the name of New Ireland (Bancroft, x. 368; Barry's -_Mass.; Me. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vii. 201). - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE INDIANS AND THE BORDER WARFARE OF THE REVOLUTION. - -BY ANDREW McFARLAND DAVIS, - -_American Antiquarian Society._ - - -THE peace which followed the quelling of the Pontiac war gave -opportunities for settlements to be pushed westward. The population -on the border, rendered lawless by environment, was not likely to -observe treaties. Fear of the Indians was more potent to restrain -these restless men than dread of punishment by colonial authorities. -Conflicts of colonial jurisdiction and disputed land claims added to -the chronic confusion of the situation. - -It needed all the tact and discretion of which that remarkable man, -Sir William Johnson, was master to prevent outbreaks, and the danger -was not over until the boundaries were adjusted with the Six Nations -and other Indians, at Fort Stanwix, in 1768. There was far more cause -for complaint against the English on the part of the tribes whom Sir -William was able to control than on the part of the Senecas, who, in -September, 1763, had surprised and scalped a working party with their -guard. Encroachment upon their lands had also irritated the Mohawks, -who particularly resented an attempt of a Connecticut company to -colonize the valley of the Susquehanna. Early in the spring of 1763, -the Connecticut company sought to secure Sir William's influence with -the Indians in quieting the company's title, which was based upon the -Connecticut charter and upon alleged Indian deeds. The company failed -in this, as well as in an attempt to negotiate with the confederacy. -The Indians, instead of granting a deed, sent to Connecticut a -delegation of Mohawks, accompanied by Guy Johnson, to represent to -the governor of that colony the peril with which further attempts -at colonization would be attended.[1260] These efforts arrested the -movements of the company, and for the time immigration was checked. -They were not early enough, however, to prevent one of those horrible -attacks which stand out in our memories as types of Indian warfare -and which in the minds of many readers obscure all other conceptions -of Indian character. A number of families had already settled in this -region, under the auspices of the Connecticut company, and had built -themselves homes near the present site of Wilkesbarré. On October 15, -1763, they were suddenly attacked by Indians, and one woman and nine -men were killed and scalped. The rest of the inhabitants fled to the -mountains, and such as did not perish worked their way through the -wilderness to the nearest settlements. Their villages were destroyed, -their cattle killed, and their crops laid waste. Avenging expeditions -were promptly organized in Pennsylvania. One marched to the Delaware -town at Wyoming, but found it deserted. Another laid waste the Delaware -and Munsee towns on the west branch of the Susquehanna. - -The Moravian Indians at Wyoming, who had taken no part in the massacre -of the Connecticut settlers, removed for safety to Gnadenhütten, -whence they were taken to Philadelphia for greater security. At -Paxton, Pennsylvania, the inhabitants assembled secretly, and attacked -a settlement of the harmless Conestogoes. The cause for this wicked -slaughter has never been clearly explained,[1261] but the subsequent -memorials of the rioters seem to indicate that it was part of a -general plan to exterminate the Indians. Whatever the motive, popular -approval was strong enough to shield the perpetrators of such shameless -deeds.[1262] The entire band of the Conestogoes was exterminated,[1263] -and their town was destroyed. The first attack was made on them on the -night of the 14th of December, when this band of murderers surrounding -the town, killed all who happened to be there. Those Indians who were -absent took refuge in Lancaster, where they were lodged in a public -building, spoken of by some as the workhouse, by some as the jail. On -the 27th, their enemies followed them to this refuge, and in cold blood -slaughtered them all, men, women, and children, indiscriminately. - -The Moravian Indians, who had taken refuge at Philadelphia, were next -threatened by the rioters, who marched towards that place with the -avowed intention of killing them also. The provincial authorities -appealed to General Gage for help, but before his reply reached -them they sought to throw the Indians upon New York for protection. -It happened that a company of regulars was about to march from -Philadelphia for New York, and under their escort the Indians were -dispatched, with intention to place them under charge of Sir William -Johnson. The New York authorities refused, however, to permit the -Indians to enter that province. Meantime General Gage placed troops -at the disposal of Governor Penn. The Indians were conducted back to -Philadelphia, and orders were given to repel by force any attack. The -rioters again approached Philadelphia, but were dissuaded from attack, -and Pennsylvania was spared the shame of further atrocities by the -"Paxton Boys." - -After this excitement was over the labors of Sir William Johnson to -prevent renewed conflict were still constant. He complained, in his -correspondence,[1264] of murders, robberies, and encroachments on -the rights and possessions of the natives. The frontier inhabitants, -according to him, thought themselves at liberty to make settlements -where they pleased. He lost heart, while on the other hand the settlers -openly bade defiance to authority. In 1766 he wrote: "Murders are now -daily committed on the frontiers, and I fear that an Indian war is -inevitable." In January, 1767, he announced that Colonel Cresap, of -Maryland, himself held a treaty some time during the last year with -several warriors of the Six Nations, who passed that way, and who were -persuaded to grant to him a considerable tract of land down the Ohio -toward Green-Brier. With prophetic instinct, Sir William added: "If -this be true, it will be productive of dangerous consequences." A large -part of Johnson's time was spent in protecting the Indians from such -fraudulent conveyances of their land as were made through transfers -where there was but a shadow of title, through forgeries, and through -deeds executed without proper formalities, under circumstances which -would prevent recognition of the transaction by the tribes. Many -deeds, which upon the face seemed properly executed, were secured from -the signers when they were so completely intoxicated that they were -ignorant what they were doing. Others conveyed by metes and bounds an -extent of territory far exceeding the intention of the grantors. No -transfer of land made by a band of warriors, on the war-path or on a -hunting expedition, would have been recognized by the confederacy. Sir -William himself said: "A sachem of each tribe is a necessary party to a -fair conveyance, and such sachem affixes the mark of the tribe thereto, -as a public seal of a corporation." The title to the land was supposed -to be in all. Even the women had a voice in transfers by bargain and -sale.[1265] It was one of the principal occupations of Sir William -Johnson's life to adjust difficulties arising out of transfers, such as -the one to Cresap, of which he had heard, and in which he saw the seeds -of future trouble, if it should prove to be true. In his review of the -trade and affairs of the Indians in the northern district of America, -he recapitulates the wrongs of the Indian.[1266] - -Life in the midst of such impending dangers bred contempt for -authority, even on the part of men who were well disposed. The strong -arm of the government was but feebly felt in the distant bottoms in the -western parts of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, which settlers -were beginning to appropriate to their own use. The inhabitants of -the frontiers were a law unto themselves, and sometimes unto the -authorities. Men who diligently read their Bibles and pondered over -the teachings of the gospels could tear scalps from the heads of -Indians. The government was powerless to protect the frontiers except -through the agency of volunteers, and they in turn were able at any -moment seriously to complicate the situation. In the organization of -companies of rangers the weakness of the government was exposed, and -through them the independence of the settlers was developed. Such -companies frequently adopted Indian costumes, painted their faces, -and manœuvred by Indian tactics. The habits of the Indian more than -the civilization they had left, influenced their modes of life. They -attacked for revenge, and were barbarous because the savages were. In -the case of the Indians such methods in warfare came by inheritance. -They were modified somewhat by the spirit of the missionaries, and -however cruel they may have been, they were at any rate absolutely free -from assaults on woman's chastity. In the case of the settlers, the -promptings of civilization were disregarded, and it would seem as if -the system of bounties for scalps had taught them to regard the Indian -as on the level of a brute. Nevertheless, the rule had exceptions; and -it would not be just to paint all the settlers along the borders in -these repulsive colors, or to believe that there was a universal desire -for the extermination of the Indians. - -[Illustration: - -NOTE.—This map was found in MS. among a collection of maps and charts -which were presented to the New York State library by Obadiah Rich, of -London. It had been sent to Lord Hillsborough in 1771, accompanying a -memorial concerning the Iroquois, prepared by the Rev. Charles Inglis, -of Trinity Church, New York city, who had endeavored to christianize -them. This paper was subsequently recovered from the descendants of -Dr. Inglis in Nova Scotia, and is printed in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ -(quarto), iv. p. 661, accompanied by an engraved copy of Johnson's -map, of which a reduction is given herewith. The map is also given in -Pearson's _Schenectady Patent_, 1883, p. 433; in Hough's edition of -Pouchot, ii. 148. - -In _N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 136, Guy Johnson's map, showing the line -fixed at Fort Stanwix, Nov., 1768, is given as copied from the original -in Sir William Johnson's letter, Nov. 18, 1768, to Hillsborough, -preserved in the State Paper Office. In _Ibid._ viii. 31, is a copy of -the map annexed to the Report and Representation of the Board of Trade, -March 7, 1768, showing the line of the bounds with the Indians. Cf. on -this line _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 587; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 110; -_New Jersey Archives_, x. 55, 95; Mill's _Bounds of Ontario_, p. 21; -_Olden Time_, i. 399; Schweinitz's _Zeisberger_, ch. xviii.; _View of -the title to Indiana_ (1776; see Hildeburn's _Bibliog._, no. 3,490). -Respecting the territory of the Oneidas, see _Magazine of American -History_, Oct., 1885, p. 387, where the accuracy of the map in Morgan's -_League of the Iroquois_ is questioned.—ED.] - -This hazardous contact of Indian and border settler stretched along a -doubtful line which extended from Oneida Lake to the central part of -the valley of the Ohio. In 1768 the boundaries were adjusted at Fort -Stanwix, between representatives of the English government, on the one -part, and the Six Nations, the Delawares, the Shawanese, the Mingoes -of Ohio, and other dependent tribes, on the other. A deed of the land -to the east and south of a line which ran from a point just west of -Fort Stanwix south to the Susquehanna, thence up the West Branch and -across to Kittanning on the Alleghany, thence down that river and the -Ohio to the mouth of the Tennessee, was then duly executed to the king -of England. An exception from its terms was made of the land occupied -by the Mohawks, whose settlements were all to the east of the agreed -boundary line. The hunting-grounds comprised within the limits of -the States of Kentucky and Tennessee were claimed by the Six Nations -as conquered territory, and they paid no regard to the claims of the -Cherokees, who had arranged a boundary with Stuart, the Indian agent, -to a part at least of the same region, the northern termination of -which was the mouth of the Kanawha River. It was understood by the -Indians that no white man was to settle to the west of the line agreed -upon.[1267] - -The far-reaching influence of the Indian superintendents restrained -this aboriginal population from violent outbreak from 1764 until -the collision at Point Pleasant, Virginia, in 1774. This was -undoubtedly precipitated by atrocities committed upon the Indians in -the Ohio Valley, near Wheeling. Underlying the immediate causes for -irritation during this period were reasons for complaint, revealed -in the correspondence of Sir William Johnson, which would probably -have led to warfare at an early date. Among these was the influx of -settlers upon the hunting-grounds of the Indians, where, regardless -of treaties, the land across the Ohio was parcelled out in "tomahawk -improvements", as the squatter rights of the day were denominated. -These proceedings attracted the attention of General Gage, and on the -8th of August, 1772, he issued a proclamation, calling attention to -the fact that some persons had "undertaken to make settlements beyond -the boundaries fixed by treaties made with the Indian nations", "where -they lead a wandering life, without government and without laws", -"causing infinite disturbance." Such persons were ordered to "quit -these countries instantly and without delay, and to retire at their -choice into some one of the colonies of his majesty." The peace which -was negotiated by Lord Dunmore brought but little quiet to the settlers -on the border. Indian raids were frequent, and the details of their -horrors are sickening, but the loss of life by these raids has been -greatly exaggerated. The Indians seldom ventured beyond the region -which was scantily peopled. The watchfulness of the settlers, and their -promptness to assemble and pursue, averted many disasters. At such a -time Virginia and Pennsylvania were wrangling over the right to grant -patents for land, the settlement of which had so much to do with the -uneasiness of the Indians.[1268] - -In New York, settlements were more compact. Rights of territory were -better defined and better understood. Indian lands had been better -protected there from direct invasion and from fraudulent transfer. -Danger from trespass was better appreciated. The Indians themselves, -being under the personal oversight of their superintendent, were -better controlled. His immediate presence made him more useful in the -adjustment of disputes without resort to the tomahawk. The frontier -patriots of Tryon County, "unlike the rude inhabitants of most frontier -settlements", are stated by a careful student of the records to have -been "scrupulous in their devotion to the supremacy of the laws." The -confederacy of the Six Nations, as a whole, had not participated in the -events in the valley of the Ohio, but they shared with their dependants -and allies in the uneasiness caused by such aggressions upon Indian -territory. Some of their warriors had taken part in the Virginia war, -and the "temper of the whole Indian race, with the exception of the -Oneidas, was soured by these occurrences of the year 1774." The first -official labors of importance which devolved upon Colonel Guy Johnson, -who, after the death of Sir William Johnson in 1774, had been appointed -to the office of superintendent, were to check the resentment of the -Six Nations.[1269] His success in those labors showed that he had -inherited, by virtue of his office, some of the respect and affection -which the natives had lavished upon his predecessor. - -Such was the condition of affairs when Washington took command of -the army, in July, 1775, with instructions not to disband any of the -forces already raised, until further directions from Congress. It is -not probable that all the members of the Congress were aware of the -full meaning of these instructions. There were among the men whom -Washington was thus instructed not to discharge a number of Indians -regularly enlisted as minute-men. Had the question of employing -Indians been submitted to Congress at that time, it would probably -have been answered in the negative; but it had already been settled by -the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay when they accepted the -services of Indians.[1270] - -On the first day of April, 1775, the Committee on the State of -the Province reported to that congress a resolve beginning with -these words: "Whereas a number of Indians, natives of the town of -Stockbridge, have enlisted as minute-men." A committee was next -appointed to draft a letter to the Rev. Mr. Kirkland,[1271] and to -frame an address to the chief of the Mohawk tribes. The letter requests -Mr. Kirkland to use his influence with the Six Nations "to join with -us in the defence of our rights;" but if he could not "prevail with -them to take an active part in this glorious cause", he was "at least -to engage them to stand neuter." The address calls upon the Indians to -"whet their hatchet, and be prepared to defend our liberties and lives." - -It is evident that the Stockbridge Indians were further -importuned,[1272] for on the 11th of April their chief sachem answered -a communication from the President of the Provincial Congress (the -contents of which can only be conjectured) by offering to visit the -Six Nations and find out how they stood. "If I find that they are -against you", he said, "I will try and turn their minds."... "One thing -I ask of you, if you send for me to fight, that you will let me fight -in my own Indian way." The Massachusetts Congress also tried to draw -recruits from the Indians of Nova Scotia, and addressed them on the -15th of May, 1775,[1273] as their "friends and good brothers;" adding -as an inducement for their enlistment that "the Indians at Stockbridge -all join with us, and some of their men have enlisted as soldiers." -Captain John Lane was sent down among these Eastern Indians to raise -one company of their men, "to join with us in the war with your and -our enemies." Nothing, however, resulted from this, except the arrival -in June of Captain Lane with one chief and three young men, and at a -later date the execution of a barren treaty.[1274] In addition to these -efforts put forth by the Provincial Congress, attempts were early made -in the same direction by provincial officers;[1275] and thus by general -or special effort at the very beginning of the war, the Americans -secured the services of such Indians as were willing to enlist, and the -English followed so close in their steps as to confound, to the casual -observer of their mutual criminations, the evidence of priority. The -Indians engaged upon the American side produced no material influence -upon military movements. Their presence in camp has been ignored by -many writers. The responsibility for the intention is the same as if -the effort had been successful. It must, however, be remembered that -small bodies of Indians, serving with whites, were controllable and -easily restrained from excesses. After the evacuation of Boston, the -tide of events changed the field of war, and altered the composition of -the troops. The army began to assume a national aspect. The voice of -Massachusetts was no longer pre-eminent in military affairs. - -The Continental Congress contained representatives of other colonies -who keenly felt the dangers from the use of Indians by the enemy. -The expressions of opinion in that body were, therefore, much more -conservative than in the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay. On -the 18th of May it appears by the _Journals_ that indubitable evidence -of a design formed by the British ministry of making an invasion -had been received. In June, according to the _Secret Journals_, -Governor Carleton was making preparation to invade the colonies, and -was "instigating the Indian nations to take up the hatchet against -them." On the 30th the Committee on Indian Affairs was instructed "to -prepare proper talks to the several tribes of Indians for engaging the -continuance of their friendship to us, and neutrality in our present -unhappy dispute with Great Britain." On the 1st of July there is a hint -of a possible change of position shown in the passage of a resolution, -"that in case any agent of the ministry shall induce any Indian tribes, -or any of them, to commit actual hostilities against these colonies, or -to enter into an offensive alliance with the British troops, thereupon -the colonies ought to avail themselves of an alliance with such Indian -nations as will enter into the same, to oppose such British troops -and their allies." The statement that Carleton was instigating the -Indians to "fall upon us" was repeated July 6th.[1276] On July 12th the -Committee on Indian Affairs recommended that the country be divided -into three Indian departments, and that commissioners be appointed, -with power to "treat with the Indians in their respective departments, -in the name and on behalf of the United Colonies, in order to preserve -peace and friendship with the said Indians, and to prevent their taking -any part in the present commotion." This recommendation was adopted. -On July 13th, a formal speech was addressed to the Six Confederate -Nations, urging them to keep peace. On the 17th the commissioners were -recommended to employ Mr. Kirkland, in order to secure the friendship -of the Indians and continue them in a state of neutrality. On July 21st -a plan of confederation was submitted to Congress by Franklin, in which -"a perpetual alliance, offensive and defensive", was proposed, "to -be entered into as soon as may be with the Six Nations." On December -2d it was resolved that the Indians of the St. Francis, Penobscot, -Stockbridge, and St. John and other tribes may be called on in case of -real necessity, and that giving them presents is suitable and proper. -On March 8, 1776, the growing disposition to make use of Indians found -expression in a resolve "that Indians be not employed as soldiers in -the armies of the United Colonies, before the tribes to which they -belong shall, in a national council, held in the customary manner, have -consented thereto, nor then without express approbation of Congress." -On May 25th the opposition seems to have been completely overcome, when -Congress resolved "that it is highly expedient to engage the Indians -in the service of the United Colonies."[1277] On June 3d authority -was conferred upon General Washington to employ in Canada a number -of Indians, not exceeding two thousand; and on the 6th instructions -were given to the standing Committee on Indian Affairs to devise -ways and means for carrying into effect the resolution of the 3d. -Meantime the news of the disaster at the Cedars was received, and its -circumstances impelled Congress to special efforts in behalf of the -colonies. On June 14th the commissioners of the Northern Department -were instructed to "engage the Six Nations in our interest, on the -best terms that can be procured." On the 17th, the restriction in the -resolution of the 3d, which limited to Canada the use of the Indians -to be raised, was removed, and the general was permitted to employ -them in any place where he should judge they would be most useful. -He was further authorized "to offer a reward of one hundred dollars -for every commissioned officer, and thirty dollars for every private -soldier of the king's troops, that they should take prisoners in the -Indian country, or on the frontiers of these colonies." The days of -irresolution were over. Congress was now irrevocably committed to -the proposition of permitting the general commanding the armies to -take what advantage he could of Indian auxiliaries, and to offer them -bounties for prisoners. The next utterance of Congress on this subject -is to be found in the Declaration of Independence, in which the king -is arraigned because "he has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants -of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of -warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and -conditions." This was closely followed by a resolution on July 8th, -authorizing Washington to call forth and engage the Indians of the St. -John, Nova Scotia, and Penobscot tribes. The address to the people of -Great Britain was adopted the same day. The address to the people of -Ireland, in which it is asserted that "the wild and barbarous savages -of the wilderness have been solicited by gifts to take up the hatchet -against us, and instigated to deluge our settlements with the blood of -defenceless women and children", was agreed to July 28, 1776.[1278] -After this, the acts and resolutions of Congress were consistent with -the resolution in which they declared that it was highly expedient -to employ the Indians. Instructions were given from time to time to -secure the greatest advantage out of the services of the Indians, in -behalf of the country which was now struggling for independence; and -in 1779 it was resolved that twelve blank commissions be furnished the -commissioners of the Northern Department for the appointment of as many -Indians, the name and the rank of each commission to be filled at the -discretion of the commissioners.[1279] - -The English approached the question differently; and there can be -but little doubt that the proposition to use Indian warriors was -more shocking to the cultivated Englishman, who was in no danger -from their barbarous excesses, than to the American of corresponding -attainments, whose life had been spent in close contact with men -to whom such incidents had been every-day experiences. The fierce -invectives of Chatham,[1280] in 1777, against the ministry for having -enlisted the services of Indians, were founded on a proper estimate of -the responsibilities of an invading army. Lord North recognized this -distinction when, in 1775, he said that Carleton raised Indians only -for purposes of defence. Military men knew that the natives, who had -taken part in every war in America between the French and the English, -must inevitably be drawn into any protracted contest between Great -Britain and the colonies. It could be foreseen that, if the English -retained Canada and Detroit, operations would be conducted by way of -Lake Champlain, Oswego, and Detroit, which would involve the use of -Indian territory. If any inference could be drawn from the past, no -armed occupation of strategic positions within Indian territory, and -no use of the rivers and natural highways of the back country for -military purposes during a time of actual war, could be made without -collision with the natives, unless such occupation and use was by their -consent. Such consent could only be gained by alliance. General Gage -and Lord Dunmore, both in close contact with the situation, placed -their opinions on record soon after hostilities broke out. On June, -12, 1775, Gage wrote to Lord Dartmouth: "I hear that the rebels, after -surprising Ticonderoga, made incursions and commenced hostilities upon -the frontier of the province of Quebec, which will justify General -Carleton to raise bodies of Canadians and Indians to attack them in -return; and we need not be tender of calling on the savages, as the -rebels here have shown us the example, by bringing as many Indians -down here as they could collect." Lord Dunmore, whose indiscretions -and brutality were so serviceable in stamping out loyalty among men of -wealth and intelligence in Virginia, sought no justification in the -example of the rebels. He wrote to the Earl of Dartmouth, on May 1st, -that he hoped "to be able to collect from among Indians, negroes, and -other persons a force sufficient, if not to subdue rebellion, at least -to defend government;" and in the fall of the same year he endeavored -to carry out his policy.[1281] Carleton was apparently averse to the -employment of Indians in aggressive movements. At any rate, he took -refuge behind his orders, which did not permit him "to act out of the -line of the province." - -Colonel Guy Johnson was the object of much suspicion during the -months of May and June, 1775. He repudiated with vigor the position -which these suspicions attributed to him, and said that he could not -sufficiently express his surprise at those who had, either through -malice or ignorance, misconstrued his intentions, and supposed him -capable of setting Indians on the peaceable inhabitants of Tryon -County. He was a servant of the king and an ardent loyalist. From the -mere performance of his official duties he was necessarily an object -of suspicion to the Americans. He was the person who furnished the -natives with supplies. "We get our things from the superintendent. -If our ammunition is stopped we shall distrust you", said an Indian -speaker to the delegates from Albany and Tryon counties. These supplies -were furnished by the king to those whom he termed his allies. It was -evident that the king would not continue to furnish supplies, if their -only effect was to keep the neighboring Indians on good terms with -colonists who, while claiming to be loyal subjects, were actually in -arms against his government. As the distributer of supplies, the safety -of the superintendent was of great importance to the natives, and a -rumor that the "Bostonians" contemplated seizing his person[1282] -caused the Indians much alarm. Whether Johnson believed this rumor or -not, he fortified his house. This act, as well as his sudden removal -to Fort Stanwix, and thence to Oswego,—at both of which places he -held conferences with Indians,—increased the numbers who doubted the -sincerity of his statements. Yet even here, after these suspicious -movements, he protested to the Provincial Congress of New York against -the charges brought against him: "I trust I shall always manifest more -humanity than to promote the destruction of the innocent inhabitants of -a colony to which I have been always warmly attached." The conference -at Oswego caused alarm to the inhabitants of Tryon County, and the air -was filled with rumors of Indian invasion. Colonel Johnson reported -to Dartmouth that he left home the last of May, "having received -secret instructions from General Gage", and that he "assembled 1,458 -Indians at Ontario,[1283] and adjusted matters with them in such -a manner that they agreed to defend the communications and assist -his majesty's troops in their operations." At the Albany conference -the Indians were interrogated about the proceedings at Oswego, and -repeatedly asserted that the superintendent's advice to them was to -preserve neutrality.[1284] The statements made by the Indians at the -conferences were generally to be relied upon. Johnson's language has -perhaps been misunderstood. The assistance "to his majesty's troops in -their operations" may have been limited to the agreement to defend the -communications, the military value of which Johnson appreciated, but -the full effect of an agreement to defend which the Indians did not -comprehend. In the middle of July, Johnson arrived at Montreal, and -another conference was held with 1,664 Indians, at which their services -were secured for the king. Brant, who was present, afterwards said: "We -immediately commenced in good earnest, and did our utmost during the -war." - -In the South, John Stuart, the Indian superintendent of that -department, was also an object of suspicion. At a hint from friends -he fled from Charleston to Savannah, and in turn to St. Augustine. -From this spot, on July 18th, he wrote to the Committee of Safety -of Charleston, asserting that he had never received any orders -from his superiors "which, by the most tortured suspicion, could -be interpreted to stir up or employ the Indians to fall upon the -frontier inhabitants, or to take any part in the disputes between -Great Britain and the colonies."[1285] A few weeks later he received -from Gage a letter written just before that officer left Boston, the -vindictiveness of which was probably prompted by anger. This letter -contained instructions to "improve a correspondence with the Indians -to the greatest advantage, and even when opportunity offers make them -take arms against his majesty's enemies, and distress them all in your -power; for no terms are now to be kept with them; they have brought -down all the savages they could against us here, who, with their -riflemen, are continually firing on our advanced sentries;[1286] in -short, no time should be lost to distress a set of people so wantonly -rebellious."[1287] Stuart apparently proceeded to carry out what he -conceived to be the desires of his superior officer, and, in a letter -of October 3d, reported progress. - -From England instructions were forwarded on July 5, 1775, by Lord -Dartmouth to Colonel Johnson, "to keep the Indians in such a state -of affection and attachment to the king as that his majesty may rely -upon their assistance in any case in which it may be necessary." On -the 24th Dartmouth wrote: "The intelligence his majesty has received -of the rebels having excited the Indians to take a part, and of -their having actually engaged a body of them in arms to support -their rebellion, justifies the resolution his majesty has taken of -requiring the assistance of his faithful adherents, the Six Nations. -It is, therefore, his majesty's pleasure that you do lose no time in -taking such steps as may induce them to take up the hatchet against -his majesty's rebellious subjects in America, and to engage them -in his majesty's service, upon such plan as shall be suggested by -General Gage." This work Johnson had already accomplished even before -the instructions of July 24th were written. In the fall of the same -year that Dartmouth thus placed the British government on record as -willing to employ Indians in the war, without other restrictions than -such as were to be suggested by General Gage, the Earl of Shelburne, -on information received, attacked the administration. "The Indians -had been tampered with", he said. "A trial of skill had been made to -let the savages on the back settlements loose on provincial subjects. -Barbarous as was the measure and cowardly as was the attempt, it had -failed." This was on November 10th. Ten days later Lord North asserted -that, "as to the means of conducting the war, there was never any idea -of employing the negroes or the Indians, until the Americans themselves -had first applied to them; that General Carleton did then apply to -them; and even then it was only for the defence of his own province." -Lord North was not well informed on proceedings in the colonies. - -The attitude assumed by the British government in the order of July -24th represented the position which was retained during the remainder -of the war. From Halifax, on June 7, 1776, General Howe assured -Lord George Germain that his best endeavors would be used to engage -the Indians of the Six Nations, and he hoped by the influence of -Colonel Guy Johnson to make them useful. Notwithstanding the fact -that the intercepted correspondence between General Gage and John -Stuart, the superintendent, had been in possession of the Americans -for some months, Henry Stuart, a deputy of his brother, on May 18, -1776, asserted that it was not the design of his majesty "to set his -friends and allies on his liege subjects." This was probably true, but -there were a number of inhabitants of the Southern colonies who could -hardly have been classified as "liege subjects" at that time, to whom -this announcement could not have conveyed much satisfaction. From an -intercepted letter from the same source a scheme for co-operating with -the fleet when it should appear on the coast, by marching troops from -Florida in concert with a force composed of Creeks and Cherokees, to -the frontiers of North and South Carolina, was made public. In the -fall of 1776 Lord George Germain forwarded a supply of presents to the -Indians, and called the attention of the generals in command to the -necessity of securing their services. In November, 1777, the Earl of -Suffolk justified the alliance with the Indians on two grounds: "one as -necessary in fact, the other as allowable on principle; for, first, the -Americans endeavored to raise them on their side, and would gain them -if we did not; and next, it was allowable, and perfectly justifiable, -to use every means that God and nature had put in our hands."[1288] -This avowal called forth from the Earl of Chatham a fierce denunciation -of its author. - -In the review which has been submitted of the acts and opinions, -official and personal, on both sides the ocean, concerning the -employment of the Indians in the Revolutionary War, the actors have -been allowed to speak for themselves as nearly as possible. If we -follow the order of events, we can see that the flaming rhetoric of the -address of the Continental Congress to the people of Ireland, and the -caustic arraignment of the king of Great Britain in the Declaration of -Independence, were calculated to produce an erroneous impression as to -the American position upon the subject. With the publication, which -afterwards took place, of the correspondence of prominent men of the -times, and of official documents from state and national archives, this -became evident. Sparks, in his _Washington_,[1289] says: "It has been -usual in America to represent the English as much the most censurable -on this score in the Revolutionary War; and if we estimate the amount -of deserved censure by the effect produced, this opinion is no doubt -correct. But such is not the equitable mode of judging on the subject, -since the principle and intention are chiefly concerned, and not the -policy of the measure nor the success of the execution. Taken on this -ground, historical justice must award the Americans a due share of the -blame." We may complain of the brutal eagerness of Lord Dunmore to -sustain his official position at any expense to his people; we may hold -up for abhorrence the vindictive nature of the orders transmitted by -General Gage; we may point out the disingenuous evasions or downright -falsehoods of Colonel Guy Johnson; but we must accept responsibility -for the enlistment, before the battle of Lexington, of the Stockbridge -Indians by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay. We may claim -with apparent justice that the Continental Congress was reluctant to -employ Indians; yet we cannot undertake to reconcile the resolutions -of that Congress on May 25 and on June 17, 1776, with the indignation -against Great Britain, expressed so shortly afterward in the -Declaration of Independence and the Address to the people of Ireland, -for doing what Congress, by resolutions of previous date, had first -declared to be highly expedient, and then had specifically ordered to -be done. - -The examination which has heretofore been made of the position of the -colonies on the question of the employment of Indians as soldiers has -already brought to light some of the events requiring notice which took -place in the Northern Department. The few Mohegans, whose unfortunate -enlistment as minute-men furnished argument for Gage "that the colonies -were collecting all the Indians that they could", were practically -the only Indians the colonies found ready to take up arms in their -behalf. During the summer and autumn of 1775 Washington was much -encouraged by reports of the friendly disposition of the Eastern and -Canadian Indians. He was visited at Cambridge by delegations from the -Penobscot, the St. Francis, and the Caughnawaga tribes, who in friendly -talks conveyed the impression that they favored the colonies. The Six -Nations were sorely perplexed and divided in their councils.[1290] -The residence of the superintendent among them, his power as the -distributer of gifts, the traditional respect and affection that they -had for his predecessor, and, above all, the active agency of Joseph -Brant, the Mohawk chief, whom the superintendent adroitly engaged as -his private secretary, all conspired to take them over to the enemy. - -[Illustration: JOSEPH THAYENDANEGEA. - -This portrait of Brant, "from an original drawing in the possession of -James Boswell, Esq.", is engraved in the _London Mag._, July, 1776. It -is reëngraved in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, ii. 345.—ED.] - -It is surprising that any influences could have overcome, even -partially, this combination of circumstances in favor of the English; -but, as it proved, the personal attachment of the Oneidas and -Tuscaroras for Kirkland the missionary, and Dean the interpreter, was -powerful enough, when exerted in favor of neutrality, to prevent the -greater part of those tribes from following their brethren. Various -conferences were held during the summer between delegations of whites -and representatives of the Eastern tribes of the confederacy, in all -of which those Indians who participated professed their willingness to -remain neutral.[1291] In the autumn of 1775 the Indian commissioners -of the Northern Department held a preliminary conference at German -Flats, and thereafter a formal conference at Albany, at which the -peace-speech of Congress was presented to the Six Nations, or -rather to that part of the confederacy which was represented at the -conference.[1292] An agreement of neutrality was entered into, but -its value was greatly diminished by the fact that in the preliminary -speeches the Indians insisted upon the necessity of keeping open their -communications. This meant that they would regard the occupation -of Fort Stanwix as an invasion of their rights.[1293] While these -proceedings were going on, some of the Indians who had accompanied -Guy Johnson to Montreal returned to their homes. When Dean, under -orders from the commissioners, went out to explain to the tribes the -nature of the Albany treaty, he met these Indians from Montreal. He -says they were members of the Cayuga, Mohawk, and Seneca tribes, and -they informed their brethren that they had taken up the hatchet at -Montreal against the colonies. The Indians who had been at Albany were -displeased at this, and their influence so far prevailed that the -famous war-belt delivered by Guy Johnson was surrendered to General -Schuyler on the 12th of December at Albany.[1294] - -In the Mohawk Valley, the departure of Guy Johnson, in the summer of -1775, left Sir John Johnson the most prominent royalist, and at the -same time the most conspicuous friend of the Indians, in that region. -He was surrounded by several hundred Scotch Highlanders, who were -devoted to him personally, and followed his lead in politics. Early -in January, 1776, General Schuyler received orders to proceed to -Johnstown, apprehend Sir John, and disarm his followers. In carrying -out these orders the jealousy of the Indians had to be considered. -Conferences were held with them. They tried to dissuade the general -from invading the valley with an armed force, but he carefully -explained to them the situation, and insisted upon advancing. - -[Illustration: BRANT. - -Stone gives two portraits of Brant: one in his younger days, after a -picture belonging to the Earl of Warwick, and painted by G. Romney; the -other after a painting by Catlin, following an original by E. Ames, and -representing him at a later age. - -[Illustration] - -The younger of these two is herewith given. (Cf. J. C. Smith's _Brit. -Mez. Portraits_, iii. 1306; and McKenney and Hall's _Indian Tribes_, -vol. ii.) Cf. also J. N. Hubbard's _Sa-go-ye-wat-ha_ (Albany, 1886), p. -88.—ED.] - -The Indians were, however, invited to be present at the conference with -Sir John. As a result of the expedition, the Highlanders were disarmed -and Sir John was arrested and paroled. In May, it being reported -that Sir John was not observing his parole, a second expedition was -dispatched to Johnson Hall.[1295] Without waiting to be arrested, Sir -John fled to Canada with a numerous body of followers, and shortly -thereafter entered the English army. It was in this same month that -the affair of the Cedars took place. Here, for the first time, Joseph -Brant—_Tha-yen-dan-e-gea_—appeared in the field against the colonies. -As a youth he had been placed at the school for the instruction of -Indians, which was conducted by the Rev. Eleazer Wheelock, afterwards -president of Dartmouth College. Brant is said to have been a man of -good personal appearance and of great physical courage. Enough of -his life had been spent among the whites to make him feel at ease in -European costume, and to fit him to enter society without fear of -transgressing ordinary rules of etiquette. As the private secretary -of Guy Johnson, he had followed the superintendent to Montreal. -From that point he went to England, where he was received with -consideration. After a brief stay he returned to Canada, arriving in -time to participate, while his memory of British adulation was still -fresh,[1296] in the joint attack of the British troops and Indians on -the Americans at the Cedars.[1297] - -The necessity for occupying Fort Stanwix became early apparent to the -Americans, and was the subject of frequent correspondence. This fort -was at the carrying-place between Lake Ontario and the Mohawk,[1298] -and from this post, on September 23, 1776, Colonel Dayton wrote -that "Indian rumors report Colonel Johnson at Oswego with a large -force."[1299] The alarm was, however, premature. - -In the spring of 1777[1300] intelligence reached the Tryon County -committee of the march of Brant, with a large body of warriors, across -the country from Canada to the region where the Susquehanna River -crosses the line between New York and Pennsylvania. Considerable -restlessness was also noted at this time among the Tories. The presence -of this large force of Indians under Brant caused great uneasiness to -the settlers, and in June General Herkimer, with about three hundred -of the militia, marched to Unadilla. Then followed one of the most -singular incidents, as the story is generally told, of the whole border -war. Herkimer's whole proceedings up to this point were aggressive. -He had ventured with an armed force into Indian country. Upon his -application, a co-operative force under Colonel Van Schaick was -dispatched to Cherry Valley. The presence of Brant in the vicinity with -a large body of followers was known, and Brant had already avowed his -loyalty to the king. Yet after a conference, to which Brant came with -evident reluctance, and at which he made a display of the force with -him in such a way as to make Herkimer's followers uneasy, the meeting -terminated without apparent result, unless Brant's renewed assertion of -loyalty may be so regarded.[1301] Very soon after this a conference was -held at Oswego between the officers of the British Indian Department -and the Six Nations, at which the greater part of the latter were -secured for the service of the king, and the lines were finally drawn -between them and those members of the confederacy who were disposed -either to maintain neutrality or who actually favored the American side. - -While these events were occurring, Burgoyne had started upon his -march by way of Lake Champlain, confident that he could without -difficulty effect a junction with the British force from New York. -Lieutenant Hadden mentions that Burgoyne said at an early date in the -campaign that "a thousand savages brought into the field cost more -than twenty thousand men." What confidence he had in his allies at -the start diminished as he advanced. On the 11th of July he wrote -to the secretary of state "Confidentially to your lordship, I may -acknowledge that in several instances I have found the Indians little -more than a name",—a name which he sought by a proclamation to make a -terror; but in doing so he gave his adversaries ground for holding him -responsible for such enormities as the murder of Miss McCrea,[1302] -and for refusing to believe his indignant denials. His doubts of the -value of the Indians as soldiers were soon verified. They could scout -and forage, but at Bennington they were useless. They, in turn, finding -that Burgoyne endeavored to restrain them in their customary methods of -warfare, and that there was but little opportunity for plunder, began -to drop away. At the most critical period of the campaign they deserted -in large numbers, and could not be prevailed upon to return. Their -presence, far from proving a terror to the provincials, consolidated -and thus strengthened them, while on the other hand it undoubtedly led -the English to overestimate their own strength.[1303] - -By orders from London, dated March 26, 1777, the advance of Burgoyne -was supported by a simultaneous movement by way of the St. Lawrence and -Lake Ontario. Lieutenant-Colonel Barry St. Leger, made a brigadier for -the purpose, led a force of about 650 regulars, Hessians, Canadians, -and Tories, with upwards of 800 Indians, as stated by Colonel Claus, -who had charge of them. - -[Illustration: ST. LEGER'S ORDER OF MARCH. - -After the cut in Stone's _Brant_, i. 219, following the original draft -found in St. Leger's baggage. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 241.—ED.] - -This command, bearing a few six-pounders, three-pounders, and cohorns, -marched from Oswego, in the latter part of July, for the valley of -the Mohawk. Unusual precautions were taken to protect the flanks by -Indians, and the way was led by scouts. The Oneidas gave the Americans -ample warning. Fort Stanwix was at the time under the command of -Colonel Gansevoort, with Colonel Marinus Willett as second,—both -excellent officers. The regular garrison consisted of 550 men, who -were poorly supplied with provisions and munitions of war. Indians -infested the woods during the summer, and several atrocious murders -were committed, even near the fort. On August 2d, a reinforcement of -200 men reached the garrison, with two bateaux loaded with stores. The -supplies had been barely taken into the fort when St. Leger's advanced -guard appeared. The increased garrison had now six weeks' provisions -and an abundance of ammunition for small arms, but only nine rounds a -day for the cannon for the same period. During the summer the garrison -had partly repaired the fort, and had felled trees along the banks of -Wood Creek, so as to impede navigation. - -News was conveyed to St. Leger of the approach of the reinforcement, -convoying supplies for the garrison. In the hopes of intercepting -them he authorized Lieutenant Bird to invest the place with the -advanced guard, at the same time adding to Bird's command a body of -Indians under Brant. Thinking perhaps that the garrison might offer -to surrender upon the approach of the investing force, he instructed -Lieutenant Bird not to accept a capitulation, but to await the approach -of the main body of troops; saying, "This is not to take any honor -out of a young soldier's hands, but by the presence of the troops to -prevent the barbarity and carnage which will ever obtain where Indians -make so superior a part of a detachment." On the 3d of August, St. -Leger arrived with the greater part of his force, himself taking charge -of operations which had been begun by Lieutenant Bird on the 2d. Wood -Creek had been "most effectually choaked up", as St. Leger termed it, -by the garrison of the fort; consequently he could not at once bring -forward his artillery and stores. He forwarded to the garrison copies -of a proclamation similar in tenor to that issued by Burgoyne, and on -the 4th completely invested the fort and began the siege. Instead of -the unfinished work which he says he had been led to expect, he found -it "a respectable fortress, strongly garrisoned with 700 men, and -demanding for its speedy subjection a train of artillery of which he -was not master." - -[Illustration: PETER GANSEVOORT. - -After a picture by Stuart as engraved by Prud'homme. Cf. Stone's -_Brant_, i. 209; and his _Campaign of Burgoyne_, p. 221; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, i. 240.—ED.] - -The torpor of the inhabitants of Tryon County had excited indignation -at Kingston and at Albany. Under the pressure of an invading force, -the people responded to the call of General Herkimer, and that officer -soon found himself at the head of about 700 men.[1304] Among them were -a small number of Oneida Indians. On the 4th of August this assemblage -of men from the frontier moved forward from Fort Dayton at German -Flats, where they had gathered together, and on the 5th encamped near -Oriskany. From this point a message was sent to Colonel Gansevoort -reporting their approach, and asking him to announce his knowledge of -the fact by three rapid discharges of cannon. The messengers did not -succeed in entering the fort until the morning of the 6th between ten -and eleven o'clock. The three guns which were intended to communicate -to Herkimer the intelligence that the garrison knew of his approach, -were then fired at the fort. Herkimer's men were, however, too -impatient to wait for co-operation on the part of the garrison. At that -hour they had already advanced between two and three miles from their -camp, and were engaged with the enemy. In justice to Herkimer, it must -be said that he endeavored to prevent the advance, but it was evident -from the temper of his men that if he had not consented to move he -would have lost their confidence. - -At the time of Herkimer's approach, St. Leger was but poorly prepared -for an engagement. The garrison and the relief column together were -equal in number to St. Leger's total force. The passage of the creek -had been so completely blocked that 110 men were nine days in freeing -it from obstruction. To get his artillery and stores forward, St. -Leger was obliged to clear a path or roadway sixteen miles in length. -He had but 250 soldiers on duty at the camp when the news reached him -that the Americans were advancing. From these he could spare but 80 -men to co-operate with 400 Indians in an ambuscade which was prepared -for Herkimer. Sir John Johnson commanded 50 of these, and was posted, -for the purpose of checking the column, on the road over which the -Americans were advancing. It was intended that the Indians and a small -party of rangers under Colonel Butler, who concealed themselves in the -woods by the sides of the road, should, when Sir John had performed -his part of the work, pour in their fire from all sides. At ten -o'clock on the morning of the 6th, the approach of the unsuspecting -and undisciplined American troops, with their wagons, was heard by -the Tories and Indians in their place of concealment. The presence of -the enemy was first revealed to the Americans by a volley from the -impetuous Indians, who could not restrain themselves long enough for -the perfect development of the plan, but opened fire before the head -of the column had reached Sir John Johnson's post, and before the -rear guard, with the wagons, had completely entered the fatal circle. -Had the regiment which composed the rear guard been made up of men -accustomed to warfare, they might even then have done good service -in behalf of the surprised column. Unfortunately, those who could -get away fled, leaving their companions to their fate. The returns -show that even this regiment suffered severely in the engagement. A -desultory combat followed, in which each of the entrapped Americans -fought for himself, taking advantage of whatever opportunities offered -for defence. The remnant of the surprised and disordered troops, thus -brought to bay, proved formidable opponents, and punished severely -the Indians, who bore the brunt of the fighting. Quite early in the -action several of the American officers were killed or wounded. -General Herkimer was shot through the leg, and his horse was killed. -The saddle was removed from the animal and placed at the foot of a -tree. Upon this the disabled general was seated by his men, and by -his coolness and indifference to suffering and to danger won their -respect. A heavy shower, which interrupted the progress of the battle, -afforded opportunity for the Americans to arrange for co-operation. -After the shower was over, the contest was renewed, and, according to -the American accounts, fresh troops from the English camp participated. -Local annals are filled with tales of feats of valor and vindictiveness -which characterized this portion of the combat. At length the Indians, -wearied with the protracted contest, and disheartened by the loss of -several of their warriors, left the field. The English troops closely -followed them. A diversion made by the garrison probably hastened the -retreat. During this action the American loss was, according to their -own accounts, about two hundred killed and nearly as many wounded and -prisoners. The British loss was stated by themselves to have been not -over six killed and four wounded. From the same source we learn that -the Indians lost thirty-three killed and about as many wounded. - -[Illustration: THE BUTLER BADGE. - -NOTE.—The above cut of a brass emblem worn by Butler's men follows -one in Simms's _Frontiersmen of New York_, ii. 68, drawn from a sample -ploughed up in Otsego County;—ED.] - -After the shower which checked the battle at Oriskany was over, Colonel -Willett, at the head of two hundred and fifty men, with a three-pound -carronade, sallied forth from the fort. The camp was almost entirely -unprotected. Lieutenant Bird, who was in charge of the portion which -Willett attacked, had received information that Sir John Johnson needed -succor, and had abandoned his post and marched towards Oriskany. -Colonel Willett penetrated the camp, secured a large quantity of guns, -ammunition, Indian weapons, blankets, etc., captured nearly all the -books and papers of the expedition, evaded an attempt on the part of -St. Leger to cut off his retreat, and safely effected his return to the -fort with all his plunder, without losing a man.[1305] The Indians, -before going out to fight, had stripped themselves nearly naked. On -their return to camp they found neither clothing, tents, nor blankets. -Thus ended the day. The relief party under Herkimer was shattered. -The fort was still besieged, and the besiegers had now opportunity to -open their communications; but their camp had been rifled, and their -Indian allies, discouraged by their losses, had no further interest in -the siege, and began to think of home. St. Leger sought to secure a -capitulation on the ground of the defeat of Herkimer, and caused the -captured militia to write accounts setting forth the strength of his -force and the excellence of his artillery; but Gansevoort was firm. -The argument that the English would be unable to restrain the Indians -from barbarities if the siege were protracted was also spurned by the -garrison. Failing in this direct attempt upon their fears, an effort -was made to reach them through the people of the county. A proclamation -was put forth by Sir John Johnson, D. W. Claus, and John Butler as -superintendents. This also was of no effect. It being desirable to -communicate with Albany, Colonel Willett and Major Stockwell penetrated -through the enemy's camp by night, and proceeded on foot through the -woods to Fort Dayton. From that point Colonel Willett went to Albany. -He found that General Arnold had already been ordered to relieve the -fort. The siege, notwithstanding the fact that the artillery was of -little avail, was continued until the 23d of August. The garrison, -ignorant of the fate of Colonel Willett and Major Stockwell, were in -grave doubts as to how long they could hold out. On the 23d, the enemy -suddenly abandoned their camp, leaving a great quantity of material -behind. The retreat was precipitated by false intelligence which -Arnold caused to be conveyed to the English camp. St. Leger evidently -suspected the ruse, but was unable to prevent its effects. - -The gallant Herkimer did not long survive the battle. A simple, -unlettered man, without experience in leading troops, he paid the -penalty of his mistakes at Oriskany with his life. His intrepidity -during the action and the coolness with which he faced death convinced -his followers of his dauntless courage, and his loss was deeply felt. - -The Indians, in their resentment for the severe losses with which they -had met, murdered several of the American prisoners. They also burned -one of the Oneida settlements, destroyed the crops, and killed or drove -away the cattle belonging to the village. Colonel Butler, in his report -to Sir Guy Carleton concerning affairs at Fort Stanwix, coolly says, -"Many of the latter [prisoners] were, conformable to the Indian custom, -afterwards killed." On the retreat the Indians became uncontrollable, -and robbed the English officers. In the words of St. Leger, they -"became more formidable than the enemy we had to expect." - -The failure of St. Leger and the capitulation of Burgoyne placed the -affairs of the colonies in such position that Congress deemed it worth -while to renew negotiations with the Indians. The time seemed opportune -for securing the services of the Six Nations, and the commissioners -were, on the 3d of December, 1777, instructed "to urge them to some -decisive enterprise which will effectually tie them to our cause." -On the 4th the commissioners were authorized to expend $15,000 as a -reward to the Indians for reducing Niagara. In February, 1778, they -were instructed to speak to the Indians "in language becoming the -representatives of free, sovereign, and independent States." "Whether -it would be prudent to insist upon the Indians taking an active part -in behalf of these States" would depend upon the temper in which they -should appear to be. Action upon that point was submitted to the -discretion of the commissioners. The temper of the Senecas was found to -be far from favorable; and instead of attending the conference, they -sent a message expressing surprise that while the tomahawk was still -sticking in their heads, and they were still grieving for the loss of -their friends at Oriskany, the commissioners should think of inviting -them to a treaty. On March 4th, Washington was empowered by Congress, -if he should think it prudent and proper, to employ in the service of -the United States a body of Indians, not exceeding five hundred. On the -7th, Colonel Nathaniel Gist was instructed to enlist Indians on the -borders of Virginia and North Carolina, not to exceed two hundred in -number. On June 11th, Congress recommended aggressive warfare, being -satisfied, from the presence of British agents among the Indians, that -the cruel war had been "industriously instigated" and was still being -"prosecuted with unrelenting perseverance by principal officers in the -service of the king of Great Britain." - -In 1778, according to the plan of campaign as given by Guy Johnson in -his correspondence, the English forces on the western borders of New -York were divided into two bodies: one, consisting of Indians under -Brant, to operate in New York, while Deputy Superintendent Butler with -the other should penetrate the settled district on the Susquehanna. -Brant, who, according to Colonel Claus, "had shown himself to be the -most faithful and zealous subject his majesty could have in America", -did his work unsparingly, and ruin marked his track. In the valley of -the upper Mohawk and the Schoharie nothing but the garrison-houses -escaped, and labor was only possible in the field when muskets were -within easy reach. Occasionally blows were struck at the larger -settlements. In the last of May, Brant, with about three hundred and -fifty Indians, destroyed a number of houses in the Cobleskill Valley, -and routed, with severe loss, a militia company which attempted to -pursue him.[1306] In June, the little town of Springfield, at the head -of Otsego Lake, was burned. Such of the men as did not take flight were -seized as prisoners. The women and children were not injured. During -the same month, Sir John Johnson, with a company of loyalists, made a -sudden descent upon the Mohawk Valley, the scene of their former homes, -and took a number of citizens prisoners. - -In July, 1778, the threatened attack on Wyoming took place. This region -was at that time formally incorporated as the county of Westmoreland -of the colony of Connecticut. This result had been accomplished by the -persistence of the emigrants, under most discouraging circumstances and -at the expense of some bloodshed. In the fall of 1776, two companies, -on the Continental establishment, had been raised in the valley, in -pursuance of a resolution of Congress, and were shortly thereafter -ordered to join General Washington.[1307] Several stockaded forts had -been built during the summer at different points. The withdrawal of so -large a proportion of the able-bodied men as had been enlisted in the -Continental service threw upon the old men who were left behind the -duty of guarding the forts. Repeated alarms, during the summer of 1777, -compelled the young men to scour the woods, but their vigilance did -not prevent some prisoners being taken by the Indians. In March, 1778, -another military company was organized, by authority of Congress, to be -employed for home defence. In May, attacks were made upon the scouting -parties by Indians, who were the forerunners of an invading army. The -exposed situation of the settlement, the prosperity of the inhabitants, -and the loyalty with which they had responded to the call for troops, -demanded consideration from Connecticut, to whose quota the companies -had been credited, and from Congress, in whose armies they had been -incorporated; but no help came. On June 30th, an armed labor party of -eight men, which went out from the upper fort, was attacked by Major -Butler, who with a force estimated by the American commander in his -report at eight hundred men, Tories and Indians in equal numbers, had -arrived in the valley. This estimate was not far from correct; but if -we may judge from other raiding forces during the war, the proportion -of whites is too large, for only a few local Tories had joined Butler. -The little forts at the upper end of the valley offered no resistance -to the invaders. - -On July 3d, there were collected at "Forty Fort", on the banks of -the river, about three miles above Wilkesbarré, two hundred and -thirty Americans, organized in six companies (one of them being the -company authorized by Congress for home defence), and commanded by -Colonel Zebulon Butler, a resident in the valley and an officer in -the Continental army. It was determined, after deliberation, to give -battle. In the afternoon of that day, this body of volunteers, their -number being swelled to nearly three hundred by the addition of old -men and boys, marched up the valley. The invaders had set fire to the -forts of which they were in possession. This perplexed the Americans, -as was intended, and they pressed on towards the spot selected by the -English officer for giving battle. This was reached about four in the -afternoon, and the attack was at once made by the Americans, who fired -rapidly in platoons. The British line wavered, but a flanking fire -from a body of Indians concealed in the woods settled the fate of the -day against the Americans. They were thrown into confusion. No efforts -of their officers could rally them while exposed to a fire which in a -short time brought down every captain in the band. The Indians now cut -off the retreat of the panic-stricken men, and pressed them towards the -river. All who could saved their lives by flight. Of the three hundred -who went out that morning from Forty Fort, the names are recorded of -one hundred and sixty-two officers and men killed in the action or -in the massacre which followed. Major Butler, the British officer in -command, reported the taking of "two hundred and twenty-seven scalps" -"and only five prisoners." Such was the exasperation of the Indians, -according to him, that it was with difficulty he saved these few. -He gives the English loss at two whites killed and eight Indians -wounded.[1308] - -During the night the worst passions of the Indians seem to have been -aroused in revenge for Oriskany. Incredible tales are told of the -inhumanity of the Tories. These measures of vengeance fell exclusively -upon those who participated in the battle, for all women and children -were spared. - -As soon as the extent of the disaster was made known, the inhabitants -of the lower part of the valley deserted their homes, and fled in -the direction of the nearest settlements. Few stayed behind who had -strength and opportunity to escape. In their flight many of the -fugitives neglected to provide themselves with provisions, and much -suffering and some loss of life ensued. The fugitives from the field -of battle took refuge in the forts lower down the valley. The next -day, Colonel Zebulon Butler, with the remnants of the company for home -defence, consisting of only fourteen men, escaped from the valley. -Colonel Denison, in charge of Forty Fort, negotiated with Major Butler -the terms of capitulation which were ultimately signed. In these it -was agreed that the inhabitants should occupy their farms peaceably, -and their lives should be preserved "intire and unhurt." With the -exception that Butler executed a British deserter whom he found among -the prisoners, no lives were taken at that time. Shortly thereafter, -the Indians began to plunder, and the English commander, to his -chagrin, found himself unable to check them. Miner even goes so far as -to say that he promised to pay for the property thus lost. Finding his -commands disregarded, Butler mustered his forces and withdrew, without -visiting the lower part of the valley. The greater part of the Indians -went with him, but enough remained to continue the devastation, while -a few murders committed by straggling parties of Indians ended the -tragedy. The whole valley was left a scene of desolation. In August the -American forces returned, and a few settlers came back and endeavored -to save some of their crops, but occasional surprises by Indians warned -them that the region was still unsafe. In September, Colonel Hartley -marched with one hundred and thirty men against the Indian towns of -Tioga and Sheshequin, and broke up those settlements. - - * * * * * - -Brant, meanwhile, had not been idle. On July 18th he burned a little -settlement about six miles from German Flats, called Andrustown. In -the latter part of August, German Flats, a settlement containing -thirty-four houses, was destroyed and the cattle were driven away. -Only two lives were lost, the inhabitants having taken refuge in Fort -Dayton. The rapine was not, however, all on one side. From Schoharie -an American expedition under Colonel William Butler threaded its way -through the woods, forded the flooded streams, and destroyed the Indian -town of Oquaga, and on their return burned the Tory settlement and the -grist and saw mills at Unadilla. - -In the spring of 1778, General Lafayette ordered a fort to be built -at Cherry Valley, and this post was afterwards garrisoned by the -Continental regiment under Colonel Ichabod Alden. During the fall, -information of a positive character was conveyed to Colonel Alden that -the place was threatened. Some of the officers of the garrison were -accustomed to sleep outside the fort, and notwithstanding the warning, -this practice was continued. Neither Alden nor his men were familiar -with Indian warfare. The citizens wished to move their effects into the -fort, but Colonel Alden quieted them by saying that he had good scouts -out, who would give timely warning. One of these scouting parties, -through carelessness, was captured on the night of November 10th, -and by this means the enemy learned the exact condition of affairs. -The invading force is said to have consisted of two hundred whites -and about five hundred Indians, the whole under command of Captain -Walter N. Butler. This officer had been arrested as a spy near Fort -Stanwix during the siege, and had been condemned to death, but had been -reprieved, and had escaped from custody. He had with him a body of -Senecas, besides Brant and his Mohawks. The night after the capture of -the scouting party, the enemy encamped near the village. On the morning -of the 11th, under cover of a heavy rain, they penetrated a swamp -in the rear of the house used as headquarters, where they concealed -themselves, awaiting a favorable opportunity for attack. Chance favored -the garrison, and gave them a brief warning. A resident of the valley, -on the way to the village, at about half past eleven o'clock discovered -two Indians, and was fired upon by them. - -[Illustration: - -From the _Gesch. der Kriege in und ausser Europa, Dreyzehnter Theil_, -Nürnberg, 1778. The original of this design was a print published in -London, Aug. 22, 1776. Reproductions of it will be found in Irving's -_Washington_, quarto ed., vol. iii.; E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, -p.76; T. C. Amory's _Sullivan_. Cf. also Murray's _Impartial History_, -p. 241; Jones's _Campaign for the Conquest of Canada_, p. 88; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, i. 272. - -For a view of Gen. Sullivan's house at Durham, N. H., with a paper on -its associations, see _Granite Monthly_, v. 18, 80. For his family, see -_N. E. H. and Gen. Reg._, 1865, p. 304.—ED.] - -Although wounded, he was able to reach headquarters in advance of the -enemy, and give the alarm. The regimental officers hastened towards -the fort, and some of them succeeded in reaching it before the Indians -surrounded it. Colonel Alden was one of the first victims of his own -infatuation, having been shot while trying to reach the fort. For -three hours and a half the enemy protracted their efforts to capture -the post. Sixteen Continental soldiers were killed during the attack -on the village, and thirty-two of the inhabitants, principally women -and children, were massacred. Some of the murders were committed under -circumstances of peculiar barbarism, in which whites competed with -Indians. The houses, barns, and out-houses of the settlement were -burned. The garrison, although too weak to attack the enemy, was strong -enough to defend the fort. The enemy having completed the work of -destruction as far as they could, retired, but made a feeble renewal -of the attack on the 12th. This was easily repelled, and they then -devoted themselves to collecting the cattle belonging to the villagers. -The greater part of the prisoners who had been captured were liberated -on the 12th, and permitted to return to the settlement. In setting -them free, Captain Butler entered into a correspondence with General -Schuyler, in which he endeavored to relieve himself from responsibility -for the massacre. Brant also denied responsibility for it. Butler in -his letter asserted that at Wyoming "not a man, woman, or child was -hurt after capitulation, or a woman or child before it." If we admit -the disclaimers of the Butlers, father and son, the fact still remains -that they headed raiding parties, where plunder and destruction of -property were the main purposes of the expeditions, and where the -massacre of the inhabitants was one of the possibilities of success. -Strip from the stories of Wyoming the exaggerations of the frightened -refugees, the brutal massacre of the prisoners remains. The mercy which -was extended to the prisoners at Cherry Valley merely reduces the -number of horrors which were committed there. The massacre still stands -out conspicuously as the most shocking in its details of any event in -this region during the Revolution. Fortunately for the memory of Sir -John Johnson, notwithstanding his prominence as the scourge of the -Mohawk Valley during the war, his name is not associated with either of -these events. - - * * * * * - -On March 6, 1779, Washington, acting under instructions from Congress, -"to take effectual measures for the protection of the inhabitants -and the chastisement of the Indians", tendered to General Gates the -command of an expedition "to carry war into the heart of the country -of the Six Nations, to cut off their settlements, destroy their next -year's crops, and do every other mischief which time and circumstances -will permit." This offer Gates declined, and on March 31st General -Sullivan was appointed to the command. He was to lay waste all the -Indian settlements in the most effectual manner, "that the country -may not be merely overrun, but destroyed." Sullivan was to assemble -his forces in Pennsylvania. General James Clinton was to assemble a -force in the Mohawk Valley. In all the preliminary discussions of the -campaign it was contemplated to make the main advance by way of the -Mohawk. This idea was, however, abandoned, and it was arranged that -Clinton should cross over to the Susquehanna River, and by that route -effect a junction with Sullivan. As a preliminary to the campaign, -Colonel Van Schaick, on the 18th of April, left Fort Stanwix at the -head of five hundred and fifty-eight men, including officers, and -made a sudden descent upon the Onondaga towns. The expedition was -completely successful, and on the 24th Van Schaick was back at the -fort, and able to report that this work of destruction and plunder -had been accomplished, with the loss of only one man. On June 16th, -General Clinton arrived at Canajoharie, where he found about fifteen -hundred troops. From that point over two hundred boats and three -months' provisions for the command were transported over the hills -to Lake Otsego. On June 30th, Clinton reported to Sullivan that this -transfer had been accomplished, and that he was now ready to come down -the river. Here he remained with his troops until August 9th, awaiting -orders. Meantime he constructed a dam across the outlet of the lake, by -means of which he raised the water about a foot. - -By the latter part of June the troops which were under Sullivan's -immediate command had assembled in the Wyoming Valley. They numbered, -on the 21st of July, 2,312 rank and file. They remained in this valley, -awaiting the arrival of stores, until the last day of July, when -marching orders were issued. During this period of idleness the troops -at Wyoming and at Lake Otsego chafed at their inaction. The enemy -continued the policy of desultory attacks and devastating raids, some -of which were committed in close proximity to the American encampments. -In May, at Fantinekill and at Woodstock, in Ulster County, New York, -houses were destroyed, cattle killed, and prisoners taken. On the -night of July 19th, Brant, with a force one third white and two thirds -Indians, variously estimated at from ninety to one hundred and sixty -men, made a descent upon the Minisink settlement. The citizens and -militia of Goshen marched next day in pursuit, and were joined on the -21st by a small detachment of the Warwick militia, the whole number -being, according to Colonel Hathorn, who took command, one hundred and -twenty. On the 22d they overtook Brant, were completely outwitted by -him, and were defeated, with a loss of forty-four killed. - -In Pennsylvania several outrages were committed in the immediate -vicinity of Sullivan's army. On July 28th Freeland's fort, on the -West Branch of the Susquehanna, was taken by the enemy, and a small -detachment sent from Northumberland for its relief was badly cut up. -Neither Clinton nor Sullivan were diverted from the purposes of the -campaign by these forays. The Oneidas had agreed to join Clinton, -but were prevented by a threatening message from General Haldimand. -They excused themselves to the American general on the ground that -they feared an attack on their castles, should they assist in the -campaign. Their defection had no influence upon operations. On the -13th Sullivan destroyed the Indian town of Chemung, and then fortified -a post at a narrow point on the peninsula, a short distance above -the junction of the Tioga and Susquehanna. Clinton, on receipt of -orders to advance, destroyed the dam at the foot of the lake on the -9th, and successfully embarked his bateaux on the flood of his own -creating. On the 22d the junction of the two columns was effected. On -the 26th the united forces moved forward, and on the 29th encountered -the enemy under the Butlers, McDonnell, and Brant at Newtown, five -miles from Elmira. Here the enemy had selected a spot on rising ground -which commanded the road, and had thrown up a rude breastwork of logs. -Some attempt had been made to conceal it by placing before it brush -and young trees. Here they were apparently prepared to make a stand. -General Poor was dispatched with his brigade to gain a hill to the -right, and from thence to attack the enemy's left flank. After allowing -some time for Poor to reach his destination, Sullivan opened with his -artillery. Poor met with resistance, but when he had forced his way -to a position which became threatening to the enemy, they abandoned -their whole line.[1309] On the 30th Sullivan proposed to his men, as -provisions were short, that they should go on half rations, trusting -to the country to furnish them the rest. This was readily agreed to. -The baggage and heavy guns were sent back, and on the 31st the column -advanced, taking for campaign artillery four light three-pounders and -a small howitzer. The main army marched down the east side of Seneca -Lake to its outlet, destroying villages, cornfields, and orchards on -the way. From the foot of the lake a party was sent down the Seneca -River towards Lake Cayuga to destroy a town, and another was sent a -short distance up Lake Seneca, on the west side, for the same purpose. -From the foot of this lake the main army moved westward, skirting -the northern ends of lakes Canandaigua, Honeyoye, and Hemlock, -destroying as it moved. Then it bore to the southwest, and passed -the southern end of Lake Conesus. On the 14th of September, about -sunset, the expedition arrived at the great castle of the Senecas, -on the west side of the Genessee River, and on the opposite side of -the valley from the site of Geneseo. On the evening of the 12th, as -the army approached this region, Sullivan ordered a scouting party to -be sent out. It was his intention that only five or six men should -go, but the officer in charge of the party, Lieutenant Thomas Boyd, -took with him twenty-six men, including the Indian guides. In the -darkness, Boyd unconsciously passed the encampment of Butler and his -force, who were ambushed near Lake Conesus, waiting for Sullivan. On -the morning of the 13th, Boyd, having reconnoitred an Indian town, -sent word to camp by two of his men, and halted where he intended -to await the approach of the army. While waiting here, some Indians -were discovered by the party, whom Boyd indiscreetly pursued. By this -means his force was led directly into the power of Butler, whose men -completely surrounded the Americans and opened fire upon them. Nerved -to desperation, a gallant attempt was made by the devoted band to break -through the enemy's lines. In this attempt eight of them succeeded. -Fifteen of the party were killed. Two, Boyd and his sergeant, were -captured. The two captives were taken to Seneca Castle, or "little -Beard's town", and honored for their brave defence with tortures of -unusual cruelty. The "western door of the Long House", as this place -was termed by the Indians, consisted of one hundred and twenty-eight -houses, some of which were well built. The gardens were filled with -corn and vegetables. All these were destroyed; and on the 15th the -army, having completed its work, began its return march. Sullivan had, -on the outward march, dispatched a messenger from Catharine's town to -the Oneidas, calling upon them to furnish him with some warriors. At -Kanadasaga, near the foot of Lake Seneca, on his return, he received a -message from them, explaining why their warriors had failed him, and -putting in a plea for mercy in behalf of the Cayugas. He accepted their -excuses, but paid no attention to their requests. From Kanadasaga he -sent Colonel Smith, with a command, to complete the destruction on the -west side of Lake Seneca. He also detached Colonel Gansevoort, with one -hundred and five men, with instructions to proceed to Albany, and on -the way to destroy the lower Mohawk Castle. Through motives of policy, -the latter part of this order was not carried out to the letter. A -detachment was also sent out to destroy the towns on the eastern side -of Lake Cayuga. On the 21st another detachment was dispatched, with -orders to lay waste the towns on the western side of Lake Cayuga, and -to intercept the Cayugas if they should attempt to escape the officer -who had gone up on the other side of the lake. The rest of the army -then marched south, between Seneca and Cayuga lakes. When they reached -the valley of the Tioga, an expedition was sent up that river on an -errand of destruction. On the 28th these several detachments, with the -exception of Gansevoort's, had all rejoined the main column, having -accomplished their work without resistance. They were then met by a -supply of provisions from Tioga. The work of destroying Indian towns -and crops was finished. Fort Sullivan, near the junction of the rivers, -was abandoned and razed. The army descended the Susquehanna to Wyoming, -which place they reached October 7th. By the route which they took, -the distance marched by the army, in going from Wyoming to Seneca -Castle, was two hundred and fifteen miles, all of it in Indian country, -without a road over which a wagon could be transported. Forty Indian -towns were destroyed. Some of them were insignificant. Several had from -twenty to thirty houses. One had one hundred and twenty-eight houses. -Colonel Gansevoort, speaking of the lower Mohawk Castle, said: "It is -remarked that these Indians live much better than most of the Mohawk -families. Their houses were well furnished with all necessary household -utensils, and a great plenty of grain." The excellent construction -of some of the houses of the Seneca and Cayuga villages was a source -of surprise to the invaders. They marvelled at the well-conditioned -orchards, the cultivated gardens, and the extensive cornfields. They -left behind them, on the sites of these villages, smoking ruins and -blighted vegetation. Notwithstanding the fact that the expedition -was delayed so long waiting for stores, it was undertaken with the -certainty that there was not enough on hand for the purpose, if the -army was to rely upon what was supplied. General Sullivan was compelled -to march thus or not at all. In numbers the troops fell short of what -had been counted on. They met with no opposition worthy of note. The -losses during the campaign, by accident, by sickness, and in the field, -amounted to only forty. They could not have foreseen that General -Haldimand would be so completely bewildered as to their intentions, -and that he would refuse to believe that they could purpose invading -this region, until too late to render the Indians assistance.[1310] -The greater part of the warriors of the Six Nations were in the field -on the side of the English. It was but reasonable to anticipate that -the Indians would receive aid from their allies in defence of the -Indian country. Everything militated against the probability of the -expedition being able to accomplish its work with such ease. The -expedition was too large to treat the question of supplies in the same -way that an ordinary raiding party would have done. Through the delays -in procuring supplies, it was prosecuted at a time when the army could -subsist partially upon the growing crops. Had Sullivan started when he -expected, he must have depended upon his train. Otherwise the Indians -could easily have destroyed their stores and impeded the progress of -the army.[1311] - -As a part of the original scheme, a simultaneous movement from -Fort Pitt against the Indian towns on the Alleghany was ordered. -The difficulty of communication between the two forces led to the -abandonment of all idea of co-operation. Colonel Brodhead, who had -charge of the movement on the Alleghany, was left to pursue his own -course. On August 11th he left Pittsburgh at the head of six hundred -and five rank and file, with one month's provisions. With this force -he proceeded up the river by boat to Mahoning; there the stores were -loaded on pack-horses, and the march was begun. On the way to the -Indian towns the advance guard came in contact with a party of between -thirty and forty warriors, whom they put to flight. The detachment -marched for a distance of about two hundred miles from Pittsburgh, -and destroyed the Indian settlements along the Alleghany extending -for eight miles, and consisting of one hundred and thirty houses. The -growing crops and provisions were ruined. This extraordinary march was -made without the loss of a single man, and without meeting any warriors -except the party already mentioned. - -On October 20, 1779, Washington wrote to the Marquis de Lafayette, -saying: "General Sullivan has completed the entire destruction of the -country of the Six Nations, driven all the inhabitants, men, women, -and children, out of it, and is at Easton on his return." He further -said that Colonel Brodhead had inflicted similar chastisement on the -"Mingo and Muncey tribes", living on the Alleghany, French Creek, -and other waters of the Ohio. Washington concluded with these words: -"These unexpected and severe strokes have disconcerted, humbled, -and distressed the Indians exceedingly, and will, I am persuaded, -be productive of great good; as they are undeniable proofs to them -that Great Britain cannot protect them, and that it is in our power -to chastise them whenever their hostile conduct deserves it."[1312] -The cruel steps taken against the Senecas, Cayugas, and Onondagas -were probably justifiable as war measures. War against these Indians -without the adoption of their own tactics could only be prosecuted at -a great disadvantage.[1313] The destruction of their homes and the -consequent removal of the natives to a point more distant from the -American settlements, together with the necessity thus thrown upon the -British government of providing for their allies, undoubtedly affected -the aggressive power of the Indians and diminished the value of their -alliance. But if it was expected that raids upon the border settlements -would be stopped by this campaign, then the authorities must have been -disappointed. The border knew no peace until the war was ended. - -The Indians, driven out of their own country and left without shelter -and without food, took refuge at Niagara for the winter. The Oneidas -feared an attack, and abandoned their castles. About four hundred -of them placed themselves under the protection of the government -at Schenectady. In April, 1780, the settlement at Harpersfield was -destroyed, and a scouting party of Americans which happened to be -in the neighborhood was captured. Repeated blows were struck at the -scattered, poorly defended settlements along the border. The lower -Mohawk was invaded by a force under Sir John Johnson, and the local -histories, in their records of the work of the summer of 1780, have -a melancholy monotony of conflagration and plunder. In August the -settlement at Canajoharie was laid waste by Brant, and several small -settlements adjacent to Canajoharie, and at Norman's Kill, not far -from Albany, were ravaged. From the valley of the Mohawk the enemy -moved southward, destroying a number of houses and capturing prisoners -in Schoharie Valley. In October, 1780, Schoharie Valley was again -ravaged, this time from the south, by an invading force of about one -thousand in all, under Sir John Johnson, which consisted of Tories, -together with Brant and his Mohawks, and Cornplanter with a body of -Senecas. They had, by way of artillery, two small mortars and a brass -three-pounder.[1314] There were three forts in the valley, in which -the inhabitants took refuge. The invaders did not succeed in capturing -either of the forts, and the loss of life in them was small, but they -left scarcely a building standing in the whole valley. - -After thoroughly completing the work of destruction in Schoharie -Valley, the invaders proceeded to the valley of the Mohawk, and ravaged -the country on the north side of the Mohawk from Caughnawaga to Stone -Arabia and Palatine. A little force from Stone Arabia, acting, it is -supposed, under a promise of support from General Van Rensselaer, -undertook to check them. The general had collected some of the militia, -and was to fall upon the rear of the enemy. The promised support was -not furnished. Colonel Brown, who led the attacking party, was killed, -and his followers were badly cut to pieces. After this encounter -Sir John's forces renewed their work of destroying property in the -neighborhood of Stone Arabia, and then moved slowly up the river, -ravaging the country as they went. The invaders were followed by the -Americans, whose numbers increased as they moved, until they were -numerically stronger than the enemy. There were some Oneidas with -the Americans, under command of one of their own number holding a -commission from the Continental Congress as lieutenant-colonel. On the -afternoon of October 20th, just at nightfall, a skirmish took place -between the two commands at the spot selected by Sir John for his -evening bivouac. It was soon terminated by the increasing darkness, -of which the Americans took advantage to withdraw to a camping place -about three miles back, and the invaders, availing themselves of the -opportunity, hurriedly sought the woods. During their flight the enemy -captured a party of Americans which had been dispatched to destroy -their boats.[1315] After this raid the upper Mohawk Valley and the -Schoharie Valley rivalled in their desolation the region of the lakes -which had been invaded by Sullivan the preceding year. Numbers of -prisoners had been carried off during these raids, some of whom were -liberated shortly after capture. Others were detained till the close of -the war. In one instance a child was returned by Brant, with a letter, -in which he said "I do not make war upon women and children. I am sorry -to say that I have those with me in the service who are more savage -than the savages themselves." - -Simultaneously with the operations in the Mohawk Valley, the enemy -ascended Lake Champlain and captured Forts Ann and George. Portions of -Kingsbury, Queensbury, and Fort Edward were burned. A branch of this -expedition destroyed the settlement at Ballston. At the same time, a -party of about two hundred, chiefly Indians, under Major Haughton of -the 53d, left Canada, and destroyed several houses in the upper part -of the Connecticut Valley, and carried off thirty-two inhabitants as -prisoners.[1316] - -The work of retribution on the part of the Indians did not stop with -what has been recorded. Even during the succeeding winter Brant was -on the war-path, appearing now here and now there in the Mohawk -country cutting off stragglers and detached parties. Great difficulty -was experienced in furnishing the garrisons at the outposts with -provisions. Distress ensued, and there was serious danger that the -outlying defences could not be maintained. Fort Stanwix was badly -damaged in May, 1781, both by flood and by fire, and in consequence -the post was shortly afterward abandoned. The command of the Mohawk -Valley was this season assigned to Colonel Willett. He carefully -acquainted himself with its condition, and infused a portion of his -own active spirit into the management of affairs. Very shortly after -he assumed command, on June 30th, Currietown, a village near the mouth -of the Schoharie, was destroyed. With a small force, Willett pursued -the raiders, overtook them, and routed them with severe loss. In July, -Colonel Willett wrote that the number of men in Tryon County liable to -bear arms did not exceed eight hundred. At the beginning of the war the -enrolled militia numbered 2,500 men. He accounted for this reduction by -supposing that one third had been killed or made prisoners, one third -had gone over to the enemy, and one third had abandoned the country. -Indeed, life in the valley had become almost unendurable. The only -places of safety were within the walls of the stockaded forts which -were scattered through the region. All through the summer of 1781 -detachments of the enemy struck blows at different points along the -border. The most conspicuous of these desultory acts of devastation was -the destruction of the little town of Wawarsing. Unsuccessful efforts -were made this season to seize the persons of both General Gansevoort -and General Schuyler. The active movements of the year closed with a -foray on the Mohawk by Sir John Johnson and Major Walter N. Butler, in -the latter part of October. When the Americans learned the approach -of the invaders, Colonel Willett gathered a force together, with -which, although inferior in numbers to the enemy, he attacked them at -Johnstown. The varying fortunes of the day were, on the whole, with the -Americans. The enemy fled, after dark, to the woods. Willett followed -them for some days, and had a collision with their rear guard, in which -the notorious Major Walter N. Butler was shot through the head and left -on the field.[1317] The difficulties of the military as well as the -political situation had been greatly complicated this summer by the -menacing aspect of the British forces on Lake Champlain, and doubts as -to the fidelity of certain of the leaders in Vermont, whose hostility -to the threatened extension of the authority of New York over the -inchoate State had been pronounced in terms of bitter earnest. - -During the summer of 1782, although the frontiers of New York were -not altogether quiet, the scene of activity in border warfare was -transferred further west. There were none of the organized raids of -the enemy in the valleys of the Mohawk and Schoharie, with which the -inhabitants had become so familiar. - -In February, 1783, the last movement of the war on the border took -place in this region. It was an attempt by Colonel Willett to surprise -the garrison at Oswego. A forced march of a night and a day was made -through the trackless forests, on the snow, from the Mohawk Valley to -the vicinity of the fort. Then preparations for the assault were made, -but when the column advanced the guide became confused and lost his -way. As surprise was essential for success, the attempt was abandoned. -Willett and his men found their way back as best they could, enduring -on the return march intense suffering from fatigue, cold, and exposure. -Colonel Willett then proceeded to Albany, at which place he arrived in -time to hear peace proclaimed. - -The story of this chapter opened with the determination of a boundary -line between the king of Great Britain and his allies. It closes -with an assurance on the part of the Continental Congress, which is -intended to pacify the Indians, that, "as the country is large enough -to contain and support us all, and as we are disposed to be kind to -them, to supply their wants, and to partake of their trade, we, from -these considerations and from motives of compassion, draw a veil over -what is passed, and will establish a boundary line between them and us, -beyond which we will restrain our citizens from hunting and settling, -and within which the Indians shall not come, but for the purpose of -trading, treating, or other business equally unexceptionable."[1318] -The discussion of how far the kindly spirit which pervades these -promises has been maintained in subsequent dealings with the Indians -does not fall within the subject of this chapter. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE relations of the Indians to the British government and to the -colonies during the period immediately preceding the Revolutionary -War, is readily studied in _The life and times of Sir William Johnson, -Bart._, by William L. Stone (Albany, 1865, in 2 vols.[1319]), which was -intended to form a part of a history of the relations of the Iroquois -to current events. Stone completed but two volumes of the series, the -_Life of Brant_ and the _Life of Red Jacket_. The _Life of Sir William -Johnson_, being incomplete at the time of his death, was finished and -published by his son, of the same name.[1320] The book for awhile stood -alone in its detailed treatment of the official relations and dealings -of the superintendent with the Indians. Later publications have -infringed somewhat upon its monopoly. - -The _Pennsylvania Archives_, and the _Minutes of the Provincial Council -of Pennsylvania_, commonly cited as "Colonial Records", lay bare the -secrets of the province, and furnish authentic information upon many -points which prior to their publication were obscure.[1321] - -The documentary publications of the State of New York are for the -purposes of this chapter of even more value than those of Pennsylvania. -They contain many official papers from the hands of Sir William -Johnson, and letters from Guy Johnson, Daniel Claus, and Generals -Carleton and Haldimand, treating of Indian affairs. Some of these -documents help us materially in the study of the situation. The -history of the publications known as the _N. Y. Colonial Documents_ -and _Documentary History of N. Y._ is told elsewhere;[1322] but -the _Journals of the Provincial Congress_ are of peculiar use in -the present inquiry.[1323] Such of the conferences, treaties, and -agreements with Indians on the part of the colonies, the Continental -Congress, and the government of the United States as have been printed, -are scattered through a variety of publications.[1324] - -The literature of border life, from which the habits and methods of -life of the frontier inhabitants may be drawn, is too extensive to -permit any attempt at an exhaustive recapitulation of titles. Especial -use has been made in this chapter of Dr. Joseph Doddridge's _Notes -on the Settlements and Indian Wars_,[1325] perhaps the most valuable -of the many works upon this subject. Notwithstanding the sufferings -from Indian raids which Dr. Doddridge himself endured, he deals fairly -with the subject of border warfare, and candidly admits the terrible -responsibility of the whites for counter outrages. He draws a vivid -picture of the lack of law on the frontier, aggravated as it was by the -conflicts of colonies. "In the section of the country where my father -lived", he says, "there was for many years after the settlement of the -country neither law nor gospel. Our want of legal government was owing -to the uncertainty whether we belonged to Virginia or Pennsylvania." -"Thus it happened that during a long period we knew nothing of courts, -lawyers, magistrates, sheriffs, or constables." "Every one was, -therefore, at liberty to do whatever was right in his own eyes." - -In _An Account of the remarkable occurrences in the life and travels -of Col. James Smith, etc., etc._,[1326] the author unconsciously gives -us a picture of the lawlessness of frontier life and the power of the -volunteers. The story is told in a simple manner, and the narrative is -full of interest. The rare _Chronicles of Border Warfare_, by Alexander -S. Withers (Clarksburg, Va., 1831), is a recognized authority, and is -frequently quoted. It was reproduced in substantial form in Pritt's -_Border Life of Olden Times_,[1327] a compilation of reprints of -volumes, narratives and statements relating to border life. The -relations of the Indians to current events are also to be traced in -Gale's _Upper Mississippi_, etc.,[1328] and in Ketchum's _History of -Buffalo_.[1329] The latter work covers much of the ground which Col. -Stone had preëmpted. The materials are well arranged, the views of -the author are clearly presented, and as a result the volumes form a -valuable contribution to the history of the Indians.[1330] Many details -will be found collected in Drake's _Book of the Indians_.[1331] - -James Handasyd Perkins was a careful student of the early history of -the country, and contributed many articles to the periodical literature -of his day on the subject of Indian history and border warfare, which -have been collected.[1332] The compiler of _Annals of the West_,[1333] -in the preface to the third edition of that work, says: "The first -edition was issued at Cincinnati, where he (the compiler) was assisted -by the lamented James H. Perkins, a gentleman highly competent for -the task." In the second edition of the _Annals_ "the editor had -the valuable assistance of Rev. J. M. Peck, a gentleman whose long -residence in the far West, and familiarity with the history of those -portions of the work less elaborately treated of in the first edition, -rendered him admirably qualified for the undertaking." This work, in -its chronological arrangement of events, touches upon a portion of the -ground covered by this chapter. In 1791, J. Long published in London -a volume entitled _Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter_, -etc. Long arrived at Montreal in 1768. His occupation for the next -seven years made him familiar with frontier life and Indian ways. He -volunteered in 1775 with the Indians who entered the English service, -and was at Isle au Noix with a few Mohawks on the occasion of their -collision with the Americans. He also served a short time with the -regulars. He states intelligently the value of the alliance of the Six -Nations to the English. - -Wills de Haas, in his _Indian Wars of Western Virginia_,[1334] has -devoted one chapter to "Land Companies",[1335] and another to the -"Employment of Indians as Allies." His treatment of these topics is -brief, but the chapters contain much more information on the subjects -than can generally be obtained from American histories. - -In _Fugitive Essays_, etc., by Charles Whittlesey (Hudson, Ohio, 1852), -an article is reproduced from the January number (1845) of the _Western -Literary Journal and Review_, entitled "Indian history: their relations -to us at the time of the American Revolution", which is well worth -examination. - -The _Calendar of the Virginia State Papers and other Manuscripts_, -1652-1781 (Richmond, 1875),[1336] though meagre as a whole, is -particularly full on the subject of the encroachments of individuals -and companies on Indian lands. Among these papers is the deposition -of Patrick Henry, setting forth that he felt compelled to withdraw -from all connection with land schemes, when, as a member of Congress, -he found himself in a position where he might be called upon to act -as a judge in matters in which he was directly interested. It may be -inferred from what he says that there were among his associates some -who were not so scrupulous. - -Many of the questions involved in the adjustment of boundaries and -settlement of treaties between the Indians and the British government -survived the Revolution, and reappeared before the United States -Congress in the struggles of land companies for possession of their -alleged purchases.[1337] Through the memorials to Congress presented by -the Illinois and Ouabache Land Company, which are to be found scattered -through the Senate and House documents, as well as in separate tracts, -we learn that in order to sustain the claim of this company it became -important to show that the Six Nations did not own the Wabash region. -For that purpose Deputy-Superintendent Croghan made affidavit that "the -Six Nations claim by right of conquest all the lands on the southeast -side of the river Ohio down to the Cherokee River, and on the west side -of the river down to the Big Miami River."[1338] The king had agreed -with the Indians that his people should not go west of an established -boundary line. He had warned settlers off their lands. The colonists -who were in arms against the king were after the lands, by fair means -or foul. What was considered fair means in those days, and what causes -there were for the exasperation of the Indians, cannot be fully -appreciated unless the subject be followed even beyond the days of the -Revolution. - -_The Register of Pennsylvania_[1339] also contains a variety of -material relating to the subject. A number of the early documents will -be found in Hubley's _American Revolution_ (1805). - -In making an estimate of the Indian population within the borders of -the United States at this time, I have been obliged to rely largely -upon my own deductions. Bancroft (_United States_, iii. ch. 22), giving -an estimate of the number of Indians east of the Mississippi and south -of the St. Lawrence and the chain of lakes in 1640, says: "We shall -approach, perhaps exceed, a just estimate of their numbers if we allow -... one hundred and eighty thousand souls" (edition of 1841). It will -be observed that the foregoing estimate includes the Canadian Indians. -In the preparation of the estimate which I have given, I have examined -many scattered statements of the number of warriors of the different -tribes, which comprehend different areas within their respective -limits, and which frequently overlap each other. The arbitrary spelling -of Indian names often presents the same name in such different dress -as to make its identification difficult. If we bear in mind that the -name as it appears in print is a phonetic rendering of a word which -from the mouths of different individuals would sound differently to -the same ear, and further, that those who have given us the various -renderings were men of different nationalities and of different -degrees of cultivation, we shall oftentimes be able to recognize -the same tribe in separate statements, under names the spellings of -which at first sight have no seeming identity. As regards this Indian -population, a tabulated statement will he found in Jefferson's _Notes -on the State of Virginia_, which relies upon Croghan, Bouquet, and -Hutchins, supplemented by Dodge and Gallatin. Croghan's estimate will -be found in Proud's _History of Pennsylvania_ (vol. ii. p. 296.)[1340] -Bouquet's estimate will be found in the _Historical Account_ of his -expedition,[1341] headed "Names of different Indian Nations in North -America, with the numbers of their fighting men." Hutchins's estimate -will be found in _An historical narrative and Topographical description -of Louisiana_, by Thomas Hutchins (Philadelphia, 1784, App. iii. p. -65), headed "A list of the different nations and tribes of Indians in -the Northern District of North America, with the number of fighting -men." Sir William Johnson's estimate of the Present State of the -Northern Indians,[1342] made Nov. 18, 1763, will be found in the _Doc. -Hist. of New York_, i. p. 26, and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. p. 582. - -The estimate of Sir James Wright is in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll._ -(Savannah, 1873), iii. part 2, p. 169. The synopsis of the Indian -tribes, by Albert Gallatin, is printed in the _Amer. Antiquarian Soc. -Proc._, ii. Still another list was published in _Sketches of the -History, manners, and customs of the North American Indians, with a -plan for their melioration_, by James Buchanan, Esq., his Britannic -majesty's consul for the State of New York (New York, 1824, 2 vols.), -i. ch. xii. pp. 138-39, where it is called "Names of the different -Indian nations hitherto discovered in North America, the situation of -their countries, with the number of their fighting men" (1770-1780). - -Buchanan claimed to have received this list from Heckewelder, the -missionary, and it is identical, except for certain palpable errors -in transcribing, with a list in what is now known as Trumbull's -_Indian Wars_, the authorship of which is attributed in the original -edition[1343] to the Rev. James Steward, D. D. Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, -in reply to a question from me, says the book was "written by Henry -Trumbull, then of Norwich, when about seventeen years old."[1344] - -Gilbert Imlay, in _A Topographical Description of the Western Territory -of North America_, etc. (London, 1792, p. 234), gives a list of -Indians on both sides of the Mississippi, and from the Gulf to the St. -Lawrence. This list was made up from "Croghan, Boquet, Carver, Hutchins -and Dodge." The figures that he uses are plainly intended for the -number of the fighting-men, but he puts the total population in this -district at less than 60,000. In a second and a third edition, the list -is modified. He gives twenty-eight tribes east of the Mississippi, and -his calculation of population is based upon 700 to a nation or tribe. -He finds in all 20,000 souls, and "consequently between 4,000 and 5,000 -warriors." - -I have had occasion in this investigation to examine somewhat the -question of the population west of the Mississippi, for two purposes: -1st, to determine the numbers to be eliminated from some of the -general statements which include tribes whose residence was in the Far -West; and 2d, to test the question of the proportion of warriors to -population. Brackenridge's _Views of Louisiana_[1345] has proved of -especial service for these purposes. There are also some statistics in -Perrin du Lac's _Voyage dans les deux Louisianes_, etc.[1346] - -The _Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society_ contain -many estimates of the population of the natives in different parts -of the country, made at different times. Among these an estimate -(1795, p. 99) of the Creeks, Choctaws, Chicasaws, Cherokees, and -Catawbas, furnished by Dr. Ramsay, places their total population -in 1780 at 42,033,—fighting men 13,526. An estimate of the Indian -nations employed by the British in the Revolutionary War, made by -Captain Dalton, superintendent of Indian affairs for the United States -(_Ibid._ x. p. 123), was published in 1783, and gives the number of -men furnished by the tribes as 12,680, of whom the Six Nations proper -contributed 1,580. The Choctaws, Chicasaws, Cherokees, and Creeks -furnished 2,200. The value of this list lies only in the opportunity -which it affords for testing the probable accuracy of some of the -others.[1347] - -There is in the _Doc. Hist. of New York_ (i. p. 17) "an enumeration of -the Indian tribes connected with the government of Canada in 1736." It -is difficult, if not impossible, to identify many of the tribes in this -estimate.[1348] - -Elias Boudinot, in _A Star in the West; or an humble attempt to -discover the long lost tribes of Israel, preparatory to their return to -their beloved city, Jerusalem_ (1816), devotes a small portion of his -discussion to the question of population (p. 131 _et seq._).[1349] - -"A Table of the principal Indian Tribes" was printed in the _American -Pioneer_, a monthly periodical (Cincinnati, i. pp. 257, 408, and ii. -188), where it was credited to Drake's _Indian Biography_; but in fact -it was taken from the _Book of the Indians_ by the same author, which -is prefaced with an alphabetical enumeration of the Indian tribes -and nations. The numbers of the different tribes are given, and the -date of the estimates from which the numbers were derived. Franklin -furnished a partial list of warriors in 1762, which may prove useful -for comparison, and is included by Benjamin Vaughan in the _Political, -Miscellaneous, and Philosophical Pieces, &c., written by Benjamin -Franklin, &c., &c. Now first collected_ (London, 1779).[1350] - -Colonel Force, in the _American Archives_, gives a vast amount of -material on the employment of Indians as soldiers by the Americans, -which before had been lost from sight in scattered publications. -The indexes to these volumes do not suitably analyze their -contents. The chief corresponding British repositories are Almon's -_Remembrancer_,[1351] a mine which was worked by all the earlier -writers upon the Revolutionary War, and to-day the original authority -for much of our information; and the _Parliamentary Register_, often -called the _Parliamentary Debates_,[1352]—more specific accounts -of which, as well as of the _Annual Register_, the _Gentleman's -Magazine_, and the _Scots Magazine_, will be found in another place. -All of these help to show us the information upon which the British -public formed their opinions. - -The attitude of Congress upon the Indian question has been traced by -means of the _Journals_ and _Secret Journals_ of Congress.[1353] - -The fact that the powers conferred upon Carleton for the suppression -of rebellion in the provinces probably influenced opinion somewhat -in the colonies has been already adverted to, as well as the further -fact, shown by extracts from other commissions, etc., that there was no -special meaning to be attached to the language used in the commissions. -That it did have weight and was used as an argument in the discussion -is shown in a review of _The plan of the Colonies, or the charges -brought against them by Lord M——d and others, in a letter to his -Lordship_, printed in _The Monthly Review or Literary Journal_ (liv., -for 1776, p. 408). "Let him review Gen. Carleton's last commission", -says the writer. "Your Lordship has already seen it once too often. -For what purpose was he authorized to _arm_ the Canadians, and then -to _march_ into any other of the _plantations_, and his majesty's -rebellious subjects there to attack, and, by _God's help, them to -defeat and put to death_? For what purpose did Guy Johnson deliver -black belts to all the Indian tribes in his district, and persuade -them to lift up the hatchet against the white people in the colonies? -The Congress is possessed of those very war-belts; they have a copy -of Governor Carleton's commission; they have long since possessed the -whole plan." - -Unfortunately, the chief American compilation, aiming to be a reflex -of current news,—Moore's _Diary of the American Revolution_,—is -singularly deficient in excerpts respecting the opinions on employing -Indians.[1354] There is need of but brief references to the -consideration of the subject among the later writers,—such as Ryerson -in his _Loyalists of America_ (ii. ch. 33); Mahon (ch. 52) and Lecky -(iv. 14), in their respective histories of England. There is special -treatment of the matter by William W. Campbell in "The direct agency -of the English Government in the employment of the Indians in the -Revolutionary War", published in the _New York Hist. Society Proc._ -(1845, p. 159).[1355] - -Frederic Kidder, in _The Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell_ (Boston, -1865, p. 114), says: "The last trace of them [the Pequakets] as a tribe -is in a petition to the government of Massachusetts, dated at Fryeburg, -in which they ask for guns, blankets, and ammunition for thirteen -men who are willing to enroll themselves on the patriot side. This -document was indorsed by the proper authorities, and the request was -granted."[1356] - -On the 10th of July, 1775, Adjutant-General Gates, at Cambridge, in a -circular letter of instructions for the use of recruiting officers, -says: "You are not to enlist any deserter from the ministerial army, -nor any stroller, negro, or vagabond, or person suspected of being -an enemy to the liberty of America, nor any under 18 years of age." -"You are not to enlist any person who is not an American born, unless -such person has a wife and family, and is a resident in this country" -(Niles's _Principles and Acts_, etc.). Though no mention is made of -Indians, the fact of their not being excepted is often pointed out as -of significance. - -Letters in the _N. H. Provincial Papers_[1357] betray the fears, -along the border, of Carleton and Johnson, and reveal the friendly -disposition of the Canadian Indians. - -The references for the Kennebec march of Arnold are given in another -chapter; but in _Senter's Journal_, there mentioned, we have the -details of Arnold's interview with the Indians at Sartigan, and of -the inducements which he offered them for enlisting. The fact that -Indians joined the American army at this point is corroborated by Judge -Henry, in his _Account_,[1358] while the topic is also treated in E. M. -Stone's _Invasion of Canada_ (Providence, 1867). - -Many of the more important acts and resolves of the several colonies, -apposite to this inquiry, are in the _American Archives_. The -importance which circumstances gave to the position taken by the -Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay causes great interest to -attach to the proceedings of that body. Many conferences between -committees and different Indians were held, the accounts of which -are found in _A Journal of the Honourable House of Representatives -of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. Begun at the -Meeting House in Watertown in the County of Middlesex on Wednesday the -Nineteenth day of July, Anno Domini, 1775_.[1359] These will also be -found in a reprint of the Journals for 1774-1775, entitled _Journals of -each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774-1775_, etc., Boston, -1838. - -General Gage, in his letter to Stuart, complained of two things: the -employment of Indians by the rebels and the shooting of his sentries. -It has been shown that the acts of the Massachusetts Bay Provincial -Congress justified his first assertion. As to the second, see -Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_.[1360] - -_The Military operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia, during the -revolution, chiefly compiled from the journals and letters of Col. -John Allan_, by Frederic Kidder (Albany, 1867), completes the story of -the attempt to secure the services of the Eastern Indians, and gives -the reasons alleged by the Indians for not complying with the treaty -entered into at Cambridge, to furnish a regiment.[1361] - -The events which took place in the Mohawk Valley during the summer -and fall of 1775 were of far-reaching importance. Their history is -recorded in the correspondence of such men as Washington and Schuyler, -in the meetings of local committees, and in conferences with Indians. -Accounts of many of them are to be found in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ and -in the _American Archives_. There is besides a mass of material in the -possession of scattered families, much of which has been worked over -by local historians.[1362] The most important of all these later works -is the _Life of Joseph Brant (Tha-yen-dan-e-gea), including the Border -Wars of the American Revolution_, etc., by William L. Stone.[1363] - -The prodigious labor performed by Colonel Stone in the classification -and orderly arrangement of the immense amount of his material will -be gratefully appreciated by the investigator to-day, even though he -has at command publications by the state and national governments -containing much of the same material. Since Colonel Stone's day other -laborers have been diligently at work in the same field, gleaning facts -and collecting historical material of various kinds. Their work has -revealed some errors in the _Life of Brant_,[1364] which are not of -such importance, however, as to displace the work from its position -as the chief authority on the subject. The habits and modes of life of -the Indians and the organization of the confederacy of the Six Nations -were not understood as thoroughly when Colonel Stone wrote as they are -to-day. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that Morgan, in his -_League of the Iroquois_, does not agree with Stone in the assertion -that Brant was the principal war-chief of the confederacy. A portion of -Stone's ground had been earlier covered by William W. Campbell in his -_Annals of Tryon County, or the Border Warfare of New York during the -Revolution_ (N. Y., 1831),[1365] a work still looked upon as authority -upon many points, republished (1849) as _The Border Warfare of New York -during the Revolution, or the Annals of Tryon County_. Another volume -devoted to the same topics, but widely different in character and in -execution, is Jephtha R. Simms's _History of Schoharie County and -Border Wars of New York_ (1845), republished in 1882, with additional -matter, as _The Frontiersmen of New York, showing customs of the -Indians, vicissitudes of the pioneer white settlers, and Border Strife -in two wars, with a great variety of romantic and thrilling stories -never before published_,—both editions showing an industrious care to -amass, with little skill in presentation. - -The Revolutionary War divided the councils of the Six Nations. Had -they acted as a unit in favor of the English, the problem would have -been more difficult for the provincials. The friendly warnings of the -Oneidas were of constant use to the Americans throughout the struggle. -Their position materially changed the problem which was set for St. -Leger, and though they did not then act aggressively, their unfriendly -attitude must have caused his retreating column uneasiness. These -Indians were probably of greater service as neutrals—who in that -character were able to penetrate the enemy's country and report what -was going on—than they would have been had they taken up the hatchet -on the American side at the outset. Their attitude was largely due to -the Rev. Samuel Kirkland, the missionary.[1366] - -In the account of the border wars, as in all other respects, Lossing's -_Field-Book_ is a useful publication, based upon ordinarily accepted -authorities, with local anecdotes, traditions, and descriptions -interjected by the author.[1367] A contemporary narrative (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, ii.), called an "Historical Journal", was necessarily -written without opportunity for critical revision. - -We have a narrative of events from the English side in Stedman's -_American War_, where it is said that Montgomery was "joined by -several parties of Indians" (i. p. 133), and that Ethan Allen's party -numbered "about one hundred and fifty men, composed of Americans and -Indians." One inducement for Burgoyne's employment of Indians was "a -well-grounded supposition that if he refused their offers they would -instantly join the Americans." Wyoming, we learn, "fell a sacrifice -to an invasion of the Indians" (ii. p. 73). He speaks of "the Indian -settlements of Unadilla and Anaguago, which were also inhabited by -white people attached to the loyal cause." - -Thacher's _Military Journal_, a contemporaneous account of current -events on the American side, as they appeared or as they were told -to the author, is often of help in fixing the date of some event -about which there is a dispute, even when the description itself -of the action is meagre, or consists of mere mention. Thus he puts -the destruction of Cobleskill in 1778, when Campbell says it was in -1779,—an error on the part of the later writer, unless there was -more than one raid upon that insignificant settlement, as stated by -Stone.[1368] Thacher's account of the battle of Oriskany and siege of -Fort Stanwix is brief, but it shows that the first stories about the -affair were quite reasonable. - -In the study of the topography, so far as it was known, and of the -geographical nomenclature of the frontier just previous to the outbreak -of the Revolutionary War, the _Memoir upon the late War in North -America_, by M. Pouchot,[1369] will be found very useful. - -The story of St. Leger's expedition and the battle of Oriskany, -though told at some length in this chapter as illustrative of border -warfare, is so essential a part of the campaign of Burgoyne that the -critical discussion of the authorities has been, except in some matters -pertaining to the use of Indians, treated rather in connection with the -story of that campaign than here.[1370] - -The historical introduction upon Sir John Johnson which Gen. J. Watts -De Peyster contributed to _The Orderly-Book of Sir John Johnson_ -(Albany, 1882) indicates a marked change of opinion upon the exploits -of Johnson, as compared with the views which he had expressed in -earlier accounts of the battle of Oriskany published by him in 1859, -1869 (_Hist. Mag._, Jan.), 1878 (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Jan.), and -1880. He confesses that an examination of the British accounts has -given him a somewhat enthusiastic admiration for Johnson's methods, -but his repeated study has not yet cleared up all errors.[1371] This -_Orderly-Book_ gives us the movements of Sir John Johnson's command up -to the time that they left Oswego. Through the details for guard and -fatigue duty during the delay at Buck Island we get at the different -commands which formed the expedition. De Peyster and Stone conclude, -from the introduction of a general order for the issue of forty days' -rations for five hundred men, just before leaving Buck Island, that -this determines the number of St. Leger's command, but the evidence is -hardly conclusive.[1372] - -In James E. Seaver's _Life of Mary Jemison_ (N. Y., 1856, 4th ed.) we -have the story of the way in which the Senecas bewailed their losses, -given by a woman who had been long among them as captive and adopted -member; and it is on her authority (p. 114) that it is sometimes stated -that the English offered bounties for scalps.[1373] An account of the -exertions of Red Jacket to keep his people out of the conflict will -be found in J. Niles Hubbard's _An account of Sa-go-ye-wat-ha, or Red -Jacket and his People_ (Albany, 1886), ch. 3. - -As respects the Minisink massacre, the accounts made public by Brant -were fairly accurate, though they ran some risk in being transmitted -first to Niagara, thence to Quebec, and finally to England. They stand -the test of time better than the American accounts. The Tory organ in -New York, _Rivington's Gazette_, printed the first American accounts, -representing that only thirty escaped from the ambuscade,—a statement -followed in several histories; but the local authorities, on the -strength of investigations made at the time of erecting the monument, -generally agree on the smaller statements of loss.[1374] - -The earliest account of the massacre at Wyoming is in a letter written -at Poughkeepsie, July 20, 1778, just after the fugitives had arrived -there,[1375] and this account seems to be largely the source whence -Gordon, Botta,[1376] and Marshall[1377] drew their accounts. Owing -probably to the fact that Marshall cites Ramsay in his footnotes, this -last historian is frequently included with the others in the general -charge of having furnished an exaggerated and erroneous statement -of this deplorable event,[1378] but, in fact, Ramsay is reasonably -accurate, and is free from many of the errors which characterize the -other narratives.[1379] - -Hinman's _Connecticut during the Revolution_ contains an account of -the Wyoming massacre, transcribed directly from a contemporaneous -publication. A full account of the massacre will be found in -Girardin's continuation of Burk's _History of Virginia_ (iv. of the -series, p. 314 _et seq._), based upon the shocking tales of the -fugitives. The popular account was repeated in the _History of the -Revolution_ which purported to have been written by Paul Allen.[1380] - -Isaac A. Chapman, the first of the local historians to touch the -subject, prepared a manuscript, with a preface dated Wyoming, July -11, 1818; but the book was not published until after his death, as _A -Sketch of the history of Wyoming_[1381] (Wilkesbarre, 1830). - -Charles Miner, the first to sift out the errors from the accepted -accounts, after collecting from survivors their personal experiences, -published a series of newspaper sketches which led to his _History of -Wyoming, in a series of letters from Charles Miner to his son, William -Penn Miner, Esq._, etc. (Philadelphia, 1845). He carefully chronicled -the antecedent history of the Connecticut colony, and gave the first -trustworthy detailed account of the invasion, and the articles of -capitulation granted to the several forts by Major John Butler. Mr. -Miner's agent was apparently refused, at the foreign office, London, -a copy of the report of Major Butler. This important document will -be found in _Wyoming, its history, stirring incidents and romantic -adventures_, by George Peck, D. D. (New York, 1858).[1382] The author -says in his preface: "Forty years since we first visited Wyoming, and -from that period we have enjoyed rare advantages for the study of -its history." He gives the report of Zebulon Butler to the board of -war,[1383] dated at Gnadenhütten, July 10, 1778 (p. 49), the report of -Major John Butler to Lieut.-Col. Bolton, dated at Lackuwanak, 8th July, -1778 (p. 52); and there is a thorough résumé of the discussion as to -Brant's presence at Wyoming (pp. 87, 88, 89). The report of Butler to -Bolton was presumably the document which he received through the favor -of Hon. George Bancroft, who cites it (_United States_, x. 138) in his -account of the Wyoming invasion.[1384] - -Col. William L. Stone treated the subject in a thorough manner in -_The Poetry and History of Wyoming containing Campbell's Gertrude of -Wyoming, and the History of Wyoming from its discovery to the beginning -of the present century_.[1385] The book has passed through several -editions, and the same historical materials are also used in his _Life -of Brant_.[1386] - -The massacre at Cherry Valley has not, like Wyoming, an -especial literature of its own. The event is described in the -_Remembrancer_,[1387] and in all the histories, and is fully treated in -Campbell's _Annals of Tryon County_ (ch. 5), in Simms's _Frontiersmen -of New York_, and in Stone's _Life of Brant_ (i. ch. 17). Both Campbell -and Simms lived in this region, and it was the special field in which -Brant was operating. This particular expedition was not under Brant's -control. He had apparently concluded the season's work and joined -Walter N. Butler's force reluctantly, being jealous of him for having -command of the expedition. At Wyoming the soldiers were massacred, -but the citizens were spared. At Cherry Valley most of the soldiers -escaped, but in the first heat of the attack the citizens were -indiscriminately slaughtered. It would have been better for Brant's -reputation if he had been present at Wyoming rather than at Cherry -Valley,—although so far as his influence is concerned it was evidently -exerted to prevent excesses.[1388] - -Among the Sparks MSS. (no. xlvii.) in the Harvard College library, -there are some extracts from the diary of Benjamin Warren, who was in -the fort at Cherry Valley at the time of the attack. He says the attack -on the fort was renewed early on the morning of the 12th, but was -easily repelled. - -The _Boston Gazette and Country Journal_ of Dec. 7, 1778,[1389] -contains an account from an officer who was in the fort November -11th, when it was attacked. He says it rained hard that morning. The -enemy "passed by two houses, and lodged themselves in a swamp a small -distance back of Mr. Wells's house, headquarters; half past eleven A. -M. Mr. Hamlin came by and discovered two Indians, who fired upon him -and shot him through the arm. He rode to Mr. Wells's, and acquainted -the colonel, the lieutenant-colonel, major, and adjutant. The two last -(the house at this time being surrounded by Indians) got to the fort -through their fire; the colonel was shot near the fort." The fort was -subjected to a brisk fire for three hours and a half. On the 12th the -enemy collected the cattle, and at sunset left. McKendry's account of -the attack on Fort Alden agrees in substance with that of Benjamin -Warren.[1390] - -The expedition of General Sullivan (1779) against the Indian towns -in New York has proved a fertile field for discussion. Its policy -has been assailed; its management condemned; its results belittled. -There is no want of records of occurrences in the campaign,[1391] but -their interpretation has not been settled, and probably never will be. -The account of Gordon is especially bitter against Sullivan, and he -cuts down the number of villages from forty, as given by Sullivan, to -eighteen.[1392] - -Thomas C. Amory, in his _Military Services of General Sullivan_, aims -at a vindication of Sullivan by the use of material which was not -known to his detractors, and he has diligently pursued this purpose -elsewhere.[1393] The character of the charges against Sullivan has -been partially indicated in the quotations already given. He has -been attacked because he demanded so many troops for the expedition. -Whether it would have been wise to venture with a smaller force so far -into Indian country, which was within easy supporting distance of the -outposts of the enemy, is a matter of opinion, concerning which no -new facts have been recently brought to light. We know that Sullivan -expected help from the Oneidas which he did not receive, and that -he anticipated that the Indians would receive aid from Niagara, in -which he was agreeably disappointed. I have already stated that in my -judgment he had a right to expect formidable opposition, and the only -explanation of his not meeting with greater resistance is to be found -in the perplexity in Haldimand's mind occasioned by the boats which -Clinton had collected in the Mohawk Valley. On this mental confusion -Sullivan could not have counted.[1394] The number of men demanded by -Sullivan in the preliminary discussions about the campaign was much -larger than the number actually furnished him. It was perhaps not -out of place for him to secure, if he could, a force large enough to -place his campaign beyond failure, but, taking into consideration the -general condition of army matters, the number demanded was entirely -disproportionate to the work to be performed. He wanted 2,500 men to -march up the Susquehanna, and 4,000 men to invade the towns by way of -the Mohawk (F. Moore, _Corresp. of Laurens_, N. Y., 1861, p. 136). In -fact, he had 2,500 men in his own command, and Clinton's force brought -the numbers up to 4,000.[1395] He has been accused of making demands -for supplies which were unreasonable, both as to quality and as to -quantity, and it is evident from Washington's correspondence that -he feared Sullivan was not willing to march light enough for such a -campaign. While Sullivan was not familiar with Indian campaigns, and -perhaps demanded more supplies at the outset than Brodhead, or Clarke, -or Williamson would have asked for, the numbers of his command must not -be forgotten. Nor must the fact be overlooked that the provisions which -were delivered to him proved to have been put up in bad packages, and -had spoiled.[1396] - -Sullivan has also been found fault with for not protecting from Indian -raids the neighborhood in which his army was stationed while waiting -for supplies. His action in this respect was deliberate. He was of -opinion that the blows struck along the border during this interval of -time were intended to divert him from the purposes of the campaign, -and that any attempts to check these desultory attacks, by sending out -expeditions here and there, would simply be playing into the enemy's -hands.[1397] The charge of extravagant living during the march seems -absurd. At a time when the army was on half rations and the men were -using ingenious devices to take advantage of the growing crops, he -could hardly have had much opportunity for riotous living. When the -expedition started the corn was green and suitable to roast. As they -advanced it became too mature for this, and the soldiers were compelled -in other ways to prepare it for food.[1398] - -Curious differences of opinion prevailed in the several accounts as to -the numbers of the enemy who opposed the army at Newtown. Some of the -accounts place them as low as 700, while others put them as high as -1,500.[1399] - -Sullivan has been ridiculed for the language used in describing the -Indian settlements; but his descriptions, though misleading, are the -natural expressions of a man who found in these settlements evidences -of a higher civilization than he had expected. A comparison of the -entries in the various diaries and journals will show that many were -surprised at the excellence of the Indian houses, while others saw only -the discomforts of life under such surroundings.[1400] General Sullivan -has been assailed because he did not attack Niagara. There had been -some discussion about a second campaign against Canada and an attempt -on Niagara, but Washington's correspondence shows that it had been -abandoned in connection with the campaign against the Indian towns, -unless it could be accomplished through the Indians themselves. The -instructions to Sullivan show this,[1401] and a letter from Sullivan, -given in the _Laurens Correspondence_ (p. 141), shows that Sullivan did -not conceive it to be a part of the campaign, even if he had deemed an -attack on Niagara possible. - -In his report to the Committee of Congress, January 15, 1776, -Washington discusses the possibilities for the forthcoming -campaign.[1402] For the reduction of Niagara he estimates that an -army of twenty to twenty-one thousand men would be required; thirteen -thousand to remain in the East, and seven or eight thousand to operate -against Niagara. The expenses incident to such a campaign, and the -great number of men required, practically put it out of the question, -and his conclusion was as follows: "It is much to be regretted that -our prospect of any capital offensive operations is so slender that we -seem in a manner to be driven to the necessity of adopting the third -plan,—that is, to remain entirely on the defensive; except such lesser -operations against the Indians as are absolutely necessary to divert -their ravages from us." January 18 he wrote to General Schuyler: "It -has therefore been determined to lay the Niagara expedition entirely -aside for the present, and to content ourselves with some operations on -a smaller scale against the savages and those people who have infested -our frontier the preceding campaign."[1403] - -The details of the work performed by the New Jersey contingent have -been fully set forth in _General Maxwell's Brigade of the New Jersey -Continental line in the Expedition against the Indians in the year -1779_. By William S. Stryker, Adjutant-General of New Jersey (Trenton, -1885), a paper read before the New Jersey Historical Society, January -17, 1884.[1404] Various order-books of the campaign have been -preserved.[1405] - -_The Centennial Celebration of General Sullivan's Campaign against the -Iroquois in 1779. Held at Waterloo, September 3d, 1879_ (Waterloo, -N. Y., 1880), was edited by Diedrich Willers, Jr., and contains a -carefully prepared and clearly written historical address by the Rev. -David Craft, which the editor calls "the most complete and accurate -history of General Sullivan's campaign which has yet been given to -the public." The diligence of Craft in his search for the sources -of authority for the campaign is shown in his "List of Journals, -Narratives, etc., of the Western Expedition, 1779"[1406] (_Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, iii. 673), in which the titles of nineteen journals, -narratives, etc., which had at that time been published, are given, -with information as to the places of deposit of the MSS., and as to -the newspapers, magazines, or books in which they were published. -The titles and what was known about the places of deposit of eight -journals, etc., which had not been published, and of one journal which -relates to the Onondaga expedition, and which had been published, are -also given.[1407] Of the journals which had not been published when -Craft wrote, three, or portions of three, were used by Gen. John S. -Clark in his account of the Sullivan campaign in the _Collections of -the Cayuga Historical Society, Number One_ (Auburn, 1879,—250 copies), -including the journal of Lieut. John L. Hardenburgh, of the Second -New York Continental Regiment, from May 1 to October 3, 1779, with an -introduction, copious historical notes, and maps of the battlefield -of Newtown and the Groveland ambuscade. General Clark also makes use -of "parts of other journals never before published,"[1408] which give -the work of detachments, thus placing before the reader a complete -account of the whole work of the expedition, in the words of those who -participated in it, together with a list of journals, etc., similar -to that of Craft, but sufficiently different in details to show -independent work. - -The remains of Lieutenant Boyd and those who fell with him, in their -desperate attempt to cut their way through the enemy by whom they -were surrounded, were in 1842 removed from their place of burial, and -deposited with appropriate ceremonies at Mount Hope. A collection of -the various proceedings on this occasion was edited by Henry O'Reilly, -as _Notices of Sullivan's Campaign, or the Revolutionary Warfare in -Western New York; embodied in the addresses and documents connected -with the funeral honors rendered to those who fell with the gallant -Boyd in the Genessee Valley, including the remarks of Gov. Seward at -Mount Hope_ (Rochester, 1842). - -Brodhead's campaign against the Indian settlements on the Alleghany, in -Western New York and Pennsylvania, was carried out while Sullivan was -on his march. Like Van Schaick's raid on the Onondaga towns, although -independently executed, it formed part of the scheme of the season's -work. In Gay's _Popular History of the United States_ (vol. iv.) there -is a good general account of Sullivan's campaign, but in a note (p. 7) -it is said that "Brodhead's expedition has usually been considered of -little moment, and it has been denied, or doubted, by some writers, -that it ever took place. Its incidents are for the first time collated -and fully told by Obed Edson, in the _Magazine of [Amer.] History_, -for November, 1879." As a matter of fact, however, there has never -been occasion for investigators to doubt that this campaign had taken -place, or to underestimate its value. The report of Brodhead was given -to the public at the time,[1409] and was published in full in the -_Remembrancer_ (ix. p. 152). Washington, in his letter to Lafayette, -which has already been quoted, mentioned the work done by Brodhead with -evident appreciation of its extent and value.[1410] - -The details of the Mohawk Valley invasions are given in the works by -Stone, Simms, and Campbell, which have so frequently been quoted, -and in the _Remembrancer_.[1411] The joint expeditions in 1780 were -separately treated by Franklin B. Hough in the _Northern Invasion of -October, 1780_ (New York, 1866,—no. 6 Bradford Club Series; 75 copies -printed). The work is described as "a series of papers relating to the -expedition from Canada under Sir John Johnson and others against the -frontiers of New York, which were supposed to have connection with -Arnold's treason, prepared from the originals, with an introduction -and notes." Reference has already been made to the fact that Hough -differed from Stone as to the cause for the removal of the Oneidas -from their castles in the winter of 1779-1780, and their establishment -near Schenectady. Hough says (p. 32): "Some of the Oneidas evinced -a willingness to join the enemy. To prevent such a misfortune, -four hundred of their people were removed to the neighborhood of -Schenectady, and there supported at public cost." In a note he adds: -"We find nothing among the Clinton Papers to justify the statement of -Colonel Stone[1412] (_Brant_, i. 55) relative to the destruction of the -Oneida settlements by the enemy during the winter of 1779-80, and are -led to believe that the removal of these people to a place of safety in -the interior was a measure of policy rather than of actual necessity -from the presence of the enemy." There is among the _Sparks MSS._ -actual evidence that Hough's conclusion was correct. In a letter from -General Haldimand, dated at Quebec, Nov. 2, 1779, he says: "He [Sir -John Johnson] halted at Oswego, with an intention to cut off the Oneida -nation, who have uniformly and obstinately supported and fought for the -rebels, notwithstanding the united remonstrances and threats of the -Five Nations, joined to every effort in our power to reclaim them. In -this he has likewise been disappointed, the Indians of Canada refusing -their assistance", etc.[1413] A letter of Guy Johnson to Lord Germain -makes the same statements. - - -NOTES. - -=A.= OPINIONS OF PROMINENT AMERICANS ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF INDIANS IN -WAR. - -IT is not easy to determine the position of prominent individuals on -this question prior to the date when Congress had come to a conclusion. -The passage of the Quebec Bill in 1774, and the ample powers which -were conferred upon Carleton to suppress revolt, had occasioned alarm. -Perhaps the circumstances justified suspicion, but there was no special -cause for it. The language used in Carleton's commission was copied -from the commission of James Murray. If there had been no change of -governors, the powers conferred upon the governor could never have -been supposed to have been specially directed against the rebellious -colonies.[1414] After the outbreak of hostilities, we meet, in the -published correspondence of the day, with occasional expressions of -opinion on the question of employing Indians. It must not be forgotten -that when these letters were written rumors were current that the -English in Canada were endeavoring to secure the services of Indians, -and to the extent that the writers believed these statements their -opinions were doubtless influenced by them. On May 14th, Joseph Warren -wrote to Samuel Adams, saying: "It has been suggested to me that an -application from your Congress to the Six Nations, accompanied with -some presents, might have a very good effect. It appears to me to be -worthy of your attention, etc." (Frothingham's _Warren_). On August -4th, Washington communicated to the President of Congress the opinion -of a Caughnawaga chief, that if an expedition against Canada was -meditated the Indians in that quarter would give all their assistance. -On Sept. 21st, he reported to the honorable Congress that, "encouraged -by the repeated declarations of Canadians and Indians, and urged by -their requests", he had dispatched the Arnold expedition (Sparks's -_Washington_ and his _Corresp. of the Rev._). On August 27th, Schuyler -wrote to Washington that he was informed that "Carleton and his agents -are exerting themselves to procure the savages against us." While he -did not believe that Carleton would be successful except in procuring -some of the remote Indians to act as scouts, he nevertheless added, "I -should, therefore, not hesitate a moment to employ any Indians that -might be willing to join us" (Lossing's _Schuyler_). Judge Drayton, -of South Carolina, on September 25th addressed the Cherokee warriors -at Congaree in the following words: "So should we act to each other -like brothers; so shall we be able to support and assist each other -against our common enemies; so shall we be able to stand together in -perfect safety against the evil men who in the end mean to ruin you, -as well as ourselves, who are their own flesh and blood." In January, -1776, Washington felt that the important moment had arrived when the -Indians must take a side. He knew that if the Indians concerning whom -he wrote did not desire to be idle, they would be "for or against us." -"I am sensible", he added, "that no artifices will be left unessayed -to engage them against us." On April 19th he wrote to the President -of Congress: "In my opinion it will be impossible to keep them in -a state of neutrality; they must, and no doubt soon will, take an -active part either for or against us. I submit to Congress whether -it would not be better immediately to engage them on our side." On -July 13th he reported to the President of Congress that, without -authority from Congress, he had directed Gen. Schuyler to engage the -Six Nations in our interest on the best terms he and his colleagues -could procure. "I trust", he added, "the urgency of the occasion will -justify my proceeding to Congress." On the day of the Declaration of -Independence he again wrote to Congress, submitting the propriety of -engaging the Eastern Indians. Notwithstanding the various arguments -against employing them, John Adams thought "we need not be so delicate -as to refuse the assistance of Indians, provided we cannot keep them -neutral." In June, the Rev. Samuel Kirkland said that the Indians were -generally of opinion that it was impracticable for them to continue -longer in a state of neutrality. Gen. Schuyler, notwithstanding his -early expressions of readiness to "employ any Indians that might be -willing to join us", seemed reluctant, when the time came, to avail -himself of their services. He preferred to get decently rid of the -offer of the Caughnawagas rather than to employ them. As to the Six -Nations, he evidently felt that the utmost to be hoped for was to hold -a portion of them quiet through the influence of such men as Kirkland -and Deane.[1415] Schuyler's labors as Indian commissioner had been -in the direction of neutrality; and even after direct instructions -from Congress to engage the Six Nations on the best terms that could -be procured, he wrote in reply, with evident satisfaction, when the -news of the disaster to our forces in Canada was spread among the -Indians, that "our conduct in demanding a neutrality in all former -treaties has been greatly applauded in all their councils." _The -Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Sen., Governor of Connecticut_, by I. W. -Stuart (Boston, 1859), gives particulars concerning the contact of -this active participant in affairs with some of these questions of -policy. Trumbull, as well as the Massachusetts committeemen, was in -correspondence with Major Brown in Canada, and through him as well -as through them information was conveyed to the Provincial Congress -of Massachusetts Bay of rumors of a projected attempt to recapture -Ticonderoga and Crown Point with a force of regulars and Indians. - - -=B.= EVENTS AT THE NORTH, NOT CONNECTED WITH THE SIX NATIONS. - -Among the Western tribes, the Delawares were divided, but the majority -of the Indians were unfriendly, and completely under the influence -of the English commander at Detroit. At the East the attitude of -the Indians was not so pronounced, and they were slow to move. On -June 20, 1776, Washington wrote to Schuyler that he was "hopeful -the bounty Congress had agreed to allow and would prove a powerful -inducement to engage the Indians in our service." From Schuyler he -learned that "our emissaries among the Indians all agree that it would -be extremely imprudent to take an active part with us, as they think -it would effectually militate the contrary way." The reference in -Washington's letter to bounties applies to the resolution of Congress -to offer bounties, which had passed three days before the letter was -written. With the same prompt attention he wrote to the General Court -of Massachusetts, transmitting the resolve of Congress authorizing -the employment of the Eastern Indians, exactly three days after its -passage; at the same time he solicited the aid of that body in carrying -it into execution. He designated five or six hundred as the number -which he wished to have engaged. On the same day he wrote to the -Continental Congress that he had communicated with the General Court -of Massachusetts Bay, "entreating their exertions to have the Eastern -Indians forthwith engaged and marched to join this army." It appears -from the correspondence and from the proceedings at the conferences -that he had already written a letter to these Indians, and it chanced -that his letter to the Provincial Congress reached Watertown at about -the same time that a delegation from the Eastern Indians reported there -in consequence of his letter to them. When the Indians were called upon -to state by what authority they spoke, they produced the letter from -Washington, leaving it to be inferred that they were accredited upon -their mission in consequence of the letter having been received. At the -conference which was held with them they were full of high-sounding -phrases of friendship. "We shall have nothing to do with Old England", -they said, "and all that we shall worship, or obey, will be Jesus -Christ and George Washington." The report of the conference states that -"a silver gorget and heart, with the king's arms and bust engraved on -them, were delivered to the interpreter to be returned to the Indians. -He presented them to their speaker, but with great vehemence and -displeasure he refused to take them, saying they had nothing to do -with King George and England; whereupon the President told them they -should have a new gorget and heart, with the bust of Gen. Washington -and proper devices to represent the United Colonies." A treaty was -exchanged with these Indians on July 17, 1776, whereby they agreed to -furnish six hundred Indians to a regiment which was to be officered -by the whites, and have in addition to the Indians two hundred and -fifty white soldiers. As a result of all this, the Massachusetts -Council subsequently reported that seven Penobscot Indians, all that -could be procured, were enlisted in October for one year; and in -November, Major Shaw reported with a few Indians who had enlisted in -the Continental service. The Council of Massachusetts Bay expressed -their regrets to Gen. Washington that the major had met with no better -success. Washington's letter to the Eastern nations appears to have -contained advice to them to keep the peace if they concluded it was to -their advantage. These nations afterwards protested that the young men -who in the character of chiefs made the treaty of war acted without -authority, and they therefore returned the treaty. This practically -ended efforts to secure alliance with Eastern Indians. There was -further correspondence between Congress and Washington concerning -the Stockbridge Indians, in which Congress first announced that the -enlistment of these Indians must stop, and then at Washington's request -permitted it to be renewed. Finally Congress was content to instruct -the government agent to engage the friendship of the Eastern Indians, -"and prevent their taking part in the unjust and cruel war against -these United States." - - -=C.= EVENTS AT THE SOUTH. - -The first result of the struggle between Great Britain and the colonies -for the friendship of the Indians was felt in the North at St. John's -and the Cedars. The first aggressive movement within the limits of -the colonies took place in the South. The correspondence of Sir -James Wright traces the progress of events in that department. The -"Liberty People", as he says, asserted in June, 1775, that Stuart was -endeavoring to raise the Cherokees against them, and "all that Stuart -could say would not convince them to the contrary." In July Sir James -heard that the Provincial Congress had agreed to send 2,000 pounds of -gunpowder into the Indian country as a present from the people, "not -from the king, or from the government, or from the superintendent, or -from the traders, but from the people of the province." - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—Portion of the map in Drayton's _Mem. of the Amer. Rev._, -ii. 343. KEY: Double dotted line shows the march of the army; the -single dotted line shows the march of detachments; the + indicates -battlegrounds. - -There is among the Rochambeau maps (no. 36) a small but good plan (5 × -4 inches), called _An accurate map of North and South Carolina, with -their Indian frontier, showing in a distinct manner all the mountains, -rivers, swamps, marshes, bays, creeks, harbors, sandbanks, coasts, and -soundings, with roads and Indian paths, as well as the boundary of -provincial lines, the several townships and other divisions of the land -in both the provinces,—from actual surveys by Henry Mouzon_. It is the -same map given in Jefferys' _American Atlas_ (1776, no. 23), and was -republished in Paris in 1777 by Le Rouge, and is included in the _Atlas -Amériquain_. The middle, upper, and over-hill towns are given on one of -the sections of Arrowsmith's map (1795-1802), and also upon the _Carte -des Etats-Unis de l'Amérique Septentrionale.—Copiée et Gravée sur -celle d'Arrowsmith, etc., etc. Par P. F. Tardieu_, à Paris, 1808. - -Faden issued in 1780 a map of the northern frontiers of Georgia, by -Archibald Campbell.—ED.] - -This powder was seized by the royalists, but as an offset the annual -presents of Stuart were seized at Tybee by the "Liberty People." It was -stated that the best friends of Great Britain lived in the back parts -of Carolina and Georgia. If the Indians were put in motion, they, and -not the rebels, would suffer. Nevertheless, the first blow from the -Indians came from that quarter. Early in July, 1776, news was received -at Savannah, at Charleston, and at Fincastle, Va., that the Indians -were at work upon the border, carrying destruction wherever they went. -On the 7th of July, General Lee wrote to the president of the Virginia -Convention that an opportunity offered for a coöperative movement. The -Continental Congress, having received a report of the circumstances -from the president of South Carolina, recommended, on the 30th of July -(1776), the States of Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia to afford -all necessary assistance. As soon as the first intelligence of the -outbreak in South Carolina reached Col. Andrew Williamson, who at the -beginning of this campaign apparently ranked as major, he promptly -rallied the inhabitants of the frontier of that State. By the middle -of July he had collected a body of 1,150 volunteers. With this force -he invaded the Indian territory, and during the remainder of the month -of July and the first half of August he was occupied in destroying the -Cherokee lower towns. On his return to his main camp from a raid with a -detachment, about the middle of August, he found that a number of his -men had gone home, and that many of those who remained were suffering -for clothes and other necessaries. He erected a fort at Essenecca, -which he named after President Rutledge, and furloughed a part of his -force until August 28th. - -At the same time that the depredations were committed which caused Col. -Williamson to invade the Indian country, the settlements in Virginia -and North Carolina, on the border of what we now know as Tennessee, -were threatened by the Indians. The inhabitants along the border at -once "forted" themselves. A small force collected at Eaton's station -met a party of Indians on the 20th of July, and repulsed them, with a -loss of thirteen of their warriors. Watauga, where 150 persons, of whom -40 were men, had assembled in the fort, was besieged by another band. -The Indians hung about the fort for six days, and skulked in the woods -for a fortnight longer, but left on the approach of a relief column. -Other Indians went up the Holston to Carter's Valley, but accomplished -nothing in that immediate vicinity.[1416] The settlements in Virginia, -in the Clinch Valley and for a long distance from this point, were, -however, raided, and the surrounding country devastated. - -Georgia performed her share of the season's work simultaneously with -Colonel Williamson's first raid. An independent command, led by Major -Jack,[1417] operated against the lower towns beyond the Tugaloo, during -the latter part of July. - -The work performed by South Carolina and Georgia during the months -of July and August was not considered complete. It was determined -to inflict a blow which would be remembered. About the first of -September Colonel Williamson again marched into the Indian country, -this time at the head of about two thousand men. It was intended that -on an appointed day in September he should effect a junction with -General Rutherford of North Carolina, who at the head of twenty-four -hundred men simultaneously marched from that State. Although the two -columns met in Indian territory, the junction was not effected at -the appointed date, and the work of destroying the middle towns and -valley settlements was independently performed. Virginia sent out an -expedition at the same time against the upper or over-hill towns. This -force, after it was joined by some companies from the northwestern -portion of North Carolina, numbered eighteen hundred men, and was -commanded by Colonel William Christian. The purposes of this expedition -were successfully accomplished. - -The South Carolina troops had the misfortune to encounter nearly -all the resistance that was offered by the Indians, and the two -expeditions lost 22 men killed, with 11 men mortally wounded, and -63 men otherwise wounded. They had the satisfaction, however, of -knowing that the joint expedition had thoroughly performed its work. -The Cherokee towns were burned, and the crops of the Indians were -destroyed. The attack by the Indians consolidated the colonists and -aroused their indignation. The Council of South Carolina asserted that -they were now convinced of what they had before but little reason to -doubt, "the indiscriminate atrocity and unrelenting tyranny of the -hand that directs the British war against us." The Assembly spoke of -it as a "barbarous and ungrateful attempt of the Cherokee Indians, -instigated by our British enemies." The Cherokees accepted such terms -of peace as their conquerors allowed. Next year separate treaties were -made between representatives of the tribes and Virginia and North -Carolina, and between other representatives and South Carolina and -Georgia. In the treaty in which South Carolina participated, a portion -of the Indian territory was ceded to that State on the ground of -conquest. For several years thereafter the Indians kept so quiet that -but little was heard from them in that portion of the country. As a -sequel to the campaign it may be noted that, on the 25th of September, -President Rutledge informed the Assembly of South Carolina that Colonel -Williamson desired instructions as to whether the Indians taken -prisoners should become slaves. Such an impression prevailed in camp, -and one prisoner had already been sold as a slave.[1418] - -McCall, in his _History of Georgia_, is authority for the statement -that General Rutherford was accompanied on his march by a small band -of Catawba Indians. In Virginia the matter of enlisting Indians -was considered in the Convention, and on the 21st of May, 1776, a -resolution was passed to engage a number of warriors, not to exceed -two hundred. A few days afterward, however, the execution of this -resolution was postponed in such a way as to make it ineffective. - -In January, 1777, Col. Nathaniel Gist was authorized by Congress to -raise four companies of rangers, and was instructed to proceed to the -Cherokee or any other nation of Indians, and to attempt to procure a -number of warriors not exceeding five hundred, who were to be equipped -by Congress and receive soldiers' pay.[1419] - -We have seen that in 1777 treaties were made with the Cherokees. The -Indians at the Chickamauga settlements, which were clustered along -the Tennessee, below the site of Chattanooga, and near where the -river crosses the state line, had not participated in the treaties. -In the interval between the joint campaign in the fall of 1776 and -the spring of 1779 outrages had been committed by these Indians, and -it was determined to punish them. A thousand volunteers from the back -settlements of North Carolina and Virginia assembled on the banks of -the Holston, in the northeastern part of Tennessee, a few miles above -where Rogersville stands. Of these Col. Evan Shelby had command. They -were joined by a regiment of twelve-months men which belonged to -Colonel Clarke's Illinois expedition. On the 10th of April, 1779, this -force embarked in dug-outs and canoes, descended the rapid running -stream, surprised the Indians, killed a number of them, burned eleven -of their towns, destroyed their provisions, and drove off or killed -their cattle. All this having been accomplished without a battle, the -troops returned. - -In 1780 the contribution of men by the border settlements of North -Carolina to the force which fought the battle of King's Mountain left -those settlements exposed to Indian raids. As soon after the battle -as possible some of the men were sent to Watauga. They learned upon -arrival that news had been received of an Indian advance. Col. John -Sevier organized an expedition against the Indians, and marched to meet -them. The number of volunteers thus hastily gathered together reached -about one hundred and seventy. At the end of the second day's march -the Indians were discovered. They retreated, and the next day Sevier -followed them. The customary ambuscade was prepared by the Indians, -but the American leader was too wary to be deceived. On the contrary, -he adopted their own tactics, and defeated them in a brief engagement -at Boyd's Creek, in which twenty-eight Indians were killed. A few days -after this Colonel Sevier was joined by Col. Arthur Campbell, with -troops from Virginia. The united forces amounted to seven hundred -men. They penetrated the country to the southward, burning a number -of Indian towns, and held a council with a large body of Cherokees. -After completing the expedition, a message was sent, on January 4, -1781, to the chiefs and warriors of the Indians. It was signed by Col. -Arthur Campbell, Lieut.-Col. John Sevier, and Joseph Martin, agent and -major of militia, and consisted of a summons to the Indians to send -deputies to negotiate a treaty of peace at the Great Island within two -moons.[1420] - -Towards the end of August, 1780, Colonel Williamson and Colonel -Pickens, of South Carolina, raided the Indian territory and destroyed -a large amount of stores. To prevent further depredations, the Indians -were compelled to remove their habitations to the settled towns of the -Creeks. - -During the summer of 1781 the Cherokees invaded the settlements on -Indian Creek. Colonel Sevier called for volunteers, and attacked them. -He killed seventeen Indians and put the rest to flight. - -Early in 1781 General Greene made a treaty with the Cherokees, by which -they engaged to observe neutrality. This treaty having been violated -by the Indians during the summer, Gen. Andrew Pickens, at the head -of a mounted force of three hundred and ninety-four men, penetrated -to the Cherokee country, burned thirteen towns, killed upwards of -forty Indians, and took a number of prisoners. McCall (_Georgia_, ii. -414) thus summarizes Pickens's method of campaigning: "The general's -whole command could not produce a tent or any other description of -camp equipage. After the small portion of bread which they could -carry in their saddle-bags was exhausted, they lived upon parched -corn, potatoes, peas, and beef without salt, which they collected in -the Indian towns." Soon after this expedition some of the Creeks and -Cherokees again invaded Georgia. They were met beyond Oconee River -by Colonel Clarke and by Col. Robert Anderson, of Pickens's brigade, -and were driven back. Major John Habersham was sent out by Wayne on -an expedition, and his report, Feb. 8, 1782, is in _Hist. Mag._, iv. -129. In February, 1782, Governor Martin addressed a letter to Colonel -Martin and Colonel Sevier, instructing them to drive intruders off the -Cherokee lands. - -During the summer of 1782 a body of Indians crossed the State of -Georgia without being discovered, and on the morning of the 24th of -June surprised General Wayne's command. After the first flush of -success attendant upon the surprise had been overcome by the Americans, -they repulsed the Indians, with the loss of fourteen killed, among whom -was one of their chiefs. The kind treatment of some prisoners who were -taken aided in detaching the Indians from the British side. - -In September, 1782, the upper-town Cherokees, in a talk, complained -piteously of the intruders upon their lands, and said they had done -nothing to break the last treaty. At the same time, other Indians of -the same tribes began depredations. Colonel Sevier, with one hundred -volunteers, marched into the Indian country, held a conference with the -friendly Indians, and punished those who were hostile by burning their -villages. - -The Southern campaigns against the Indians have not been treated as -fully in local and general histories as those against the Northern -tribes. The policy of the several leaders in these campaigns was not -entitled, perhaps, to the same recognition as has been awarded to -that which governed the Sullivan campaign. The several columns from -Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia each burned -Indian towns and devastated Indian crops, but the plan was not directed -by the general in command of the national armies. There have been -but few local historians in the South who have searched for diaries, -journals, and letters containing details of such affairs. At the time -when the centennial anniversaries of these events might fitly have been -celebrated by the publication of such original material as could be -found, there was not the same disposition in the South to be grateful -for the results of the Revolutionary War as then prevailed in the -North. Further than that, the materials from which such contributions -to history are generally made had been scattered and destroyed during -the civil war. For these reasons, the number of books which treat of -the border wars in the South is small. - -The most complete accounts of the attacks upon the Cherokee settlements -which have been published are to be found in the histories of -Tennessee. John Haywood's _Civil and Political History of the State -of Tennessee from its earliest Settlement up to the year 1796_, etc. -(Knoxville, 1823), is an extensive collection of facts concerning -the various raids of the Indians and the counter attacks upon their -scattered settlements, which has been freely used by subsequent -writers. J. G. M. Ramsey, in his _Annals of Tennessee to the end of -the eighteenth Century: Comprising its settlement as the Watauga -Association from 1769 to 1777; A part of North Carolina from 1777 to -1784_ (Charlestown, 1853), relies to a great extent upon Haywood, and -acknowledges his obligation by frequent references in his footnotes. In -the preparation of this work, Mr. Ramsey says that he had access to the -journals and papers of his father, a pioneer of the country, and also -to the papers of Sevier, of Shelby, the Blounts, and other public men. -He examined the papers of all the old Franklin Counties and the public -archives at Milledgeville, Raleigh, Richmond, and Nashville. - -Haywood says the Georgia expedition was commanded by Col. Leonard -McBury. Ramsey follows Haywood in this regard. All the other accounts -say that Major or Colonel Jack was in command. - -The campaign of the Virginia column is briefly described in Girardin's -continuation of Berk's _History of Virginia_.[1421] Brief allusions -to this campaign are made in Wheeler's _Historical Sketches of North -Carolina_, and in Martin's _History of North Carolina_. The story is -more fully told in an _Historical Sketch of the Indian War of 1776_, -by D. L. Swain, which is reprinted from the _North Carolina University -Magazine_ (May, 1852) in the _Historical Magazine_ (Nov., 1867, p. -273). This account states that there were "three armies simultaneously -fitted out by Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina", but -makes no mention of the work which the Georgia contingent had already -performed. - -A journal kept during the Williamson expeditions was published in the -_Historical Magazine_, vol. xii. (Oct., 1867, p. 212), by Professor E. -F. Rockwell, of North Carolina, as "Parallel and combined expedition -against the Cherokee Indians in South and North Carolina in 1776." The -writer describes the houses in the Cherokee towns as follows: "Their -dwelling-houses is made some one way and some another. Some is made -with saplings stuck in the ground upright; then laths tide on these -with splits of cane or such like; So with daubing outside and in with -mud merely, they finish a close warm building. They have no chimnies, -and their fires are all in the middle of the houses." - -C. L. Hunter, in _Sketches of Western North Carolina, Historical and -Biographical, illustrating principally the Revolutionary period_, etc. -(Raleigh, 1877), under "General Griffith Rutherford" gives a brief -account of the march against the middle towns, and under "Colonel Isaac -Shelby" he gives a paragraph to the expedition against the Chickamaugas -in 1779. - -It has been stated that the Cherokee outbreak in the South was the -first aggressive movement made by the Indians during the Revolutionary -War, and that this fact has caused the joint attack of the colonies to -be noticed in the general histories of the times. It naturally finds -a place in Moultrie's _Memoirs_ and in Ramsay's _South Carolina_, -but without detail. If we turn to Drayton's _Memoirs_ we shall find -an extended account of the expeditions of Colonel Williamson, who -commanded the South Carolina troops, in the summer of 1776, when they -ravaged the Cherokee settlements,—the campaigns being illustrated by -a map of which a fac-simile is given herewith. Several letters are -published in the Appendix as authorities. The movements of Major Jack -in Georgia are given (_Ibid._ p. 313), and some account of the march of -General Rutherford's army from North Carolina and of the attempts at -coöperation. It is stated (_Ibid._ p. 353) that Virginia also raised an -army, but no account of the movement of the troops is given. - -The _American Archives_ contain reprints of letters from several points -in the South, which enable us to trace the history of most of these -movements. We have rumors of the outbreak from various places scattered -from Georgia to Virginia; stories of the siege of Watauga and of the -gathering of the Indians in Carter's Valley; accounts of the desolation -along the frontier; of the marches of Rutherford and of Williamson; of -the speech of Rutledge, and of the replies of the Council and of the -Assembly of South Carolina. - -The _Remembrancer_ also reprints some of these letters. Drayton, in his -_Memoirs_ (ii. p. 212), says that Col. Bull, in March, 1776, marched -to Savannah with four hundred Carolina troops, "to awe the disaffected, -to support the Continental regulations, and in particular to prevent -the merchant ships from going to sea." These troops were accompanied -by some Georgia militia and by "about seventy men of the Creek and -Euchee Indians." In corroboration of this statement Drayton cites the -_Remembrancer_ (1776, Part ii. pp. 333, 334), where is a letter from -Charleston, which opens, "By a remarkable Providence, the Creek Indians -have engaged in our favour." It then goes on to describe how they -became enraged with the Tories because they destroyed the house of a -white man with whom the Indians were friendly, and adds that "they have -brought down 500, who have killed several men of the fleet." - -Another reference to the use of Indians by the Americans will be -found in McCall's _Georgia_ (ii. p. 82), where he says that General -Rutherford was "joined by the Catawba Indians." - -Various accounts of events connected with these campaigns will be -found in the _Remembrancer_ (Part ii., 1776, pp. 286, 319-334; and -Part iii., 1776, pp. 50, 252-274, and 275), including a letter, Sept. -4th, which says: "The colonel's (Williamson's) next object will be the -middle towns, where he expects to be joined by General Rutherford with -200 [2,000?] North Carolinians. Colonel Lewis, of Virginia, will go -against the upper or over hill settlements, so that we have no doubt -the savages will be effectually chastised." - -The treaty at De Witt's Corner, May 20, 1777, between South Carolina, -Georgia, and the Cherokees was printed in the _Boston Gazette and -Country Journal_, Aug. 18, 1777. - -A description of the Cherokee lower towns and of the siege of Watauga -is given by Edmund Kirke (James R. Gilmore) in _Lippincott's Magazine_ -(July and August, 1855), in a paper on "The Pioneers of the South -West." Bare mention is made of the fact that Georgia participated in -the campaign of 1776, by Stevens in his _Georgia_, who follows Moultrie -in assigning the command of the Georgia troops to Colonel Jack. - -McCall, in his _History of Georgia_, gives a curious account of an -attempt by a party of Americans to penetrate the Indian country and -seize Cameron. Their leader, Capt. James McCall, had with him two -officers, twenty-two Carolinians, and eleven Georgians. They were -suspected by the Indians of treachery, and were themselves attacked. -Their leader was captured and several of the men were killed, but -the greater number escaped, and after severe sufferings reached the -settlements. Drayton (_Memoirs_, ii. 338) states that this expedition -of McCall's was forwarded in consequence of an agreement on the part -of the Cherokees in June to permit the arrest of refugees in their -towns. The attack was therefore a piece of treachery on the part of -the Indians. McCall himself escaped shortly afterward, and joined -the Virginia column of invasion. He again made an attempt to seize -Cameron. This time he reached the Indian town where Cameron had his -headquarters, but the latter had left for Mobile the morning that -Captain McCall arrived at the town. McCall gives an account of a raid -by General Pickens in the fall of 1782. This apparently is the same as -the one described in 1781. - -C. C. Jones's _Georgia_ deals with the border wars to about the same -extent as McCall. The precise time of Jack's raid is not given, but -Jones has followed those who have spoken of it as simultaneous with the -joint movement in Virginia and North and South Carolina, among whom we -find Ramsay in his _History of the Revolution of South Carolina_. A -letter to Gov. Bullock, from B. Rea, July 3, 1776 (_Remembrancer_, Part -iii., 1776, p. 50), says: "I shall order the draft that has been made -of this regiment to Broad River and Ogeechee as soon as possible, but -not to go over the line till I receive your excellency's orders, which -I shall wait for with impatience. I shall likewise be glad to know how -far we are to act in concert with the Carolinians, or if we are only to -guard our own frontiers." This shows that troops were put in the field -by Georgia before the question of coöperation was raised, but that it -immediately suggested itself as a possibility. - -It will be inferred from what has been said that confusion of dates -as to the movement of the troops exists. McCall tells the story as if -Jack's march in the middle of July were part of a preconcerted plan, in -which South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia participated. Jones, -as has been seen, follows him in this respect. Ramsey, in his _Annals -of Tennessee_, says Christian went into the field on the 1st of August. -Williamson, on his second raid, and Rutherford started out about the -1st of September. Christian's march was evidently in coöperation with -them, and doubtless at the same time, although in Foote's _Sketches -of Virginia_ it is said (pp. 118, 119) that Col. William Christian's -campaign against the Cherokees was in October. It is probable that he -did not return to the settlements until that month. - -It is evident that the attack upon the lower towns of the Cherokees -by the Georgia militia was not regarded at the time as a part of the -joint concerted movement. On the 5th of August President Rutledge -issued a proclamation requiring the Legislative Council and General -Assembly to meet at Charleston on the 17th of September, at which time -his excellency congratulated them on the success of the troops under -Colonel Williamson, and added, "It has pleased God to grant very signal -success to their operations; and I hope by his blessings on our arms, -and those of North Carolina and Virginia, from whom I have promises of -aid, an end may soon be put to this war." In the replies of the Council -and of the Assembly recognition is made of the coöperative movements of -the North Carolina and Virginia forces. No reference is made in any of -these proceedings to the Georgia contingent. - -The _Boston Gazette and Country Journal_, Sept. 16, 1776, contains an -account of the outbreak in North Carolina, which says: "The ruined -settlers had collected themselves together at different places and -forted themselves: 400 and upwards at Major Shelby's, about the same -number at Captain Campbell's, and a considerable number at Amos -Eaton's." It then describes the relief of Watauga by Colonel Russell -with three hundred men. The acts of these men and the first raid of -Williamson were the spontaneous movements of the frontier inhabitants. -The participation of Georgia was inspired from headquarters at Augusta, -with intelligent comprehension of the value of coöperation. The -campaigns of the month of September were concerted. - -The raid of Gen. Andrew Pickens is described in Ramsay's _South -Carolina_ and in Henry Lee's _Memoirs_, the account in the latter -being copied in Cecil B. Hartley's _Heroes and Patriots of the South_ -(Philad., 1860). The raid of Col. Arthur Campbell is described in -Girardin's continuation of Burk's _Virginia_ (iv. p. 472). Campbell's -report, in the _Calendar of the State Papers of Virginia_ (i. p. 434), -says that he destroyed upwards of one thousand houses, and not less -than fifty thousand bushels of corn and a large quantity of other -provisions. - - -=D.= CONNECTICUT SETTLERS IN PENNSYLVANIA. - -In 1768, the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania secured an Indian deed -for the territory already claimed by the Susquehanna Company of -Connecticut, and a lease was executed, which vested in certain -enterprising individuals the rights of the Proprietaries to this -region, whether gained by royal grant or by purchase. This was followed -by simultaneous preparation on the part of the Pennsylvanian lessees -and of the Connecticut Company for the occupation by settlers, who -were expected to defend their rights against other claimants. The -Pennsylvanians were first on the ground, and in January, 1769, built a -block-house on the land which had been improved by former Connecticut -settlers. Early in February the first detachment of colonists from -Connecticut arrived, and then began the contest for possession, which -was waged, with success alternating on either side, until the fall of -1771. Houses were burned, crops were laid waste, cattle were driven -off and killed, and there was some bloodshed during the progress of -these hostilities. Proclamations were put forth by the governor of -Pennsylvania, and warrants were issued by the courts of that province -for the arrest of the Connecticut leaders for the crime of arson. The -several military expeditions of the Pennsylvanians were generally -accompanied by a sheriff, whose mission was supposed to be to execute -the laws. The citizens of that province do not appear to have been -in sympathy with the lessees of the Proprietaries. If they had been, -it would have been easy to have crushed the Connecticut colony. This -settlement was not at the outset recognized as a part of Connecticut. -Permission had been given the company to apply to his majesty for -a separate charter. The expectation that an independent government -might perhaps be formed, and the opposition to the movement already -expressed at London, explain the supineness of the mother colony. -The Susquehanna settlement depended for its life upon the efforts -of the company. Five townships were laid out, and liberal offers of -shares in the lands were made to the first settlers in each of them. -Three more townships were subsequently settled on the same plan. -These inducements had attracted settlers in such numbers that the -Pennsylvanian lessees could not dispossess them. In the autumn of -1771 the Pennsylvanians withdrew, leaving the Connecticut colonists, -for the time, in undisturbed possession. Some correspondence followed -between the authorities of the colonies, in which the government of -Pennsylvania sought to ascertain how far the colony of Connecticut -backed up the emigrants; and the governor of that colony in reply -denied having authorized any hostile demonstration, but carefully -avoided saying anything which could be interpreted as a relinquishment -on the part of the colony of its rights under the charter to the land. -During the next two years the settlement, although looked upon by -Pennsylvania as an invasion and not as yet acknowledged by Connecticut, -increased in numbers and prospered. Meetings of the Proprietors were -occasionally held, at which the affairs of the towns were adjusted in -a general way, authority being delegated to a committee of settlers to -act in the intervals between the meetings. In June, 1773, the company -adopted at Hartford a form of government for the settlers, stating -in the preamble that "we have as yet no established civil authority -residing among us in the settlement." In October the Connecticut -Assembly resolved that the colony would "make their claim to these -lands, and in a legal manner support the same." Commissioners were -appointed, and fruitless negotiations were opened with Pennsylvania. In -January, 1774, the territory of Susquehanna Company was incorporated -into the town of Westmoreland, and became temporarily a part of the -county of Litchfield, Connecticut. Almost simultaneously, proclamations -were issued by the governors of the two colonies, each prohibiting -settlements on the disputed territory except under authority of the -colony which he represented. Meantime the settlements in the valley -increased. In September, 1775, about eighty settlers, who had just -arrived on the west branch of the Susquehanna, were attacked by the -Pennsylvania militia. One man was killed; several were wounded; and -the men of the Connecticut party were taken prisoners to Sunbury. -Upon receipt of this news the Continental Congress, in November, -passed resolutions urging the two colonies to take steps to avoid open -hostilities. This was, however, of no effect. Boats from Wyoming, -loaded with the property of settlers, were seized and confiscated at -Fort Augusta. During the fall, extensive preparations were made by -the Pennsylvanians for an invasion of Wyoming, under authority from -Governor Penn, for the purpose of enforcing the laws of Pennsylvania. -In December, Congress expressed the opinion that all appearance of -force ought to stop until the dispute could be decided by law; but -at the time that the resolution expressing this opinion was under -consideration, an army of Pennsylvanians, accompanied by a sheriff, -was already invading the valley. The Connecticut people, having been -forewarned, successfully resisted this military posse. Several lives -were lost in this attempt of the Pennsylvanians to dispossess the -colonists. With this failure the attempts of Pennsylvania to expel the -Connecticut settlers by force ended. The Revolutionary War was now -in progress. Connecticut needed her able-bodied men. She now forbade -further settlement on the disputed territory unless licensed by her -Assembly. - -The Trumbull MSS. in possession of the Mass. Hist. Soc. contain copies -of the papers connected with the discussion of the title of the colony -to its settlement in the Susquehanna Valley. There is probably no -single collection of papers so rich in this direction. - - -=E.= JOURNALS AND DIARIES OF THE SULLIVAN EXPEDITION. - -A list of the journals of Sullivan's expedition was prepared by the -writer of this chapter for publication in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, Oct., 1886, and this list in an extended and revised form -was to be appended here; but the repetition is rendered unnecessary -by the publication of an elaborate volume by the State of New York, -_Journals of the military expedition of Major-General John Sullivan -against the Six Nations of Indians in 1779, with records of Centennial -Celebrations_,—compiled by George S. Conover, under the direction -of Frederick Cook, Secretary of State. It reprints, and in some -cases gives for the first time in type, the journals of twenty-six -participants, pertaining either to the main expedition or to that -against the Onondagas. An enumeration is also given of the journals -known to have existed, but no longer to be found. - -Appended to the journals are the reports of Sullivan, Brodhead, and a -roster of the expeditionary army. The main historical narrative is an -elaborate account, compacted from four centennial addresses, given by -the Rev. David Craft in 1879, and revised from the original publication -in the _Centennial Proceedings_ of the Waterloo (N. Y.) Library and -Historical Society. In a note it is shown that a collation of all the -journals supports Sullivan's statements in his official report, making -his total loss in the campaign 41 men, while 41 Indian settlements or -towns were destroyed. - -The portraits of the book are those of Sullivan (with the spear), -General Clinton (profile), Gansevoort (by Stuart), and Philip Van -Cortlandt. The rest of the volume describes the various centennial -celebrations in 1879, at Elmira, Waterloo, Geneseo, and Aurora, with -the addresses, principal among which is one by Erastus Brooks on -"Indian History and Wars", and another by Major Douglass Campbell on -"The Iroquois and New York's Indian policy." - -The maps include one by Gen. John S. Clark of the battlefield of -Newtown (not far from Elmira) and the Chemung Ambuscade; another, by -the same, of the Groveland Ambuscade, near Conesus Lake, and the route -thence to the Genessee; five maps of as many sections of Sullivan's -route, surveyed by Lieutenant Benjamin Lodge, the originals of which -make a part of the collection of maps made by Robert Erskine, the -topographical engineer of the Continental army, and by his successor, -Simeon De Witt, and now in the cabinet of the N. Y. Hist. Society. Gen. -J. S. Clark, in describing these maps, says that the route of Dearborn -on the west side of Cayuga Lake, and General Clinton's descent of the -N. E. branch of the Susquehanna, do not appear to have been surveyed, -but that Clinton's route is well illustrated in a sketch of Col. -William Butler's march (Oct.-Nov., 1778) made by Capt. William Gray, -which is also included in the volume. The five maps above referred to -are reproductions from the originals, with some names added from the -rough preliminary sketches, also preserved in the same collection. A -rough plan of Tioga, in fac-simile of a drawing in the journal of Capt. -Charles Nukerck, is also given.—ED. - - -=F.= BOUNTIES FOR SCALPS. - -It has been stated in the narrative that the colonies themselves were -partially responsible for the low estimate in which Indians were held -by the inhabitants of the frontiers. Bounties had been so frequently -offered for the destruction of wild animals and of Indians that the -border settlers might well infer that the law drew no distinction -between the savage and the brute. Mrs. Jackson, in her _Century of -Dishonor_ (App. p. 406), quotes from Gale's _Upper Mississippi_ (p. -112) a vigorous denunciation of the acts of the governments in granting -bounties for scalps: "In the history of the Indian tribes in the -Northwest, the reader will at once perceive that there was a constant -rivalry between the governments of Great Britain, France, and the -United States as to which of them should secure the services of the -barbarians to scalp their white enemies, while each in turn was the -loudest to denounce the shocking barbarities of such tribes as they -failed to secure in their own service. And the civilized world, aghast -at these horrid recitals, ignores the fact that nearly every important -massacre in the history of North America was organized and directed by -agents of some one of these governments." One or two instances, taken -from the records by way of illustration, will suffice to show how -the settlers along the frontier and legislators reciprocally viewed -this subject. In November, 1724, John Lovewell, Josiah Farwell, and -Jonathan Robbins, presented a "Humble Memorial" to the General Court -of Massachusetts Bay, in which they set forth that they, with forty -or fifty others, were "inclinable to range and keep out in the woods -for several months together, in order to kill and destroy their Indian -enemy, provided they could meet with incouragement suitable." For five -shillings a day, and such other reward as the government should see -cause to give them, they would "employ themselves in Indian hunting -one whole year." On the 17th of November, the General Court by vote -authorized the formation of the company, the men to receive "two -shillings and sixpence per diem, the sum of one hundred pounds for each -male scalp, and the other premiums established by law to volunteers -without pay or subsistence" (Kidder's _Captain John Lovewell_, pp. 11, -12). Col. Johnson, in 1747, was "quite pestered every day with parties -returning with prisoners and scalps, and without a penny to pay them -with" (Stone's _Sir William Johnson_, i. 255, 342). For the outlay made -in this behalf Col. Johnson was ultimately reimbursed by the province -of New York. In the memorial or representation of their case, submitted -by the rioters who murdered the Conestega Indians to the authorities -at Philadelphia, it is written: "Sixthly. In the late Indian war, this -Province, with others of his Majesty's colonies, gave rewards for -Indian scalps, to encourage the seeking them in their own country, as -the most likely means of destroying or reducing them to reason; but no -such encouragement has been given in this war, which has damped the -spirits of many brave men, who are willing to venture their lives in -parties against the enemy. We therefore pray that public rewards may -be proposed for Indian scalps, which may be adequate to the dangers -attending enterprises of this nature." On the 12th of June, 1764, the -authorities of Pennsylvania offered bounties for scalps, presumably in -response to this petition (_Penna. Col. Rec._, ix. 141, 189). - -On the 27th of September, 1776, a committee reported to the South -Carolina Assembly, that it was "not advisable to hold Captive Indians -as Slaves, but as an encouragement to those who shall distinguish -themselves in the war against the Cherokees, they recommended -the following rewards, to wit: For every Indian man killed, upon -certificate thereupon given by the Commanding Officer, and the scalp -produced as evidence thereof in Charlestown by the forces in the pay of -the State, seventy-five pounds currency; For every Indian man prisoner -one hundred pounds like money" (_American Archives_, 5th ser., iii. 32). - -It is true that bounties had previously been offered in New York for -scalps taken from the "enemy", but at the time of the Revolution -New York and Massachusetts had apparently abandoned the policy of -offering bounties for scalps. Abundant records show that they had been -committed to this policy in earlier times. The Act of Assembly in South -Carolina, the previous legislation in New Hampshire, Massachusetts, -Connecticut, Maryland, and Virginia, and the subsequent legislation in -Pennsylvania and Illinois, were directed exclusively against Indians. -_Penna. Colonial Records_ (xii. 311; xii. 632; xiii. 201). _Laws of -the Colonial and State Governments relating to Indians and Indian -Affairs from 1633 to 1831 inclusive, with an appendix containing the -proceedings of the Congress of the Confederation and the laws of -Congress from 1800 to 1830 on the Same Subject_ (Washington city, -1832), p. 239. In the _Pennsylvania Archives_ (iii. p. 199) there -is a curious letter from the superintendent of Indian affairs in -the Southern Department to the governor of Maryland, dated June 30, -1757, in which he says that several of the colonies are becoming fond -of giving large rewards for scalps. If these rewards were confined -to their own people he should consider it laudable, but as they are -offered chiefly to Indians the case is very different. He says the -Indians make several scalps out of one. The Cherokees in particular -make four scalps out of one man killed. "Here are now", he adds, -"twenty scalps hanging out to publick view which are well known to -have been made out of five Frenchmen killed. What a sum (at £50 each) -would they produce if carried to Maryland, where the artifice would not -probably be discovered!" In early times in Maryland, the proof required -from persons who had killed Indians, in order that the reward might -be claimed, was the production of the right ear of the dead Indian. -There was less opportunity to subdivide the ears, and thus multiply -the bounties. The charge that the English paid bounties for scalps -thus found its way naturally into the histories, and the officers who -had been disciplined in the previous wars were probably ready to make -such offers. Doddridge (_Notes_, 274) expresses the belief current on -the frontier when he says, "The English government made allies of as -many of the Indian nations as they could, and they imposed no restraint -on their savage mode of warfare. On the contrary, the commandants at -their posts along our Western frontiers received and paid the Indians -for scalps and prisoners, thus, the skin of a white man's or even a -woman's head served in the hands of the Indian as current coin, which -he exchanged for arms and ammunition, for the further prosecution of -his barbarous warfare." This belief found expression at the time, and -worked its way into print. The _Remembrancer_ gives a letter from -Capt. Joseph Bowman "at a place called Illinois Kaskaskias, upon the -Mississippi", dated July 30, 1778, in which we read: "The Indians -meeting with daily supplies from the British officers, who offer them -large bounties for our scalps" (_Remembrancer_, viii. p. 83). There -is, however, better authority than rumors of this class to justify -those authors who repeat this statement. When Governor Hamilton was -captured at Vincennes, he was sent to Williamsburg, and his conduct was -investigated by the Council of Virginia. In their report the Council -say, "The board find that Governor Hamilton gave standing rewards for -scalps, but offered none for prisoners, which induced the Indians, -after making the captives carry their baggage into the neighborhood -of the fort, there to put them to death, and carry in their scalps to -the governor, who welcomed their return and success by a discharge of -cannon" (_Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies from the Papers of -Thomas Jefferson_, ed. by Thomas Jefferson Randolph, Boston, 1830; 2d -ed., vol. i. p. 456). Thus the official sanction of a board composed of -prominent men of good reputation has been given to the statement. In -weighing the value of this decision we must not forget that Hamilton -was the special object of hatred to the Virginians. Col. George Rogers -Clarke, in an official communication to the governor of Virginia, from -Kaskaskia, Feb. 3, 1779, speaks of "A late meneuv^r of the Famous Hair -Buyer General Henry Hamilton, Esqr., Lieut.-Governour of De Troit", -etc., etc. (_Calendar of the State Papers of Virginia_, p. 315). C. -W. Butterfield edited a reprint of _A Short Biography of John Leith_ -(Lancaster, Ohio, 1831) as _Leith's Narrative_ (Cincinnati, 1883), and -in this new edition (p. 39) we find an account of a brutal murder, -by Indians, of a prisoner at Sandusky: "They knocked him down with -tomahawks, cut off his head, and fixed it on a pole erected for the -purpose; when commenced a scene of yelling, dancing, singing, and -rioting." To this part of Leith's narrative the annotator attaches -a note, in which he states that a part of the "importance of this -recital is in a historical sense;" "that captives were brought to the -points contiguous to Detroit, and then tomahawked and scalped, the -direct result of Hamilton's barbarous policy of offering rewards for -scalps, but paying none for prisoners." The language of the note is -ambiguous, but a natural interpretation of its purpose would be that -the statement in the text was relied upon to prove the charges against -Hamilton. I presume this prisoner was scalped,—it would probably have -been recorded by Leith as a remarkable event if he had escaped being -scalped,—but a statement which omits mention of the fact can hardly be -cited as evidence against Hamilton. - -The Virginia Council, while they published no evidence bearing upon the -question of Hamilton's buying scalps, were more explicit when it came -to his inciting Indians to acts of war:— - -"Williamsburgh, Va. In Council, June 16, 1779. Case of Hamilton, -Dejaine La Mothe." "They find that Hamilton has executed the task -of inciting the Indians to perpetrate their accustomed cruelties on -the citizens of these States, without distinction of age, sex, or -condition, with an eagerness and activity which evince that the general -nature of his charge harmonized with his particular disposition; they -should have been satisfied, from the other testimony adduced, that -these enormities were committed by savages acting under his commission, -but the number of his Proclamations, which at different times were -left in houses, the inhabitants of which were killed or Carried away -by Indians, one of which Proclamations, under the hand and seal of -Governor Hamilton, is in possession of the Board, puts the fact beyond -doubt", etc. (_Remembrancer_, viii. p. 337). "The narrative of the -Capture and treatment of John Dodge by the English at Detroit" was made -public about the same time (_Remembrancer_, viii. p. 73). The portion -of Dodge's story which relates to the reception by Hamilton of Indians -returning with scalps and prisoners, bears a striking resemblance to -the report of the Council. Dodge states that Hamilton become so enraged -at him that the governor "offered £100 for his scalp or his body." In -another place he says: "These sons of Britain offered no reward for -prisoners, but they gave the Indians twenty dollars a scalp", etc., -etc.; and again: "One of these parties returning with a number of -women and children's scalps and their prisoners, they were met by the -commandant of the fort, and after the usual demonstrations of joy, -delivered their scalps, for which they were paid." - -Some correspondence passed between Jefferson and the governor of -Detroit on the question of Hamilton's treatment as a prisoner, in which -Jefferson dwells at length upon Hamilton's responsibility for the acts -of the Indians, but it is to be remarked that no charge is made against -Hamilton of paying bounties for scalps (_Calendar of State Papers -of Virginia_, i. p. 321). Before the British government is finally -convicted of having offered bounties for scalps, it is just that other -evidence should be adduced than such affidavits as that of Moses -Younglove (Campbell, _Tryon County_, 2d ed., p. 116), who swears that -he "was informed by several sergeants-orderly for General St. Leger -that twenty dollars were offered in general orders for every American -scalp." The mere showing of scalps at headquarters does not necessarily -imply that the Indians were to be paid for them (_Ibid._ p. 307). -According to Campbell (_Ibid._ p. 117), Col. Gansevoort, in a letter, -confirms the statement that twenty dollars were offered by St. Leger -for every American scalp. Col. Gansevoort, besieged in Fort Stanwix, -relied of course upon some other person for this statement. It is -probably the Younglove story in another shape. It must not be forgotten -that St. Leger ordered Lt. Bird "not to accept a capitulation, because -the force of whites under Bird's command was not large enough to -restrain the Indians from barbarity and carnage." - -It adds little force to the evidence that we find similar allegations -against the British in the class of books represented by Seaver's -_Life of Mary Jemison_ (p. 114), (various editions,—see Field's -_Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1,380-81). In a similar manner, Simms -(_Frontiersmen_, i. p. 10) cites a letter-writer as saying that the -price per scalp was eight dollars; and Jenkins (_Wyoming Memorial_, -p. 151) charges Burgoyne with opening a market for scalps at ten -dollars each. Simms (_Schoharie County_, p. 578) says that a -certificate, signed by John Butler, concerning certain scalps taken by -"Kayingwaarto, the Sanakee chief", was found upon the body of an Indian -killed during the Sullivan campaign. The details of the descriptions -easily enable us to identify the scalps referred to in the certificate. -An excellent local authority (Ketchum's _Buffalo_, i. 327, 329) -analyzes the story thus "Gi-en-gwah-toh in Seneca is identical with -Say-en-qua-ragh-ta in Mohawk, and is another spelling of the name in -the certificate.... It is historically certain that the age, if nothing -else, would preclude the possibility of Sayenquaraghta's being the -person who wounded and scalped Capt. Greg and his corporal near Fort -Stanwix in 1778. And it is equally certain that Sayenquaraghta was not -killed by a scouting party of Sullivan's army in 1779, but was alive -and well at Niagara in 1780, and came to reside at Buffalo Creek in -1781." The incident sought to be identified with this receipt was not -only one of the most striking among the events of the border war, but -the Indian actor appears to have been equally prominent. Butler makes -especial mention of Brant and Kiangarachta—probably the same name -as Gi-en-gwah-toh or Sayenquaraghta—in his account of the battle of -Newtown (_Sparks MSS._). - -If we are forced to such evidence as this against the British -government, we unfortunately find ourselves confronted with testimony -of a like character against the Americans. Guy Johnson writes to -Germain (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 740): "Some of the American -colonies went further by fixing a price for scalps." Again it is said -(_Amer. Archives_, 4th, v. 1102): "Seneca sachems assert that Oneidas -want Butler's scalp, and that General Schuyler offered $250 for his -person or scalp." Thomas Gummersall declared at Staten Island, Aug. -6, 1776 (_Amer. Archives_, 5th, i. 866), that "Mr. Schuyler, a rebel -general, invited Sir John Johnson down, promising him protection, and -at the same time employed the Indian messenger, in case he refused, -to bring his scalp, for which he was to have a reward of one hundred -dollars." It might, perhaps, be claimed that the bounties offered by -South Carolina justified the first of these counter-assertions by the -English, but I presume there would be no hesitation in classing these -statements, as a whole, among those which were especially prepared for -the purpose of influencing public opinion. - -Before leaving this subject, the reader may need to be warned against -a fabrication of Franklin, which has deceived many. Sparks speaks of -Franklin "occasionally amusing himself in composing and printing, by -means of a small set of types and a press he had in his house, several -of his light essays, _bagatelles_, or _jeux d'esprit_, written chiefly -for the amusement of his friends. Among these were the following, -printed on a half-sheet of coarse paper, so as to imitate as much as -possible a portion of a Boston newspaper", which he gave out as a -_Supplement to the Boston Independent Chronicle_ of March 12, 1782. -This pretended newspaper contained what purported to be an extract -from a letter from Captain Gerrish, of the New England militia, dated -Albany, March 7, 1782, which reads as follows: "The peltry taken in -the expedition will, you see, amount to a good deal of money. The -possession of this booty at first gave us pleasure; but we were struck -with horror to find among the packages eight large ones, containing -scalps of our unhappy country-folks, taken prisoners in the three last -years by the Seneka Indians from the inhabitants of the frontiers of -New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a -present to Colonel Haldimand, governor of Canada, in order to be by him -transmitted to England. They were accompanied by the following curious -letter to that gentleman;" which is given under the signature of James -Crawfurd, and affords a detailed account of the contents of each -package. This fictitious Supplement was reprinted as genuine in Almon's -_Remembrancer_. In the first edition of Campbell's _Annals of Tryon -County_ it was printed in the Appendix as genuine, and copied from a -newspaper published in Dutchess County during the Revolution (_Ibid._, -2d ed., 307). It was also reprinted in _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_ -(no. 7, p. 94, note I). It was exposed by Sparks, by Parton in his -_Life of Franklin_ (ii. p. 437), by Campbell in his second edition of -the _Annals of Tryon County_, and by Col. Stone in the Introduction -to his _Brant_ (i. p. xvi.). In a note Col. Stone spoke of the document -as "long believed and recently revived and included in several works -of authentic history." There are copies of the original fabrication in -the Stevens Collection of Frankliniana (Dept. of State at Washington; -Stevens's _Hist. Coll._, i. p. 168); and in the Boston Public Library -(_Franklin Collection_, p. 12). - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE WEST, - -FROM THE TREATY OF PEACE WITH FRANCE, 1763, TO THE TREATY OF PEACE WITH -ENGLAND, 1783. - -BY WILLIAM FREDERICK POOLE, LL.D. - -_Librarian of the Newberry Library, Chicago._ - - -THE treaty of peace signed at Paris, February 10, 1763, marks perhaps -the most important epoch in the political and social history of North -America.[1422] It settled forever a question which had been in doubt -for a century,—whether the rule and civilization of France or of -Great Britain were to shape the destinies of the western continent. -It was the culmination of a seven years' war, in which the vigorous -administration of William Pitt had crushed the allied forces of France -and Spain. The capture of Quebec by Wolfe, and the surrender of the -French army to Amherst at Montreal, were but incidents in the general -humiliation which France and Spain had experienced on the continent -of Europe, in India, in the West Indies, and on the ocean. They could -fight no longer, and were glad to accept any terms of peace which Great -Britain might dictate.[1423] - -The Treaty of Paris made a strange transformation of the political map -of North America, and for the first time brought under British sway the -territory which now comprises the Western States of the American Union. -Great Britain in the preceding century had granted in the charters of -her American colonies boundaries extending from ocean to ocean; but -her actual possessions until 1763 were a fringe of country along the -Atlantic coast, and extending west to the crests of the Alleghanies. -Spain was in possession of Florida and Mexico, and the remainder of the -continent was in the real or nominal possession of France. Her imperial -domain extended from the Gulf of Mexico to the Arctic Ocean, and from -the Alleghanies to undetermined limits beyond the Rocky Mountains. By -the Treaty of Paris, Canada and that portion of Louisiana between the -Alleghanies and the Mississippi came to Great Britain. In a secret -treaty with his Bourbon ally, Carlos III. of Spain, made November 3, -1762, the day when the preliminary articles of peace were signed,[1424] -Louis XV. ceded to Spain that part of Louisiana which lay west of the -Mississippi, with the island on which New Orleans is situated. France -therefore, in this desperate crisis, parted with all her American -possessions on the main land, and her name nearly disappeared from the -map of North America.[1425] Spain in the war had lost Havana, and in -order to recover this key to her other West India possessions she gave -up to Great Britain Florida in exchange for Havana. - -Severer terms than these would have been exacted by Great Britain from -both the allies, except for the recent accession of George III. to the -throne, and the changes he made in his cabinet and policy. In the midst -of the negotiations of the treaty, Pitt resigned in disgust, and they -were concluded by his successor, the Earl of Bute, and by the Duke of -Bedford. The transfers of the immense territories ceded by the treaty -were not immediate, and several years elapsed before they came into -possession of their new rulers. - -In the discussions by the new cabinet as to the terms of the treaty, -a question arose which was alarming to the American colonies. Should -Canada or the Island of Guadaloupe be restored to France? The sugar -trade of the latter, it was claimed, was more important to Great -Britain than the Canadian for trade. It was further claimed that, -if the colonies were relieved from the menace of the French and -their savage allies, they would cover the continent, become a great -nation, manufacture their own goods, and eventually declare themselves -independent.[1426] Many pamphlets appeared in England advocating and -opposing the restoration of Canada to France, but there was no abler -advocate of the retention of Canada than Dr. Franklin, who was then in -London.[1427] - -On the 7th of October, 1763, George III. issued a proclamation,[1428] -providing for four new governments or colonies, namely: Quebec, East -Florida, West Florida, and Grenada, and defining their boundaries. The -limits of Quebec did not vary materially from those of the present -province of that name, and those of East and West Florida comprised the -present State of Florida and the country north of the Gulf of Mexico to -the parallel of 31° latitude. - -It will be seen that no provision was made for the government of nine -tenths of the new territory acquired by the Treaty of Paris, and the -omission was not an oversight, but was intentional. The purpose was -to reserve as crown lands the Northwest territory, the region north -of the great lakes, and the country between the Alleghanies and the -Mississippi, and to exclude them from settlement by the American -colonies. They were left, for the time being, to the undisputed -possession of the savage tribes.[1429] The king's "loving subjects" -were forbidden making purchases of land from the Indians, or forming -any settlements "westward of the sources of the rivers which fall -into the sea from the West and Northwest", "and all persons who have -wilfully or inadvertently seated themselves upon any lands" west of -this limit were warned "forthwith to remove themselves from such -settlements." Certain reasons for this policy were assigned in the -proclamation, such as "preventing irregularities in the future, and -that the Indians may be convinced of our justice", etc.; but the real -explanation appears in the Report of the Lords Commissioners for -Trade and Plantations, in 1772, on the petition of Thomas Walpole and -others for a grant of land on the Ohio. The report was drawn by Lord -Hillsborough, the president of the board. The report states:— - - "We take leave to remind your Lordships of that principle which was - adopted by this Board, and approved and confirmed by his Majesty, - immediately after the Treaty of Paris, viz.: the confining the western - extent of settlements to such a distance from the seacoast as that - those settlements should lie within reach of the trade and commerce - of this kingdom, ... and also of the exercise of that authority and - jurisdiction which was conceived to be necessary for the preservation - of the Colonies in a due subordination to, and dependence upon, the - mother country. And these we apprehend to have been the two capital - objects of his Majesty's proclamation of the 7th of October, 1763.... - The great object of colonizing upon the continent of North America has - been to improve and extend the commerce, navigation, and manufactures - of this kingdom.... It does appear to us that the extension of the - fur trade depends entirely upon the Indians being undisturbed in the - possession of their hunting-grounds, and that all colonizing does in - its nature, and must in its consequences, operate to the prejudice - of that branch of commerce.... Let the savages enjoy their deserts - in quiet. Were they driven from their forests the peltry-trade would - decrease; and it is not impossible that worse savages would take - refuge in them."[1430] - -Such in clear and specific terms was the cold and selfish policy which -the British crown and its ministers habitually pursued towards the -American colonies; and in a few years it changed loyalty into hate, and -brought on the American Revolution.[1431] - - * * * * * - -Before the royal proclamation of 1763 had been issued, or even -drafted, a new and fierce Indian war, which is known in history as -the Pontiac War, was raging on the frontier settlements. With the -conquest of Canada and the expulsion of France as a military power -from the continent, the English colonists were abounding in loyalty -to the mother country, were exultant in the expectation of peace, and -in the assurance of immunity from Indian wars in the future; for it -did not seem possible that, with the loose system of organization and -government common to the Indians, they could plan and execute a general -campaign without the co-operation of the French as leaders. - -This feeling of security among the English settlements was of short -duration. A general discontent pervaded all the Indian tribes from the -frontier settlements to the Mississippi, and from the great lakes to -the Gulf of Mexico. The extent of this disquietude was not suspected, -and hence no attempt was made to gain the good-will of the Indians. -There were many real causes for this discontent. The French had been -politic and sagacious in their intercourse with the Indian. They gained -his friendship by treating him with respect and justice. They came to -him with presents, and, as a rule, dealt with him fairly in trade. They -came with missionaries, unarmed, heroic, self-denying men, who labored -without pay for what they deemed the highest welfare of their dusky -brethren. Many Frenchmen married Indian wives, dwelt with the native -tribes, and adopted their customs. To the average Englishman, on the -other hand, Indians were disgusting objects; he would show them no -respect, nor treat them with justice except under compulsion. To him -the only good Indians were dead Indians, and hence he shot savages as -he would wild beasts.[1432] So long as the English had the French as -competitors for the good-will of the Indian, they treated him with some -measure of tact and justice; but when this competition was withdrawn, -it was a sad day for both races. The fur trade, by which the Indians -obtained their necessary supplies, had been mainly in the hands of the -French; and when it was cut off, the Northern and Western Indians, -as they had lost the use of bows and arrows, and needed firearms and -ammunition in order to take their game, were often in distress for want -of food. When the military posts in the West were in possession of the -French, the Indians were habitual visitors, and they loitered about the -forts. The French tolerated the custom, and treated the intruders with -kindness, although their indolent and filthy habits greatly taxed the -patience of the garrisons. When these posts came into possession of -the English, the visitors were insulted and driven away, and they were -fortunate if they were not clubbed.[1433] - -The French had shown little disposition to make permanent settlements; -but the English, when they appeared, came to stay, and they occupied -large tracts of the best land for agricultural purposes. The French -hunters and traders, who were widely dispersed among the native tribes, -kept the Indians in a state of disquietude by misrepresenting the -English, exaggerating their faults, and making the prediction that -the French would soon recapture Canada and expel the English from the -Western territories. - -Pontiac, the chief of the Ottawas, was the Indian who had the motive, -the ambition, and capacity for organization which enabled him to -concentrate and use all these elements of discontent for his own -malignant and selfish purposes. After the defeat of the French, he -professed for a time to be friendly with the English, expecting -that, under the acknowledged supremacy of Great Britain, he would be -recognized as a mighty Indian prince, and be assigned to rule over his -own, and perhaps a confederacy of other tribes.[1434] Finding that the -English government had no use for him, he was indignant, and he devoted -all the energies of his vigorous mind to a secret conspiracy of uniting -the tribes west of the Alleghanies to engage in a general war against -the English settlements. In the autumn of 1762 he sent messengers with -war-belts to the tribes living north of the great lakes, to those in -the Ohio and Illinois countries, and they went as far south as the -mouth of the Mississippi. His scheme was to make a simultaneous attack -on all the Western posts in the month of May, 1763; and each attack -was assigned to the neighboring tribes. His summer home was on a small -island at the entrance of Lake St. Clair; and being near Detroit, he -was to conduct in person the capture of that fort.[1435] - -On the 6th of May, 1763, Major Gladwin,[1436] in command at Detroit, -had warning from an Indian girl that the next day an attempt would be -made to capture the fort by treachery. When Pontiac, on the appointed -morning, accompanied by sixty of his chiefs, with short guns concealed -under their blankets, appeared at the fort, and, as usual, asked for -admission, he was startled at seeing the whole garrison under arms, and -that his scheme of treachery had miscarried. For two months the savages -assailed the fort, and the sleepless garrison gallantly defended it, -when they were relieved by the arrival of a schooner from Fort Niagara, -with sixty men, provisions, and ammunition. - -Fort Pitt, on the present site of Pittsburg, Pa.,[1437] was in command -of Captain Ecuyer, another trained soldier, who had been warned of -the Indian conspiracy by Major Gladwin in a letter written May 5th. -Captain Ecuyer, having a garrison of three hundred and thirty soldiers -and backwoodsmen, immediately made every preparation for defence. On -May 27th, a party of Indians appeared at the fort under the pretence of -wishing to trade, and were treated as spies. Active operations against -Fort Pitt were postponed until the smaller forts had been taken. - -Fort Sandusky was captured May 16th; Fort St. Joseph (on the St. Joseph -River, Mich.), May 25th; Fort Ouatanon (now Lafayette, Ind.), May 31st; -Fort Michillimackinac (now Mackinaw, Mich.), June 2d; Fort Presqu' -Isle (now Erie, Pa.), June 17th; Fort Le Bœuf (Erie County, Pa.), June -18th; Fort Venango (Venango County, Pa.), June 18th; and the posts at -Carlisle and Bedford, Pa., on the same day. No garrison except that -at Presqu' Isle had warning of danger. The same method of capture was -adopted in each instance. A small party of Indians came to the fort -with the pretence of friendship, and were admitted. Others soon joined -them, when the visitors rose upon the small garrisons, butchered them, -or took them captive. At Presqu' Isle the Indians laid siege to the -fort for two days, when they set it on fire. At Venango no one of the -garrison survived to give an account of the capture.[1438] - -On June 22d, a large body of Indians surrounded Fort Pitt and opened -fire on all sides, but were easily repulsed. The next day they informed -Captain Ecuyer[1439] that every other English fort had been taken, -and that all the tribes were coming to take Fort Pitt. If he and his -garrison would then leave, they would assure him a safe conduct to the -English settlements; but otherwise they would be unable to protect him -from the bad Indians who would soon arrive. The commander thanked them -for their kind solicitude in his behalf, and informed them that he had -plenty of men, provisions, and ammunition, and could hold the fort -against all the Indians in the woods. He told them also that an army of -six thousand English would soon arrive at Fort Pitt, and that another -army of three thousand had gone up the lakes to punish the Ottawas and -Ojibwas. "Therefore", he said, "take pity on your women and children, -and get out of the way as soon as possible." The Indians departed the -next day, and did not reappear until July 26th, when they repeated -their old story of "love for the English", and grieved that "the chain -of friendship had been broken." The following night they surrounded -the fort, and with knives dug burrows in the river banks, from which -they threw fire-arrows into the fort and shot bullets whenever they had -sight of a soldier above the parapets. This sort of warfare was more -dangerous to the besiegers than to the besieged. During five days and -nights of ceaseless attack the losses of the Indians were more than -twenty killed and wounded. In the garrison seven were slightly wounded, -and none killed. The Indians then disappeared in order to intercept the -expedition of Colonel Bouquet, which was approaching from the east with -a convoy of provisions for the relief of Fort Pitt. - -[Illustration: HENRY BOUQUET. - -From an original by Benjamin West, in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. -Society.] - -It was fortunate for the country that there was an officer stationed at -Philadelphia who fully understood the meaning of the alarming reports -which were coming in from the Western posts. Colonel Henry Bouquet was -a gallant Swiss officer who had been trained in war from his youth, and -whose personal accomplishments gave an additional charm to his bravery -and heroic energy. He had served seven years in fighting American -Indians, and was more cunning than they in the practice of their own -artifices.[1440] General Amherst, the commander-in-chief, was slow in -appreciating the importance and extent of the Western conspiracy;[1441] -yet he did good service in directing Colonel Bouquet to organize an -expedition for the relief of Fort Pitt. - -[Illustration: BUSHY RUN BATTLE, AUG. 5 AND 6, 1763. - -Slightly reduced from a plate in the London edition of _An Historical -Account_, as "surveyed by Thos. Hutchins, assistant engineer." KEY: 1, -grenadiers; 2, light infantry; 3, battalion men; 4, rangers; 5, cattle; -6, horses; 7, intrenchment of bags for the wounded; 8, first position -of the troops; X, the enemy. The small squares on the hillock near "the -action of the 5th" mark "graves." The map is also in Jefferys' _Gen. -Topog. of N. Amer., etc._ (London, 1768), and in I. D. Rupp's _Early -Hist of Western Penna._ (Pittsburg, 1847).] - -The promptness and energy with which this duty was performed, under -the most embarrassing conditions, make the expedition one of the most -brilliant episodes in American warfare. The only troops available for -the service were about five hundred regulars recently arrived from the -siege of Havana, broken in health, and many of them better fitted for -the hospital than the field.[1442] Orders for collecting supplies and -means of transportation had been sent to Carlisle; but when the colonel -arrived with the troops, nothing had been done towards their execution. -Such, however, was his energy and sagacity that in eighteen days the -horses, oxen, wagons, and provisions needed had been collected, and he -was ready to march. As the long train moved out of Carlisle towards the -west, where lay the bleaching bones of Braddock's army, the inhabitants -looked on in anxious silence. The sight of sixty invalid soldiers -conveyed in wagons did not add to the cheerfulness of the scene. -Bouquet's most efficient soldiers were the 42d regiment of Highlanders, -whom he used as flankers.[1443] - -On the 25th of July he reached Fort Bedford, where he left his -invalids to recuperate, and engaged thirty backwoodsmen as guides. All -communication with Fort Pitt, one hundred and five miles distant, was -cut off, and the woods were filled with prowling savages. On August -2d he reached Fort Ligonier, fifty miles from Bedford, where he left -his draught-oxen and wagons, and went on with three hundred and fifty -pack-horses. About a day's march further west lay the defiles of -Turtle Creek, where he expected the Indians would lay an ambuscade. -He therefore determined to proceed as far as a small stream called -Bushy Run, rest till night, and pass Turtle Creek under cover of -darkness. At one o'clock in the afternoon of August 5th, when the train -was half a mile from Bushy Run, a report of rifles was heard at the -front, indicating that the advanced guard was engaged. Two companies -were ordered forward to support it. The woods were quickly cleared, -when firing was heard in the rear, and the troops were ordered back -to protect the baggage train. Forming a circle around the convoy, the -troops kept up the fight gallantly until night. As they were exposed -in the open field, while the Indians were under cover in the woods, -their loss was heavy compared with that of the enemy. Several officers -and about sixty soldiers were killed or wounded, and the situation -had become desperate. They had no choice but to camp on the hill -where the engagement had taken place, and without a drop of water. -Sentinels and outposts were stationed to guard against a night attack, -and the morrow was awaited with anxious solicitude. During the night -Colonel Bouquet wrote to General Amherst: "Whatever our fate may be, -I thought it necessary to give your excellency this information.... I -fear insurmountable difficulties in protecting and transporting our -provisions, being already so much weakened by the losses of this day in -men and horses." - -[Illustration: BOUQUET'S COUNCIL WITH THE INDIANS. - -This follows in fac-simile a plate in the London edition of the -_Historical Account_ (1766), drawn by Benjamin West; and as that artist -painted the portrait of Bouquet given on another page, the sitting -figure in the left of the plate may safely be considered not unlike -that soldier. This plate was reëngraved by Paul Revere, in the _Royal -Amer. Mag._, Dec., 1774.] - -With the early morning light the woods rang with the exultant war-cries -of the Indians. The battle was renewed, and the savages, seeing the -distress of the troops, pressed closer and closer, expecting an easy -victory. Colonel Bouquet, with a quick perception of the situation -and full knowledge of the Indian character, saw that his only hope of -escaping the fate of Braddock's army was to draw the enemy from their -cover and bring them into close engagement with his regulars. This -he did by a stratagem. He ordered his most advanced troops, when in -action, to fall back suddenly, as if in retreat, behind a second line -lying in ambush. The Indians he expected would follow, eager to seize -the train. - -[Illustration: BOUQUET'S CAMPAIGN. - -Reduced from Smith's _Historical Account of the Expedition against the -Ohio Indians_, London, 1766. It is also included in Jefferys' _Gen. -Topog. of N. Amer., etc._ (London, 1768). It is reproduced in full size -fac-simile, in the Cincinnati edition, 1868, and is reëngraved in the -Amsterdam edition and in Parkman's _Pontiac_, vol. ii.] - -The line in ambush would then open fire, and in the surprise and -confusion of the savages the remaining troops would charge upon them. -The stratagem was a complete success. As the advanced line retreated, -the Indians rushed out of the woods, supposing they were victors. When -the line in ambush had delivered its fire and stopped the progress of -the Indians, the retreating line had changed direction and were ready -to make a charge upon the flank. The ambuscading line then rose and -fell upon the enemy in front, who fled, leaving sixty of their number -on the field, and among them several prominent chiefs. The pursuit -was continued, and the victory was complete.[1444] The next day the -expedition, carrying their wounded on litters, moved on towards Fort -Pitt, twenty-five miles distant, and arriving four days after the -fight, to the great joy of the beleaguered garrison. - -The battle of Bushy Run, both for its military conduct and its -political results, deserves a place among the memorable battles in -America. The Indians fought with a courage and desperation rarely seen -in Indian warfare, and the English troops with a steadiness and valor -which was due to their training as regulars and the direction of so -able a commander. The tidings of this victory broke the spirit of the -Indian conspiracy, and the reports were received with rejoicing in all -the English colonies.[1445] - -The ultimate purpose of Colonel Bouquet's expedition, after relieving -Fort Pitt, was to invade the Ohio country, punish the Shawanese, -Delawares, and other tribes, extort from them treaties of peace, and -recover the English captives in their possession. On account of his -losses of men, horses, and supplies at Bushy Run, he was unable to -carry out this design until he was reinforced, and it was now too late -in the season to expect that his wants could be supplied from the East. -His Ohio expedition was therefore postponed until the next year. - - * * * * * - -On the 29th of July Detroit was reinforced by two hundred and eighty -men under Captain Dalzell, who in June had left Fort Niagara in -twenty-two barges, with several cannon and a supply of provisions and -ammunition. The day after his arrival, Captain Dalzell proposed, with -two hundred and fifty men, to make a night attack on Pontiac's camp -and capture him. Major Gladwin discouraged the attempt, but finally, -against his judgment, consented. Some Canadians obtained the secret and -carried it to Pontiac, who waylaid the party in an ambuscade. Twenty -of the English were killed and thirty-nine wounded. Among the killed -was Captain Dalzell himself.[1446] Pontiac could make no use of this -success, as the fort was strongly garrisoned and well supplied with -provisions and ammunition. Elsewhere there was nothing to encourage -him. The battle of Bushy Run and the arrival of Colonel Bouquet at Fort -Pitt alarmed the Western tribes and ruptured the Pontiac confederation. -In October some of the chiefs who beleaguered the fort at Detroit -sued for peace, and in November the siege was raised. All hope of -capturing Fort Pitt had vanished, and the warriors returned to their -hunting-grounds. There was quietness on the frontiers during the winter -of 1763-64. - -In the spring of 1764 scattered war parties were again ravaging the -borders. Colonel Bouquet was recruiting in Pennsylvania, and preparing -an outfit for his march into the valley of the Ohio. In June, Colonel -Bradstreet, with a force of twelve hundred men, was sent up the great -lakes. On arriving at Fort Niagara he found assembled a large body -of Indians whom Sir William Johnson had summoned into council, using -threats when they did not readily respond to his summons. It was -apparent that the haughty spirit of the tribes was broken. Treaties of -peace were concluded, and a strip of land between the lakes Erie and -Ontario, four miles wide on each side of the river Niagara, was ceded -to the British government.[1447] - -Bradstreet proceeded up Lake Erie, and near Presqu' Isle made, on his -own authority, an absurd treaty of peace with some alleged deputies of -the Ohio Indians who had made the Western settlements so much trouble; -and he added to his folly by writing to his superior officer, Colonel -Bouquet, that the Colonel need not march into the Ohio country, as -the business of pacifying the Western Indians had been attended to. -Bradstreet went on to Sandusky; and instead of punishing the Wyandots, -Ottawas, and Miamis, as he was instructed to do, accepted their promise -to follow him to Detroit and there make treaties. He arrived in Detroit -on the 26th of August. Pontiac had departed, and sent messages of -defiance from the banks of the Maumee.[1448] - -Colonel Bouquet met with every obstacle in raising troops and -collecting supplies for his Ohio expedition, from the stubborn Quakers -in the Assembly of Pennsylvania. It was not until September 17th that -his convoy arrived at Fort Pitt. Early in October he marched with -fifteen hundred men and a long train of pack-horses into the valley -of the Muskingum. Wherever he appeared with his strong force the -Indian tribes were ready, after much talk, to make treaties of peace -and deliver up their white captives, two hundred of whom, and some -with reluctance, were taken back to the settlements.[1449] Colonel -Bouquet marched to the forks of the Muskingum,[1450] meeting with -no opposition, and, having accomplished his purposes, retraced his -march, and arrived at Fort Pitt on the 28th of November. The success -of the expedition and the return of the captives to their homes were -the occasion of joy through the whole country. The assemblies of -Pennsylvania and Virginia passed votes of thanks to Colonel Bouquet, -and the king conferred on him the rank of brigadier-general. Early in -the summer of 1765 he was put in command of the Southern district, -and died of fever at Pensacola, September 2, ten days after his -arrival.[1451] Had he lived he would have made a brilliant record in -the war of the Revolution.[1452] - -[Illustration: VICINITY OF FORT CHARTRES. - -Reproduced from Thomas Hutchins's _Historical narrative and -topographical description of Louisiana and West Florida, comprehending -the river Mississippi with its branches_ (Philad., 1784). The same -map is in his _Topographical description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, -Maryland, and North Carolina, comprehending the rivers Ohio, Kenhawa, -&c., the climate, soil; the mountains, latitudes, &c., and of every -part, laid down in the annexed map. Published by Thomas Hutchins. -With a plan of the rapids of the Ohio, a plan of the several villages -in the Illinois country, a table of the distances between Fort Pitt -and the mouth of the Ohio. And an appendix, containing Mr. Patrick -Kennedy's Journal up the Illinois river_ (Boston, 1787). From this -edition Parkman reproduced the map in his _Pontiac_, vol. ii. The map -was reëngraved in the French edition, _Description topographique de la -Virginie_, etc., Paris, 1781. The original edition was published in -London in 1778. It is reprinted in Imlay's _Western Territories_, 3d -ed., p. 485. Cf. Thomson's _Bibliography of Ohio_, no. 625.—ED.] - -The Pontiac War, so far as battles and campaigns were concerned, was -ended; but Pontiac was still at large and as untamed as ever. His last -hope was the Illinois country, where the foot of an English soldier -had never trod. Thither he went, and applying to M. Neyon, in command -of Fort Chartres, for aid, was refused. He returned to his camp on the -Maumee, and collecting four hundred of his own warriors, and as many -of other tribes as would join him, reappeared at Fort Chartres. M. -Neyon had left the country in disgust, with many French residents of -the Illinois country, and M. Saint Ange de Bellerive was his successor -in command of the fort. His visitors, with a mob of Illinois Indians, -clamored for weapons and ammunition to fight the English. St. Ange's -position was embarrassing, if not dangerous; but he acted with prudence -and sagacity. He was under orders to deliver up the fort whenever a -British force arrived. He refused to comply with the demands of the -Indians, but pacified them with pleasant words and a few presents. The -most agreeable sight to this worthy Frenchman, at that time, would have -been the arrival of a regiment of British infantry. - -Pontiac, again baffled, sent an embassy of warriors down the -Mississippi, with an immense war-belt, and with instructions to show it -at every Indian village on the river, and to procure from the French -commandant at New Orleans the aid he could not get at Fort Chartres. -The warriors reached New Orleans soon after the distressing news had -come that Western Louisiana had been ceded to Spain by the secret -treaty of November 3, 1762. The health of the governor, D'Abbadie, had -given way under the intelligence that a Spanish governor and garrison -might arrive any day. The governor gave the Indians one hearing, and -postponed the interview until the next day. Before the hour named -had arrived he was dead.[1453] M. Aubry, his successor, received -the warriors, and said he could do nothing for them. Sullen and -disappointed, they paddled their canoes northward, and the last hope of -the conspiracy expired.[1454] - -An attempt was made early in 1764 to take possession of the Illinois -country by sending English troops up the Mississippi River. Major -Arthur Loftus, with four hundred regulars, ascended two hundred and -forty miles above New Orleans, where Indians in ambuscade fired on -them, killed six men, and wounded six others.[1455] The expedition -turned back, and returned to Pensacola. Captain Philip Pittman[1456] -arrived at New Orleans a few months later with the same design, and -ascertaining the temper of the Western Indians, did not make the -attempt.[1457] - -General Gage, who in November, 1763, succeeded General Amherst as -commander-in-chief, saw that there would be no permanent peace with -the Western Indians until Fort Chartres and the Illinois country were -occupied by British troops, and he resolved to send a force by way of -Fort Pitt and the Ohio River. Before executing the plan he thought it -advisable to send a messenger in advance, who would visit the tribes, -ascertain their dispositions, and allay their enmities if he could not -secure their friendship. George Croghan was the person selected for -this responsible and dangerous mission. He was deputy-superintendent -of Indian affairs under Sir William Johnson. As a fur-trader he -had been on friendly relations with the Western tribes, and spoke -their language. Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, who spoke French, was -to accompany him. They arrived at Fort Pitt in February, 1765, -where Croghan was delayed for three months, holding councils with -Indians.[1458] - -Croghan left Fort Pitt on the 14th of May, in two bateaux, with a few -soldiers and fourteen[1459] Indian deputies, Shawanese, Mingos, and -Delawares, as evidence and pledge that there was peace between the -English and the Western tribes. - -[Illustration: RUINS OF MAGAZINE AT FORT CHARTRES. - -After a photograph. The magazine is now used by a farmer for the -storage of vegetables, etc. - -Description at the time of the surrender to the English in 1765: "Four -toises [25.6 feet] in front, with its gate in cut stone, furnished with -two doors, one of sheet iron and the other of wood, furnished with -their iron-work; five toises and a half [35.2 feet] wide, six toises -[38.4 feet] long; one building, two toises [12.8 feet] high; one window -above, in cut stone, furnished with its shutters in wood, and one of -iron" (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, x. 1164).] - -On the 23d he arrived at the mouth of the Scioto, where the Shawanese -delivered to him seven French traders. On the 6th of June he came to -the mouth of the Wabash, where there were indications of the presence -of hostile Indians. He dropped down the Ohio six miles further and -encamped. On the morning of the 8th his party was fired into by -eighty Kickapoos and Mascoutins, and two white men and three of the -Shawanese deputies were killed. Croghan himself, and all the rest of -the party except two white men and one Indian, were wounded. They were -robbed of their outfit, and carried as prisoners to Vincennes.[1460] -Here Croghan found Indian acquaintances and friends who treated him -and his party with kindness, and rebuked their assailants.[1461] At -Post Ouatanon[1462] Croghan found more of his Indian acquaintances; -and his captivity being ended, he resumed his official character of -ambassador, received deputations from the neighboring tribes, held -councils, heard and made speeches, and smoked the pipe of peace. He -here received a message from St. Ange, requesting him to visit Fort -Chartres, and arrange matters there, which had become exceedingly -annoying. He started for the Illinois country on the 18th of July, -accompanied by the chiefs of the neighboring tribes. He soon met -Pontiac and the deputies from the Illinois tribes on their way to visit -him. Both parties returned to the fort and held a council. Pontiac and -the Illinois tribes agreed to make peace with the English, as the other -nations had done.[1463] - -The object of his visit being accomplished, Croghan turned his face -homeward, and reached Detroit on the 17th of August. Here he called -the Ottawas and the other neighboring tribes into a council, which -continued for several days. The Indians acknowledged that they now -saw that the French were indeed conquered; that henceforth they would -listen no more to the whistling of evil birds, but would lay down the -hatchet, and sit quiet on their mats. Pontiac was present, and said: -"Father, I declare to all nations that I had made my peace with you -before I came here; and I now deliver my pipe to Sir William Johnson, -that he may know that I have made peace, and taken the King of England -to be my father in the presence of all the nations now assembled."[1464] - -From Detroit, Croghan communicated to the commander at Fort Pitt -tidings of the complete success of his Western mission; and a -company of the 42d regiment of Highlanders, the veterans of Quebec, -Ticonderoga, and Bushy Run, under the command of Captain Thomas -Stirling, was dispatched in boats for Fort Chartres. Captain Stirling -arrived early in October,[1465] and on the 10th relieved St. Ange from -his embarrassing command.[1466] These were the first English troops who -ever set foot in the Illinois country.[1467] - -Croghan left Detroit on the 26th of November, visited Fort Niagara, -and arrived at Fort Stanwix, October 21, where he prepared his report -to Sir William Johnson, which Sir William transmitted to the Lords of -Trade, November 16, 1765.[1468] - -For the next decade, the discreet management of the native tribes -by Sir William Johnson secured the Western settlements from Indian -depredations. During this period there was a constant emigration -from Maryland, Virginia, and Pennsylvania into the country between -the mountains and the Ohio River, and explorations were begun in -Kentucky. The treaty of Fort Stanwix, made with the Six Nations and -their dependants in the autumn of 1768, transferred to the British -crown the Indian title to what is now the State of Kentucky east of -the Tennessee (then Cherokee) River, and a large part of Western -Virginia. To the province of Pennsylvania it ceded an extensive tract -on its western borders, and defined the boundaries between the English -settlements and the Indian territory.[1469] In making this important -treaty, Sir William was acting under instructions from the crown, and -was furnished with a map[1470] indicating the boundaries desired, for -which concessions the crown would give money and presents. He summoned -the deputies of the Six Nations and their dependent tribes to meet him -in council at Fort Stanwix (now Rome, N. Y.), on the 20th of September, -1768. By the 22d, 2,200 Indians had arrived,[1471] and when the council -opened on the 24th, 3,102[1472] deputies were present. For seven weeks -Sir William fed[1473] and hospitably entertained this immense concourse -of savages, conducting their deliberations, making speeches in their -own languages, humoring and repressing their wayward dispositions, and -bringing them reluctantly to accept his terms.[1474] - -[Illustration: DANIEL BOONE. - -From a picture by Chester Harding, in the Mass. Hist. Society's -gallery. Cf. _Proc._, v. 197.] - -Open hostilities between the Indians and settlers on the Western -frontier, which had been suspended since 1765, broke out anew in the -spring of 1774,[1475] and raged for a few months in what has been -called "Cresap's War", but is now more properly known as the "Dunmore -War." Lord Dunmore was then governor of Virginia, and commander of -the English forces engaged in the brief campaign. As to the specific -cause of the Dunmore War there has been much controversy. The killing -of Logan's family, wrongly charged upon Captain Michael Cresap, was one -of the causes assigned. Another was the conduct of Dr. John Connolly, -the agent of Lord Dunmore in West Virginia, who was charged with being -concerned in a plot to bring on a conflict between the settlers and the -Indians, in order to serve British interests in the Revolutionary War -which was then coming on.[1476] Lord Dunmore was suspected at the time -of being in the plot,[1477] and the charge was probably as groundless -as that made against Captain Cresap. The occasion of the outbreak lay -upon the surface of events,—the growing disquietude and jealousy of -the Indians in view of the advancing settlements of the whites, which -had reached the eastern bank of the Ohio and was moving farther west. -The Shawanese and Delawares had been robbing traders and scalping -settlers, whenever an opportunity occurred, ever since they had made -a treaty of peace with Colonel Bouquet in 1764. Sir William Johnson's -letters to the home government during these nine years are full of -narratives of these outrages, and forebodings that another Indian war -might break out at any time. More white persons were killed by these -Indians during this period of nominal peace than in the whole campaign -of the Dunmore War. - -A bitter controversy between Virginia and Pennsylvania for possession -of the country between the mountains and the Ohio added to the -complications arising from the Indian troubles.[1478] Virginia held -Fort Pitt and was in possession of the country. In 1774 the tide -of emigration was setting strongly towards Kentucky, which had been -explored by Daniel Boone in 1769, and later by other parties.[1479] In -April, a party of eighty or ninety Virginians made a rendezvous at the -mouth of the Little Kanawha, with the intention of descending the Ohio -and making a settlement in Kentucky. George Rogers Clark, whose name is -to appear later in more important transactions, then twenty-one years -of age, was one of the party. In a letter,[1480] written some years -later, to Dr. Samuel Brown, professor in Transylvania University, he -gives a clear account of the manner in which the Dunmore War began. -While camping at the rendezvous, "reports", says Clark, "from the -Indian towns were alarming, which caused many to decline meeting. A -small party of hunters below us had been fired on by the Indians, -which led us to believe that the Indians were determined to make war." -They resolved to surprise an Indian town on the Scioto, but had no -competent leader. "We knew of Captain Cresap being on the river, about -fifteen miles above us, with some hands, settling a plantation, and -intending to follow us to Kentucky as soon as he had fixed his people. -We also knew he had experience in a former war.[1481] It was proposed, -and unanimously agreed on, to send for him to command the party." -The messenger met Cresap on his way to Clark's camp. "A council was -called, and to our astonishment our intended general was the person -who dissuaded us from the enterprise, alleging that appearances were -suspicious, but there was no certainty of a war; that if we made the -attempt proposed, he had no doubt of success, but that a war would be -the result, and that we should be blamed for it, and perhaps justly. He -was asked what measure he would recommend to us. His answer was that -we should return to Wheeling to obtain intelligence of what was going -forward; that a few weeks would determine the matter; and if we should -find the Indians not hostilely disposed, we should have full time -to prosecute the intended settlements in Kentucky. This measure was -adopted, and in two hours we were under weigh." - -On arriving at Wheeling, the people, being in a state of alarm, -flocked into their camp from every direction. All the hunters and men -without families joined them, and they became a formidable party. From -Pittsburg they received a message from Dr. Connolly requesting them to -keep their position until the messengers returned who had been sent to -the Indian towns. Before an answer could be received, a second message, -addressed to Captain Cresap, arrived by express from Pittsburg, stating -that war was inevitable. Cresap was entreated to use his influence -with the party to cover the country until the inhabitants could fortify -themselves. "The time of the reception of this letter", says Clark, -"was the epoch of open hostilities with the Indians. The war-post was -planted, a council called, the letter read, the ceremonies used by -the Indians on so important an occasion acted, and war was formally -declared. The same evening two scalps were brought into camp. The -following day some canoes of Indians were discovered descending the -river, taking advantage of an island to cover themselves from our view. -They were chased by our men fifteen miles down the river. They were -forced ashore, and a battle ensued. A few were wounded on both sides, -and we got one scalp only." - -The more important charge brought against Cresap, of killing Logan's -family, George Rogers Clark disposed of in the same letter, as -follows:— - -"On our return to camp [from Grave Creek] a resolution was formed -to march next day and attack Logan's camp on the Ohio [at Baker's -Bottom, opposite the mouth of Yellow Creek], about thirty miles above -Wheeling. We actually marched about five miles, and halted to take -refreshment. Here the impropriety of executing the proposed enterprise -was argued; the conversation was brought on by Cresap himself. It was -generally agreed that those Indians had no hostile intentions, as it -was a hunting party, composed of men, women, and children, with all -their stuff with them.... In short, every person present, particularly -Cresap, upon reflection, was opposed to the projected measure. We -returned, and on the same evening decamped and took the road to -Redstone. It was two days after this that Logan's family was killed; -and from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as a horrid -murder by the whole country." - -The killing of Logan's family was done by a party of whites living in -the vicinity, under the lead of one Greathouse, who was not a member of -the party of Cresap, nor, so far as appears, had he any acquaintance -with Cresap.[1482] The "Speech of Logan", which Jefferson printed -in his _Notes on Virginia_ (1787, p. 105), and accompanied with the -comment that Cresap was "a man infamous for his many murders he had -committed on these injured people",[1483] has perpetuated an unmerited -stigma upon the memory of an innocent and patriotic man. The speech for -a century has been regarded as a choice specimen of Indian eloquence, -and the youth of the land have worn it threadbare as a declamation -exercise.[1484] - -The savagery and miseries of a border war now burst upon the Western -frontier. The settlers left their homes and took refuge in the forts, -and many new stockades were constructed. Roving bands of Indians swept -over the country, pillaging the farms and murdering every white person -they found. The Virginia government took prompt action in raising two -armies to invade the Indian country. One assembled at Lewisburg, in -Greenbriar County, under General Andrew Lewis; and the other at Fort -Pitt, under Lord Dunmore. General Lewis had orders to march to the -mouth of the Great Kanawha; and Lord Dunmore, descending the Ohio, -promised to meet him there. Early in June, while these forces were -collecting, Colonel Angus McDonald, with four hundred men, dropped down -the Ohio from Wheeling, and landing at Grave Creek, marched against -the Indians on the Muskingum, and found their village deserted. The -Indians, expecting the whites would cross the river in pursuit, were -prepared to receive them in an ambuscade; but finding that the whites -were now as well skilled in woodcraft as they, came in and proposed -terms of peace. Five chiefs were required of them as hostages. One of -these was liberated under the promise that he would bring in the chiefs -of other tribes to make peace. A second was sent out to find the first, -and neither returning, Colonel McDonald burnt their town, destroyed the -crops, and went back to Wheeling with the three hostage chiefs, whom he -sent to Williamsburg as prisoners.[1485] - -General Lewis took up his march with eleven hundred men on the 11th -of September, and arriving at Point Pleasant, near the mouth of the -Great Kanawha, on the 6th of October, found that Lord Dunmore was not -there. On the 9th a despatch was received from his lordship, stating -that he had changed his plans, and should land at the mouth of the -Big Hockhocking. Lewis was ordered to cross the Ohio and meet him -near the Indian towns. The Indians had this information, doubtless, -before it was received by General Lewis, and resolved to attack his -camp forthwith before a junction of the two armies was made. The -battle came on the next morning while General Lewis was preparing to -cross the river, and was fought with the highest courage and skill on -both sides until evening, when the Indians were surprised by a flank -movement which they supposed was a reinforcement. They gave way and -retreated across the river. The Indians were commanded by the noted -chief Cornstalk.[1486] The battle of Point Pleasant ranks with Bushy -Run as one of the most plucky and evenly contested battles ever fought -between Indians and white soldiers. The losses of the Virginians were -seventy-five killed and one hundred and forty wounded. The losses of -the Indians, who fought under cover, were probably about the same, but -were not ascertained, as they threw their dead into the river.[1487] - -Reinforced by several companies under Colonel Christian, General Lewis -crossed the river, with the intention of joining Lord Dunmore near -Chillicothe. At Salt Licks (now Jackson, Ohio) he had orders to halt -his troops. Suspecting the motives of Lord Dunmore, he disregarded the -orders and pressed on. Near Chillicothe Dunmore made a treaty with the -Ohio Indians, who promised not to hunt south of the Ohio, and not to -molest voyagers on the river. Lord Dunmore's conduct in changing the -plan of the campaign, which left General Lewis exposed to a separate -attack, and his subsequent conduct in making peace with the Indians -before he had punished them for their breach of former treaties, were -regarded by the soldiers engaged as premeditated treachery. This -impression was confirmed by the plot he later made with Indians to -ravage the settlements of Virginia, and by his hasty departure from the -colony. His real motives will never be known. The initial scenes in -the drama of the Revolutionary War were in progress. His position as a -Tory governor was embarrassing, and naturally inspired suspicion in the -minds of the colonists.[1488] - -While the Dunmore War was in progress, the "Quebec Bill" was discussed -and enacted by the British Parliament. The bill so enlarged the -boundaries of the province of Quebec that it made the Ohio and -Mississippi rivers its southern and western limits, and the whole -Northwest territory a part of Canada. The bill in its passage did -not escape the protest of Lord Chatham, Edmund Burke, Charles James -Fox, Colonel Barré, and the corporation of the city of London.[1489] -The colonies, at the time of the enactment of the Quebec Bill, made -complaint concerning it "for establishing the Roman Catholic religion -in the province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English -laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger (from so total -a dissimilarity of religion, law, and government) of the neighboring -colonies."[1490] Its real purpose and effect, however, of robbing -the American colonies of 240,000 square miles of territory which had -already been ceded to them in their charters, and establishing the -Mississippi and the Ohio rivers as Canadian boundaries, in case of war -and a separation of the Eastern colonies from the mother country, were -not mentioned, and seem not to have been considered. The colonies then -had little interest in, and scarcely a thought of, the country beyond -the Alleghanies. During the war, however, they learned something of the -value of the West; and in the negotiations for peace, in 1782-3, the -Quebec Bill was often recurred to as one of the principal causes of the -Revolution.[1491] - - * * * * * - -For several years after the close of the Dunmore War the Western -Indians were again quiet. They heard with satisfaction of the opening -battles of the Revolution, and were not in haste to take the war-path -for either side. Except at the British post of Detroit, the sentiments -of the settlers west of the mountains were intensely anti-English. The -Eastern colonies were too much occupied in their own defence to give -any attention to what was happening at the West. The hardy pioneers, -left to themselves, conducted their own campaigns. They were not -enrolled in the Continental army, and they knew little of, and cared -less for, the Continental Congress and the great commander-in-chief -of the army. They recognized only the authority of Virginia; and, -as voluntary and patriotic rangers, they achieved some of the most -important and brilliant victories of the war, concerning which the -official proceedings of Congress, and the voluminous correspondence of -Washington and of other prominent actors in the war, make scarcely a -mention. - -The northeastern portion of Kentucky was explored by Dr. Walker in -1747, the central portion by Daniel Boone and others in 1769, and the -northwestern portion in 1773. The first log cabin in Kentucky was built -by James Harrod at Harrodsburg, Mercer County, in 1774, and the first -fort by Boone, at Boonesborough, Madison County, in June, 1775.[1492] -About this time George Rogers Clark made an exploring tour in -Kentucky, and in the autumn returned to his home in Albemarle County, -Virginia.[1493] In the following spring he went back to Kentucky; and, -in view of the depredations which the Ohio Indians were committing on -the settlements, called a meeting of the pioneers at Harrodsburg to -devise a plan of defence. His plan was to appoint delegates who should -proceed to Williamsburg and petition the Assembly that Kentucky be -made a county of Virginia. The meeting, however, acting before his -arrival and against his judgment, elected him and Gabriel Jones to be -members of the Virginia Assembly. Their journey through the trackless -wilderness and across the mountains was attended with great suffering, -and they arrived after the legislature had adjourned. Patrick Henry -was the governor. Before him and the Council, Clark laid the claim -of Kentuckians to be regarded as citizens of Virginia, and asked for -five hundred pounds of powder as a gift for their protection. He was -heard with attention and respect, but was told that the Council had -no authority to furnish the gunpowder as a gift. It could be loaned -to the Kentuckians as friends, but not as citizens. Clark refused to -accept it on such conditions, and left, saying, "A country which is -not worth defending is not worth claiming." He was called back, and an -order on the commandant at Fort Pitt was given to him for the powder. -At the autumn session of the legislature Kentucky was made a county of -Virginia.[1494] - -On returning to Kentucky Clark found the country more disturbed than -ever. The Ohio Indians were invading it with larger parties; they -lay in ambush about every fort,[1495] and murdered the luckless -soldier of the garrison who ventured outside the stockade. Clark -seriously pondered over this alarming state of affairs, and came to -the conclusion that the strategic points for defending Kentucky were -on the north side of the Ohio River. He had probably never heard -of Scipio Africanus and of his policy of fighting the enemy in the -enemy's country. Without disclosing his thoughts to any one, he sent, -during the summer of 1777, two young hunters as spies to Kaskaskia -and Vincennes, and, having received favorable reports, started in -October[1496] for Williamsburg. There, on December 10th, he laid before -Governor Henry his plan for the conquest of the Northwest territory -from the British, whom he regarded as the instigators of the Indian -raids upon Kentucky. He also consulted confidentially with George -Mason, George Wythe, and Thomas Jefferson. They, with the governor, -were enthusiastic for the execution of his scheme and took immediate -steps to furnish him with ammunition and supplies. - -[Illustration: A PLAN OF CASCASKIES (_Kaskaskia_). - -Reduced from a plate in Philip Pittman's _Present State of the European -Settlements on the Mississippi_ (London, 1770). KEY: A, The fort. B, -The Jesuits. C, Formerly commanding officer's house. D, The church. The -river is about 450 feet wide, which will afford a scale to the rest of -the plan.—ED.] - -The recent surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga had inspired a new energy -in the conduct of the war. The necessary legislation was obtained under -the pretext that the supplies were for the defence of Kentucky. Twelve -hundred pounds, in the depreciated currency of Virginia, was voted him -for expenses in the enemy's country. In January, 1778, Clark received -from Governor Henry the rank of colonel, and two sets of instructions: -one, which was public, for the defence of Kentucky; and the other, -which was secret, for an "attack on the British post at Kaskaskia." -He was empowered to raise seven companies, of fifty men each, in any -county of the commonwealth, to act as militia under his orders.[1497] -He began recruiting, under his public orders, at Fort Pitt, but with -little success, owing to quarrels between Virginia and Pennsylvania, -and the opposition to the policy of sending soldiers, who were needed -there, to defend Kentucky.[1498] After much tribulation he raised -three companies, and took them down the river to Corn Island, at the -Falls of the Ohio, opposite Louisville. Several companies that had -been recruited elsewhere were promised him, but they did not arrive. -Some of his men deserted, but enough Kentuckians joined him to make -up four companies, or nearly two hundred men.[1499] Here he divulged -the secret of their destination, and read to the men his confidential -instructions. They willingly accepted the situation, and the next day -the expedition started. As their boats shot the falls, the sun was -in total eclipse, which fixes the date as June 24, 1778. He had just -received from Fort Pitt the news of the treaty of alliance between -France and the United States, which he could use to advantage with the -French settlers at Kaskaskia. With two relays at the oars, he ran the -boats day and night, and on the 28th landed on an island at the mouth -of the Cherokee (Tennessee) River. Here a party of white hunters, who -had been at Kaskaskia eight days before, was brought in, and they -volunteered to accompany him. Nine miles below the island, and one -mile above old Fort Massac, they ran into a small creek, concealed -their boats, and without a cannon,[1500] a horse, or any means of -transporting baggage or supplies, took up their march of more than a -hundred miles across the prairies.[1501] - -On the afternoon of July 4th they arrived within three miles of -Kaskaskia, the river of that name lying between them and the town. -There they remained concealed until dark, when they marched to a -farm-house on the east bank of the river, about a mile north of the -town, captured boats, crossed the river, and found that the people -of the town, who a few days before had been under arms expecting an -attack, were not aware of their approach. "I immediately", writes -Clark, "divided my little army into two divisions: ordered one to -surround the town; with the other I broke into the fort,[1502] secured -the governor, Mr. Rocheblave, [and] in fifteen minutes had every -street secured; sent runners through the town, ordering the people on -pain of death to keep close to their houses, which they observed; and -before daylight had the whole town disarmed."[1503] - -[Illustration: A SECTION OF LIEUT. ROSS'S MAP OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER.] - -Clark had been informed by the hunters who accompanied him that the -French residents of Kaskaskia regarded the Kentuckians, whom they -called _Big-Knives_, as more savage than Indians; and resolving to -make use of this impression, he gave them a shock which would enable -them later to appreciate his lenity. The troops, therefore, kept up -during the night the most hideous noises; and the residents, believing -they had indeed fallen into the hands of savages, gave themselves up as -lost. In the morning Clark had for them another surprise. M. Gibault, -the priest, with some aged citizens, came to him and begged that the -people might once more assemble in their church, hold a service, and -take leave of each other, which request was readily granted. When the -service was over a deputation came and said the people would submit to -the fate of war and the loss of their property, but asked that they -might not be separated from their wives and children. "Do you mistake -us for savages?" said Clark. "My countrymen disdain to make war upon -women and children. It was to prevent the horrors of Indian butchery -upon our wives and children that we have taken up arms and appear in -this stronghold of British and Indian barbarity. Now please inform -your fellow-citizens that they are at liberty to conduct themselves as -usual without the least apprehension." They were told of the treaty -of alliance with France, and that if he could have surety of their -attachment to the American cause they could enjoy all the privileges -of its government, and their property would be secure to them. The -people were transported with joy, and took the oath of allegiance to -the State of Virginia. They also raised a company of volunteers, who -accompanied Major Bowman to Cahokia, a French settlement sixty miles -north of Kaskaskia. That town readily gave its adhesion to the American -cause. Clark also put himself in friendly relations with the Spanish -commandant at St. Louis.[1504] - -Clark next turned his attention to the British post of Vincennes. -M. Gibault, the friendly priest, in view of what had taken place -at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, thought that it was unnecessary to send -troops to Vincennes. The post was in his spiritual jurisdiction, and -he offered to undertake the mission himself, with several persons -accompanying him. The result was the same as at Cahokia. The few -British soldiers at the post could make no resistance to the popular -sentiment, and withdrew to Detroit. Clark, having no troops to spare, -allowed the residents, after taking the oath, to garrison and to be -responsible for the safety of the fort, which he put in charge of one -of his own officers, Captain Leonard Helm, who retained one of his own -privates. M. Gibault returned to Kaskaskia about the 1st of August; -and Clark, in less than one month after his arrival, was in possession -of every British post in the Illinois country, without a battle or the -loss of a life.[1505] - -A problem now demanded solution which was of so difficult a nature that -it would challenge the sagacity and resources of a veteran commander, -and Clark was not a veteran. He was twenty-five years of age, and his -only military experience had been as a ranger in Kentucky, and as a -captain in the short and bloodless campaign of Lord Dunmore. How was he -to hold this immense territory with less than two hundred three-months -militiamen, whose term of enlistment had already expired, and with -no hope of receiving recruits from Kentucky or Virginia? The British -commander could send down a force which would outnumber his ten to one. -The savage tribes which had ravaged Kentucky could by concerted action -overwhelm his scanty force. The Virginia currency which he brought to -pay for supplies he found would buy nothing in the Illinois country. It -was fortunate for the nation and the Western States that George Rogers -Clark was equal to the emergency, and that he had the self-reliance and -sagacity to solve the problem successfully. - -By his personal entreaties and promises to pay his men, about one -hundred of them reënlisted. The others he sent home, with despatches, -and with M. Rocheblave, the late commander at Kaskaskia, as a prisoner, -to Governor Henry at Williamsburg.[1506] His four companies he soon -filled up with resident French recruits, and pretended that he could -get all the American soldiers he wanted at the Falls of the Ohio. - -He next undertook the pacification and control of the Indian tribes. -His sudden appearance in the Illinois country and rapid capture of the -Western posts was the occasion of astonishment to the Western tribes; -and their chiefs from a range of five hundred miles flocked to Cahokia -to see the strange warrior of the "Big Knives." Clark met them there -in council with a stern and haughty dignity. Soft speeches to Indians -before they were under control he regarded as bad policy. He showed no -fear in their presence, and no anxiety for their friendship. He laid -before them a war-belt and a peace-belt, and told them to take their -choice. If they did not want to have their own women and children -killed, they must stop killing the women and children of the Americans. -One chief after another rose and made submissive speeches. He refused -to smoke the peace-pipe with any until he had heard from every tribe -represented, and treaties were concluded. All the tribes gave in their -allegiance to the American cause, and he had no further trouble with -the Illinois Indians. The councils at Cahokia lasted five weeks, and -their influence extended to all the nations around the great lakes. -Captain Helm, under Clark's instructions, made similar treaties with -the Wabash Indians. - -The training and discipline of his little army now received his -attention, and in order to conceal his weakness in numbers he allowed -no parade except of the guards. About Christmas, 1778, he heard from -his spies that Governor Hamilton was preparing to send an army into the -Illinois country; and later, that Hamilton with eight hundred men had -descended the Wabash and recaptured Vincennes.[1507] Early in January -Hamilton sent a scouting party to Kaskaskia to waylay and capture -Clark, and it came near succeeding while Clark was returning from a -visit to Cahokia. This party was supposed to be an advanced guard of -Hamilton's army, and every preparation was made to defend the town. -On the 29th of January, 1779, Colonel François Vigo,[1508] a Spanish -merchant of St. Louis, arrived from Vincennes, and reported that -Hamilton had sent away his Indians and most of his troops, leaving -only eighty in the garrison; and that he was intending to collect them -in the spring, and with five hundred Southern Indians make a campaign -against Kaskaskia. - -Clark now conceived the project of capturing Vincennes with his small -force before Hamilton could reassemble his troops, and its execution -forms one of the most daring and brilliant expeditions in American -warfare. On the 4th of February he sent off a large boat called "The -Willing", mounting two four-pounders and six swivels, under command of -Lieutenant John Rogers, who had forty-six men and orders to sail for -the Wabash, and, ten leagues below Vincennes, await further orders. On -the next day Clark crossed the Kaskaskia River with one hundred and -seventy men, marched three miles, and encamped. On the 7th he began -his painful march across the Illinois prairies, a distance as a bird -flies of one hundred and forty miles, but as he marched, of more than -two hundred. The winter was breaking up, the rivers were swollen, the -prairies were covered with water and ice, and the mud was such as can -only be found in that rich alluvial country. On the 13th they reached -the banks of the Little Wabash. Before them lay a stretch of water -three miles wide and from three to four feet deep. They made a canoe, -and on the 15th ferried the ammunition across and took the men over the -channel, marching them the remaining distance through the water. On the -16th their provisions ran short. Major Bowman's journal says: "17th, -marched early; crossed several runs very deep; came to the Embarrass -River; tried to cross; found it impossible; travelled till 8 o'clock -in mud and water, but could find no place to encamp on. 18th, came in -sight of the swollen banks of the Wabash; made rafts for four men to -cross and go up to the town and steal boats; but they spend day and -night in the water to no purpose, for there is not one foot of dry land -to be found. 19th, Colonel Clark sent two men in the canoe down the -river to meet the bateau 'The Willing,' with orders to come on day and -night, that being our last hope, and we starving; no provisions of any -sort now two days." On the 20th they found some canoes and killed a -deer. On the 21st the little army plunged into the water and waded for -more than a league,—Clark says "breast high", Bowman says "sometimes -to the neck", the boats picking up such as were likely to drown. On -the 22d, says Bowman, "Clark encourages his men, which gave them great -spirits; marched on in the waters; those that were weak and famished -went in the canoes; no provisions yet; Lord help us." On the 23d they -crossed the Wabash, wading four miles through water breast-high. "We -plunged into it with courage, Colonel Clark being first, taking care -to have the boats take those that were weak and numbed with the cold." -Having crossed, they captured an Indian canoe with some buffalo meat, -tallow and corn, which were made into a broth and fed to the famishing -men, who soon recovered their strength.[1509] No tidings had come from -"The Willing", for she had not yet arrived.[1510] - -The town was but a few miles distant, and was unaware of his approach. -Clark resolved not to delay the attack until the boat had arrived with -his artillery and ammunition, but to capture the fort immediately -with the men and means he had. Before moving on the town he wrote a -proclamation, addressed to the inhabitants, worded in his peculiar -style, and advising all "friends of the king to instantly repair to -the fort, join their _hair-buying_[1511] general, and fight like men. -True friends of liberty may depend on being well treated; but they must -keep out of the streets, for every one I find in arms on my arrival I -shall treat as an enemy." The same evening he marched, took possession -of the town, and threw up earthworks in front of the fort. The firing -began immediately, and was kept up all night. His men lay in rifle-pits -within thirty yards of the walls, the cannon of the fort being so -mounted that they could not be trained upon them. Whenever port-holes -of the fort were opened to fire, the besiegers poured in a volley of -musket-balls, and severely wounded seven of the garrison. Two pieces of -cannon were silenced in fifteen minutes. In the morning, Clark summoned -Hamilton to surrender, stating that if he were obliged to storm the -fort, Hamilton would receive the treatment due to a murderer. "Beware", -he added, "of destroying stores of any kind, or any papers or letters -that are in your possession; for, by heavens, if you do, there will -be no mercy shown you."[1512] While these negotiations were pending, -Clark's men took the first full meal they had had for eight days. The -summons to surrender was refused, and the firing went on. - -[Illustration: CLARK'S SUMMONS. - -From a manuscript kindly furnished by Lyman C. Draper, Esq., of -Madison, Wis., who owns a large number of Clark's papers. Cf. R. G. -Thwaites on Draper, in the _Mag. Western Hist._, Jan., 1887. The above -letter was addressed thus:— - -[Illustration]] - -Later in the day, Governor Hamilton asked for a truce of three days, -and for a conference as to terms. Clark replied that he would consider -no other terms than surrender at discretion; but that he, with Captain -Helm, would meet "Mr. Hamilton at the church." At this time a party of -Indians came in whom Hamilton had sent to the Ohio for scalps. Clark's -men tomahawked them in front of the fort, and threw their bodies -into the river.[1513] Clark's terms of capitulation were accepted; -and at ten o'clock the next day (the 25th) the fort and its stores -were delivered up, and the garrison of seventy-nine officers and men -surrendered as prisoners of war.[1514] The only casualty to Clark's -soldiers was one man slightly wounded. - -Hearing that a convoy with provisions, clothing, and ammunition was on -its way to Vincennes from Detroit, Clark sent fifty-three men in boats -up the Wabash to intercept it.[1515] They met the convoy one hundred -and twenty miles up the river, and captured it, with forty prisoners -and despatches for Hamilton.[1516] The value of the goods captured -was £10,000, and Clark's men, who had been suffering for clothing and -supplies, were bountifully provided for. Clothing to the value of -£800 was laid aside for the troops which Clark expected would soon -join him in an expedition, which he was planning, for the capture of -Detroit.[1517] This project had been on his mind ever since he came -into the Illinois country, and all his energies were now directed to -its execution. Not being able with his few troops to guard so many -prisoners, he sent Governor Hamilton, his principal officers, and a few -other persons who had made themselves especially obnoxious by being out -with Indian parties, as prisoners of war to Virginia, and paroled the -remainder.[1518] - -Having met and established friendly relations with the chiefs of the -neighboring tribes, he placed Captain Helm in charge of the civil -affairs of Vincennes, Lieutenant Brashear in command of the fort with a -garrison of forty men, and embarked, on March 20, 1779, for Kaskaskia, -on board "The Willing" and seven other boats. They made the trip of -three hundred and fifty miles without casualty, and on arriving at -Kaskaskia, after an absence of seven weeks, were welcomed by Captain -Robert George, who, with his company of forty-one men, had come up from -New Orleans, and was in command of the post. - -The military conquest of the Illinois country now being complete, a -civil government was forthwith established. The Assembly of Virginia -was prompt to act as soon as the capture of Kaskaskia was known. In -October, 1778, the territory northwest of the Ohio was constituted a -county of Virginia, and was named the county of Illinois.[1519] On -December 12th, Colonel John Todd was appointed county lieutenant. -The governor in his letter of instructions directed Colonel Todd to -coöperate with Colonel Clark in his military operations, to have care -for the happiness, increase, and prosperity of the county, and to see -that justice was duly administered. Colonel Todd's appointment was -especially pleasing to Colonel Clark, who said, in writing to George -Mason: "The civil department in the Illinois had heretofore robbed me -of too much of my time that ought to be spent in military reflection. -I was now likely to be relieved by Colonel John Todd. I was anxious -for his arrival and happy in his appointment, as the greatest intimacy -and friendship had subsisted between us. I now saw myself rid of a -piece of trouble that I had no delight in."[1520] Colonel Todd arrived -in Kaskaskia in May, 1779. Courts of justice and militia companies -were immediately organized in Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Vincennes,[1521] -and, from the lack of American citizens who were qualified, nearly -all the official positions were filled by French residents.[1522] A -complete civil government was organized and regularly administered -in the Northwest territory until the treaty of peace with Great -Britain in 1783. This local government became an important factor in -the negotiations for that treaty, with reference to the question of -boundaries. - -Colonel Clark had promises of troops from Virginia and Kentucky for -his Detroit expedition, and he was to meet them at Vincennes. Arriving -there in July, 1779, he found only thirty from Kentucky of the three -hundred promised him. There were no tidings of recruits from Virginia; -and Major Bowman, his trusty companion in former campaigns, was -fighting the Shawanese on the Ohio at a disadvantage.[1523] Clark, -being very impatient, sent out officers to recruit in the settlements, -and for this purpose went himself to the Falls of the Ohio. Here he -received a letter from Jefferson, now the governor of Virginia, giving -him new assurances of Virginia troops for the Detroit expedition, and -stating that it was his intention to build a fort on the Mississippi, -below the mouth of the Ohio, in order to strengthen the claim of the -United States to the Mississippi as its western boundary. The duty of -building this fort was later committed to and performed by Colonel -Clark. The fort was completed in June, 1780, and was called Fort -Jefferson.[1524] - -At this time twelve hundred Indians and Canadians from Detroit, -with artillery, under Captain Byrd, were coming silently down the -Big Miami river to invade Kentucky and help carry out a scheme of -conquest soon to be explained. They went up the Licking river, -captured two stockades, which were defenceless against cannon, -committed the customary British and Indian barbarities, and, although -meeting with no opposition, retreated as rapidly as they came. In -explanation of the sudden retreat it has been said that the British -commander was shocked at the brutal conduct of his Indians, and -would proceed no further.[1525] In view of the habitual practice of -the British commanders at Detroit of paying the Indians for American -scalps,[1526]—a practice Clark alludes to in the term "hair-buying -general", which he applied to Governor Hamilton,—this explanation -is charitable, but it seems hardly probable. It is more likely that -Captain Byrd and his Indians heard the report that Colonel Clark had -suddenly returned from his defence of St. Louis and the Illinois -country against Sinclair's Indians, and was likely to make it a -busy summer for the invaders in Kentucky. Clark with two companions -proceeded to Harrodsburg to enlist troops. He there closed the land -office, and soon had a thousand men with artillery at the mouth of the -Licking, ready for an expedition across the Ohio. He moved rapidly -upon Chilicothe and other Indian towns, which he destroyed, with their -crops, and also a British trading-post where the Indians had been -supplied with arms and ammunition. - -Clark's favorite scheme of organizing an expedition for the capture of -Detroit was delayed, and his spirit chafed under the disappointment. -Jefferson was deeply interested in the project, and, Sept. 26, 1780, -wrote an earnest letter to General Washington, urging him to furnish -the means. "We have long meditated the attempt, under the direction of -Colonel Clark, but the expense has obliged us to decline it. We could -furnish the men, provisions, and every[thing] necessary, except powder, -had we the money. When I speak of furnishing the men, I mean they -should be militia, for such is the popularity of Colonel Clark, and -the confidence of the Western people in him, that he could raise the -requisite number at any time."[1527] On Dec. 15th he writes again, in -more urgent terms, and says: "The regular force Colonel Clark already -has, with a proper draft from the militia beyond the Alleghany, and -that of three or four of our northern counties, will be adequate for -the reduction of Fort Detroit, in the opinion of Colonel Clark.... I am -the more urgent for an immediate order, because Colonel Clark awaits -here your Excellency's answer by the express."[1528] Washington was -also impressed with the military importance of Clark's expedition, -and, Dec. 29th, instructed Colonel Brodhead, in command at Fort Pitt, -to furnish Clark with the artillery and stores he required, and -such a detachment of Brodhead's and Gibson's regiments as could be -spared.[1529] - -Colonel Brodhead did not acknowledge General Washington's instructions, -which were placed in Colonel Clark's hands to deliver, until the 25th -of February, and they did not reach him until the 21st.[1530] During -this interval of nearly two months, Benedict Arnold, with fifteen -hundred British troops, sailed up the James River, and was ravaging -Virginia, which, from the absence of its Continental soldiers, was -almost defenceless.[1531] In this emergency, Colonel Clark tendered -his services to Baron Steuben in her defence, and with a small body of -militia received the enemy in Indian and Western fashion. Jefferson, -writing, Jan. 18, 1781, to the Virginia delegates in Congress, says: -"Baron Steuben had not reached Hood's by eight or ten miles, when they -[the enemy] arrived there. They landed their whole army in the night, -Arnold attending in person. Captain Clark (of Kaskaskias) had been sent -forward with two hundred and forty men by Baron Steuben; and, having -properly disposed of them in ambuscade, gave them a deliberate fire, -which killed seventeen on the spot and wounded thirteen."[1532] - -Colonel Clark's outfit at Fort Pitt went on very slowly and with -many embarrassments. Writing, with the rank of brigadier-general, -to Washington, on the 26th of May, 1781, he says: "The invasion of -Virginia put it out of the power of the governor to furnish me with the -number of men proposed for the enterprise to the West."[1533] Colonel -Brodhead did not feel that he could spare the troops at the fort -which were promised. Clark's only hope was now in getting Continental -troops. "But I have not yet lost sight of Detroit", he says, and -wishes to set out on the expedition early in June. He was doomed to -disappointment. The summer and autumn wore away, and the obstacles in -his path increased. The troops he expected were employed elsewhere; -the Western Indians again became hostile, and there was a general -apprehension among the settlements of incursions upon them from Detroit -by the British and their Indian allies. The opportunity of capturing -Detroit had passed. General Irvine, in command at Fort Pitt, writing -to Washington, Dec. 2, 1781, says: "I presume your Excellency has -been informed by the governor of Virginia, or General Clark, of the -failure of his expedition." He reports General Clark at the Rapids of -the Ohio with only seven hundred and fifty men, and "the buffalo meat -all rotten." "The general is apprehensive of a visit from Detroit, and -is not without fears the settlement will be obliged to break up unless -reinforcements soon arrive from Virginia."[1534] - -At this point, George Rogers Clark, at the age of twenty-nine years, -ceased to be a factor in Western history. His favorite scheme had -failed under circumstances which he could not control. No command -was offered him in the Continental army. With a feeling that he was -neglected, that his eminent services were not appreciated, and with a -sense of wrong that his private property had been sacrificed to pay -public debts,[1535] his mind became depressed, and he fell into social -habits which tended to increase his despondency. In November, 1782, he -conducted a force of ten hundred and fifty men against the Indians on -the Miami, took ten scalps and seven prisoners, burned their towns, -destroyed their crops and the outfit of a British trading-post;[1536] -but he displayed none of the brilliancy shown in his earlier -campaigns. He was discharged from the service of Virginia July 2, -1783, with a letter of thanks for his services from the governor. The -financial distress of the State was assigned as the motive for his -discharge.[1537] - -In March, 1782, the frontier settlers, without provocation and in -cold blood, butchered nearly a hundred "Christian Indians" in the -Moravian mission settlements on the Muskingum. These Indians, under -the instruction of their teachers, had adopted the habits and pursuits -of civilized life, and were non-resistant in their principles. Their -villages, Schönbrun, Gnadenhütten, and Salem, were regularly laid out, -with houses and chapels built of squared logs and having shingled -roofs. They had farms yielding abundant crops, and schools where the -children were educated. Visitors from Western tribes far and near -came to look upon the strange sight, and verify the reports which -had reached them of the happiness and prosperity of the "Christian -Indians." The number of converts had increased so rapidly that good -Father David Zeisberger and his assistant, John Heckewelder, the -missionaries, believed that the whole Delaware tribe would soon come -under their influence.[1538] - -With the outbreak of the American Revolution the troubles of these -gentle missionaries and their converts began. They were between two -raging fires. Their peace principles forbade their engaging in the -conflict or favoring either side, although their sympathies, which they -could not express, were with the Americans. As a natural consequence -of their neutrality, they fell under the suspicion and hatred of both -parties. The British at Detroit were eager to secure all the Ohio -tribes in their interest, and the missionaries made the Delawares -pledge themselves to remain neutral. It was also suspected, and it was -doubtless true, that the Moravians gave information to the Americans -as to the movements of hostile tribes. The British, therefore, were -of the opinion that the Moravian settlements were in secret alliance -with the enemy, and they resolved to break up the settlements and -remove the inhabitants to Sandusky.[1539] On the other hand, the -settlers on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia hated the -"Christian Indians", first, and chiefly, because they were Indians; -and secondly, because they allowed the Wyandots to come among them, -and had fed and hospitably treated other hostile tribes which had made -raids on the white settlements. In the autumn of 1781 Colonel David -Williamson raised a company of volunteers in western Pennsylvania to -visit the Moravian towns and remove the inhabitants to Fort Pitt; but -in the execution of the scheme he was anticipated by the British and -their Indian allies, the Shawanese,[1540] Wyandots, and Hurons, who -were there before him. On August 10, 1781, one Matthew Elliott, in -the service of the governor of Detroit, and Half-King, a chief of the -Hurons, appeared at Gnadenhütten with three hundred whites and Indians -flying the British flag. Without offering personal violence, they urged -the missionaries and converts to abandon the Muskingum country, and -place themselves under the protection of the British at Sandusky, on -the ground that they were in constant peril from the white settlers -on the border. Having declined the offer of British protection, their -fears were appealed to, their cattle were shot, and their houses -ravaged by the Indians. Worn out by fear and persecution, on September -11th they turned their unwilling steps from the valley of the Muskingum -towards Sandusky, under the charge of their uninvited escorts.[1541] -Having reached their destination, the missionaries were sent to Detroit -to answer before the governor to charges made against them, and were -acquitted.[1542] - -During the winter the captives at Sandusky suffered from want of proper -shelter and food, and a party of a hundred went back to the deserted -villages to gather corn which had been left standing in the fields. -A report of their return reached the white settlements, and Colonel -Williamson, without any civil or military authority, again picked up -a company of volunteers and started for the Muskingum country. On his -former expedition he brought back several Indians whom the British -party had overlooked, and after the form of a trial at Fort Pitt they -were released. The colonel was blamed by the people that he had not -shot the Indians at sight. Arriving at the deserted towns, he found the -"Christian Indians" harvesting their corn and suspecting no danger. He -told them that he had come to remove them to Fort Pitt, and ordered -them to a building, where they were confined. A vote was then taken by -his men, whether the prisoners should be taken to Fort Pitt or put to -death. Only eighteen voted to spare their lives. The captives were -informed of their fate, and were told that, "inasmuch as they were -Christians, they would be given one night to prepare for death in a -Christian manner." In the morning they were tomahawked and butchered -in the most shocking manner. "Thus", said Loskei, the Moravian bishop, -"ninety-six persons magnified the name of the Lord by patiently meeting -a cruel death."[1543] - - * * * * * - -Another expedition, known as the "Crawford Campaign", was forthwith -organized, the purpose of which was to exterminate the Wyandots and -the Moravian Delawares on the Sandusky, and to give no quarter to -any Indian. Colonel Williamson was again the chief organizer, and -probably the same men were enlisted who had disgraced themselves on the -Muskingum. Colonel William Crawford,[1544] who had seen much service -in the Continental army, was put in command, much against his wishes, -and Williamson was second in rank. On May 25, 1782, four hundred well -equipped and mounted backwoodsmen, breathing vengeance against the -red men, started out from Mingo Bottom, on the Ohio, for the Sandusky -country, a journey of one hundred and fifty miles. Nineteen days later -a remnant of them returned to the same spot, a defeated and demoralized -rabble, with a loss of seventy killed, wounded, and missing. The -Indians knew their plans, and had time to summon the neighboring -tribes and to procure British soldiers and artillery from Detroit. Two -battles were fought, in which they were outnumbered and outgeneralled, -and it was fortunate that any of them escaped. Stragglers came in -daily, reporting the sufferings and cruel tortures they had undergone, -but none of them could report the fate of Colonel Crawford. He was -captured, and the barbarity of the Indian mind exhausted itself in the -ingenuity of the tortures with which he was put to death.[1545] - -On May 26, 1780, a raid was made on the Spanish post of St. Louis by -a party of fifteen hundred Indians and a hundred and forty English -and Canadian traders, fitted out by Lieutenant-Governor Sinclair, of -Michilimacinac, and led by a Sioux chief named Wabasha. The affair -lasted only a few hours, and no assault was made on the fortified -enclosure; but a considerable number of persons found on their farms -or intercepted outside of the palisades were shot or captured. A -portion of the party crossed the Mississippi and made a similar raid -on Cahokia. They all then left for their northern homes as rapidly as -they came,—some by way of the Wisconsin and Fox rivers, and others by -way of the Illinois River to Chicago, where Sinclair had two vessels -awaiting them. - -This affair has been the occasion of many conflicting statements[1546] -as to the time it occurred, the number of persons killed and captured, -and how it happened that so large a body of Indians in the British -service came so far and did so little which was warlike. It has been -often asserted, and as often denied, that George Rogers Clark, at the -request of the Spanish commandant, was at St. Louis at the time of -the incursion, or so near as to render efficient service. The purpose -and character of this expedition, and the causes of its failure, are -explained by contemporary documents[1547] recently published, which -were not accessible to earlier writers. It was a part of a much larger -scheme ordered, and perhaps devised, by the cabinet in London, to -capture New Orleans and all the Spanish posts west of the Mississippi -and the Illinois country.[1548] - -On May 8, 1779, Spain declared war against Great Britain, and on -July 8 authorized her American subjects to make war upon Natchez and -other English posts on the east bank of the Mississippi.[1549] On -June 17, Lord George Germain, secretary for the colonies, wrote to -General Haldimand, informing him that Spain had declared war, and -that hostilities were to begin at once; and he was ordered to attack -New Orleans and reduce the Spanish posts on the Mississippi.[1550] -These orders were issued in a circular letter sent to all the Western -governors. Sinclair acknowledged the circular February 17, 1780, and -informed the general that he had taken steps to engage the Sioux and -other tribes west of the Mississippi for the expedition.[1551] De -Peyster at Detroit wrote to Haldimand, March 8, that he had taken -measures "to facilitate Sinclair's movements on the Mississippi, and -be of use to Brigadier Campbell, if he has not already taken New -Orleans. The Wabash Indians will amuse Clark at the Falls of the -Ohio."[1552] The general scheme here touched upon was, that General -Campbell, stationed at Pensacola, should, with a British fleet and -army, come up the Mississippi to Natchez, and there meet the Indian -expedition sent by Sinclair down the western bank of the river, which -was under instructions to capture and destroy the Spanish posts on its -way. The united forces were then to expel the Spaniards from all their -settlements on the lower Mississippi. The scheme miscarried. Governor -Galvez, of New Orleans, a person of great ability and energy, no sooner -heard of the declaration of war against Great Britain than he raised -a fleet and army to capture the British posts on the Mississippi; and -in September, 1779, the forts at Manchac, Baton Rouge, and Natchez, -with their garrisons, surrendered to him. He took also eight English -vessels employed in transport service, and in carrying the supply of -provisions to Pensacola.[1553] Galvez next turned his attention to -Mobile, which he captured March 14, 1780; and then to Pensacola, which -surrendered May 9, 1781. Brigadier Campbell, therefore, in May, 1780, -was otherwise engaged than in executing the splendid scheme which had -been assigned to him by the British cabinet and his superior officer, -General Haldimand.[1554] - -It does not appear that, at the time of the attack on St. Louis, -Sinclair, or the party of Indians and traders engaged in the -expedition, had heard of the successes of the Spaniards on the lower -Mississippi, and of the collapse of the main scheme.[1555] Haldimand -furnished Sinclair with the latter information in a letter written at -Quebec, June 19th, twenty-four days after the fiasco at St. Louis, and -supposing, apparently, that the expedition had not moved from Prairie -du Chien. "I have received", he said, "your letters of the 15th and -17th of February, and much approve of the measures they advise me you -have taken in the arrangement of the war parties intended to favor -the operation of Brig. General Campbell, agreeably to the circular -letter forwarded to you.... It is very unfortunate that the [Campbell] -expedition should have been either abandoned or not undertaken so early -as was intended, owing probably to the fleet having been dispersed, -which, from what has happened upon the Mississippi, would appear has -been the case. The intermediate attacks you have proposed the Indians -should make will, however, answer a good end."[1556] - -That Colonel George Rogers Clark was present on the opposite bank -of the river at the time of the St. Louis attack, and was there by -request of the Spanish commandant, Leyba, and for the defence of the -Illinois country, can no longer be doubted.[1557] The proof is in a -report of Col. John Montgomery, printed in the _Calendar of Virginia -State Papers_ (iii. 443). Montgomery was one of Clark's four captains -in his Kaskaskia campaign, and at the period of which he speaks was -in command, under Clark, of the post of Kaskaskia. In his report he -states: "In the spring of 1780 we [at Kaskaskia] were threatened with -an invasion. Colonel Clark, being informed of it, hurried with a small -body of troops from the Falls to the mouth of the Ohio, where he -received other expresses from the Spanish commandant and myself, and -luckily joined me at Cohos [Cahokia] in time enough to save the country -from impending ruin, as the enemy appeared in great force within -twenty-four hours after his arrival. Finding they were likely to be -disappointed in their design, they retired after doing some mischief on -the Spanish shore, which would have been prevented if unfortunately -the high wind had not prevented the signals being heard." It is -evident from this statement that the defence of his own territory was -Clark's chief motive for being present on this occasion, and that the -invitation of and friendship for the Spanish commandant at St. Louis -were mere incidents in the transaction. "Prisoners and deserters from -the enemy confirmed the report", says Montgomery, "that a body of a -thousand English and Indian troops were on their march to the Kentucky -country with a train of artillery;[1558] and the colonel, knowing the -situation of that country, appeared to be alarmed, and resolved to -get there previous to their arrival.... After giving me instructions, -he left Cohos on the 4th of June, with a small escort, for the mouth -of the Ohio, on his route to Kentucky." The orders he left with Col. -Montgomery were to pursue the Indians retreating up the Illinois -River and attack their towns about the time they were disbanding, and -to proceed as far as Rock River. "I immediately", says Montgomery, -"proceeded to the business I was ordered to do, and marched three -hundred and fifty men to the lakeopen [?] on the Illinois River;[1559] -and from thence to the Rock River, destroying the towns and crops, the -enemy not daring to fight me."[1560] - -How much the presence of Clark near the scene of action contributed to -the demoralization of the Indian forces is not mentioned by any of the -contemporary writers. It is known, however, that his name was a terror -to the savage tribes; and Sinclair, in organizing his expedition, -found this dread of Clark among the Sioux and other nations west of -the Mississippi. He wrote to Captain Brehm, Haldimand's aide-de-camp, -February 15, 1780, that there was nothing in Hamilton's disaster which -ought to alarm the Sioux, and that "many of them never heard of it. The -short-sighted harpies, which necessity has thrown into the service, -dwell upon the stories they hear from fretful bands of Delawares, -Mascoutins, and Kickapoos near where the event happened. Admit that -the disaster has all the supposed consequent misfortunes, it is still -more necessary for us to engage the Indians to take a part, which -will at once declare their enmity to the party they are engaged to -act against."[1561] "The party" Sinclair had in mind was evidently -Clark himself; and with him the chief object of the expedition was to -recapture the Illinois country. - -The general scheme devised by Lord George Germain for the complete -conquest of the West,—of bringing down a large party of northwestern -Indians upon St. Louis and Ste. Geneviève; of sending an expedition -from Detroit to invade Kentucky and keep Colonel Clark busy; of -bringing up the Mississippi to Natchez, under General Campbell, a -fleet and army, there to unite with the northern expeditions, and from -thence to capture the Illinois country and all the Spanish settlements -on the river—was an excellent one, and had every promise of success. -St. Louis was in no condition to resist an assault, and rank cowardice -marked the conduct of the governor and the few soldiers stationed at -the post when the Indian raiders appeared.[1562] The Illinois country -was very feebly garrisoned, and not a soldier or a shilling had ever -been contributed by the Continental Congress for its conquest or -defence. The scheme failed because of the promptness and exceptional -activity of the Spaniards under Governor Galvez, and the watchfulness -and energy of Colonel Clark. It was the last concerted effort of -Great Britain to regain possession of the West; as the campaign of -Clinton and Cornwallis, with its result one year later at Yorktown, -was her expiring effort on the Atlantic coast.[1563] If the Western -scheme had been successful, the country north of the Ohio River would -have been a part of the province of Quebec, and might have remained -Canadian territory to this day. In negotiating two and three years -later the treaty of peace with Great Britain under such conditions, -it is difficult to conceive what boundaries the United States could -have secured. Spain therefore rendered an invaluable service to the -United States by enabling George Rogers Clark to hold with his Virginia -troops the country he had conquered from the British, until the treaty -of peace confirmed to the nation the Mississippi River as its western -boundary. - -Notwithstanding this important service, there was nothing friendly and -disinterested, at this time, in the relations of Spain to the United -States. She was looking solely to her own interests, and refused to -acknowledge the independence of the United States, or enter into -a treaty of alliance except on the most degrading conditions. She -must be allowed the exclusive right to navigate the Mississippi, -the undisturbed possession of the Floridas and of the east bank of -the Mississippi, which she had captured from the British. Spain -asserted that the United States had no territorial rights west of the -Alleghanies, and that their western boundaries were defined by the -royal proclamation of October 7, 1763.[1564] The captures of Manchac, -Baton Rouge, Natchez, and Mobile had awakened her military zeal, and -nothing less than the possession of the entire Mississippi Valley would -then satisfy her territorial ambition. French diplomacy favored some of -these extraordinary claims of Spain.[1565] - -For the purpose of strengthening the Spanish claim to territory east of -the Mississippi, the governor of St. Louis, Don Francisco Cruvat, sent -out on the 2d of January, 1781, an expedition to capture St. Joseph, -an English fort situated near the present site of Niles, Michigan. -Although two hundred and twenty leagues distant, this was the nearest -post to St. Louis which raised the British flag. The expedition was in -command of Captain Eugenio Pourré, and comprised sixty-five militiamen -(of whom thirty were Spaniards) and sixty Indians. The journey, made -in the depth of winter across a trackless country, each man on foot -carrying his provisions and equipments, was a daring exploit, and it -was successful in accomplishing its immediate purpose. They took the -fort in the name of his most Catholic Majesty, made prisoners of the -few English soldiers found in it, divided the provisions and stores -among their own Indians and those living near, and returned to St. -Louis early in March, with the English flag, which Captain Pourré -delivered with due ceremony to Governor Cruvat.[1566] The treaty of -peace, which it is not the purpose of this chapter to discuss, brought -this and other shallow pretensions on the part of the Spaniards to -territorial rights east of the Mississippi River to an end.[1567] - -[Illustration] - - - - -THE CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE campaign of Yorktown over, Rochambeau made his headquarters at -Williamsburg (Parton's _Jefferson_, ch. 29), while Washington, having -dispatched two thousand men south under St. Clair (instructions in -Sparks's _Washington_, viii. 198) to reinforce Greene, moved with the -rest of the army, by land and water, to the neighborhood of the Hudson -(Sparks's _Washington_, viii. 199, 200; Irving's _Washington_, iv. -ch. 29, 30; Kapp's _Steuben_, ch. 23; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. ch. -5). Washington at once acted in conjunction with Congress to prevent -the country lapsing into a neglect of the war establishment through -over-confidence in the effects of the capture of Cornwallis. In April, -1782, Washington left Philadelphia and joined the army, establishing -his headquarters at Newburgh, in a house which is still standing. -(Views of it are in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1883, p. 357 (taken in -1834); Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., iv. 434; W. H. Bartlett's -_Hist. of U. S._; with a paper by C. D. Deshler on "A Glimpse of -Seventy-Six", in _Harper's Mag._, xlix. 231; with Lossing's "Romance -of the Hudson", in _Ibid._, liii. p. 32; also in his _Field-Book_, ii. -99, his _Hudson_, 199, and his _Mary and Martha Washington_, 215; Gay's -_Pop. Hist. of U. S._, iv. 84.) - -There are several special accounts of this latest camp of the army. -(Cf. Asa Bird Gardiner on "The Last Cantonment of the Main Continental -Army" _Mag. Amer. Hist._, 1883, vol. x. 355), which is accompanied -by a plan of the camp near New Windsor. Simeon De Witt's maps of the -locality and the camp are in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. library. De Witt -was the geographer of the American army, succeeding Erskine, who had -died in 1780. Various orderly-books of this time are in the American -Antiquarian Society library. Other papers on the camp are in _Mag. -Amer. Hist._, Jan., 1884, p. 81; by J. T. Headley in _Harper's Mag._, -lxiv. 651, and _Galaxy_, xxii. 7. Cf. also Ruttenber's _Newburgh_ -(1859) and the account of the first annual meeting of the Hist. Soc. of -Newburgh Bay and the Highlands, Feb. 22, 1884,—Newburgh, 1884. - -Washington and Congress were soon perplexed with the case of Capt. -Joshua Huddy, and with a project of retaliation for that officer's -execution. Huddy, an officer of the New Jersey line, commanded a -block-house at Tom's River, New Jersey, and was there captured with -his men by a band of refugee loyalists (W. S. Stryker's _Capture of -the Block-House at Tom's River_). Huddy was taken by Capt. Richard -Lippincott, a New Jersey loyalist, to Sandy Hook, where he was hanged -on the pretence that he had been engaged in causing the death of Philip -White, a Tory, who had been killed while endeavoring to escape from -his guard. Congress ordered retaliation, and a young British officer, -then a prisoner, Capt. Charles Asgill, was drawn by lot to suffer -death unless Clinton should surrender Lippincott. Clinton condemned -the action of Lippincott, who was, however, acquitted on trial, on -the ground that his action was in accordance with instructions from -the board of Associated Loyalists (Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, -vol. ii. note xxix. p. 481). The execution of Asgill was postponed -by Washington in the hope of some compensating arrangement, and at -the instance of Lady Asgill, the young man's mother, the French -monarch interceded with such effect that Congress, in November, 1782, -ordered Washington to set Asgill at liberty. (References: Sparks's -_Washington_, i. 378; viii. 262, 265, 301-310, 336, 361; ix. 197; -_Sparks MSS._, vols. lxxii., xlviii., lviii.; Niles's _Principles and -Acts_ 1876 ed.), p. 509; _Remembrancer_, xiv. 144, 155; xv. 127, 191; -_Political Mag._, iii. 468, 472; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, ii. -232, 483, and Johnston's _Observations on Jones, 77_; Thomas Paine's -_American Crisis, and a Letter to Sir Guy Carleton on the Murder of -Captain Huddy, and the Intended Retaliation on Captain Asgill, of the -Guards_ (London, 1788); _Memoir of Gen. Samuel Graham, edited by his -son, Col. J. J Graham_ (Edinburgh, privately printed, 1862,—extract in -_Hist. Mag._, ix. 329). Washington caused all the papers on the subject -to be printed in the _Columbian Mag._, Jan. and Feb., 1787. This young -officer of twenty died as Gen. Sir Charles Asgill in July, 1823. Cf. -_Diplomatic Corresp._, xi. 105, 128, 140; Irving's _Washington_, iv. -ch. 29; Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, iii.; Heath's _Memoirs_, 335; -Sparks's _Franklin_, ix. 376; Hamilton's _Republic_, ii. 282. The -English view is given in Adolphus's _England_, iii. ch. 46. - -Early in May the news from England made it evident that the war was -approaching an end, and the promised release from further campaigning -left the public mind in a better condition to comprehend how weak -a stay Congress had proved itself, and how insufficient was the -power lodged in that body to compel the States to do any and all -acts necessary for the common good. The natural distrust which was -created of the form of government, whose success in carrying on the -war had been largely fortuitous, was still more increased by the -difficulties yet to be encountered in disbanding an army, in satisfying -its well-earned demands, and in organizing a stable control for the -future (Bancroft, final revision, vi. 59, etc.) It was not, then, -surprising that notions of counteraction should in any minds take -the form of a monarchical solution of the problem, and this sentiment -found expression in a letter, written by Col. Nicola, of the army, to -Washington, in which it was somewhat adroitly suggested that Washington -should consent to be the head of a royal government. Washington met the -suggestion with an indignant and stern reply, and we hear nothing more -of the subject (Sparks, viii. 300, etc.; Irving, iv. 370). - -Sir Guy Carleton was sent to relieve Sir Henry Clinton in New York, -and he arrived early in May. His instructions (April 4, 1782,—_Sparks -MSS._, lviii.; cf. Sparks's _Washington_, viii. 294-298) were to avoid -hostilities except for defence. He failed to open communication with -Congress to treat for peace (Madison's _Debates_, vol. i.; Rives's -_Madison_, i. 331, 333). An account of the cantonments of the British -about New York just before this (Feb., 1782) is in the _Sparks MSS._ -(xlix. vol. iii.). Clinton's account of his being relieved is in -Mahon, vii. App., p. xvii. It was not till August that Carleton's -communications to Washington rendered it certain that the concession -of independence was a preliminary of the negotiations then going -on for peace. Active hostilities accordingly ceased on both sides, -though a posture of caution and vigilance was still maintained by -each commander. The French, who had remained in Virginia, now joined -(September) the Americans on the Hudson. There is among the Rochambeau -maps an excellent colored plan (no. 33), measuring twenty inches wide -by thirty high, showing the country from White Plains north, and called -_Position des Armées Amer. et Française à King's Ferry, Peak's Hill, et -Hunt's Taverne, 17 Sept. et 20 Oct., 1782_. In October the French under -the Baron de Viomenil marched to Boston and embarked, while Rochambeau -and Chastellux sailed from Baltimore. On the final departure of the -French see a paper by J. A. Stevens in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, vii. p. -1. The report on their departure, made to Congress, is dated Jan. 1, -1783,—_Secret Journals_, iii. 267. - -[Illustration: CAPTAIN ASGILL. - -(From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. iv. Cf. Harper's -_Cyclo. of U. S. Hist._, ii. 653.)] - -In Dec., 1782, the army had set forth in representations to Congress -the sufferings which it had experienced from the want of pay (_Journals -of Congress_, iv. 206; Madison's _Debates_, etc., i. 256; Rives's -_Madison_, i. 383; Morse's _Hamilton_, i. 114). Nothing satisfactory -came of this appeal, and a movement of uncertain extent, but -seemingly having the countenance of officers of high rank, was aimed -at producing action on the part of the army, which might easily, -if allowed to proceed, have passed beyond prudent control, till a -claim for redress of grievances might instigate an act of mutiny. -Its chief manifestations were in two successive anonymous addresses, -circulated through the camp at Newburgh, which were written, as was -later acknowledged, by Major John Armstrong, a member of Gen. Gates's -staff. Washington interposed at a meeting of the officers (March -15, 1783), and by a timely address turned the current. The original -autograph of his address belongs to the Mass. Hist. Society, and that -body issued a fac-simile edition of it (Boston, 1876), with letters of -Col. Pickering, Gov. John Brooks, Judge Dudley A. Tyng, and William -A. Hayes, authenticating the document, and describing the scene when -Washington read it. Copies of the addresses made by Armstrong himself -are in the _Sparks MSS._, xlix. 1, 8, and they are given in Sparks's -_Washington_, viii. 551; and in a _Collection of papers, relative to -half-pay and commutation of half-pay, granted by Congress to officers -of the army. Compiled by the permission of General Washington from the -original papers in his possession_ (Fishkill, 1783). Cf. Sabin, iv. -14, 379. Washington at a later day, Feb. 23, 1797, wrote to Armstrong, -exonerating him from having intended any evil to the country (_Sparks -MSS._, no. xxiv.). The genuineness of this letter having been assailed, -Armstrong (Nov. 27, 1830) wrote a letter asserting its truth, and this -autograph letter is in Harvard College library. More or less extended -accounts of the incidents accompanying this attempt to organize a -coercion of the civil by the military power will be found in the lives -of Washington by Marshall (iv. 587); Sparks (viii. 369, 393); and -Irving (iv. ch. 31); in Pickering's _Pickering_ (i. ch. 29, 30, 31; -including Montgar's, _i. e._ Armstrong's, letter in 1820); Drake's -_Knox_, 77; Rives's _Madison_ (i. 392); J. C. Hamilton's _Republic_ -(ii. 365, 385), and _Alexander Hamilton_ (ii. 68); Morse's _Hamilton_, -i. 119; Quincy's _Shaw_ (p. 101); Hildreth's _United States_ (iii. ch. -45); Dunlap's _New York_ (ii. 230); Lossing's _Field-Book_ (ii. 106, -315); _Journals of Congress_ (iv. 213); Bancroft, final rev., vi. 71. - -A letter from Lafayette, who had gone to France, shortly afterwards -arrived, announcing the signing of the preliminary articles of peace; -and the news being confirmed by a letter from Carleton, Washington, -on April 19, the eighth anniversary of the day of Lexington, issued a -proclamation announcing cessation of hostilities. Sparks's _Washington_ -(viii. 425; App. 13); Heath's _Memoirs_; Madison's _Debates_ (i. 437); -_Diplom. Correspondence_ (ii. 319-329; x. 121; xi. 320); _Secret -Journals of Cong._ (iii. 323, under date of April 11, 1783). - -Knox had suggested (Drake's _Knox_), and in April, 1783, the Society -of the Cincinnati had been formed from the officers of the army, with -a plan of transmitting membership to descendants. It was intended as -an organization to perpetuate a brotherhood formed in arms, and to -offer an organization which might conveniently deliberate as occasion -required upon the condition of the country. As a rule the principal -civil leaders of the Revolution looked upon the combination with -disapproval (Wells's _Sam. Adams_, iii. 202; Austin's _Gerry_, ch. 25; -Sparks's _Franklin_, x. 58; Bigelow's _Franklin_, iii. 247; John Adams, -_Works_, ix. 524, called it "the first step taken to deface our temple -of liberty"), and even with dread, lest it might lend itself to the -creation of castes and the furtherance of schemes against the liberties -of the country. There was a widespread dissatisfaction among the people -generally, not always temperately expressed, and years were required -to remove the apprehension so incontinently formed. The society was -organized in the Verplanck house (view in _Appleton's Journal_, xiv. -353); the fac-similes of the signatures to the original subscription -are given in the _Penna. Archives_, vol. xi., and a representation of -a certificate signed by Washington is in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. -128. The bibliography of the society and its branches, by States, is -given by Lloyd P. Smith in the _Bulletin of the Philadelphia Library_, -July, 1885. Particular reference may he made to the accounts and -expositions given in the _Penna. Hist. Soc. Memoirs_ (1858), vi. pp. -15-55, by Alexander Johnston; _North Amer. Review_, v. lxxvii. 267, by -W. Sargent; _St. Clair Papers_, i. 590; Kapp's _Steuben_, ch. 26; E. -M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, p. xix; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. -127; J. B. McMaster's _People of the U. S._, i. 167; R. C. Winthrop's -_Speeches, etc._ (1852, etc.), P. 345; and the account of the -centennial of the order in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Sept., 1883, pp. 171, -235, 253. - -On the 18th June, 1783, Washington from Newburgh, whither he had -removed his headquarters from Verplanck's after the departure of the -French, issued his last circular letter to the States (Sparks, viii. -439; Irving, iv. 394), full of counsel and warning.[1568] - -The troops were in large part dismissed on furlough, and finally, -Congress (Oct. 18) by proclamation, directed the disbandment of the -army, to take effect Nov. 2 (_Secret Journals_, iii. 406). A small body -was, however, still kept together under Knox, to await the definitive -form of the treaty. Washington now occupied a brief space in making a -journey with Gov. Clinton over the battlefields of Burgoyne's campaign. -He then, at the request of Congress, proceeded to Princeton, and -was domiciled for a while at Rocky Hill, in order to be at hand for -conferences with that body. From this place, Nov. 2, 1783, he issued -a farewell address to the army. (Sparks, viii. 491; Irving, iv. 402; -Pickering's _Pickering_, i. 488.) - -The last surviving pensioner of the Revolution is called one Lemuel -Cook in the _Amer. Hist. Record_, ii. 357. In 1864, what purported to -be the record of the latest survivors of the war appeared in Elias B. -Hillard's _Last Men of the Revolution_ (Hartford, 1864). An account -of John Gray as the last soldier of the Revolution, by J. M. Dalzell, -was printed at Washington in 1868. B. P. Poore's _Descriptive Catal. -of Gov't Publications_ will enable one to trace many of those soldiers -whose claims came before Congress. - -Carleton giving notice of his readiness to evacuate New York, -Washington now returned to West Point, and prepared to enter the city -with Gov. Clinton on the appointed day. The general and the governor -entered the upper end of the town on Nov. 25, while the British -embarked at the lower end. Valentine's _N. Y. City Manual_ for 1861 -gives various documentary records, some in fac-simile. On Dec. 1 there -were fireworks, a broadside programme of which is in the cabinet of -the Mass. Hist. Society. Trumbull painted a picture of the scene of -the evacuation, which is given in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, 1883, p. -387. The histories of New York city commemorate the event, and there -are illustrated papers on it in _Harper's Mag._, Nov., 1883 (vol. -lxvii. 609), and _Manhattan Mag._, Dec., 1883. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, xi. -42; Lieut.-Col. Smith's letter in _N. Y. City during the Rev._ (N. Y., -1861); Irving's _Washington_, iv. ch. 33; Jones's _N. Y. during the -Rev._ (ii. 504). Some days after the British had gone, Washington met -his principal officers (Dec. 4) in Fraunce's Tavern, and bade them -farewell. - -[Illustration: FRAUNCE'S TAVERN IN NEW YORK.] - -This building stood on the corner of Pearl and Broad streets, N. Y., -and was occupied by Washington as headquarters when he entered the -city after the British evacuated in 1783. The cut follows a view given -in Valentine's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1854, p. 547, accompanied by a -paper by W. J. Davis. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 144, 151, 152; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 839; Gay's _Pict. Hist. U. S._, iv. 90; -Dawson's _Westchester_. The opening chapter of McMaster's _History -of the People of the United States_, (N. Y., 1883) describes the -appearance of New York city at this time, and indeed of the other -principal American towns, and the habits of living through the country. -An account of New York at this time is also in the _Manhattan Mag._, -ii. 561. - -Immediately leaving New York, Washington journeyed to Annapolis, -where Congress was then assembled. Here, on Dec. 23, he met Congress -in the State House (view in _Columbian Mag._, Jan., 1789; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 402), where he resigned his commission in an address. -(Sparks, viii. 504, and App., xiv.; Marshall, iv. 622. A fac-simile of -the manuscript is given in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, 1881, vol. vii. 106. -Cf. _Journals of Congress_, iv. 318; Ridgeley's _Hist. of Annapolis_.) -On Christmas Eve, Washington reached Mount Vernon, once more a private -gentleman. - -Congress on the 14th Jan., 1784, sitting at Philadelphia, finally -ratified the definitive treaty of peace. - - - - - INDEX. - -[Reference is commonly made but once to a book, if repeatedly mentioned -in the text; but other references are made when additional information -about the book is conveyed.] - - - Abercrombie, Lt.-Col., at Yorktown, 504. - - Acland, Lady, 357; - portrait, 358. - - Acland, Major, 294, 308, 357, 358. - - Acton, Mass., men at Concord, 184. - - Acts of trade, 2, 6, 63; - evaded, 10; - enforced, 11. - - Adams, Abigail, 205; - on Bunker Hill, 187. - - Adams, Brooks, _Emancipation of Mass._, 255. - - Adams, C. F., on John Hancock, 271. - - Adams, H. B., _Maryland's influence upon land cessions_, 708. - - Adams, John, on Acts of Trade, 7, 9; - on Otis's argument on Writs of Assistance, 11; - report of Otis's argument, 13; - demands reopening of courts, closed by want of stamps, 32; - his political philosophy, 35; - on _Canon and Feudal Law_, 35, 83; - likeness, 36; - Dutch edition of his acc. of the troubles with Great Britain, 36; - his personal appearance, 36; - painted by Copley, 36; - by Stuart, 36; - by Trumbull, 36; - by Winstanley, 36; - engravings of, 36; - of his wife, 36; - his homestead, 36; - his writing in fac-simile, 37; - his part against Great Britain, 37; - defends Capt. Preston, 49; - autog., 51; - leads in impeachment of Oliver, 57; - in Congress (1774), 59; - presides at Port Act meeting, 60; - and the navigation laws, 64; - in the Congress of 1765, 74; - brief at trial of Preston, 86; - helps Sam. Adams in the replies to Hutchinson (1773), 90; - on the tea-ship commotions, 91; - controversy with Brattle on the payment of judges, 95; - _Familiar letters_, 95; - in the Congress of 1774, 99; - notes of debates in Congress of 1774, 100; - drafts part of the Declaration of Rights, 100; - notes on debates in Congress of 1775, 107; - controversy with Daniel Leonard, 108; - as _Novanglus_, 110; - _Hist. of the dispute_, 110; - considered Jonathan Sewall his adversary, 110; - attracts attention (1774), 117; - uneasy over Washington's inaction at Cambridge, 152; - visits Lexington, 180; - on independence, 238; - on com. to draft Declaration of Independence, 239; - in debate, 239; - his intercepted letters, 249; - his belief in independence, 249; - outspoken for independence, 255; - on the growing spirit of independence, 257; - owned portrait of Jefferson, 258; - leading advocate of the Decl. of Indep., 261; - autog. 263; - life of Hancock, 265; - life by E. Ingersoll, 266; - on Hancock, 271; - on Paine's _Common Sense_, 272; - his _Thoughts on Government_, 272; - preceded by letter to R. H. Lee, 272; - letter to John Penn, 272; - on observing the anniversary of the Decl. of Indep., 274; - drafts the Mass. Constitution, 274; - _Defence of the Constitutions_, 274; - lives in New York, 276; - weary of Washington's Fabian policy, 392; - proposes to elect generals annually, 446; - his interest in naval matters, 567; - goes to France with Com. Tucker, 567; - on employing Indians, 673. - - Adams, Josiah, _Address_, 184. - - Adams, Samuel, portraits, 40, 41; - autograph, 40; - painted by Copley, 40; - by John Johnson, 41; - statue, 41; - in the Mass. legislature, 42; - his political writings, 42, 83; - compared with Lord Mansfield's speeches, 43; - demands that the troops in Boston be removed to the Castle (1770), - 49; - moves for a com. of correspondence, 54; - in Congress (1774), 59; - would prevent reconciliation, 60; - wrote the answers of the legislature to Gov. Hutchinson, 67, 90; - _Vindication of the Town of Boston_, 67; - first mover against taxation, 68; - wrote the replies to Bernard, 73; - _Appeal to the World_, 84; - _Letter to Hillsborough_, 84; - on "Vindex", 86; - writes Hancock's massacre oration, 88; - and com. of correspondence, 89; - _Rights of the Colonies_, 90; - proposes Congress, 99; - proposes Duché for chaplain of Congress (1774), 99; - in the Congress of 1774, 99; - had a hand in the Declaration of Rights (1774), 100; - the tribune of the Mass. yeomanry, 113; - returns from the Congress of 1774, 116; - repute in London, 117; - at Lexington (1775), 122, 179; - excepted from pardon, 132; - urges independence, 231, 257; - in the Cont. Congress, 236; - his character, 236; - alienated from Hancock, 238; - the earliest to avow independence, 248; - Galloway on, 254, 255; - autog., 263; - life by H. D. Gilpin, 266; - a spurious _Oration_, 274; - and the Conway cabal, 446. - - Admiralty courts, 4, 6, 10; - first held in N. E., 65; - instituted, 567. - - Adolphus, _England_, 112. - - Agnew, Daniel, _Region of Penna. north of the Ohio_, 709. - - Agnew, General, 427; - killed, 386. - - Agnew, J. L., _Savannah_, 519. - - Ainslee, Capt. Thomas, _Journal_, 222. - - Aitkins, _Plan of Boston_, 207. - - Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty, 14. - - Alamance, battle of, 81. - - Albach, James R., _Annals of the West_, 648. - - Albany, 609; - Indian treaty at (Aug., 1775), 623; - plan of (1770), 298. - - Alden, Col. Ichabod, at Cherry Valley, 636; - killed, 638. - - Alden, Fort (Cherry Valley), 666. - - Alexander, Capt. James, 534. - - Allaire, Anthony, diary, 525, 535. - - Allan, Col. John, 657; - correspondence with Haldimand, 657. - - Alleghany River, 609. - - Allen, _Battles of the British navy_, 589. - - Allen, Ethan, 160; - autog., 128; - would lead an invasion of Canada, 160; - at Ticonderoga, 161, 213; - captured at Montreal, 162; - statue, 214; - _Narrative_, 214; - letters, 214; - lives of, 214; - a price on his head offered in N. Y., 214; - seeks to enlist Canadian Indians, 614; - Indians with, 660. - - Allen, Ira, _Ship Olive Branch_, 214; - letters (1776), 227; - on the evacuation of Ticonderoga, 350. - - Allen, James, poem on the Boston Massacre, 88. - - Allen, James (Philad., 1777), diary, 260, 436. - - Allen, Jolley, 205. - - Allen, Paul, _Amer. Rev._, 664. - - Allen, Wm., _Arnold's Expedition_, 1775, 217. - - Allen, William, Jr., 395. - - Allenstown, N. J., 410. - - "Alliance", ship, 576, 577, 584, 586. - - Allyn, Chas., 562. - - Almon, _Seat of War in N. Y._, etc., 416. - - Almon's _Remembrancer_, important documents in, 653. - - Alsop, John, 108. - - Amboy, 340, 404, 408; - map of, 342. - - _American and British Chronicle of War_, 672. - - American Revolution, causes of, 5, 62; - ecclesiasticism as a cause, 62; - authorities on the causes, 62, 255; - earliest outbreaks, 173. - _See_ names of heroes and battles of the war. - - Ames, Nathaniel, _Astron. diary_, 82; - _Almanac_, 118. - - Amherst, Gen., and the Pontiac conspiracy, 692. - - Amory, T. C., _Old and New Cambridge_, 142; - defends Gen. Sullivan, 598; - _Gen. Sullivan_, 666; - papers on Sullivan, 667; - _James Sullivan_, 83. - - _Analectic Magazine_, 187. - - Anayea, 669. - - Anburey, Thomas, _Travels_, 360. - - Anderson, Col. Robt., 677. - - Anderson, W. J., 216. - - André, Maj. John, at Boston, 204; - in Philadelphia, 395; - in the Mischianza, 436; - his letters to Mrs. Arnold, 449; - as "John Anderson", 449; - profile likeness, 452; - autographs, 452, 453; - other portraits, 453, 454; - one by Reynolds, 454; - sketch by himself, 454, 461; - Adj.-General, 453; - his instructions from Clinton, 454; - on the "Vulture", 454; - lands at the Clove, 454; - meets Arnold, 454; - goes to Smith's house, 455; - receives papers from Arnold, 455; - disguises himself, 456; - goes by land towards New York, 456; - captured, 457; - papers found on him, 457; - their history, 457; - carried to Jameson, 458; - writes a letter to Washington, 458; - at West Point, 460; - confined at Tappan, 460; - before a military board, 460; - condemned, 460; - proceedings of the board printed, 460; - various editions, 460; - subject of tragedy, 460, 464; - Clinton endeavors to save him, 461; - requests to be shot, 461; - his conduct, 461; - his sketches, 461; - hanged, 461; - his remains taken to England, 461; - his statement, 461; - his monument, 463; - his mother pensioned, 463; - _Life_ by W. Sargent, 464; - _Papers_ on, ed. by Dawson, 464; - captured at St. John, 464; - a prisoner, 464; - served with Gen. Grey, 464; - his lineage, 464; - his will, 464; - bibliography, 464; - various papers on, 464; - his captors honored, 466; - their patriotism questioned, 466; - his confinement, 466; - justice of his execution, 322, 467; - his character, 467; - his last hours, 467; - _Case of Maj. André_, 467; - was he a spy at Charleston? (1780), 468; - his _Cow Chace_, 560; - tragedy of, 560. - - André, _Mémoire de Paul Jones_, 590. - - Andrews, John, letters from Boston, 90, 178, 205. - - Annapolis, Md., Washington at, 747. - - _Annual Register_, 516. - - Antell, E., his plan of siege of Quebec, 226; - express from Quebec, 222. - - Anthony, H. B., on Ternay's tomb, 499; - address on Greene, 510. - - Anthony's Nose (Hudson River), 324. - - Appleton, W. S., 110. - - Appletown, N. Y., 669. - - Appoquinimink Creek, 421. - - Apthorpe, _Considerations on the conduct_, etc., 70; - _Review_, 70. - - Arbuthnot, Admiral Mariot, attacks Charlestown, S. C., 472, 526, 527; - blockades Newport, 560; - controversy with Clinton, 517; - succeeded Graves, 517. - - Armand, Col., 533; - with Gates, 477. - - Armstrong, Gen., on Burgoyne's campaign, 358; - on Germantown, 421; - Newburgh addresses, 745. - - Armstrong, J., _Richard Montgomery_, 216. - - Armstrong, John, _Life of Wayne_, 514. - - Armstrong, M., 209. - - Armstrong commands the Penna. militia, 381. - - Arnell, Dr., _Address_, 662. - - Arnold, Benedict, in Cambridge (1775), 128; - shares command with Allen at Ticonderoga, 129; - surprised St. John's (1775), 130; - trouble with Ethan Allen, 130; - at Ticonderoga, 161; - commences Kennebec expedition, 162; - before Quebec, 163; - wounded, 165; - his post at Cedar Rapids attacked, 166; - interest in Gen. Warren's children, 194; - commissioned by Mass. to take Ticonderoga, 213; - Dawson's view of his connection with Ticonderoga, 214; - his regimental book, 214; - letters, 214; - part in the Canada expedition, 216; - instructions for the Kennebec route, 217 (_see_ Kennebec - expedition); - his journal, 218; - his letters, 218, 219, 220; - intercepted, 222; - portraits, 223; - autog., 223; - letters during the retreat, 226; - in command on Lake Champlain, 292, 346; - at Valcour's Island, 292; - escapes, 293; - joins Schuyler, 298; - advances toward Fort Stanwix, 300, 350, 632; - under Gates, 304; - at Freeman's Farm, 305; - quarrel with Gates, 306; - in fight of Oct. 7, 1777, 308; - was he at Freeman's Farm? 315, 357; - wounded (Oct. 7, 1777), 357; - at Trenton, 379; - marries, 402; - did he suggest the attack on Trenton? 407; - his treason, 447; - portraits, 447, 448, 449; - the beginning of his treasonable correspondence, 447, 448; - his birthplace, 448; - his house, 448; - his marriage, 449; - as "Gustavus", 449; - gives Clinton information, 449; - not trusted by Congress, 450; - at Danbury, 450; - made major-general, 450; - fac-simile of his commission, 450; - his wife at Robinson house, 458; - in command in Philad., 367, 400, 402, 450, 451; - charges against him by the Council of Penna., 450; - court-martial, 402, 450, 451; - his accounts of the Canada expedition questioned, 450; - reprimanded by Washington, 403, 451; - at the Robinson house, 452; - his treasonable letters preserved, 452; - efforts to meet André, 453; - his passes, 453; - his price, 454, 463; - meets André, 454; - receives Jameson's letter, 458; - his flight, 458; - his aides grow suspicious, 460; - attempts to intercept him, 460; - sends letter to Washington, 460; - his aides, 460; - has plans of West Point, 460; - threats if André is executed, 461; - his life in England, 463; - in New Brunswick, 463; - his descendants, 463; - his address of exculpation, 463; - his proclamation to induce desertion, 463; - his vindication in _Remarks on Travels of Chastellux_, 463; - authorities on his treason, 463; - _Life_ by Sparks, 464; - _Life_ by I. N. Arnold, 464; - his own telling of the story, 466; - attempt to seize him, 468; - in Virginia, 495, 546, 732; - distrusted by Clinton, 546; - invades Connecticut, 562; - had Indians with him on the Kennebec exped., 614; - his treason and the northern invasions, 672; - his capture attempted, 732. - - Arnold, S. G., in the Rhode Island campaign, 595. - - Arnold, Isaac N., on Benedict Arnold at Freeman's Farm, 357; - "Arnold at the court of George III", 463; - _Life of Benedict Arnold_, 464; - his family, 464; - controverted by J. A. Stevens, 464; - his death, 464. - - Asgill, Capt. Chas., case of, 744; - portrait, 745. - - Ashe, Gen., 470; - at Briar Creek, 520; - his career, 520. - - Ashley, John, 63. - - Assanpink Creek, 375. - - Atkinson, _Newark,_ 560. - - _Atlas Amériquaine_, 341. - - Atlee, Col. S. J., 327. - - Attenbocum, Capt., 411. - - Attucks, Crispus, 85. - - Atwill, Winthrop, _Treason of Arnold_, 466. - - Aubry, Gov., at N. Orleans, 701. - - Auchmuty, Judge, 119. - - Auckland MSS., 467. - - "Augusta", frigate, blown up, 387, 428; - picture of, 388. - - Augusta, Georgia, its defences, 490; - siege of, 535, 544. - - Austin, Jonathan Loring, carries news of Burgoyne's surrender to - Europe, 364, 571; - journals of his trip, 586. - - Austin, Jona. W., 88. - - Avery, Joseph, 521. - - Avery, Rufus, 562. - - Avery, Samuel, 662. - - - Babson, _Gloucester_, 568. - - Bacon, Leonard W., on the invasion of Conn., 557; - address on Groton Heights, 562. - - Badeaux, J. B., _Invasion du Canada_, 223. - - Bailey, J. T., _Brooklyn_, 329. - - Baker, W. S., _American Engravers_, 81, 185; - _William Sharp_, 492. - - Balcarras, Earl, 366; - with Burgoyne, 294. - - Balch, Thomas, 101; - _Maryland Line_, 202; - edits Blanchard's Journal, 554; - _Les français en Amérique_, 560. - - Baldwin, C. C., on Vigo and G. R. Clark, 725. - - Baldwin, Loammi, 187. - - Baldwin, Samuel, _Diary_, 525. - - Balfour, Capt., 118. - - Balfour, Col., commands in Charleston, 517, 538, 541. - - Ballston, N. Y., destroyed, 645. - - Baltimore, Lord, 673. - - Bancroft, Col. E., 189. - - Bancroft, Geo., on the navigation acts, 64; - on the siege of Boston, 173; - his account of the Long Island battle criticised, 330; - on Arnold's treason, 464; - on Oriskany, 665; - on Wyoming, 665. - - Bangs, Lieut., 326. - - Banker, Gerard, 409. - - Banks, James, _Hist. Address_, 676. - - Barber, Col. Francis, 668; - order-book, 670. - - Barber, Geo. C., 670. - - Barber, J. W., _Hist Coll. N. Y._, 666. - - Barber, _New Haven_, 185. - - Barclay, S., _Personal Recollections_, 329. - - Barlow, Aaron, 216. - - Barlow, Joel, on Thomas Paine, 253; - life by Burr, 253. - - Barlow, S. L. M., owns Arnold's journal, 218. - - Barnard, _Hist. England_, 461. - - Barney, Joshua, Com. Acc. of, 575; - autog., 575. - - Barney, Mary, _Com. Joshua Barney_, 575. - - Barras, autog., 500; - succeeds Ternay, 499. - - Barré, Isaac, accounts of, 72; - his speeches on the Stamp Act, 29, 72; - originates the phrase "Sons of Liberty", 72; - his portrait ordered by Boston, 74; - predicts loss of colonies, 85. - - Barren Hill, Lafayette at, 396, 442; - map, 443. - - Barrett, Col., 124. - - Barrette, Lieut., 545. - - Barretts, Samuel, 109. - - Barrow, Sir John, _Lord Howe_, 594. - - Barry, Henry, _Strictures Examined_, 106. - - Barry, Com. John, his autog., 581; - on the "Raleigh", 581; - accounts of, 581; - in the "America", 583. - - Bartlet, W. S., _Frontier Missionary_, 657. - - Bartlett, Josiah, 186; on Bunker Hill, 194; - autog., 263; - life of, 265; - on privateering, 591. - - Bartlett, J. R., _Hist. of destruction of the Gaspee_, 90; - dies, 90; - account of, by Gammell, 90. - - Bartlett, S. C., on Bennington, 356. - - Barton, Col., place of capturing Gen. Prescott, 602; - the capture, 403; - accounts of, 404; - his diary, 643. - - Baton Rouge, 739. - - Battle, K. P., 519. - - Baum, Colonel, at Bennington, 300, 354; - death of, 356; - his instructions, 366. - - Bauman, Sebastian, map of Yorktown, 551. - - Baurmeister, Major, 333. - - Bayley, Col., and the Indians, 614. - - Bayley, Col. J., at Lake George, 346. - - Beach, Allen C., _Centennial Celebrations_, 308. - - Beach, W. W., _Indian Miscellany_, 657. - - Beaman on Ticonderoga, 214. - - Bean, T. W., _Washington at Valley Forge_, 416, 439. - - Beardsley, _Life of W. S. Johnson_, 85. - - Bears, Isaac, 178. - - Beatson, Robert, _Naval and Mil. Memoirs_, 518, 589. - - Beatty, Erkuries, 667; - his journal, 671. - - Beatty, Capt. William, 418. - - Beaulieu, Georgia, 470. - - Beaurain, _Carte de la Guerre_, 416; - map of Boston and harbor, 213. - - Becket, publishes _Authentic Papers from America_, 100. - - Beckford, Alderman, 83. - - Beckwith, H. W., _Historic Notes_, 718; - on Vigo, 725. - - Bedell, Col. Timothy, 216; - at the Cedars, 616. - - Bedford, Col. Gunning, 327. - - Bedford, Duke of, 21. - - Bedford (Long Island), 328. - - Bedford (Mass.) men at Lexington, 184; - their flag, 184. - - Bedford, Pa., taken, 691. - - Beers, Nathan, 464. - - Belisle, _Independence Hall_, 259. - - Belknap, Dr. Jeremy, note-books, 189; - diary, 202; - life, 202. - - Belknap, Jeremy, uncle of historian, 85. - - Belknap, Jos., 85. - - Bell, Andrew, 445. - - Bell, Charles H., on the privateer "Gen. Sullivan", 591. - - Bell, Robt., publishes Paine's _Common Sense_, 269. - - Bellefeuille, Mr., 729. - - Bellomont, Lord, 564. - - Bellows, Col., 350. - - Bemis Heights, Gates occupies, 304; - battle, 356. - _See_ Saratoga. - - Benedict, E. C., _Battle of Harlem_, 334. - - Bennett, C. P., 545. - - Bennington, Vt., authorities on the battle, 354; - loss at, 354; - Indians at, 627; - fight at, 300; - maps of the fight, 356. - - Benson, Egbert, _Vindication of the Captors of André_, 466. - - Bentalou, Paul, _Pulaski Vindicated_, 522, 524; - _Reply to Johnson_, 522. - - Benton, N. S., _Herkimer County_, 351, 657. - - Bergen Point, 343, 404. - - Berkeley, Bishop, his house in Rhode Island, 602. - - Bernard, Edward, view of Bunker Hill, 198; - _Hist. of England_, 273. - - Bernard, Francis, Gov. of Mass., 12, 22; - his letters sent back to Boston, 83; - _Causes of the present distractions_, 106; - _Select letters_, 106; - his rebukes of the legislature, 34; - on the seizure of the "Liberty", 43; - and the Stamp Act, 73; - replies to him by the legislature, 73; - leaves Mass., 47, 84; - made baronet, 49; - his _Letters_, 67; - _Letters to Hillsborough_, etc., 84; - _Letters to the Ministry_, 84; - instructed to enforce the navigation laws, 32; - _Third extraordinary Budget of epistles_, 84; - _Copies of letters_, 84; - enforces laws of trade, 84; - his character, 84. - - Bernard, John, _Retrospections of America_, 407. - - Berniere. _See_ Bernière. - - Bernière, Henry de, 182; - plan of Bunker Hill battle, 199, 202; - criticised, 202. - - Berthelot, Amable, 216. - - Besom, Capt. Philip, narrative, 592. - - Bethlehem, Pa., Moravian Sisters, 524. - - Bickerstaff's _Boston Almanac_, 86. - - Bickham, George, 372. - - Bicknell, _Barrington, R. I._, 203. - - Biddle, Chas. J., defends the execution of André, 468. - - Biddle, James, 74. - - Biddle, Capt. Nicholas, in the "Andrea Doria", 570; - portrait, 570; - in the "Randolph", 571; - engages the "Yarmouth", 571. - - Bigelow, Col. Timothy, orderly-books (1779, 1780), 359. - - Big-Knives (Kentuckians), 722. - - Bilbao, prizes taken to, 592. - - Billingsport, N. J., 386, 425; - attacked, 387. - - Billon, _Annals of St. Louis_, 737. - - Bishop, _Hist. Amer. Manufactures_, 108. - - Bishops, their introduction opposed in N. E., 243. - - Bisset, _George III_, 223. - - Bixby, Samuel, 203. - - Blackbird, Pa., 421. - - Blackstocks, affair at, 480, 536. - - Blanchard, Claude, _Journal_, 554. - - Blanchard, Col., _Map of N. Hampshire_, 217. - - Bland, Col. Theodoric, commands Convention troops in Virginia, 321; - his papers, 321; - _Bland Papers_, 321. - - Bland, Richard, _Enquiry_, 85. - - Blaskowitz, Charles, plan of Frog's Neck, 337; - chart of Narragansett Bay, 593, 601; - map of Newport, 597. - - Bleecker, Capt. Leonard, order-book, 670. - - Bliss, E. F., 736. - - Blood, Thaddeus, 178. - - Bloodgood, _Sexagenary_, 358. - - Blowers, Sampson S., autog., 51. - - Blue Licks, battle at, 730. - - Board of War, 392, 437. - - Boardman, S. W., _Privateer Cromwell_, 592. - - Boardman, Timothy, _Log-book_, 591. - - Bollan, William, _Coloniæ Anglicanæ illustratæ_, 70; - transmits Gage's letters to Boston, 83. - - Bolton, Dr. Thomas, 120. - - Bond, Col., 227. - - Bonner, map of Boston, 207. - - Bonneville, picture of D'Estaing, 594. - - Boone, Daniel, portrait, 707; - his adventures, 708; - his biographers, 708; - in Kentucky, 710, 715; - defends his fort (1778), 716. - - Boonesborough, Ky., 715. - - Bordenton, 408, 410. - - Border life, literature of, 248. - - Border warfare, 605; - literature of, 248; - in the South, scant material for accounts of, 678. - - Boston inflamed by the Grenville Act, 27; - arrival of troops (1766), 38; - threats to take her patriots to England for trial, 46; - troops sent to (1768), 43, 45; - (1769), 47; - Brazen Head, sign of, 47; - non-importation agreements, 49, 78; - Col. Dalrymple gets key of the Castle, 53; - tea-ships at, 57, 91; - Port Act meeting, 60; - affected by navigation laws, 64; - _Observations of the merchants upon several Acts of Parliament_, 64, - 83; - _Records_, 67; - (1768) Revere's picture, 81; - convention to consider the coming of troops, 81; - agitation over the quartering of troops in Boston, 82; - _Appeal to the world_, 84; - petition to the king (1772), 89; - _The American Alarm_, 90; - the "Mohawks" and the tea-party, 91; - _Votes and Proceedings_ respecting the tea-ships, 91; - warning broadside, 92; - accounts reach London, 92; - condition during the Port Bill, 95; - title of Port Bill Act, 95; - news arrives, 97; - broadside, 97; - records of this time in Boston City Hall, 95; - gifts to, 95; - effect of Port Bill, references, 96; - newspapers of 1775, 110; - blockade of, 113; - Gage shut up in, 114; - fortifies the Neck, 115; - Gage's force (Jan., 1775), 118; - meetings at the Green Dragon, 120; - maps of roads about, 120, 121; - after Lexington, families leaving the town, 125; - conditions of leaving, 128; - country Tories enter Boston, 128; - army besieging, 134; - British in, 134; - reinforcements under Burgoyne, Clinton, and Howe, 134; - Gates advises against an assault, 142; - want of provisions during the siege, 144; - contemporary views from Beacon Hill, 148-151; - British encampments on the Common, 149; - Howe advised by the ministry to abandon the town, 152; - the siege pressed, 152; - to be destroyed if necessary, 153; - plays acted, 153; - _Boston Blockade_, 153; - songs from, 154; - _Tragedy of Zara_, 155; - view of (1776), 157; - view of the Castle, 157; - the town evacuated, 158; - population, 158; - authorities on the siege, 172; - Washington proposed boat attack, 172; - _Antique views_, 185; - plan by Norman, 201; - siege of, 202; - account of the American camps, 202; - diaries, 202; - letters, 203; - orderly-books, 204; - the British camp, 204; - _Newsletter printed_, 204; - Liberty-tree cut down, 204; - houses occupied by British generals, 204; - British works, 204; - selectmen correspond with Gen. Thomas, 204; - diaries, letters, etc., during the siege, 204; - American prisoners in the town, 204; - evacuated, 205, 568; - _Evacuation Memorial_, 205; - property destroyed, 205; - Ward left in command, 205; - the Quakers of Philadelphia help the poor, 205; - fears of an attack, 205; - medal given to Washington to commemorate the siege, 206, 207; - maps of the siege, 207; - from Marshall's _Washington_, 206; - maps of the town of the Rev. period, 207, 209; - landmarks of the siege, 207; - English plans, 207; - that in _Almon's Remembrancer_, 208; - one in the library of Congress, 209, 210; - Pelham's map, 209; - Rawdon map, 209; - surveys of Wm. Page, 210; - map of lines on the Neck, 211; - Brown's house, 211; - Trumbull's plan of the Neck lines, 211; - plan indorsed by Mifflin, 212; - other plans, 212; - British plan of American lines, 212; - plan of Boston and vicinity, 212; - French maps of the siege, 212; - Latin map, 213; - German maps, 213; - feared Howe in 1777 was coming there, 416; - congress at, in 1780, 560; - _Proceedings_ ed. by F. B. Hough, 560; - her privateers, 587; - fleets of Howe and Byron off the harbor (1778), 603; - D'Estaing in, 603; - riot in, 603; - fear of British advancing from Rhode Island, 603; - siege of, Indians employed, 613; - killing of sentries, 657; - "Boston", frigate, given to Captain Tucker, 566; - lost at Charleston, 583. - - _Boston Gazette_, 110. - - Boston harbor, forays in (1775), 131; - plans of, 202, 207, 209, 212, 213. - - Boston massacre, 49, 85; - plan of the ground, 47, 48; - picture of, 47; - news of, in England, 52; - causes, 85; - authorities, 85; - _Short Narrative_, 85; - sent to England, 85; - _Additional Observations_, 85; - _Letter to C. Lucas_, 85; - other accounts, 85; - Kidder's _Boston Massacre_, 86; - Preston's trial, 86; - trial of soldiers, 49, 86; - printed _Report_, 86; - _Fair Account_, 86; - did the soldiers fire before being assaulted? 88; - its effect in producing the Rev., 88; - its anniversary observed, 88; - ovations, 88; - commemorated (1775), 119; - burlesqued, 120. - - Boston Neck (R. I.), 600. - - _Boston Newsletter_, 110, 204. - - Boston Port Bill, 58. - _See_ Boston. - - Botetourt, Gov., 46. - - Boucher, Jona., _Views of the Amer. Rev._, 98. - - Boudinot, Elias, _Star in the West_, 652. - - Bound Brook, 408, 409. - - Bounties offered to Indians, 674; - for scalps, 681. - - Bouquet, Col. Henry, his portrait, 692; - his character, 692; - account of, 692, 693; - _Hist. Acc. of Expedition_, 651, 699; - marches to relieve Fort Pitt, 694; - fight at Bushy Run, 696; - map of his campaign, 696; - at Fort Pitt, 697; - marches into the Ohio Valley, 698; - returns, 699; - dies, 699; - captives retaken by him, 699; - West's picture of them, 699; - West's picture of his Council with the Indians, 694; - Papers, 690, 693. - - Bourgoin, _Thèâtre de la Guerre_, 416. - - Bowdoin, James, 128; - in Congress (1774), 59; - taking the lead, 83; - his autog., 83; - his character, 83; - _Letter to Hillsborough_, 84; - on the desire for independence, 255. - - Bowen, Ephraim, on the destruction of the "Gaspee", 90. - - Bowen, Francis, his _Otis_, 70; - _Benj. Lincoln_, 513; - _Steuben_, 515. - - Bowen, J. S., on Brandywine, 419. - - Bowen, Nathan, 318. - - Bowman, Capt. Joseph, 718. - - Bowman, Capt. Josiah, 682. - - Bowman, Major, fighting the Shawanese, 730. - - Bowring, _Jeremy Bentham_, 95. - - Bowyer, Adj., on Waxhaws, 527. - - Boyd, Lieut. Thomas, 640, 671. - - Boyle, _Marylanders_, 227. - - Boylston, E. D., _Hillsborough County Congress_, 108. - - Boynton, Edw. C., _West Point_, 464. - - Boynton, Thomas, 188. - - Brackenborough, Judge, life of Braxton, 265. - - Brackenridge, H. H., drama on Bunker Hill, 198; - _Death of Montgomery_, 216; - on the Monmouth field, 446. - - Brackenridge, H. M., _Views of Louisiana_, 652. - - Brackinridge, H., on the Indians, 736. - - Bradford, Alden, _Jonathan Mayhew_, 71; - edits _Mass. State Papers_, 73; - _Bunker Hill_, 191; - life of R. T. Paine, 265. - - Bradford, Job, 187. - - Bradford Club, 219. - - Bradford's _Collection_, 73. - - Bradstreet, Col., goes up the lakes (1764), 698; - at Detroit, 698; - orderly-book, 698. - - Brainerd, W. F., 562. - - Brandywine, battle of, 381; - map of battle, 414; - view of the field, 419; - Galloway's plan of, 415; - sources, 418; - Washington's map of the campaign, 420, 421; - Hessian map, 422; - other plans, 422, 423. - - Brant, Joseph, at Montreal, 619; - made Guy Johnson's secretary, 623; - portraits, 623, 625; - autograph, 625; - at the Cedars, 625, 626; - his early life, 625; - invades New York (1777), 626; - at siege of Fort Stanwix, 299, 628, 661; - to operate in New York (1778), 633; - his ravages, 633; - burns Andrustown, 636; - attacks German Flats, 636; - at Cherry Valley, 636, 665; - denied responsibility for massacre at Cherry Valley, 638; - accounts of, 657; - descendants, 657; - letters, 657; - meets Herkimer, 627; - attacks the Minisink settlements, 639; - his report, 672; - at Canajoharie, 644; - not at Wyoming, 663. - - Brashear, Lieut., 729. - - Brassier, Wm., surveyed Lake Champlain, 347. - - Brattle, Gen., his letter to Gage in fac-simile, 98. - - Braxton, Carter, life, 265; - autog., 266; - _Address to the Convention_, 272. - - Breechloaders used at Brandywine, 419. - - Brehm, Capt., 738. - - Brent, _Archbishop Carroll_, 229. - - Brevoort, J. C., has some of Paul Jones's papers, 590. - - Breyman, Col., at Bennington, 300, 354. - - Briar Creek, 520. - - Bridgdens, of Boston, 47. - - Bridgetown, Pa., 421. - - Briggs, C. A., _American Presbyterianism_, 244. - - Bristol (Pa.), 409, 410. - - Bristol (R. I.), 600. - - British army, brutality of, 372. - - British Constitution, spirit of, 5. - - British regiments, historical records of, 198. - - Brock, R. A., on the Nelson house, 506. - - Brodhead, Col., attacks the Indians of the Alleghany, 642, 671; - his route, 642; - at Fort Pitt, 731; - acc. of his exped., 653. - - Bromfield, John, 187. - - Bronson, J., 464. - - Bronx River, 337. - - Brookline, Mass., fort at, 206, 210; - view of, 150. - - Brooklyn, maps of, 329; - battle of, 277; - risks of the British, 290; - maps, 344, 404; - accounts of, 344; - roads of approach, 277; - British plans, 278. - _See_ Long Island. - - Brooklyn Heights, 275; - defences of, 275. - - Brooks, Chas., _Medford_, ed. by Usher, 202. - - Brooks, Erastus, 665; - on Indian history, 681. - - Brooks, Col. John, at Bemis's Heights, 357; - on Valley Forge, 436; - on Monmouth, 446; - autog., 136; - portrait, 202; - on Bunker Hill plans, 202. - - Brooks, N. C., on the Burgoyne campaign, 361. - - Broom, J., surveyor, 421. - - Brotherhead, _Signers_, 259. - - Brougham, Henry, 9, 10, 63. - - Broughton, Capt. Nicholas, 565. - - Brown, Capt. Abraham, 130. - - Brown, Dr. Buckminster, 194. - - Brown, Dr. Geo., 187. - - Brown, H. A., _Oration on the Congress of 1774_, 99; - _Mem. and Orations_, 439; - on Monmouth, 446. - - Brown, H. K., statue of Gen. Greene, 510. - - Brown, Col. John, and Ticonderoga, 213; - killed at Stone Arabia, 644; - in Canada, 161, 613, 615, 674; - his letters from Canada, 215. - - Brown, Mrs. J. B., _Stories of Warren_, 194. - - Brown, J. M., _Schoharie County_, 660. - - Brown, Peter, 187. - - Brown, Dr. Samuel, 710. - - Brown, Thomas, 203. - - Brunswick (N. C.), 542. - - Brush, Crean, 205. - - Bryan, Alexander, Gates's scout (1777), 358. - - Bryan, Geo., 401. - - Bryd, Col., 730, 731. - - Brymner, Douglas, 693; - edits Haldimand calendar, 653; - Report on Canadian Archives, 733. - - Buchanan, James, _No. American Indians_, 651; - on removing André's remains, 461. - - Buck, W. J., _Washington on the Neshaminy_, 418. - - Buck Island, 661. - - Buckingham, J. T., _Specimens of newspaper lit._, 110. - - Buffalo, N. Y., history of, 648. - - Buffenton's Ford, 418. - - Buford, Col., defeated at Waxhaws, 475, 527. - - Bugbee, J. M., _Centennial of Bunker Hill_, 172. - - Bull, Col., 679. - - Bull, Gen., 519. - - Bull, surveys of Georgia, 538. - - Bullard, E. F., address, 366. - - Bullock, Alex. H., on the Constitution of Mass., 274. - - Bull's Ferry, affair at, 560. - - Bunker Hill, occupied, 135; - order for it, 135; - battle of, 136; - forces engaged, 140; - Howe criticised, 140; - losses, 140; - news of it spread, 140; - authorities, 184; - earliest accounts, 186; - contemporary letters, diaries, and orderly-books, 187, 188; - losses of property at Charlestown, 187; - depositions of survivors, 189; - early historians, 189; - who commanded? 190; - officers engaged, 191; - monument, 194; - anniversary discourses, 194; - British accounts, 194; - letters, 194; - fac-simile of the Tory broadside account, 196; - Rawdon drawing of the battle, 197; - other pictures, 197; - general histories, 198; - ballads, 198; - dramas, 198; - British plan of the battle, 199; - _America invincible_, 200; - novels and poems, 200; - plans, 200, 202; - plan from the _Impartial History_, 201; - plan of the redoubt, 212; - of the works built by the British, 212. - - Burch, 39. - - Burdge, Franklin, 270. - - Burgoyne, Gen. John, writes Gage's proclamations, 131; - correspondence with Chas. Lee, 144; - his opinion, 1775, on subduing the colonies, 145; - feared the occupation of Dorchester Heights, 156; - reaches Quebec (1776), 167, 225; - follows Sullivan, 167; - on Bunker Hill, 195; - life by Fonblanque, 195; - portraits of, 292, 293; - autog., 292; - suggests the use of mercenaries, 293; - his army, 294; - his character, 294; - orders from Germain, 295; - at St. Johns, 295; - his bombastic proclamation, 295; - at Crown Point, 296; - at Ticonderoga, 299; - refused troops by Carleton, 299; - at Fort Edward, 299; - losses at Stanwix and Bennington, 301; - moved towards Saratoga, 304; - at Freeman's Farm, 305; - awaits succor from Clinton, 307; - makes reconnoissance (Oct. 7), 307; - his losses, 309; - retreats to Saratoga, 309; - surrounded, 309; - sends flag of truce, 309; - terms gained, 309, 317; - fac-simile of letter to Gates about the British wounded, 310; - at Gates's headquarters, 310; - his losses in the campaign, 311; - his army marched to Boston, 311, 318; - the plan of his campaign criticised, 312; - his difficulties of supply, 313; - his slow movements, 313; - authorities on his campaign, 315; - charges against Henley, 318; - examination of the observance of the convention, 318; - breaks the provisions of the convention, 318; - neither side scrupulous, 319; - flags concealed, 319; - plan for the campaign of 1777, 348; - preparations, 348; - issues a proclamation, 349; - reprints, 349; - burlesqued, 349; - maps of the entire campaign, 349; - captures Ticonderoga, 349; - Hubbardton, 350; - proclamation, 350; - _Campaign of_, by W. L. Stone, 351; - worsted at Bennington, 354; - instructions to Baum, 354; - his report to Germain, 354; - discouraged, 356; - Freeman's Farm, 356; - battle of Oct. 7, 357; - surrenders, 358; - view of field, 358; - view of camp, 358; - his letter to Germain, 358; - strength of his army, 358; - authorities on the campaign in general, 358, 360, 361; - orderly-books and journals, 359, 360; - his own orders, 359; - life by De Fonblanque, 361; - maps of the final battles, 361; - fac-simile of map in _Analectic Mag._, 362; - view of the field of surrender, 361; - signatures of the convention, 361; - Gates's headquarters, 361; - landmarks of the campaign, 361; - effects of the surrender in Europe, 364; - sails for England, 364; - in Parliament, 364; - his birth, 364; - satires upon, 364; - his defences in Parliament, 365; - _Substance of Speeches_, 365; - John Wilkes' comments, 365; - resigns his commission, 365; - _Letter to his Constituents_, 365; - _Reply_, 365; - _Letter to Burgoyne_, 366; - _A brief examination_, 366; - _Enquiry into the conduct of Burgoyne_, 366; - _Supplement to the State of the Expedition_, 366; - attacked in _Remarks_, 366; - _Letter to Lieut.-Gen. Burgoyne_, 366; - reply by Rev. Sam. Peters, 366; - _Essay on modern martyrs_, 366; - his _State of the Expedition_, 366; - his documents laid before Parliament, 366; - documents in the War Office, 366; - his speech to the Indians, 366; - his letter from Albany, 366; - councils of war, 366; - exchanged, 366; - news of his surrender sent to Europe by Massachusetts, 571, 586; - his opinion of the use of Indians, 621, 627; - charged with buying scalps, 683; - Washington visits the scene of his campaign, 746. - - Burk, John, _Virginia,_ 515. - - Burke, Ardanus, _Address_, 527. - - Burke, Edmund, 31; - his first speech, 32; - in Parliament (1770), 52; - _European Settlements_, 64; - on the debates of 1765, 72; - _Observations_ on Tickle's tract, 85; - _Thoughts on the Causes of the present Discontents_, 88; - on the Quebec Bill, 102; - on American taxation, 112; - his _Works_, 112; - speeches on conciliation, 112; - conversation with North, 112; - his character, 112; - lives of, 112; - as a speaker, 112; - on Bunker Hill, 195; - ridicules Burgoyne's proclamations, 295; - in the _Annual Register_, 687. - - Burke, J. W., 258. - - Burr, Aaron, on the Kennebec exped., 162; - as a soldier, 163; - in the assault on Quebec, 165; - his house in N. York, 276. - - Burton, Jonathan, 202, 227; - his diary, 346. - - Bury, Viscount, _Exodus of the Western Nations_, 232. - - Bushnell, C. I., _Crumbs for Antiquarians_, 202, 219. - - Bushnell, David, invents the "American Turtle", 567. - - Bushy Run, battle of, 694; - losses, 669; - plan, 692; - described by Burke, 697; - by Wm. Smith, 697. - - Bute, Earl of, 21; - his ministry, 23. - - Butler, James D., on Bennington, 356. - - Butler, Col. John, at Niagara (Sept., 1776), 626; - to invade the Susquehanna country (1778), 633; - at Wyoming, 634, 636, 663; - his report, 664. - - Butler, Mann, 718. - - Butler, Col. Richard, at Monmouth, 446; - _Diary of Yorktown_, 554. - - Butler, Walter N., at Cherry Valley, 636, 665; - on the Mohawk (1781), 646; - killed, 646. - - Butler, Col. Wm., 346; - burns Oquaga, 636; - route of, in 1778, 681. - - Butler, Zebulon, report on Wyoming, 634, 664; - acc. of, 664; - and the Tuscaroras, 619; - escapes, 635. - - Butler's Rangers, 661; - their badge, 631. - - Butterfield, C. W., edits Leith's _Narrative_, 682; - _Washington-Crawford letters_, 714; - _Exped. against Sandusky_, 737; - _Washington-Irvine Corresp._, 737. - - Butt's Hill (R. I.), 602. - - Byrd, Capt., 739, 741. - - Byron, Admiral, on the American coast, 580; - off Boston harbor, 603. - - - Cadwalader, Col. Lambert, 288, 341; - at Fort Washington, 338; - and Gen. Prescott, 403. - - Cahokia, 730; - Indian council at, 719; - surrenders, 722; - raid upon, 737, 739. - - Caldwell, Charles, _Life of Gen. Greene_, 510. - - Caldwell, David, his life, 514. - - Caldwell, Col. Henry, 222. - - Caldwell on Ticonderoga, 214. - - Calef, John, _Siege of Penobscot_, 604. - - Callendar, George, 209. - - Calvé, 739. - - Calvert, Geo. H., play on André, 464. - - Cambell, David, 535. - - Cambridge (Mass.) fortified (1775), 130; - Holmes House, 135; - Tory Row, 142; - Vassall or Craigie House, 142; - Brattle House, 142; - Riedesel House, 142; - Oliver House, 142; - Bishop's Palace, 142; - Christ Church, 142; - _Centennial Memorial_, 142; - Washington Elm, 142; - councils of war in, 142; - accounts of the camp, 202, 203; - letters from the camp, 203; - orderly-books, 204; works at, 206; - legislature at (1769), 47; - men at Lexington, 184; - roads near, 121, 122. - - Camden, Lord, on the Decl. of Indep., 269; - speeches, 112, 529. - - Camden (Carolina), campaign of, 514; - battle of (Gates), 477, 478, 529; - and the militia, 478; - number of forces, 529; - losses, 530; - Faden's plan, 531; - other plans, 531; - Senff's plan, 533. - For the second battle at, _see_ Hobkirk's Hill. - - Campbell, Archibald, map of Georgia, 675; - at Savannah, 469. - - Campbell, Brigadier, at Pensacola, 739, 740. - - Campbell, Col. Arthur, of Virginia, 677; - raid on the Indians, 680. - - Campbell, C., edits Lewis's _Order-book_, 168; - edits _Bland Papers_, 321. - - Campbell, C. A., on the Robinson House, 452; - on the Odell House, 561. - - Campbell, Donald, succeeds to the command before Quebec, 165; - despatch about the siege of Quebec, 221. - - Campbell, Douglass, on Cherry Valley, 666; - on the Iroquois and N. Y.'s Indian policy, 681. - - Campbell, J. W., _Biog. Sketches_, 219. - - Campbell, Robert, on King's Mountain, 535. - - Campbell, Thomas, his letter to Brant, 663; - _Gertrude of Wyoming_, 665. - - Campbell, Col. Wm., 478; - on King's Mountain, 535. - - Campbell, W. W., on Gen. James Clinton, 659, 670; - _Tryon County or Border Warfare_, 351, 659; - _Border Warfare_, 655; - on Indians in the Rev. War, 655; - on Cherry Valley, 666. - - Campbell, _Life of Loughborough_, 112. - - Campfield, Jabez, diary, 668. - - Canada, campaign in (1775-1776), 162; - authorities, 174, 215; - Schuyler in command, 215; - address of Congress to the inhabitants, 215; - maps of the campaign, 215; - maps of the region, 216; - Arnold's share in it (_see_ Kennebec expedition, Quebec); - retreat from Canada, 226; - local aspects, 227; - commissioners of Congress in, 227; - their instructions, 227; - new commissioners sent, 227; - their letters, 227, 229; - D'Estaing's proclamation to the inhabitants, 603; - Franklin's advocacy of its retention by England (1763), 686; - Indians of, visited by Maj. Brown, 613; - sought by Ethan Allen, 614; - invasion from, threatened, 615; - messengers sent to, by Adams and Warren, 119. - - Canadea, N. Y., 669. - - Canajoharie Castle, 608; - destroyed, 644. - - Canandaigua, 669. - - Caner, Henry, _Candid Examination_, 70. - - Canot, P., 331. - - Cantwell's Bridge, 421. - - Cape Fear River, 485; - map, 542. - - Cardinal, Nic., 726. - - Carleton, General Guy, refuses troops to Burgoyne, 299; - opposes the use of Indians, 613, 618, 655; - thought to be intending an invasion, 615; - charged with coercing the Indians to take sides, 615; - uses them for defence, 618, 621; - instructed by Germain (1777), 348; - disappointed in not conducting the campaign (1777), 348; - his commissions, 653, 654, 673; - his orders (1776-1777), 359; - correspondence from Quebec, 222; - at Crown Point, 293; - reaches Quebec (1776), 164; - portrait, 164; - autog., 164; - arrives in N. Y. (1782), 745. - - Carlisle, Pa., taken, 691. - - Carmichael-Smyth, Sir James, _Précis of the War in Canada_, 223. - - Carolinas, map of, by Henry Monson, 675. - - Carpenter, J. C., 227. - - Carr, Dabney, 56. - - Carr, Lucien, on women's rights among the Indians, 607. - - Carrington, Gen. H. B., _Boston and New York_, 173; - plan of Bunker Hill, 189, 202; - _Strategic relations of New Jersey_, 413; - on Lafayette in Virginia, 547. - - Carroll, Chas., autog., 227, 265; - letters from Canada, 229; - in Canada, 166, 227; - last survivor of the signers of the Decl. of Indep., 264; - his _Journal_, 227; - references, 227; - his wealth, 227; - his house, 227; - medal, 227; - portrait, 227; - life, 266. - - Carroll, John, in Canada, 166, 227. - - Carter, William, _Genuine Detail_, 195. - - Carter's Valley, 678. - - Cartwright, John, 244. - - Caruthers, E. W., _Interesting Rev. Incidents_, 514, 539; - _Life of David Caldwell_, 81, 514. - - Carver, Jonathan, map of province of Quebec, 226. - - Cary, Archibald, 259. - - _Case of Great Britain and America_, 85. - - Castiglione, _Viaggio_, 529. - - Castine, 604; - British at (1779), 603. - - Castle William (Boston), view, 157; - blown up, 158. - - Castleton, Vt., 297; - Burgoyne's orders to people of, 359. - - Caswell and the North Carolina militia, 476. - - Catawba Indians, 611; - in the war, 525, 677; - friendly to the Americans, 620. - - Catawba River, 475. - - Catharine's town, N. Y., 669. - - Caughnawagas, 613, 655; - at Montreal, 624; - offer aid, 673. - - Caulkins, F. M., _New London_, 591. - - Cavendish, Lady Georgiana, _Admiral Gambier_, 230, 326, 436. - - _Cavendish Debates_, 102. - - Caverley, A. M., _Pittsford, Vt._, 355. - - Cayugas, their country, 609. - - Caziare, Lieut., his surveys of Yorktown, 553. - - Cedars, affair at, 166, 225, 616; - _Authentic Narrative_, 225. - - Ceracchi, bust of Hamilton, 384. - - Chad's Ford, 381, 421. - - Chadwick, J. W., 331. - - Chalmers, Geo., _Polit. Annals_, 64; - _Revolt of the Colonies_, 64, 232, 255; - _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, 255; - _Plain Truth_, 270; - on the growth of Amer. independence, 232. - - Chamberlain, Mellen, "The Revolution impending", 1; - edits Dearborn's journal, 219, 360; - his _John Adams_, 261; - _Authentication of the Decl. of Indep._, 269. - - Chambers, Col., _Chambersburg_, 327. - - Chambers, John, 219. - - Chamblée on the Sorel, 215; - Sullivan at, 167; - fort captured, 162; - its colors in Philad., 162. - - Champe, Sergeant, and Arnold, 468; - _Champe's Adventures_, 468. - - Champlain, Lake, armed vessels on (1776), 346; - Arnold on, 346; - surveyed by Brassier, 347; - maps, 348. - - Champney, L. W., "Memories of New London", 562. - - Chandler Ford, Pa., 421. - - Chandler, P. W., _Amer. Criminal Trials_, 86, 463. - - Chandler, Thomas B., his controversy with Chauncey, 71; - _What think ye of Congress now?_ 101; - _Strictures examined_, 106. - - Channing, Edw., "War in the Southern Dept.", 469. - - Channing, Wm. H., edits J. H. Perkins' _Memoirs_, 648. - - Chapin, C. W. E., 650. - - Chapman, Isaac A., 199, 362; - _Wyoming,_ 664. - - Chapman, T. J., on the siege of Fort Pitt, 697; - on C. F. Post, 736. - - Charleston, S. C., view, 171; - (1776), 229; - (1777), 471; - defences (1776), 169; - map of its harbor, 170, 471; - news of Lexington in, 178; - capitulation at, 322; - evacuated, 507; - Lincoln at, 474, 513; - attacked by Prevost, 520; - _Address to Clinton_, 527; - tea-ships at, 57; - siege (1780), 471, 524; - forces engaged, 525; - losses, 525; - plans of the siege, 526, 528; - American prisoners at, 534; - plan of, 538; - repossessed, 546; - ships taken at (1780), 582, 583. - - Charlestown, Mass., views of, 197; - plan of, 198, 201, 202, 206, 210; - survey of, 200; - works made by the British (1775-1776), 202; - deserted, 138; - burned, 138. - - Charters amended or revoked by the crown, 3; - Franklin's opinion, 3. - - Chartres, Fort, surrendered, 705; - acc. of, 706; - abandoned, 720. - _See_ Fort. - - Chase, Samuel, in Canada, 166, 227; - autog., 265; - life, 266; - letters, 341. - - Chase, Thomas, _Sketches of Paul Jones_, 590. - - Chastellux, autog., 500; - on Cowpens, 538; - _Remarks on his Travels,_ 463, 560; - sails from Baltimore, 745. - - Chatham resigned, 46; - _Appeal_, 109 (_see_ Pitt); - common popular portrait, 109; - portrait for R. H. Lee, 110; - Hoare's picture of, 110; - bust by Wilton, 110; - statue at Charleston, 110; - medals, 110; - lives of, 112; - his speeches, 112; - his speeches against using Indians, 617, 621. - - Chatterton's Hill, 286. - - Chaudiere River, 224. - - Chauncey, Chas., his autog., 71; - controversy with Chandler, 71; - _Discourse on Mayhew_, 71; - sermon, the Stamp Act repeal, 74; - on the Penobscot exped., 603; - _Letter to a friend_, 76, 95. - - Chauvignerie, report on the Indians, 652. - - Cheever, David, 187. - - Chemung, 669; - ambuscade at, 681; - destroyed, 639. - - Cheney, J. V., 138. - - Cheraws, camp at, 483. - - Cherokees, 611; - in the war, 523, 675; - their territory, 610; - ready to fight, 620; - map of campaign against, 675; - country invaded, 676; - treaties with, 677, 679; - their houses, 678. - - Cherry Valley, 609; - accounts of massacre, 665; - attacked, 636, 638; - fortified (1778), 636. - - Chesapeake Bay, charts of, 548; - French map, 553; - map of entrance, 550. - - Chesney, Alex., acc. of war in So. Carolina, 535. - - Chesney, Col., _Essays in modern military biography_, 536. - - Chester, John, 187. - - Chester, J. L., on André's lineage, 464. - - Chester (Pa.), 429; - Washington at, 382, 415. - - Chestnut Hill (Pa.), 425, 428; - skirmish at, 389. - - Chevalier, M., _La Marine Française_, 598. - - Chew, Benj., his house, 385, 426. - - Chew, Joseph, 658. - - Chickamaugas, 678. - - Child, D. L., _Inquiry into conduct of Gen. Putnam_, 191. - - Child, Sir Josiah, 63. - - Chilicothe destroyed, 731. - - Chipman, _Life of Warner_, 356. - - Chittenden, L. E., _Address_, 214. - - Choctaws, 611. - - Choiseul, Duc de, 686; - sends a messenger to the English colonies, 244; - understood American affairs, 60; - watching the colonies, 16. - - Choisy, autog., 500. - - Chotteau, Léon, _Les Français en Amérique_, 463, 560. - - Chouteau, Col. P., 705. - - Christian, Col. Wm., 676, 679, 714. - - Christiana Bridge (Pa.), 421; - creek, 381; - river, 421. - - Church, Dr. Benj., his traitorous correspondence, 118, 145; - confined in Cambridge, 142; - _Elegy on Dr. Mayhew_, 71; - _The Times_, 73; - oration on Boston Massacre, 88. - - Churchill, Amos, _Hubbardton_, 350. - - Cincinnati Society, 746. - - Circular letter of Mass., 42; - in England, 44, 46; - responses, 44. - - Cist, Lewis J., 264. - - Clap, Ensign, 203. - - Clapham, Mrs., 47. - - Clapp, _Dorchester_, 173. - - Clarence, C. W., _Ralph Farnham_, 192. - - Clark, Abraham, 407; - autog., 264; - life, 265. - - Clark, Geo. Rogers, on the origin of the Dunmore war, 710; - on Cresap, 712; - his tour in Kentucky, 716; - sent to Va. Assembly, 716; - plans the conquest of the Northwest, 716; - made a colonel, 717; - raises troops, 717; - his own accounts of his Illinois campaign, 718; - his papers owned by L. C. Draper, 718; - his journal at Vincennes, 718; - his despatches captured, 718; - captures Kaskaskia, 719; - captures Vincennes, 718, 722; - his youth, 723; - holds council with the Indians, 724; - marches to retake Vincennes, 725; - transactions with Vigo, 725; - summons Hamilton, 726, 727; - on Hamilton, 682; - fac-simile of autog., 727; - captures stores, 728; - plans of capturing Detroit, 728; - builds Fort Jefferson, 730; - intercepted letters 730, 733; - estimate of him by Washington, 731; - fights Arnold in Va., 732; - made brig.-general, 732; - urged to capture B. Arnold in Va., 732; - disappears from Western history, 733; - on the Miami, 733; - discharged, 733; - social habits, 733; - in French service (1793), 733; - references, 734; - death, 734; - portrait, 734; - at St. Louis, 737, 740. - - Clark, Henry, on Hubbardton, 350. - - Clark, John, _Battle fought 17th June_, 195. - - Clark, John, diary, 436, 446. - - Clark, Rev. Jonas, 122, 180. - - Clark, Joseph, 445. - - Clark, Gen. J. S., map of the Newtown battle, 681; - on the Sullivan campaign (1779), 671. - - Clark, Major, spy of Washington, 439. - - Clark, Peter, on Bennington, 354. - - Clark, Thomas, _Naval Hist. of U. S._, 589. - - Claus, Col. Daniel, 247, 351, 661; - has charge of St. Leger's Indians, 628; - manuscript anecdotes of Brant, 663: - - Cleveland, Col., and North Carolinians, 478. - - Clinch Valley, 676. - - Clinton, De Witt, life of Philip Livingston, 265. - - Clinton, George, house in N. Y., 276; - portraits, 197, 308; - memoir by W. L. Stone, 308; - opposes evacuation of N. Y., 333; - autog., 364. - - Clinton, Sir Henry, at Bunker Hill, 138; - proclamations in S. Carolina, 229, 322, 513, 526; - attacks Fort Moultrie, 153, 170, 230; - in the battle of Brooklyn, 279; - attack on Forts Clinton and Montgomery, 306; - plan, 363; - despatches, 364; - in Philadelphia, 396; - succeeds Howe, 443; - on Monmouth, 446; - on the Southern campaign (1778), 520; - endeavors to save André, 461; - his MS. _Hist. of the War_, 467; - his accounts of Arnold and André, 467; - in the South, 469; - attacks Charlestown, S. C., 471, 526; - captures it, 474; - his report, 525; - deceived by Washington's seeming intention of attacking New York, - 498, 501, 561; - _Narrative_, 516; - _Observations on Cornwallis's Answer_, 516; - his notes on the correspondence, 156; - controversy with Arbuthnot, 517; - _Letter to Com. on Public Accounts_, 517; - _Observations on Stedman_, 517; - _Memorandum on plundering_, 517; - forged despatch about siege of Charleston, 527; - his controversy with Cornwallis, 547; - orders him to occupy Old Point Comfort, 548; - ordered by Germain to continue the war in the South, 548; - seeks to succor Cornwallis, 549; - in New Jersey, 559; - on the revolt of the Penn. line, 561; - in Rhode Island (1776), 593; - (1778), 603; - sends naval force to Penobscot (1779), 603; - portraits, 306, 307; - relieved by Carleton, 745. - - Clinton, Gen. James, his expedition against the Indians, 638; - acc. of, 659; - in the Sullivan exped. (1779), 667, 670; - portraits, 670, 681; - _Revolutionary Relics_, 457. - - Clunes, John, 360. - - Cluny, Alex., _Amer. Traveller_, 85. - - Clymer, Geo., autog., 265; - life, 265. - - Cobb, David, diary at Yorktown, 554. - - Cobbett, Wm., 359. - - Cobleskill, Brant at, 633; - confused accounts of, 633; - destroyed, 660. - - Coburn, F. W., _Bennington_, 356. - - Cockings, Geo., _The American War_, 197, 200. - - Coffin, Chas., _Bunker Hill_, 189; - _Mem. of Gen. Thomas_, 167. - - Coffin, C. C., _Boscawen_, 355; - on Bunker Hill, 190. - - Coffin, Shubael, 33. - - Cohoes, 609. - - Colden, lieut.-gov. of New York, 30. - - Coleman, C. W., on Greene, 537. - - Coleman, E. C., on Simon Kenton, 708. - - Colerain, Lord, 517 (_see_ Hanger, Geo.), _Life of Hanger_, 517. - - Coles, Edward, 258. - - Collet, O. W., 730, 740. - - Collet, surveys of No. Carolina, 538. - - Colleville, Vicomte de, _Les missions secretes du Baron de Kalb_, 244. - - Collier, Sir Geo., 326; - in N. Y. harbor, 330; - relieves Penobscot, 582; - in the "Rainbow", 589. - - Colman, R. F., 734. - - Colonies, English, their independence of England, 232; - their relations to the crown, 3, 5. - - Colonization, English idea of, 687. - - Colucci, Giuseppe, _Guerra per l'Independenza_, 523. - - _Columbian Magazine_, 510. - - Combahee Ferry, 507. - - Committees of correspondence, origin of, 89; - of correspondence, inspection, and safety, 90. - - Conanicut Island, map of, 596, 600, 602. - - Concord (Mass.), fight at, 124; - roads about, 121; - visited by Brown and Bernière, 119; - authorities on the fight, 175; - depositions, 175; - fac-simile of Col. James Barrett's, 177; - plan of, 180; - centennial celebration, 184; - histories, 184; - view of, 185 (_see_ Lexington); - military stores at, 123; - Prov. Congress at, 120. - - Cone, Mary, 729; - _Rufus Putnam_, 158. - - Conestogoes, massacred by Paxton Boys, 606, 682; - their lands, 606. - - "Confederacy", captured, 584. - - Confederation of the United States (1776), 240, 274; - articles, 174; - debates on, 274; - Franklin's proposed plan, 654. - - Congaree River, 475. - - Congress of 1754, 63, 65; - various plans at, 66; - Rhode Island and, 66, 67. - - Congress of 1774, proposed, 59, 60; - who originated?, 98; - sessions, 99; - legal aspects of, 99; - the delegates, how chosen 99; - feelings in N. Y. towards, 99; - Delaware members, 99; - Virginia members, 99; - tracts about, 99; - New England in, 99; - Sunday sessions opposed, 99; - Middle States in, 99; - Virginia in, 99; - Carolina in, 99; - its _Journal_, 100; - its device, 100; - copy owned by Thomas Cushing, 100; - _The whole proceedings_, 100; - _Extracts from its Journal_, 100; - documents in Force, 100; - notes of the debates, 100; - _Declaration of Rights_, 100; - _Petition to the King_, 100; - MS. copies in existence, 100; - printed copies, 100; - _Address to the people of Great Britain_, 100; - a _Letter_ in response, 100; - _Memorial to the Colonies_, 100; - _Suffolk Resolves_, read, 100; - the approval of them drove out the loyalists, 101; - effect in England, 101; - Galloway's plan of adjustment, 101; - relations of loyalists, 101; - _Articles of Association,_ 101; - fac-similes of signatures, 102; - address to inhabitants of Quebec, 104; - every step known in London, 104; - its views challenged in New York, 104; - the Seabury-Wilkins tracts on, 104; - letter to the king, 237; - declaration, 237. - - Congress of 1775, 107; - _Journal_, 107; - different eds., 107; - debates, 107; - its _Declaration_, 108; - _Address to the inhabitants of Great Britain_, 108; - _Address to Ireland_, 108; - _Address to New England_, 108; - _Petition to the King_, 108, 255; - chooses Washington commander-in-chief, 108; - articles of confederation, 108; - approves the form of government adopted in Mass., 108; - articles for the government of the troops, 108; - plan for organizing militia, 108; - proceedings, secret, 108; - com. of secret correspondence, 108; - general references, 108; - lives of members, 108; - effect in England, 109; - Dr. Samuel Johnson's _Taxation no Tyranny_, 109; - tender of Canada, 160; - parties in, 255. - - Congress, Continental, sends a commission to Canada, 166; - Declaration of Independence, 228 (_see_ Declaration); - and independence, 231; - its character, 233; - New Hampshire in, 234; - Massachusetts in, 234; - Connecticut in, 234; - Pennsylvania in, 234; - journals, 252, 261, 268; - leaves Philadelphia (1776), 373, 383; - its lessening character, 391; - distrust of Washington in, 391; - inefficiency of, 556, 744; - creates inspector-general, 556; - seeks to regulate prices, 556; - naval committee, 567; - appoints Hopkins commander-in-chief of navy, 568; - arranges the rank of captains, 570; - gives commissioners in Europe power to commission naval officers, - 573; - authorizes privateers, 591; - _Extracts from Journals on prizes and privateers_, 591; - prize claims, 591; - and the use of Indians, 615, 616, 622, 632, 654; - creates Indian departments, 616; - addresses the Six Nations, 616; - plan of confederation, 616; - address to Ireland, 617. - - Connecticut claims the credit of capturing Ticonderoga (1775), 160, - 213; - claim to land in Pennsylvania, 605, 665, 680; - creates a navy, 565; - equips troops (1775), 122; - her seamen, 587; - invaded by Tryon, 557; - men at Bunker Hill, 189; - naval officers, 568; - organizes a militia, 116; - issues paper money, 116; - privateers, 591; - whale-boat warfare, 591; - _Queries and Answers_ as to her commerce, 64; - retains her original charter, 274; - sends a message to Gage (1775), 128; - Mass. delegates in, 128; - Stamp Act in, 73; - troops in Long Island battle, 329; - trouble with the Mohawks, 605. - - Connecticut Valley invaded (1780), 645. - - Conner, Timothy, journal, 575. - - Connolly, Dr. John, 709. - - Connolly's arrest, 653. - - Conover, Geo. S., edits journals of Sullivan expedition, 681; - _Sayengueraghta_, 663. - - Conrad, R. T., edited Sanderson's _Signers_, 266. - - Constitution Island in the Hudson, 323, 462, 465; - plan, 325. - - Constitutional Society in London, 175. - - Constitutions of the several United States, 268, 272. - - Continental army reorganized, 437; - distresses of, 560; - number of men in, year by year, 588; - including militia, 588; - not paid, 745; - disbanded, 746. - - Continental Congress. _See_ Congress. - - Continental navy, general accounts of, 589; - forming of, 567; - naval committee, 567; - names of first-built ships, 567; - officers commissioned in Europe, 573; - its captures, 576, 589; - losses, 576; - force in 1780, 583; - total number engaged in service, 584, 587; - compared with land forces, 588; - vessels sunk in the Delaware, 428; - raised, 445. - _See_ Navy. - - Convention troops (Burgoyne's army), 317; - at Rutland, 321; - in Virginia, 321. - - Conway Cabal, 392; - who shared in it?, 446; - references, 446, 447. - - Conway, Gen. H. S., 31, 238; - his portrait ordered by Boston, 74; - likenesses, 74. - - Conway, Gen. Thomas, at Brandywine, 382; - and the Conway Cabal, 392. - - Conyngham, Gustavus, commands the "Surprise", 573; - takes prizes into Dunkirk, 573; - imprisoned in France, 573; - demanded of France by England, 574; - in the "Revenge", 574. - - Cook, Frederick, 681. - - Cook, James, map of So. Carolina, 537. - - Cook, Col. John, 668. - - Cook, Lemuel, 746. - - Cook, Col. Thaddeus, orderly-book (1777), 359. - - Cooke, Geo. W., _Hist. of Party_, 112. - - Cooke, J. E., on Chas. Lee, Gates, etc., 144; - on Jefferson, 259; - on the Virginia Declaration of Independence, 259; - on the Virginia Constitution, 272; - "Historic houses in the Shenandoah", 407; - on the British in Virginia, 546. - - Cooke, Samuel, _The Violent destroyed_, 180. - - Cooke, W. D., _Rev. Hist. of N. Carolina_, 256. - - Coolidge, G. A., _Brochure of Bunker Hill_, 132. - - Coolidge, T. Jefferson, 258. - - Cooper, J. F., _Lionel Lincoln_, 185, 200; - _Travelling Bachelor_, 466; - _Naval Hist. U. S._, 589; - editions, 589; - _Lives of Distinguished Naval Officers_, 589; - _Pilot_, 590. - - Cooper, Dr. Myles, _Friendly Address_, 106; - drew out other tracts, 106; - _American Querist_, 106; - _What think ye of Congress now?_ 101. - - Cooper, Dr. Samuel, defends D'Estaing, 580, 601; - corresponding with Wm. Livingston, 83; - on Preston's trial, 86; - letters, 203. - - Cooper, Samuel (Penna.), 436. - - Cooper, Wm., 84; - town clerk of Boston, autog., 87, 115. - - Copley, J. S., paints Hancock, 270; - John Adams, 36; - Sam. Adams, 40; - Chief Justice Oliver, 95. - - Copp, J. J., 562. - - Cornplanter, chief of the Senecas, 644. - - Cornstalk, at battle of Point Pleasant, 714; - accounts of, 714. - - Cornwallis, Lord, attacks Fort Washington, 289; - crosses the Hudson (1776), and occupies Fort Lee, 338, 367; - in New Jersey, 376; - at Brandywine, 381, 422; - in Philadelphia, 384; - at Germantown, 427; - at Gloucester, 430; - headquarters in Savannah, 471; - at Charlestown, S. C. (1780), 473; - portraits, 474, 475; - contemp. acc. of, 474; - in command in the South, 475; - attacks Gates at Camden, 477; - weakened by the loss at King's Mountain, 480; - destroys his train, 483; - pursues Greene, 484; - at Hillsborough, 484; - at Guilford, 485; - pursued, 487; - at Wilmington, N. C., 494; - moves to Virginia, 495; - in command, 496; - tries to intercept Lafayette, 497; - at Portsmouth, Va., 498; - ordered to fortify a post, 498; - seizes Yorktown, 498; - surrenders, 504; - autog., 505; - his headquarters in Yorktown, 506; - his cave, 506; - his headquarters at Williamsburg, 506; - _Correspondence_, 516; - controversy with Clinton, 516; - _Reply to Clinton_, 516; - _Answer to Clinton's Narrative_, 516; - and Arbuthnot, 517; - on Tarleton, 518; - at siege of Charleston (1780), 526; - at Camden, 529; - his proclamation, 532; - his opinion of rebels, 534; - affected by Ferguson's defeat, 536; - maps of his Southern campaigns, 537, 538; - map of his campaign with Lafayette, 538; - on the Cowpens 538; - his order-book, 539; - pursuit of Greene to the Dan, 539; - at Guilford, 539, 541; - his order-book, 541; - at Wilmington, N. C., 547; - disagrees with Clinton about moving into Virginia, 547; - Germain approved, 548; - fortifies Yorktown, 549. - - Correspondence, committees of, 54, 56. - _See_ Committees. - - Cortelyou House, 329. - - Cortland Manor, 340. - - Cortlandt, Col. Philip, autobiography, 360; - portrait, 681. - - Coryell's Ferry, 369. - - Courts of vice-admiralty, 71. - - Coventry Forge, 415. - - Cowan's Ford, 539. - - Cowboys, 456. - - Cowley, R., _Harbor of Charleston_, 529. - - Cowpens, battle of, 481, 482, 538; - its importance, 482; - forces at, 539; - losses, 539; - plan of fight, 539; - medals given, 539. - - Cox, Daniel, 372. - - Cox, S. S., 366. - - Craft, Rev. David, on Sullivan's campaign, 670, 681. - - Crafts, Wm., 230. - - Craigie, Andrew, 142. - - Cramahé commands in Quebec, 163. - - Cranberry, N. J., 408, 410. - - Crawford, Col. Wm., killed, 736. - - Crawford, James, 684. - - Creasy, _Decisive Battles_, 357. - - Creek Indians, 611, 679. - - Cresap, Capt. Michael, advises against a war with the Indians, 710; - acc. of, 710; - unjustly charged with killing Logan's family, 711, 712; - accounts of, 712; - dies, 713; - grave, 713. - - Cresap, Col. Thomas, 710, 712; - treaty with the Indians, 607. - - Cresap's War, 707. - - Criminals enlisted by the British, 112, 705. - - Croghan, Geo., on the Indian lands, 650; - his estimate of Indian population, 650; - sent among the Western Indians (1765), 702; - at Vincennes, 703; - meets Pontiac, 704; - journals of his Western journey, 704. - - Croghan, Major William, journal at Charleston, 525. - - Cromot-Dubourg, _Journal_, 553, 554. - - Crooked Billet (Pa.), 442. - - Cross, Ralph, journal, 360. - - Crosscup, B. S., _Heart of the Alleghanies_, 536. - - Crosswicks, 408, 410. - - Crown's right to unoccupied lands, 2, 6, 15; - can administer justice, 4. - - Crufts, Benj., 188. - - Cruger, J. H., 522. - - Cruger, Lewis, 74. - - Cruvat, Don Francisco, 743. - - Cullum, General G. W., on Richard Montgomery, 216; - "The Struggle for the Hudson", 275; - _Defences of Narragansett Bay_, 593. - - Currietown, N. Y., destroyed, 645. - - Curry, J. L. M., address on Yorktown, 555. - - Curtis, G. W., _Concord Oration_, 184; - on Burgoyne's surrender, 361. - - Cushing, Caleb, on Brant at Wyoming, 663. - - Cushing, John, autog., 50. - - Cushing, Thomas, in Congress (1774), 59, 93; - autog., 99; - report on building of armed ships, 591. - - Custis, G. W. P., on John Laurens, 545. - - Cutler, Manasseh, diary in R. I. (1778), 601. - - - D'Abbadie, gov. at N. Orleans, 701. - - Daggett, John, Jr., 85. - - Dale, Richard, on the "Bon Homme Richard", 590; - revised the acc. in Cooper's _Naval Hist._, 590. - - Dallas, A. J., _Laws of Penna._, 649. - - Dalrymple, Sir John, _Reply to Burgoyne_, 365; - _Rights of Great Britain asserted_, 109, 269; - _Address_, 109. - - Dalton, Capt., 652. - - Dalzell, Capt., at Detroit, 697; - killed, 697. - - Dalzell, J. M., 746. - - Damer, G., his letters, 549. - - Dana, Francis, 437; - on independence, 256. - - Dana, Richard, autog., 87. - - Dana, R. H., Jr., edits diary of a British officer in Boston, 204; - address at Lexington, 184. - - Danbury (Conn.), 340, 348. - - Danvers (Mass.) men at Lexington, 184. - - Darke, Gen., 144. - - Dartmouth, Earl of, autog., 111; - orders the employment of Indians, 620; - on the ministry, 53; - _Dartmouth Papers_, 106. - - Daughters of Liberty, 79, 80. - - Davenant, Chas., 63. - - Davie, Col., at Hobkirk's Hill, 543. - - Davie, W. R., accounts of, 537. - - Davis, A. McF., edits McKendry's journal, 666; - "The Indians and the Border Warfare", 605. - - Davis, Capt., of Acton, 184. - - Davis, Capt. John (Penna.), journal, 546, 554. - - Davis, Nathan, 668. - - Davis, Thomas W., 202. - - Davis, Wm., 439. - - Davis, W. J., 219, 747. - - Davis, W. W. H., _John Lacey_, 442; - "Washington on the west bank of the Delaware", 407. - - Dawes, Thomas, 88. - - Dawes, Wm., sent to Concord, 123. - - Dawson, H. B., "_Sons of Liberty in N. Y._", 72; - on Golden Hill, 172; - _Bunker Hill_, 185, 189; - controversy with "Selah", 191; - _Gleanings_, 191; - _Major-Gen. Putnam_, 191; - edits How's journal, 202; - on Ticonderoga (1775), 214; - _Decl. of Indep. by Mass._, 257; - _Westchester County_, 325; - edits _N. Y. City during the Rev._, 346; - edits _Trial of J. H. Smith_, 463; - edits _Yonkers Gazette_, 464; - _Gazette Series_, 464; - _Papers Concerning Major John André_, 464; - edits _Conduct of Graves_, 549; - _Assault on Stony Point_, 558; - on Jones's fight in the "Bon Homme Richard", 590. - - Dawson, S. E., 225. - - Dayton, Col., at Fort Stanwix, 626. - - Dayton, _Siege of Yorktown_, 554. - - De Berdt, Dennis, agent of Mass., 45; - dies, 53; - portrait, 88. - - De Brahm, _Journal of Siege of Charleston_, 525. - - De Costa, B. F., on Ethan Allen, 214; - _Fort George_, 214; - on Diamond Island, 357; - _Lake George_, 129. - - D'Estaing. _See_ Estaing. - - De Kalb, Baron, in America (1768), 244; - joins the army, 380; - in the South, 475; - commands regulars, 476; - killed, 477; - lives, 530; - monument, 530. - - De Lancey, E. F., on Bennington, 354; - on Demont's treason, 287, 341. - - De la Touche, 500. - - De Leyba, 730. - - De Peyster, Col. A. S., _Miscellanies_, 733. - - De Peyster, Gen. J. Watts, on Burgoyne's campaign, 313, 315; - on Monmouth, 446; - on Wayne, 385. - - De Peyster, Major, 720. - - Deane, Charles, on history of slave trade in Mass., 9; - on John Russell Bartlett, 90; - on R. Frothingham, 186; - owns a MS. map of the siege of Boston, 209; - on the _Report of a Constitution_ (Mass.), 274; - on the convention of Burgoyne and Gates, 319; - owns Vaughan's journal, 506. - - Deane, James, acc. of, 674. - - Deane, Silas, letters, 99, 108; - his instructions, 256; - fits out the "Surprise", 573; - and privateers, 592. - - Dearborn, Gen. Henry, on plans of Bunker Hill, 202; - his MS. journal, 467; - on the Bunker Hill controversy, 190; - journal of Quebec expedition (1775-1776), 219; - journal of Saratoga campaign, 360; - his journal, edited by Chamberlain, 360; - diary at Valley Forge, 436; - at Monmouth, 446; - diary at Yorktown, 554; - journal of Sullivan campaign (1779), 671. - - Dearborn, H. A., 437. - - Dearborn, Nath., _Boston Notions_, 200. - - _Debrett's Debates_, 516. - - Debt of Great Britain, 16. - - Declaration of Amer. Independence, who drafted it, 239 (_see_ Congress - of 1776); - its character, 239; - fac-simile of original draft, 260; - debates on, 261; - paragraphs omitted from the paper as passed, 261; - changes made in the wording, 261; - early drafts, 261; - essence in earlier tracts of Otis and Sam. Adams, 261; - its literary character, 261; - the original text, 261; - Trumbull's picture, 261; - medals, 261; - autographs of signers, 263-266; - sets of the autographs, 264; - birthplaces of the signers, 264; - their occupations, 264; - college graduates, 264; - their ages at death, 264; - average age at signing, 264; - their lives, 265; - fac-similes of, 266; - fac-simile of an early broadside edition, 267; - other broadside editions, 268; - contemporary reprints, 268; - earliest authorized edition, 268; - when signed by the members, 268; - the authentication, 269; - effect of, 269; - comments on, at the time, 269; - an _Answer_, 240, 269; - read in Philadelphia, 273; - in New York, 273; - in Boston, 273; - the day to be commemorated, 274; - _Strictures_ on, 240; - relations to religious sects, 241; - separated the patriots and the loyal, 247. - _See_ Independence. - - Declaratory Act, 32; - (1766), 74. - - Dejean, 728, 729. - - Delaplaine's _Repository_, 40. - - Delaware, Stamp Act in, 73; - effect of Boston Port Bill in, 96; - non-importation, 79; - northern bounds, 421; - militia, 380; - troops, 545. - - Delaware Bay, map, 437. - - "Delaware" frigate taken, 384. - - Delaware Indians, 610, 674, 709; - make treaty, 703; - neutral, 734. - - Delaware River, the struggle for, 367; - its defences, 386; - operations on (1777), 429; - map by Faden, 429; - maps, 437; - obstructed (1777), 437; - first naval conflict on, 565. - - Deming, H. C., 191. - - Demont, Wm., his treachery at Fort Washington, 287, 341. - - Denison, J., 602. - - Deniston, Col., surrenders to Major John Butler, 635; - his report, 635. - - Dennie, _Portfolio_, 222. - - Dennison, Col., 664. - - Denny, Major Ebenezer, _Diary_, 546, 554. - - Depew, Chauncey M., on André's captors, 466. - - Derby, E. H., 190; - fits out privateers, 591. - - Derby, Capt. John, carries news of Lexington to England, 175. - - Des Barres, _Siege of Charleston_, 528; - charts of Boston harbor, 209; - _Atlantic Neptune_, 212, 315; - _Coasts and harbors of N. England_, 212; - map of the campaign around New York, 342; - _Port Royal in South Carolina_, 519; - _Map of coasts of Georgia_, 521; - _map of Narragansett Bay_, 601. - - Desaussure, W. G., 527; - on General Moultrie, 172. - - Deshler, C. D., 744. - - Deshon, John, autog., 566. - - Destouche's fleet beaten, 496. - - Detroit, council at (1764), 698; - its fort, 690; - besieged, 690; - headquarters of the British northwestern government, 690; - Indians near, 610; - reinforced, 697; - raising of siege, 698; - siege of, references, 701; - G. R. Clark's scheme for capturing, 730, 731; - papers about, 733; - plan of the river, 733. - - _Deutsch-Amerikanisches Magazin_, 360. - - Deux-Ponts, Count, 504; - his _Campaign_, 554. - - Devens, Chas., _Bunker Hill Oration_, 191, 194. - - Devens, Richard, 136; - letters, 203; - on Lexington, 174. - - Dewitt, Simon, 744. - - Dewitt's Corner, treaty at, 679. - - Dexter, Dr. A., 202. - - Dexter, George, 123. - - Dexter, Henry, 194. - - Dexter, Samuel, on com. on the Stamp Act, 73; - his portrait, 73. - - Diamond Island, fight at, 357. - - Dickinson, John, 68, 238; - _Late Regulations respecting. Brit. Colonies_, 64, 75; - his _Speech_ (1764), 68; - _Reply to Galloway_, 68; - _Denunciation of the Stamp Act_, 75; - portrait, 268; - rude portrait and autog., 82; - Peale's portrait, 82; - his character, 82; - references, 82; - _Farmers' letters_, 39, 67, 83; - bibliog. of, 83; - _Polit. writings_, 83; - controverted in the _Controversy between Great Britain and her - Colonies_, 83; - on the Boston massacre, 85; - _Liberty Song_, 86; - wrote petition of Congress of 1774 to the king, 100; - _Essay on the constitutional power_, 106; - on Lexington, 178; - and independence, 249, 257; - Galloway on, 255; - speech against the Declar. of Independence, 261; - plan of confederation, 274; - and the Penna. militia, 398. - - Dickinson, John D., 464. - - Dickson, Col., 739. - - Digby, Lieut., 360. - - Dillon, _Indiana_, 729. - - Diman, Prof., on Prescott's capture, 404. - - Dobbs Ferry, 336, 337. - - Dodd, Robt., picture of the fight of the "Bon Homme Richard", 590. - - Dodd, Stephen, _Revolutionary Memorials_, 627. - - Doddridge, Jos., on Cresap, 712; - Logan, _Chief of the Cayuga Nation_, 712; - _Notes on Settlements_, etc., 248. - - Dodge, John, captured, 683. - - Döhla, J. K., 360. - - Donkin's _Military Collections_, 183. - - Donop, Count, 427; - at Fort Mercer, 428, 430; - killed at Red Bank, 387; - at Bordentown, 374; - at Brooklyn, 279; - at Long Island, 329. - - Doolittle, Amos, engraver, 185. - - Doolittle, Eph., 204. - - Dorchester Heights (near Boston), 148, 206, 210; - occupied, 156. - - Douglas, Col. Wm., 326. - - Dowdswell, 21. - - Downer, Silas, _Discourse on dedicating Liberty Tree_, 72. - - Downing, Sir George, 7. - - Downman, Col., 435. - - Drake, F. S., _Roxbury_, 173; - _Tea-leaves_, 91. - - Drake, S. A., _Bunker Hill,_ 194; - _Gen. Putnam_, 191; - _Middlesex County_, 175; - _Hist. Fields of Middlesex_, 175; - _Old Landmarks of Middlesex_, 175; - _New England Coast_, 560. - - Drake, S. G., _Book of the Indians_, 648; - on Brant, 657. - - Draper, L. C., acc. of, 535, 727; - on battle of Point Pleasant, 714; - his collections on Brant, 657; - has the Geo. R. Clark papers, 718; - _King's Mountain_, 535; - on Montgomery's exped. (1780), 741. - - Drayton, Judge W. H., 79; - his famous charge, 119; - _Memoirs_, 678. - - Dreer, Ferdinand J., 217. - - Drewe, Edw., _Case_, 198. - - Drisko, G. W., _Hannah Weston_, 564, 657. - - Drowne, H. T., 592. - - Drowne, Solomon, _Journal_, 592. - - Du Buysson, 530. - - Ducharme, J. M., 739. - - Du Chesnoy, _Théâtre de la Guerre_, 416. - - Du Portail, autog., 500; - on Brandywine, 419; - on the siege of Charleston, 525. - - Du Simitière, his portrait of Arnold, 447; - _Thirteen Portraits_, 268, 405. - - Duane, Wm., 554; - _Canada and the Continental Congress_, 227; - edits Marshall's diary, 273. - - Duché, Jacob, his letter to Washington, 437; - in Congress of 1774, 99. - - Dufey, P. J. S., _Histoire des Rev. de l'Amérique_, 520. - - Dufresne, M. M., 723. - - Dulaney, Daniel, _Considerations on the propriety of imposing taxes_, - 65, 75; - _The Right to the Tonnage_, 65. - - Dumas, Alex., _Capitaine Paul_, 590. - - Dumas, C. G. F., acc. of Bouquet, 692, 699. - - Dumas, C. W. F., letters, 108. - - Dumas, autog., 500. - - Dummer, _Defence of the N. E. Charters_, 255. - - Duncan, E., _Royal Artillery_, 183, 198, 559. - - Dunkirk, American cruisers at, 573; - privateers at, 592. - - Dunlap, John, printer, 372. - - Dunlap, Wm., _Tragedy of André_, 460, 560. - - Dunmore, Lord, 238; - negotiates a peace, 611; - incites the Indians, 618; - leads exped. against Indians, 713; - makes treaty with Ohio Indians, 714; - his seal, 167; - in Virginia (1776), 122, 167; - his proclamation, 168; - organizes an Indian regiment, 168. - - Dunmore War, 708; - causes of, 709; - references, 714. - - Dupuy, _Ethan Allen_, 214. - - Durand, A. B., 227. - - Durnford, Lieut., 356. - - Durrett, R. T., _John Filson,_ 708. - - Dwight, Theodore, _Connecticut_, 663. - - Dwight, T. F., on Washington's journal, 553. - - Dwight, Timothy, 189; - on fights near Fort Stanwix, 351. - - Dyer, Eliphalet, 215. - - - Eager, Samuel W., _Orange County_, 662. - - Earl, pictures of Lexington fight, 185. - - Earle, J. E., _English Premiers_, 75. - - East India Co. send tea to America, 57. - - Eastburn, map of Philad., 442. - - Eastern Indians, addressed by Washington 674; - visit Cambridge, 674. - _See_ Indians. - - Eaton, Amos, 679. - - Ebeling on Steuben, 515. - - Ebenezer (Georgia), 523. - - Ecuyer, Simeon, 690, 691. - - Eddy, Samuel, 464. - - Edes, Peter, 204. - - Edes and Gill, _No. Amer. Almanac_, 81. - - Edisto inlet, 526. - - Edson, Obed., on Brodhead's exped., 671. - - Edwards, N. W., _Illinois_, 729. - - Eelking, Max von, _Die Deutschen Hülfstruppen_, 361; - _Leben von Riedesel_, 361; - _Generalin von Riedesel_, 361. - - Egle, _Notes and Queries_, 554. - - Eld, Lieut., 517; - his journal, 559. - - Eliot, Andrew, 205; - on Bunker Hill, 187. - - Elizabethtown, N. J., 404. - - Elk Ferry, 379, 414. - - Ellery, Wm., 265; - autog., 263; - life, 266. - - Ellet, Mrs. E. F., _Domest. Hist. Am. Rev._, 527, 665; - _Women of the Rev._, 665. - - Ellicott, Andrew, _Map of the Mississippi River_, 702. - - Elliot, H. F., 72. - - Elliott, Andrew, on Arnold's treason, 467. - - Elliott, Matthew, 735. - - Ellis, Arthur B., _American patriotism on the sea_, 591. - - Ellis, E. S., _Daniel Boone_, 708. - - Ellis, Geo. E., Address on siege of Boston, 173; - on Bunker Hill, 189, 191, 194; - on Burgoyne, 204; - "Chronicles of the siege of Boston", 204; - the Prescott statue, 194; - "The sentiment of independence", 231. - - Elmer, Eben, 221 - - Elmer, L. Q. C., _Constitution of N. Jersey_, 272. - - Elmira, N. Y., 640. - - Elonis, Henry, 385. - - Elwyn, Alfred, on Brandywine, 418. - - Emerson, Ralph Waldo, _Hist. Discourse on Concord_, 180. - - Emerson, Rev. Wm., at Lexington, 180; - fac-simile of his diary, 181. - - Emmet, Dr. T. A., 197, 264, 467, 532; - owns memorials of the siege of Boston, 212. - - Emmons, G. F., _Navy of the U. S._, 589. - - Endicott, C. M., _Leslie's expedition_, 172. - - England, its constitution effected by the Amer. Revolution, 1; - rights of the crown to lands, 2; - parties in, on the American question, 112; - her naval losses, 589; - _Rept. from Com. on the disturbances in Mass._, 67; - her trade with the colonies, 64; - proceedings in Parliament (1774), 106; - Hutchinson's diary, 106; - war with Spain, 19. - - English, T. D., 230; - on Oriskany, 351. - - Englishtown, N. J., 445. - - Engraving, earliest, by a native artist in British America, 198, 199. - - Enlistments, long, 333. - - Enos, Col. Roger, deserts Arnold, 163, 217; - court martial, 217. - - Episcopacy for America urged on the ministry, 19, 38. - - Episcopalians and the Declar. of Independence, 241. - - Erskine, Robert, map of N. Y. harbor, 326; - map of the Hudson, 459; - topographical engineer of the Amer. army, 459; - map of Newport, 560; - map of country round N. Y., 561; - his map of the New Jersey campaign, 409. - - Escomaligo, 507. - - Esopus burned, 307. - - _Essex Gazette_, 110. - - Estaing, Comte d', sails from France, 579; - off New York harbor, 580; - at Newport, 580; - engages the English fleet, 580; - sails for Boston, 580; - off N. Y. harbor, 593; - goes to Newport, 593; - confronts Howe's fleet, 594; - portraits, 594, 595; - sails for Boston, 595; - autog., 595; - the French view of his conduct, 598; - his journal, 598; - defended by Dr. Cooper, 601; - causes the destruction of English ships in Narragansett Bay, 601; - in Boston (1778), 603; - issues proclamation to Canadians, 603; - sails to the West Indies, 603; - at Savannah (1779), 470, 471, 524; - on the siege of Savannah, 522. - - Ethier, Marcel, 225. - - Etting, Col. F. M., books on Independence Hall, 259. - - Euchee Indians, 679. - - Eustis, Dr. Wm., on Arnold's flight, 458. - - Eutaw Springs, battle at, 493, 545; - plans, 545. - - Evans, A. W. W., on Kosciusko, 492, 557. - - Evans, Chaplain, 554. - - Evans, S., 734. - - Everett, A. H., _Bunker Hill address_, 194; - _Jos. Warren_, 194. - - Everett, Edw., _Bunker Hill oration_, 194; - _Concord Oration_, 184; - on Lexington, 184; - life of Roger Sherman, 265. - - Ewald, _Beyspiele grosser Helden_, 419. - - Ewing, Dr. John, 329; - on the Lancaster massacre, 606. - - Exmouth, Viscount, life by Osler, 347. - - - Faden, Wm., map of New Jersey, 409; - _Bay of Narragansett_, 601; - map of the campaigns of Cornwallis, 537; - of So. Carolina, 538; - map of Delaware River, 429; - _Map of Guildford_, 540; - _Map of Newport_, 547; - map of the N. Y. Campaign (1776), 337, 338; - his maps of N. Y. province, 349; - of Philad., 442; - _of Quebec_, 226; - of Trenton and Princeton, 410; - _Northern Frontiers of Georgia_, 519. - - Fairfax County resolutions, 98. - - Fairfield, Conn., burned, 557. - - Falmouth (Portland) burned, 237; - Norman's engraving, 146. - - Family Compact, 19. - - Fanning, Col. David, _Narrative_, 541. - - Fanning, Capt. Nath., _Memoir_, 590. - - Fantinekill, 639. - - Farlow, R. L., 91. - - Farmar, Major, at Mobile, 704. - - Farmer, Robert, 705. - - Farmer, Silas, _Detroit_, 733. - - Farnham, Ralph, 192. - - Farrier, Geo. H., _Cent. Paulus Hook_, 559. - - Farwell, Josiah, 681. - - Fassoux, Dr. P., 533. - - Featherstonhaugh, G. W., 704; - _Monthly Amer. Journ. of Geology_, 704. - - Febiger, Col. Christian, 547; - acc. of, 220; - at Stony Point, 558. - - Fellows, John, _Veil Removed_, 191. - - Feltman, Lieut. Wm., _Journal_, 554. - - Fergus, Henry, _United States_, 665. - - Fergusson, Adam, _Memoir of Patrick Fergusson_, 535. - - Fergusson, Col. Patrick, 473; - defeated at King's Mountain, 478; - killed, 479, 535; - his headquarters at King's Mountain, 535; - sketch of, 535. - - Fermois, Gen. de, 297, 326. - - Fersen, Count, letters, 554; - at Newport, 560. - - Few, James, 81. - - Field, T. W., _Battle of Long Island_, 329. - - Filson, John, _Kentucky_, 708. - - Filson Club, 708. - - Finch on the remains of the Boston lines, 207. - - Finlay, Hugh, 222. - - Finotti, J. M., 227. - - Fish, Capt. J., journal, 591. - - Fish, Nicholas, 333, 346. - - Fishdam Ford, 518, 532, 536. - - Fisher, George H., on Bouquet, 693. - - Fisher, J. B., 85. - - Fisher, Joshua, 437. - - Fisheries, as a school for the navy, 568, 587; - value to Massachusetts, 25. - - Fishkill, 340. - - Fiske, John, on the political consequences of Yorktown, 549. - - Fitch, Asa, 203, 627. - - Fitch, gov. of Conn., 73. - - Fitzpatrick, Gen., on Brandywine, 419. - - Flag, the federal flag (1776), 153; - with Liberty Tree, 570; - with serpent, "Don't Tread on Me", 570; - that displayed by Paul Jones, 571; - by Johnston, 575; - pine-tree, 213; - of the United States, first fought under at Fort Stanwix, 300. - - Flanders, _Life of Rutledge_, 73. - - Flatbush, 328. - - Flathe, Theodor, _Geschichte der neuesten Zeit_, 492. - - Flatland, 328. - - Flaxman, his statue of Lord Howe, 380. - - _Fleet's Evening Post_, 110. - - Fletcher, Ebenezer, _Narrative_, 350. - - Fleury, Major Louis, at Germantown, 385; - his diary, 431; - his plan of Fort Mifflin, 433; - his plan of the attack, 435; - wounded at Fort Mifflin, 389. - - Flint, _West. Mo. Review_, 92. - - Florida, acquired by Great Britain (1763), 686; - bounds of (1763), 687. - - Floyd, Augustus, life of Wm. Floyd, 265. - - Floyd, Wm., autog., 264; - life, 265. - - Flucker, Thomas, 59. - - Flying Camp in New Jersey, 326, 403. - - Fogg, Jeremiah, 204. - - Folsom, Gen. M., 187. - - Fonblanque, E. B. de, _Burgoyne_, 204, 361. - - Fontleroy in America, 244. - - Foote, W. H., 714. - - Forbes, Major (1777), 366. - - Force, Col. Peter, _Amer. Archives_, 653; - their bad indexes, 567; - on the signing of the Decl. of Indep., 269. - - Ford, Paul L., _Hamiltoniana_, 104. - - Forman and the Penna. militia, 398. - - Forrest, Capt. Thomas, 375. - - Fort Anne burned, 297. - - Fort Arnold (West Point), 462, 463. - - Fort Bedford, 694. - - Fort Box (Brooklyn), 329. - - Fort Brewerton, 609. - - Fort Chartres, map of its vicinity, 700; - ruins of magazine, 703. - _See_ Chartres. - - Fort Clark, 720. - - Fort Clinton, 324; - attached plan, 363. - _See_ Forts. - - Fort Clinton (West Point), 465. - - Fort Constitution (Hudson River), 455. - - Fort Cornwallis (Augusta), 490. - - Fort Dayton (German Flats), 630. - - Fort Defiance (Long Island), 328. - - Fort Edward, 609; - Burgoyne at, 299; - Schuyler at, 297, 298. - - Fort Erie, 609. - - Fort Frederick, Convention troops at, 321. - - Fort Gage, 719. - - Fort Galphin, 544. - - Fort George (N. Y.), 333, 609. - - Fort Granby, 490, 544. - - Fort Grierson, 490. - - Fort Griswold (Conn.), 562. - - Fort Hardy, ruins of, 362. - - Fort Henry (Wheeling, Va.), 716. - - Fort Hunter, 609. - - Fort Independence (Hudson River), 456. - - Fort Independence (N. Y.), 287. - - Fort Jefferson (Mississippi River), 730. - - Fort Johnson, 609. - - Fort Johnson (James Island), 528. - - Fort Johnson (N. C.), 542. - - Fort Knyphausen, formerly Fort Washington, 338. - - Fort Le Bœuf, 691. - - Fort Lee, 288, 339; - evacuated, 338, 341, 367. - - Fort Ligonier, 694. - - Fort Logan attacked (1777), 716. - - Fort Massac, 718. - - Fort Mercer, 429; - (Red Bank), 386; - attacked, 387. - - Fort Michillimackinac, 691. - - Fort Mifflin, 386, 429; - attacked, 388; - Plans, 431, 432, 435. - - Fort Miller, 298. - - Fort Montgomery, 323; - attacked, 363; - plan, 324; - chain, 324. - _See_ Forts. - - Fort Motte, 489, 544; - captured, 490. - - Fort Moultrie surrendered (1780), 526. - - Fort Niagara, 609. - - Fort Ontario, 609. - - Fort Ouatanon taken, 691. - - Fort Pitt, 690, 733; - attacked, 691; - Bouquet at, 697. - - Fort Presqu' Isle taken, 691. - - Fort Putnam (West Point), 462, 465. - - Fort Rutledge, 675, 676. - - Fort Sandusky taken, 691. - - Fort Schlosser, 609. - - Fort St. Joseph taken, 691. - - Fort Stanwix (Schuyler) built, 299; - under Gansevoort, 299, 628; - attacked by St. Leger, 299, 628; - siege raised, 632; - conference at, for establishing bounds, 605, 610; - maps of bounds, 608, 609; - abandoned, 645; - map by Fleury, 351, 354, 355; - other maps, 351; - occupied (1775), 624; - its site, 626; - called Fort Schuyler, 626. - - Fort Stirling (Long Island), 328, 335. - - Fort Sullivan (Tioga River), 641. - - Fort Trumbull (Conn.), 562. - - Fort Tryon, 287. - - Fort Venango, 691. - - Fort Washington, attacked, 287; - commanded by Magaw, 287; - plans of it carried to Percy, 287; - its position, 287; - its armament, 287; - discretionary orders to Greene, 288; - surrendered, 289; - map of, 339; - fall of, 338; - named Fort Knyphausen, 338; - garrisoned, 285; - treachery of Demont, 341. - - Fort Watson, 544. - - Fort. _See_ names of forts. - - Forts Clinton and Montgomery, 455, 456, 465; - plan of attack, 365; - captured by Gen. H. Clinton, 306. - _See_ Fort. - - Forton, prison at, 575. - - Foster, W. E., _Stephen Hopkins_, 70, 567. - - Foucher, Antoine, _Fort St. Jean_, 223. - - Fowler, R. L., 91. - - Fox, C. J., on the battle of Guilford, 487; - on the side of the opposition, 112; - lives of, 112. - - Fox, Ebenezer, _Revolutionary Adventures_, 582. - - France driven from North America, 686; - her No. American possessions before 1763, 685; - her treaty obligations with England, 272. - - Francis, J. W., _Old New York_, 269. - - Frankland, Lady, 128. - - Frankland, Sir Henry, 12. - - Franklin, B., "Rules for reducing a Great Empire", 11; - examination as to the Stamp Act, 32, 74; - agent of Massachusetts, 53, 89; - agent of Penna., 74; - on the Stamp Act, 74; - correspondence with Dean Tucker, 74; - _Familiar Letters_, 85; - defamed for his connection with the Hutchinson letters, 56, 93; - blamed by Mahon, 93; - vindicates himself, 93; - acknowledged his agency in the Hutchinson letters to prevent a duel, - 93; - attacked by Wedderburn, 95; - _Franklin before the Privy Council_, 93, 95; - his clothes then worn, 95; - _Appeal_, 109; - in Canada, 166, 227; - on com. to draft Decla. of Indep., 239; - and the Revolution, 252; - views of independence, 255; - autog., 264; - the oldest signer of the Decl. of Independence, 264; - proposes a confederation, 274, 654; - _Narrative of Massacre in Lancaster County_, 606; - proposes an alliance with the Six Nations, 616; - his interest in Western lands, 649; - _Political Pieces_, etc., 653; - and the Vandalia Company, 708; - goes to Europe with Lambert Wickes, 571; - replies to Hillsborough's report, 688; - and the Wilkes turmoils, 28; - removed as postmaster of the colonies, 56; - on the union of the colonies, 65; - his plan of union (1754), 65; - _Proceedings in Mass._, 67; - _Some special Transactions in London_, 68; - letters on the feelings in England during the Stamp Act times, 75; - his annotations on pamphlets (1769), 84; - in London (1769), 85; - correspondence with Wm. Strahan, 85; - writes preface to Sam. Adams's _Rights of the Colonies_, 90; - corresponds with Cushing about a congress (1773), 99; - in London watched by Quincy, 105; - _A true State of the Proceedings_, 106; - his conferences with Chatham, 112; - with the Howes, 112; - writing in the _Public Advertiser_ (London), 112; - returns (1775) from England, 122; - in Cambridge (1775), 146; - urging a resort to bows and arrows, 156; - and Paul Jones, 590; - and privateers, 592; - his _Supplement to the Boston Independent Chronicle_ a hoax, 659, - 684; - advocates the retention of Canada (1763), 686. - - Franklin, Gov. W., seized, 325; - on Galloway's plan, 101. - - Franklin, Wm., letter, 73. - - Franklin Club, 219. - - Franks, Maj. D. S., aide to Arnold, 460. - - Fraser, Gen., with Burgoyne, 294; - wounded, 308; - at Hubbardton, 350; - death, 357; - removal of remains, 357. - - Fraser, Lt. Andrew, 702; - at Fort Chartres, 702; - escapes, 702. - - Frazer, Capt., at Fort Chartres, 706. - - Frazer, Persifer, 325; - on Monmouth, 446; - his papers, 346, 417. - - Frederic, H., on the Mohawk Valley 672. - - Free trade, 6. - - Freehold, N. J., 400, 408. - - Freeland's Fort, 639. - - Freeman's Farm, battle, 305, 336. - - Fremont, J. C., _Memoirs_, 258. - - French, their treatment of the Indian, 688; - their army moves from Va., 745; - near King's Ferry, 745; - march to Boston, 745. - - Friedenshütten, 734. - - Frisbie and Ruggles, _Poultney, Vt._, 355. - - Frog's Neck (N. Y.), 337; - English works at, 561. - - Frontiers, 248; - literature of, 248; - lawlessness on the, 608, 611; - bands of rangers, 608. - _See_ Border life and warfare. - - Frost, John, _Pict.-book of the Commodores_, 592. - - Frothingham, R., _Rise of the Republic_, 3, 252; - "Sam. Adams' Regiments", 78; - _Alarm on the night of Apr. 18, 1775_, 174; - _Siege of Boston_, 184; - _Joseph Warren_, 184, 194; - _Battlefield of Bunker Hill_, 184; - _The Centennial_, 184; - portrait, 186; - notices of, 186; - on Bunker Hill, 189; - on the command at Bunker Hill, 191. - - Fry and Jefferson, map of Virginia, 538. - - Fuller, O. P., _Warwick, R. I._, 90. - - Funerals, use of gloves, 77. - - Fur trade disturbed by colonization, 687. - - Futhey, J. S., on Brandywine, 419; - on Paoli, 419. - - Futhey and Cope, _Chester County_, 385. - - - Gadsden, Christopher, 79, 238, 269; - in the Congress of 1774, 99; - favors the Articles of Association, 101. - - Gage, Gen. Thomas, his letters sent back to Boston, 83; - _Letters to the ministry_, 84; - in Boston, 95, 113; - removes from Danvers, 114; - his wife, 123; - his report of Lexington, etc., 178; - instructions to Brown and Bernière, 182; - on Bunker Hill, 195; - his papers stolen, 204; - his letters, 204; - sends troops to Philad. to protect Indians, 606; - proclamation against intrusions on the Indian lands, 611; - complains of the Indians in the rebel army, 656; - succeeds Amherst in command in America, 702; - commands in N. Y., 30; - succeeds Hutchinson, 57; - caricature of, 59; - portrait, 114; - his spies make plans of the roads around Boston, 120; - autog., 145; - obstructed by Com. of Correspondence, 115; - awake to the magnitude of the revolt, 116; - his military reputation ruined at Bunker Hill, 136; - goes to England, 146; - loyalists address him, 146; - dissatisfied with Boston as a military post, 152. - - Gaine, _N. Y. Pocket Almanac_, 331. - - Gale, George, _Upper Mississippi_, 648. - - Gallatin, Albert, _Synopsis of Indian tribes_, 651. - - Galloway, Jos., 68; his plan of adjustment, 101; - _Candid Examination_, etc., 101; - a reply in an _Address_, 101; - and in response, _A Reply_, 101; - _Hist. and Polit. Reflections_, 101; - _Examination before the House of Commons_, 101; - Lecky's opinion of him, 101; - his character, 235; - in Cont. Congress, 235; - and the patriot leaders, 247; - _Hist. and Polit. Reflections_, 254; - joins the British, 370; - made superintendent of police in Philad., 395; - on Indian lands, 650; - his _Speech in answer to Dickinson_, 68; - conveyed information to Dartmouth through W. Franklin, 101, 104, - 111; - _Arguments on both sides_, 101; - his map of the 1777 campaign, 415; - _Letters to a Nobleman_, 415; - and the campaign of 1777, 416. - - Galvez, Gov., at New Orleans, 739; - captures British posts on the Mississippi, 739; - takes Mobile, 739. - - Gambier, Admiral, 436; - life by Cavendish, 326. - - Gambrall, _Church life in Colonial Maryland_, 71. - - Gammell, Wm., on John Russell Bartlett, 90; - _Samuel Ward_, 565. - - Gansevoort, Col., holds Fort Stanwix, 299, 628; - portrait, 629, 681; - refuses to surrender, 632; - in Sullivan's expedition, 641; - papers, 350, 670. - - Gardiner, Asa Bird, 156, 744. - - Gardiner, D., engraving of Cornwallis, 474. - - Gardiner and Mullinger, _Eng. Hist. for Students_, 75. - - Garth on the Stamp Act debates, 74. - - "Gaspee" burned, 46, 53, 90; - references, 90. - - Gates, Gen. Horatio, advises against an assault on Boston, 142; - paper on, by J. E. Cooke, 144; - letters from Cambridge, 203; - his character, 291; - at Ticonderoga, 291; - portraits, 302, 303, 310, 476; - autog., 303; - supersedes Schuyler, 303; - his estate in the Shenandoah Valley, 303; - in N. Y., 303; - headquarters at Saratoga, 303, 356, 361; - on the surrender of Burgoyne, 358; - medal given to him, 358; - strength of his army, 358; - joins Washington in the Jerseys, 378; - refuses to reinforce Washington (1777), 447; - sent South, 476; - deceived as to the size of his army, 476; - defeated at Camden, 477, 529; - at Charlotte, 477; - at Hillsborough, 477; - superseded by Greene, 480; - never tried, 480; - his papers, 532; - letters after Camden, 532; - defended by Greene and others, 532; - map of his Southern campaign, 537; - declines command of exped. against the Indians, 638; - commands in Canada (1776), 346; - differences with Schuyler, 346; - remonstrates at Schuyler's being confirmed, 349; - supersedes Schuyler, 356; - adj.-general at Cambridge, 655; - and the Board of War, 392; - quarrels with Arnold, 306, 315; - not on the field in the battles about Saratoga, 309; - agrees to Burgoyne's terms, 309; - aspires to supplant Washington, 312; - his military character, 314. - - Gates, Capt. Wm., orderly-book (1777), 359. - - Gay, S. H., on Cornwallis in Virginia, 549. - - Gee, Joshua, 63. - - Gee, Thomas, order-book, 670. - - General officers, first of the war, 143. - - _General View of the Amer. navy_, 589. - - General warrants, 11. - - Genet and the Western exped., 733. - - George II. died, 12. - - George III., portrait, 20, 76; - by Walpole, 75; - supported by his people, 111; - his determination to crush the revolt, 111; - his proclamation, 111; - his responsibility for the Amer. Rev., 244, 245; - justification by Mahon, 244; - his hatred of Chatham, 246; - his statue in N. Y., 325; - his proclamation of 1763, 687. - - George, Capt. Robert, 729. - - George, Fort (N. Y.), 275. - _See_ Fort. - - George, Lake, surveys of, 348. - - George's _Cambridge Almanac_, 178. - - Georgia, address to the king (1769), 83; - not represented in the Congress of 1774, 99; - movements (1775), 131; - in the Cont. Congress, 238; - Constitution of, 274; - occupied by the British (1779), 470; - war in, 513; - map of northern frontiers, 519; - map of A. Campbell, 675; - Indian war in, 676. - - Gérard in Philadelphia, 101. - - Gerlach, P., 350. - - Germain, Lord Geo., his orders to Burgoyne, 295; - portrait, 295; - fails to instruct Howe, 295; - and Gen. Howe, 329; - _Reply to Burgoyne_, 365; - _Correspondance avec Clinton_, etc., 516; - his instructions to reduce South Carolina, 526, 527; - family papers, 719; - to Clinton on Arnold and André, 467; - _The Rights of Great Britain_, 269; - scheme to conquer the West, 742. - - German Flats, 350. - - Germantown, battle of, sources, 385, 421; - map of approaches, 424; - Montresor's map, 426, 427; - other maps, 414, 426, 428; - Chew House, 426; - British camp at, 442. - - Gerry, Elbridge, 238; - on Washington as commander-in-chief, 131; - book of contracts, 203; - autog., 263; - life, 266; - draws law for admiralty cases in Mass., 591. - - Getty, Gen. G. W., his plan of Yorktown, 553. - - Gibault, a priest, 722. - - Gibbes, W. R., _Doc. Hist. Amer. Rev._, 512. - - Gibbs, Major, diary, 601. - - Gibson, Gen. John, 711, 712. - - Gibson, Thomas, 421. - - Gillett, E. H., 71. - - Gilman, Arthur, _Cambridge of 1776_, 142. - - Gilman, Caroline, edits _Wilkinson Letters_, 520. - - Gilmor Papers, 73. - - Gilmore, Jas. R., on the Cherokee wars, 679; - _Rear Guard of the Revolution_, 536. - - Gilpin, H. D., life of Jefferson, 265; - of Thomas Nelson, 266; - of Elbridge Gerry, 266; - of Cæsar Rodney, 266; - of Benj. Harrison, 266; - of Geo. Ross, 266; - life of Geo. Taylor, 266; - of William Ellery, 266; - of Sam. Adams, 266. - - Gilpin, Rev. Wm., _Memoirs of Josias Rogers_, 527. - - Giradin, L. H., _Virginia_, 515. - - Gist, Gen. Mordecai, 477, 533, 534. - - Gist, Col. Nath., and Indian recruits, 633, 677. - - Gladwin, Maj. Henry, at Detroit, 690; - acc. of, 690. - - Gleig, G. R., _British Commanders_, 516; - on Burgoyne's surrender, 358. - - Glick, on Bennington, 354. - - Gloucester, N. J., 425; - British at, 442; - map of Lafayette's victory at, 430. - - Glover, C. _Appeal_, 109. - - Glover, John, orderly-books, 204, 601; - conducts Convention troops to Boston, 317; - life, by Upham, 325; - his letters, etc., on the Saratoga campaign 356. - - Gnadenhütten, 606, 734, 736. - - Goddard, D. A., on Mass. men in Bennington fight, 355. - - Goddard, May Katharine, 268. - - Godefroy, Fr., _Recueil_, 185. - - Golden Hill, N. Y. city, 172. - - Goldsborough, Chas. W., _U. S. Naval Chronicle_, 589. - - Gooch, John, on Harlem, 334. - - _Good Literature_, 218. - - Goodell, A. C., Jr., 96, 108. - - Goodhue, _Shoreham, l't._, 214. - - Goodrich, Chas. A., _Lives of the Signers_, 266. - - Goodrich, Chauncy, 557. - - Goodrich, Capt. Wm., 613. - - Goodwin, Daniel, Jr., on Dearborn, 190; - _Provincial Pictures_, 73. - - Goodwin, H. C., _Cortland County_, 351, 666. - - Gookin, Daniel, 668. - - Goold, Wm., _Portland in the Past_, 146, 603. - - Gordon, Col Cosmo, his court-martial, 560. - - Gordon, Capt. Harry, 709. - - Gordon, Wm., _Acc. of the Commencement of Hostilities_, 178; - _Amer. Rev._, 518; - map of siege of Boston, 207, 212; - on battle of Camden, 532; - his maps of the Southern campaigns, 547; - on Sullivan's exped., 666. - - Goshen, Pa., skirmish, 416. - - Goss, E. H., on Revere, 47, 175. - - Gould, E. T., 175. - - Gould, Jay, _Delaware County_, 670. - - Goussencourt, Chev. de, 502. - - Gowanus Creek, 328. - - Grafton, Duke of, 21; - ministry, 46. - - Graham, James, Life of Morgan, 511, 539. - - Graham, Gen. Joseph, 514, 529; - on King's Mountain, 535; - on the Carolina campaign, 539. - - Graham, J. J., on Gen. Graham, 518. - - Graham, Gen. Samuel, _Memoir_, 518, 744. - - Graham, W. A., _British Invasion of N. Carolina_, 514, 539; - _Mecklenburg Centennial_, 257. - - Grant, Col., attacked by the Cherokees (1761), 675. - - Grant, Gen., 153, 427; - in command in New Jersey (1776), 374; - at Barren Hill, 443. - - Grant, George, 668; - his journal, 671. - - Grant, Thomas, his journal, 671. - - Grant, _Picturesque Canada_, 216. - - Grantham, Lord, 592. - - Grape Island, 131. - - Grasse, Comte de, sails for America, 499; - on the Chesapeake, 501; - engages Graves, 501; - plans of fight, 548; - portraits, 502, 503; - autog., 502; - accounts of, 502. - - Grasshoppers, so called, 482. - - Graves, Adm. Samuel, relieved by Shuldham, 114, 152; - engages De Grasse near the Chesapeake, 501, 548; - succeeds Arbuthnot, 517; - autog., 114. - - Graves, Wm., _Two letters_, 549. - - Gravesend, 326, 327. - - Gray, Horace, on the writs of assistance question, 13. - - Gray, John, 746. - - Gray, Col. Robt., 514. - - Gray, Samuel, 187. - - Gray, Capt. Wm., map of Butler's route (1778), 681. - - Greathouse, murderer of Logan's family, 711. - - Greely, Mary W., 142. - - Green, Ashbel, life of Witherspoon, 265. - - Green, Dr. Ezra, _Journal_, 119, 590. - - Green, S. A., prints the records of the Tea-ships Meeting, 91; - owns map of the siege of Savannah, 521; - edits Deuxpont's journal, 554; - on Paulus Hook, 559. - - Green Mountain Boys, 161. - - Greene, Colonel Christopher, defends Fort Mercer, 387. - - Greene, Gardiner, 205. - - Greene, G. W., _Life of N. Greene_, 511; - _Biog. Discourse_, 511; - _German Element_, 530; - on battle of Long Island, 330. - - Greene, Gen. Nathanael, at Roxbury, 134; - on Bunker Hill, 187; - in Brooklyn, 275; - too ill to command, 278; - builds the Brooklyn lines, 326; - his conduct at Brooklyn criticised, 330; - his mistake at Fort Washington, 341; - evacuates Fort Lee, 367; - at Trenton, 375; - at Brandywine, 381, 419; - at Germantown, 385; - quartermaster of the army, 391, 436; - at Monmouth, 400, 444; - interview with Gen. Robertson about André, 461; - supersedes Gates in the South, 480; - as a soldier, 481; - confronts Cornwallis, 483; - crosses the Dan, 484; - at Guilford, 485; - at Ramsey's Mill, 487; - on Hobkirk's Hill, 487; - at Rugeley's Mill, 488; - relations with Sumter and Marion, 490; - besieges Ninety-Six, 491; - at High Hills of Santee, 493; - at Eutaw Springs, 493; - at Round O, 506; - engraved portraits, 508, 509, 512, 513; - accounts of them, 509; - notice of his life, 510; - lives of, 510, 511; - his statue, 510; - medal, 510; - his monument, 510, 511; - dies, 510; - lives of, by Geo. W. Greene, 511; - eulogy by Hamilton, 511; - grant for his services, 511; - burial-place, 511; - autog., 514; - on Gates's defeat at Camden, 532; - defends Gates, 532; - and the case of Isaac Hayne, 534; - his Southern campaign, 537; - his influence over his officers, 537; - letters, 537; - instructions, 537; - maps of his campaigns, 537, 538; - corrects maps for Gordon, 537; - at Cowpens, 538; - his letters, 538; - acc. of his retreat to the Dan, 539; - at Guilford, 539; - at Hobkirk's Hill, 541; - at Ninety-Six, 544; - his medal for Eutaw, 545; - at Morristown, 559; - at Springfield, 559; - under Sullivan in Rhode Island, 593; - makes treaty with Cherokees, 677. - - Greene, Jos., 178. - - Greenleaf, B., 156. - - Greenleaf, Moses, MSS., 437; - in the Northern campaign (1776), 346; - orderly-book, 557. - - Greg, Percy, _United States_, 456. - - Gregg, Alexander, _Old Cheraws_, 676. - - Greive, George, 560. - - Grenadier Guards at Cowan's Ford, 539. - - Grenell, John, 323. - - Grenville, George, in power, 21, 23, 49; - and the Hutchinson letters, 56; - _Regulations lately made_, 75; - _Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies_, 83; - speech on the Tea-ship's commotions, 92; - Stamp Act, 29. - - Grenville Act (1764), 7, 27, 63; - characterized by Bancroft, 27; - in Boston, 27. - - Grey, Gen., 426, 427; - at Fairhaven, 603; - at Paoli, 383, 423; - portrait, 383. - - Gridlestone, Thomas, on Chas. Lee as Junius, 406. - - Gridley, A. D., _Town of Kirkland_, 659. - - Gridley, Jeremy, 13, 83. - - Gridley, Richard, made chief engineer (1775), 134; - marks out redoubt on Bunker Hill, 135; - Washington's opinion of, 159; - letters, 203. - - Grierson, Col., shot, 534. - - Griffin, Col., 374. - - Grigsby, H. B., _Virginia Convention of 1776_, 107, 257. - - Grimke, Cpl., 520. - - Grindall's Ford, 481. - - Griswold, A. C., 191. - - Grosvenor, L., 191. - - Groton, Conn., attacked (1781), 562. - - Grout, Lieut. David, orderly-book (1779), 359. - - Groveland, ambuscade at, 642, 681; - map of ambuscade, 671. - - Guadaloupe, 686. - - Guernsey, A. H., 665. - - Guess, Col. Nath., 677. - - Guild, R. A., _Chaplin Smith and the Baptists_, 354, 357. - - Guilford, battle of, 485, 540; - losses, 487; - Faden's map, 540. - - Gummersall, Thomas, 683. - - Gunby, at Hobkirk's Hill, 488. - - Gunpowder, making of, 108, 118. - - Gwinnett, Button, 264; - life of, 265; - autog., 266. - - - Habersham, Major John, 677. - - Hackensack, 340, 343, 367. - - Hadden, James Murray, _Journal_, 359. - - Haddonfield, 430, 442. - - Hageman, J. F., _Princeton_, 412. - - Haldane, Lieut., 545. - - Haldimand, Gen., deceived as to Sullivan's purpose (1779), 642, 667; - his relations with the Indians, 653; - Papers, calendar of, 653, 690; - ordered to attack New Orleans, 738. - - Hale, Benj., 326. - - Hale, E. E., on siege of Boston, 173; - _Hundred years ago_, 173; - on Bunker Hill, 189; - _Faden maps_, 210; - edits _Howe's Orderly Book_, 415; - on Cornwallis, 516; - on Yorktown, 555; - "Naval History of the American Revolution", 563; - on Paul Jones, 590; - _Franklin in France_, 591. - - Hale, J. P., _Trans-Alleghany Pioneers_, 714. - - Hale, Capt. Nathan, hanged, 333. - - Half-King, a Huron, 735. - - Halifax, refugees from Boston at, 206. - - Hall, Capt., _Civil war in America_, 342. - - Hall, Hiland, _Ticonderoga_, 214; - on Bennington, 356; - on Warner at Bennington, 356. - - Hall, Lyman, 264; - life by H. McCall, 265; - autog., 266. - - Hall, _The Dutch and the Iroquois_, 689. - - Hallet,. Capt. J. A., 582; - in the "Tyrannicide", 582; - his log, 582. - - Hallowell, Robt., 80. - - Halsey, E. D., _Morris County_, 407. - - Hamilton, Alex. his appeal (1774), 98; - _A full vindication_, 104; - _The Farmer refuted_, 104; - at Chatterton Hill, 286; - his house, 331, 384; - portraits of, 384; - bust of, 384; - aid to Washington, 416; - at Monmouth, 445; - his letters about Arnold and André, 466; - receives the news of Arnold's treason, 459; - at Yorktown, 504, 555; - _Eulogy on Gen. Greene_, 511; - his plan of operations with Rochambeau, 561. - - Hamilton, E., _Reynolds_, 517. - - Hamilton, F. W., _Grenadier Guards_, 518. - - Hamilton, Gov., his case, 653; - charged with paying for scalps, 682, 726; - his report on the capture of Vincennes, 719; - defends his character, 719; - invades the Illinois country, 724; - recaptures Vincennes, 724; - letters from Detroit, 733; - his report of his surrender to Clark, 726; - sent to Virginia, 728; - sent to N. Y., 729. - - Hamilton, Jas., _Life of Thomas Heyward_, 265; - _Thomas Lynch_, 265. - - Hamilton, _Engraved Works of Reynolds_, 474. - - Hammond, Col. Samuel, portrait, 535; - on Blackstocks, 536; - on Cowpens, 538; - his plan, 539. - - Hancock, John, his brig "Harrison", 33; - and S. Adams' portrait, 40; - in the legislature, 42; - his sloop "Liberty" seized, 43, 80; - his "Rising Liberty", 80; - his letters, 107; - presides over Provincial Congress, 116; - at Lexington (1775), 122, 179; - excepted from pardon, 132; - letter to Ward, in fac-simile, 143; - his house, 207; - in Congress, 236; - autog., 263, 450; - life by John Adams, 265; - portraits, 270, 271; - his character, 107, 271; - estimate of him by John Adams, 271; - sketch by C. F. Adams, 271; - by G. Mountfort, 271; - other accounts, 271; - naval instructions, 565; - commands Mass. militia in R. I., 603; - entertains D'Estaing in Boston, 603; - oration on Boston Massacre, 88; - suggests a Congress (1774), 99; - President of Congress, 107; - on his way to Congress, received with enthusiasm in N. Y., 125; - his house, 149; - abused, 204. - - Hancock's Bridge (Pa.), 442. - - Hand, Col., 278. - - Hanger, Geo., _Address to the Army_, 517 (_see_ Colerain). - - Hanging Rock, 475. - - Harcourt, Lt.-Col., 369. - - Hardenburgh, John L., in Sullivan's campaign (1779), 671. - - Harding, Chester, 227, 707. - - Harding, Seth, 568; - in the "Confederacy", 583. - - Harlem Heights, 335; - Americans occupy, 284; - Washington's headquarters, 284; - fight at, 285; - evacuated, 285; - lines at, 334, 339; - Washington at, 334; - maps of, 334; - references, 334; - view, 334. - - Harpersfield, N. Y., 643. - - Harriman, Walter, 129. - - Harrington, Daniel, 179. - - Harrington, Jona., 179, 185. - - Harris, Capt. (Lord), 183; - wounded at Bunker Hill, 195. - - Harris, Moses, the spy of Schuyler, 356. - - Harris, Samuel, Jr., journal of Saratoga campaign, 360. - - Harris, W. W., _Groton Heights_, 562. - - Harris and Allyn, _Groton Heights_, 448. - - Harrison, Benj., 259; - his house, 259; - autog., 266; - life, 266. - - Harrison, R. H., aide to Washington, 327, 390, 418. - - Harrod, James, in Kentucky, 715. - - Harrodsburg, Ky., 715. - - Hart, John, autog., 264. - - Hart, Thomas, 570. - - Hartford, convention at (1780), 560; - Washington meets Rochambeau at, 561. - - Hartley, Cecil B., _Heroes and patriots_, 680. - - Hartley, Col., attacks Tioga, 636. - - Hartley, Thomas, 346. - - Hartley, _Heroes of the South_, 508. - - Haskell, Caleb, 203; - diary, 219. - - Hass, Wells de, _Indian Wars_, 649. - - Hastings, Marquis of, 197. - - Haswell, Anthony, _Memoirs and Adventures_, 709. - - Hatfield, _Hist. of Elizabeth_, 407, 560. - - Hathorn, Col., defeated by Brant, 639. - - Hatton, Lieut., 534, 544. - - Hawthorne, Nath., his "Old Manse" house, 180; - _Septimius Felton_, 185. - - Haven, C. C., _Washington in N. Jersey_, 407; - _Thirty days in N. Jersey_, 407; - _Annals of Trenton_, 407; - _Hist. Manual_, 407. - - Haw River, 485. - - Hawkins, Benj., 651. - - Hawks, F. L., on the Regulators, 81. - - Hawley, James, 42. - - Hawley, Gen. Jos., on Stony Point, 558. - - Hawley, Joseph, 34; - urges fighting, 117; - "Broken Hints", 118; - autog., 118; - tries to assuage passions, 118; - on independence, 258. - - Hay, Major, 728. - - Hay, P. D., _The Swamp Fox_, 512. - - Hayden, H. E., bibliog. of Wyoming, 665; - _General Enos_, 217. - - Hayes, W. A., 746. - - Hayne, Isaac, his career and execution, 534. - - Hayne, Paul H., poem on King's Mountain, 536. - - Hayward, E. L., 522. - - Haywood, John, _Hist. Tennessee_, 676, 678. - - Hazard, Eben, on the Penobscot exped., 604. - - Hazard, Samuel, _Penna. Register_, 650. - - Hazlewood, Com. John, 386; - on the Delaware, 430, 431. - - Head of Elk, 379. - - Headley, J. T., on Burgoyne's campaign, 359; - on the camp at Newburgh, 744; - _Miscellanies_, 590; - on Bouquet, 693. - - Heath, Gen., account of the fight at Menotomy, 126; - portraits, 127, 128; - autog., 127; - his service, 128; - his papers, 128; - at Lexington, 125, 180; - _Memoirs_, 180; - commands Eastern department, 318; - at Peekskill, 403; - on the Hudson, 500, 557; - plan of Stony Point, 557; - in Boston (1778), 603; - made general, 119; - autog., 203. - - Heckewelder, John, the missionary, 651, 734. - - Heister, Gen. de, 277, 345; - at Brooklyn, 279, 327. - - Hele, Lieut., 449. - - Hellwald, Von, _America_, 129. - - Helm, Capt., at Vincennes, 723, 728, 729. - - Hempstead, Stephen, 562. - - Hendricks, Capt. Wm., 219. - - Henley, Capt. David, 318. - - Hennequin, _Biographie Maritime_, 595. - - Henry, Capt. John, 520, 522. - - Henry, J. J., _Campaign against Quebec_, 219. - - Henry, Moses, 724. - - Henry, Patrick, 238; - questions the prerogative, 24; - and the Stamp Act, 29, 73; - supports com. of corresp., 56; - character, 107; - memoir by W. W. Henry, 107; - by M. C. Tyler, 107, 723; - portraits, 107, 259; - prepared (1774) to fight, 117; - "We must fight", 121; - commands Virginia militia, 167; - on independence, 257; - his house, 259; - and Western lands, 649; - gov. of Va., 716; - corresponds with Spanish governor of New Orleans, 738; - his letter on Clark's conquests, 723. - - Henry, W. W., memoir on Patrick Henry, 107; - on G. R. Clark, 734. - - Henshaw, Joshua, 73. - - Henshaw, Col. Wm., 204. - - Herbert, Chas., _Relics of Amer. Prisoners_, 575; - _The Prisoners of 1776_, 575. - - Hering, J. H., 348. - - Herkimer, Gen. Nicholas, at Oriskany, 299, 630; - goes to Unadilla, 626; - conference with Brant, 627; - his force, 630; - wounded, 631; - dies, 300, 632; - suspicious portrait, 351; - view of house, 351; - his name, 351. - - Herrick, H. W., on Stark and Bennington, 354. - - _Hesperian, The_, 710. - - Hesse, Mr., 738. - - Hesse-Cassel, Prince of, his letter to Baron Hohendorf a forgery, 411. - - Hessians in the Long Island battle, 329; - their maps, 327, 345, 409; - at Oriskany, 351; - their jealousy of the English, 354; - taken at Trenton, marched through Philadelphia, 376; - at Brandywine, 419; - in the South, 482; - at Savannah (1779), 524; - at Guilford, 541; - in the R. I. campaign (1778), 595, 601. - - Heth, Lieut. Wm., 219, 421. - - Hewes, G. R. T., _Traits of the Tea Party_, 91; - _Retrospect of the Tea Party_, 91. - - Hewes, Joseph, life and autog., 266. - - Heyward, Thomas, life, 265; - autog., 266. - - Hichborn, Benj., 88. - - Hickey, Thomas, 326. - - Hickey Plot, 326. - - Hide, Elijah, 186. - - Higginson, T. W., on Paul Revere, 175; - on Salem privateers, 591. - - Hildreth, S. P., _Pioneer Settlers of Ohio_, 219, 567, 708. - - Hill, Geo. C., _Arnold_, 461; - _Daniel Boone,_ 708. - - Hill, J. B., _Old Dunstable_, 189. - - Hill, John, his plan of N. York, 331; - map of Philad., 442. - - Hill, N. N., Jr., 736. - - Hillard, E. B., _Last Men of the Rev._, 746. - - Hills, John, 426; _Map of Springfield_, N. J., 560; - map of Stony Point, 558; - plan of attack on Forts Clinton and Montgomery, 363. - - Hillsborough, Earl of, 21, 43; - leaves the ministry, 53; - requires Massachusetts to rescind its circular letter, 44; - she refuses, 45. - - Hinman, _Connecticut during the Rev._, 663. - - Hite, Col. John, 718. - - Hobkirk's Hill (second battle of Camden), battle of, 488, 541; - plans of battle, 543, 544; - forces and losses, 544. - - Hodge, Wm., 573, 574, 575. - - Hodgkin, Col. Joseph, 325. - - Hodgkinson, Samuel, 222, 225. - - Hodgson, John, 86. - - Hoffman, F. S., 451. - - Holden, _Queensbury_, 214. - - Holland, E. G., "Highland Treason", 466. - - Holland, Sam., chart of Boston harbor, 209; - his plan of N. Y., 333; - his maps of the English colonies, 341; - surveys of Fort Clinton, etc., 364. - - Hollis, Thomas, 68; - prints _The True Sentiments of America_, 83. - - Hollister, H., _Lackawanna Valley_, 665. - - Holmes, O. W., _Grandmother's Story_, 200. - - Holmes, _Missions_, 736. - - Holyoke, Dr., 187. - - Home, John, 269. - - Hood, Admiral, 83; - _Letters_, 84; - on the American coast, 501. - - Hooper, Archibald M., acc. of Robert Howe, 519. - - Hooper, J. C., life of Wm. Hooper, 265. - - Hooper, "King", 114. - - Hooper, Wm., life, 265; - autog., 266. - - Hopkins, Esek, made chief naval officer, 568; - portraits, 569; - attacks New Providence, 570; - attacks the "Glasgow", 570; - court-martial, 570; - accounts of, 570; - retires, 570. - - Hopkins, John B., capt. in the navy, 570. - - Hopkins, Stephen, 53; - answered in a _Letter from a gentleman at Halifax_, 70; - and in _Defence of a Letter_, 70; - and _Brief Remarks_, 70; - _Rights of the Colonies_, 70; - _Grievances of the American Colonies_, 70; - autog., 263; - life, 265; - and the Congress of 1754, 66. - - Hopkinson, Francis, autog., 264; - life, by R. P. Smith, 265; - letter to Duché, 438; - _Battle of the Kegs_, 442. - - Hoppin, J. M., 439; - edits H. A. Brown's _Orations_, 446. - - Hoppin, Nicholas, 142. - - Horry, P., _Life of Marion_, 512. - - Horry, quarrels with Mahem, 545. - - Hosack, David, 464. - - Hosmer, Rufus, 189. - - Hotham, Com., 364. - - Houdon, his bust of Paul Jones, 592. - - Hough, F. B., _Order-book of Captain Bleecker_, 670; - edits the _Cow-Chace_, 560; - _Proc. of Congress at Boston_, 560; - _Northern Invasions_, 452, 672; - _Savannah_, 522; - _Siege of Charleston_, 525; - edits _Siege of Detroit_, 701. - - Houghton, G. F., on Colonel Warner, 356. - - How, David, 202. - - How, Henry K., _Trenton_, 407. - - Howard, Col. J. E., 421, 481. - - Howe, Henry, _Hist. Coll. N. Y._, 666. - - Howe, John, _Journal_, 119. - - Howe, Richard, Admiral Lord, 380; - portrait, 277, 380; - confronts D'Estaing off Newport, 594; - _Candid and Impartial Narrative_, 594; - arrives at New York, 326; - statue, 380; - attempts to force the Delaware defences, 387; - cruised off Boston to lure out D'Estaing, 603. - - Howe, Gen. Robt., on defences of Charleston, 230; - at West Point, 456; - at Savannah, 469; - his _Court-Martial Proceedings_, 519; - acc. of, 519. - - Howe, Gen. Wm., autog., 136; - his army on Staten Island (1776), 275; - lands on Long Island, 276; - his portrait, 197, 278, 383, 417, 418; - his blunders in the N. Y. campaign (1776), 291; - his lineage, 291, 415; - in Philadelphia, 384; - his army attacked at Germantown, 385; - criticised in _Letters to a nobleman_, 415; - his Observations, 415; - Reply to Observations, 415; - Letters from Agricolas, 415; - generally criticised, 415; - connection with Mrs. Loring, 415; - leaves Philadelphia, 396; - Mischianza, 396; - attacks Lafayette at Barren Hill, 396; - his reputation ruined by the campaign of 1777, 414; - tracts on his incompetency, 414; - his _Narrative_, 329, 414; - his _Orderly-book, 1775-1776_, 194, 415; - his H. Q. at Brandywine, 415; - sails from N. Y., 417; - at Head of Elk, 418; - his character, 418; - enters Philad., 419; - his proclamations, 419; - his acc. of Germantown, 426; - tries to lure Washington to battle, 439; - H. Q. at Stenton, 429; - orders in Philadelphia, 436; - H. Q. in Philad., 436; - relieved by Clinton, 443; - hopes to use the Indians, 621; - criticised for his attack at Bunker Hill, 140; - his fleet, 158; - evacuates Boston, 158, 205; - his conduct of the siege criticised in _A View of the Evidence_, - etc., 205; - knighted, 281; - occupies N. Y., 283; - dallies at Mrs. Murray's, 284; - attacks to outflank Washington by way of Throg's Neck, 285; - at White Plains, 286; - at Dobbs's Ferry, 287; - attacks Fort Washington, 287, 288; - crosses into Jersey, 290; - his letters during the Long Island campaign, 329; - criticised by Mauduit, 329, 337; - his quarters in N. Y., 331; - his movements above New York (1776), 337; - going to Philadelphia, defeated Germain's plans, 348; - sends expedition to Danbury, 348; - takes Philadelphia, 367; - invades the Jerseys, 368; - evacuates New Jersey, 379; - sails south, and lands at Head of Elk, 379; - at Brandywine, 381; - criticised (1776), 331. - - Howells, W. D., _Three Villages_, 184; - on Gnadenhütten, 736. - - Howland, John, of Rhode Island, 405. - - Hoyt, A. H., 95. - - Hoyt, Epaphras, 627. - - Hoyt, Gen., on the Saratoga battlefield, 357. - - Hubbard, Frances M., _Wm. Richardson Davie_, 537. - - Hubbard, John, _Maj. Moses Van Campen_, 669. - - Hubbard, J. N., _Sa-go-ye-wat-ha_, 625, 662; - _Red Jacket_, 351, 625; - _Life of Van Campen_, 665. - - Hubbardton, affair at, 297, 350; - map, 350. - - Huberton. _See_ Hubbardton. - - Hubley, Col. Adam, 668; - _American Revolution_, 650. - - Huddy, Capt. Joshua, case of, 744. - - Hudson, Chas., 184; - _Lexington_, 180; - on Pitcairn, 183; - _Doubts concerning Bunker Hill_, 189. - - Hudson, C., and Porter, E. E., _Centennial of Lexington_, 184. - - Hudson, F., _Amer. Journalism_, 110; - on Lexington, 184. - - Hudson River, the campaigns about, 275; - maps of, 323, 340, 364, 455, 456, 465, 556, 557; - the British to secure its line, 323; - British ships in (1776), 326; - obstructions in, 364; - frozen at New York, 559; - highlands of, 340. - - Huger, Gen., 483; - the Virginia brigade, 485. - - Hughes, Major, aide to Gen. Gates, 360. - - Hull, Capt. Wm., on Trenton, 407. - - Hulton, Henry, 39, 194. - - Humphreys, _Life of Putnam_, 190. - - Hunnewell, J. F., _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, 185. - - Hunt, Louise L., on Gen. Montgomery, 216. - - Hunter, C. L., _Western No. Carolina_, 256, 536, 678. - - Huntington, Jed., letters during siege of Boston, 203; - on Valley Forge, 436. - - Huntington, Samuel, autog., 263; - life, 265. - - Hurd, John, 227. - - Husband, Herman, 81; - _A Fan for Fanning_, 81; - _Impartial Relation_, 82. - - Huske, _Present State_, etc., 650. - - Husted, N. C., _Centennial Souvenir_, 466. - - Hutcheson, Maj. Francis, his diary, 205, 346. - - Hutchins, Thomas, 693, 699; - _Louisiana_, 651; - his maps of Bouquet's exped., 699; - map of Illinois country, 700; - _Louisiana and West Florida_, 700; - _Virginia_, etc., 700. - - Hutchinson, Col. Israel, 204. - - Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, 89; - on Boston Massacre, 85; - his _Strictures on the Declaration of Congress_, 240; - chief justice of Mass., 12; - his house sacked, 19, 30, 72; - lieut.-gov. of Mass., 22; - on feelings in England, 111; - his coach used by Washington, 146; - his character, 26; - draws up petition to the Commons, 28; - succeeds Bernard (1769), 49; - made gov. of Mass. (1771), 53; - his letters returned to Boston by Franklin, 56, 93; - sails for England, 57; - death, 58; - plan of union in 1754, 66; - disapproval of the Stamp Act, 72; - his speech after the mob, 73; - his controversy with his Assembly, 88; - threatened, 88; - _Copies of letters_, etc., 93; - _Letters of Gov. Hutchinson_, etc., 93; - _The Representations of Gov. Hutchinson_, 93; - R. C. Winthrop's views of the return of his letters, 93; - George Bancroft's, 93; - Grenville's connection, 94; - interview with the king (1774), 97; - opposes the Boston Port Bill, 97; - addressed on leaving Boston, 113. - - Hyrne, W. A., 169. - - Hyslop, Robt., has Paul Jones's papers, 589. - - - ILLINOIS, county of Va., 729. - - Illinois country, 708; - map of, by Hutchins, 700; - Clark's campaign in, 718; - to be invaded by the British (1780), 737; - attacked, 739, 741. - - Illman, Thomas, 194. - - Imlay, Gilbert, _Western Territory_, 652, 708. - - Importers in Boston proscribed, 79, 80; - list of them, 79. - - Indeberg (N. Y. city), 284. - - Independence, of the United States, growth of the sentiment, 231, 256. - - Indians, taken prisoners and made slaves, 676; - threaten the Southern colonies (1763), 17; - _Indian Treaties_, etc., 247; - their part in the Rev. War, 605; - their grants of lands, 607; - rights of their women, 607; - private persons forbidden to buy their lands, 608; - spare woman's chastity, 610, 652; - their numbers, 610, 611, 650; - proportion of warriors, 611; - names of tribes, 699; - enlisted as minute-men at Cambridge, 612; - of more use to the British, 612; - counter-movements to employ them, 613, 614, 615, 616, 618; - in battle of Long Island, 613; - used as scouts, 613; - at White Plains, 613; - on the Kennebec exped., 614; - commissions given to them, 617; - and the British ministry, 617; - the British government announce their intention of using them, 621; - entice them by gifts, 621; - books about, 648; - as allies in war, 649; - their lands encroached upon, 649; - number in the British service, 652; - with St. Leger, 661; - commissioned by Congress, 672; - employment of, in war, opinions as regards, 673; - counter-statements of English and French, 688, 689; - bounties offered to engage in the war, 674; - enlisted, 677; - join the Americans in the South, 679; - _Laws relating to Indians_, 682; - civilized by the Moravians, 736. - - Ingersoll, E., life of L. Morris, 266; - of Thomas Stone, 266; - of Samuel Chase, 266; - of James Smith, 266; - of Jos. Hewes, 266; - of Wm. Paca, 266; - of John Adams, 266. - - Ingersoll, Jared., to be stamp distributor, 72; - his _Letters_, 73. - - Inglis, Chas., _Plain Truth_, 270; - on the Iroquois, 608. - - Inman, George, on Princeton, 412. - - Innes, Col. Jas., 718. - - Insurance, maritime, rates of, during the Rev. War, 563, 573. - - Ipswich dreads a raid from Boston (1775), 128. - - Iredell, James, 532. - - Ireland, address of Congress to, 617. - - Irenæus, Father, 710. - - Iroquois, histories of, 247; - Inglis' memorial about, 608. - - Irvine, Col., attack at Three Rivers, 225. - - Irvine, Gen., diary, 222. - - Irvine, Gen. James, wounded at Chestnut Hill, 389. - - Irvine, William, at Monmouth, 446; - at Fort Pitt, 732; - letters and papers, 737. - - - JACK, MAJOR, in Georgia, 676, 678, 679. - - Jackson, Helen Hunt, _Century of Dishonor_, 681, - - Jackson, Wm., 80, 268. - - Jackson, survey of Lake George, 348. - - Jacob, John J., _Life of Cresap_, 712. - - Jacobs, Francis, 419. - - Jamaica Bay, 327. - - James, John, _Life of Marion_, 512. - - James, Thomas, 170, 228. - - James, Wm. D., _Life of Marion_, 512. - - James Island (near Charleston, S. C.), 526. - - Jameson, Col., receives André, 458. - - Jameson, _Constitutional Conventions_, 72. - - Jarvis, J. W., 734. - - Jasper, Sergeant William, 172, 230; - killed, 524. - - Jay, John, address to the people of Great Britain, 100; - an Episcopalian, 241; - on Harlem fight, 334; - on the desire for independence, 255. - - Jefferson, Thomas, _Summary View_, 98, 99; - the Decl. of Indep., 239; - Stuart's profile likeness of, 258; - portraits of, 258; - his house, Monticello, 259; - fac-simile of his orig. draft of the Decl. of Independence, 260; - why at the head of the com. for drafting the Decl. of Indep., 261; - his autog., 261, 266; - the house where he wrote the Decl. of Indep. 261; - the desk, 261; - life of George Wythe, 265; - life by Gilpin, 265; - escapes from Tarleton, 497; - during the invasion of Va., 515, 547; - controversy with H. Lee, 515; - _Notes on Virginia_, 650, 711, 712; - on Cresap, 711. - - Jefferys, _Gen. Topog. of No. Amer._, 696; - plan of Boston, 209; - _Province of Quebec_, 215; - charts of the St. Lawrence, river and gulf, 215. - - Jeffries, Dr. John, on Gen. Warren's death, 194. - - Jemison, Mary, 648, 662. - - Jening, Levi, 47. - - Jenkins, Howard, _Gwynedd_, 436. - - Jenkins, H. M., on Brandywine, 419. - - Jenkins, Steuben, on Wyoming, 665. - - Jenkinson, C., 76. - - Jennings, Edmund, 109. - - Jennings, Isaac, _Memorials of a Century_, 355. - - Jennys, Richard, 71. - - Jenyns, Soame, his _Objections to Taxation_, 75. - - Jephson, Mrs., 276. - - Jesse, _Etonians_, 516. - - Jesuits in Kaskaskia, 717, 720. - - Johnson, Crisfield, _Erie County_, 670. - - Johnson, Col. Guy, 142; - succeeds Sir Wm. Johnson, 612; - favors use of Indians, 613; - the object of suspicion, 618; - fortified his house, 619; - confers with the Indians at Fort Stanwix and Oswego, 619; - at Ontario, 619; - at Montreal, 619, 624; - instructed to have the Indians prepared for service, 620; - his war-belt, 624; - goes to Connecticut, 605; - his map of the country of the Six Nations (1771), 609; - correspondence with Haldimand, 654; - persuading Indians to join the British, 655. - - Johnson, Jeremiah, 329. - - Johnson, Sir John, urging the Indians to take sides, 615; - his position, 624; - arrested, 625; - flies to Canada, 625; - _Life of_, 625; - _Orderly-book_, 351, 625, 660; - at Oriskany, 630; - raids in the Mohawk Valley, 634, 644; - in the Schoharie Valley, 644; - exped. into N. Y. 672; - in St. Leger's campaign, 299; - life of, by J. W. de Peyster, 351. - - Johnson, Jos., _Traditions of Amer. Rev._, 514. - - Johnson, R. M., 707. - - Johnson, Dr. Samuel, his appearance, 109; - _Taxation no Tyranny_, 109; - _Hypocrisy unmasked_, 102. - - Johnson, Stephen, 203. - - Johnson, Wesley, 665. - - Johnson, Sir Wm., life by Stone, 247; - his tact, 605; - labors to prevent outbreaks, 607, 608; - dies, 612; - acc. of, 648; - his estimate of Indian warriors, 651; - makes a treaty (1764) at Niagara, 698; - letters to Lords of Trade, 704; - the Western Indians, 706, 707. - - Johnson, Wm., _Sketches of life of Gen. Greene_, 510, 511; - reviews of, 511. - - Johnson, W. S., and the Wilkes turmoils, 28; - in the Congress of 1765, 74; - on feelings in England during the Stamp Act times, 75; - describes debates in Parliament, 85; - predicts independence, 85; - a patriot, 241. - - Johnston, Alexander, _Representative Amer. Orations_, 107; - on the Cincinnati, 746. - - Johnston, Capt., in the navy, 575; - in the "Lexington", 575; - surrenders to the "Alert", 575. - - Johnston, Henry P., "Yale in the Revolution", 189; - on R. J. Meigs, 219; - his map of Long Island, 328; - _Campaign of 1776_, 331; - plan of New York Island, 331, 335; - on Nathan Hale, 334; - on Col. Varick, 460; - on De Kalb, 530; - his plan of battle of Camden, 531; - on De Kalb, Gates, and the Camden campaign, 532; - _Yorktown Campaign_, 555; - on Stony Point, 558. - - Johnston, _Bristol and Bremen_, 567. - - Johnstown, Gen. Schuyler at, 624; - fight at, 646. - - Jones, Brig.-Gen., 194. - - Jones, C. C., _Georgia_, 679; - _Last Days of Lee_, 509, 510; - _Serg. Wm. Jasper_, 230, 524; - _Sepulture of Greene and Pulaski_, 510, 524; - _Siege of Savannah in 1779_, 522. - - Jones, Ch. H., _Campaign for the Conquest of Canada_, 174. - - Jones, Dr., of Boston, 47. - - Jones, Gabriel, 716. - - Jones, J. S., _Defence of No. Carolina_, 257. - - Jones, John Paul, made lieutenant, 568; - cruising in the "Providence", 570; - made captain, 570, 571; - in the "Alfred", 571; - captures the "Mellish", 571; - in the "Ranger", 571, 576; - displays the national flag, 571; - acc. of him, 576; - takes the "Drake", 577; - descent on the Scotch coast, 577; - his letter-books, 577; - in the "Bon Homme Richard", 577, 590; - her log-book, 590; - her flag, 590; - engages the "Serapis", 578, 590; - goes into the Texel, 578; - effect in England, 590; - seeks the French service, 579; - in the "Alliance", 583; - life by J. F. Cooper, 589; - other lives, 589; - his papers, 589, 590; - life purporting to be by himself, issued in French, 590; - figures in Cooper's _Pilot_ and Dumas' _Capitaine Paul_, 590; - in the "Ranger", 590; - her log, 590; - his letters, 590; - claims on the U. S., 591; - causes diplomatic embarrassments, 591; - portraits, 592; - medals, 592; - Houdon's bust, 592. - - Jones, Lieut., 627. - - Jones, M. M., on Cornstalk, 714. - - Jones, Pearson, 146. - - Jones, Pomroy, _Oneida County_, 351. - - Jones, Skelton, _Virginia_, 515. - - Jones, Thomas, the loyalist, his cynical character, 467. - - Jordan, S., 227. - - Joy, Arad, of Ovid, N. Y., 467. - - Judges paid by the king, 54; - tenure of office in England, 4; - in America, 4. - - Judson, L. C., on the signers of Decl. of Indep., 266. - - Jumel, Madam, 284. - - - Kalb. _See_ De Kalb. - - Kalm predicts the Amer. revolt, 686. - - Kanadalauga, 669. - - Kapp, Frederick, _Die Deutschen im Staate New York_, 351; - _Life of John Kalb_, 530; - _Leben des Generals Kalb_, 530; - _Life of Steuben_, 515. - - Kaskaskia 730, 738; - Jesuits at, 720; - captured, 720; - references, 722; - maps, 700, 702, 717. - - Kaye, G. W., _Indian Officers_, 516. - - Kearney, Maj., surveys of Yorktown, 553. - - Kemble, Peter, 123. - - Kennebec expedition (1775), led by Arnold, 217; - used surveys by Montresor, 217; - Indians join, 655; - maps of the route, 217; - references, 217; - letters, 218; - Arnold's journal, 218; - other journals, 219; - orderly-books, 220; - list of officers, 220; - lists of men and of the losses, 220. - _See_ Quebec, siege of (1755). - - Kennedy, Patrick, _Journal_, 701. - - Kennedy, Samuel, surgeon, 325, 359. - - Kennett Square, Pa., 381, 415. - - Kent, Benj., 47. - - Kenton, Simon, 708. - - Kentucky, explored, 710, 715; - first log cabin, 715; - made a county of Virginia, 716; - forts in, 739. - - Ketchum, Silas, edits Mrs. Walker's _Events in Canada_, 222. - - Ketchum, Wm., _Buffalo_, 648. - - Kettell, John, at Bunker Hill, 202. - - Kettle Creek, 520. - - Kickapoos, 703, - - Kidder, Frederick, _Military operations in Eastern Maine_, 564, 657; - acc. of him, 657. - - Kimball, James, orderly-book (1777-1778), 360. - - King, C., on Monmouth, 446. - - King, David, 219. - - King, D. P., 184. - - King, Gen. Joshua, on André's captors, 466. - - King's Bridge, 336, 337; - affair at (1781), 561. - - King's Ferry (Hudson River), 456. - - King's Mountain, battle, 479, 535, 536, 677; - forces and losses, 535; - no good plan, 536; - view, 536; - diagrams, 536. - - Kingsley, J. L., _Hist. address_, 93; - on Ezra Stiles, 187. - - Kingston, Duchess of, 112. - - Kingston, Fort, 664. - - Kingston, Lt. Col. (1777), 366. - - Kingston, N. Y., senate house, 274; - burned (1777), 364. - - Kingstown, N. J., 408, 410. - - Kinnison, David, 91. - - Kip's Bay, 283, 333, 335. - - Kirke, Edmund, _pseud._ for J. R. Gilmore. - - Kirkland, J. T., 672; - sketch of Gen. Lincoln, 513. - - Kirkland, Samuel, 612, 659; - acc. of, 674; - life by S. K. Lothrop, 274, 659; - his account of siege of Fort Stanwix, 351. - - Kirkwood, Capt., his journal, 545. - - Kitanning, 609. - - Kitchin, Thomas, map of N. Y., 333, 349; - map of Philad., 442. - - Kloster-Zeven, convention of, 322. - - Knight, Dr. (with Slover), _Narrative_, 736. - - Knight, Lieut. John, 364. - - Knower, Daniel, 466. - - Knowlton, Col., 135, 191; - attacks at Harlem, 285; - his scouts in Charlestown Mass. (1776), 153. - - Knox, Gen. Henry, his acc. of Brandywine, 419; - his report on the Continental army, 588; - misconceived later, 588; - brings cannon from Ticonderoga, 156; - his letters, 156; - autog., 156; - on Germantown, 421; - headquarters in N. Y., 276; - last general officer of the army, 746; - suggests the Cincinnati Soc., 746. - - Knox, Wm., _Claim of the Colonies_, 75; - _Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies_, 83; - _The justice and policy of the late act_, 104. - - Knyphausen, Gen., at Fort Washington, 289, 338, 345; - autog., 289; - at Brandywine, 381; - in command in N. Y., 559; - at Germantown, 385, 428; - on the Delaware, 430; - at Haddenfield, 442; - at New Rochelle, 286; - at King's Bridge, 286; - his quarters in N. Y., 331; - at Trenton, 411. - - Kosciusko, Thaddeus, fortifies Bemis Heights, 304; - at Ninety-six, 491; - portraits, 492; - memoir by Evans, 492; - his claims, 492. - - _Kriegstheater in Amerika_, 341. - - Kulp, Geo. B., _Families of the Wyoming Valley_, 664. - - - L'Amoreaux, J. S., address, 366. - - La Chesnais, edits Blanchard's journal, 554. - - La Corne, St. Luc, with Burgoyne, 294. - - La Mothe, Capt., 729. - - La Tour, Brionde, _Théâtre de la Guerre_, 416. - - Lacy, Gen. John, 393; - Papers, 216; - at Valley Forge, 436. - - Lafayette, his view of the English observance of the Saratoga - convention, 321; - joins the army, 380; - wounded at Brandywine, 382, 418; - headquarters, 419; - his attack at Gloucester, N. Jersey 389, 430; - proposed for command of an expedition to Canada, 392, 447; - at Barren Hill, 396, 442; - first sits at council of war, 417; - at Monmouth, 444, 445; - account of Arnold and André, 466; - marches south, 496; - in Richmond, 496; - map of his fight with Cornwallis, 538; - in Virginia, 547; - his _Mèmoires_, 547; - at Yorktown, 555; - plans an invasion of England, 577; - in R. I. campaign (1778), 593, 601; - his letters, 593; - visits Boston, 595; - his plan of Narragansett Bay, 600; - his plan of Rhode Island, 602. - - Lake Pontchartrain, map, 702. - - Lake. _See_ names of lakes. - - Lally, Thomas, 227. - - Lamb, Col. John, 670; - at West Point, 460; - his artillery company at Quebec, 220. - - Lamb, Roger, _Journal of Occurrences_, 198, 360, 518, 532; - _Memoirs_, 360. - - Lambdin, A. C., 423. - - Lamoth, Capt., 728. _See_ La Mothe. - - Lancaster, Pa., Congress at, 383. - - Lancaster County, Pa., massacre in, 606. - - Land companies, 649, 650. - - Land grants, fraudulently obtained from the Indians, 607, 608. - - Landaff, Bishop, his sermon (1767), 76; - answered by Livingston, 76; - a _Vindication_, 76. - - Landais, Capt., in the "Alliance", 577, 578; - insane, 579; - his _Memorial_, 590; - _Charges and Proofs_, 591; - acc. by E. E. Hale, 591; - his claims, 591. - - Lane, Capt. John, 614. - - Lane, S. E., 714. - - Langdon, John, in Canada, 227. - - Langdon, Rev. John, sermon on Lexington, 180. - - Langdon, Samuel, election sermon, 131; - _Map of N. Hampshire_, 217. - - Langworthy, Edward, _Chas. Lee_, 407. - - Lanman, James, 464, 597. - - Lareau, _Litt. Canadienne_, 216. - - Larned, Miss, _Windham County_, 193. - - Lathrop, John, sermon on Boston Massacre, 88. - - Latrobe, H. B., life of Chas. Carroll, 266. - - Laurens, John, Lt.-Col., at Germantown, 385; - on the Delaware, 431; - killed, 507, 545; - at Monmouth, 446; - challenges Lee, 446; - at Charleston (1780), 525. - - Lauzun, Duc de, _Mémoires_, 560. - - Lawrence, Eugene, 559. - - Leach, John, 204. - - Learned, Gen., at Bemis Heights, 304; - at Freeman's Farm, 316. - - Leboucher, _La Guerre de l'Indépendance_, 560. - - Lecky, on Bunker Hill, 198; - on siege of Boston, 173; - _England, etc._, 68. - - Ledyard, Col., his career, etc., 562; - killed, 562. - - Lee, Andrew, diary, 417. - - Lee, Arthur, _A True State of the Proceedings_, 106; - _An Appeal to the People of Great Britain_, 106, 109; - on the news of Lexington, 175; - helps in writing the _Liberty Song_, 86; - _Political Detection_, 88; - trying to secure powder for Virginia, 168. - - Lee, Chas., _Strictures on a Friendly Address_, 106; - at Cambridge, 144; - correspondence with Burgoyne, 144; - his headquarters in Medford, 144; - sent to New York (1776), 156; - goes south, 156, 168; - his letters at this time, 156; - in Virginia, 168; - in South Carolina, 168; - letters during siege of Boston, 203; - report on defence of Sullivan's Island, 229; - in New York, 275; - on the fortifications of New York, 325; - refuses to follow Washington into the Jerseys, 368, 403; - captured, 369, 403; - likenesses, 369, 406; - autograph, 370; - following Clinton, 398; - at Monmouth, 399, 444; - court-martial of, 400, 446; - dismissed from the army, 400; - exchanged, 403; - his criticism of Washington, 403, 446; - his conduct suspicious, 403; - as "Junius", 406; - his house in Virginia, 407; - lives of, 407; - _Papers_, 407; - the campaign of 1777, 416; - his treason, 416; - his vindication, 446; - corresponds with Washington, 446; - duel with Col. Laurens, 446. - - Lee, C. C., 515. - - Lee, F. D., _Hist. Rec. of Savannah_, 519. - - Lee, Francis Lightfoot, autog., 266; - life, 266. - - Lee, Capt. John, 592. - - Lee, Gen. Henry, 222, 509; - and his legion, 484; - on Rawdon's communications, 487; - joins Marion, 487; - at Augusta, 490; - at Ninety-Six, 491; - at the Eutaws, 545; - retires, 545; - _War in the Southern Dept._, 509; - edited by H. Lee, 509; - by R. E. Lee, 509; - called "Legion Harry", and "Light Horse Harry", 509; - portraits, 509; - severe on Jefferson, 515; - controversy, 515; - at Yorktown, 555; - (son of "Legion Harry") his _Campaign of 1781_, 511; - _Observations on Jefferson_, 515; - on the capture of André, 466; - attacks Paulus Hook, 559. - - Lee, R. H., 236, 259; - and the Stamp Act, 29; - supports com. of correspondence, 56; - address to people of Great Britain, 100; - drafts address of Congress of 1775, 108; - moves for independence, 238; - not on the committee to draft the Declar. of Independence, 239; - his resolutions of June 7th preserved, 261; - references, 261; - autog., 265; - life, 266; - on Trenton, 407. - - Lee, Major Wm., 204; - _Legal adviser_, 729. - - Leiste, C., on the British colonies, 341. - - Leitch, Col. Thomas, 171, 285. - - Leith, John, _Narrative_, 682. - - Le Marchant, _Walpole's George III._, 75. - - Lemoine, _Maple leaves_, 223; - _Picturesque Quebec_, 223. - - Leney, W. S., 107. - - Leonard, Daniel, _The present political state_, etc., 110; - _The Origin of the Amer. Contest_, 110; - _Massachusettensis, or a series of letters_, 110; - references, 112. - - Leslie, Col., at Salem, 119, 172. - - Leslie, Gen., attacks Chatterton Hill, 286; - at Charleston, S. C., 507; - proposes a truce, 545; - marches to the Carolinas, 536; - at Princeton, 378; - in Virginia, 495, 546. - - Lesperance, J., _Bastonnais_, 223. - - Levasseur, A., _Lafayette en Amérique_, 194. - - Levinge, R. G. A., _Monmouthshire Light Infantry_, 198. - - Lewis, Gen. Andrew, leads exped. against Indians, 713; - at Point Pleasant, 713; - in Virginia, 168; - his _Order-book_, 168. - - Lewis, Col., of Virginia, 679. - - Lewis, Francis, autog., 264; life, 265. - - Lewis, Morgan, life of Francis Lewis, 265. - - Lewis, S., 338. - - Lewis, _Chester Co._, 419. - - Lexington, Ky., 708; named in commemoration - of the fight in 1775, 178. - - Lexington, Mass., march to, 123; - Percy's reinforcements, 123; - effect of the news in England, 125; - authorities, 174; - depositions, 175; - fac-simile of John Parker's, 176; - which fired first? 175, 183; - news of the fight in London, 175; - its effect, 178; - the news sent South, 178; - _Bloody Butchery_, 178; - plan of Lexington, 179; - Clarke house, 179; - British accounts, 180; - _Circumstantial Account_, 180; - losses, 182; - alarm rolls, 182; - loss of property, 182; - disputes with Concord, 183; - depositions of survivors, 184; - _Centennial Souvenir_, 184; - view of Lexington Green, 185; - the fight in fiction, 185; - relics, 185. - _See_ Concord. - - "Liberty" sloop seized, 43. - - Liberty Song, 86; Tree in Boston, 72; - in other places, 72. - - Lincoln, Benjamin, at Charleston (1779), 469; - his order-books, 469, 522, 554; - at Savannah, 470, 519, 522, 523; - withdraws, 471; - autograph, 473; - portrait, 473; - lives, 513; - his papers, 359, 513; - his letters, 513; - coöperates with D'Estaing, 513; - surrenders Charleston, 474, 513; - defends his conduct, 524; - drove off the last ship from Boston, 160; - in Burgoyne's campaign, 299, 359; - acting on Burgoyne's communications, 304; - on New York Island (1781), 499; - account of Bennington, 354; - attack on Stono, 520; - with Gates (1777), 307. - - Lincoln, Wm., ed. _Journals of Mass. Prov. Cong._, 180. - - Lind, John, _Answer to the Decl. of Indep._, 269. - - Lindsay, Lord, on Germantown, 423. - - Lindsay, W., _Invasion of Canada_, 223. - - Linn, _Buffalo Valley_, 446. - - Linquet, 366. - - Lippincott, Capt. Richard, 744. - - Litchfield, Paul, 203. - - Little, Moses, 326. - - Livermore, Daniel, 668. - - Livermore, Geo., _Hist. Research_, 85. - - Liverpool, Eng., 563. - - Livesey, R., 575. - - Livingston, Col., at Freeman's Farm, 316. - - Livingston, Henry B., 359; - orderly-book (1777), 359. - - Livingston, Col. James, before Quebec, 165. - - Livingston, Philip, _The other side of the question_, 106, 108; - autog., 264; - life of, 265. - - Livingston, R. R., intercedes for Arnold, 452; - in Canada, 227; - on com. to draft Declar. of Indep., 239; - on Stamp Act, 73. - - Livingston, Gov. Wm., his papers, 359; - _Collection of Tracts_, 83; - corresponding with Sam Cooper, 83; - _Letter to Bishop of Landaff_, 76; - his silhouette, 84. - - Lloyd, Charles, 49; - sec. to Grenville, 75; - _Conduct of the late administration examined_, 76. - - Locke, Col., 475. - - Lockwood, David, 472. - - Lockwood, James, 178. - - Lodge, Lieut. Benj., map of Sullivan's route (1779), 681. - - Lodge, John, 212. - - Loftus, Maj. Arthur, on the Mississippi, 701. - - Logan, Col., at Blue Licks, 730. - - Logan, James, his house, 429. - - Logan, J. H. _Upper country of So. Carolina_, 536. - - Logan Historical Soc., 713; - _American Pioneer_, 713. - - Logan (Indian), his speech, 711, 712. - - Logtown, N. C., 543. - - _London Gazette_, 516. - - Long, J., _Indian interpreter_, 649. - - Long, _Voyages_, 741. - - Long Island, battle of, 326; - sources, 328, 329; - movements of, 329; - British strength at, 330; - bibliography of, 329; - the British land on, 326; - Hessian map of battle, 327; - other maps, 327, 328, 340. - _See_ Brooklyn. - - Long Island Sound, whale boat warfare in, 591. - - Longchamps. _Histoire impartiale_, 555. - - Longfellow, H. W., occupies Craigie House, 142; - _Paul Revere's Ride_, 173. - - Longfellow, Samuel, _Life of H. W. Longfellow_, 142. - - Lord, W. W., play on André, 464. - - Loring, Geo. B., on Leslie's expedition, 172. - - Loring, J. S., _Hundred Boston Orators_, 107. - - Lossing, B. J., 197; on Arnold, 220; - on Daniel Boone, 708; - _Field-book of the Rev._, 659; - edits Lyon's _Mil. Journal_, 178; - on the signers of the Decl. of Indep., 266; - on Putnam, 193; - on the Revolutionary navy, 589; - _Two Spies_, 464; - on Arnold's treason, 464; - _United States_, 659; - _Seventeen hundred and seventy-six_, 659; - on Quebec, 223. - - Lothrop, Isaac, 187. - - Lothrop, S. K., _Samuel Kirkland_, 659, 674. - - Louisiana, ceded (1762) to Spain, 686; - Ulloa in, 737; - a republic tried, 737; - French forts in, 699. - - Lovell, James, 88; - imprisoned, 204; - on Burgoyne's advance, 348; - the Conway Cabal, 392; - on Howe's movements, 416; - on Washington, 421. - - Lovell, Gen. Solomon, in Penobscot expedition, 582; - autog., 603; - quarrels with Saltonstall, 603; - his _Journal_, 603; - life by Nash, 603; - acquitted court of inquiry, 604. - - Lovewell, John, 681. - - Low, Nath., _Astron. Diary_, 178; - map from, 342. - - Lowell, E. J., 411; - introduction to Pausch's journal, 360. - - Lowell, Jas. Russell, _Concord Ode_, 184; - his house, 115. - - Lowell, John, on the Bunker Hill controversy, 191. - - Lowell, Robert, "Burgoyne's last march", 357. - - Lownes, C., 207. - - Loyalists in Boston, organized into battalions, 153; - leave Boston with Howe, 158; - leave Charleston and Savannah, 546; - discouraged by Trenton, 407; - military organizations in Philad., 395. - _See_ Tories. - - Lunt, Paul, 203. - - Lushington, S. R., _Lord Harris_, 183. - - Lynch, Thomas, 264; - life, 265; - autog., 266. - - Lynch's Creek, 476. - - Lynde, Judge Benj., portrait, 86; - _Diary_, 86; - autog., 50. - - Lyons, L., _Mil. Journals_, 178. - - Lyttelton, Lord, _A letter to Chatham_, 104. - - - M'Gauran, Major Edward, 360. - - Macaulay, Catharine, _Observations_, 88; - on Chatham, 685. - - Macdonald, Flora, 168. - - Machias, Me., affair of the "Margaretta", 564. - - Machigwawish, 738. - - Machin, Thomas, map of the Hudson River, 455. - - Mackay, Capt. Samuel, _Narrative_, 360. - - Mackenzie, Alex. S., _Life of Paul Jones_, 590. - - Mackenzie, John, 79. - - Mackenzie, Roderick, _Strictures on Tarleton_, 517; - answered, 517; - on Cowpens, 538; - wounded at Cowpens, 541. - - Macpherson, James, _Rights of Great Britain Asserted_, 109, 269. - - Madison, James, 259. - - Magaw, Robert, on Fort Washington, 341; - letter (Cambridge), 203. - - _Magnolia_, a Georgia periodical, 519. - - Mahem, Marion's lieutenant, 545. - - Mahem towers, 491. - - Mahon, Lord (Earl Stanhope), on Bunker Hill, 198; - condemns André's execution, 467; - on the Decl. of Indep., 269. - - Mahoning, 643. - - Maidenhead, N. J., 409, 410. - - Maine, H. C., _Burgoyne's Campaign_, 366. - - Maine created as the province of New Ireland, 604. - - Maisonville, Francis, 729. - - Maitland, Col., at Savannah, 470, 520; - dies, 524. - - Majabigwaduce, 604. - - Malcolm, Daniel, his house assailed, 68. - - Malmedy, autog., 500; - fortifies Narragansett Bay, 593. - - Mamaroneck, 337. - - Manchac, 739. - - Manchester, N. H., 190. - - Manly, Capt. John, captures Crean Brush, 205; - takes prizes, 565; - the first to show a Continental flag, 565; - driven into Plymouth, 565; - second captain in rank, 570; - captures the "Fox", 579; - loses the "Hancock", 579; - cruises in the West Indies in "The Hague", 584. - - Mann, Herman, _Female Review_, or _Life of Deborah Sampson_, 191. - - Manors in N. Y., 340. - - Mansfield, his speeches, 112; - _Plea of the Colonies on the charges of Mansfield and others_, 112. - - Manufactures prohibited in the colonies, 6; - encouraged, 77, 78. - - Manwaring, Edw., 86. - - Marblehead (Mass.), Glover's regiment, 375, 565. - - Marbois, _Complot d'Arnold et Clinton_, 463; - translated in _American Register_, 463. - - Marbury, Col. Leonard, 676. - - Marcus Hook, 415. - - "Margaretta", affair of, 564. - - Marion, Francis, 511; - lives, 512; - portraits, 512; - his relations with Greene, 490; - at Fort Watson, 544; - discouraged, 544; - pursued by Tarleton, 480. - - "Marion's men", 490. - - Marsh, Luther R., _Gen. Woodhull_, 330. - - Marshall, Christopher, diary, 260, 273, 404, 436, 447; - his acc. of the reading of the Decl. of Indep. in Philad., 273. - - Marshall, Col., of Boston, 47. - - Marshall, John, at Brandywine, 418; - at Germantown, 422; - his account of Wyoming, 663. - - Marshall, O. H., _Niagara Frontier_, 658. - - Marshfield, Mass., garrisoned, 118. - - Martin, D., engraved the earliest American plan of Bunker Hill, 200. - - Martin, gov. of No. Carolina, 168. - - Martin, Joseph, 677. - - Martin, J. S., _Revolutionary Soldier_, 329. - - Martin, Luther, 712. - - Martin, _Gazetteer of Va._, 554. - - Martin, _No. Carolina_, 678. - - Martler's Rock, 323. - - Maryland, in the Continental Congress, 234; - effect of Boston Port Bill in, 96; - militia in (1774), 117; - movements (1774), 98; - Stamp Act in, 73; troops, 485; - at Hobkirk's Hill, 488; - at Camden, 533; - at Guildford, 541. - - Mascoutins, 703, 741. - - Masères, Francis, _Essays_, 90; - _Account of the proceedings_, 104; - _Additional Papers_, 104; - _Canadian Freeholder_, 104. - - Mason, Col. David, 119. - - Mason, Edw. G., _Todd's Record Book_, 730; - Spaniards in Illinois, 743; - _Kaskaskia_, 723; - on Fort Chartres, 706. - - Mason, Geo., 259, 716; - his house, 259; - Virginia Decl. of Rights, 272; - references, 272. - - Mason, G. C., on the English fleet in Newport, 593; - on war vessels in Narragansett Bay, 90. - - Mason, Jonathan, 88. - - Mason, Thaddeus, 187. - - Massachusetts, circular letter (1768), 2, 42, 79; - causes of the Revolution in, 18; - character of her governors, 22; - its fisheries, 25; - trade with the West Indies, 26; - the Stamp Act, 29; - refuses to rescind the circular letter, 44; - calls a convention (1768), 45; - protests against the military occupation of Boston (1769), 47; - legislature moved to Cambridge, 47; - adopts intercolonial com. of correspondence, 56; - bill for regulating the government, 58; - legislature at Salem, 58; - _Answer of the major part of the Council_, 67; - _Speeches of the governors, 1765-1775, and the answers of the House - of Rep._, 67; - _Journals of the House_, 67; - _State Papers_, 67, 73; - her letter to Rockingham, 83; - _Song of Liberty_, 86, 87; - _Reply to Hutchinson_ (1773), 90; - petition to the king for the removal of Hutchinson, 95; - Americans in London oppose the Regulating Act, 97; - debate in Parliament, 97; - _Bill for the impartial administration of justice_, 97; - _Solemn League and Covenant_, 97, 98; - action taken for a Congress (1774), 99; - her assembly becomes a provincial congress, 116; - _Journals of the Provincial Congress_, 106; - articles of war, 108; - form of her government (1775) approved by Congress, 108; - ceases to be called province, 108; - provincial congress chooses general officers, 116, 243; - militia, 116; - second provincial congress, 118; - empowers Com. of Safety to gather the militia, 119; - provincial congress, 120; - meets (May, 1775), 131; - warns (June 17, 1775) the militia, 133; - the doings of the provincial congress, approved by the Continental - Congress, 134; - Com. of Safety send acc. of Bunker Hill to England and elsewhere, - 187; - in the Cont. Congress, 234; - sets up its autonomy, 237, 257; - _Centennial of the Constitution_, 274; - frames a constitution, 274; - _Report on a Constitution_, 274; - other publications, 274; - sends mast timber to Charles II, 564; - ships owned in, 564; - commissions a naval force (1775), 565; - their captures, 568, 582; - her force in 1779, 579; - sends expedition against Penobscot, 582; - privateers of, 585, 587, 591; - commissioned in France, 587; - her navy, 585, 586; - her losses at Penobscot, 586; - her number of men at sea, 587; - her legislation about privateers, 591; - their captures, 591; - troops in R. I. (1778), 601; - issues bills to defray cost of Penobscot expedition, 603; - military rolls of the exped., 603; - Stockbridge Indians enlisted by, 612; - their plea of justification, 612, 613; - seek to enlist the Nova Scotia Indians, 614; - treaty with them, 614; - _Journals_ of its provincial congresses, 656. - - _Massachusetts Gazette_, 110. - - _Massachusetts Spy_, 110, 122. - - Massey, _England_, 112. - - Masts, timber for, 564. - - Mathew, Geo., 560. - - Matson's Ford, 425. - - Matthewman, Luke, 581. - - Matthews, David, 326. - - Matthews, Gen., invades New Jersey, 559; - in Virginia, 546. - - Matthis, Samuel, _Hobkirk's Hill_, 542. - - Mattoon, Gen. Ebenezer, on Burgoyne's surrender, 358. - - Mauduit, Israel, 83; - _Short View_, etc., 85; - edits the Hutchinson letters, 93; - on Bunker Hill, 195; - on Gen. Howe, 329; - _Howe at White Plains_, 337; - _Three Letters to Howe_, 195, 337, 344; - on the Mischianza, 436; - agent of Mass., 28. - - Maverick, Peter, 266. - - Mawhood, Col., 378. - - Maxwell, Gen., 380; at Morristown, 373; - his brigade, 670. - - Maxwell, Major Thompson, 190. - - Maxwell, Thomas, 663. - - Maxwell on Arnold's fight on Lake Champlain, 346. - - May, Thomas E., _Const. Hist. England_, 75. - - Mayer, Brantz, edits Carroll's journal, 227; - _Logan and Cresap_, 712; - _Tah-Gah-Jute_, 712. - - Mayhew, Jonathan, his controversy with Apthorpe, 70; - his _Unlimited submission to the higher powers_, 70; - _Observations_, in reply to Apthorpe, 70; - _Defence of Observations_, 70; - _Remarks_, 70; - his portraits, 71; - references on his career, 71; - suggests union of colonies, 89; - view of his meeting-house, 151, 197; - controversy with Secker, 243; - sermon on the Stamp Act, 77. - - Maynard, Needham, 189. - - McAlpine, _Memoirs_, 360. - - McBury, Col. Leonard, 676, 678. - - McCall, Hugh, lives of Lyman Hall, Button Gwinnett, 265; - George Walton, 265; - _Hist. of Georgia_, 513, 570. - - McCall, Capt. James, 679. - - McClean, Capt., 443. - - McClellan, Capt. Jos., journal, 561. - - McClure, diary, 180. - - McConkey, Mrs., _Hero of Cowpens_, 511. - - McCoy, John F., publishes ed. of proceedings of the André examination, - 461. - - McCoy, Sergeant, 219. - - McCrea, Miss Jane, murder of, 627; - her _Life_, 627. - - McCurlin, David, 202. - - McDonald, Capt. Angus, goes against the Indians, 713. - - McDougall, Gen., at Chatterton Hill, 286; - at Germantown, 385; - at West Point, 557. - - McDowell, Col. Chas., 478. - - McDowell, Jos., portrait, 535. - - McGill, Maj., on Camden, 530. - - McGowan's Pass (N. Y.), 338, 339. - - McHenry, James, 446. - - McKean, Thomas, on the Congress of 1765, 74; - life, 265; - signed the Decl. of Indep., 168; - autog., 265. - - McKendry, Wm., _Journal_, 666. - - McKenney and Hall, _Indian Tribes_, 625. - - McKenzie, Alex., on Cambridge, 142; - on Lexington, 184. - - McLane, Capt. Allen, 385, 393, 398. - - McNiel, Capt., in the navy, 570. - - McNeill, Gen., commands at Penobscot, 603. - - McRae, Sherwin, 515. - - McRae, _Life of James Iredell_, 532, 537. - - McReath, Dr., 729. - - McVeagh, Wayne, on Paoli, 419. - - Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, 256; - autographs of the committee, 256; - disputed questions, 256. - - Medcalfe, map of Burgoyne's campaign, 349. - - Meigs, Return J., _Expedition against Quebec_, 219; - accounts of, 219; - expedition to Sag Harbor, 591; - his character, 591. - - Mein, John, Boston, 83; - proscribed, 78; - _State of the importation_, etc., 78. - - Mellish and Tanner, _Seat of War_, 416. - - Melville, Herman, _Israel Potter_, 590. - - Melvin, J., _Expedition to Quebec_, 219. - - Mendon (Mass.), resolves of independence, 257. - - Ménonville, M. de, journal at Yorktown, 554. - - Mercantile system, 5, 7. - - Mercer, Charles Fenton, 707. - - Mercer, Gen. Hugh, commands Flying Camp, 326, 403; - death of, 378, 412; - action of Congress, 412; - portraits, 412. - - Merchants in England, and navigation laws, 64; - monopolies of, 7. - - Meredith, Sir Wm., _A letter to Chatham_, 104. - - Metcalfe, S. L., _Indian Warfare_, 708. - - Meyer, E. L., _Map of Elizabethport_, 560. - - Meyrick, Surgeon, 358. - - Meyrick, S. J., 227. - - Miamis, 610. - - Micmacs, 614. - - Middle colonies, maps of, 341. - - Middlebrook, camp at, 556; - Washington at, 579. - - Middleton, Arthur, life, 265; - life of Rutledge, 265; - autog., 266. - - Mifflin, Gen. Thomas, 117, 203; - the Conway Cabal, 392; - leads militia into New Jersey, 376; - on the British lines at Boston Neck, 212. - - Mifflin, Fort, abandoned, 447. - _See_ Fort. - - Miles, Samuel, 327. - - Militia, in battle, 541; - organized, 108; - in Mass., 116; - in the Rev. War, 588. - - Miller, Thomas, at Bunker Hill, 202. - - Miller, W. T., 203. - - Miller House, 338. - - Mills, W. H., on the Kennebec route, 217. - - Mills, _Statistics of So. Carolina_, 527. - - Milltown, Pa., 381. - - Miner, Charles, _Wyoming_, 664. - - Mingo Bottom, 736. - - Mingo Indians, 610, 671. - - Minisink massacre, 639, 653, 662; - loss, 662. - - Minomines, 738. - - Minot, Geo. R., 88. - - Mischianza, 396, 436. - - Misère (Ste. Geneviève), 738. - - Mississippi River as western boundary of the U. S., 730; - plan by Pittman, 702. - - Mobile, Pittman's plan, 702; - captured, 739. - - Moffat, of R. I., on Stamp Act debates, 74. - - Mohawk River, 609; - map of the neighborhood, 351; - valley, 610; - Indian incursion, 672; - warfare in, 657. - - Mohawks in Canada, 656; - irritated by the Conn. Co., 605; - their lands east of the boundary line, 610; - solicited, 120; - would protect Guy Johnson, 624. - - Mohegans, 622. - - Molasses Act, 25, 26, 72. - - Monckton, Lt.-Col., at Monmouth, 400. - - Moncrieff, Col., 521; - at Savannah (1779), 524. - - Monette, _Valley of the Mississippi_, 686. - - Monk's Corner, 473. - - Monmouth, battle, 399; - plans of, 408, 444, 445; - accounts of, 445, 446. - - Monotomy, roads about, 121. - - Monroe, James, at Trenton, 376. - - Monson, Henry, map of Carolina, 675. - - Montague, Admiral, 90. - - Montague, Lord, letter to Moultrie, 534. - - Montgar (Armstrong), 746. - - Montgomery, Col. John, attacked by the Cherokees (1760), 675; - at Kaskaskia, 740. - - Montgomery, Gen. Richard, urges advance into Canada, 161; - made brigadier, 161; - advances on St. Johns, 161; - before St. Johns, 162; - captures Fort Chamblée, 162; - takes St. Johns, 162; - has Indians, 656; - takes Montreal, 163; - at Pont-aux-Trembles, 164; - attacks Quebec, 165; - in the Canada campaign, authorities, 216; - despatches, 216; - lives, 216; - his sword, 216; - his house, 216; - ancestry, 216; - death and burial, 165, 216, 226; - remains removed to New York, 216; - tributes of Congress, 216; - his monument, 216; - tragedy by H. H. Brackenridge, 216; - autograph note on capitulation of St. Johns, 217; - signatures of his will, 218; - portraits, 220, 221; - Trumbull's "Death of Montgomery", 220. - - _Monthly Military Repository_, 510. - - Montreal, Guy Johnson's conference at, 624; - position of, 215; - taken by Montgomery, 163, 216. - - Montresor, Capt. John, plan of Boston, 210; - maps of the English colonies, 341; - account of, 341; - plan of Charlestown, Mass., 198; - survey of Bunker Hill field, 200; - plans of New York, 326, 331, 333, 561; - map of the northern region of N. Y., 349; - his journal ed. by Scull, 413, 419; - map of defences of Philad. (1777), 441; - accounts of his family, 217; - map of Kennebec route, 217, 224; - journal on the Kennebec, 217; - _Map of N. Y. and Penna._, 416; - map of Newport, 560. - - Moore, F., _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, 654. - - Moore, Geo. H., _Treason of Chas. Lee_, 407, 416. - - Moore, Hugh, _Ethan Allen_, 214. - - Moore, Sir Henry, 38. - - Moore, Thomas, _Life of Sheridan_, 109. - - Moore, T. W., aide to Prevost, 522. - - Moore's Creek Bridge, action at, 168; - references, 168. - - Moorsom, _Fifty-second Reg._, 198. - - Moravian Indians, 606; - sent to New York, 607; - protected by Gen. Gage, 607; - missions among, 734; - attacked by British, 734; - removed to Sandusky, 735; - at Detroit, 735; - lands in Michigan, 735; - general references, 736. - _See_ Indians. - - Morgan, Gen. Daniel, on the Kennebec exped., 162; - captured at Quebec, 165; - his account of the attack, 222; - at Freeman's Farm, 305; - headquarters at Saratoga, 358, 360; - threatens Cornwallis' flank in Carolina, 481; - pursued by Tarleton, 481; - at Cowpens, 481, 538; - his differences with Sumter, 537; - his correspondence, 538; - _The Hero of Cowpens_, 360; - medal, 539; - in New Jersey, 398; - his lives, 511; - his grave, 511; - portraits, 511; - statue, 511; - his house, 511. - - Morgan, Col. George, 704. - - Morgan, Dr. John, 203. - - Morgan, L. H., _League of the Iroquois_, 659. - - Morgann, _Life of Price_, 110. - - Morley, Henry, edits Burke's _Speeches_, 112; - _Edmund Burke_, 269. - - Morris, Gouverneur, _Observations on the Amer. Rev._, 556. - - Morris, Jacob, 169. - - Morris, Lewis, letters from Cambridge, 203; - autog., 264; - life, 266; - on Greene, 537. - - Morris, Margaret, diary, 436. - - Morris, Robert, autog., 264; - life, 265; - on the campaign of 1776, 344; - (in 1776), 376; - on Charles Lee's capture, 403; - letters, 404; - his privateers, 591. - - Morris, Col. Roger, his house, 288, 339. - - Morris, Capt. Thomas, sent to Pontiac, 698; - his _Miscellanies_, 698; - his journal, 698. - - Morrisania, 344; - English works at, 561. - - Morristown, orderly-books, 559; - Washington at, 417. - - Morsman, Oliver, _Bunker Hill_, 189. - - Mortier House in N. Y., 276, 335. - - Morton, John, autog., 264; - life, 265. - - Morton, Perez, on Gen. Warren, 194. - - Morton, Robt., his diary, 431, 436. - - Mott, Edw., journal, 213. - - Mott, Samuel, letters, 216. - - Moultrie, Gen. Wm., his acc. of the defence of Fort Moultrie, 229; - at Sullivan Island, 168; - portrait, 171, 172; - _Memoirs_, 171; - references, 172; - defends Charleston (1779), 470; - his campaign (1778), 520; - fac-simile of his order to Tucker, 471; - his affair near Beaufort, 519; - his career, 508; - sketches of, 508; - _Memoirs of Amer. Rev._, 508; - on the siege of Charleston, 525; - refused command of a Tory regiment, 534; - correspondence with Lord Montague, 534. - - Moultrie, Fort (1776), plans, 169, 170; - abandoned (1780), 472. - _See_ Fort, Sullivan's Island. - - Mountfort, G., on John Hancock, 271. - - Mouzon, H., map. of Carolinas, 538. - - Mowatt, Capt., with British vessels at Penobscot, 603. - - Mud Island in the Delaware, 432, 435; - plans, 437, 438. - - Mugford, Capt., 567; - killed, 160. - - Muhheakunuks, 613. - - Muhlenberg, Gen. Peter, 376; - at Brandywine, 382; - his life, 546; - at Yorktown, 555. - - Muhlenberg, Rev. Dr., his journal, 404. - - Muhlenberg, H. A., _General Muhlenberg_, 546. - - Mukerck, Capt. Chas., journal, 681. - - Mulgrave, Col., 426. - - Mun, Thomas, 63. - - Munroe, Nathan, 179. - - Munsee towns, 606. - - Munsell, Hezekiah, 329. - - Munsey Indians, 671. - - Mure, Capt. Wm., at Yorktown, 555. - - Murray, James, _Impartial History of the present war_, much the same, - in parts as _The Impartial History of the War in America_, 663. - - Murray, Lindley, 284. - - Murray House (N. Y.), 335. - - Musgrave, Col., at Germantown, 385. - - Musgrove Mills, 475, 529. - - Muskingum, forks of, 699. - - Mutiny Act, 20, 38; - practically annulled in Mass., 46. - - Muzzey, A. B., _Lexington_, 184; - _Reminiscences_, 173. - - Myers, Col. T. B., 264, 538; - on the Tories, 351. - - - Naaman's Creek, Pa., 421. - - Napier, Geo., 590. - - Narragansett Bay, fortified, 593, 596; - chart by Blaskowitz, 593; - Lafayette's plan, 600; - English maps, 601. - - Nash, Gen., of N. C., killed, 386. - - Nash, Gilbert, _Life of Gen. Lovell_, 603. - - Nash, Gov., on Camden, 532. - - Nash, Samuel, diary of, 346. - - Nash, Solomon, 202. - - Natchez, captured, 738, 740. - - _National Portrait Gallery_, 510. - - Naval Hist. of the American Revolution, 563. - _See_ Navy. - - Navigation laws, 2, 4, 6, 63; - aimed at the Dutch, 6; - history of, 7; - authorities, 64; - and writs of assistance, 19; - enforced by the Bute ministry, 23; - influence in producing the Revolution, 64; - and the Revolution of 1689 in N. E., 65. - - Navy of United States, commissioned by Washington, 152; - vessels destroyed in the Delaware, 389. - _See_ Naval. - - Navy of England, men engaged in 1776, 588; - in 1777, 585; - in 1779, 587. - - Nazro, John, 47. - - _Nederlandsche Mercurius_, 570. - - Neilson, Charles, _Burgoyne's Campaign_, 357, 360. - - Nelson, Thomas, life, 266; - autog., 266. - - Nelson, Thomas, Jr., 259; - _Letters_, 575. - - Nelson, gov. of Va., on Yorktown, 544. - - Neshaminy, 418. - - Neutral Ground (Hudson River), 456. - - Neversink, 340. - - New Bedford, naval exploits of her people, 564. - - New Brunswick, N. J., 408, 409. - - New Castle, Del., 421. - - _New Dominion Monthly_, 216. - - New England, her great staples, 8; - her export trade, 9; - grows rich, 10; - trade with West Indies broken up, 25; - staples, 25; - imports molasses, 25; - jealousy of, in the Congress of 1774, 99; - population (1775), 117; - armed alliance (1775), 122; - Sam. Adams proposed her independence, 231; - Puritanism and the Am. Rev., 242; - opposition to bishop, 243; - a maritime country, 563; - her cruisers, 563; - ship-building, 563; - enriched by privateering, 584; - large numbers in the business, 584. - - New Hampshire, Stamp Act in, 73; - change in its government (1775), 108; - people of the Grants aroused, 108, 121; - men at Bunker Hill, 190; - troops in the Canada exped., 220; - in the Continental Congress, 234; - constitution of, 272; - furnishes masts to England, 564; - her seamen, 587; - privateers of, 591; - "General Sullivan", 591; - troops in R. I. (1778), 601. - - New Haven attacked, 557. - - New Ireland (Maine), 604. - - New Jersey, Stamp Act in, 73; - address to king (1769), 83; - her constitution, 272; - invaded (Jan., 1776), 323; - surveys by Sauthier and Ratzer, 341; - invaded and evacuated by Howe, 368, 379; - campaign in (1776), authorities, 405; - maps of, 409; - revolt of her soldiers, 561; - troops in Sullivan's campaign, 670. - - New London, Conn., attacked by Arnold, 562; - privateers in, 585. - - New Orleans, Pittman's plan, 702; - to be captured, 737; - letters from, 738. - - New Providence attacked, 570. - - New Rochelle, the British at, 286. - - New Salem, N. Y., 458. - - New Windsor, N. Y., 556; - camp, 744. - - New York _city_, Stamp Act in, 73; - coffee-houses in, 73; - Burn's Coffee-House, 73; - "Sons of Liberty" in, 73; - old City Hall, 74; - com. of correspondence, 90; - effect of Boston Port Bill in, 96; - apathy in (1774), 98; - British navy at (1776), 153; - Lee sent to possess the town, 156; - artillery company formed, 156; - news of Lexington in, 178; - Lee in (1775), 275; - Washington arrives, 275; - Putnam in command, 275; - defences of (1776), 275; - army in, 275; - Washington's headquarters, 276; - spared by Howe, 283; - Americans leave it, 283; - Howe occupies it, 283; - partly burned, 285; - campaign round N. Y. (1776), criticism on, 290; - campaign about, 323; - condition of the town (1775), 323; - plans in the Revolution, 331; - appearance of the town, 331; - Johnston's map, 331, 335; - Randall's, 331; - descriptions of the town, 331; - views, 331; - localities, 331; - Beekman House, 331; - Rutger's mansion, 331; - Ratzer's smaller map, 332; - evacuated by Washington, 333; - occupied by Howe, 333; - various maps, 333; - extent of the armies about (1776), 333; - fire in, 334; - Johnston's map, 335, 338; - Mortier House, 335; - map of city and bay, 342; - maps of the campaign near (1776), 342, 343, 345; - accounts of, 341-346; - _N. Y. City during the Amer. Rev._, 346; - map of campaign about, 404; - Knyphausen in command, 559; - Washington's feint of attacking (1781), 501; - British in, 556; - British cantonments near, 745; - entered by Washington at the close of the war, 746; - evacuated, 746; - Fraunce's Tavern, 747; - its appearance at the end of the war, 747; - commerce of, 747. - - New York _harbor_, maps of, in the Revolutionary time, 326. - - New York _province_, maps of, 349; - Indians of, 611. - - New York _State_, Assembly (1775), 106; - its character, 106; - proceedings, 106; - provincial congress, 106; - its records, 106; - constitutional convention, 272; - debates of, 272; - centennial of its constitution, 274; - _Centennial Addresses_, 366; - privateers of, 591; - _Centennial Celebrations_, 666; - Continental line organized, 220; - documentary publications, 247; - _Journals of Provincial Congress_, 247. - - _New York Magazine_, 510. - - Newark, Pa., 421. - - Newburgh, N. Y., 340, 465; - addresses, 745; - Washington at, 744; - his headquarters, 744. - - Newburgh Bay Historical Soc., 744. - - Newell, Thomas, 95. - - Newell, Timothy, 95. - - Newman, Robert, 175. - - Newport, R. I., blockaded by the English (1780), 560; - the French in, 560; - maps, 560; - diaries in (1778), 601; - maps of, and surroundings, 596, 597, 598, 600, 602; - memorial to Congress (1775), 108; - occupied by the British (Dec., 1776), 403; - occupied by Sir Henry Clinton (1776), 593; - seamen in the Revolutionary navy, 591. - - Newport, Pa., 421. - - Newspapers in the Revolution, 110. - - Newton, _Panhandle_, 716. - - Newtown (Elmira, N. Y.), battle at, 640, 668, 670; - accounts, 653; - Butler's report, 672; - map of battlefield, 642, 671, 681. - - Newtown, Pa., 410. - - Neyon, M., in Illinois, 700. - - Niagara, not to be attacked by Sullivan, 669; - Indians at (1779-80), 643. - - Nicholas, P. H., _Royal Marine Forces_, 194. - - Nichols, Isaac, 204. - - Nicholson, James, capt. in navy, 570; - in the "Trumbull", 583; - surrenders, 584. - - Nicholson, Samuel, in the "Deane", 583. - - Nicola, Col. Lewis, 440; - his letter to Washington, 745. - - Nicoll, Isaac, 323. - - Nicollet, J. N., 705. - - Ninety-six, 478; - besieged, 491, 544; - plans of, 545. - - Ninham, Capt. Daniel, 613. - - Noailles, autog., 500. - - Noddle's Island, 206, 210; - fight, 131. - - Non-importation agreements, 23, 29, 31, 47, 49, 50, 51, 76, 77, 78, - 79, 99, 106. - - Nook's Hill (near Boston), 158. - - Norfolk, Va., destroyed, 168. - - Norman, J., engraver, 40, 41; - engraving of Montgomery, 221; - engraving of Gates, 302; - engraving of burning of Falmouth, 146; - engraves Gen. Greene, 509; - Gen. Lincoln, 473; - _Death of Montgomery_, 217; - _Death of Warren_, 198; - plan of Bunker Hill, 201, 202; - plan of Boston, 201. - - North, Lord, premier, 21; - portrait, 21, 107; - autog., 21; - Chancellor of the Exchequer, 46; - conversations with Burke, 112. - - North, S. W. D., "Story of a Monument", 351; - on Oriskany, 351. - - North, Wm., acc. of Steuben, 515. - - North, _Augusta, Me._, 217. - - _North American Pilot_, 212. - - North Carolina, in the Cont. Congress, 235; - defended by Iredell, 537; - effect of Boston Port Bill, 96; - the English fleet on the coast (1776), 168; - maps, 537, 538; - militia at Camden, 533; - militia fled at Guildford, 541; - movements (1774), 98; - (1776), 168; - non-importation, 47; - Stamp Act in, 73; - war of the Regulators, 80; - disputes about, 81. - - _North Carolina University Magazine_, 514, 519. - - North Castle, N. Y., 458. - - Northwest territory reserved as crown lands (1763), 687; - government of, 730. - _See_ Ohio country. - - Norton, A. T., _Sullivan's Campaign_, 670. - - Norton, J. N., _Pioneer Missionaries_, 657. - - Norwalk, Conn., 340; - burnt, 557. - - Nova Scotia Indians, 614. - - Nunn, Lieut., 175. - - - O'Brien, Jeremiah, naval officer, 564. - - O'Callaghan, E. B., edits _Burgoyne's Order-book_, 358, 359; - on George Croghan, 705; - on Stirling, 706; - on Cresap, 712. - - O'Dane, 523. - - O'Hara, Gen., follows the march of Greene, 484. - - O'Key, Samuel, 40. - - O'Reilly, Henry, Sullivan's Campaign, 671. - - Ochs, Baron von, _Betrachtungen über die neuere Kriegskunst_, 446. - - Ogeechee, attack at, 653. - - Ogletown, Pa., 421. - - Ohio Company, 707. - - Ohio country, effect of the Quebec Bill, 715. - _See_ Northwest Territory. - - Ohio Indians, 610; - their towns, 699. - - Ohio River, early settlers on, 708; - plan of rapids, 701. - - Oliver, Andrew, deposition on Boston Massacre, 88; - his letters, 56; - hanged in effigy, 30, 72; - stamp distributor, 72; - resigns, 73, 115; - makes oath, 73; - portrait, 73. - - Oliver, Peter, autog., 50; - letter from Boston, 205; - impeachment, 57, 95; - portrait, 95; - account of, 95; - diary, 205. - - Ollier, Edmund, _Cassell's United States_, 665. - - Olney, Stephen, 404. - - Onderdonk, Henry, Jr., on the battle of Long Island, 330; - _Woodhull's capture_, 330. - - Oneidas, their country, 609; - their lands, 610; - at White Plains, 613; - mostly took the American side, 623, 624, 659; - offer to become scouts, 626; - convey warning of St. Leger's coming, 628; - join Herkimer, 630; - their village burnt, 632, 658; - threatened by Haldimand, 639; - at Schenectady, 643; - failed to help Sullivan (1779), 667; - removed from their castles, 672; - proposed attack on, by Sir John Johnson, 672. - _See_ Six Nations, Iroquois. - - Onondagas, destruction of their villages, 639, 653; - their country, 609. - - Ontario identified with Oswego, 619, 658. - - Oquaga burned, 636. - - Orangetown, 404. - - Orcutt, coll. of newspaper scraps, 522. - - _Orion_, a Georgia periodical, 519. - - Oriskany, battle of, 631; - authorities, 351; - the first accounts, 660; - view of field, 354; - Indian loss at, 662. - - Osborn, Sir Danvers, 673. - - Osborn, J. H., 437. - - Osgood, Samuel, 191; - address at Fairfield, 55. - - Osler, _Life of Exmouth_, 347. - - Ossabaw Sound, 470. - - Oswego, attempted surprise by Col. Willett, 646; - known sometimes as Ontario, 658. - - Otis, James, 84; - on writs of assistance, 9, 13, 68; - John Adams on, 68; - made member of the General Court, 13; - assumed the right to independence, 24; - in Stamp Act Congress, 30; - in the legislature, 42; - praises Oliver Cromwell, 44; - _Vindication of the British Colonies_, 70; - _Considerations on behalf of the Eng. Colonies_, 75; - speaking in the legislature (1768), 83; - at Bunker Hill, 137; - _Rights of the British Colonies_, 28, 68; - his passionate appeals, 35; - probably draws address to Bernard, 43; - presides at meeting (1768), 45; - _Vindication of the conduct of the Ho. of Rep._, 68; - Crawford's statue, 69; - likeness by Blackburn, 70; - his house, 70; - killed by lightning, 70; - Tudor's _Life of Otis_, 70; - Bowen's _Life_, 70; - his character, 70; - assaulted, 70. - - Otsego Lake, Clinton at, 639. - - Ottawa confederacy, 610. - - Ouabache. _See_ Wabash. - - Ouatanon, 703. - - - Paca, Wm., autog., 265; - life, 266. - - Packard, G. T., 218. - - Page, Capt., journal, 557. - - Page, Edw., map of Rhode Island, 601. - - Page, Wm., surveys of Boston, 210, 211; - plans of Bunker Hill, 200. - - Paige, _Cambridge_, 173. - - Paine, Robt. Treat, autog., 51, 263; - in Congress (1774), 59; - in Canada, 227; - life by Alden Bradford, 265. - - Paine, Samuel, 187, 205. - - Paine, Thomas, 419, _Liberty Tree Ballad_, 72; - _Dialogue with Montgomery_, 217; - _Common Sense_, 252, 269; - _American Crisis_, 744; - Barlow on, 253; - portrait, 269; - bibliog. of, 269; - references on him, 269; - _Writings_, 269; - French ed., 269; - "The times that try men's souls", 367. - - Palfrey, J. G., on the navigation acts, 64. - - Palfrey, Wm., 85. - - "Pallas" takes the "Countess of Scarborough", 578. - - Palmer, Wm. P., _Calendar of Va. State Papers_, 515. - - Palmer, _Lake Champlain_, 214, 347. - - Pamphlet literature of the Revolution, 110. - - Paoli, fight at, 383; - sources, 419; - Hessian map of attack, 423; - Faden's map, 424; - other maps, 425; - monument, 425. - - Paper money, first, of the war, 116. - - Paris, treaty of (1763), 14, 685; - printed, 685. - - Parker, Capt. Hyde, his report on Savannah, 519; - portrait, 519. - - Parker, Capt. John, at Lexington, 176. - - Parker, Com. F. H., 564. - - Parker, Francis J., _Col. Wm. Prescott_, 191. - - Parker, J. M. _Rochester, N. Y._, 670. - - Parker, Sir Peter, 279; - on the coast with a fleet, 168; - attacks Fort Moultrie, 170, 229; - in Narragansett Bay, 593. - - Parker, Theodore, 185. - - Parkman, Francis, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, 690; - his MS. collections, 690; - prefaces Smith's _Acc. of Bouquet's exped._, 699. - - Parliament, invades the royal prerogative, 15; - colonial representation in, 28; - of 1766, 32. - - _Parliamentary Register, or Debates_, 516, 653. - - Parsons, Gen. S. H., on the capture of Fort Clinton, etc., 364; - a spy for the British, 460; - on the board examining André, 460; - his letters, 557; - in Long Island battle, 279, 328. - - Parsons, Theophilus, life of, by T. Parsons, 274. - - Parsons Case, in Virginia, 24. - - Parton, James, _Jefferson_, 515. - - Partridge, Oliver, 30. - - Paterson, Col. John, 613. - - Patison, T. H., 106. - - Patterson, D. W., 665. - - Patterson, W. A., 364. - - Pattison, Gen., on N. Y., 557; - on Paulus Hook, 559. - - Patton, J. H., _Yorktown_, 555. - - Patty, Sir Wm., 63. - - Paulding, John, 456; - petitions for increase of pension, 466; - his son defends him, 466; - his portrait, 466. - - Paulus Hook, 326, 335, 343, 403; - plans, 559; - attacked, 559; - medal, 559. - - Pausch, Capt., _Journal_, 360; - at Valcour Island, 346. - - Pawling, Col., 667. - - Paxton, Charles, 10, 12. - - Paxton, Pa., 606; its "Boys", 606; - _Narrative of the late Massacre_, 606; - threaten the Moravian Indians, 607. - - Payson, Philip, 180. - - Peabody, Stephen, 350. - - Peabody, S. H., _Amer. Patriotism_, 70. - - Peabody Museum of Archæology, 607. - - Peale, C. W., portrait of Dickinson, 82; - of Thomas Paine, 269; - of St. Clair, 297; - of Gen. Greene, 510; - of Morgan, 511; - of Sumter, 532; - of Paul Jones, 592; - of Chatham, 110; - of Joseph Reed, 405. - - Peale, R., painted portrait of Gen. Greene, 510. - - Pearce, Stuart, _Luzerne County_, 665. - - Pearson, Capt. Richard, his acc. of the loss of the "Serapis", 577, - 590; - portrait, 593. - - Pearson, _Schenectady Patent_, 608. - - Peck, Geo., _Wyoming_, 664. - - Peck, J. M., 649; - _Daniel Boone_, 708. - - Peck, L. W., 665. - - Peekskill, 455, 465. - - Peet, S. D., on the Delawares, 708. - - Peirce, John, 219. - - Pelham, Henry, map of Boston, 209. - - Pell, Joshua, Jr., 227, 350. - - Pell's Point, 285, 337. - - Pellew, Viscount Exmouth, 358. - _See_ Exmouth. - - Pencour (St. Louis), 737, 738. - - Pendleton, Edmund, 259; - writes resolutions of Va., 261. - - Penn, John, life, 265; - autog., 266. - - Penn, Richard, 237. - - Pennington, N. J., 410. - - Pennsylvania, controversy over its form of government, 68; - Stamp Act in, 73; - Muhlenberg's journal, 73; - com. of corresp., 90; - effect of Boston Port Bill in, 96; - feeling in 1774, 98; - Thomas Mifflin advocating non-intercourse, 117; - its share in the Canada campaign (1776), 174; - in the Continental Congress, 234, 235; - her Assembly (1776) still loyal, 245; - records of, 247; - timidity in, respecting independence, 257; - constitutional agitation, 272; - convention of 1776, 272; - anarchical state of, in 1776, 373; - navy of, 386, 565; - new constitution of, 401, 405; - Council of Safety, 405; - _Hist. of First Troop of Cavalry_, 407; - revolt of her troops, 561; - forts in, 643; - prohibits settlements on land not bought of Indians, 649; - _Laws_ (1797), 649; - _Register_, 650; - Connecticut settlers in, 680; - controversies, 680; - embarrass Bouquet, 698; - controversy with Va. over Ohio lands, 709. - - _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, 436. - - Pennytown, 372. - - Penobscot, expedition against (1779), 582, 603, 604; - the troops retreat through the woods, 604; - maps of, 604; - court of inquiry, 604; - Eben Hazard questions its decision, 604. - - Penobscot Indians, 617, 656; - enlistment of, 674. - - Pensacola captured, 739. - - Pensioner, last, of the Rev., 746. - - Pequaket Indians, 614, 655. - - Percy, Earl, marches out of Boston, 121; - to Lexington, 123; - joins Smith, 124; - his train captured, 124; - his report on Lexington, 178; - reported killed, 178; - portraits, 182, 183; - his family, 182; - papers, 183; - at Brooklyn, 279, 330; - attacks the Harlem lines, 285, 289; - at N. Y., 337, 338; - at Fort Washington, 345. - - Perkins' Jas. Handasyd, 657; - _Memoir and Writings_, 648; - "Pioneers of Kentucky", 708. - - Perley, _Bedford, Mass._, 184. - - Perrault, Abbé, 216. - - Perrin du Lac, _Voyage_, 652. - - Perry, W. S., _Amer. Episc. Church_, 242. - - Perth Amboy, 409. - - Peters, Richard, on Steuben, 515; - on the massacre of Conestogoes, 606. - - Peters, Rev. Samuel, reply to Burgoyne, 366. - - Peyster, J. Watts de, on Sir John Johnson, 351, 660; - on Oriskany, 351; - on Schuyler's campaign (1777), 356; - on the Burgoyne campaign, 361; - on Brandywine, 419; - on Paoli, 419; - on the siege of Savannah, 523; - on King's Mountain, 536; - on Eutaw, 45; - on Stony Point, 558; - on the Penobscot exped., 603; - _Sir John Johnson_, 625; - edits _Johnson's Orderly-book_, 660; - on Sullivan's campaign, 670. - - Peyton, J. L., _Adventures of my Grandfather_, 714. - - Phelippeaux, his map, 416. - - Phelps, Matthew, journal, 709. - - Phelps, _Rights of the Colonies_, 85. - - Philadelphia, non-importation in, 79; - corresp. of merchants (1769), 83; - feeling in, during the Congress of, 1774, 99; - Carpenters' Hall, 99; - news of Lexington in, 178; - life in, during the American Rev., 259; - Old State House, view of, 259; - Independence Hall, 259; - trepidation in, 370, 380; - Washington's army marches through, 380; - guns of Brandywine heard in, 383; - occupied by Cornwallis and Howe, 384; - fortified by the British, 384; - the British fleet reaches the town, 389; - the winter of 1777-78, 393; - the Quakers, 393; - theatre in, during British occupancy, 394, 395; - Clinton arrives, 396; - "Mischianza", 396, 436; - evacuated, 397, 445; - Arnold in command, 400; - condition of the town, 401; - Congress reassembled, 401; - Tories executed, 401; - Quaker element, 405; - map of the campaign of 1777, 414, 416; - seaward defences, 423; - map of vicinity (1777), 425; - life in, during the British occupation, 436; - map of defences (1777-78), 440, 441; - Hessian map of the vicinity, 442; - maps of, during the Rev., 442; - _Hist. First Troop City Cavalry_, 561. - - Philbrook, Thomas, 603. - - Philipsbourg Patent, 340. - - Phillips, G. C., 47. - - Phillips, Gen., with Burgoyne, 294; - in command of convention troops, 318; - at siege of Ticonderoga (1777), 354; - his orders, 359; - in Virginia, 496, 546; - dies, 496, 546. - - Phillipse Patent, 340. - - Phillopson, Col., 319. - Phinney, Elias, _Battle of Lexington_, 183. - - Pickens, Gen. Andrew, 513, 677; - with Carolina militia, 485; - letters, 513; - his raid on the Indians, 680. - - Pickering, Col., writes the report of Brandywine, 418; - of Germantown, 421; - charged with dilatoriness on Lexington day, 124; - papers, 467; - _Rules for the militia_, 108. - - Pierce, Maj. Wm., at Hobkirk's Hill, 542. - - Pigot, Gen., his account of the campaign in Rhode Island, 598; - in Newport, 593; - at Bunker Hill, 137; - autog., 137. - - Pinckney, C. C., on Washington's staff, 418; - on Germantown, 421; - deserts Fort Moultrie, 472. - - Pinckney, Maj. Thos., _Siege of Savannah_, 522; - on Camden, 530. - - Pine, Robt., paints Burgoyne, 293. - - Pinto, Isaac, _Lettre_ and _Seconde Lettre_, 109; - _Letters_, 109; - _Nouvelles Observations_, 109; - _Rèponse_, 109. - - Pirtle, Henry, on G. R. Clark, 718. - - Pitcairn, Maj., at Lexington, 123; - killed at Bunker Hill, 139; - his remains, 139; - on the firing at Lexington, 183; - paper on, 183; - likeness by Trumbull, 197. - - Pitcher, Moll, at Monmouth, 446. - - Pitt, William, his influence in English affairs, 18, 19; - would seize Spanish bullion ships, 19; - in ministry, 20; - his speeches, 32; - made Earl of Chatham, 35; - in power, 35; - his character, 35; - thanked by Mass. for the repeal of the Stamp Act, 74. - - Pittman, Capt. Philip, 702; - _European Settlements_, 702; - _Present State_, 717. - - _Plain Truth_, 270. - - Plessis, Mauduit du, his battery at Monmouth, 444. - - Plumb, J. B., 663. - - Point Pleasant, Va., affair at, 611, 714. - - Pollock, Oliver, at New Orleans, 738. - - Pomeroy, Seth, made general, 116; - at Bunker Hill, 137. - - Pontiac, his ability, 689; - besieges Detroit, 690; - still at large, 700; - sends messengers to New Orleans, 701; - meets Croghan, 704; - agrees to a peace, 704; - his submission, 705; - murdered, 705. - - Pontiac War, 688; - references, 701. - - Poole, Wm. F., "The West", 685. - - Poor, Gen. Enoch, 357; - headquarters at Saratoga, 358; - with Gates (1777), 308; - at Newtown, 640. - - Porcher, address, 230. - - Port Royal, S. C., map, 519. - - Porter, E. G., 182; - _Four Drawings_, 185; - _Rambles in Old Boston_, 175. - - Porter, L. H., _Outlines Const. Hist. U. S._, 108, 274. - - Portraits of Revolutionary characters engraved in England and - Germany, 270. - - Portsmouth, N. H., Fort William and Mary taken, 117. - - Portsmouth, Va., maps, 553. - - Post, C. F., 736. - - Post, L. M., _Recol. of Am. Rev._, 418. - - Post, Vincent, 703. - - Potsgrove, Washington at, 419. - - Potter, Col. Asa, 346. - - Potter, Israel R., _Adventures_, 189. - - Potter, _Manchester_, 190. - - Potter, Gen., 393. - - Potts Grove, 383. - - Pouchet, _War in N. America_, 660. - - Poundridge, affair at, 557. - - Pourré, Eugenio, 743. - - Powder, scarce during siege of Boston, 203; - seized at Bermuda, 567. - - Pownall, Gov. Thomas, 22; - in Parliament, 51, 52, 90; - on the union of the colonies, 66; - his _Administration of the Colonies_, 66, 90; - his character, 90; - corresp. with James Bowdoin, 90; - furnishes materials to Holland for his maps, 341; - _Memorials to the Sovereigns of Europe_, 91; - _Memorials to the Sovereigns of America_, 91; - portrait, 91; - talk on the American question, 112. - - Poyntz, L., 191. - - Prairie du Chien, 738. - - Pratt, G. W., 364. - - Prattent, T., 474. - - Preble, Admiral Geo. H., _American flag_, 80; - "Ships in the 18th Century", 564; - acc. of Hopkins, 570; - on Com. Barry, 581; - on the flag of the "Bon Homme Richard", 590; - edits Ezra Greene's journal, 590; - privateers of Mass., 591. - - Preble, Jedediah, autog., 116; - made general, 116. - - Prerogative of the king, 2, 3; - opposed, 3, 4; - and the Long Parliament, 4; - detected by Franklin, 4; - a cause of the Revolution, 5; - questioned by Patrick Henry, 24. - - Presbyterians and the Amer. Rev., 244. - - Prescott, Gen. Richard, captured, 403; - autog., 403. - - Prescott, Col. Wm., commands the detachment sent to Bunker Hill, 135; - autog., 135; - letter on Bunker Hill, 186; - at Bunker Hill, 190; - his monument and statue, 191, 194. - - Prescott, Judge, 191. - - _Present State of Liberty_, 85. - - Preston, Capt., trial of, 49, 86; - autographs of court and counsel, 50, 51. - - Preston, H. W., _Documents_, etc., 268. - - Preston, John C., _Address on King's Mountain_, 535. - - "Preston", ship at Boston, 205. - - Prevost, Gen. Augustine, 519, 699; - on the siege of Savannah (1779), 469, 522; - attacks Charleston, 520; - dies, 524. - - Price, Ezekiel, 188, 203; - diary, 318. - - Price, Dr. Richard, _Letter to_, 109; - _Observations, etc._, 110; - portrait and autog., 111. - - Price publishes ed. of Bonner's map of Boston, 207. - - Prime, Temple, _Temple Family_, 93. - - Primm, Wilson, _Hist. Address_, 737. - - Prince, Ezekiel, 47. - - Princeton, attacked, 377; - maps of the attack, 408, 409, 410, 413. - - Pringle, Capt., 292; - on the fight at Valcour Island, 346. - - Prisoners of war, the first taken, 123; - treatment of, 145; - disputes over those taken at the Cedars, 225; - captured at sea, 568; - naval, in England, 575; - exchanged, 575. - - Privateers, before the Revolution, 19; - commissioned, 567, 579; - the service preferred by seamen, 568; - under the Treaty of Utrecht, 572; - their captures, 581, 584; - history of, 583, 584; - enrich New England, 584; - of Salem, 585; - in New London, 585; - commissioned in Massachusetts, 585, 586, 591; - total number in all the States, 585; - of Salem, 586, 587, 591; - of Boston, 587; - commissioned in France, 587; - their prize crews, 587; - bibliography, 591; - legislation on, in Mass., 591; - captures by those of Mass., 591; - of New Hampshire, 591; - of Rhode Island, 591; - of Connecticut, 591; - of New York, 591; - great losses inflicted on the British, 591; - narratives of their cruises, 591; - diplomatic complications, 592. - - Proctor, Gen., at Brandywine, 382. - - Property-line, so called, 650. - - Prospect Hill, 206; - camp near Boston, 203. - - Protective system, 5, 7. - - "Protector", a Massachusetts frigate, 586. - - Providence, R. I., _Providence Plantations_, 90; - tea burned at, 121; - defences, 593. - - Province Island, Pa., 438. - - Provoost, Bishop, 242. - - Pulaski joins the army, 380; - his monument, 510; - defended by Bentalou, 522; - killed, 524; - acc. of, 524; - burial, 524; - his banner, 524; - portrait, 524; - recompense of the government, 524. - - Pulling, John, 175. - - Puplopens Kill, 324. - - Pulsifer, David, 195. - - Puritanism and the Declaration of Indep., 241, 242. - - Purkitt, Henry, 91. - - Putnam, Col. Daniel, in the Bunker Hill controversy, 190. - - Putnam, Gen. Israel, 271; - at Bunker Hill, 137, 190; - lives of, 190, 193; - his sword, 191; - portraits, 192, 193; - autog., 192; - in New York, 275, 325; - in command on Long Island, 278; - a bad general, 314; - accused of treachery, 314; - opposes Clinton on the Hudson (1777), 361, 362; - drives sheep into Boston, 114; - reaches Cambridge, 134; - likeness by Trumbull, 197. - - Putnam, Col. Rufus, builds Fort Washington, 287; - in campaign of 1776, 346; - plans of the Saratoga battles, 361; - diary on the Mississippi, 709. - - Putnam, Lt.-Col., 601. - - - Quaker Hill (R. I.), 596, 602; - view of the fight, 600. - - Quakers, arming in Philadelphia, 131; - in Philadelphia during the Revolutionary War, 393; - implicated in hostile movements, 417. - - Quebec, besieged (1775-76), 163; - plan by Jefferys, 215; - _Lit. and Hist. Soc. bibliography_, 222; - siege of (1775-1776), authorities, 220; - diaries, etc., 221; - American contemporary accounts, 221; - general accounts, 222; - accounts as received in Cambridge and N. Y., 222; - British official accounts, 222; - journals, etc., 222; - Wooster in command before the town, 222; - local associations, 223; - French accounts, 223; - _Centenaire de l'Assault de Québec_, 223; - Arnold's map of the siege, 226; - engraved maps of the town, 226; - views of, 226; - plains of Abraham, 226. - - Quebec, _province_, maps of (1776), 226. - - Quebec Bill, 58, 101, 714, 715; - debates in Parliament, 102; - "virtual representation", 103; - _Doctor Marriot_, 102; - _Hypocrisy Unmasked_, 102; - _Letter to Lord Chatham_, 102; - other tracts, 104. - - Queen's Rangers, 395, 518. - - Quibbletown, 379. - - Quincy, Dorothy, 123. - - Quincy, Eliza Susan, 96. - - Quincy, Edmund, on the evacuation of Boston, 205. - - Quincy, Josiah (_senior_, 1775), 152. - - Quincy, Josiah (_junior_), his report of Otis's argument, 13; - defends Capt. Preston, 49; - dies, 125; - portrait, 96, 126; - autog., 51; - speech on the tea ships, 57, 91; - _Reports of Cases_, 68; - drafts instructions (1770), 87; - _Observations on the Boston Port Bill_, 67, 94; - fac-simile of his dedication, 94; - autog., 94; - fac-simile of diary in London, 105; - interview with Lord North, 105; - goes to Europe, 105; - his report, 106; - his notes of debates in Parliament, 112. - - Quincy, Josiah (_President_), _Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 94. - - Quincy, Samuel, autog., 51. - - Quincy, Samuel M., edits _Reports of Cases, by Josiah Quincy, Jr._, - 68. - - Quincy mansion at Quincy, Mass., 96. - - Quinton's Bridge, 442. - - - Rahl, Col., at Trenton, 374; - killed, 375; - attacks Fort Washington, 289, 338. - - Rainer, G. S., 330. - - "Raleigh", Continental vessel, 576. - - Rall. _See_ Rahl. - - Ramapo, 379. - - Ramsay, Allen, _Hist. Essay on the English Constitution_, 89; - _Thoughts on the Origin of Government_, 85. - - Ramsay, David, a prisoner, 533; - map of Southern campaigns, 537; - _Revolution in South Carolina_, 507; - his career, 508; - _Amer. Revolution_, 67; - his acc. of Wyoming, 663. - - Ramsey, J. G. M., _Annals of Tennessee_, 536, 678, 708. - - Ramsour's Mill, fight at, 475, 510, 529. - - Randall, O. E., _Chesterfield, N. H._, 355. - - Randolph, Edmund, 259. - - Randolph, Col. T. J., 258. - - "Randolph", blown up, 571. - - Randon, John, 194. - - "Ranger." _See_ Jones, Paul. - - Rangers on the frontiers, 608. - - Rankin, E. E., address at Fairfield, 557. - - Rantoul, Robt., Jr., oration at Concord, 184. - - Rariton Bay, 327. - - Rathbourne, I., in the "Queen of France", 583. - - Rathbun, Jonathan, _Narrative_, 562. - - Ratzer, Bernard, his different maps of N. Y., 328, 332, 333; - surveys of New Jersey, 409; - his surveys, 341. - - Raum, _Trenton_, 407. - - Ravenal, Daniel, 528. - - Rawdon, Lord, drawing of Bunker Hill battle made for him, 197; - in the South, 476; - at Hobkirk's Hill, 488, 541; - captured, 534; - case of Hayne, 534; - retreats to Monk's Corner, 489; - portraits, 489; - made Marquis of Hastings, 489; - at Camden, 530; - his letters to Rugely, 532; - relieves Ninety-six, 493, 544. - - Rawle, W. H., on Lambert Cadwalader, 341. - - Rawlings, Col., 288. - - Raymond, H. J., address at Tarrytown, 466. - - Read, Geo., autog., 265; - life of, 265. - - Read, Thos., assigned to the "Bourbon", 583. - - Read, W. T., 416. - - Read, Dr. Wm., _Reminiscences_, 537. - - Reading, Pa., 383. - - Red Bank, 386, 425, 435, 437. - - Red Clay Creek, Pa., 381, 421. - - Red Jacket, 662. - - Red Lion, Pa., 421. - - Redman, Rebecca, 452. - - Reed, Esther, life of, 436. - - Reed, Col. James, at Bunker Hill, 190. - - Reed, John, _City and Liberties of Philad._, 442. - - Reed, Joseph, writes to Dartmouth during the Congress of 1774, 90, - 104; - letters to Josiah Quincy, 106; - autog., 141; - letter on the siege of Boston, 173; - on Washington's indecision, 403; - portrait, 405; - on the campaign of 1776 in Jersey, 405. - - Reed, W. B., on Thomas Paine, 269; - on the retreat from Long Island, 330; - oration on reinterment of Mercer, 412; - on Brandywine, 418; - _Esther Reed_, 436. - - Reed-Cadwalader controversy, 407. - - Regulators, war of, 80. - _See_ North Carolina. - - Renault, J. F., map of Yorktown, 553. - - Renwick, _Benj. Thompson_, 546. - - Revenue to be obtained from the colonies, 15, 24; - cases tried, 23; - seizures, 28. - - Revere, Paul, engraves likeness of Sam. Adams, 40; - makes plan of State Street, 47; - engraves view of massacre, 47; - his views of Boston, 81; - as an engraver, 81; - at Portsmouth, 117; - his signal, 123; - his ride, 123, 173, 174; - where were his lanterns shown? 174; - paper by E. H. Goss, 47, 175; - portraits, 175; - commands artillery in the Penobscot expedition, 603; - re-engraves West picture of Bouquet's Indian council, 695. - - Reynolds, Gov., _My own Times_, 721. - - Reynolds, Grindall, 184. - - Reynolds, John, 729, 734; - _Illinois_, 708. - - Reynolds, Sir Joshua, paints Burgoyne, 293; - paints Cornwallis, 474; - his _Engraved Works_, 474; - portrait of Tarleton, 517; - _Catalogue_ by Hamilton, 517. - - Rhode Island, illicit trade in, 26; - com. of correspondence, 90; - cannon concealed (1774), 117; - equips troops (1775), 122; - renounces allegiance to England, 257; - retained her original charter, 274; - creates a navy (1775), 565, 567; - Esek Hopkins, 568; - her seamen, 587; - privateers, 591; - the "Gen. Washington", 591; - English fleet in (1776), 593; - fire-ships proposed, 593; - campaign (1778), 592; - maps of, 596, 598, 600, 602. - - Rich, Obadiah, 608. - - Rich, _Truro_, 568. - - Richards, Thomas, 331; - account of attack on Fort Clinton, etc., 364. - - Richardson, Ebenezer, shot Snider, 89. - - Richman, Andrew, 153. - - Richmond, old Raleigh Tavern, 259. - - Rider, S. S., on the R. I. campaign of 1778, 595. - - Ridgeley, _Annapolis_, 327. - - Riedesel, Baron, in Cambridge, 142; - with Burgoyne, 294; - his comments on Burgoyne, 358; - life by Eelking, 361; - his wife conceals Hessian flags, 319; - on Bennington, 354. - - Riley, E. S., Jr., 117. - - Rising Sun Tavern, Pa., 421. - - Rittenhouse, David, 371. - - Ritzema, Rudolphus, 222. - - Rivington's _Gazette_, or _Gazetteer_, 98, 110; - his press destroyed, 323. - - Robbin, Rev. Ammi R., his journal, 346. - - Robbins, Jonathan, 681. - - Roberts, Algernon, 326, 403. - - Roberts, Dr., of Boston, 47. - - Roberts, Ellis H., _Oriskany_, 351. - - Roberts, George, 398. - - Robertson, Col. Charles, 677. - - Robertson, Gen., 461; - in N. Y., 284. - - Robin, Abbé, _Travels_, 560. - - Robinson, Beverly, his supposed letter to Arnold, 452; - his house, 452, 458, 462, 465; - endeavors to save André, 461. - - Robinson, J. DeLancey, 535. - - Robinson, M. M., 198. - - Rochambeau, Le Comte de, his maps, 345; - _Mèmoires_, 516, 560; - in Soulé's _Troubles_, 516; - portraits, 498; - autog., 498; - sails from Brest, 498; - at Newport, 499; - meets Washington at Weathersfield, 499, 560; - leaves Newport, 499; - reaches the Hudson, 500, 561; - map of route, 561; - marches to Virginia, 500; - his maps of Yorktown, 553; - march of his army to Yorktown, 551; - alleged journal, 554; - corresp. with the R. I. authorities, 560; - arrives in America, 560; - his instructions, 560; - letters, 560; - blockaded in Newport, 560; - maps of his camps, etc., about N. Y. (1781), 561; - at Odell House in Westchester, 561; - meets Washington at New Windsor, 561; - at Williamsburg, 744; - sails for France, 745. - - Rocheblave, Gov., at Vincennes, 719; - sent to Williamsburg, 723; - account of him, 723. - - Rochefoucault-Liancourt, _Travels_, 658. - - Rock River, 741. - - Rockingham, ministry, 21, 31, 74; - attacked, 76; - portrait, 31. - - Rockwell, E. F., 98, 678. - - Rocky Hill, N. J., 408; - Washington at, 746. - - Rocky Mount, 475. - - Rodney, Admiral Sir George, relations with Sir Henry Clinton, 501; - at N. Y., 454, 458. - - Rodney, Cæsar, 405; - autog., 265; - life, 266; - on the battle of Long Island, 327; - commands Delaware militia, 380. - - Rodney, Capt. Thomas, 407. - - Rogers, Col. David, 738. - - Rogers Gen. Horatio, edits _Hadden's Journal_, 359. - - Rogers, Lieut. John, 725. - - Rogers, Josias, _Memoirs_, 527. - - Rogers, J. E. T., edits _Protests of the Lords_, 74; - Franklin's notes on, 74. - - Rogers, Maj. Robert, on the Pontiac War, 690, 701; - his MS. diary, 701. - - Rogers, T. J., _Departed Heroes_, 508. - - Rolfe, J., _Naval Biog._, 589. - - Romans, Bernard, at Fort George (Lake George), 129; - acc. of, 129; - plan of siege of Boston, 207; - surveys of Carolina, 538; - lines on Boston Neck, 212. - - Rome, N. Y., 351. - - Romilly, Sir Samuel, justified the execution of André, 463. - - Romney, G., paints Brant, 625; - Thomas Paine, 269. - - "Romney", man-of-war, 43. - - Rondthaler, _Heckewelder_, 736. - - Rosengarten, J. C., on the German soldiers in Newport, 601. - - Rosenthal, Louis, 269. - - Ross, Chas., his _Cornwallis Correspondence_, 516. - - Ross, Geo., autog., 265; - life, 266. - - Ross, Lieut., _Map of Mississippi_, 720; - section of, 721. - - Rowland, K. M., "Virginia Cavaliers", 407. - - Roxbury (Mass.), camp, 203; - lines at, 206, 210; - roads of, 120, 121; - view of lines, 130; - view of, 149. - - _Royal American Magazine_, 40, 81, 271. - - Royce, C. C., 735. - - Rugeley Mills, 476. - - Ruggles, Timothy, president of the Congress of 1765, 30, 74; - organized an association of loyalists, 97, 118. - - Rum made in New England, 25. - - Rumford, Count. _See_ Thompson, Benj. - - Rupp, I. D., _Western Penna._, 693. - - Rush, Benj., approves John Adams's _Thoughts on Government_, 272; - autog., 264; - and the Conway cabal, 392; - life, 265. - - Rush, Richard, _Washington in Domestic Life_, 466. - - Rushbrooke, Barham, likeness of Gen. Lee, 406. - - Rusoe d'Eres, C. D., 222. - - Russell, Major Benj., 467. - - Russell, Earl, his books on C. J. Fox, 112; - on the Decl. of Indep., 269. - - _Russell's Magazine_, 519. - - Rutherford, Gen. Griffeth, 475, 676, 677, 678. - - Rutland, Mass., 298, 321. - - Rutledge, Edw., 264; - life by Flanders, 73, 520; - life by A. Middleton, 265; - autog., 266; - proposes neutrality for S. C., 470, 520. - - Rutledge, H. M., life of Arthur Middleton, 265. - - Ruttenber, E. M., _Obstructions in the Hudson River_, 323, 465; - _Orange County_, 662. - - Ryerson, _Loyalists of America_, 523, 670. - - - Sabine, Lorenzo, _Report on Fisheries_, 568. - - Sackville Papers, 516. - - Saffrel, W. T. R., _Records_, 418. - - Sag Harbor, expedition to, 591. - - Saint. _See_ St. - - Salem (Muskingum Valley), 734. - - Salem, Mass., Leslie at, 119, 172; - her privateers, 586. - - Saltonstall, Capt. Dudley, in the navy, 570; - commands the fleet sent against Penobscot, 582, 603; - quarrels with Lovell, 603; - blamed by court of inquiry, 604. - - Sampson, Deborah, 191. - - Sampson, Simeon, in the "Ranger", 583. - - Sanderson, John, lives of Franklin and B. Rush, 265; - _Signers of the Decl. of Indep._, 265. - - Sands, Robert, edits _Life of Paul Jones_, 590; - annotated copy, 590. - - Sandusky, the modern city, 735; - the old site, 735; - missionaries at, 735. - - Sandy Hook, 340; - lighthouse, 325. - - Sanguinet, Simon, _La Guerre des Bastonnais_, 223. - - Santee River, 475; - High Hills of, 493. - - Sappington, John, 711. - - Saratoga, N. Y., 609; - articles of surrender at, 317, 358; - authorities on the surrender, 358; - prisoners and stores, 358; - strength of the two armies, 358; - monument at, 366. - _See_ Burgoyne, Schuyler, Gates. - - Sargent, John, 613. - - Sargent, L. M., _Dealings with the Dead_, 72, 461; - on Leonard as Massachusettensis, 110. - - Sargent, Winthrop, 106; - _Life and Career of Maj. John André_, 464; - on the Cincinnati Society, 746; - _Stansbury and Odell_, 273. - - Sartigan, 655. - - Saunderson, H. H., _Charlestown, N. H._, 355. - - Saunderson, Lieut., march to Yorktown, 554. - - Sauthier, C. J., map of Hudson River and the Canada route, 349; - of Canada, 349; - map of New York province (1774), 340, 341; - map of N. Y. campaign (1776), 336, 338; - plan of Fort Washington, 338. - - Savage, S. P., 92. - - Savannah, attacked (1778), 469, 519; - D'Estaing at (1779), 470; - assault, 471, 523; - evacuated (1782), 507, 546; - maps, 521; - accounts, 522. - - Sawyer, Capt. Samuel, diary, 326. - - Scalps, Americans charged with buying, 683; - bounties, 681; - divided, 682; - bought by British generals, 731; - want of evidence as regards the English buying them, 683. - - Scammans, Col., court-martial, 189. - - Scammell, Alexander, 128, 466; - in Lexington, 178; - letters (Winter Hill), 203; - letters on Canada exped., 216; - killed, 502, 555; - Burgoyne's surrender, 358. - - Scharff, _St. Louis_, 740. - - Schaukirk, E. G., diary, 325 - - Scheifflin, Lieut., 729. - - Schenectady, 609. - - Schoharie Valley ravaged, 644, 658. - - Schönbrun, 734. - - Schoolcraft, H. R., on Oriskany, 351; - _Indian Tribe_, 652. - - Schulenberg on Burgoyne's surrender, 364. - - Schuyler, G. W., on the landmarks of Burgoyne's campaign, 361. - - Schuyler, Gen. Philip, differences with Wooster, 161; - on Ticonderoga (1775), 214; - in command of the Northern department (1775), 215; - papers, 215; - on the siege of Quebec, 221; - prepares for the campaign of 1777, 293; - autograph, 297; - joined by St. Clair, at Fort Edward, 298; - portrait, 298; - accounts of, 298; - his family, 298; - his Albany house, 298; - his wife, 298; - at Fort Miller, 298; - his headquarters at Saratoga, 356; - orderly-book (1777), 359; - secures Guy Johnson's war-belt, 624; - ordered to arrest Sir John Johnson, 624; - his "Peacock expedition", 625; - on the employment of Indians, 673; - Indian commissioner, 674; - his quarrel with Gates, 346; - correspondence with Gouverneur Morris during the Burgoyne campaign, - 358; - _Proc. Court Martial_, 358; - disliked by New Englanders, 161, 358, 359; - in command of the Northern department (1777), 348; - proclamation, 350; - calls out militia, 356; - his spy, 356; - superseded by Gates, 356; - controversy of Bancroft with G. W. Schuyler and others over his - conduct, 316, 356; - intercedes for Arnold, 452; - his expedition to Tryon County, 653; - in N. Y., 1775, watching Tryon, 142; - authorized to advance into Canada, 161; - resigns the command to Montgomery, 162; - relieved of command in Canada, 165; - at Stillwater, 298; - superseded by Gates, 301; - his military character, 316. - - Schuyler, Hanyost, 351. - - _Scot's Magazine_, 516. - - Scott, Capt., sent by Burgoyne to open communication with Clinton, - 364. - - Scott, Eben G., _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, 64. - - Scott, Geo. G., _Saratoga Address_, 366. - - Scott, Capt. James, marries Hancock's widow, 270. - - Scudder, H. E., "Life in Boston during the Siege", 204; - _Men and Manners_, 204; - on siege of Boston, 173; - on Bunker Hill, 191. - - Scull, G. D., _Capt. Evelyn_, 183, 205; - _Evelyns in America_, 183, 364; - edits Montresor's Journal, 419. - - Scull and Heap, map of Philad., 442. - - Scull, _Map of Penna._, 416. - - Seabury, Samuel, arrested, 98; - his tracts, 104. - - Sears, Isaac, 98. - - Seaver, Jas. E., _Mary Jemison_, 662. - - Seaver, _Mary Jemison_, 683. - - Secker, Archbp., 243. - - Sedgwick, Theo., Jr., 359. - - Seeley, J. R., _Expansion of England_, 66, 255. - - Ségur, Count, _Mémoires_, 560. - - Selman, Capt., 565. - - Seneca Lake, Sullivan on, 640. - - Senecas, incursions of, 605; - their numbers, 610; - their great Castle, 640; - destroyed, 641; - in St. Leger's army, 661; - on the Alleghany, 671. - - Senff, Col., 531; - his plan of Camden, 533. - - Senter, Isaac, _Exped. against Quebec_, 219. - - Seven Years' War, 14. - - Sevier, Col. John, 478; - portrait, 535; - fights the Indians, 677. - - Sewall, Jonathan, 108; - autog., 50; - his house in Cambridge, 142. - - Sewall, W., _Method of making Saltpetre_, 108. - - Seward, Miss, _Monody on André_, 464. - - Seward, W. H., on Cherry Valley, 666; - on Sullivan's expedition (1779), 671. - - Seymour, Horatio, on Burgoyne's surrender, 361. - - Seymour, Wm., _Southern Expedition, 1780-83_, 531. - - Shabbakong Creek, 377. - - Shallos, Jacob, 227. - - Sharp, Granville, _Declaration of the people's natural right_, 106. - - Sharp, W. S., reprints Smith's _New Jersey_, 409. - - Shattuck, Lemuel, 184; - his _Concord_, 184. - - Shaw, Maj. Samuel, 467; - _Journals_, 191. - - Shawanese, 610; history of, 735; - make treaty, 702; - their ravages, 709. - - Shea, J. G., edits _Operations of the French Fleet_, 502, 548. - - Sheffield, Wm. P., _Rhode Island Privateers_, 591. - - Sheftall, Capt. Mordecai, _Acc. of his Capture_, 519. - - Shelburne, Earl of, 21; - attacks the government for using Indians, 621; - retires (1767), 43. - - Shelby, Col. Evan, 677. - - Shelby, Col. Isaac, 478, 678; - portrait, 535; - acc. of, 536; - at King's Mountain, 535. - - Sheldon, Col., at Poundridge, 557; - receives André, 458. - - Shelpot Creek, 421. - - Sheppard, J. H., _Com. Tucker_, 567. - - Sherburne, Andrew, _Memoirs_, 404, 525, 590. - - Sherburne, J. H., _Paul Jones_, 589. - - Sherman, Roger, on com. to draft Declar. of Indep., 230; - portrait and autog., 262, 263; - life of, 265; - on Burgoyne's campaign, 358. - - Shimmin, Wm., 464. - - Shipbuilding, discouraged, 8; - in New England, 563. - - Shipley, Bishop, _Speech intended_, etc., 97; - references, 97; - portrait, 97. - - Shippack Creek, 423. - - Shippen, Edward, 402. - - Shippen, Peggy, 402, 449; - corresponds with André, 449; - marries Benedict Arnold, 449; - her knowledge of his treason, 449. - - Shippen Papers, 464. - - Ships must be English built, 8. - - Shirley, Gov. William, his house, 156; - character, 22; - his stamp act (1755), 11; - Writs of Assistance, 12. - - Shoes manufactured in Lynn, 39. - - Short, W. T. P., 222. - - Shreve, John, 419. - - Shuldham, Admiral, arrives at Boston, 152. - - Silliman, Gen., on Harlem, 334; - on the Saratoga battlefield, 357. - - Simcoe, Col. J. G., raiding near Philadelphia, 442; - offered to try to rescue André, 467; - in Virginia, 546; - his maps, 547; - _Journal_, 518; - _Queen's Rangers_, 395, 518; - pursues Steuben in Va., 497; - fight at Spencer's Ordinary, 497. - - Simms, Jephtha R., _Schoharie County_, or _The Frontiersmen of N. Y._, - 659. - - Simms, W. G., _Views and Reviews_, 464; - _Life of Gen. Greene_, 510; - _Life of Marion_, 512; - on King's Mountain, 536; - novels of Revolutionary times, 545. - - Simond, T. C., _South Boston_, 156. - - Simpson, Thomas, 472. - - Simpson, Wm., plan of Stony Point, 558. - - Sinclair, Lt.-Gov., 737; - his letters, 738. - - Sioux Indians, 738, 741. - - Six Nations, boundary line, 605, 609; - map of their country, 607, 608; - their conquered territory, 609; - conflicts with the Cherokee claims, 610; - their numbers, 610; - their allies, 610; - addressed by Congress, 616; - support Guy Johnson, 619; - professions of peace, 619; - the ministry order them to service, 620; - Lord North defends such use, 621; - divided in their councils, 622; - invaded by Sullivan, 640; - their claims of land by conquest, 650; - divided in the Rev. War, 659; - their houses and way of living, 668, 669; - with some exceptions join the British, 623, 627; - Congress attempts to lure them to their side, 633; - their supremacy over other tribes, 706. - _See_ Iroquois. - - Skene, Philip, 214. - - Skenesborough, fight at, 297. - - Skinners (on the Hudson), 456. - - Slave-trade, 9. - - Slavery and the Declar. of Independence, 239. - - Slover, John, _Narrative_, 736. - - Small, John, Major, 153; - at Bunker Hill, 138; - likeness by Trumbull, 197. - - Smallwood, Gen., 393, 533; - in the South, 477; - his Marylanders, 329. - - Smedley, Samuel, 568. - - Smibert, his portrait of Mayhew, 71. - - Smith, Adam, 63; - _Wealth of Nations_, 7, 9, 253; - controverted by Brougham, 9. - - Smith, Aubrey H., 219. - - Smith, Chas., _American War_, 189, 200. - - Smith, Charles C., on André, 464; - on Cornwallis, 516; - edits Henshaw's orderly-book, 204; - edits Jolley Allen's _Sufferings_, 205; - on making gunpowder, 108. - - Smith, Col., sent out by Gage to scour the country, 119; - his report on Lexington, 178. - - Smith, E. V., _Newburyport_, 568. - - Smith, Goldwin, _Study of History_, 93; - on Yorktown, 555. - - Smith, Horace W., edits _Proceedings_ of André's examination, 461; - _Siege of Yorktown_, 553. - - Smith, Isaac, 187. - - Smith, James, autog., 265; - life, 266. - - Smith, Col. James, _Life and Travels_, 248. - - Smith, J. A. 184. - - Smith, Joshua Hett, brings André ashore, 454; - his house, 454, 455, 456; - his character, 456; - arrested, 460; - his trial, 463; - Dawson's _Record of the Trial_, etc., 463; - escapes to England, 463; - his _Narrative_, 463. - - Smith, J. S., _Memoir of De Kalb_, 530. - - Smith, Lloyd P., 746. - - Smith, Marshall, _Legends_, 708. - - Smith, Noah, on Bennington, 355. - - Smith, R. P., life of Hopkinson, 265. - - Smith, Col. Samuel, wounded at Fort Mifflin, 388; - on the Delaware (1777), 431. - - Smith, Seba, 173. - - Smith, Thomas, _Mecklenburg Declaration_, 257. - - Smith, Wm. _Hist. Acc. of Exped. against Ohio Indians_, 696, 699; - editions, 699; - letter on Stamp Act, 73; - on Montgomery, 216. - - Smith, Wm. Henry, _Life of St. Clair_, 349; - on Princeton, 412. - - Smith, chaplain at Saratoga, 360. - - Smucker, Isaac, 708; - _Ohio Pioneer History_, 736. - - Smyth, J. F. D., _Tour in the U. S._, 652. - - Snider, the boy, killed, 85, 89. - - Snow, a vessel, 572. - - Sons of Liberty, 30; - in N. Y., 53; - history of, 72; - their correspondence, 72; - correspond with John Wilkes, 72; - support non-importation, 78; - propose a Congress (1774), 99. - - Sorel River, 215. - - Soulés, _Troubles_, etc., 560. - - South Carolina, agrees to a Stamp Act Congress, 30, 73; - non-importation in, 79; - _Letters of a Freeman_, 79; - movements (1774), 98; - rice-planters in, 117; - in the Cont. Congress, 235; - adopts a constitution, 272; - militia in, 478; - maps, 537, 538; - her naval force, 571. - - Spain, her North American possessions, 685; - settlements on the Mississippi to be attacked by England, 738; - at war with Great Britain, 738; - her assistance to G. R. Clark, 742; - her relations to the United States, 742; - would restrict their boundaries, 742; - invades the Illinois country, 743. - - Spanish Main, commerce with, 25. - - Sparks, Jared, intended history of the Stamp Act, 75; - occupies Craigie House, 142; - _Life of Ethan Allen_, 214; - _Charles Lee_, 407; - on Brandywine, 418; - _Life and Treason of Arnold_, 464; - the documents given in his _Washington_, 464; - reviews Johnson's _Greene_, 511; - on Pulaski, 522, 524; - prompts Mackenzie's life of Paul Jones, 590; - gives a due share of blame to the Americans for the use of Indians, - 622. - - Speed, Thomas, _Wilderness Road_, 708. - - Speier, R. J., 194. - - Spencer, Joseph, 134. - - Spencer, J. A., _United States_, 665. - - Spencer's Ordinary, fight at, 497. - - Sprague, Wm. B., 264. - - Springfield, N. J., action at, 559. - - Springfield, N. Y., burned, 633. - - Sproule, Capt. George, _Environs of Charleston_, 528. - - Squier, Ephraim, 219; - diary, 360. - - St. Ange de Bellerive at Fort Chartres, 701. - - St. Augustine, plan of, 538. - - St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, commands at Ticonderoga, 296, 348; - evacuates the post, 296; - his trial, 349; - _Life and Public Services_, 349; - his papers, 350; - portrait, 297; - other likenesses, 297; - his house, 297; - at Castleton, 297; - hears of Lexington fight, 178; - sent South, 546, 744; - at West Point, 460. - - St. François Indians, 656; - at Cambridge, 655. - - St. John Indians, 617. - - St. John (Sorel River), island of, fort on, 215, 216; - attacked (1775), 565; - surrenders, 162, 217. - - St. Lawrence, gulf, chart, 215; - river, chart, 215. - - St. Leger, Col. Barry, his part in Burgoyne's campaign, 296; - authorities, 351; - portrait, 351; - his letter from Oswego, 366; - his expedition, 299, 628; - diagram of his order of march, 628; - attacks Fort Stanwix, 628; - his proclamation, 629; - defeats Herkimer, 631; - retreats, 300, 632; - his opinion of Indians, 632; - number of his troops, 661; - offers for scalps, 683. - - St. Louis attacked, 730, 737, 739. - - St. Luc, La Corne, 351. - - St. Pierre and Miquelon, trade with, prohibited, 27. - - St. Simon, Gen., in Virginia, 501. - - Ste. Geneviève, 738. - - Stamp Act (1755), 11, 72; - (1765), 29, 333; - Franklin's view, 5; - violence, 24; - threatened (1764), 26; - Franklin asks for patronage under it, 29; - arouses indignation, 29; - petitions against, in Parliament, 32; - rejoicing in London, 33; - riots and compensation for them, 34; - origin of, 72; - debates on it languid, 72; - Congress determined on, 72; - title of act, 72; - the stamps, 72; - repealed, 32, 74; - debates on the repeal, 74; - the lords protest, 74, 85; - Congress to consider the act, 29, 30, 74; - _Authentic Account_, 74; - _Journal_, 74; - references, 74; - Tory support of act, 75; - American and British authorities on the turmoil, 75; - Sparks intended a history, 75. - - Stanhope, Earl (_see_ Mahon), _Miscellanies_, 464. - - Stanley, Dean, _Westminster Abbey_, 461. - - Stanwix, Fort, 274; - movements near (1777), 350; - authorities, 351; - bounds of treaty at, 650, 706, 707; - described, 660; - rumors of its capture, 672. - _See_ Fort. - - Staples, W. R., _Doc. Hist. of the Destruction of the Gaspee_, 90; - _Annals of Providence_, 565. - - Stark, Caleb, _Memoir of Gen. Stark_, 301. - - Stark, Gen. John, on Bunker Hill, 137, 187, 190; - at siege of Boston, 134; - autog., 137; - notices, 190; - letters (Winter Hill), 203; - at Bennington, 300; - silhouette, 301; - his monument, 301; - homestead, 301; - portraits, 301; - memoir, 301; - life of, by Caleb Stark, 354; - his letters about Bennington, 354; - his papers, 354. - - Staten Island, 340, 404; - British on, 275, 326; - map, 327; - Sullivan's raid on, 417; - expedition to (1780), 561. - - Stearns's _North Amer. Almanac_, 178. - - Stedman, Charles, _Amer. War_, 518, 659; - under Cornwallis, 517; - his _History_ noticed by Clinton, 517. - - Stedman, James, 464. - - Stenton, situation of, 425, 429. - - Stephen, Gen. Adam, 144, 421; - at Brandywine, 381. - - Steuben, Baron, at Valley Forge, 393; - inspector-general, 393, 437; - reorganizes the army, 560; - in Virginia, 496, 515, 546, 732; - pursued by Simcoe, 497; - portraits, 497; - lives of, 515. - - Stevens, B. F., 467, 719; - _Howe's Orderly-Book_, 415. - - Stevens, Henry, 359. - - Stevens, J. A., on Stamp Act times in New York, 73; - on New York in the Continental Congress, 99; - "Birth of the Empire State", 274; - on Harlem fight, 334; - on Benedict _Arnold_, 357; - on Burgoyne's campaign, 366; - on Washington's headquarters at Tappan, 460; - on Arnold's _Arnold_, 464; - on the French in Virginia, 516; - on their departure, 745; - on Camden, 530; - on Gates at Camden, 532; - on Lafayette's expedition against Arnold, 547; - on Rochambeau's march to Virginia and return, 551; - edits Fersen's letters, 554; - on Yorktown, 555; - on the combined movements near N. Y., 561; - on the campaign in R. I. (1778), 601. - - Stevens, _History of Georgia_, 522. - - Steward, Rev. James, and Trumbull's _Indian Wars_, 651. - - Stickney, Chas. E., _Minisink Region_, 662. - - Stiles, Ezra, on Bunker Hill, 187; - portrait and autog., 188; - his account of Long Island battle, 329. - - Stiles, H. R., _Brooklyn_, 330; - _Fort Chartres_, 705. - - Stillman, Wm. J., _Poetic Localities of Cambridge_, 142. - - Stillwater, battle, 356; - Schuyler at, 298. - - Stirling, Gen. Lord, captured at Brooklyn, 279, 280, 328; - at Monmouth, 400, 444; - portrait, 280; - in N. Y. (1776), 325; - his house, 331; - at Princeton, 368; - at Brandywine, 381; - at Germantown, 385; - on Trenton, 407. - - Stirling, Capt. Thomas, 705, 706. - - Stockbridge Indians, 655; - enlisted, 120, 612, 674; - visit the Six Nations, 613; - addicted to liquor, 613; - at siege of Boston, 613, 657; - at White Plains, 613; - at King's Bridge, 613; - in Indiana (1819), 613. - - Stockton, H., life of R. Stockton, 265. - - Stockton, Richard, 108; - autog., 264; - life by H. Stockton, 265. - - Stoddard, _Louisiana_, 737. - - Stoddard, Frances Mary, 205. - - Stoddard, R. H., 193. - - Stokes, Chief Justice Anthony, 522; - _View of the British Constitution_, 523. - - Stone, Enos, account of Hubbardton fight, 350. - - Stone, E. M., _John Howland_, 90, 405; - _Invasion of Canada_, 219; - on Yorktown, 555; - _French Allies_, 560; - on the R. I. campaign (1778), 601. - - Stone, F. D., "Philadelphia Society", 260; - "The Struggle for the Delaware", 367. - - Stone, Thos., autog., 265; - life, 266. - - Stone, W. L. (_Senior_), _Sir Wm. Johnson_, 647; - _Brant_, 247, 351, 657; - _Red Jacket_, 247; - _Border Wars of the Rev._, 247, 657; - _Wyoming_, 247; - _Uncas and Miantonomoh_, 247; - account of, 247; - on New York and the Dec. of Indep., 262; - memoir of George Clinton, 308. - - Stone, W. L. (_the younger_), edits Pausch, 347; - on Moses Harris, 356; - _Cent. Cel. of Burgoyne's Surrender_, 357; - on Major Acland, 358; - _Wyoming_, 665; - _Orderly-Book of Sir John Johnson_, 351; - _Campaign of Burgoyne_, 351; - _Saratoga and Ballston_, 360; - "Burgoyne in a New Light", 360; - notes to Pausch's Journal, 360; - _Campaign of Burgoyne_, 361; - _Cent. Cel. of Burgoyne's Surrender_, 361; - translates the Riedesel memoirs, 361; - landmarks of Burgoyne's campaign, 361. - - Stone Arabia (N. Y.), 609, 644. - - Stone, _Beverley, Mass._, 350. - - Stonington, Conn., attacked, 145. - - Stono River, 526; - attacked by Lincoln, 520. - - Stony Point, 455, 456, 465, 556; - plans of, 557, 558; - attacked, 558; - medals, 559. - - Stormont, Lord, his correspondence, 592. - - Storrs, Experience, 203. - - Storrs, Lt.-Col., 188. - - Stow, Edw., 204. - - Strahan, Wm., corresp. with Franklin, 85; - on the repeal of the Stamp Act, 74. - - Straus, _Origin of Repub. Form of Govt._, 71. - - Street, A. B., on Burgoyne's campaign, 357; - on Saratoga, 361. - - Strobel, P. A., _Salzburghers_, 523. - - Strong, _Flatbush_, 330. - - Stryker, W. S., _Maxwell's brigade in Sullivan's Exped._, 670; - _Block House at Tom's River_, 744; - _New Jersey line in Va._, 555; - on Princeton, 412. - - Stuart, Gilbert, paints John Brooks, 202; - Gates, 303; - Gansevoort, 629; - John Adams, 36. - - Stuart, I. W., _Jona. Trumbull_, 674; - _Nathan Hale_, 334. - - Stuart, Capt. John, 714; - _Indian Wars_, 714; - supt. of Southern Indians, 615, 620; - instructed by Gage to stir up the Indians, 620. - - Stuart, Lieut.-Col., at Eutaws, 545. - - Suffolk, Earl of, justifies use of Indians, 621. - - Suffolk Resolves, 100, 236. - - Sugar Act (1733), 63, 72; - modified, 25. - - Sugar Islands, 7, 686. - - Sullivan, James, on the Penobscot exped., 603. - - Sullivan, Gen. John, portrait, 68; - sent to Portsmouth (1775), 146; - sent to Canada, 166; - took command, 167; - retreats to Crown Point, 167; - at Winter Hill (1776), 203; - in command on Long Island, 278; - his character, 278; - wished the command at Ticonderoga (1777), 348; - joins Washington (1776), 373; - at Trenton, 375, 407; - at Brandywine, 381, 418; - at Germantown, 385; - his raid on Staten Island, 417; - at Chestnut Hill, 419; - on the Conway Cabal, 446; - in the Rhode Island campaign, 593; - advances, 595; - assails D'Estaing in an order, 595; - retires, 595; - fighting takes place, 595; - his report on the R. I. campaign, 595; - crosses to mainland, 598; - his conduct criticised, 598; - defended by T. C. Amory, 598; - his orders, 598; - letters, 598; - effect on the country, 601; - his proclamation, 653; - journals of his Indian exped., 671, 681; - lists them, 681; - all published by the State of New York, 681; - the army's route, 681; - losses in his campaign (1779), 642; - maps of his marches, 642; - portrait, 637; - autog., 637; - his house, 637; - his family, 637; - commands exped. against the Indians, 638; - exped. against the Indians, 666; - acc. by Gordon, 666; - life, by Amory, 666; - by Peabody, 667, 670; - his force (1779), 667; - not intending to attack Niagara, 669; - brigade book, siege of Boston, 204; - captured at Brooklyn, 279, 280; - in command in Canada, 226; - letters, 226; - the battle of Long Island, 327. - - Sullivan's Island (1776), 169, 170; - view of fort, 228; - attack, 229; - authorities, 229; - the news in Philadelphia, 229; - contemp. accounts, 229; - plan of the attack, 229; - general American accounts, 229; - British accounts, 229, 230. - - Sulte, B., _Canadiens Français_, 164. - - Sumner, Geo., _Oration_ (1859), 592, 738. - - Sumner, Wm. H., 123; - on Gen. Warren, 194; - on Hancock, 271. - - Sumter, Gen., 475; - in the South, 477; - attacked by Tarleton, 478, 480; - threatens to resign, 490; - harasses Greene, 492; - at Fishdam Ford, 532; - portraits, 532; - on Weemys's attack, 536; - his differences with Morgan, 537. - - Sunbury, Georgia, 519. - - Susquehanna Company of Connecticut, 680. - - Sutherland, Capt. of the "Vulture", 461. - - Sutton, Sir Richard, 232. - - Sutton (Mass.) men at Lexington, 182. - - Swain, D. L., on invasion of N. Carolina, 168; - _Indian War of 1776_, 678. - - Sweat, Samuel, letters (Winter Hill), 203. - - Swedes' Ford, 425. - - Swett, Col. Samuel, papers on Bunker Hill, 189, 191; - plan of Bunker Hill, 202; - acc. of, 191; - autog., 191. - - Sylvester, R. B., _Saratoga_, etc., 366. - - Sylvester, Richard, 83. - - - Talbot, Major, wounded at Fort Mifflin, 389. - - Talbot, Silas, in Rhode Island, 602; - lives of, 603. - - Tallmadge, B., 464; - his letters, etc., on André, 466; - his estimate of the captors of André, 466; - portraits and autog., 457; - _Memoir_, 457; - and André, 458, 460. - - Tappan, N. Y., André at, 460; - De Wint House, 460; - Seventy-Six Stone House, 460. - - Tarbox, Increase N., his views on the question of the command at - Bunker Hill, 191; - _Life of Putnam_, 191. - - Tardieu, P. F., _Carte des Etats Unis_, 675. - - Tarleton, Col., at the siege of Charlestown, S. C., 473; - defeats Buford, 475; - at Black-Stocks, 536; - at the Cowpens, 481, 538; - at Poundridge, 557; - raid in Va., 497, 515; - _Campaign of 1780 and 1781_, 517; - his losses, 517; - his career, 517; - portrait, 517; - Mackenzie's _Strictures_, 517; - at Camden, 530; - attacks Sumter, 478; - pursues Marion, 480; - pursues Morgan, 481; - at Guilford, 486; - at the Waxhaws, 527; - at Fishdam Ford, 532. - - Tarrytown, N. Y., monument at, 466. - - Tate, W., 223. - - Taxation of the colonies, ministerial view, 17; - colonial view, 17; - right of, 63; - denied, 24; - internal and external, 50; - first movement against, 68; - _Reasons why the British colonies should not be charged with - internal taxes_, 70; - the government view in the Protest of the Lords against repeal of - Stamp Act, 74; - _History of Amer. Taxation, 1763-1775_, 75; - pro and con arguments in Read's _George Read_, 75; - Soame Jenyns's _Objections_, 75; - James Otis's _Considerations_, 75; - _Regulations lately made_, 75; - tracts on, 75; - _Letter to a Member_, 75; - _Objections to the taxation_, etc., 75; - _Good Humour_, 85; - _Inquiry into the nature of the present disputes_, 85; - _True constitutional way of putting an end to the disputes_, 85; - Johnson's _Taxation no tyranny_, 109; - _Defence of the American Congress_, 109; - _Letter to Dr. Price_, 109. - - Taylor, Eldad, 205. - - Taylor, Geo., autog., 265; - life, 266. - - Taylor, Janette, 590. - - Taylor, John, life of John Penn, 265. - - Taylor, John, _Inquiry_, etc., 272. - - Taylor, J. W., _Ohio_, 708. - - Taylor, R., on Geo. Mason, 272. - - Tea, destroyed, 46, 91; - duty on, 46; - importation of it arouses Philadelphia, 57; - and the other colonies, 57; - in Boston, 91; - in N. H., 92; - in Connecticut, 93; - in New York, 93; - in Pennsylvania, 93; - fac-simile of broadside, 93; - in N. Carolina, 93; - tax on, to remain, 51. - - Teller, _Ridgefield, Conn._, 348. - - Temple, John, duel with Whateley, 93. - - Tennessee, 708; - Haywood's hist. of, 678. - - Ternant, Gen., 513. - - Ternay, Chev. de, 499; - at Newport, 499, 560; - dies, 499; - his tomb, 499; - autog., 500. - - Tetard Hill (N. Y.), 287, 338, 339. - - Thacher, B. B., 91. - - Thacher, Dr. James, 464; - _Military Journal_, 189, 202, 660. - - Thacher, Oxenbridge, 13; - _Sentiments of a British American_, 70; - dies, 70. - - Thacher, Peter, oration on Boston Massacre, 88; - his account of Bunker Hill, 186. - - Thaxter, Jos., 178. - - Thayendanegea. _See_ Brant, Joseph. - - Thayer, Capt. Simeon, _Journal_, 219; - at Fort Mifflin, 388. - - Thomas, E. S., _Reminiscences_, 184, 412. - - Thomas, Gen. John, 108; - second in command under Ward, 134; - at Roxbury, 134; - at Dorchester Heights, 156; - his headquarters in Roxbury, 156; - at Quebec, 225; - letters, 225; - made general, 119, 165; - in command at Roxbury, 130; - ordered to Canada, 165; - retreats from Quebec, 166; - dies, 167; - portrait, 167; - _Memoir_, 167; - affronted at Congress, 167. - - Thomas, Isaiah, 122; - _Narrative of Lexington_, etc., 175; - _Mass. Kalendar_, 47. - - Thomas, Lieut. John, on Louisiana, 737. - - Thomas, W. H. B., 214. - - Thompson, Benj., Count Rumford, 507; - in Boston, 128; - in S. Carolina, 545; - lives of, 546. - - Thompson, Eben, _Memoir_, by Mary P. Thompson, 117. - - Thompson, Gen., on Canada exped., 225; - acc. of, 225. - - Thompson, Wm., 203. - - Thomson, Chas., letter on taxation, 75; - letter to Wm. Drayton, 96; - on Bunker Hill, 189; - portrait, 272; - his house, 272; - autog., 450. - - Thornton, J. W., _Pulpit of the Rev._, 244; - his sale, 467. - - Thornton, Matthew, autog., 263; - life, 265; - signed the Decl. of Indep., 268. - - Three County troop in Massachusetts, 184. - - Three Rivers (1775), 216; - attack (1776), 167, 225, 227. - - Throckmorton, B. W., on Benedict Arnold, 357. - - Throg's Neck, 285. - - Thwaites, R. G., on L. C. Draper, 727. - - Tickle, Robt., _Present state of the Nation_, 85; - _Considerations_ in reply, 85. - - Ticonderoga, capture planned, 613; - taken (1775), 129; - view of ruins, 129; - papers on capture, 130; - cannon taken to Cambridge, 156; - authorities on its capture (1775), 213; - disputes over the origination of the expedition, 213; - trophies, 214; - Arnold's report, 214; - current reports, 214; - ruins of, 214; - diary (1775) at, 215; - its condition after capture, 215; - apprehension at, after fall of Quebec, 227; - Gates at, 291; - St. Clair at (1777), 348; - attacked by Burgoyne, 296; - evacuation, 296, 349; - authorities, 349; - effect of it, 350; - works, 314, 353, 354; - maps (1777), 350; - Trumbull's, 350, 352; - that used at St. Clair's trial, 350, 353; - recaptured, 304. - - Tiddeman, Mark, map of N. Y. harbor, 326. - - Tiffany, Osmond, _Life of O. H. Williams_, 537. - - Tilghman, James, 709. - - Tilghman, Col. Tench, 334; - _Memoirs_, 407; - _Diary of Yorktown_, 554. - - Tilton, James, 337. - - Tinicum Island, 429, 437. - - Tioga (Tiaoga), 609; - attacked, 636; - plan of, 681. - - Tioga Valley, 641. - - Tiverton, R. I., 600. - - Tobacco trade restricted, 8, 9. - - Todd, C. B., _Redding, Conn._, 348; - on Col. Ledyard, 562; - _Joel Barlow_, 467. - - Todd, Col. John, 723; - on Kaskaskia, 729; - his _Record Book_, 730. - - Tomahawk improvements (squatter rights), 611. - - Tom's River, 744. - - Tonicas Indians, 702. - - Tonyn, Gov., 522. - - Topham, John, 219. - - Tories, acc. of, by T. B. Myers, 351; - at Wyoming, 635. - _See_ Loyalists. - - Totowa, 404. - - Towle, N. C., _Constitution of the U. S._, 74, 274. - - Town, Ithiel, _Particular Services_, 341, 546, 589. - - _Town and County Mag._, 209. - - Townshend, Chas., 21, 23, 38; - died, 39; - in the Stamp Act debates, 72. - - Townshend, C. H., _Invasion of Conn._, 557. - - Townshend, Jos., on Brandywine, 419. - - Townshend, M. I., on Burgoyne's exped., 366. - - Townshend acts, 20, 38; - resisted, 42; - misunderstood by Bancroft, 64; - attempt to repeal, 51; - repealed (except on tea), 52. - - Trade monopolized by English merchants, 5. - - Transylvania (Kentucky), 716. - - Treaty of Paris (1783), 747. - _See_ Paris. - - Trecothic, alderman, 51. - - Tremain, Grenville, 466. - - Trenton, N. J., surprise at, 374; - authorities, 407; - maps, 408-412; - court-martial of the Hessian officers, 412; - picture by Trumbull, 412; - current verses, 412; - flag captured, 412. - - Troup, Col. Robert, on the Conway Cabal, 447. - - Trout, Rev. Jacob, 418. - - Trowbridge, Edmund, autog., 50. - - Trudruffrin. _See_ Paoli, 423. - - Trumbull, Henry, _Indian Wars_, bibliog. of, 651; - its various titles, 651; - reprinted by Pritts, 651. - - Trumbull, Col. John, painted Moultrie, 172; - his picture of Bunker Hill, 190, 197; - plan of the siege of Boston, 207; - his painting of _Death of Montgomery_, 220; - paints John Adams, 36; - autobiog., 189; - portrait of Putnam, 193; - plan of Boston Neck lines, 211; - paints St. Clair, 297; - Schuyler, 298; - map of Ticonderoga, 350; - paints Col. Tallmadge, 457; - arrested in London, 463; - his picture of Yorktown, 506; - of Trenton, 412; - his portrait of Gen. Greene, 510; - of Morgan, 511; - on the Rhode Island campaign, 597. - - Trumbull, Col. Jonathan, diary at Yorktown, 554. - - Trumbull, Gov. Jonathan, his letter to Gage, 181. - - Trumbull, Jos., 203. - - Trumbull, James H., on "Sons of Liberty", 72; - edits Mott's journal, 213; - on the origin of the Ticonderoga expedition (1775), 213; - on the _Indian Wars_ of H. Trumbull, 651. - - Trumbull MSS., 681. - - Tryon, Gov., seeks safety on a man-of-war, 107; - his seal and autog., 140; - his proclamation (1776), 325; - the Hickey Plot, 326; - orders a map of N. Y. province made, 341; - report on the province, 341; - his address to the people of Conn., 557; - _Address on his late expedition_, 557; - invades Connecticut, 557. - - Tryon County, N. Y., 645, 659. - - Tucker, Dr. Josiah, Dean of Gloucester, 75; - and Franklin, 74; - on the Amer. Rev., 254; - tracts, 75; - _Letter from a merchant_, 75; - _Series of answers_, 75; - _Humble Address_, 75. - - Tucker, Sam., of New Jersey, joins the enemy, 370. - - Tucker, Com. Samuel, at siege of Charleston, 524; - orders to command the "Boston" in fac-simile, 566; - his career, 567; - takes John Adams to France, 567; - his log-book, 567; - his papers, 567; - lives of, 567; - in the "Boston", 583; - his parole in fac-simile, 583. - - Tucker, St. George, on Guildford, 541. - - Tuckerman, H. T., _America and her Commentators_, 560; - _Silas Talbot_, 603; - on Daniel Boone, 708. - - Tudor, Wm., letters to, 7, 9, 88, 187; - his _Otis_, 70; - his Massacre oration, 446. - - Tugaloo River, 676. - - Tupper, Benj., 325. - - Turkey Hill (R. I.), 596, 598, 602. - - Turner, H. E., _Greenes of Warwick_, 510. - - Turner, O., _Phelps and Gorham Purchase_, 670. - - Turtle Bay (N. Y.), 333, 335. - - Tuscaroras, Col. Butler among the, 619; - their lands, 610; - mostly took the American side, 623. - - Tuttle, J. F., _Hibernia Furnace_, 108; - _Morris County_, 407; - _Rev. Forefathers_, 407; - _Washington in Morris County_, 407; - _Washington at Morristown_, 417; - on the camp at Morristown, 559. - - Twightwees, 610. - - Two-penny Act, 24. - - Tyler, Albert, _Bennington_, 301, 356. - - Tyler, John, _Address at Jamestown_, 107. - - Tyler, Moses Coit, on Patrick Henry, 107; - his _Patrick Henry_, 723. - - Tyng, D. A., 746. - - "Tyrannicide", her log, 582; - takes the "Revenge", 586. - - - Uhlhorn, J. F., 712. - - Ulloa at New Orleans (1766), 737. - - Unadilla destroyed, 636, 653. - - Union, growth of, in the colonies, 79; - symbol of disjointed snake, 79. - - United States, independence of, growth of the sentiment, 231; - _Public Land Laws_, 247. - _See_ Congress, Independence, etc. - - _Universal Asylum_, 207. - - _Universal Magazine_, 463. - - Upham, W. P., 205; - _Life of Gen. Glover_, 325. - - Urquhart, James, 209. - - - Valcour Island, fight at, 292, 346; - map of, 347. - - Valentine, _N. Y. City Manual_, 331. - - Vallancey, Capt. C., 543. - - Valley Forge, 416; - Committee of Congress at, 393; - Baron Steuben at, 393; - condition of army, 436; - encampment, 389; - French alliance celebrated, 439; - life at, 437; - plan of camp, 439; - Washington's H. Q., 439. - - Van Cortlandt, Philip, autobiography, 670. - - Van Dyk, Col., 467. - - Van Schaick, Col., attacks the Onondagas, 639; - marches to Cherry Valley, 626. - - Van Schaick's Island, 298. - - Van Wart, Isaac, 456. - - Vandalia, 708. - - Varick, Col. Richard, at Freeman's Farm, 316; - on the Saratoga campaign, 356; - aide to Arnold, 460; - his papers, 460. - - Varnum, Gen., abandons Fort Mercer, 389. - - Vaughan, Benj., his ed. of Franklin's _Pieces_, 653. - - Vaughan, David, 341. - - Vaughan, Samuel, his journal, 506. - - Vermont, constitutional movements in, 274; - _Documents relating to the resistance to Burgoyne_, 354; - proclamations issued by Burgoyne and Schuyler, 350; - signs of defection in, 646. - - _Vermont Quart. Mag._, 356. - - Vernon, Wm., autograph, 566. - - Verplanck House, 746. - - Verplanck's Point, 455, 465; - plan, 557, 558. - - Verreau, _Invasion du Canada_, 216. - - Vigo, Col. F., 724. - - Villefranche, his maps of the Hudson, 456, 462. - - Vincennes (Indiana), 704; - captured, 718, 719; - fort at, 719; - evacuated by the British, 722; - taken by Hamilton, 724; - authorities, 729. - - Vinton, J. A., 191. - - Viomenil, 504, 745. - - Virginia, action for a congress (1774), 99; - address to the king (1769), 83; - _Address to the Convention_, 272; - British in (1779-80), 546; - _Calendar of State Papers_, 515, 649; - commerce of (1671), 64; - (1770, etc.), 64; - com. of correspondence, 90; - Constitution of, written by George Mason and Thomas Jefferson, 261; - adopts a constitution, 272; - Declaration of Rights, 272; - in the Cont. Congress, 234; - Dunmore in (1775), 122; - disputes of bounds with Penna., 248; - over Ohio lands, 709; - influence in the Ohio country, 715; - early naval movements, 565; - effect of Boston Port Bill, 96; - establishes intercolonial com. of corresp., 54, 56; - fight at the Great Bridge, 168; - Norfolk destroyed, 168; - maps of, 538; - militia, 485; - at Camden, 533; - military ardor in (1774), 116; - movements (1774), 98, 117; - (1775), 107; - planting wheat instead of tobacco (1775), 121; - plundering expeditions to, 495; - Arnold in, 495; - and the Stamp Act, 29, 73; - Steuben in, 515; - sympathy for Boston (1769), 46, 113; - non-importation agreement, 47; - Ohio country a county, 729. - - Von Holst, _Const. Hist. U. S._, 274. - - Von Mirbach, 329. - - Von Stern, 329. - - - Wabash Indians, 739; - treaty with, 724. - _See_ Ouabache. - - Wabash Land Company, 650. - - Wabasha, a Sioux, 737, 738. - - Waddell, A. W., on the Regulators, 80. - - Wade, Col. Nath., 460. - - Wadsworth, Gen. Peleg, in the Penobscot expedition, 603; - letters, 603. - - Wadsworth, Jas., on the Danbury exped., 348. - - Wager, D. E., 626. - - Wakefield, Ebenezer, 357. - - Waldo, J. & D., 47. - - Waldo, Sergt., diary at Valley Forge, 436. - - Walker, B., _Life of Paul Jones_, 590. - - Walker, C. I., _Northwest during the Rev._, 733. - - Walker, Dr., in Kentucky, 715. - - Walker, James, 421. - - Walker, Mrs. Thomas, 222. - - Walker, _Statesmen's Manual_, 274. - - Wallabout Bay, 328. - - Wallace, Sir James, 471. - - Waller, Adj., letter, 194; - orderly-book, 205. - - Walmscook, 356. - - Waln, Robert, life of James Wilson, John Morton, Stephen Hopkins, - Thomas McKean, 265; - Josiah Bartlett, William Williams, Samuel Huntington, Geo. Rymer, - Matthew Thornton, William Whipple, Robert Morris, Abraham Clark, - 265; - John Hart, 266; - of Francis L. Lee, 266. - - Walpole, Horace, 175; - and the American war, 112; - his _George the Third_, 112; - his _Last Journals_, 112. - - Walpole Grant on the Ohio, 687, 708. - - Walton, Geo., life, 265; - autog., 266. - - Walworth, Mrs. Ellen H., _Burgoyne and the Northern Campaign_, 315; - on Burgoyne's surrender, 358. - - Wangenheim, map of movements in Jersey, 409; - surveys of Forts Clinton, etc., 364. - - Ward, Andrew H., _Ward family_, 192; - _Shrewsbury_, 192. - - Ward, Artemas, made general, 116; - commander-in-chief, 131, 134; - made second to Washington, 142; - commissions Mugford, 567; - on the Penobscot exped., 603, 604; - sluggish, 133; - left in Boston, 159, 205; - his papers, 159; - resigned, 159; - portrait, 159, 192; - supposed to be older than he was, 189; - notices, 191; - autog., 192; - letters from Cambridge, 203. - - Ward, Geo. A., finds Paul Jones' papers, 590. - - Ward, Col. Jos., 138, 203; - his order on the field at Bunker Hill, 138. - - Ward, R. D., _Lafayette's visit to Va._, 555. - - Ward, Gov. Samuel, 220, 222, 565; - his journal, 565. - - Ward, Samuel, on Long Island battle, 329; - _Battle of Long Island_, 331. - - Ward, Townsend, 423. - - Ware, Joseph, _Journal_, 219. - - Warner, Col. Seth, at Crown Point, 129; - acc. of, 129; - at Bennington, 301; - letters, 350; - notices by G. F. Houghton, 356; - by Highland Hall, 356; - by Chipman, 356. - - Warren, Benjamin, at Cherry Valley, 666; - diary, 360. - - Warren, Edw., _John Warren_, 194. - - Warren, G. W., _Bunker Hill Mt. Asso._, 191. - - Warren, Isaac, _Almanac_, 342. - - Warren, Gen. James, autog., 566; - committee of correspondence, 89; - on Bunker Hill, 187; - letters, 203. - - Warren, Dr. John, 188. - - Warren, John C., 193. - - Warren, Gen. Jos., 60; - his circular letter (1773), 57; - writes call for the tea-ships meeting in Boston, 91; - his attack on Bernard, 83; - draws up Suffolk Resolves, 100; - quells disturbance at Cambridge, 115; - his address on Boston Massacre, 88, 119; - the MS., 120; - on Lexington day, 125; - his last note, 132; - made general, 133; - Bunker Hill, 137; - portrait, 54; - by Norman, 193; - by Copley, 193, 194; - by Trumbull, 197; - letter on capture of Ticonderoga, 214; - on independence, 258; - purposes of Congress on his death, 194; - memorials of, 194; - statue of, 194; - accounts, 194; - remonstrates with Connecticut for sending messenger to Gage, 128; - killed, 139. - - Warren, Mercy, _The parody parodized_, 86; - letters, 203. - - _Warren Genealogy_, 194. - - Warren (R. I.), 600. - - Warwick (R. I.), 600. - - Washington, George, in the Congress of 1774, 237; - would march 1,000 men to Boston, 114; - active in Virginia (1775), 131; - made commander-in-chief, 108, 133; - references, 133; - commission and instructions, 133; - his first letter from Cambridge, 141; - fac-simile of its heads, 141; - reaches Cambridge, 142; - assumes command of the army, 142; - holds council of war, 142; - his headquarters in Cambridge, 142; - disappointed in the N. E. troops, 144; - deficient in powder, 145; - commissions a navy, 152, 564; - Proclamation of repossessing Boston, 159; - moves his army to New York, 160; - sends Sullivan to Canada, 166; - letters on the siege of Boston, 173, 203; - their condition and repositories, 173; - entertains Caghnawaga Indians, 203; - medal for the siege of Boston, 206; - instruction for the Kennebec expedition, 217; - in New York, 275, 325; - his army, 275; - headquarters on Richmond Hill, 276; - his other headquarters in N. Y., 276; - retreats from Brooklyn to N. Y., 281; - condition of his army, 281; - urges enlistments for the war, 282; - calls for better officers, 282; - proposes to burn New York, 283, 334; - not wishing independence (1775), 255; - headquarters at Harlem, 284; - his army along the Bronx, 285; - at White Plains, 286; - at New Castle, 286; - rude cut of, 311; - on the battle of Brooklyn, 326; - plot to assassinate, in N. York, 326; - retreats from Long Island, 330; - the question of a fog, 330; - evacuates New York, 333; - at Harlem, 334; - movements above N. Y. (1776), 337; - orders the evacuation of Fort Lee, 367; - retreats through the Jerseys, 368; - given dictatorial powers, 373, 376; - attacks Trenton, 374; - at Princeton, 378; - his letters on the campaign of 1776, near N. York, 344; - in winter-quarters at Morristown, 379; - at Middlebrook, 379; - marches through Philad., 380; - at Brandywine, 381; - retreats to Chester, 382; - to Philadelphia, 382; - at Germantown, 385; - at Whitemarsh, 389; - at Valley Forge, 389; - proclamation about grain, 390; - distrusted in Congress (1777), 391; - the Conway Cabal, 392; - watches Clinton's withdrawal from Philad., 397; - pursues Clinton, 398; - at Monmouth, 399; - authorities on these campaigns, 403; - criticised by Jos. Reed, 403; - as dictator, 407; - in the campaign of 1777, 416; - at Morristown, 417; - at Middlebrook, 417; - marches through Philad., 418; - H. Q. at Brandywine, 419; - falsely informed at Brandywine, 419; - his Brandywine map, 420; - letter from Duché 437; - H. Q. at Stenton, 429; - on the defence of the Delaware, 431; - H. Q. in Philad., 436; - at Whitemarsh, 442; - at Monmouth, 445; - censures Lee, 446; - the Conway Cabal, 446; - his Fabian policy, 446; - reprimands Arnold, 451; - goes to Hartford to confer with Rochambeau, 454, 458; - returned before he was expected, 458; - receives letter from Arnold, 460; - prepares for any emergency, 460; - H. Q. at Tappan, 460; - orders André to be hanged, 460; - his correspondence with Clinton respecting the execution, 461; - his letters on the plot, 461; - H. Q. at Newburgh, 465; - his account of Arnold's conspiracy, 466; - _Domestic Life_, by Richard Rush, 466; - traduced for executing André, 467, 468; - his justification, 467; - later English authorities approve, 468; - countenanced the exchange of André for Arnold, 468; - encouraged Champe to abduct Arnold, 468; - meets Rochambeau at Weathersfield, 499; - attempts to surprise N. Y. forts, 499; - marches to Virginia, 500; - headquarters at Williamsburg, 506; - his opinion of Henry Lee, 510; - papers on the Yorktown campaign, 515; - on the Yorktown campaign, 549; - thanked by Congress, 549; - his epaulettes, 549; - his journals and orderly-books, 553; - Middlebrook, 556; - at Morristown, 559; - his H. Q., 559; - communications with Rochambeau, 560, 561; - at Totowa and Preakness, 561; - proposed attack with the French on New York forts, 561; - marches to Virginia (1781), 561; - at Livingston Mansion, 562; - was he a marshal of France? 562; - steps leading to his naval authority (1775), 565; - ceased supervision (1776), 567; - suggestions as to privateers, 591; - portrait of, 575; - takes command of the army, 612; - his instructions, 612; - authorized to use Indians, 616, 617, 633; - visited by Indians at Cambridge, 622; - his interest in Western lands, 649; - selects land for soldiers of the French war, 649; - on the Sullivan exped. (1779), 667, 669; - on Brodhead's exped., 671; - sends Arnold up the Kennebec, 673; - sends letter to the Eastern Indians, 674; - his journal in the Ohio region, 709; - his opinion of Clark's project for attacking Detroit, 731; - moves his army to the Hudson (1781), 744; - at Newburgh, 744; - Nicola's letter, 745; - Newburgh addresses, 746; - authorizes _Collection of Papers_, 746; - cessation of hostilities, 746; - farewell address, 746; - last circular to the States, 746; - at Rocky Hill, 746; - enters New York at the close of the war, 746; - parts with his officers, 747; - goes to Annapolis, 747; - resigns his commission, 747; - at Mount Vernon, 747; - message against Genet, 734. - - Washington, Col. William, 481, 537; - at Trenton, 376; - charges at Cowpens, 482; - medal, 539. - - Watauga besieged, 478, 676, 679. - - Watauga Association, 678, 708. - - Waterbury, Col. David, 325; - on Arnold's fight on Lake Champlain, 346. - - Wateree River, 475. - - Waterloo, N. Y., _Library and Hist. Soc. Proc._, 681. - - Watertown, Mass., Prov. Congress at, 203. - - Watrin, Father, _Missions of Louisiana_, 720. - - Watson, Benj. Marston, loyalist, 253. - - Watson, Elkanah, _Memoirs or Men and Times_, 203, 253. - - Watson, H. C., _Old Bell of Independence_ or _Noble Deeds of our - Forefathers_, 259. - - Watson, John Lee, _Paul Revere's Signals_, 174. - - Watson, W. C., on Arnold's fight at Valcour Island, 377; - _Essex County, N. Y._, 214. - - Wawarsing destroyed, 646. - - Waxhaw Creek, Buford's defeat at, 475, 527. - - Wayne, Anthony, 445; - at Paoli, 383; - court-martialled, 419; - on Germantown, 386, 421; - orderly-book, 437; - at Brandywine, 381; - on Arnold's treason, 466; - on the Northern campaign (1776), 346; - lives of, 514; - portraits, 385; - account of, by De Peyster, 385; - his house, 385; - at Monmouth, 400, 446; - surprised in Georgia by Indians, 677; - in Virginia, 497, 547; - in the Yorktown campaign, 501; - in Georgia, 507; - attacks Stony Point, 558; - at Bull's Ferry, 560; - hero of the _Cow Chace_, 560; - at Morristown, 561. - - Weare, Mechech, his papers, 598. - - Weathersfield, Conn., Washington and Rochambeau at, 561; - Webb House in, 561. - - Webb, S. B., 187, 203. - - Webber, C. W., _Hist. and Rev. Incidents_, 708. - - Webster, Daniel, his correct estimate of the causes of the Revolution, - 63; - _Address to N. Y. Hist. Soc._, 99; - on the Bunker Hill controversy, 190; - orations at Bunker Hill, 194. - - Wedderburn, his attack on Franklin, 95. - - Weedon, Gen., at Brandywine, 382. - - Weems, Mason L., _Life of Marion_, 512. - - Welling, J. C., on the _Mecklenburg Resolutions_, 257. - - Wells, J. C., 729. - - Welsh, Thomas, 88. - - Wemms, William, 86. - - Wemple, Edw., 366. - - Wemys, Maj. James, his opinions of generals, 330; - criticises Howe, 330; - his papers, 518; - attacks Sumter, 480, 536. - - Wesley, John, protects against the war, 111. - - West, Benjamin, 463; - paints Bouquet's likeness, 692; - his sketches of Bouquet's campaigns, 699. - - West Cambridge (Mass.) men at Lexington, 184. - - West Point, 325, 455, 456, 556; - Moses Greenleaf plan, 451; - other plans, 459, 462, 465; - views, 463; - history of, by Boynton, 464; - fortified, 557. - - Westchester County (N. Y.), history of, 325, 340. - - Westchester Farmer (_see_ Seabury, Samuel, and Wilkins, Isaac), 104; - _Free Thoughts_, 104; - _Congress canvassed_, 104; - Hamilton's reply, 104; - _A View of the Controversy_, 104; - authorship in dispute, 104. - - Westcott, Henry, _Centennial Sermons_, 184. - - Western, Fort (Augusta, Me.), 163. - - Westminster (Vt.) massacre, 172. - - Westmoreland Papers, 516. - - Westmoreland, Pa., 680. - - Weston, Hannah, 564. - - Weston, Thomas, Jr., _Peter Oliver_, 95. - - Weymouth, Earl of, 43. - - Whaleboat warfare, 591. - - Wharton, Anna H., on Thomas Wharton, 272, 405; - _Wharton Genealogy_, 436. - - Wharton, Chas. P., _Poetical Epistle to Washington_, 575. - - Wharton, Samuel, 708; - on Indian lands, 650. - - Wharton, Gov. Thomas, 272. - - Wharton, Thomas, Jr., 405; - death of, 401. - - Wharton family, 436; - their house, 436. - - Whately, Thomas, 56. - - Wheatley, Phillis, 146. - - Wheeler, _No. Carolina_, 514, 678. - - Wheeling, Va., 716. - - Wheelock, Col., in the Northern campaign (1776), 346. - - Wheelock, Rev. Eleazer, 655; - instructs Brant, 626. - - Wheildon, W. W., _Siege of Boston_, 173; - _Revere's Signal Lanterns_, 175; - _Concord Fight_, 184; - _Bunker Hill_, 191; - _Solomon Willard_, 194. - - Whipple, Abraham, cruising, 565; - sails to Bermuda, 567; - acc. of, 567; - portraits, 567; - letters, 567; - in the "Providence", 582, 583; - his captures, 584; - at Charleston (1780), 524; - autograph order, 472. - - Whipple, Christopher, 565. - - Whipple, Wm., autog., 263; - life, 265; - on Burgoyne's surrender, 358; - on privateering, 591. - - White, Joseph, _Battle of Trenton_, 406. - - White, Philip, 744. - - Whitechurch, Robt., 510. - - White Clay Creek, Pa., 421. - - Whitemarsh, 416, 442; - Washington at, 389. - - White Plains, 340; - Washington at, 286; - lines of corn-stalks, 286; - evacuated, 286; - Howe's blunders at, 291; - American position at, 336, 337; - references, 337; - Col. Hazlett's letter, 337. - - Whitney, James L., _Lit. of Nineteenth April_, 185. - - Whitney, Josiah, on Putnam's death, 190. - - Whitney, Miss, statue of S. Adams, 41. - - Whittier, J. G., "Great Ipswich fight", 128. - - Whittlesey, Col. Chas., _Expedition of Dunmore_, 714; - _Fugitive Essays_, 649, 714. - - Whittlesey, Capt. Ezra, 613. - - Whittlesey, E. D., on Marshall's acc. of Danbury exped., 348. - - Whyte, Robert, 425. - - Wickes, Lambert, capt. in the navy, 370; - carried the first national vessel across the ocean, 571; - takes Franklin over, 571; - cruises around Ireland, 572; - difficulties in French ports, 572; - lost at sea, 573. - - Wiederhold, plan of Trenton attack, 511. - - Wilbur's Basin, 309. - - Wild, Ebenezer, 220. - - Wilkes, John, 11; - and the "Sons of Liberty", 72; - his efforts and speeches, 110, 121; - his comments on Burgoyne's speeches, 365; - "Wilkes and Liberty", 28. - - Wilkesbarré, 606. - - Wilkins, Isaac, his tracts, 104. - - Wilkinson, Eliza, _Letters_, 520, 527. - - Wilkinson, Gen. James, on Freeman's Farm, 356; - in Canada, 222; - plan of Trenton, 412; - of Princeton, 413; - _Memoirs_, 189; - carries news of Burgoyne's surrender to Congress, 358. - - Wilkinson, J. B., _Binghamton_, 670. - - Wilkinson, W. C., 361. - - Willers, Diedrich, Jr., _Sullivan's Campaign_, 670. - - Willet, Col. Marinus, at Fort Stanwix, 299, 350, 628; - attacks St. Leger's camp, 631; - _Narrative_, 350, 631; - in command on the Mohawk, 645; - threatens Oswego, 646. - - Willett, W. M., _Marinus Willett_, 350, 670. - - William and Mary, their charter for Mass. destroyed, 114. - - Williams, Capt., 728. - - Williams, Col., 475. - - Williams, Mrs. C. R., _Biog. of Rev. Heroes_, 404. - - Williams, David, 456, 466. - - Williams, J. F., in the "Hazard", 582; - in the "Protector", 582; - engages the "Duff", 582; - her log, 582; - commands the Massachusetts fleet, 582. - - Williams, Lieut., 148. - - Williams, O. H., under Greene, 484; - at Guildford, 485; - accounts of, 537; - on Hobkirk's Hill, 542; - at Ninety-Six, 544; - at Eutaws, 545; - _Campaign of 1780_, 530; - in the South, 476. - - Williams, Richard, plan of American lines round Boston, 212. - - Williams, Wm., 187; - autog., 263; - life of, 265. - - Williamsburg, Va., Wayne at, 501; - American army at, 501; - Washington's headquarters at, 506; - maps of, 553. - - Williamson, Col. Andrew, map of his marches, 675; - invades Indian territory, 676. - - Williamson, Col. David, 735, 736; - murders Indians, 736. - - Williamson, Hugh, on the tea-ship commotions, 91; - on North Carolina Revolutionary history, 514. - - Willing, Anne, 693. - - Willing, Thos., 383. - - Wilmington, Del., 421. - - Wilmington, N. C., occupied by the British, 487; - map, 542. - - Wilson, Chas., _Burgoyne's Campaign_, 361. - - Wilson, D., _Jane McCrea_, 627. - - Wilson, James, _Considerations, etc._, 106; - autog., 265; - life, 265. - - Wilson, L., 461. - - Wilson, R., 545. - - Wilson, Thos., _Biog. of the Principal American Heroes_, 530. - - Wilson, _Memoir of Bishop White_, 438. - - Winnebagoes, 739. - - Winsor, Justin, "Notes on the Causes of the Revolution", 68; - "The Conflict Precipitated", 113; - references on the siege of Boston, 172; - bibliography of Bunker Hill, 185; - edits Ware's journal, 219; - notes on the campaign round N. Y. (1776), 323; - notes on the authorities for the campaigns of 1777-1778, 403; - "The Treason of Arnold", 447; - "Events in the North, 1779-1781", 555; - on the extent of the Continental army, 588. - - Winstanley paints John Adams, 36. - - Winter Hill (near Boston), 206; - lines at, 207; - camp at, 202, 203, 204. - - Winthrop, Hannah, 318. - - Winthrop, James, at Bunker Hill, 202. - - Winthrop, Prof. John, 187, 205. - - Winthrop, Madam, 180. - - Winthrop, R. C., on Charles Hudson, 184; - on R. Frothingham, 186; - _Address on unveiling Prescott's Statue_, 194; - _Oration at Yorktown_, 555; - address on Fort Griswold, 562. - - Winthrop, Sam., autog., 50. - - Wister, Sally, diary, 436. - - Withers, Alex. S., _Chronicles of Border Warfare_, 248, 711. - - Witherspoon, John, in Congress, 244; - autog., 264; - life, 265. - - Withington, L., 219. - - Woedtke, Baron de, letters, 225. - - Wolcott, Oliver, autog., 263; - life of, 265; - on Bemis's Heights, 357. - - Wolcott, Oliver, Jr., life of O. Wolcott, 265. - - Wood, Sylvanus, 183. - - Wood Creek (N. Y.), 298, 351. - - Woodbridge, Col. Ruggles, 346. - - Woodbridge, N. J., 372. - - Woodbury, James T., 184. - - Woodd, Lieut., 148. - - Woodford, Gen., at Germantown, 385; - and his Virginians, 525. - - Woodhull, Gen., captured, 280; - death of, 330. - - Woodruff, Samuel, 357. - - Woodstock, N. Y., 639. - - Woolsey, Theodore, 464. - - Woolson, C. F., "Up the Ashley", 471. - - Wooster, Gen. David, killed, 348; - monuments to, 348; - near N. Y. (1776), 153; - differences with Schuyler, 161; - and Montgomery, 162; - in the Canada expedition, 220; - his character, 220; - letters of, 220, 221; - portrait, 225; - autog., 225; - at Montreal, 165; - at Quebec, 166; - recalled from Canada, 167. - - Worcester, S. T., _Hollis_, 190. - - Wragg, Wm., 79. - - Wraxall, _Hist. Memoirs_, 112. - - Wright, Aaron, 203. - - Wright, Gov. Sir James, of Georgia, 611; - letters to Dartmouth, 90; - on the number of Indians, 651; - correspondence, 675. - - Wright, Joshua G., _Address_, 168. - - Wright, W. E., translates Rochambeau's _Memoirs_, 516. - - Writs of Assistance, 68; - opposed by Otis, 11; - explained, 11; - legalized, 39; - references, 65; - enforced by Bernard, 65. - - Wrottesley, Sir John, 330. - - Wyandots, 610; - their home, 735. - - Wyatt, Thos., _Generals presented with Medals_, 537. - - Wyoming, 606; - Moravian Indians at, 606; - attacked, 634; - population of the valley, 634; - fortified, 634; - Forty Fort, 634; - defeat of Col. Butler, and massacre, 635; - losses, 635; - retreat of the invaders, 636; - account of massacre, 653; - early accounts, 662; - general accounts, 665; - bibliog., 665. - - Wyoming Valley invaded by Pennsylvanians to dispossess the Connecticut - settlers, 680. - - Wythe, Geo., 716; - autog., 265. - - - Yale Book, 189. - - Yonge, C. D., _British Navy_, 589; - _Constitutional Hist. of England_, 75. - - York, Pa., Congress at, 391, 419. - - Yorke, Sir Joseph, his correspondence, 592. - - Yorktown, campaign of, 547; - evidence on the responsibility of Cornwallis of Clinton, 548, 549; - correspondence of the surrender, 549; - news received in London, 549; - prisoners taken, 549; - maps of, 550, 551, 552, 553; - inquiry into the campaign in England, 516; - debates in Parliament, 516; - news received in England, 555; - acc. of centennial of, 555; - responsibility for the surrender, 516; - siege of, 501; - surrendered, 504; - forces engaged, 504; - fac-simile of articles of capitulation, 505; - Nelson House, 506; - Moore House, 506; - view of the capitulation field, 506; - medals, 506; - Trumbull's picture, 506. - - Young, Arthur, _Observations_, 709. - - Young, J., assigned to the "Saratoga", 583. - - Young, Thomas, 88. - - Young, Sergeant Wm., 406. - - Younglove, Moses, 683; - his captivity, 659. - - - Zane, Elizabeth, 716. - - Zeigler, W. B., _Heart of the Alleghanies_, 536. - - Zeisberger, David, 734; - diary edited by Bliss, 736. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The liberal party; for even as late as the Declaration of -Independence, the Tory party were, by estimation, two fifths of the -whole population. - -[2] The validity of this title in the crown was recognized by the -congress at Albany in 1754. Proceedings, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxv. -64. - -[3] The exercise of the prerogative, as a cause of the Revolution, -finds its just prominence in Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, -_passim_. - -[4] Franklin thought differently. "The charters are sacred. Violate -them, and then the present bond of union (the kingly power over us) -will be broken." _Works_, iv. 296; Hutchinson, _History_, iii. 172. But -see Chalmers's _Opinions concerning Colonies_, Index, under _King_. - -[5] Its most serious invasion was when the Long Parliament, from -the necessity of the case, exercised sovereign powers,—that of the -prerogative among others. - -[6] There is a notable instance in the case of the judicial tenure. -By the British Constitution, the king is not only the fountain of -justice, but by a legal fiction he administers it in person, as James -I. once proposed to do; and on this theory of actual presence, he -chooses his representative and removes him at pleasure. It follows -that, when the king dies, the authority of his representative ceases. -And such was the case until the reign of William III., when it was -attempted to limit the king's prerogative, but with only partial -success. By 12 and 13 Will. III. ch. 2 (1701), the judicial tenure was -during good behavior instead of the king's pleasure. But George III., -a most strenuous asserter of his prerogative, in 1761, soon after his -accession, declared to the two Houses that he regarded the independence -of the judges as one of the best securities of the rights and liberties -of his subjects, and recommended that they should hold office, with -settled and permanent salaries, during good behavior, notwithstanding -the demise of the crown (_House Journal_, vol. xxviii. 1094); and -this became the law by I Geo. III. ch. 23. Constitutionally the king -sat in his provincial courts as well as in British courts, and his -surrender of the prerogative ought to have extended to the former. -That, however, was not the decision in 1763, when the New York Assembly -remonstrated at the appointment of Chief Justice Prat, to hold during -the king's pleasure, by whom his salary was paid. This caused great -dissatisfaction in the colonies, and in Massachusetts especially, in -1773, when the judges were paid by the king. The matter was not free -from practical difficulties. The king had rights to the revenue which -colonial juries would not respect; and consequently in 1698 Parliament -set up admiralty courts without juries. The king was also interested in -the administration of the civil and criminal law; but unless the judges -conducted themselves so as to suit the people, the representatives cut -down their salaries,—that is, starved them into compliance with the -popular will; consequently, the king thought it best not only to retain -but to use his prerogative, with respect to the appointment, tenure, -and pay of the provincial judges. - -[7] "Give me leave to ask you, young man, what it is you mean -by repeating to me so often, in every letter, the Spirit of the -Constitution?" (Dean Tucker, _Letter from a Merchant in London to his -Nephew in America_, 1766.) - -[8] This was Jefferson's position, but he said he could get only Wythe -to agree with him in the early days of the Revolution (_Writings_, -Boston ed., 1830, vol. i. 6). - -[9] "Why may not an American plead for the just prerogatives of -the crown?" (_Works_, iv. 218.) "The sovereignty of the crown I -understand. The sovereignty of the British legislature out of Britain -I do not understand" (_Ibid._, 208). "Our former kings governed their -colonies as they had governed their dominions in France, without the -participation of British Parliaments" (_Ibid._, 262). "America _is -not_ part of the dominions of England, but of _the king's dominions_" -(_Ibid._, 284). This theory he carried to the farthest extent, and -wrote that "when money is wanted of the colonies for any public -service, in which they ought to bear a part, call upon them by -requisitional letters from the crown (according to the long-established -custom) to grant such aids as their loyalty shall dictate and their -abilities permit" (_Ibid._, 156). - -[10] _Works_, x. 321. - -[11] _The Rights of Great Britain Asserted_, 82. - -[12] An American annual revenue of less than two thousand pounds cost -Great Britain between seven and eight thousand pounds a year (Bancroft, -orig, ed. v. 88, citing the Grenville Papers). - -[13] Vol. III. pp. 182, 267, and 381. - -[14] A summary of these acts may be found in Adam Smith's _Wealth of -Nations_, ii. 201; and they are discussed by John Adams in a series of -letters to William Tudor (_Works_, vol. x. _passim_). The first act -is understood to be a substantial reënactment of a law of the Long -Parliament in 1651, suggested by Sir George Downing, a native of New -England. - -[15] Such, at least, seems to be the effect of the words "in -English-built shipping", in the act of 1663, excluding those "of the -built and belonging to" the colonies which were permitted by the act -of 1660. But were the commodities and manufactures of England included -among those of "Europe" which could be exported to the colonies only in -English-built ships, or could the colonists send their own ships for -them? - -[16] From overlooking this option, this clause of the act has received -unmerited obloquy. It was simple justice to the British trader. - -[17] This legislation may be traced in the Table to the _Statutes at -Large_, vol. ix., title Plantations, and, in part, in John Adams's -_Works_, vol. x. 350, note. See also Franklin's _Works_, iv. 250, 400. - -[18] _Wealth of Nations_, vol. ii. 435. - -[19] _Colonial Policy_, vol. i. 7, 239. - -[20] Cf. on this point a paper by Charles Deane in the _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1886. - -[21] _Rights of Great Britain Asserted_, 87. But see Franklin's opinion -as to these bounties (_Works_, iv. 225). - -[22] Burke's _Works_, i. 457, Boston ed. - -[23] _Colonial Policy_, i. 156. - -[24] But see _Works_, iv. 301: "Depend upon it, the Americans are not -so impolitic as to neglect settlements for unprofitable manufactures; -but some manufactures may be more advantageous to some persons than the -cultivation of lands." - -[25] Burke's _European Settlements in America_, ch. vii.; _Works_, ix. -328. - -[26] See Franklin's "Rules for Reducing a Great Empire to a Small One", -in _Works_, iv. 387. - -[27] See Thacher's "Draft of an Address to the King and Parliament", in -_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, vol. xx. p. 49. - -[28] _Works_, x. 248. - -[29] The writs to which he attributed so much importance require -explanation. A vessel laden with dutiable goods ought to enter some -established port and manifest her cargo at the custom-house for payment -of duties. This the government justly demands, and with it the fair -trader readily complies. Not so the illicit trader. Before reaching -port he may discharge a portion of the cargo in some place remote from -the custom-house; or in a regular port, by connivance, he may secrete -a portion of it, and thus escape paying duties. In either case the -revenue officer needs a search-warrant for such goods. If he applies -to the court, he must set forth a general description of the goods -concealed and the place where, together with the names of witnesses. -This is recorded, and may be known to all parties interested. The -result is, that the informer subjects himself to private animosity and -public obloquy, and the goods meanwhile may be removed to some other -place. This process may be repeated indefinitely, with like results. -What the officer needs, therefore, is a general warrant, good for an -indefinite time, not returnable into the court, and authorizing search -of all suspected places at all hours of the day, for any dutiable goods -supposed to be concealed. This is a Writ of Assistance. Its formidable -nature is readily understood, and the objections to it are apparent. -It is like those General Warrants which made a great noise in England -in connection with John Wilkes (Campbell's _Lord Chancellors_, v. 207, -American ed.; _Parliamentary History, 1764_, vol. xv. 1393). They are -prohibited by the Bill of Rights in the Massachusetts Constitution, -drafted by John Adams, as infringing the right of the citizen to -protect his house from unreasonable search; and when the Constitution -of the United States, without a similar provision, was submitted to -the people, its absence was noticed, and the omission supplied by the -fourth amendment. Such writs are now in force in England (16 and 17 -Vict., ch. 107, sec. 221), but not in the United States. - -[30] 7 and 8 Wm. 3, ch. 22, sec. 5. - -[31] "BOSTON, Feb. 19th, 1753. Whereas, I am informed there still -continues to be carried on an illicit trade between Holland and -other parts of Europe, and the neighboring colonies, and that great -quantities of European and Asiatic commodities are clandestinely -brought from thence unto this port by land as well as by sea; and as -I am determined to use my utmost endeavors to prevent the carrying -on of a trade prejudicial to our mother country and detrimental to -the fair trader, I hereby again give this public notice that if any -person or persons will give me information where such goods are -concealed, that they may be proceeded against according to law, they, -upon condemnation, shall be very handsomely rewarded, and their names -concealed; and I hereby direct all the officers of the customs within -my district to be very vigilant in discovering and seizing all such -contraband goods. H. FRANKLAND, _Coll._" (Nason's _Frankland_, p. 44.) - -[32] Hutchinson, _History_, iii. 92. - -[33] Quincy's _Reports_, Appendix, 407. - -[34] It is of little consequence whether the merchants were instigated -by one Barons, a dismissed revenue officer, or by Otis, supposed to -have been influenced by the appointment of Hutchinson as Chief Justice -to the exclusion of his father, who had cherished expectations of -elevation to the bench on the first vacancy (Hutchinson, _History_, -iii. 86; Tudor's _Life of Otis_, 55; and John Adams's _Works_, x. 281). - -[35] Quincy's report, which is of the second hearing, Nov. 18, 1761, -gives little more than the authorities cited. Minot adds a point in -Gridley's argument (_History_, ii. 89). John Adams's notes, taken at -the first hearing in February, may be found in his _Works_, ii. 521, -and a more extended report, in Minot, _ut supra_, 91, and in Tudor's -_Life of Otis_, 63. See also John Adams's _Works_, vol. x. _passim_. - -[36] Horace Gray, Jr., sums up the whole matter in the following -paragraph: "A careful examination of the subject compels the conclusion -that the decision of Hutchinson and his associates has been too -strongly condemned as illegal, and that there was at least reasonable -ground for holding, as matter of mere law, that the British Parliament -had power to bind the colonies that even a statute contrary to the -Constitution could not be declared void by the judicial courts; that -by the English statutes, as practically construed by the courts in -England, Writs of Assistance might be general in form; that the -Superior Court of Judicature of the province had the power of the -English Court of Exchequer; and that the Writs of Assistance prayed -for, though contrary to the spirit of the English Constitution, could -hardly be refused by a provincial court, before general warrants had -been condemned in England, and before the Revolution had actually -begun in America. The remedy adopted by the colonies was to throw -off the yoke of Parliament; to confer on the judiciary the power to -declare unconstitutional statutes void; to declare general warrants -unconstitutional in express terms; and thus to put an end here to -general Writs of Assistance" (Quincy's _Reports_, Appendix, 540). - -[37] _Works_, x. 183. - -[38] Hutchinson, iii. 100. - -[39] Pownall's _Administration of the Colonies_, 3d ed., Appendix, iii. -40. - -[40] In 1763, when the Indians on the southern frontiers were menacing, -Gen. Gage required 750 men from Massachusetts to assist in a movement -against the Indians on the lakes. The House declined nor would it yield -even when the Secretary of State urged compliance (Minot's _History_, -ii. 142). But while Massachusetts refused the required assistance, -Connecticut, though reluctantly, granted it,—a fact of much -significance in respect to the reliability of voluntary contributions -for the common defence of the colonies. - -[41] More than 400 privateers had been fitted out from the colonial -ports, which had cruised against French property even as far as the -coast of France (Ramsay, _Amer. Rev._, i. 40). - -[42] Grahame, _Hist. U. S._, iv. 138. - -[43] See Vol. V. p. 613. - -[44] See Vol. V. p. 177. - -[45] In England, admiralty courts were without juries; but revenue -cases were tried in the Court of Exchequer, with juries. - -[46] Grahame gives a full and graphic account of these changes (_Hist. -U. S._, iv. 170). - -[47] "For some time before and after the termination of the war of -1755, a considerable intercourse had been carried on between the -British and Spanish colonies, consisting of the manufactures of Great -Britain imported by the former and sold to the latter, by which the -British colonies acquired gold and silver, and were enabled to make -remittances to the mother country" (Ramsay, _Amer. Rev._, i. 44). - -[48] _History_, ii. p. 147. - -[49] _Works_, x. 345. - -[50] The expression is Governor Bernard's in January, 1764 -(Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 123, note). The consequences -of breaking up the West India trade by the enforcement of the -navigation laws, and its influence upon the minds of the commercial -colonies, will more fully appear in the following facts. The sugar -colonies, being cultivated by slaves, afforded an insufficient -market for English manufactures. Consequently, the large ships which -were needed to bring off sugar and molasses were obliged to proceed -thither without profitable freight. But the Northern colonies, and New -England in particular, could supply the islands with the commodities -they needed,—cattle, horses, lumber for buildings, casks for sugar -and molasses. A cargo of these commodities sent to the islands was -exchanged for sugar and molasses, which were brought to New England; or -for bullion, which, with a cargo of sugar, was carried to Old England. -The freight money and bullion were exchanged for British merchandise, -which was brought to New England, thus making a profitable double -voyage. With her advantages of position and of profitable freight, New -England also became the carrier of the sugar of the French islands to -Spain. - -[51] As to illicit trade in Rhode Island, and the measures to prevent -it, see Bartlett's _Destruction of the Gaspee_, 6. - -[52] _History_, iii. 108. - -[53] _Ibid._, iii. 106. - -[54] _Hist. U. S._, final revision, iii. 73. Two things in the above -summary require explanation. Merchandise imported into England was -subject to heavy duties; but if it was reëxported to America, then -these duties, in whole or in part, were repaid to the importer, and the -result would be that the colonists could purchase wines and Continental -goods cheaper than could be done by British subjects at home. To -equalize this burden, and still to derive a revenue, these drawbacks -were reduced; and, of course, the British Exchequer would gain the -amount of this reduction. - -In the Treaty of 1763, two small islands, St. Pierre and Miquelon, -on the south coast of Newfoundland, were accorded to France for the -convenience of her fishing vessels. But they had been made ports of an -illicit trade with the American colonies. Hence the prohibition of all -trade with them. - -[55] Printed as an appendix to Otis's _Rights of the British Colonies_. - -[56] _Journal of the House_, 1764, 53. This paper was not Otis's -pamphlet with a similar title, though it may have been the substance of -it. See Frothingham, _Rise of the Republic_, 169, _n._ - -[57] _Ibid._, 66. - -[58] _Ibid._, p. 72. - -[59] The reader of Tudor's _Life of Otis_, 170, would infer that -Hutchinson was chosen agent at this time instead of in the January -preceding. _House Journal_, 1763-4, 236. - -[60] Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 112. - -[61] Minot's _History_, ii. 168. - -[62] _Mass. State Papers_, 18 _et seq._ - -[63] Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, p. 171. - -[64] Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 103. Two Americans, Franklin and -William S. Johnson, were reporting on the Wilkes turmoils in England, -at this time, to their home correspondents. Cf. Franklin's _Works_ -(Sparks's ed.), vii. 401, 403; Bigelow's _Life of F._, ii. 9; _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, xlix., 270 _et seq._ - -[65] Bancroft, _History_, v. 275. - -[66] These resolutions are in Ramsay, _Amer. Rev._, i. 59. - -[67] The proceedings, with the circular letter, may be found in the -_Mass. State Papers_, 35. - -[68] Of the colonies south of New England, South Carolina was the first -to agree to the proposed congress. Ramsay, _Amer. Rev._, i. 68. - -[69] Later, in December, he was compelled to renounce his office under -circumstances of special ignominy, from which his age and character -afforded no protection. - -[70] Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 184. - -[71] Frothingham gives a summary of these papers, with the names of the -committees who drafted them (_Rise of the Republic_, pp. 186, 187). - -[72] Though this day was observed in several colonies by the tolling of -bells, closing of shops, funeral processions, and other demonstrations -of hostility to the act, there was no violence (Ramsay, _Amer. Rev._, -i. 68, 70). - -[73] _Mass. State Papers_, 61. - -[74] _Parliamentary History_, xvi. 133 _et seq._ - -[75] _Mass. State Papers_, 81. - -[76] _Mass. State Papers_, 91, 92. - -[77] _Mass. State Papers_, 94. - -[78] _Parliamentary History_, vol. xvi. 359; _Prior Documents_, 134. -During the adjournment a double broadside had been issued, containing -the proposed bill for compensation, an extract from Secretary Conway's -letter to Governor Bernard, and letters from De Berdt, the agent, -advising compliance with the parliamentary recommendation. A copy is in -the Boston Public Library. - -[79] Mahon's _Hist. of Eng._, v. 81. - -[80] _Parliamentary History_, vol. xvi. 331. - -[81] Bradford, _History of Mass._, i. 97. - -[82] _Parliamentary Hist._, xvi. 375. - -[83] 7 Geo. III. ch. 41, _Statutes at Large_, vol. x. 340. - -[84] 7 Geo. III. ch. 46, _Ibid._, 369. Bancroft's account of these -Acts is not quite accurate (_History_, vi. 84, 85): "By another Act (7 -Geo. III. ch. xli.) a Board of Customs was established at Boston, and -general Writs of Assistance were legalized." The execution of the Laws -of Trade was placed under the direction of Commissioners of Customs, -"to reside in the said Plantations", where the king should direct,—not -localized at Boston. It was by ch. xlvi. sec. x., not xli., that Writs -of Assistance were legalized. But a more serious error is in the -statement that "Townshend's revenue was to be disposed of under the -sign-manual at the king's pleasure. This part of the system had no -limit as to time or place, and was intended as a perpetual menace." -This is far from being accurate. By section iv. it is provided that the -revenue arising from the act should be applied, in the first place, -"for the charge of the administration of justice, and the support of -_civil government_" in the colonies; and the residue was to be paid -into the receipt of the Exchequer, and entered separate and apart from -all other moneys, and reserved to be disposed _by Parliament_ for the -defence of the colonies. It was the civil administration alone that -could be paid by the king's warrant. The expense of the army could -be appropriated only by Parliament; and the difference is worthy of -attention. - -[85] It was reported at a town meeting held at Boston on October 28, -1767, in which James Otis presided, that Lynn, in the previous year, -had turned out forty thousand pairs of women's shoes,—an industry -which has since grown to very large proportions,—and that another town -had made thirty thousand yards of cloth (Frothingham's _Rise of the -Republic_, 208). - -[86] _Mass. State Papers_, 121, 124, 134. - -[87] The circular letter was not adopted without opposition. Bernard -says that the proposition was first rejected two to one; and after the -measure was finally carried, in order to give the appearance of greater -unanimity, the former proceedings of dissent were obliterated from the -journal (_Letters_, 8). - -[88] _Mass. State Papers_, 113. - -[89] Abstracts of these papers convey no adequate idea of their -strength. They must be read in their completeness, and so read, in -connection with Lord Mansfield's speech in the House of Lords, one sees -the arguments of each party stated at their best. - -[90] Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 188. - -[91] Gordon, i. 231. Governor Bernard has given an account of these -transactions in a series of letters addressed to Shelburne or -Hillsborough, and published in a collected volume. It is a graphic -narrative, in many cases of events in which he had participated, or -which he had learned from eye-witnesses. Apparently they are as fair -as other partisan accounts of the transactions, which may be found in -various histories. The truth yet waits to be told; but it will not be -accurately told by one who assigns all sublimated virtues to one party, -and the most malignant depravity to the other. - -[92] See Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 192, and 488 for the address. - -[93] _Mass. State Papers_, 156. - -[94] For a summary of these replies, see Frothingham's _Rise of the -Republic_, 213. - -[95] _Letters 41._ - -[96] _History_, iii. 196. - -[97] _Ibid._, iii. 197; see also Frothingham, 239. - -[98] _Letters 40._ - -[99] _Mass. State Papers_, 147. - -[100] Otis was chairman. On the first day several committees were -appointed: one to learn from Governor Bernard the grounds of his -apprehensions that additional regiments were expected; another to -present a petition for convening the General Court "with the utmost -speed;" and a third to take into consideration the state of public -affairs, and report salutary measures at an adjourned meeting. The -next day the governor replied that his information in regard to the -troops was private: when he had public letters on the subject he would -communicate them to the Council. As for calling another assembly, he -could do nothing without his majesty's commands. Whereupon a series of -resolutions and votes was passed to the effect that the inhabitants -of Boston would defend the king, the charter, and their own rights; -that levying of money within the province, or keeping a standing army, -except by consent of the General Assembly, was in violation of the -charter and of natural rights; that the several towns be asked (the -letter is in Hutchinson, iii. 492) to send delegates to a convention to -be held on the 22d; that on account of a "prevailing apprehension, in -the minds of many, of an approaching war with France", the inhabitants -be provided with arms; and that the ministers in town set apart a day -of fasting and prayer. A broadside of these proceedings was published, -of which a fac-simile is in the Boston Public Library. - -[101] Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 212. They were the Fourteenth, -Twenty-ninth, and part of the Fifty-ninth British regiments. - -[102] _Parliamentary History_, vol. xvi. 476 _et seq._; Mahon's -_History_, v. 240; Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 219. - -[103] W. S. Johnson, _Trumbull Papers_, 317. - -[104] Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 221. - -[105] _Ibid._, iii. 494. - -[106] _Writings_, i. 3 (Boston ed.). - -[107] North Carolina adopted resolutions similar to those of Virginia, -and associations were formed to prevent importation of British goods. -Ramsay, _Amer. Rev._, i. 84. - -[108] Part of the Sixty-fourth and Sixty-fifth regiments, under -Colonels Mackey and Pomeroy, arrived at Boston November 10th. - -[109] Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 233. - -[110] _Ibid._, vol. iii. 498. - -[111] He was created a baronet March 20, 1769 (Gordon, _History_, i. -275). - -[112] An unpublished letter of this date, from Charles Lloyd to George -Grenville, giving an account of the affair, is in the possession of the -writer. - -[113] W. S. Johnson, _Trumbull Papers_, 423. - -[114] May, 1770. "Agreeably to a vote of the town of Boston, Capt. -Scott sailed from thence this month for London, with the cargo of goods -he had brought from thence, contrary to the non-importation agreement; -to give evidence, on the other side the water, of the sincerity of said -agreement" (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, ii 44). - -[115] W. S. Johnson, _Trumbull Papers_, 421. The Minute of the Cabinet, -May 1, 1769, by which Hillsborough was authorized to make the promise -contained in his circular letter, may be seen in Mahon's _History of -England_, v. Appendix, xxxvii.; and the reasons upon which the minute -rests are both interesting and significant—"upon consideration of such -duties having been laid contrary to the _true principles of commerce_." - -[116] _Parliamentary History_, xvi. 855, 979 - -[117] W. S. Johnson, _Trumbull Papers_, 430. - -[118] W. S. Johnson, _Trumbull Papers_, 435. - -[119] _Parliamentary History_, xvi. 981 - -[120] _Ibid._, 1006. - -[121] W. S. Johnson, _Trumbull Papers_, 437. - -[122] _Administration of the Colonies._ - -[123] _Mass. State Papers_, 306. - -[124] Lossing's _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. 630. For a full -account of this affair, see Bartlett's _History of the Destruction of -the Gaspee_. - -[125] W. E. Foster's _Stephens Hopkins_, Pt. ii. 95. - -[126] Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 266. - -[127] For a full account of the formation and purpose of the Committee -of Correspondence, with the names of the Boston members, see -Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 263. - -[128] See resolutions and members of the committee in _Mass. State -Papers_, 400. - -[129] _History_, iii. 397. - -[130] Ramsay gives these resolutions. _Hist. Amer. Rev._, i. 98. - -[131] Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 294; Hutchinson's -_History_, iii. 441. - -[132] Hutchinson's _History_, iii. 441. - -[133] He died at Brompton, England, June 3, 1780. - -[134] Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 347. - -[135] The action of the other colonies in respect to the proposed -Continental Congress may be found in Frothingham's _Rise of the -Republic_, 331, n. - -[136] See authorities in _John Adams_, a pamphlet by the writer of this -chapter, 1884. - -[137] _Works_, iv. 109. I find in the works of no other writer, -historical or political, more accurate conceptions of the causes, -immediate and remote, of the Revolution, and so fair and judicial a -statement of them. _Works_, i. 24, 92. - -[138] Bancroft, v. 250. - -[139] See _Rights of Great Britain asserted against the claims of -America_ (London, 1776). - -[140] _Works_, x. 321. - -[141] _History_, ii. 43. - -[142] _Ibid._, vi. 85. - -[143] _Hist. N. E._, ii. 444. - -[144] New York, 1882 by Eben Greenough Scott. - -[145] In the absence of such a work, the student will find something -to his purpose in the _Hutchinson Papers_ (Prince Soc. ed.), ii. 150, -232, 265, 301, 313 _et passim_; _Andros Tracts_, ii. 69, 215, 224, 233 -_et passim_; Sewall's _Letters_, i. 4; Chalmers's _Political Annals_, -in the notes particularly, and in his _Introduction to the History -of the Revolt of the Colonies_; Palfrey, _Hist. New England_, ii. -444; iii. 276, 279, _n._ For the commerce and products of Virginia in -1671, and the effect of the navigation laws, see Chalmers's _Political -Annals_, 327; and in 1675, _Ibid._, 353, 354; and for duties imposed -on commerce by colonial assemblies, _Ibid._, 354, 404. For complaints -of British merchants to Charles II. of infractions of the navigation -laws by New England, _Ibid._, 400, 433, 437. See Ramsay's _American -Revolution_, i. 19, 22, 23, 45, 46, 49; and Franklin's _Works_, iv. 37, -for British trade with the colonies. Jefferson's _Notes_, 277, gives -the amount of Virginia exports just before the Revolution. _Queries and -Answers_, relative to the commerce of Connecticut in 1774 (_Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vii. 234), affords much interesting information as to shipping, -sailors, and importations from Great Britain, the course and subjects -of foreign trade of the colony. For similar papers relating to New -York, see O'Callaghan's _Documentary Hist. of New York_, 8vo ed., vol. -i. 145, 699, 709, 737, and vol. iv. 163. - -[146] _Works_, Boston ed., vol. ix. - -[147] _The Late Revelations Respecting the British Colonies_ (published -at Philadelphia, 1765, and attributed to John Dickinson) contains -valuable statistics of commerce, and discusses the British commercial -and revenue policy with great ability; also, _Considerations on the -Propriety of Imposing Taxes in the British Colonies_, attributed to -Daniel Dulaney, of Maryland, 1765; _The Right to the Tonnage_, by the -same, Annapolis, 1766. - -[148] Cf. Felt's _Massachusetts Currency_; Pownall's _Administration of -the Colonies_, 102 _et seq._ - -[149] _Hist. N. E._, iii. ch. ix. - -[150] Sewall says that the first admiralty court was held July 5, 1686, -and that several ships had been seized for trading contrary to the acts -(_Letters_, i. 34). Dudley was inaugurated May 26, 1686, and soon got -to the work of enforcing the laws. See also _Andros Tracts_, iii. 69. - -[151] The history of these writs is given, with a fulness and -accuracy which leaves nothing to be desired, in the Appendix to -_Quincy's Reports_, by Horace Gray, Jr. (now Mr. Justice Gray, of -the Supreme Court of the United States). Besides other sources of -unpublished information, in England and America, Mr. Gray had access -to the _Bernard Papers_ (now in Harvard University library); in his -administration these writs were legalized and efficiently used. - -[152] See Vol. V. p. 612. For more than a century in the government -of the colonies political considerations were subordinated to a -commercial policy; New England was favored during the Protectorate, -and Virginia after the Restoration, equally on political grounds. But -with the beginning of the French War this commercial policy began to -give way to an imperial policy. To the Congress of 1754 is due the -distinction of being the only body, among similar gatherings before -or since, which of its own motion seriously entertained and adopted a -project of bringing the colonies, as a unit, into defined relations -to the mother country, for general government in respect to their -defence. Nobody saw more clearly than Franklin, or has more explicitly -pointed out the necessity of some general government for the defence -of the colonies (_Works_, by Sparks, iii. 32 _et seq._); and to secure -these ends he was willing to go further, in some respects, even than -Hutchinson. He admitted the power and necessity of parliamentary action -in the alteration of colonial charters (_Works_, iii. 36). He provided -that the President-General should be appointed and his salary paid -by the crown (3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 70); that the Speaker should -be approved by the President-General, thus admitting the validity of -the prerogative (_Works_, iii. 44; and see Plan, that the assent of -the President-General should be requisite to all _acts_ of the Grand -Council, instead of all _laws_, as stated by Bancroft, iv. 123); and -that the Grand Council should have power to "lay and levy such general -duties, imposts, or taxes as to _them_ shall appear most equal and -just" (_Works_, iii. 50). Bancroft, in summarizing the Plan of Union, -drawn by Franklin, says (_Hist._, iv. 124) the general government -was empowered "to make laws and levy just and equitable taxes", thus -giving the impression that the powers of the Council were limited by -absolute justice and equity, or by what each colony should so judge. -But this is what Franklin neither meant nor said. He lodged the powers -in the sole discretion of the Council, which is quite a different -thing. Grenville or Townshend asked no more for Parliament. The General -Assembly of Connecticut knew what the words meant. In their reasons -for rejecting the proposed plan (I _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 212) they -say, "The proposal, in said plan contained, for the President-General -and Council to levy taxes, &c., _as they please_, throughout this -extensive government, is a very extraordinary thing, and against _the -rights and privileges of Englishmen_." Their objections to Franklin's -Plan read like an answer of the Massachusetts General Court, drawn by -Samuel Adams, to a message of Bernard. The governor and council of -Rhode Island had similar fears. They said that they found it to be "a -scheme which, if carried into execution, will virtually deprive this -government, at least, of some of its most valuable privileges, if -not effectually overturn and destroy our present happy constitution" -(_Rhode Island Hist. Tracts_, ix. 61). And that sturdy patriot, Stephen -Hopkins, who was associated with Franklin, Hutchinson, Pitkin, and -Howard in the Albany Plan, was subjected to much worry for invoking the -parliamentary authority in modifying the Rhode Island charter, and was -driven to self-vindication in A _True Representation_ (_Ibid._, I). -Whatever modifications Franklin's opinions may have undergone in later -years on other matters, "it was his opinion thirty years afterwards -that his plan was near the true medium" (_Works_, iii. 24, Sparks's -note). - -There is a plan of union in the handwriting of Thomas Hutchinson -(_Mass. Archives_, vi. 171, and in the _Trumbull MSS._, in Mass. Hist. -Soc., i. 97; and printed in Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, -Appendix) which probably expressed his sentiments in 1754, when it -was rejected by the General Court. Like Franklin, he was willing to -acknowledge and invoke the parliamentary authority for the union, with -the power in the Grand Council to levy such taxes as they deemed just -and equal; but, unlike Franklin, he did not allow the President to -negative the choice of the Speaker by the Grand Council. - -But no one wrote from a more varied experience, or more careful -examination of colonial constitutions, and of their possible relations -to the mother country, than Thomas Pownall. His connection with the -Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, as their secretary in 1745, -made him familiar with the difficulties of colonial administration -from the British point of view; and his successive administrations, -as lieutenant-governor, or governor, of New Jersey, Massachusetts, -and South Carolina from 1755 to 1761, extended his acquaintance with -the state of colonial affairs in the Northern, Middle, and Southern -colonies. He was a moderate Whig, and, like all moderate men in those -days, his counsels were duly regarded by neither party. He embodied -his views in a work entitled _The Administration of the Colonies_, -which passed through several editions. His scheme was elaborate and -wise, if his concurrence with Franklin in points which they treat in -common may be regarded as a test of wisdom. His commercial scheme was -predicated on the general law that colonial trade follows capital, and, -while sharing the benefits, pays profit to it. He would have left that -trade free to develop itself within certain limits; but inasmuch as it -must tend somewhere,—to the English, French, or Dutch,—he thought it -right that the trade of English colonies should pay profit to England, -as the country whose navy defended it, and by whose capital it was -developed. But England ought to grasp this trade only as the centre -of a commercial dominion of which America was a part and entitled to -parliamentary representation, which he thought practicable. In theory -he acknowledged the prerogative of the crown in respect to colonial -government, but recognized the necessity of parliamentary intervention, -and would have reduced both to cases of actual necessity, and would -always have subordinated the question of power to the dictates of -reason and expediency. - -[153] See letter of Pownall to Franklin, on this subject, and -Franklin's remarks (_Works_, iv. 199). - -[154] See the whole passage, not often quoted by historians, in -Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 149, _n._ - -[155] Sidney S. Rider (_Rhode Island Hist. Tracts_, 9, xxx.) denies -that Rhode Island rejected the Plan, as affirmed by Sparks. - -[156] _Massachusetts State Papers._ - -[157] Published at Boston in 1818, and edited by Alden Bradford. It is -often quoted as _Mass. State Papers_. The answers were chiefly from the -industrious pen of Samuel Adams. - -[158] _Journals of the House of Lords_, xxxiv. 124. - -[159] _Works_, iv. 466. - -[160] _Memoir of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 355. - -[161] _History_, vi. p. 244. - -[162] _Hist. of the Revolution_, i. 175. - -[163] What we know of this speech is derived mainly from the notes of -it taken by John Adams (_Works_, ii. 521-525), and from the reminiscent -account of it which Adams gave to William Tudor in 1818, with his -description of the scene in court during its delivery. Minot, in his -_Hist. of Massachusetts_, 1748-1765 (vol. ii. 91-99), worked up these -notes, and they form the basis of the narrative in Tudor's _Life of -Otis_ (p. 62). The legal aspects have been specially examined by -Horace Gray in an appendix to the _Reports of Cases in the Superior -Court 1761-1772, by Josiah Quincy, Jr., printed from his original -manuscripts, and edited by Samuel M. Quincy_ (Boston, 1865). Cf. _John -Adams's Works_, x. pp. 182, 233, 244, 274, 314, 317, 338, 342, 362. -Cf. also _Ibid._, vol. i. p. 58; ii. 124, 521; and the Adams-Warren -Correspondence in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 340, 355. Cf. also -Hutchinson's _Mass. Bay_, vol. iii.; _Essex Institute Hist. Coll._, -Aug., 1860; Bancroft's _United States_, ii. 546, 553; Thornton's -_Pulpit of the Rev._, 112; Barry's _Massachusetts_, ii. 264; Everett's -_Orations_, i. 388; Scott's _Constitutional Liberty_, 237; _Mem. Hist. -Boston_, iii. 5; Palfrey's _Compend. Hist. N. E._, iv. 306; Wells's -_Sam. Adams_, i. 43. There is a copy of one of these writs in the -cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. W. S. Johnson wrote to Governor -Trumbull that the process was in vogue in England (_Trumbull Papers_; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xlix. pp. 292, 374), as it is to-day. The -most conspicuous instance of an attempt to search under these writs was -when the officers tried to enter the house of Daniel Malcom in Oct., -1766, and were forcibly resisted. The papers connected with this, as -transmitted to London, and telling the story on both sides, are among -the _Lee Papers_ in Harvard College library (vol. i. nos. 14-25). - -[164] Sabin, xiv. p. 84. Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 559; _John Adams_, x. -p. 300. Lecky skilfully sketches the condition of the colonies at this -time (_England in the Eighteenth Century_, iii. ch. 12), and Lodge's -_Short Hist. of the English Colonies_ depicts, under the heads of the -various colonies, the prevailing characteristics. - -[165] Dickinson's speech in the Assembly, May 24, 1764, passed through -two editions (Philad., 1764), and was reprinted in London (1764). -(Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,387-88.) Galloway's _Speech in Answer_ -(Philad., 1764; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,395) was reprinted in London -(1765), with a preface by Franklin (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,452), and -Dickinson's _Reply_ was printed in London, 1765 (Carter-Brown, iii. -1,444). Dickinson's speech is also in his _Works_ (i. p. 1). Cf. -_Franklin's Works_, iv. pp. 78, 101, 143. - -[166] _Rise of the Republic_, p. 167. - -[167] It is analyzed in _John Adams's Works_ (x. 293), and in -Frothingham, p. 169. It was published in Boston in 1765, and in London -the same year, by Almon, and was circulated through the instrumentality -of Thomas Hollis (Sabin, xiv. p. 83). - -[168] _John Adams's Works_, x. 189. Cf. Palfrey, _New England_ -(Compend. ed., iv. 343), and Tudor's _Otis_. See _ante_, p. 28. - -[169] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,456; Sabin, viii. no. 32,966; _Cooke -Catalogue_, no. 1,202. It was reprinted in London in 1766, at the -instigation of the Rhode Island agent, as _The Grievances of the -American Colonies carefully examined_ (Sparks, no. 1,272; Cooke, no. -1,203). There is a reprint in the _R. I. Col. Records_, vi. 416. The -London text is followed in Selim H. Peabody's _American Patriotism_ -(N. Y., 1880). The original edition of all was published by order of -the R. I. Assembly in 1764, but no copy is known. Cf. Wm. E. Foster's -_Stephen Hopkins, a Rhode Island Statesman; study in the political -history of the eighteenth century_ (Providence, 1884,—no. 19 of _R. I. -Hist. Tracts_), who examines (ii. p. 227) the claims of Hopkins to its -authorship, for the tract was printed anonymously. Cf. Frothingham's -_Rise of the Republic_, p. 172; Palfrey's _New England_ (Compend. -ed.), iv. 369. Hopkins's tract was controverted in a _Letter from a -gentleman at Halifax_ (Newport, 1765,—Sabin, x. 40,281); and James -Otis replied in a _Vindication of the British Colonies against the -aspersions of the Halifax gentleman_ (Boston, 1765; Carter-Brown, iii. -no. 1,480); and this in turn was followed by a _Defence of the Letter_, -etc. (Newport, 1765), and _Brief Remarks_ (Brinley, i. nos. 190, 198). -A tract usually cited by a similar title, but which was called at -length _Coloniæ Anglicanæ illustratæ: or the Acquest of dominion and -the plantation of Colonies made by the English in America, with the -rights of the Colonists examined, stated, and illustrated. Part I._ -(London, 1762; Sabin, ii. 6,209; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,314) was never -completed, and was mostly occupied with irrelevant matter. Its author -was William Bollan, who was dismissed as the Massachusetts agent during -that same year, and John Adams (x. 355) says he scarce ever knew a book -so utterly despised. Otis (Tudor, p. 114) expressed his contempt for it -(Sabin, ii. p. 265-6). - -[170] _Reasons why the Brit. Colonies in America should not be charged -with internal taxes_, etc. (New Haven, 1764). It is reprinted in _Conn. -Col. Records_, vol. xii. Cf. Pitkin's _United States_, i. 165, and -Ingersoll's _Letters_, p. 2. - -[171] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,427. _John Adams's Works_, iv. 129; x. -292. Palfrey, iv. 349. Thacher died in 1765, aged 45 years. - -[172] Mayhew had early sounded the alarm, and Thornton begins his -_Pulpit of the Revolution_ with a reprint of Mayhew's sermon in 1750 -on _Unlimited submission and non-resistance to the higher powers_ -(Boston, 1750; again, 1818; Brinley, no. 1,529). The controversy -with Apthorpe, who was settled over Christ Church in Cambridge, as -representative of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in -Foreign Parts, began with his _Considerations on the institution and -conduct of the Society_, etc. (Boston, 1763), to which Mayhew responded -in his _Observations on the charter and conduct of the Society_, etc., -_designed to show their non-conformity to each other_ (Boston, 1763; -London, 1763; Stevens's _Hist. Coll._, i. no. 383; Haven, p. 564). -Dr. Caner, of King's Chapel, Boston, replied in _A Candid Examination -of Dr. Mayhew's Observations_, etc. (Boston, 1763). Another _Answer_ -(London, 1764) was perhaps by Apthorpe. Mayhew published _A Defence -of his Observations_ (Boston, 1763), and a second defence, called -_Remarks_, etc. (Boston, 1764; London, 1765), which was followed by -a _Review_ by Apthorpe (London, 1765). These and other tracts of the -controversy are recorded in Stevens's _Hist. Coll._, i. nos. 378-391; -in Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,433, 1,465; in Haven's list, pp. 562, 564, -565. - -[Illustration] - -A later controversy, between Thomas Bradbury Chandler and Charles -Chauncy, produced other tracts printed in New York, Philad., and Boston -(1767-68). Cf. Brinley, iv. nos. 6, 127-31, and Haven's list; and for -these religious controversies, Thornton's _Pulpit_, p. 109; Lecky, iii. -435; Palfrey's _New England_ (Compend. ed., iv. 324); E. H. Gillett -in _Hist. Mag._, Oct., 1870; Perry's _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. 395; -Gambrall's _Church life in Colonial Maryland_ (1885); O. S. Straus's -_Origin of Repub. form of gov't in the U. S._ (1885), ch. 3 and 7; -_Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv. 198, 202. - -[173] Cf. Bancroft (original ed., ii. 353; vi. 9); _Adams's Works_ (x. -236); _Dawson's Sons of Liberty in N. Y._ (p. 42); Barry's _Mass._ -(ii. 252-255); _Scott's Development of Constitutional Liberty_ (pp. -189-214). In 1764 courts of vice-admiralty for British America had -been established (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 291), and the sugar -act passed, placing a duty on molasses, etc.,—a modification of the -act of 1733. "I know not", wrote John Adams in 1818, "why we should -blush to confess that molasses was an essential ingredient in American -independence." _John Adams's Works_, x. 345. - -[174] _Ames's Almanac_ for 1766 has this notice: "Price before the -Stamp Act takes place, half-a-dollar per dozen, and six coppers single; -after the act takes place, more than double that price." The act was -called, _Anno regni Georgii III. regis Magnæ Britanniæ, Franciæ, & -Hiberniæ, quinto. 1765. An act for granting and applying certain stamp -duties, and other duties in the British colonies and plantations in -America, towards defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and -securing the same_ [etc.]. It was reprinted at once in Boston, New -London, New York, and Philadelphia, and will be found in the official -records and in various modern books like Spencer's _Hist. U. S._ (i. -274), etc. The stamps are found in various cabinets (_Catal. Mass. -Hist. Soc. Cab._, pp. 104, 118, 123, 125), and cuts of the stamp are -found in _Mem. Hist. Boston_ (iii. 12), Thornton's _Pulpit of the -Rev._, etc. - -[175] Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., v. 151. There was a proposition for a -colonial stamp act in a tract published in London in 1755, called _A -Miscellaneous Essay concerning the courses pursued by Great Britain in -the affairs of the Colonies_ (London, 1755). - -[176] Lecky, _England in the Eighteenth Cent._ (iii. 324). Mahon (v. -86) quotes Burke's speech of 1774 as proving the small interest in the -debate of 1765, and thinks that Walpole's failure to mention the debate -in his letters proves the truth of Burke's recollections. Adolphus -had earlier relied on Burke. Mahon even intimates that Barré's famous -speech was an interpolation in the later accounts; but the _Letters_ -printed by Jared Ingersoll show that it was delivered. (Cf. _Palfrey's -Review of Mahon_.) The _Parliamentary History_ says that Barré's speech -was in reply to Grenville; but Ingersoll says Charles Townshend was the -speaker who provoked it. Cf. Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_ (p. -175); Ryerson's _Loyalists_ (i. 294); H. F. Elliot on "Barré and his -Times" in _Macmillan's Mag._, xxxv. 109 (Dec., 1876); and _Hist. MSS. -Com. Report_, viii. pp. 189, 190. - -It was in the speech of Feb. 6, 1765, that Barré applied the words -"Sons of Liberty" to the patriots in America, which they readily -adopted (Bancroft, v. 240; Thornton's _Pulpit_, 131). Dr. J. H. -Trumbull, in a paper, "Sons of Liberty in 1755", published in the -_New Englander_, vol. xxxv. (1876), showed that the term had ten -years earlier been applied in Connecticut to organizations to advance -theological liberty. It is also sometimes said that the popular -party at the time of the Zenger trial had adopted the name. The new -organization embraced the young and ardent rather than the older and -more prudent patriots, and at a later period they became the prime -abettors of the non-importation movements. For their correspondence -in New England, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (x. 324) and the Belknap -Papers (MSS., iii. p. 110, etc.) in the Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. A -list of those dining together in 1769 at Dorchester is given in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, Aug., 1869. The correspondence of those in Boston -with John Wilkes, 1768-69, is noted in the _Brit. Mus. Catal._, Add. -MSS. 30,870, ff. 45, 46, 75, 135, 222. H. B. Dawson's _Sons of Liberty -in N. Y._ was privately printed in N. Y., 1859. - -[177] A letter of Aug. 11, 1764, from Halifax had forewarned the -colonial governors of the intention (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 646; _N. -J. Archives_, ix. 448). - -[178] Thomas's _Hist. of Printing_, Am. Antiq. Soc. ed., ii. -223; Sargent's _Dealings with the Dead_, i. 140, 144; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, i. 466; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 159; Thomas Paine's -"Liberty Tree Ballad" in the _Penna. Mag._, July, 1775; and Moore's -_Songs and Ballads of the Rev._, p. 18. The selecting of a large tree -and its dedication to the cause became general. Cf. Silas Downer's -_Discourse, July 25, 1768, at dedication of a tree of liberty in -Providence_ (Providence, 1768), and the _Providence Gazette_, July 30, -1768 (Sabin, v. 20, 767; J. R. Bartlett's _Bibliog. of R. I._, p. 112; -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,622). - -[179] Hutchinson had expressed disapproval of the Stamp Act; but -doubting its expediency did not affect his judgment of the necessity -of enforcing it (P. O. Hutchinson, i. 577; ii. 58). On the destruction -of his house, see his own statement in P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor -Hutchinson_, i. 70, 72, and his letter, dated Aug. 30, 1765, in the -_Mass. Archives_, xxvi. 146, printed in the _Mass. Senate Docs._ (1870, -no. 187, p. 3). He says: "The lieutenant-governor, with his children, -lodged the next night at the Castle, but after that in his house at -Milton, though not without apprehension of Danger." Quincy's diary -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 47) preserves Hutchinson's speech, -when a few days later he took his seat on the bench, clad with such -clothing as was left to him. Cf. the accounts in _Boston Newsletter_, -Sept. 3, 1765; _Parliamentary History_, iv. 316; _Conduct of a late -Administration_, 102; _Memorial Hist. Boston_, iii. 14, etc.; _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1862, p. 364. - -[180] _Boston Town Records, 1758-1769_, p. 152 (_Rec. Com. Rept._, -xvi.). - -[181] These papers are given in Hutchinson's _Mass. Bay_ (iii. 467, -471, 476). Samuel Dexter was the head of the committee to draft the -reply of the assembly, but it is thought Sam. Adams wrote the paper -(Bancroft, v. 347). Cf. _Speeches of the Governors of Mass., 1765-1775, -and the answers of the House of Representatives, with other public -papers relating to the dispute between this Country and Great Britain_ -(Boston, 1818). This collection was edited by Alden Bradford, and is -sometimes cited by historians as "Bradford's Collection", "Mass. State -Papers", etc. - -There is a portrait of Dexter (b. 1726; d. 1810) by Copley, and a -photograph of it in Daniel Goodwin, Jr.'s _Provincial Pictures_ -(Chicago, 1886). - -[182] There is a likeness of Andrew Oliver, by Copley, in the -possession of Dr. F. E. Oliver; and a photograph of it is in the -cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society (Perkins's _Copley_, p. 90), and -in P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_ (vol. ii. 17); and a -woodcut in _Mem. Hist. Boston_ (iii. 43). Another portrait, by N. -Emmons (1728), is given in a photograph in P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor -Hutchinson_ (i. 129). - -[183] This paper is preserved, and a fac-simile is given in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1872, and in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_ (iii. -15). Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., v. 375, etc. - -For other accounts of the feelings and proceedings in Boston and -Massachusetts, see a letter of Joshua Henshaw, in _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._ (1878, p. 268), and the histories of Boston by Snow and -Drake; Tudor's Otis; _John Adams's Works_ (iii. 465; x. 192, 197); -_Adams-Warren Correspondence_, p. 341; Frothingham's _Warren_; Loring's -_Hundred Boston Orators_, p. 50; the instructions of Lexington, in -Hudson's _Lexington_, p. 88; the instructions of Braintree, in _John -Adams's Works_, iii. 465, and many other similar documents; beside Dr. -Benjamin Church's poem, _The Times_ (Boston Pub. Library, H. 95, 117, -no. 3). - -[184] Bancroft, orig. ed., v. ch. 14; _Boston Rec. Com. Rept._, xvi. -p.155. - -[185] For details, see— - -For New Hampshire, a letter from Portsmouth, Jan. 13, 1766, to the New -Hampshire agent in London, in the Belknap MSS. (Mass. Hist. Soc., 61, -C. p. 108). - -For Connecticut, Stuart's _Governor Trumbull_; Jared Ingersoll's -_Letters relating to the Stamp Act_ (New Haven, 1766); and some tracts -by Governor Fitch (_Brinley Catal._, nos. 2,116-2,118). - -For New York, the _Journal of the N. Y. Assembly_; histories of the -City and State of New York; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 770; _N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, 1876; Lossing's _Schuyler_, i. 203; Leake's _Lamb_, ch. -2-4; a long and interesting letter from Wm. Smith to Geo. Whitefield -in _Hist. MSS. Com. Rept._, ii. (Dartmouth Papers); a letter of R. R. -Livingston to General Monckton, in _Aspinwall Papers_, ii. 554; _Penna. -Mag. of Hist._, ii. 296; J. A. Stevens in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, June, -1777 (i. 337), and on "Old Coffee-Houses" in _Harper's Monthly_, lxiv. -p. 493 (see view of Burns's Coffee-house, the headquarters of the Sons -of Liberty, in Valentine's _Manual of N. Y. City_, 1858, p. 588; 1864, -pp. 513, 514; and in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 456); and Dawson's -_Sons of Liberty_ in N. Y. - -For New Jersey, letter of Governor Franklin to Lords of Trade, in _N. -J. Archives_, ix. 499, with other papers. - -For Pennsylvania, Sparks's _Franklin_, vii. 297, 303, 307, 308, -310-13, 317-19, 328; the account in the _Penna. Gazette_, no. 1,239, -Supplement, reprinted in Hazard's _Reg. of Penna._, ii. 243; Watson's -_Annals of Philad._, vol. ii.; Muhlenberg's journal in _Penna. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, vol. i. 78; Wallace's _Col. Bradford_, p. 95. - -For Delaware, _Life of Geo. Read_, p. 30. - -For Maryland, the Gilmor Papers in the Maryland Hist. Soc. -library, vol. iii., division 2; and references in vol. xi. of the -Stevens-Peabody index of Maryland MSS. - -For Virginia, the Resolves (May 29th) of the Assembly (to which Patrick -Henry made his bold speech), given in Hutchinson's _Mass._, iii., App. -p. 466; Geo. Tucker's _United States_, i., App., and cf. _Franklin's -Works_, vii. 298; C. R. Hildeburn in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, ii. 296; -_Huguenot Family_, p. 424; Ryerson's _Loyalists_, i. 286; and Randall's -_Jefferson_, i. ch. 2. - -For North Carolina, J. H. Wheeler's _Reminiscences and Memoir of No. -Carolina_ (1884). - -For South Carolina, R. W. Gibbs's _Doc. Hist. of the Amer. Rev._, p. 1; -Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 319; _Charleston Year-Book_, -1885, p. 331, with a fac-simile of broadside of schedule of stamps; -Ramsay's _South Carolina_; Flanders's _Rutledge_, p. 456. There are in -the _Sparks MSS._ (xliii. vol. iv.) various official letters of the -governors of the different colonies to the home government. Gage's -reminiscent letter to Chalmers is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._ (xxxiv. -367, etc.); and other letters are in the _Hist. Mag._ (May, 1862, vol. -vi. 137). - -[186] Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (iii. 341), for a view of the hall. - -[187] _Authentic Account of the proceedings of the Congress held in -New York in 1765 on the subject of the American Stamp Act_ (Philad., -1767; Lond., 1767; Philad., 1813; in Almon's _Tracts_, 1773; in Niles's -_Principles and Acts_, 1876, p. 155,—see Sabin, xiii. nos. 53,537, -etc.); _Journal of the first Congress of the American Colonies, N. -Y., Oct. 7, 1775, ed. by Lewis Cruger_ (Sabin, iv. 15,541). They -passed a declaration of rights, an address to the king, a memorial to -the lords, and a petition to the commons. (Cf. Hutchinson's _Mass._, -vol. iii., App. pp. 479, 481, 483, 485; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. -87, 89; H. W. Preston's _Docs. illus. Amer. Hist._,1886). John Adams -and McKean at a later day exchanged memories of the Congress (_John -Adams's Works_, x. 60, 63). Beardsley, in his _W. S. Johnson_ (p. 32), -explains the position of that member for Connecticut. Cf., among the -general writers, Bancroft, v. ch. 18; N. C. Towle, _Hist. and Analysis -of the Constitution_, 307; Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 185; -Palfrey's _New England_, iv. 399; Barry's _Mass._, ii. 304; Dunlap's -_New York_, i. 416; Green's _Hist. View of the Amer. Rev._, 72; Lossing -in _Harper's Monthly_, xxvi. 34, and Mahon's _England_, v. 126. - -Timothy Ruggles (b. 1711), who later joined the Tories, was chosen -president by a single vote. Cf. sketch in _Worcester Mag._ (1826), vol. -ii., p. 54, and Sabine's _Amer. Loyalists_. - -[188] _Works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Lib._, p. 20; -Bancroft, orig. ed., v. 306; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, viii. 426, and -x. 220; Sparks's _Franklin_, i. 290; iv. 156, 161, 206; vii. 281; x. -429-32; Parton's _Franklin_, i. 436. The grounds of the accusation -against Franklin are discussed in a correspondence of Franklin with -Dean Tucker (Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 518; Bigelow's _Franklin_, i. -460-466), and Tucker so far admitted his error as to omit the passage. - -[189] Smyth's _Lectures_, ii. 383. - -[190] _The Examination of Franklin_ [before the House of Commons] -_relative to the repeal of the American Stamp Act in 1766_ -(Williamsburg, n. d.; London, 1766; Philad.? 1766?; n. p. and n. d.; -London, 1767—the titles vary in some of these editions). The report is -also in Almon's _Prior Documents_ (London, 1777, pp. 64-81; Sparks's -_Franklin_ (iv. p. 161; cf. vii. 311, 328); Bigelow's _Franklin_, i. -467); Bancroft, v. 428; Ryerson, i. 308. - -[191] In recording the debates in Parliament, Bancroft (orig. ed., v. -383, 415) used the accounts in the _Political Debates_, in Walpole's -_Letters_, the _précis_ in the French archives, the report set down -by Moffat of Rhode Island, and the copious extracts made by Garth, -a member, who sent his notes to South Carolina. William Strahan's -account is given in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, April, 1886, p. 95. -It is said in P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_ (i. 288) that -Pitt was in doubt at first which side to take. Cf. lives of Pitt and -editions of his speeches, and the comment in Mahon, v. 133, 138, and -Ryerson, i. 302. Smyth (ii. 365) considers the protest of the lords -against the repeal (_Protests of the Lords_, ed. by J. E. T. Rogers, -ii. 77) the best exposition of the government view of taxation. For -a Paris edition of this _Protests_, with Franklin's marginal notes, -see _Brinley Catal._, no. 3,219. See also, for English comment, -Fitzmaurice's _Shelburne_ (i. ch. 7), and Lecky, (iii. 344); and for -American, Bancroft, v. 421, 450; _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 19; and -in _Franklin's Works_ (iv. 156; vii. 308, 317). - -There were rumors of the coming repeal in Boston as early as April 1st -(Thornton's _Pulpit_, 120), but the confirmation came May 16th, when -public rejoicing soon followed, and on a Thanksgiving, July 24, Charles -Chauncy delivered a _Discourse_ in Boston (Boston, 1766; reprinted by -Thornton, p. 105). The _Boon Catalogue_ (no. 2,949) and others show -numerous sermons in commemoration of the repeal; and the public prints -give the occasional ballads (F. Moore's _Songs and Ballads_, p. 22). - -The town of Boston ordered portraits of Conway and Barré to be painted, -and the pictures hung in Faneuil Hall till the British made way with -them during the siege (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii, 181). There is a head -of Conway in the _European Mag._ (i. 159), and another in the _London -Mag._, April, 1782. - -The Mass. Assembly, June 20th, thanked Pitt. Cf. _Mass. State Papers_, -by Bradford, pp. 10, 92. For the general scope of the whole period -of the Stamp Act turmoil, see, on the American side, beside the -contemporary newspapers, Tudor's _Otis_, ch. 14; Bancroft, v. ch. -11, etc.; Gay, iii. 338; Palfrey, iv. 375; Barry, ii. ch. 10; E. G. -Scott's _Constitutional Liberty_, p. 253; Irving's _Washington_, i. -ch. 28; Parton's _Franklin_, i. 459-483; Bigelow's _Franklin_, i. 457; -Thornton's _Pulpit_, etc., 133; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 463; ii. -877. Sparks made sketches and notes for a history of the Stamp Act, -which are in the _Sparks MSS._, no. xliv. On the English side, beside -the acts themselves and the current press, the _Annual Register_, -_Gentleman's Mag._, etc., see Le Marchant's _George the Third by -Walpole_, ii. 217, 236, 260, 277; the _Pictorial Hist. England_; Mahon; -Massey; C. D. Yonge's _Constitutional Hist. England_, ch. 3; Sir Thomas -Erskine May's _Const. Hist. England_, ii. 550-562; _Rockingham and his -Contemporaries_, i. 250; Fitzmaurice's _Shelburne_, i. 319; Macknight's -_Burke_, i. ch. 10, 11; J. C. Earle's _English Premiers_ (London, -1871), vol. i. ch. 5; Smyth's _Lectures_, ii. 379, 423; Lecky, iii. -314, 340 ("Every farthing which it was intended to raise in America, it -was intended also to spend there"), and Ryerson's _Loyalists_, i. ch. -10. - -[192] There was a _History of Amer. Taxation from 1763_, published -in a third ed. at Dublin in 1775 (Sabin, vii. 32,125). Franklin -contended that at this time taxation of the colonies was a popular -idea in England (_Works_, vii. 350), while Smyth found that at a later -day (_Lectures_, ii. 371) he could get sympathy in speaking of "the -miserable, mortifying, melancholy facts of our dispute with America." -See synopsis of the arguments _pro et con_ in _Life of George Read_, -76; Palfrey, iv. 327; Smyth's _Lectures_, ii. 471; Green's _Hist. -View_, 55; Gardiner and Mullinger's _Eng. Hist. for Students_ (N. Y., -1881), p. 183. Cf. also Bigelow's _Franklin_, i. 515; Foster's _Stephen -Hopkins_, ii. 244. - -A few of the most indicative tracts on the subject may be mentioned:— - -Soame Jenyns's _Objections to the Taxation of our American Colonies -briefly considered_ (London, 1765; also in his _Works_, 1790, vol. ii. -p. 189), which was answered in James Otis's _Considerations on behalf -of the British Colonies_, dated Boston, Sept. 4, 1765 (Boston and -London, 1765). - -George Grenville is credited with the authorship of _The Regulations -lately made concerning the Colonies and the taxes imposed upon them -considered_ (London, 1765,—Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,472; _Sparks -Catal._, p. 83). - -William Knox, the agent of Georgia, printed _The Claim of the Colonies -to exemption from internal taxes imposed by authority of Parliament -examined_ (Lond., 1765). The _Brinley Catal._, no. 3,218, shows -Franklin's copy, with his annotations. - -Daniel Dulaney's _Considerations on the propriety of imposing taxes -in the British Colonies for the purpose of raising a revenue by Act -of Parliament_ (North America, 1765; Annapolis, 1765; New York, 1765; -London, 1766) is in most copies without the author's name. (Cf. Sabin, -v. no. 21,170; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,438-39, 1,503; Brinley, i. -no. 188; also Frothingham's _Rise of the Repub._, p. 194, and _Chatham -Correspondence_, iii. 192.) - -_The late regulations respecting the British colonies in America -considered in a letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia to his friend -in London_ (Philad., 1765; Lond., 1765) is usually said to have been by -John Dickinson. It is included in his _Political Writings_, vol. i. A -brief tract of two pages, _A denunciation of the Stamp Act_ (Philad., -1765), is also said to be Dickinson's. - -The right of Parliament is sustained, but the Stamp Act as a measure -condemned, in _A letter to a member of Parliament wherein the power of -the British legislature and the case of the colonists are briefly and -impartially considered_ (London, 1765,—Sabin, x. 40,406; Carter-Brown, -iii. 1,462). - -_Objections to the taxation of our American Colonies briefly -considered_ (Lond., 1765). - -See also Charles Thomson's letter to Cook, Laurence & Co., Nov. 9, -1765, in _N. Y. Hist. Society Coll._ (1878, p. 7). - -[193] The first is a _Letter from a merchant in London to his nephew -in No. America relative to the present posture of affairs in the -Colonies_ (Lond., 1766), and the last _A series of answers to certain -popular objections against separating from the rebellious colonies and -discarding them entirely: being the concluding tract of the Dean of -Gloucester on the subject of American affairs_ (Gloucester, 1776). The -dean's plan of separation is best unfolded, however, in his _Humble -Address and Ernest appeal_ (London, 1775; 3rd ed., corrected, 1776). -The views of Tucker are given synoptically by Smyth (_Lectures_, ii. -392), Lecky (iii. 421), Hildreth (iii. 58). If Haven's list is correct, -only two of Tucker's tracts were reprinted in the colonies. Cf. -_Menzies Catal._, no. 1,997. The letters of Franklin and Wm. S. Johnson -reflect opinions in England at this time. - -[194] Published in London in 1767, two editions; Boston, 1767; also in -Almon's _Tracts_, vol. iii. Cf. Sabin, iv. nos. 15,202-3; Brinley, iii. -p. 185; Carter-Brown, iii., no. 1,498. 18 It is sometimes attributed -to C. Jenkinson. The published tracts of 1766 are enumerated in -Carter-Brown and Haven under 1766; in Cooke, 1,336, 1,929, 1,934; in -Brinley, i. p. 21; ii. p. 154; and in Sabin, under the authors' names. - -During 1767 also there was something of a flurry in the religious part -of the community induced by a sermon (London, 1767) which the Bishop -of Landaff had preached before the Society for the Propagation of the -Gospel in Foreign Parts, in Feb., in which he had styled the Americans -"infidels and barbarians." William Livingston, of New York, addressed a -_Letter to the Bishop_ (London, 1768), and Charles Chauncy, of Boston, -published a _Letter to a friend_ (Boston, 1767), in which the bishop -was taken to task, while an anonymous friend undertook a _Vindication -of the Bishop_ (New York, 1768). Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,585, -1,629, 1,630. - -The other tracts of 1767 are not numerous. Cf. Carter-Brown, and Haven -under 1767. - -[195] Sabin, xiv. 61,646. - -[196] _Rec. Com. Rept._, xvi. p. 22. - -[197] Following a copy in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. - -[198] Franklin (Sparks), vii. 371, 373, 376, 378, 387; (Bigelow), i. -551, 556. The resolutions were printed in the public prints, in _Ames's -Almanac_ (1768), etc. - -[199] For the movements in Boston, see Frothingham's "Sam. Adams's -Regiments" in the _Atlantic Monthly_, June and Aug., 1867, and Nov., -1863. The letter of the town to Dennis Deberdt, the London agent, sets -forth their side of the case (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 29). John Mein, -the Boston printer, one of the proscribed, published his _State of -the importation of Great Britain with the port of Boston from Jan. to -Aug., 1768_, to show that his assailants were also importers (Stevens's -_Hist. Coll._, i. no. 393; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,618). There is one -of the agreements among the Boston merchants, Aug. 14, 1769, in _Misc. -MSS._, 1632-1795, in Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. Samuel Cooper tells -Franklin how the agreements are adhered to (Sparks's _Franklin_, vii. -448). Moore, _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._, p. 48, gives some verses -from the _Boston Newsletter_, urging the "daughters of liberty" to -lend their influence in this direction. In the early part of 1770 -the movement seemed to be vigorous (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 150; -cf. papers of Cushing, Hancock, and others, in _Letters and Papers_, -1761-1776, in Mass. Hist Soc. cabinet). Late in the year Hutchinson -could write: "The confederacy in all the governments against importing -seemed in the latter end of the summer to be breaking to pieces" (P. O. -Hutchinson, i. 24). For such matters in Philadelphia, see Scharf and -Westcott's _Philadelphia_; Franklin (Sparks), vii. 445; (Bigelow), ii. -39. In Delaware, see _Life of George Read_, 82. In Charlestown (S. C.) -there was a controversy over the non-importation association, in which -Christopher Gadsden and John Mackenzie supported the movement, and W. -H. Drayton and William Wragg opposed it. These letters, which appeared -in Timothy's _S. C. Gazette_, June-Dec., 1769, were issued together in -_The letters of Freeman_, etc. ([London], 1771, Brinley, no. 3,976). - -[200] Thornton, _Pulpit of the Rev._, 150. It is printed in the _Penna. -Archives_, 1st ser., iv. 286, and _N. Jersey Archives_, x. 14. - -[201] _New Jersey Archives_, x. 14. - -[202] _New Jersey Archives_, x. 21. Cf. William E. Foster on the -development of colonial coöperation, 1754-1774,—a chapter in his -_Stephen Hopkins_, vol. ii. A symbol, common at this time, of a -disjointed snake, the head representing New England, and the other -fragments standing for the remaining colonies, and accompanied -by the motto "Join or Die", seems to have first appeared in _The -Constitutional Courant_, no. 1, Sept. 21, 1765, and was used later by -the _Boston Evening Post_. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1882, p. -768; 1883, p. 213; and Preble's _Hist. of the Amer. Flag_. - -[203] Hutchinson's side of the story is in his _History_, iii. 189. At -a large town meeting, over which Otis presided, and at which no direct -reference was made to the riots, the people recapitulated grievances, -and petitioned (_Rec. Com. Rept._, xvi. 254) the governor to order -the "Romney" away from the harbor. Hutchinson (iii. App. J and K) -prints the address and the instructions which were given to their -representatives. (Cf. _John Adams's Works_, iii. 501.) The examination -of Robert Hallowell, controller of the port, is in the _Lee MSS._ (H. -C. library), i. no. 40.. Johnson (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xlix. 301) -speaks of the effect in England. See the general historians, and also -special reports in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1868, p. 402; 1869, -p. 452; and also 1883, p. 404, for Hancock's spirit of challenge in -naming a sloop, the next year, the "Rising Liberty." - -[204] Caruthers's _Life of Dr. Caldwell_; Foote's _Sketches of No. -Carolina_; Martin's _Hist. of No. Carolina_; a paper by Francis L. -Hawks in _Revolutionary Hist. of No. Carolina_, ed. by W. D. Cooke -(Raleigh and New York, 1853), which has a sketch of the "Battle of -Alamance;" papers by David L. Swain in the _University Magazine_ -(Chapel Hill, N. C.); J. H. Wheeler's _Reminiscences and Memoirs of -No. Carolina_ (1884); _Southern Literary Messenger_, xi. 144, 231. Cf. -also Lossing's _Field-Book of the Rev._, ii. 577, and Jones's _New York -during the Rev._, ii. 5; and a paper on James Few, "the first American -anarchist", in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1886. - -[205] _A Fan for Fanning and a Touchstone for Tryon, containing an -impartial account of the rise and progress of the so much talked of -Regulation in North Carolina, by Regulus_ (Brinley, ii. no 3,866). They -had organized for the purpose of "regulating public grievances." Such, -at least, was their profession. - -[206] _An impartial relation of the first rise and cause of the recent -differences in public affairs in North Carolina, and of the past -tumults and riots that lately happened in that province.... Printed for -the Compiler_, 1770 (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,744). - -[207] _Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the inhabitants of the -British Colonies_ (Philad., Boston, New York, 1768). They originally -appeared in twelve numbers in the _Penna. Chronicle and Universal -Advertiser_, between Dec. 2, 1767, and Feb. 15, 1768. When reprinted -in London (1768) Franklin added a preface, and they were again printed -there in 1774. (Cf. Sparks's _Franklin_, i. 316; iv. 256; vii. 391, -x. 433; Bigelow's _Franklin_, i. 566; Sabin, v. nos. 20,044-20,052; -Haven, p. 594; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,620, 1,621.) They are included -in Dickinson's _Political Writings_ (Wilmington, 1801, vol. ii.). -Lecky (iii. 419) calls these letters "one of the ablest statements -of the American case." Cf. Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, p. -208, and Shea's _Hamilton_, p. 255. For Boston's letter of gratitude -to Dickinson, see _Record Com. Rept._, xvi. p. 243. Lecky (iii. 320, -348) thinks the ablest presentation of the case against the colonies -is _The Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies_ (London, -1769; Boston, 1769), written to offset the _Farmer's Letters_. Bancroft -says that Grenville himself wrote the constitutional argument in it, -and the Board of Trade furnished the material. The pamphlet itself is -usually ascribed to William Knox, the Under-Secretary of State, though -the names of Whately, Israel Mauduit, and John Mein have been sometimes -preferred. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,666; Sabin, x. p. 532.) - -[208] _The True Sentiments of America contained in a Collection of -Letters sent from the House of Representatives of the Province of -Massachusetts Bay to several persons of high rank in this kingdom. -Together with certain papers relating to a supposed Libel on the -Governor of that Province and a Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal -Law_ (London, 1768). The volume includes the petition to the king -of Jan. 20, 1768; the letter of Jan. 12, 1768, to Dennis Deberdt; -letters to Shelburne, Conway, Camden, Chatham, and others,—most of -these papers being written by Sam. Adams; Joseph Warren's attack on -Bernard, from the _Boston Gazette_ and the _Dissertation on the Canon -and Feudal Law_, attributed here to Jeremy Gridley, but written in fact -by John Adams (Sabin, viii. 32,551; Brinley, ii. 4,163 Menzies, 946; -Carter-Brown, iii. 1,603. Cf. _John Adams's Works_, x. 367). - -_A Letter to the Right Honorable the Marquis of Rockingham from the -Province of Massachusetts Bay_, Jan. 12, 1768, signed by the Speaker, -was circulated in broadside (copy in Mass. Hist. Soc. library). Warren -was writing in the public prints at this time (Loring's _Hundred Boston -Orators_, 53). Samuel Cooper was corresponding with William Livingston -(Sedgwick's _Livingston_, pp. 136-138). Bernard was writing to -Hillsborough, Nov. 30, 1768, that "Bowdoin had all along taken the lead -in the Council in their late extraordinary proceedings" (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, viii. 86). The Boston merchants printed _Observations on -several acts of parliament passed in the 4th, 6th, 7th years of [the] -reign of [George III.]: also on the conduct of the officers of the -customs since those acts were passed, and the board of commissioners -appointed to reside in America_ (Boston, 1769),—Sabin, xiii. 56,501; -Carter-Brown, iii. 1,690. Cf. Hutchinson's character of Bowdoin -(_Massachusetts_, iii. 293). - -[Illustration: James Bowdain] - -There is among the Chalmers Papers in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. x. vol. -ii.) a paper dated June, 1768, without signature, which begins, "Being -in the gallery a few days before the Assembly was dissolved, I heard -Mr. Otis make a long speech, part of the substance of which was, as -near as I can remember, couched in the following terms", etc.; and -(_Ibid._, vol. iii.) there is the affidavit of Richard Sylvester, -a Boston innholder, sworn to before Hutchinson, and describing the -speeches of the Boston leaders. - -For the spirit of the hour, see the lives of the chief Boston patriots, -like Sam. Adams, and a summary of the progress of opinion in Amory's -_James Sullivan_ (Boston, 1859). Admiral Hood was so far deceived that -in 1769 he wrote from Boston that the spirit of sedition had fallen -(_Grenville Papers_, iii.). - -[209] Not to name the newspapers, see the address of Georgia to the -king (_Sparks MSS._, xlix. ii.); that of New Jersey (_N. J. Archives_, -x. 18); that of Virginia, May 16,1769 (Hutchinson's _Mass. Bay_, iii. -App. p. 494). On these royal petitions, see Ryerson's _Loyalists_, i. -ch. 14. - -A collection of papers of which William Livingston, as is supposed, was -one of the writers, and which were printed in the _New York Gazette_ -and in other newspapers, were published separately as _A Collection of -Tracts from the late newspapers_ (Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, -244; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,617; Brinley, iv. no. 6,135). The -correspondence of the Philadelphia merchants is in the _Sparks MSS._, -lxii. - -[210] Hutchinson's view of the matter is in his vol. iii. p. 227. These -and other letters and papers were included in several publications, -published about the same time:— - -_Letters to the Earl of Hillsborough from Gov. Bernard, General Gage, -and the Honorable his Majesty's Council for the province of Mass. -Bay, with an appendix containing divers proceedings referred to in -said letters_ (Boston, folio, 1769; Salem, quarto, 1769; London, n. -d.,—Sabin, ii. 4,924; Carter-Brown, iii. 1683). - -_Letters to the Ministry from Gov. Bernard, General Gage, and Commodore -Hood; and also memorials to the lords of the treasury from the -commissioners of the customs, with sundry letters and papers annexed -to said memorials_ (Boston, 1769; London, n. d.,—Sabin, ii. 4,923; -Carter-Brown, iii. 1,684). - -_A third extraordinary Budget of Epistles and Memorials between Sir -Francis Bernard, some natives of Boston, and the present ministry, -against North America and the true interests of the British Empire and -the rights of mankind_ (no imprint,—Sabin, ii. 4,927; Haven in Thomas, -ii. p. 600). - -_Copies of letters from Sir Francis Bernard to the Earl of -Hillsborough_ (two editions, without place, and one, Boston, -1769,—Sabin, ii. 4,921). - -There had already been efforts made by the Boston authorities to get at -the contents of these letters by a request to Bernard for a statement -respecting his transmissions to England (_Mass. State Papers_, ed. -Bradford, 115, 120; _Papers_ pub. by the Seventy-Six Soc.; Lee MSS. -in Harvard College library, i. nos. 42-45). Bernard ascribed all his -tribulations to his enforcement of the laws of trade (Bernard Papers in -_Sparks MSS._, iii. 150). For Bernard's character, see _John Adams_, -iv. 21, Mahon, v. 235, and Palfrey in his review of Mahon. Bernard left -Boston Aug. 2, 1769. - -[211] The general belief is that the author of this defence was Samuel -Adams (Wells, i. 282; Bancroft, vi. 312), though it has been ascribed -to William Cooper, to James Otis, and to Otis and Adams combined. -Cf. Barry's _Mass._, ii. 399; Franklin, viii. 459; _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, i. 485; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. p.28; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. -1,643, 1,644, 1,716. See Report as spread on the Town Records, in _Rec. -Com. Rept._, xvi. p. 303. - -[212] _A letter to the right honourable the earl of Hillsborough, -on the present situation of affairs in America._ _Also an appendix -in answer to a pamphlet intitled, The constitutional right of -Great-Britain to tax the colonies_ (London, 1769; Boston, 1769,—Sabin, -viii. p. 297; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,681). - -This also has been attributed to S. Adams; but Hutchinson (iii. 228, -237) believed that James Bowdoin was the writer. - -[213] The notes include comments on the _Protest of the Lords against -the repeal of the Stamp Act_ (_Franklin_, iv. 206); on _A letter from -a merchant in London_ (iv. 211); on _Good Humour, or a way with the -Colonies_ (iv. 215); on _An inquiry into the nature and causes of the -present disputes_ (iv. 281); on _The true constitutional means of -putting an end to the disputes_ (iv. 298). On Franklin in London at -this time, see Sparks's _Franklin_, vii. 338, 350, 354, etc. The tracts -above noted are said by Sparks to be in the Philadelphia Athenæum, -but some of these titles appear, as having Franklin's notes, in the -_Brinley Catal._ ii. nos. 3,218-22. Israel Mauduit's _Short View of the -Hist. of the Colony of Mass. Bay_ (Lond., 1769) is noted in Brinley, -and not by Sparks. - -[214] Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 258. Some letters of Strahan (1767-8, -etc.) are in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, x. 322. The letters of Wm. -Samuel Johnson are also of importance (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -xlix.). He describes Barré and others in debate. Barré, in March, 1769, -predicted the loss of the colonies (Smyth, _Lectures_, ii. 384), and -in April Johnson is writing, "It seems pretty probable that we shall -go on contending, and fretting each other, till we _become_ separate -and _independent_ empires" (Beardsley's _Life of W. S. Johnson_, p. 65; -also see pp. 38, 42). - -A few of the other more significant pamphlets of 1769 may be mentioned: -_The rights of the Colonies and the extent of the legislative authority -of Great Britain_ (London, 1769), by Phelps, the under-secretary to -Lord Sandwich. Allan Ramsay's _Thoughts on the origin and nature of -government_ (London, 1769). Alexander Cluny's _American Traveller, -or Observations on the British Colonies in America by an old and -experienced trader_ (London, 1769), said to have been instigated -by Chatham. _The present state of liberty in Great Britain and her -Colonies_ (London, 1769). _The present state of the Nation_ (London, -1768), by Robert Tickle, and the reply to it, called _Considerations -on the dependencies of Great Britain_ (London, 1769), and Burke's -_Observations_ on it in his _Works_ (Boston, 1865, i. p. 269). _The -Case of Great Britain and America_, _addressed to the King and both -houses of parliament_ (London, 1769; Philad., 1769). Richard Bland's -_Enquiry into the rights of the British Colonies, intended as an answer -to The Regulations lately made concerning the Colonies_ (Williamsburg, -1769; London, 1769). Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,646, 1,652, 1,660, -1,661; Stevens's _Hist. Coll._, i. 510; Sabin, xvi. nos. 61,401, 67,679. - -[215] Hutchinson's _History_, vol. iii. _John Adams's Works_, ii. 224; -ix. 317; x. 204. - -[216] Barry's _Mass._, ii. 407 and references. - -[217] Reprinted in London in three editions the same year. Brinley, i. -no. 1,655, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,719, etc.; Haven in Thomas, -ii. p. 608. - -[218] Not the historian, but his uncle. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xi. 240. - -[219] The letter of the Boston committee, covering the copy sent to the -Massachusetts agent in London, is among the Lee Papers in the Univ. of -Virginia. There is a fac-simile of its signatures in the _Mem. Hist. -Boston_, iii. 39. Some copies of the _Narrative_ have a list of the -persons in England to whom copies were sent. - -The _Letter from the Town of Boston to C. Lucas, Esq., one of the -Representatives of the City of Dublin, in Parliament, inclosing a Short -Narrative_, etc., was printed in Dublin, 1770 (_Cooke Catal._, iii. no. -256; Sabin, x. no. 40,348). The other contemporary American accounts -are in the _Boston Gazette_, March 12th (bordered with black lines); -Jos. Belknap's in _Belknap Papers_ (MS., i. 69); letter of William -Palfrey to John Wilkes, and one of Governor Hutchinson in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, vol. vi. 480 (March, 1863). - -The accounts in Gordon (vol. i.) and Hutchinson (vol. iii. 270) are -also those of contemporaries. Cf. documents in _Hist. Mag._, June, -1861, and in Niles's _Principles and Acts of the Rev._ Dickinson, on -March 31st wrote of it to Arthur Lee, from Philadelphia. Lee's _Life of -A. Lee_, ii. 299. - -Crispus Attucks, one of the slain, usually called a mulatto, is held -by J. B. Fisher, in the _Amer. Hist. Record_ (i. 531), to have been a -half-breed Indian. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 32; George Livermore's -_Historical Research_. - -[220] Separately, Boston, 1770 (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,721; Haven in -Thomas, ii. p. 608). - -[221] There are other later accounts in J. S. Loring's _Hundred Boston -Orators_; Frothingham's "Sam. Adams's Regiments" (_Atlantic Monthly_, -June and Aug., 1862, and Nov., 1863), which is epitomized in his _Life -of Warren_ (ch. 6); Wells's _Samuel Adams_; Tudor's _Otis_; Bancroft's -_United States_ (orig. ed., vi. ch. 43, with references); histories of -Boston by Snow and Drake, and the _Mem. History of Boston_, iii. 38, -135; Barry's _Mass._, ii. 409; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. ch. 14. - -[222] _John Adams's Works_, x. 201. The brief used by John Adams is in -the Boston Public Library, and a fac-simile of the opening paragraph is -in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 38. It is printed by Kidder (p. 10). -A portrait of Lynde, the presiding judge, is given in the _Memorial -Hist. of Boston_ (ii. 558), and in the _Diaries of Benj. Lynde and -Benj. Lynde, Jr._ (Bost., privately printed, 1880), where will be found -all that remains of his charge. Sam. Adams's "Vindex" criticised the -arguments for the defence in the _Mass. Gazette_. Cf. Buckingham's -_Reminiscences_, i. 168. - -[223] He was a Scotch bookbinder in Boston. Thomas's _Hist. of -Printing_ (1874), ii. 228. - -[224] Brinley, i. 1659; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,722; Haven in Thomas, -ii. p. 608. - -[225] This volume was reprinted in Boston in 1807 and 1824, and in -Kidder's monograph (1870). Other contemporary accounts of the trial -are in Hutchinson (iii. 328); by S. Cooper in _Franklin's Works_ (vii. -499); and reminiscences are in _John Adams's Works_, x. 162, 201, -249. Cf. _Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr._ (ch. 2), and P. W. Chandler's -_American Criminal Trials_ (vol. i.). - -[226] Brinley, i. no. 1,658. - -[227] Cf. _Proc. of his Majesty's Council, relative to the deposition -of Andrew Oliver, Esq._ (Boston, 1770, Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,752). - -[228] The principal later English accounts are in Stedman, Mahon (v. -268), Grahame (iv. 310), Ryerson's _Loyalists_ (i. ch. 16). Lecky -(_England in the Eighteenth Century_, iii. 369, 401) thinks Bancroft -shows violent partisanship, and says that "few things contributed -more to the American Revolution than this unfortunate affray. Skilful -agitators perceived the advantage it gave them, and the most fantastic -exaggerations were dexterously diffused." - -[229] A fac-simile of the _Mass. Spy_, March 7, 1771, with its -blackened columns, is given in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (iii. 135). -On the same day Revere showed illuminated pictures of the scene from -his house in North Square. The orations were gathered and published -collectively by Peter Edes in 1785, and this book appeared in a second -edition in 1807. The successive speakers were Thomas Young, James -Lovell, Benjamin Church (third ed. was corrected by the author), John -Hancock, Joseph Warren (two editions), Peter Thacher, Benj. Hichborn, -Jonathan W. Austin, William Tudor, Jonathan Mason, Thomas Dawes, Geo. -R. Minot, and Thomas Welsh. These orations were published separately, -and Hancock's is said by Wells (ii. 138) to have been largely written -by Samuel Adams. Hancock's was reprinted in New Haven. Some of them are -in Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 17; and Loring (_Hundred -Boston Orators_) particularly commemorates them. - -When Warren's oration in 1772 was published, a poem by James Allen -(1739-1808) was to have accompanied it, but some of the committee, -having doubts of Allen's sentiments, suppressed it, when the poet's -friends later published it separately as _The poem which the town -of Boston had voted unanimously to be published with the late -oration; with observations relating thereto; together with some very -pertinent extracts from an ingenious composition never yet published_ -[Anon.] (Boston, 1772). Cf. _Brinley Catal._, iv. no. 6,771; J. C. -Stockbridge's _Harris Coll. of Amer. Poetry_ (Providence, 1886), p. 8. - -The oration of Thacher, delivered at Watertown during the siege of -Boston, is said to be rarest of all the separate issues (Cooke, no. -2,428). - -A sermon on the massacre, by the Rev. John Lathrop, of the Second -Church in Boston, "preached the lord's day following", was first -printed in London, 1770, and reprinted in Boston, 1771 (Carter-Brown, -iii. 1,792; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 610). - -[230] These documents are Hutchinson's address, Apr. 26th (p. 505); -the instructions of Boston to its representatives, May 15th (p. 508; -cf. _John Adams's Works_, ix. 616); and various other documents -interchanged between them which largely concern Hutchinson's removing -the Assembly to Cambridge (pp. 515-542). - -In June, 1770, it would seem that Hutchinson's life was threatened -because of the passions aroused by the massacre, and there is in the -Mass. Hist. Soc. library (_Misc. MSS._, 1632-1795) a brief note of his -written on being advised to protect himself, dated June 22, 1770, at -Milton. It is printed in the Society's _Proceedings_, Jan., 1862, p. -361. - -[231] Arthur Lee's _Political detection_ (London, 1770), being letters -addressed to Hillsborough, Bernard, and others (Carter-Brown, iii. -1,760). - -Edmund Burke's _Thoughts on the Cause of the present discontents_ (3d -ed., London, 1770,—in _Works_, Boston ed., 1865, i. p. 433). - -Catharine Macaulay's _Observations on a pamphlet entitled Thoughts on -the Cause of the present discontents_ (London, 1770). - -_Extract of a letter from the House of Representatives of the Mass. Bay -to their agent, Dennys de Berdt, with some remarks_ (London, 1770). - -There is a portrait of De Berdt in the State House, Boston. - -[232] Beardsley's _Life of W. S. Johnson_, p. 84. - -[233] Instructions of the House of Representatives to Franklin, in -Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. - -[234] _Works_, vii. 486, 488, 493, 501. - -[235] _Ibid._, vii. 508. - -[236] P. O. Hutchinson, ii. 79. Some interesting letters of Hutchinson -(1771-1772) are in the English Public Record Office, and are printed in -the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 129-140. - -[237] One of an indicative English stamp is Allan Ramsay's _Hist. Essay -on the English Constitution, wherein the right of Parliament to tax our -different provinces is explained and justified_ (Sabin, xvi. 67,675). - -[238] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 9. - -[239] A duplicate of the original document is in the Lee Papers -in the University of Virginia library. Cf. Franklin's account of -his conversation with Dartmouth, _Works_, viii. 25, 28; and of his -presentation of the petition and one forwarded the next year (viii. -47). For duplicates of originals, see _Calendar of Lee Papers_, p. 5 -(vol. ii. nos. 5-7). - -[240] _John Adams's Works_, iv. 34; Frothingham's _Warren_, 200, -Wells's _Sam. Adams_, i. 509, ii. 62; Grahame's _United States_, iv. -328; Barry's _Mass._, ii. 448; Goodell's _Provincial Laws_, v. index. -Something of the sort seems to have been suggested in Rhode Island, -Oct. 8, 1764, in a letter to Franklin (_Works_, vii. 264). Dawson -(_Sons of Liberty in N. Y._, 61-64) finds the earliest movement in the -New York Assembly, Oct. 18, 1764. Thornton (_Pulpit of the Rev._, 45, -191) notes the suggestion in a letter of Jonathan Mayhew, June 8, 1766, -to James Otis, that there might be a communion of colonies, as there -was a communion of churches. - -[241] Prefiguring, as John Adams said, the Declaration of Rights in -1774, and the Declaration of Independence in 1776. Wells's _Adams_, -i. 501, where it is printed; _John Adams's Works_, ii. 514; Haven in -Thomas, ii. p. 622. Franklin's preface to the English edition of the -_Rights_ is in his _Works_, iv. 381. Cf. Francis Maseres's _Occasional -Essays_ (London, 1809). The proceedings of Boston, Oct. 28th and Nov. -20th, were also printed. The letters of John Andrew from Boston begin -at this time (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 316-412). - -[242] Wirt's _Patrick Henry_, 3d ed., p. 87, _Life of R. H. Lee_, -i. 89; _No. Amer. Rev._, March, 1818; Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 80; -Tucker's _Jefferson_, i. 52; _Franklin's Works_, viii. 49. Frothingham -(_Rise of the Republic_, 284, 312, 327) traces the growth of the -committee, and determines the time of appointing such a committee -by each colony. The correspondence of the Rhode Island Committee is -in the _R. I. Col. Rec._, vii. On the committee in New York, see -Dawson's _Westchester County_, 10. Philadelphia appointed one May 20, -1774 (4 Force, i. 340). Sparks points out the distinction between the -Committees of Correspondence, Inspection, and Safety (_Gouverneur -Morris_, i. 31). - -[243] Mr. Bartlett was born Oct. 23, 1805, and died in May, 1886. His -life was so largely devoted to advancing the study of American history -that this record needs to be made, and reference given to Professor -William Gammell's _Life and Services of the Hon. John Russell Bartlett, -a paper read before the Rhode Island Historical Society_ (Providence, -1886), and the tribute by Charles Deane in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, Oct., 1886. - -[244] Mr. Wm. R. Staples had earlier published the _Documentary Hist. -of the destruction of the Gaspee_ (Providence, 1845). An account by -Ephraim Bowen is given in S. G. Arnold's _Rhode Island_ (vol. ii. ch. -19, 20). For local accounts, see _Providence Plantations_ (Providence, -1886), pp. 58, 359; O. P. Fuller's _Warwick, R. I._ (p. 101); Foster's -_Stephen Hopkins_ (ii. 83, 245); E. M. Stone's _John Howland_ (p. 35). -For the political bearings to the country at large, see Frothingham's -_Rise of the Republic_ (p. 278); Parton's _Jefferson_ (ch. 14, 15); -_Life of R. H. Lee_ (i. 85); Lossing's _Field-Book_ (ii. 60). There are -in the _Sparks MSS._ (xliii. vol. i. p. 140, etc.) the letters of the -British Admiral Montague, and depositions copied from papers in the -English Archives. G. C. Mason, in the _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vii. -301, etc., traces the presence of different English war vessels in the -bay between 1765, and 1776. Cf. _New Jersey Archives_, x. 375, 395. - -[245] Sam. Adams seems to have drafted this reply, with aid on -law-points from John Adams, the latter being almost the exclusive -author of the reply of the House to the second speech of the governor. -Wells thinks Hawley may have had a hand in these papers. Cf. Quincy's -_Quincy_, p. 113; _Life, etc., of John Adams_, i. 118-133, ii. -310; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 29, 31, 41; Tudor's _Otis_, p. 410; -Bradford's _Mass. State Papers_, 336, 399; Bancroft, orig. ed., vi. -446-453; Niles's _Principles_ (1876 ed., pp. 79, 87); _Speeches of his -Excellency, with the answers of his Majesty's Council and the House of -Representatives_ (Boston, 1773). A meeting of the town of Boston was -held in Faneuil Hall, March 8, 1773, "to vindicate the town from the -gross misrepresentations of his Excellency's message to both Houses", -and its proceedings were circulated in broadside. - -One of the most violent of the tracts of this year was _The American -Alarm, or the Bostonian Plea, by a British Bostonian_ (Boston, -1773,—Stevens's _Nuggets_, no. 3,257). Joseph Reed was writing to -Dartmouth on the condition of affairs (Reed's _Reed_, i. ch. 2); and -as respects the feelings farther south, see Gov. Wright's letters from -Georgia to Dartmouth, in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. iii. - -[246] Pownall (b. 1722; d. 1805), who knew America well from residence -and official station, proved a man of great forecast, and a prudent, -conciliatory friend of both countries. We have his speech in Parliament -in 1769 (Haven in Thomas, ii. 604, 649), and know how impatient -Parliament was of his wisdom (Smyth, _Lectures on Mod. Hist._, Bohn's -ed., ii. 384-85). We see his admirable spirit in his correspondence -(1772) with James Bowdoin (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 238). - -Pownall had first published his _Administration of the Colonies_ -(London, 1764) at the very outset of the dispute, and it was enlarged -in 1765. In an appendix to the edition of 1766 he made a strong -statement of his views in opposition to the right of Parliament to tax -America, and he reprinted this in a fourth ed. (1768), and also issued -it separately. In the fifth edition (1774) he added a second part, -giving his plan of pacification. The last edition was in 1777 (Sabin, -xv. nos. 64,841, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,425, 1,470, 1,537, -1,636). In 1780 Pownall published a tract that has acquired some fame, -as a forecast of the future republic (Harper's _Cyclo. of U. S. Hist._, -ii. 1,151), entitled _A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe on the -present state of affairs between the old and new world_ (London, 1780). -Somebody undertook what was rather fancifully called _A Translation_ -of this tract into plainer language (London, 1781,—_Brinley Catal._, -no. 4,109), but it did not meet with Pownall's approval. In 1783 he -published a _Memorial addressed to the sovereigns of America_ (Lond., -1783,—Sabin, xv. nos. 64,824, etc.). On his tracts, see Shea's -_Hamilton_, p. 261. There is a portrait of Pownall at Earl Orford's in -Norfolk (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Nov., 1875), and an engraving of it -published in 1777, of which there is a reproduction in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1886, with an account of the governor by Robert -Ludlow Fowler. The painting in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. is -said to have been painted from this engraving. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -ii. 63. - -[247] First in a Philadelphia paper, Sept. 29, in a letter dated -London, Aug. 4. - -[248] We have full reports of the Boston meetings. The newspapers give -us the accounts of the earlier irregular conferences, and the town -printed the reports of the first regular town meetings in _The votes -and proceedings of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town -of Boston, in town meeting assembled, according to law, the 5th and -18th days of Nov., 1773_ (Boston, 1773). It was reprinted in London -by Franklin, with a preface. The call of the committee for the later -meetings exists in Mr. Bancroft's collection, in the handwriting of -Joseph Warren (Frothingham's _Warren_, 255), and was circulated in -broadside. The reports of the meetings of Nov. 29th and 30th exist in -the original minutes in the handwriting of William Cooper among the -papers in the Charity Building in Boston, and have been printed by Dr. -Green in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (xx. 10, etc.). The prepared -record was printed in a broadside dated Dec. 1, 1773, and a copy is -preserved in the Boston Public Library. It represents the meeting as -called "for consulting, advising, and determining upon the most proper -and effectual method to prevent the unloading, receiving, or vending -the detestable tea sent out by the East India Company, part of which -has just arrived in this harbor." Hutchinson wrote from Milton, Nov. -30, to his son, one of the consignees of the tea, who had taken refuge -in the Castle, that the proclamation, warning the meeting to dissolve, -which he had just sent into Boston, might "possibly cause [him] to take -[his] lodging at the Castle also" (P. O. Hutchinson, i. 94). The full -report of these meetings was also printed in the Boston newspapers, -and particularly in the _Boston Gazette_ of Dec. 6th, whose report -was reprinted in one of _Poole's Mass. Registers_, and in the _Boston -Journal_, Dec. 15, 1849. - -Of the meeting of Dec. 16, 1773, and the raid of the "Mohawks" upon -the tea-ships, an account was printed in the _Boston Gazette_ of Dec. -20th (Buckingham's _Reminiscences_, i. 169), and in the _Boston Evening -Post_ of Dec. 20th (_Bay State Monthly_, April, 1884, p. 261), and -the spread of these accounts as they were copied through the country -can be followed in the postscript of the _Penna. Gazette_ of Dec. -24th. The speech of Josiah Quincy, Jr., at the meeting, as reported -by himself and sent back to his wife after he had reached England, is -the only harangue of this critical stage of the controversy in Boston -of which we have any detailed account (_Life of Quincy_, 2d ed., 124; -Frothingham's _Warren_, 39; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec. 16, 1873). -The conclave which planned the raid was held in Court Street (Drake's -_Old Landmarks of Boston_, 81; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec., 1871, -for an account of the punch-bowl around which the conclave was held). -There are a number of contemporary journals and statements respecting -these riotous proceedings. The letter of the Mass. Ho. of Rep. to -Franklin, Dec. 21, is preserved in the Lee MSS. (Harvard College -library, vol. ii. no. 14), and is printed in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._ -(xxxiv. 377). There are details in the Andrews letters (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, viii. 325), in Newell's diary (_Ibid._, Oct., 1877), in -the Jolley narrative (_Ibid._, Feb., 1878, p. 69), in John Adams's -diary (_Ibid._, Dec., 1873, and his letter, Dec. 17, to James Warren, -in _Works_, ix. 333). A copy of the testimony of Dr. Hugh Williamson -before the Privy Council, Feb. 19, 1774, copied from his own draft, and -relating the destruction of the tea, was transcribed from the original -in 1827, while in the possession of Dr. Hosack, and is included in the -_Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. iii.). Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxiv. -373, etc. - -All this and other documentary evidence can be found in Force; in -Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 96; in the _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, Dec. 16, 1873; and in Francis S. Drake's _Tea Leaves: -being a collection of letters and documents relating to the shipment -of tea to the American colonies in the year 1773, by the East India -tea company. Now first printed from the original manuscript. With -an introduction, notes, and biographical notices of the Boston tea -party_ (Boston, 1884). The only considerable narrative of an actor in -the "Mohawk" raid is G. R. T. Hewes's _Traits of the Tea Party_ (N. -Y., 1835), which was written out for him by B. B. Thacher. Cf. also -_Retrospect of the Boston Tea Party, with a memoir of Hewes_ (N. Y., -1834); Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_ (p. 554). The last survivor -was Capt. Henry Purkitt, who died March 3, 1846. A picture of David -Kinnison, also called the last survivor, is in Lossing's _Field-Book of -the Revolution_ (i. 499). Of Samuel Phillips Savage, the moderator of -the meeting of Dec. 16th, there is a portrait owned by Mr. G. H. Emery, -engraved in Drake's _Tea-leaves_. - -Hutchinson gives his view of the transactions in the third volume (pp. -422-441) of his _Massachusetts_. (Cf. Ryerson's _Loyalists_, i. 383.) -There is among the Bernard Papers (vol. viii. p. 229), in the _Sparks -MSS._, a paper giving the story as those in authority transmitted it to -the home government. - -Among the later American sources, see Frothingham's _Warren_ (ch. 9), -his _Rise of The Republic_ (ch. 8), and his paper in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._ (Dec. 16, 1873): Tudor's _Otis_ (ch. 21); Wells's _Adams_ -(ii. ch. 28), Ramsay's _Amer. Rev._ (i. 373); Holmes's _Annals_ (ii. -181); Palfrey's _New England_ (iv. 427); Barry's _Mass._ (ii. ch. -15); Bancroft's _United States_ (orig. ed., vi. ch. 50); Lossing's -_Field-Book_ (i. 496); and his paper in _Harper's Monthly_ (iv. 1); -Snow's _Boston_; the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (iii. 46-51); _Essex Inst. -Hist. Coll._ (xii. 197); _Niles's Register_ (1827), from Flint's -_Western Monthly Rev._ (July, 1827). - -The first accounts of the destruction of the tea which reached London -(Jan. 19, 1774) were printed in the London newspapers of Jan. 21st and -in the _Gentleman's Mag._ (1774, p. 26), copied in Carlyle's _Frederick -the Great_ (vi. p.524). Cf. Mahon (v. 319); May's _Const. Hist. Eng._ -(ii. 521); Massey's _England_ (ii. ch. 18); McKnight's _Burke_ (ii. -ch. 20); Fitzmaurice's _Shelburne_ (ii. ch. 8). Lecky, in his _Eng. in -the Eighteenth Century_ (iii. p. 371), speaks of the speech of George -Grenville, reported by Cavendish, as particularly worthy of attention. -Cf. _Parliamentary History_ and Force's _Amer. Archives_ (4th ser., i. -133). - -For the commotions in the other colonies, see, for New Hampshire, -beside the histories, the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 408, 413, and -the letter of July 26, 1774, in the Chas. Lovell Papers (Mass. Hist. -Soc.). For Connecticut, the general histories of the State, Peters's -_Connecticut_, and McCormick's reprint, to be corrected by J. L. -Kingsley's _Hist. Address_ (1838), _New Englander_ (1871, p. 248), -and _Scribner's Mag._, June, 1878. Cf. also J. H. Trumbull's _Blue -Laws true and false_. Dawson (_Westchester County_, p. 7) claims that -the refusal of the New York authorities to allow the tea ship Nancy -to enter the harbor was more significant than the riot in Boston, and -he cites various authorities. Cf. Lossing's _Schuyler_ (i. ch. 16) -and Leake's _Lamb_ (ch. 6). For Pennsylvania, see the histories of -Philadelphia; Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876, p. 201); Reed's -_Life of Joseph Reed_ (i. ch. 2) for his letters to Dartmouth; -Madison's _Works_ (i. 10). For North Carolina, see _Hist. Mag._ (xv. -118). - -[249] For a portrait of Cushing, see _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 34. - -[250] _Journals of the House_, 1773; _Boston Gazette_; Alden Bradford's -ed. of _Mass. State Papers_; _Gent. Mag._, July, 1773. The letters were -first published June 16, 1773 (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1877, p. -339). - -_Copy of letters sent to Great Britain by Thomas Hutchinson and -Andrew Oliver, and several other persons born and educated among -us; which original letters have been returned to America_ (Boston, -1773; reprinted in Salem, 1773). _The letters of Gov. Hutchinson and -Lieut.-Gov. Oliver, 1st and 2d ed._ (edited by Israel Mauduit) (London, -1774). _The representations of Gov. Hutchinson and others contained in -certain letters transmitted to England, and afterwards returned from -thence_ (Boston, 1773). These letters are reprinted in _Franklin before -the Privy Council_ (Philad., 1859). Cf. _Works relating to Franklin in -the Boston Public Library_, pp. 21, 22; Sabin, vi. p. 344, Haven in -Thomas, ii. 632, 633; Stevens's _Hist. Coll._, i. p. 166. - -[251] Mahon (v. 323) thinks it strange that any American of high -standing should care to justify or palliate the conduct of Franklin. -Goldwin Smith (_Study of History_, N. Y., 1866, p. 213) says: "Franklin -alone, perhaps, of the leading Americans, by the dishonorable -publication of an exasperating correspondence, which he had improperly -obtained, shared with Grenville, Townshend, and Lord North the guilt -of bringing this great disaster on the English race." Lecky (_England -in the Eighteenth Century_, iii. 380, 416) alleges rather hastily that -Hutchinson had once been concerned in using Franklin's letters with -a certain disregard of rights. (Cf. Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 450.) -Some memoranda of Chalmers are in the _Sparks MSS._ (x. vol. iv.) Cf. -Campbell's _Lives of the Chancellors_ (vi. 105); Massey's _England_ -(vol. ii.); Adolphus's _England_ (vol. ii. 34); Walpole's _Last -Journals_, i. 255, 289. - -[252] It is included in Sparks's edition, iv. 405, and embraces -Franklin's letters to Cushing and his replies. Cf. also Sparks's -_Franklin_, i. 356, viii. (his letters), 72, 79, 81, 85, 98, 100, -116, 117; Bigelow's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 130, 141, 158, 187, 206; -Parton's _Franklin_, i. 560, 564, 582. - -[253] _A faithful account of the transaction relating to a late affair -of honour between J. Temple and W. Whateley, containing a particular -history of that unhappy quarrel_ (London, 1774). On Temple's connection -with the Hutchinson letters, see the citations of the contemporary -correspondence in Temple Prime's _Some account of the Temple Family_ -(N. Y., 1887), pp. 61-85. - -[254] _Franklin's Works_, iv. 435. - -[255] _Ibid._, iv. 441. - -[256] Cf. _Boston Daily Advertiser_, April 3 and 5, 1856. - -[257] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 43; R. C. Winthrop's _Speeches_, -1878-1886, p. 1. - -[258] Cf. Bancroft's _United States_, orig. ed., vi. 435; Almon's -_Biog., lit., and polit. anecdotes_ (Lond., 1797); Wells's _Sam. Adams_ -(ii. 74); Barry's _Mass._, ii. 462. Hutchinson's own account of the -transactions is given in his third volume (pp. 400-418), which may -be supplemented by sundry references in P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor -Hutchinson_ (pp. 82-93, 577; ii. 79), part of which refer to that -editor's own views. C. F. Adams (_Adams's Works_, ii. 319) thinks the -evidence nearly conclusive that John Temple was the person who gave the -letters to Franklin. (Cf. P. O. Hutchinson, pp. 205, 210, 221, 222, -232, 353.) Cf. statement in _Mass. Archives_, "Miscellaneous", i. 386. - -[259] Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 426; _Sparks MSS._, xlviii. - -[260] Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 430. Cf. _Ibid._, viii. 93, 103, 110. -Cf. Bigelow's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 189. - -[261] An account of it is given in Israel Mauduit's edition of _The -letters of Gov. Hutchinson_, etc. (London, 1774), with an abstract -of Wedderburn's speech. There is a description of this scene in -Bowring's _Memoir of Jeremy Bentham_ (p. 59; cf. _Monthly Mag._, Nov. -10, 1802, and Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 451). Gage wrote from London -to Hutchinson, Feb. 2, 1774, that no man's conduct was ever so abused -for so vile a transaction as Franklin's. There is a letter of Burke -on the hearing (_Sparks MSS._, xlix. ii.). There is a contemporary -double-folio print, _Proceedings of his majesty's Privy Council on -the address of the Assembly of Mass. Bay to remove the Governor and -Lieutenant Governor, with the substance of Mr. Wedderburn's speech_ -(Mass. Hist. Soc.). The whole proceedings are given in _Franklin before -the Privy Council in behalf of the Province of Mass. Bay, to advocate -the removal of Hutchinson and Oliver_ (Philad., privately printed, -1859). Arthur Lee has a word to say on the scene (_Life of A. Lee_, i. -240, 273). Franklin is said to have worn a suit of Manchester velvet -during this castigation from Wedderburn, which he did not put on again -till he signed the treaty of alliance with France in 1778 (Mahon, v. -328). - -[262] In 1772 the town of Boston had sent a printed circular to the -neighboring towns, asking their advice as to the course best to be -pursued in consequence of the crown's assuming to regulate the judges' -salaries. Hutchinson (_History_, iii. 545, 546) gives the report of the -committee of the Assembly on the grant of the governor's salary from -the crown, and the governor's answer (July, 1772). For John Adams's -controversy with Brattle on this point, see _Adams's Works_, iii. 513. -On Oliver's impeachment, see Hutchinson (iii. 443, 445), and P. O. -Hutchinson (i. 133, 142), and papers in the MS. collection of _Letters -and Papers_, 1761-1776, in Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. - -A portrait of Chief Justice Peter Oliver, by Copley, painted in England -in 1772 (Perkins, p. 89), belongs to Dr. F. E. Oliver of Boston. Cf. -photograph in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1886, with a memoir -which was issued separately as _Peter Oliver, the last chief-justice of -the Superior Court of Judicature of the Province of Mass. Bay. A sketch -by Thomas Weston, Jr._ (Boston, 1886). - -Something of the Boston spirit appears in various letters from her -patriots which are printed in Leake's _Lamb_. The _Familiar Letters of -John and Abigail Adams_ begin at this time. Cf. summary in Sargent's -_Andre_, ch. 4. Lecky finds (_Eighteenth Century_, iii. 379) in the -talk of the hour the "exaggerated and declamatory rhetoric peculiarly -popular at Boston." Isaac Royal's letter to Dartmouth, Jan. 18, 1774, -is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec., 1873. There is a letter to the -British officers at Boston attributed to General Prescott (Sabin, x. -40,316). - -[263] The action of Parliament can be readily traced in Force, 4th -ser., i. 35. The bill was immediately sent in print to this country, -and it can be found in Force, in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 402, -and elsewhere. - -[264] There are in the Boston Archives sundry record-books of this -time: list of donations; records of Donation Committee; list of -persons aided; cash-book of the Donation Committee. The House of -Representatives at Salem, June 18, 1774, passed resolutions commending -Boston to the aid of all, and sent these resolutions through the -country in broadsides. The provincial congress at Cambridge, Dec. 6, -1774, recorded their vote and similarly scattered it. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xiii. 182.) For the gifts which came to Boston, and the -attendant records and correspondence, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -xix. 158, and vol. xxxiv.; Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 382; -Col. A. H. Hoyt's paper in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, -1876. For the help from Virginia, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. -259. - -For notes on the condition of Boston during the operation of the act, -see the Andrews letters in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, July, 1865, -p. 330; Timothy Newell's diary, _Ibid._, Feb., 1859; Thomas Newell's, -_Ibid._, Oct., 1877, p. 335; _M. H. Soc. Coll._, xxxi.; Bowdoin's -letter to Franklin in _Franklin's Works_, viii. 127; letter of Ellis -Gray in _M. H. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 315; Charles Chauncy's _Letter to a -friend ... on the sufferings of the town of Boston_ (Boston, 1774); -_Review of the rise, progress, services, and sufferings of New England, -humbly submitted to the consideration of both houses of Parliament_ -(London, 1774); _A very short and candid appeal to free born Britons, -by an American_, i. e. Carolinian (London, 1774). For a general -treatment of the effect of the Port Bill, see, among modern writers, -Bancroft; Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 319, and _Life of -Warren_, ch. 10; Tudor's _Otis_; Wells's _S. Adams_ (ii. 170); Reed's -_Joseph Reed_ (i. ch. 3); lives of John Adams, Josiah Quincy, Jr.; A. -C. Goodell's Address at Salem in _Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, xiii. p. -1; Pitkin's _United States_ (i. App. 15); Grahame (iv. 358); Sargent's -_Dealings with the Dead_ (i. 152); and the histories of Boston. On -the British side, see _Parliamentary History_, xvii. 1163; _Annual -Register_, xvii. 1159; Donne's _Corresp. of Geo. III. and North_, -i. 174; _Protests of the lords_, ed. by Rogers, ii. 141; Adolphus, -ii. 59; Massey, ii.; _Pict. Hist. Eng. Geo. III._, i. 159; Smyth's -_Lectures_; Mahon (vi. 3); Ryerson's _Loyalists_ (i. 358); Russell's -_Life and Times of Fox_, ch. 5; _Life of Shelburne_, ii. 302; _Chatham -Corresp._, iv. 342; _Rockingham Memoirs_, ii. 238; Macknight's _Burke_, -ii. 50. The London limners made several caricatures out of the hungry -Bostonians. - -[265] Cf. letter from Portsmouth, N. H., in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -2d ser., ii. 481; Hollister's _Connecticut_, ii. ch. 6; lives of Jay -by Jay and by Flanders, and documents in Force, for the effect in -New York; _Minutes of the Prov. Congress of New Jersey_, p. 3; _New -Jersey Archives_, x. 457, etc. A paper by Joseph Reed on the action in -Pennsylvania (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1878, p. 269) was controverted -by Thomson (_Ibid._, p. 274), who held that Reed had no intimate -knowledge in the matter. Cf. Chas. Thomson's letter to Wm. H. Drayton -in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._ (ii. 411), from _the Sparks MSS._, and -his letter in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1878, p. 218); Niles's -_Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 203; Dickinson's _Polit. Works_, i. -285-416. The resolutions of Delaware are in the _Life of George Read_, -pp. 88, 101. For the Maryland action, see Niles (p.258) and McSherry's -_Maryland_. For Virginia, see Rives's _Madison_ (i. 60); Niles (p. -272); _Life of R. H. Lee_ (i. 97); Randall's _Jefferson_ (i. 85); -Parton's _Jefferson_ (p. 130). For North Carolina, McRee's _Iredell_. - -[266] The covenant was printed in the _Mass. Gazette_, June 23, 1774, -and is reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (xii. 45), where is also -(_Ibid._, xi. 392; also see xii. 46) the protest against the covenant, -and the loyalist signers of the protest (given in _Mass. Gazette_, -July 7, 1774). This drew out a proclamation from Gage, pointing out -the error of illegal combinations (_Mass. Gazette_, June 30, 1774, -and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 47). It was turned into verse in -ridicule (Moore's _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._, p. 65). Dr. Belknap -gave his reasons for not entering such a combination (_Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, 2nd ser., ii. 484). Cf. Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, -336. Timothy Ruggles soon organized a counter-association of loyalists. - -[267] An account of this interview by Hutchinson himself was first -published at length in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xv. p. 326, Oct., -1877. Cf. _Ibid._, April, 1884, p. 164; P. O. Hutchinson, i. 158, and -ii. preface; Donne's _Corresp. of Geo. III. and North_, i. 194. - -[268] There are in the Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet two early, apparently -official copies of the act for regulating the government. Cf. Ramsay's -_Revolution in South Carolina_ (i. 204); Frothingham's _Rise of the -Republic_, p.347, where are various references. Hutchinson wrote from -London that he was opposed to these acts (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -Jan., 1862, p. 301). A letter from Jos. Wood, in London, April 18, -1774, makes note of the efforts of the Americans in London to prevent -Parliament committing itself so hastily to the Regulating Act (_Penna. -Mag. of Hist._, x. 265). Something of the spirit of these protests can -be seen in Bishop Shipley's _Speech intended to have been spoken on -the bill for altering the charters of the colony of Massachusetts Bay_ -(London, 1774). Cf. in reply _A speech never intended to be spoken in -answer to a speech intended_, etc. (London, 1774). Cf., on Shipley, -_Franklin's Works_, viii. 40. The bishop's views are also expressed -in his _Sermon before the Soc. for the propagation of the Gospel -in foreign parts_ (London, 1773; Norwich, Conn., 1773). There is a -portrait of Shipley in the _European Mag._, April, 1788. - -For the debate in Parliament, see Force, 4th series, i. 65; Niles's -_Principles_, etc. (1876 ed.), pp. 414, 419. - -[269] _Westchester County, N. Y., during the Amer. Rev._ (Morrisania, -1886), pp. 84, 87. - -[270] J. C. Hamilton's _Repub. of the U. S._, i. 55; Shea's _Hamilton_, -ch. 7; Lossing's _Schuyler_, vol. i.; _Life of Peter Van Schaack_; -Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 477, 490, etc. John Adams (_Works_, -ix. 407, 411) believed that New York held back. Dawson (_Westchester_, -9) thinks that ignorance or neglect is at the bottom of the usual -view of the New York sluggishness, held to by writers, but he admits -that Gouverneur Morris was doubtful for a while (p. 12; cf. Sparks's -_Life of Morris_); he sets forth the great ability of the Tory organ, -_Rivington's Gazetteer_ (p. 127); he gives a fuller account than Hinman -or Beardsley of the arrest of Samuel Seabury, the "Westchester Farmer", -by Isaac Sears (pp. 127, 136; and on Sears, Jones, ii. 337, 622). Much -can be gleaned from Tryon and Colden's letters to Dartmouth in _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, viii. - -[271] Beside the general histories, see, for Pennsylvania, the -resolutions of Northampton County in _Hist. Mag._, ix. 49 (also see -_Penna. Archives_, iii. 543); for Virginia, Jefferson's resolutions, a -_Summary view of the rights of British America_ (Williamsburg, London, -and Philadelphia, 1774); the Fairfax County resolutions (Sparks's -_Washington_, ii. 488), and Irving's _Washington_ (vol. i. ch. 1); for -North Carolina, E. F. Rockwell on Rowan County, in _Hist. Mag._ (xv. -118), and letters in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (xiii. 329); for -South Carolina, _Hist. Mag._, ix. 341, and xxii. 90; and _Southern -Quarterly_, xi. 468; xiv. 37. In a more general way, for movements in -the South, see, for South Carolina, Ramsay, Moultrie, Drayton, R. W. -Gibbs; for North Carolina, Cooke, Jones, Foote, Martin, Caruthers's -_Caldwell_; for Virginia, C. Campbell's _Bland Papers_, Wirt's _P. -Henry_, Randall's _Jefferson_, Parton's _Jefferson_, Rives's _Madison_; -and for Maryland, Purviance's _Baltimore_. For Southern sentiment of a -Tory cast, see Jonathan Boucher's _Views of the Amer. Revolution_. - -[272] Force's _Amer. Archives_, 4th ser., i. 333; Dawson's _Westchester -County_, 18; Arnold's _Rhode Island_, ii. 334; W. E. Foster's _Stephen -Hopkins_, ii. p. 232. - -[273] Sparks's _Franklin_, i. 350. It is claimed that Sam. Adams was -earlier. Cf. Wells, ii. p. 84. - -[274] Bancroft, orig. ed., vi. 508. - -[275] Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 40. To New York the precedence is also -given by Gordon, Ramsay, Hildreth, and Dawson (_Westchester County_, p. -19). - -[276] Dawson, pp. 18, 19. - -[277] Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 221. Silas Deane's letters home are in -_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. - -[278] _Works_, ix. 339. Cf. E. D. Neill in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, ii. -58; Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 291. - -[279] _John Adams's Works_, ix. 617, x. 78, 173; _Life of Geo. Read_, -93. The Congress met in Carpenter's Hall. (Cf. Scharf and Westcott's -_Philadelphia_, i. 290; Egle's _Penna._, 141; Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 262.) - -[280] _Works_, viii. 131, 142. The Congress had been variously -constituted. New York and Pennsylvania had acted outside their -legislatures. John Adams, in going through those States on his way -to Philadelphia, had remarked "that some in them wanted a little -animation." The spirit in New York is shown on the loyal side in -Jones's _New York during the Rev._, i. 449. Cf. J. A. Stevens on -"New York in the Continental Congress" in _The Galaxy_, xxii. 149. -The credentials of the Delaware members are in the _Life of Geo. -Read_, 91. The Virginia delegates were at variance. Patrick Henry was -eager for a fight. R. H. Lee thought Great Britain would revoke her -obnoxious legislature. Washington was undecided. The instructions of -the Virginia delegates are in _Jefferson's Writings_, i. 122. Gadsden -was for forcing the conflict by attacking Gage in Boston; and a rumor -reaching Philadelphia that Boston was undergoing bombardment fanned -the flame, and Samuel Adams wrote home that America would stand by the -devoted town. In Georgia the royal governor had prevented the choice -of delegates, and that province was not represented. The opposing -feelings, North and South, can be gathered from some of the tracts -Which the Congress elicited:— - -_A few remarks upon some of the resolutions and votes of the -Continental Congress at Philad. in Sept., and the Provincial Congress -at Cambridge in November, by a friend to Peace and Good order_ (Boston, -1775; same, no date,—Sabin, iv. 15,529). _The two Congresses cut up_ -(Boston and New York,—Sabin, iv. 15,597). Thomas Jefferson's _Summary -View of the rights of British America, set forth in some resolutions, -intended for the inspection of the delegates now in convention_ -(Williamsburg, 1774; Philad., 1774). _A letter from a Virginian -to the members of the Congress to be held at Philadelphia, Sept., -1774_ (without place, 1774; Boston, 1774, in three editions; London, -1774),—in opposition to the non-importation combination. _Address -to the deputies in General Congress_ (Aug. 10, 1774, Charlestown, S. -C.,—Sabin, v. 15,511). _Letter from a freeman of South Carolina to -the deputies of North America, assembled in High Court of Congress at -Philadelphia_ (Charlestown, S. C., 1774,—Sabin, x. 40,277). - -The relations of the colonies to the Congress appear in the lives of -the leading members. For New England, of which there was not a little -jealousy, and whose members refused to attend Sunday sessions (Wells's -_Sam. Adams_, ii. 237; _Life of George Read_, 97), see C. F. Adams's -_John Adams_; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, vol. ii. 218; Frothingham's _Joseph -Warren_, ch. 12; Quincy's _Josiah Quincy_; Austin's _Elbridge Gerry_, -ch. 5. For the Middle States, see Sedgwick's _William Livingston_; -Lossing's _Schuyler_, i. ch. 17; Shea's (p. 234) and other lives of -_Hamilton_; Read's _Geo. Read_, 93; Jay's _John Jay_, and the life -of Jay in Flanders's _Chief Justices_. For Virginia, the lives of -_Washington_ (Marshall; Sparks, ii. 505; Irving, i. 365); Rives's -_Madison_, i. 51; Lee's lives of Arthur and R. H. Lee; Wirt's _Patrick -Henry_, 105; lives of Jefferson (Tucker, i. ch. 3; Parton, ch. 17). For -South Carolina, the life of Rutledge in Flanders. - -The legal aspects are particularly touched in Towle's _Constitution_, -311; _Cocke's Constitutional Hist._, i. 29; Scott's _Development of -Constitutional Liberty_, 166; Oscar S. Strauss's _Origin of Republican -Form of Government_, (N. Y.) 1885. Cf. Daniel Webster's _Address before -the N. Y. Hist. Society_, Feb. 23, 1852, pp. 36, 40; and H. A. Brown's -_Oration on the Centennial of the Congress_, 1874. - -The general works to be consulted are Grahame, iv. 373; Bancroft, orig. -ed., vii. 127; Hildreth, vol. iii.; Pitkin, i. ch. 8; Frothingham's -_Rise of the Republic_, 335, 359; Greene's _Hist. View of the Amer. -Rev._, 79; Dunlap's _New York_, i. ch. 29, 31, and Jones's _N. Y. -during the Rev._, i. 468; Gordon's _Pennsylvania_, ch. 20; Mulford's -_New Jersey_, 389. - -[281] _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 438. - -[282] Sabin, iv. 15,542. A MS. copy of the journal, attested by C. -Thomson, and evidently brought home by Thos. Cushing, a Massachusetts -member, is in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (_Proc._, i. 271). -Later editions are _The whole proceedings of the American Continental -Congress held at Philadelphia_ (New York, 1775,—Sabin, iv. 15,598); -_Extracts from the journal and from the votes and proceedings of -Congress, published in Philad., reprinted in Boston and London_ -(_Ibid._, iv. 15,526-28; Brinley, ii. 3,990; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. -3,264). There were other editions in Providence, Newport, New London, -Hartford. There were two editions published in London by Almon in 1775 -(Sabin, iv. 15,544; Brinley, ii. 3,989). The journal appears also in -the several authenticated series of the _Journals of Congress_, 1777, -1801, 1823, etc. - -The correspondence of Congress with Gage (Oct. 10th and 20th) is -contained in the _Journal_, i. 18, 46. - -The documents of the Congress are given by Force. - -[283] _Works_, i. 150, ii. 340, 366, 370, 382, 387, 393, ix. 339, 343; -his correspondence with Mercy Warren is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -xliv. 348. - -[284] Vol. ii. p. 535. It was printed separately at the time in -Philad., Watertown (Mass.), and Newport. It will also be found in the -_Journals of Congress_, i. p. 19; in Ryerson's _Loyalists_, i. p. 411; -in Marshall's _Hist. of the Colonies_, App. ix. p. 481. Cf. Story's -_Constitution_, i. 179; Curtis's _Constitution_, i. 22; Pitkin's -_United States_, i. 283; Hildreth's _United States_, iii. 43; Gay's -_Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 341; Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, p. -371; Greene's _Hist. View_, p. 83; Ramsay's _South Carolina_, i. p. 233. - -[285] Cf. note on the authorship of it, in _N. Jersey Archives_, x. 529. - -[286] It is printed from this copy, with fac-similes of the signatures, -in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May, 1883, p. 377), together with the -letter transmitting it (Stevens's _Hist. Coll._, i. 167; _Bibl. Hist._, -1870, no. 1,026). Franklin printed it at once in Almon's edition of the -_Journal of the Congress_ (_Works relating to Franklin in the Bost. -Pub. Lib._, p. 24; _U. S. 47th Cong., 1st Sess. Misc. Doc._, no. 21, -p. 20). It is also in the Philad. ed. of the _Journal_, i. 46; and was -separately printed at Boston in 1774 and 1775, and at New York in 1776, -with other documents (Sabin, iv. nos. 15,581-83; Haven in Thomas, ii. -pp. 642-43). It has since been given in Force, 4th ser., i. 934; _N. -H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 437-41; _N. Jersey Archives_, x. 522; Spencer's -_United States_, i. 348, 381; Griffeth's _Historical Notes_, 136. Cf. -Ramsay's _So. Carolina_, i. 242; _John Adams's Works_, i. 159, x. 273; -Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 377; _Amer. Quart. Review_, i. -413. - -[287] Cf. _Journals of Congress_, i. 26; Pitkin's _United States_, i. -App. 17; Spencer's _United States_, i. 338; Lee's _Life of R. H. Lee_, -i. 119; Jay's _Life of John Jay_, i. App.; Ramsay's _South Carolina_, -263. There was published in London _A letter to the people of Great -Britain in answer to that published by the American Congress_ (London, -1775,—Sabin, x. no. 40,509). - -[288] Given in Ramsay's _Rev. in So. Carolina_, i. 279; _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, vii. 426, etc. - -[289] Given in the Appendix of Frothingham's _Joseph Warren_, and in -_Journal Cont. Cong._, i. p. 9. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 59; _Life -of George Read_, 95. - -[290] _New York during the Rev._, i. 34, 36. - -[291] P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_, i. 272. - -[292] Cf. a letter of A. Lee on the effect of the Congress on the -ministry, in _Life of A. Lee_, i. 213. - -[293] The plan was published in Philadelphia at the time, and was -included the next year in Galloway's _Candid examination of the mutual -claims of Great Britain and the colonies, with a plan of accommodation -on Constitutional principles_ (New York, 1775, and again in 1780). -This drew out _An Address to the Author of a pamphlet entitled_, etc., -to which Galloway responded in _A Reply_ (N. Y., 1775). It was later -included in Galloway's _Historical and political Reflections on the -Rise and Progress of the Amer. Rebellion_ (London, 1780). Cf. Force, -4th ser., i. p. 1; Sparks's _Franklin_, vii. 276, viii. 145; Bigelow's -_Franklin_, ii. 249; Gordon, i. 409; _John Adams's Works_, ii. 387, -iv. 141; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, ii. 109, 430; Bancroft, -_United States_, orig. ed., vii. 140; Pitkin's _United States_, i. -299; Hildreth's _United States_, iii. 46; Frothingham's _Rise of -the Republic_, 367, 399; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 218; Dawson's -_Westchester County_, 34; Graydon's _Memoirs_, 117; lives of Washington -by Marshall and Sparks; lives of John Jay by Jay and by Flanders; and -of Patrick Henry by Wirt. - -Jones, in his _New York during the Rev._, i. ch. 2, with notes on pp. -438, 449, 477, 490, explains the relations of the loyalists to this -Congress. Governor Franklin sent the Galloway plan to Dartmouth with -comments (_N. J. Archives_, x. 503). - -Galloway explains his relations to this Congress, and divulged more -than the agreement of secrecy was held to warrant, in his _Examination -before the House of Commons in a committee on the American Papers_ -(London, 1779; 2d ed., with explanatory notes, 1780; ed. by Thomas -Balch, Philad., for the Seventy-Six Society, 1855). There is a Dutch -version, 1781 (Muller, 1877, no. 1,200). Respecting this examination, -Lecky (ii. pp. 443, 481, etc.) says: "As a loyalist, Galloway's mind -was no doubt biased; but he was a very able and honest man, and he had -much more than common means of forming a correct judgment." - -It has been supposed that Galloway conveyed to Governor Franklin the -information which through that official reached Dartmouth (_N. Jersey -Archives_, x. 473). Galloway is said also to have prepared the pamphlet -_Arguments on both sides in the dispute_, etc., which is also reprinted -in the _N. J. Archives_, x. 478. On Galloway, see Sabine's _Loyalists_, -i. 453. - -Haven ascribes to Thomas B. Chandler, and Sabin (no. 16,591) to Dr. -Myles Cooper, a tract, _What think ye of Congress now? Or an Enquiry -how far the Americans are bound to abide by and execute the decisions -of the late Continental Congress, with a plan by Samuel_ [sic] -_Galloway, Esq., for a proposed union between Great Britain and her -Colonies_ (N. Y., 1775; Lond., 1775). This pamphlet accuses the New -England republicans of urging the Congress beyond the purpose for which -its members were elected. - -[294] The articles were printed in all newspapers, and in those of -Boston, Nov. 7th. They are also in the _Journals of Congress_, i. -23; in Ramsay's _Rev. in South Carolina_, i. 252; in H. W. Preston's -_Docs. illus. Amer. Hist._ (N. Y., 1886), p. 199; in Force, 4th ser., -i. 915, with fac-simile of signatures; in the _Charleston Year Book_ -(1883), p. 216, with fac-similes; in Jos. Johnson's _Traditions and -Reminiscences of the Amer. Rev._ (Charleston, 1851), p. 51, with -fac-similes. The signatures, somewhat reduced, are given herewith from -Smith's _Hist. and Lit. Curiosities_, 2d ser., p. liii. Maryland's copy -of the original printed broadside, with written signatures, is in the -Penna. Hist. Soc. library. Frothingham gives the best account of the -genesis of the document and the effect it had (_Rise of the Republic_, -373, 396). In Massachusetts, a broadside Resolution of the Provincial -Congress, signed by Hancock, Dec. 6th, was sent to all the ministers, -urging them to give their influence to secure a general compliance -(in Boston Pub. Lib., H. 90 _a_, 3). This plan of association was -opposed by Galloway, Duane, and all the South Carolina delegates except -Gadsden. Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 438) gives the loyalist -view. _The association of the delegates, etc., by Bob Jinger_, is a -burlesque on the association (_Harris Collection of Amer. Poetry_, p. -13). - -[295] Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 161. - -[296] _Cavendish Debates_, ed. by Wright, viz., _Debates of the House -of Commons in 1774 on the bill for making more effectual provision -for the government of the Province of Quebec, with Mitchell's map of -Canada_ (Lond., 1839). See also the proceedings and the bill in _Amer. -Archives_, 4th ser., i. 170-219, 1823-1838. The bill is also in the -Regents of the University of New York's _Report on the boundaries of -the State of N. Y._, i. 90. Cf. Burke's letter on the Quebec Bill and -the bounds of New York in _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 2d ser., ii. 215, 219; -Mill's _Boundaries of Ontario_, p. 50; Gordon's Sermon in Thornton's -_Pulpit of the Rev._, 217, Shea's _Hamilton_, 324; and _Works of Alex. -Hamilton_. - -The satirical print "Virtual Representation", given herewith, follows -an original print in a volume of _Proclamations_ in the library of the -Mass. Hist. Society. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. 158. - -[297] Cf. Lecky, _England in the Eighteenth Century_, iii. 400, -433, on the effect of the act. Cf. also _The Singular and Diverting -Behaviour of Doctor Marriot, His Majesty's Advocate-General; Who was -Examined concerning the Religion and Laws of Quebec; And found means -from his incomparable Wit and Subtility To defeat the Purposes for -which he was brought to the Bar of Parliament On the 3d of June, -1774_ (Phila., 1774). Samuel Johnson's _Hypocrisy unmasked, or a -short inquiry into the religious Complaints of our Amer. Colonies_ -(Lond., 1776, 3 editions), defends the bill, and says it extends no -more rights to Catholics than some of the colonies do (Sabin, ix. no. -36,297). _A Letter to Lord Chatham on the Quebec Bill_ reached five -editions (London, 1774; reprinted, Boston, 1774), and was corrected in -the second edition. Sabin (x. 40,468) says it was attributed to Lord -Lyttelton, and more probably to Sir William Meredith. The New York -reprint (1774) gave it as _A letter from Lord Thomas Lyttelton to Wm. -Pitt, Earl of Chatham_ (Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, ii. no. 433). Wilkie -published _The justice and policy of the late Act of Parliament, for -making more effectual provision for the government of Quebec, asserted -and proved; and the conduct of the administration respecting that -province stated and vindicated_ (London, 1774, two editions), which -is attributed to William Knox. Francis Masères published _An account -of the proceedings of the British and other Protestants, inhabitants -of the province of Quebec_, with _Additional papers concerning the -province of Quebec_ (Lond., 1776), and _The Canadian Freeholder ... -shewing the sentiments of the bulk of the freeholders of Canada, -concerning the late Quebeck act_ (Lond., 1777, in three vols.). _An -Appeal to the public, stating and considering the objections to the -Quebec bill_ (London, 1774), was dedicated to the patriotic society of -the Bill of Rights. - -[298] _A letter to the inhabitants of the Province of Quebec_ (Philad., -1774). _Lettre addressée aux habitans de la Province de Quebec_ -(Philad., 1774). _A clear idea of the genuine and uncorrupted British -Constitution in an address to the inhabitants of the province of -Quebec from the forty-nine delegates in the Continental Congress at -Philadelphia, Sept. 5-Oct. 10, 1774_ (London, 1774). Cf. Sabin, iv. -15,516, ix. p. 293, x. 40,664; _Journals of Congress_, i. 39. - -[299] P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_, i. 296. - -[300] _Aspinwall Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), ii. 706. - -[301] Cf. Reed's _Life of Reed_, i. 76, 78, 82, and George Bancroft's -_Jos. Reed_, p. 10. Governor Franklin's letters to Dartmouth are in -the _New Jersey Archives_ (x. 473, 503), where the anxiety of the king -is disclosed (_Ibid._ x. 496, 534-5). Chatham's opinion is cited in -Quincy's _Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 268. Later English views are -given in Mahon, vi. 13, and Lecky, iii. 408, 443. - -[302] Dawson's _Westchester County_, pp. 36, 37. - -[303] On the Tory side were Doctors Cooper, Inglis, Seabury, and -Chandler; on the Whig side, William Livingston, John Jay, and Alex. -Hamilton. Cf. Lossing's _Schuyler_, i. ch. 17. - -[304] Dawson, _Westchester County_, p. 137 (see also _Hist. Mag._, -1868, p. 9), contends for Wilkins, and doubts what is put forward as -Seabury's own evidence in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1882, p. -117. Cf. _Amer. Quart. Church Rev._, April, 1881; Shea's _Hamilton_, -ch. 7; _Manual of N. Y. City_, 1868, p. 813. - -[305] The Seabury-Wilkins tracts are: - -_Free thoughts on the proceedings of the Continental congress, held at -Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1774: wherein their errors are exhibited, their -reasonings confuted and the fatal tendency of their non-importation, -non-exportation, and non-consumption measures, are laid open to the -plainest understanding_ [_etc._]; _in a letter to the farmers, and -other inhabitants of North America in general, and to those of the -province of New York in particular. By a farmer._ [_Signed A. W. -farmer._] (Without place, 1774.) - -_The congress canvassed: or, an examination into the conduct of the -delegates, at their grand convention, held in Philadelphia, Sept. -1, 1774. Addressed to the merchants of New York. By A. W., Farmer_ -(Philad., 1774). - -There was a reply to the Farmer in _Holt's New York Journal_, Dec. 22, -1774 (Dawson, p. 40); but the most extraordinary rejoinder was that -of the youthful Alexander Hamilton, then eighteen years old, in _A -full vindication of the measures of the congress, from the calumnies -of their enemies; in answer to a letter, tender the signature of A. -W., Farmer. Whereby his sophistry is exposed_ [_etc._]; _in a general -address to the inhabitants of America, and a particular address to the -farmers of the province of New York._ [_Signed, A friend to America._] -(New York, 1774.) Cf. P. L. Ford's _Bibliotheca Hamiltoniana_ (N. Y., -1886), no. 1. - -The "Farmer" replied in _A view of the controversy between Great -Britain and her colonies. In a letter to the author of A full -vindication of the measures of congress, from the calumnies of their -enemies. By A. W., Farmer?_ (New York, 1774.) - -Hamilton's final rejoinder is _The farmer refuted; or, a more -comprehensive and impartial view of the disputes between Great Britain -and the colonies. Intended as a further Vindication of the congress, in -answer to a Letter from a Westchester farmer, entitled a View of the -controversy between Great Britain and her colonies. By a sincere friend -to America_ (1775). Cf. Ford, no. 3. - -These productions of the young Whig are contained in the various -editions of _Hamilton's Works_. Cf. J. Hamilton's _Repub. of the U. -S._, i. 65; Shea's _Hamilton_, p. 330. - -[306] _A friendly address to all reasonable Americans on our political -confusions_ (New York, 1774; America, 1774; Lond., 1774; Dublin, -1775; abridged, New York, 1774. Sabin, iv. 16,587-8). A copy with the -author's MS. corrections was sold at Bangs's, N. Y., Feb., 1854, no. -178. The resulting tracts are: _The other side of the question, or a -defence of the liberties of No. America, in answer to a late Friendly -Address_ (N. Y., 1774; Boston, 1775). By Philip Livingston. _Strictures -on a pamphlet entitled a Friendly Address_ (N. Y., 1774; Philad., 1774; -Boston, 1775). This is by Charles Lee, and is reprinted in the Charles -Lee Papers, in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 151. _The strictures -on the Friendly Address examined and a refutation of its principles -attempted_ (Philad., 1775, two editions). This is sometimes ascribed to -Thomas B. Chandler, and sometimes to Lieut. Henry Barry. Cooper also -printed _The American querist, or some questions proposed relative to -the present disputes between Great Britain and her American colonies_ -(N. Y., 1774; Boston, 1774; London, 1775,—Sabin, iv. 16,586). - -[307] It is printed in Almon's _Prior Documents_ (1777), with -Franklin's name, and Sparks includes it in his edition of Franklin (iv. -466). Lee is also said to have had a main hand, aided by Franklin, in -_An appeal to the justice and interests of the people of Great Britain -in the present dispute with America_ (London, 1774). Cf. Sparks's -_Franklin_, iv. 409. Another tract ascribed at the time to Franklin was -really written by James Wilson, namely, _Considerations on the nature -and extent of the legislative authority of the British parliament_ -Philad., 1774. Cf, Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 409. - -[308] Philad. and London, 1774; included in _Political Writings of -Dickinson_ (Wilmington, 1801, vol. i.), and in _Penna. Archives_, 2d -ser., iii. 560. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, x. 288. Governor Bernard briefly -set forth his view of _The Causes of the present distractions in -America_ (1774), and also gathered certain letters written from Boston -in 1763-68, and published them as _Select letters on the trade and -government of America_ (London, 1774,—Sabin, ii. 4,920, 4,925). The -government printed a _Report of the Lords' Committee, appointed to -inquire into the several proceedings in the colony of Mass. Bay, in -opposition to the sovereignty of his Majesty_ (London, 1774). Granville -Sharp's _Declaration of the people's natural right to a share in the -legislature_, issued in London (1774), was reprinted in Boston, New -York, and Philadelphia (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 650). - -[309] Cf., for instance, the letters of the king to Dartmouth, in -the Dartmouth Papers (_Hist. MSS. Com. Rept._, ii.); proceedings in -Parliament given in Force, 4th ser., i. 5, and in Niles's _Principles_, -etc.; Hutchinson's diary, including his interview with the king (P. O. -Hutchinson, i. p. 157) and talks with Pownall (p. 251); the picture -of Fox and Barré in debates in Smyth's _Lectures_ (ii. 386), and such -more general accounts as those in Frothingham's _Rise_, etc. (p. 344), -Bancroft's _United States_ (vii. 173, 186, 194), Parton's _Franklin_ -(ii. 5), and papers by T. H. Pattison in the _New Englander_ (xl. 571), -and Winthrop Sargent in the _No. Amer. Rev._, lxxx. p. 236. The letters -of Franklin (_Works_, iv.) add much, and the influence and speeches of -Chatham bring him into prominence. - -[310] Dawson's _Westchester_, 48, 50, 60, where the authorities of -the diverse views are cited. Its sessions closed April 3d, and it -was the last Assembly under the royal order. Its proceedings are in -Jones's _New York during the Rev._, i. 506. Within a month a general -association was signed (April 29th) in New York of the opposers of -government (Jones, i. 505). The proceedings of the New York and -Elizabethtown committee of observation, relating to infractions of the -non-importation agreements, are in the _N. Jersey Archives_, x. 561. -The records of the provincial congress (which followed) are at Albany, -and are partly printed in Force. The _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxxvii.) show -extracts, 1775-78. (Cf. Dawson, 91. Cf. Hamilton's _Repub. of the U. -S._, i. ch. 3; Reed's _Jos. Reed_, i.93.) As soon as Governor Tryon -discovered the temper of the Continental Congress he sought safety on -board a man-of-war in the harbor (_Ibid._, 118), and later in the year -(Dec. 4th) he addressed a letter to the people of the province, urging -the adoption of plans of reconciliation (_Ibid._, 141). - -[311] Henry was a character of which, as time goes on, there is an -appreciating estimate. His grandson, William Wirt Henry, is preparing -an extended memoir, having already sketched his career in the _Hist. -Mag._, xii. 90, 368, xxii. 272, 346; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, p. 78. -Professor Moses Coit Tyler has embodied new material in his _Patrick -Henry_ of the "American Statesmen Series." Cf. Frothingham's _Rise_, -etc., 179; Mahon, v. 89; and references in _Poole's Index_. For -contemporary judgments, see _John Adams's Works_, i. 208, x. 277; -and Jefferson's letter in _Hist. Mag._, Aug., 1867, and comments -in _Ibid._, Dec., 1867. Alexander Johnston, in his _Representative -American Orations_ (vol. i.), selects Henry's speech in the House of -Delegates, March 28, 1775, as the leading specimen of Revolutionary -oratory. The usual portrait of Patrick Henry is the one by Sully, -representing him with his spectacles raised upon his forehead. It -was engraved by W. S. Leney in 1817. There is a woodcut in Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 439. His is one of the portraits in Independence -Hall. On the class rank of the leading agitators in Virginia, compare -Rives's _Madison_, i. 71; Grigsby on _The Virginia Convention of 1776_; -and John Tyler's _Address at Jamestown, May, 1857_. - -[312] _Journals of Congress_, i. 40. - -[313] Cf. verses "Loyal York" from _Rivington's Gazetteer_, in Moore's -_Songs and Ballads_, 74. - -[314] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 37. For Hancock's character, see -Wells's _Sam. Adams_, an unfavorable view. Cf. also Sanderson's -_Signers of the Decl. of Ind._; Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_; C. -W. Upham's speech in the Mass. Legislature, March 17, 1859, on the bill -for preserving the Hancock House. Hancock's correspondence as president -of Congress is in Force, 4th ser., v.; 5th ser., i., ii., iii. - -[315] Cf. ed. in 13 vols. Also see _List of delegates, with journal -of their proceedings from May 10 to July 31, 1775_ (Philad., -1775,—Sabin, x. 41,447). Extracts from the votes, etc., were printed -in New York; and their _Journal_ in Philad. and New York (Haven in -Thomas, ii. 656). There are notes on the debates in _John Adams's -Works_, ii. 445. Cf. _Elliot's Debates_, i. 45. A fac-simile of the -minutes for Dec. 26, 1775, signed by Chas. Thomson, is given in J. -J. Smith's _Hist. and Lit. Curios._, 2d ser., p. xiii. The several -publications of the Congress (included also in their _Journals_) are as -follows:—_Declaration by the representatives of the United Colonies_ -... _setting forth the causes and necessity of taking up arms_ -(Philad., Watertown, Newport, 1775; London, 1775,—Sabin, iv. 15,522). -Cf. L. H. Porter's _Outlines of the Const. Hist. of the U. S._, p. 38. - -_The twelve United Colonies by their delegates in Congress to the -inhabitants of Great Britain, July 8, 1775_ (Philad., 1775; Newport, -1775,—Sabin, iv. 15,596). It was drafted by R. H. Lee. Cf. his _Life_, -i. 143. Cf. Ramsay's _Rev. in S. Carolina_, p. 362. - -_Address of the twelve United Colonies_ ... _to the people of Ireland_ -(Philad. and New York, 1775,—Sabin, iv. 15,512). - -_Address from the delegates of the twelve United Colonies to the people -of New England_ (Newport, 1775; reprinted in the _R. I. Hist. Mag._, -1885). - -A petition to the king was adopted July 8th. It is said to have been -moulded, in part at least, upon an appeal of Richard Stockton, of -New Jersey, dated Dec. 12, 1774 (_Orderly-book of Sir John Johnson_, -p. 176-78). Cf. Force, 4th ser., iv. 607; Ramsay, i. 355; Sparks's -_Franklin_, i. 372, x. 435; Bancroft, vii. 186; Barry's _Mass._, ii. -60, 61, with references; Lee's _Arthur Lee_, i. 47; ii. 312. The London -agents were instructed to print and circulate it (_Journals_, i. 112). -Mahon (vol. vi.) says that the king was influenced by a mere punctilio -in not replying to it, and Dartmouth writes to Carleton that it found -no favor in or out of Parliament. - -On the choice by Congress of Washington as commander-in-chief, -see _John Adams's Works_, ii. 417; Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. ch. -37; Hildreth's _United States_; Hamilton's _Hamilton_, i. 110; -Frothingham's _Rise of the Repub._, 430, and his paper in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, March, 1876, and C. F. Adams in _Ibid._, June, 1858. - -On the proposed articles of confederation (May 10th) and the debate -thereon, see Sparks's _Franklin_, v. 91; _N. Jersey Archives_, x. 692; -_Secret Journals of Congress_ (July and Aug., 1775); and a contemporary -draft of the articles in _Letters and Papers, 1761-1776_ (MSS. in Mass. -Hist. Soc. library). - -In June, 1775, the Congress was called upon to approve the form of -autonomy into which the progress of events had forced the people -of Massachusetts Bay. Mr. A. C. Goodell, Jr., has traced the legal -bearings of successive steps in a paper in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -May, 1884, p. 192. The word "province" was renounced, as the dependence -upon the royal governor had ceased; and the word "colony" accepted, as -indicating the modified dependence which still held applicable to the -relations of the people to the throne. Up to April, 1776, the regnal -year was used in acts, but upon the Declaration of Independence being -received, all legislative acts run in the name of the "State." For -the change of government in New Hampshire, see Belknap's _Hist. of N. -Hampshire_, and papers in the Belknap MSS. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -x. 324). An _Historical Sketch of the Hillsborough County Congresses -held at Amherst, N. H., 1774 and 1775, with other Revolutionary -Records_, by Edw. D. Boylston, was published at Amherst in 1884. - -On May 10th Congress adopted _Rules and articles for the better -government of the troops raised and to be raised by the twelve United -English Colonies_ (Philad., Watertown, Mass., New York, 1775). Also -in Force, 4th ser., ii., 1855; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 538; _R. I. -Col. Rec._, vii. 340; _N. J. Prov. Cong._, etc. (1879), p. 264. The -Massachusetts articles of war were much the same. The _Rules_ arranged -by Timothy Pickering were published in 1775, and a presentation copy -from Pickering to Gen. John Thomas, with a letter annexed, belongs to -W. A. Thomas, of Kingston, Mass. - -The plan of Congress for organizing the militia is given in their -_Journals_, i. 118. They also caused to be printed W. Sewall's _Method -of making saltpetre_ (Philad., 1775). A paper by C. C. Smith on the -making of gunpowder during the Revolution is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, March, 1876. As to the manufacture of other munitions of war, -see Bishop's _Hist. Amer. Manuf._, i. ch. 17 and 18, and index, under -cannon and firearms; and J. F. Tuttle on the Hibernia furnace, in the -_N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 2d ser., vi. 148. - -An agreement of the members (Nov. 9th) to keep the proceedings secret -is given in fac-simile in _Force_, 4th ser., iii. 1,918. A Committee -of Secret Correspondence, for preserving relations with sympathizers -in Europe, was established Nov. 29th. (Cf. C. W. F. Dumas's letters in -_Diplom. Corresp._, ix.; and _Force_, 5th ser., ii. and iii.) - -For the Congress in general, see the histories of Gordon, Pitkin (i. -ch. 9), Bancroft (vii. 353, viii. 25, 51), Grahame (iv. 407), Hildreth -(iii. ch. 31); Greene's _Hist. View_, 89; Frothingham's _Rise_, etc., -419; Thaddeus Allen's _Origination of the Amer. Union_; Lecky (iii. -465); Ryerson (i. ch. 23); and the histories of the original States. -Also, see lives of the members, etc.,—Franklin (by Sparks, Bigelow, -Parton), Washington (by Marshall, Sparks, Irving), Sam. Adams (by -Wells, ii. ch. 37), John Adams (by Adams, i. 212, ii. 408, x. 163, 171, -396, and his _Familiar Letters_, 83), R. H. Lee (i. 140), Schuyler (by -Lossing, i. 316), Jefferson (by Randall, i. ch. 4, by Parton, ch. 19), -Jay (by Jay), Madison (by Rives, i. 105), Geo. Read (by Read, 110), -Gouverneur Morris (by Sparks, i. 46), Rutledge (by Flanders, ch. 8); -lives of John Alsop and Philip Livingston (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. -226, 303); Silas Deane's letters in _Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii.; -diary of Christopher Marshall; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, by John Ward, -ii. 193; _Poole's Index_, p. 295. A memorial of the inhabitants of -Newport to the Congress is in the _R. I. Hist. Mag._, July, 1855. Sam. -Adams wrote, Nov. 16th, from Philadelphia to Bowdoin: "The petition -of Congress has been treated with evident contempt. I cannot conceive -that there is any room to hope for the virtuous efforts of the people -of Britain" (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii., 227). Walpole (_Last -Journal_, i. 439) describes the effects of the action of this Congress -in England. - -The most significant controversial reply in England to the action of -Congress came from a man of whom William S. Johnson (Beardsley, p. -71) was reporting to his American friends that he "was not much above -an idiot" in appearance, but could repay one for his unfavorable -appearance when he spoke,—Dr. Samuel Johnson, who published in 1775 -his _Taxation no tyranny, an answer to the resolutions and address -of the American Congress_, passing through four editions in that -year. Macaulay says of it: "The arguments were such as boys use in -debating societies. The pleasantry was as awkward as the gambols -of a hippopotamus." Cf. Johnson's works, all editions; Boswell's -_Johnson_; Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 257-8; Smyth's _Lectures_, ii. -399; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 110; Sabin, ix. 36,303, where (36,304-9) -are various tracts which appeared in answer. Cf. _Cooke Catal._, no. -1,315. One of the most prominent of these replies was an anonymous -_Defence of the resolutions and address of the American congress, in -reply to Taxation no tyranny. By the author of Regulus. To which are -added, general remarks on the leading principles of that work, as -published in the London Evening Post of the 2d and 4th of May; and a -short chain of deductions from one clear position of common sense and -experience_ (London, 1775,—Sabin, iv. 15,523). The next year the same -writer published _A letter to the Rev. Dr._ [Richard] _Price_. Moore's -_Sheridan_ (ch. 3) gives an outline of an intended answer to Johnson. - -A sort of semi-official response to the Declaration, made on the part -of the government, appeared in the _Rights of Great Britain asserted -against the claims of America_, which is usually ascribed to Sir John -Dalrymple, though by some to James Macpherson. It appeared in seven or -eight editions at London in 1776, and also the same year at Edinburgh -and Philadelphia, and was translated into French (Sabin, v. 18,347). -Dalrymple is said also to have been the writer of an _Address of the -people of Great Britain to the inhabitants of America_, published -anonymously by Cadell, at London, in 1775. This was a conciliatory -effort at coöperation with certain placating measures, which the -government sought to promote, and copies of the tract in large numbers -are said to have been sent to America for distribution (Sabin, v. -18,346; _Sparks Catal._, no. 709; Stevens, _Nugget_, no. 3,106). - -A Portuguese Jew, Isaac Pinto, living in Holland, took up the line of -argument used in the _Rights of Great Britain_, and "employed a venal -pen", as Franklin expressed it, "in the most insolent manner, against -the Americans" (_Sparks Catal._, no. 2,075; _Diplom. Corresp. of the -Rev._, ix. 265). Pinto's tracts were addressed to Samuel Barretts of -Jamaica, and were called _Lettre ... au sujet des troubles qui agitent -actuellement toute l'Amérique Septentrionale_, and a _Seconde Lettre_ -(both La Haye, 1776,—Sabin, xv. 62,988-89). The English translation, -_Letters on the American Troubles_, appeared the same year in London -(Sabin, xv. 62,990). Pinto was answered in _Nouvelles observations_, -and a _Réponse_ followed, also La Haye, 1776 (Sabin, xiii. 56,095, xv. -62,991). - -Almon published in 1775 an _Appeal to the justice and interests of the -people on the measures respecting America_, and the same year a _Second -appeal_; and later, by the same author, _A speech intended to have been -delivered in the House of the Commons in support of the petition from -the general Congress at Philad._ There has been much difference of -opinion as to the writers of these tracts, the names of Arthur Lee, C. -Glover, Lord Chatham, and Franklin having been mentioned. (Cf. _Cooke -Catal._, iii. no. 1,033; R. H. Lee's _Life of A. Lee_, i. 19.) - -[316] "Massachusettensis", a Tory writer, brought out his first letter -in the _Mass. Gazette_, Dec. 12, 1774, and continued them at intervals -till April 3, 1775. The evidence that their writer was Leonard is -presented in Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 231; by Lucius Manlius Sargent -in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, Oct., 1864, or vol. xviii. -291, 353 (from the _Boston Transcript_). The letters were separately -published in New York, 1775, as _The present political state of the -province of Mass. Bay in general and the town of Boston in particular_, -and again as _The origin of the Amer. Contest with Great Britain, or -the present political state_, etc.,—both giving the writer as "a -native of New England" (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 660). What is called -a second and third edition (London, 1776) purports to follow a Boston -imprint, and is called _Massachusettensis, or a series of letters -containing a faithful state of many facts, which laid the foundation -of the present troubles, ... by a person of honor upon the spot_. (Cf. -Sabin, x. p. 219.) There was also an edition in Dublin, 1776 (_Hist. -Mag._, i. 249). Lecky (iii. 419) speaks of these letters as showing -"remarkable eloquence and touching and manifest earnestness." Trumbull, -in the first canto of his _M'Fingal_, had early assumed that Leonard -was the author. See, on Leonard, Sabine's _Amer. Loyalists_ and Ellis -Ames in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 52. - -John Adams, on the patriot side, began Jan. 23, 1775, a series of -letters in the _Boston Gazette_, to counteract the effect of those of -"Massachusettensis", and used the signature "Novanglus." The fight at -Lexington broke off further publication for either disputant. Almon -printed an abridgment of these papers in the _Remembrancer_, and they -were later (London, 1783, 1784) published as _A history of the Dispute -with America_, and were included finally in C. F. Adams's ed. of _John -Adams's Works_ (vol. iv.,—see also ii. 405, x. 178-79). - -Both series were reprinted together in Boston in 1819, with a preface -by Adams, who then still considered Sewall his adversary. Cf. Edmund -Quincy's _Life of Quincy_, p. 381; Frothingham's _Rise of the Repub._, -393. - -Of the Boston newspapers, _Fleet's Evening Post_ was used -indiscriminately as the organ of the patriots and their opponents, -and expired April 24, 1775; the _Boston Newsletter_ passed under -governmental control, and alone continued to be published during the -siege of Boston; the _Massachusetts Gazette_ was the chief organ of -the government; the _Boston Gazette_, devoted to the patriots, and -more temperate than the _Massachusetts Spy_, which was later removed -to Worcester. The most important Massachusetts journal outside of -Boston was the _Essex Gazette_. (Cf. B. F. Thomas's _Memoir of Isaiah -Thomas_, prefixed to the Amer. Antiq. Society's ed. of Thomas's _Hist. -of Printing_ [also see ii. 294]; J. T. Buckingham's _Specimens of -newspaper literature_; F. Hudson's _American Journalism_; _Mem. Hist. -Boston_, iii. 130.) - -Rivington published in New York the principal paper in the Tory -interests, known as the _Gazetteer_, 1773-1775, and later as the -_Loyal_ and then _Royal Gazette_. The footnotes in Moore's _Diary of -the American Revolution_ and Thomas's _Hist. of Printing_ will show the -newspapers of the other colonies. - -The tracts of 1775-76 are too numerous to enumerate. Grahame -characterizes the chief writers (_United States_, iv. 320). The monthly -lists of the _Gent. Mag._ and _Monthly Rev._ will show most of their -titles for England. Cf. Adolphus's _England_, ii. 331; Morgann's _Life -of Richard Price_; Fitzmaurice's _Shelburne_, iii. 95. Haven's list for -America ends with 1775; but the Brinley, Sparks, and other catalogues -give many of them, and they can be found in Sabin by their authors' -names. Many of these tracts embody plans of reconciliation. - -[317] Sabin, xv. nos. 65,444, etc.; P. O. Hutchinson, ii. 38. John -Wilkes, who had been Lord Mayor of London since 1774, brought the -influence of its government against the ministry, and Price was offered -the freedom of the city. Wilkes's speech of Feb. 6, 1775, is in Niles -(ed. 1776, p. 425). In April, 1775, Wilkes and the aldermen had -appealed to the king against the ministry (Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. -282), and there is a broadside copy of an appeal, July 5, 1775, by the -city to the king, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. In Aug., 1775, when -the king issued his proclamation for the suppression of the rebellion, -Wilkes paid it studied affront. - -[318] Varying views of the current of British feeling will be found in -Frothingham's _Rise of the Repub._, p. 412, etc.; in Bancroft, orig. -ed., vii. 219, 241, 257, etc., and in the final revision, iv. ch. 22 -and 23. Lecky (iii. 573) thinks the majority of the people were with -the king, and Hutchinson reported like views (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xvi. 255). Galloway was still communicating to the ministry secret -intelligence through Gov. Franklin, of New Jersey (_N. J. Archives_, x. -570), and was causing it to be known that the people in the colonies -who were for war were the violent ones, while the Quakers and the -Dutch, the Baptists, Mennonists, and Dumplers, were for moderation -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 340). - -[Illustration] - -A letter of John Wesley, June 14, 1775, to the Earl of Dartmouth, -protesting against the war, is among the Dartmouth Papers, noted in -the _Hist. MSS. Com. Rept._, ii., and is printed in _Macmillan's -Mag._, Dec., 1870. Dartmouth, July 5th, wrote to Governor Franklin, -of N. Jersey, that the king was determined to crush the revolt (_N. -J. Archives_, x. 513, 645), and the king issued his proclamation "for -suppressing rebellion and sedition" Aug. 23, 1775. It was sent over -in broadside (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 186), and is printed in -Force's _Amer. Archives_. In September Arthur Lee was writing of the -violent temper of the ministry (_Calendar of A. Lee Papers_, p. 7, no. -62). The _Diary_ of Governor Hutchinson helps us much, and throws light -on the talk of compromise (ii. 25, 27), the temporary forgetfulness of -the American question in the trial of the Duchess of Kingston (ii. 34), -and Pownall's talk (ii. 127). The military resources of the colonies -were not overlooked, and _A letter to Lord Geo. Germain_ (London, 1776) -warned that minister of what this meant, while the decision to pardon -criminals in order to enlist them in the service of suppressing the -rebellion did not a little to widen the breach (Lecky, iii. 585). - -Abstracts of various papers in the Public Record Office for 1775 are -given in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 340, etc. - -[319] Cf. the indexes under the names of the leading debaters. - -[320] The subject gets some enlivenment in the Toryism of Walpole's -_George the Third_, edited by Le Marchant, and his _Last Journals_, -edited by Dr. Doran. - -Edmund Burke's conspicuousness makes his character and the record of -it of first importance, and we need for successive estimates of his -influence to consult the lives of him by Bisset, Prior, P. Burke, -and Macknight. For his bearing as a speaker, see Wraxall's _Hist. -Memoirs_ (ii. 35). For an estimate of his arguments, see Smyth's -_Lectures_ (Bohn's ed., ii. 403, 408). His speeches on American -Taxation (April 19, 1774) and conciliation (March 22, 1775) are in -the various collected editions of his _Works_,—among the best of -such being the Boston edition (1865, etc., Little, Brown & Co.) and -the edition published by Nimmo (1885),—all of them following in the -main Rivington's first octavo edition in 16 vols., London, 1801-27. -Henry Morley has edited, with an introduction, Burke's _Two speeches -on Conciliation with America_ (London, 1886). His speech of March 22, -1775, is in Niles's _Principles_, etc. (1876 ed., p. 429). Lecky (iii. -426) sketches his policy. For conversations of Burke and North, see -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1881, p. 358. - -The lives and speeches of Chatham are quite as necessary. Franklin -was introduced into the Lords in Jan., 1775, by Chatham himself, when -Chatham brought forward his motion for conciliation with America, and -Franklin considered as much the best the notes which Josiah Quincy, -Jr., made (Jan. 20, 1775) of the speeches of Chatham and Camden (_Life -of J. Quincy, Jr._, 226, 264, 272, 318, 335, 403, 418; Sparks's -_Franklin_, v. 43). Among the Cathcart MSS. is a contemporary copy of -Chatham's plan which the Lords rejected (_Hist. MSS. Com. Rept._, ii. -p. 28). The later speech of Dec. 20, 1775, for removing the troops from -Boston, is also in Niles (1876 ed., p. 455). Cf. Gordon, i. 298; Force, -4th ser., i. 1,494; Smyth's _Lectures_, ii.; Parton's _Franklin_, -ii. Mahon says that the whole spirit evaporates from the reports of -Chatham's speeches in Almon. In March, 1775, Camden made a speech -which Hutchinson (P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_, 408, 410) -describes and imagines Camden to have made in order that Franklin might -take the speech to America. Hutchinson also in the same month describes -Franklin in the Commons gallery, "staring with his spectacles", and -listening to the speeches against America. Two speeches of Mansfield -against America were criticised in _The Plea of the Colonies on the -Charges brought against them by Lord M——d and others_ (London, 1775, -1776; Philad., 1777,—Sabin, xv. 63,401-2). - -Charles James Fox had been dismissed from the Tory government in 1774, -and was now on the opposition side, a young and vehement debater of -twenty-five (Lecky, iii. 571; Russell's _Mem. and Corresp. of Fox_, and -his _Life and Times of Fox_; numerous references in _Poole's Index_, -p. 472). On the relations of English parties to the American question, -see Lecky (iii. 586); Campbell's _Life of Loughborough_, in his _Lord -Chancellors_; _Rockingham and his Contemporaries_; Geo. W. Cooke's -_Hist. of Party_ (London, 1786-87; 1837, vol. iii.,—Sabin, iv. 16,309). - -[321] Cf. Franklin's letters in his _Works_, and the letters to him -from Quincy, Winthrop, Cooper, and Warren in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -vii. 118, etc. - -[322] Parton, ii. 26. - -[323] Cf. Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 41, 44; Mahon, v. 24; Niles (1876 -ed.), 476, _Gent. Mag._, xlvii. Franklin left London in March, -1775, and on his voyage home he wrote out an account of his recent -negotiations, which is printed in Sparks (vol. i.) and in Bigelow (ii. -256). There are different copies of this paper (Parton, ii. 71); and -Stevens (_Hist. Coll._, i. p. 160 D) has an account of one given to -Jefferson (Bigelow, ii. 253). - -Just before leaving London, Franklin wrote some articles for the -_Public Advertiser_ on _The Rise and Progress of the Difference between -Great Britain and her American Colonies_, which are reprinted in -Sparks, iv. 526. (Cf. _Ibid._, v. 2, 97, and Parton, ii. 72.) - -[324] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 85. - -[325] P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. Hutchinson_, i. 115, 116. Percy, writing -(April 17, 1774) just before he left England, said: "I fancy severity -is intended. Surely the people of Boston are not mad enough to think -of opposing us. Steadiness and temper will, I hope, set things in that -quarter right, and Gen. Gage is the proper man to do it." Letter to -Dr. Percy (Bishop of Dromore), among the Percy MSS. in Boston Public -Library. - -[326] Address of the Merchants of Boston in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xii. 45. A broadside list of the addressers, as taken from the _London -Gazetteer_ and _New Daily Advertiser_ of Sept. 24, 1774, was printed in -Boston. There is a copy in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society. - -[327] Where he had occupied the Hooper house. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, xvi. 6; _Evelyns in America_, p. 267. There is a view of it in -_The Century_, xxviii. p. 864. "King Hooper", as he was called, was -born in 1710 and died in 1790. Cf. Perkins' _Copley_, p. 74, for a -picture of him. - -There is a portrait of Gage, now in the State House at Boston, which -came to Gen. William H. Sumner through his marriage with Gage's -niece, and which is engraved in Sumner's _Hist. of East Boston_. A -contemporary engraving of Gage is reproduced in Shannon's _N. Y. -Manual_, 1869, p. 766, and in Wheildon's _Siege of Boston_. - -[328] Lee, in Sept., 1774, was writing of Gage: "He is now actually -shut up at Boston ... and has perhaps the most able and determined -men of the whole world to deal with." Chas. Lee Papers, _N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 136. Various letters of this period written from -Boston are in the _Evelyns in America_ (Oxford, 1881). - -[329] This is the house still standing, belonging to James Russell -Lowell. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 114. - -[330] Loring's _Hundred Orators_, p. 89; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 62; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi. 261. - -[331] - -[Illustration] - -For an account of Preble, see _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1868, pp. -404, 421. He, as well as Ward and Pomeroy, had been in the French wars. - -[332] P. O. Hutchinson, 293, 297. Percy was writing, October 27, 1774, -from the camp in Boston: "Our affairs here are in the most critical -situation imaginable. Nothing less than the total loss or conquest of -the colonies must be the end of it.... We have got together a clever -little army here." _Percy MSS._ in Boston Public Library. - -[333] _Percy MSS._, Nov. 25, 1774: "I really begin now to think that it -will come to blows at last, for they are most amazingly encouraged by -our having done nothing as yet. The people here are the most artful, -designing villains in the world." - -[334] _Mem. of Quincy_, p. 216. - -[335] Letters, Dec. 12 and 28, 1774. The census or estimate by congress -in 1775 gave New England 800,000 souls. - -[336] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1868, p. 337; letters of Gov. -Wentworth in _Ibid._, 1869, p. 274; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. -450; Force's _Am. Archives_; Belknap's _New Hampshire_; T. C. Amory's -_General Sullivan_, 295; _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. 31; _N. H. Provincial -Papers_, vii. 420-423, 478; Mary P. Thompson's _Mem. of Judge Eben. -Thompson_ (Concord, N. H., 1886). - -[337] E. S. Riley, Jr., in _Southern Monthly_, xiv, 537. - -[338] Sept. 30, 1774. - -[339] Gibbes' _Doc. Hist. of the Amer. Rev._ - -[340] Thornton's _Pulpit of the Rev._, p. 218. - -[341] - -[Illustration] - -The paper which excited Patrick Henry was the "Broken Hints" of Joseph -Hawley, which was first printed in Niles's _Principles and Acts of the -Revolution_; and since in _John Adams'_ _Works_, ix. p. 641. - -[342] See documents in _Amer. Archives_; Frank Moore's _Diary of the -Revolution_, i. 15. - -[343] Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 416. - -[344] _Ibid._, p. 413. - -[345] P. O. Hutchinson, p. 371. - -[346] Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 418. - -[347] Gage seems to have reported to the War Office that the -information was erroneous which induced him to send out this -expedition. P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. Hutchinson_, 432. Cf. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xiv. 348. - -[348] They started April 5th. Howe's record appears in _A Journal kept -by Mr. John Howe, while he was employed as a British Spy during the -Revolutionary War; also while he was engaged in the smuggling business -during the late war_. (Concord, N. H., 1827.) The only copy known is -in the library of the New Hampshire Hist. Soc. Extracts from it are -printed in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Apr. 20, 1886. - -[349] Their reports to Gage are in Force's _Amer. Archives_. - -[350] P. O. Hutchinson, p. 397. - -[351] _Ibid._, p. 529; Joshua Green's diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, xiv. 101. - -[352] Rivington's _N. Y. Gazetteer_, Mar. 16, 1775, cited in Loring's -_Hundred Boston Orators_, 60; also Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, -i. 34. - -[353] The manuscript of Warren's address is preserved in the hands of -Dr. John C. Warren, and a page of it is in fac-simile in the _Mem. -Hist. of Boston_, 143. Frothingham enumerates the editions of the -printed pamphlet in his _Warren_, p. 436. - -[354] It was printed as given "at the request of a number of the -inhabitants of the town of Boston." Haven in Thomas, ii. 654. - -[355] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 64. - -[356] Niles's _Principles and Acts of the Revolution_ (ed. of 1876), p. -277. - -[357] "Much art and pains have been employed to dismay us", wrote -Samuel Cooper to Franklin, Apr. 1, 1775, "or provoke us to some rash -action, but hitherto the people have behaved with astonishing calmness -and resolution." _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 124. - -[358] Moore's _Diary of Amer. Rev._, i. 57. - -[359] On this same day, Percy, in Boston, was writing "Things now every -day begin to grow more and more serious. The [rebels] are every day -in great numbers evacuating this town, and have proposed in congress -either to set it on fire and attack the troops before a reinforcement -comes, or to endeavor to starve us. Which they mean to adopt time only -can show." _Percy MSS._ in Boston Public Library. - -[360] P. O. Hutchinson, pp. 428, 433. - -[361] _Ibid._, 434, 475. - -[362] Thomas's letter in the _Worcester Centennial Anniversary_, p. 116. - -[363] They lodged in the house of the Rev. Jonas Clark, half a mile -away from Lexington Common. Loring's _Orators_, 81. The house was built -in 1698. See Hudson's _Lexington_. A painting of the house was owned by -the late H. G. Clark, of Boston. - -[364] As early as Jan. 28, instructions to Gage to apprehend the -leaders of Congress had been signed. P. O. Hutchinson, p. 416. - -[365] Gage had married her in 1758. She died in 1824, aged 90. - -[366] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 70. - -[367] Gen. Wm. H. Sumner (_New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, viii. 188) -records some recollections of the opening of the fight as narrated to -him by Dorothy Quincy, later Mrs. John Hancock, who saw it begin. - -[368] Hudson's _Lexington_, 200. - -[369] The night had been chilly; but the day grew rapidly warm. The -season was a month early. Cf. Geo. Dexter's note in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, xix. 377. - -[370] John Howe was sent towards Lexington to meet and hurry Percy -along. _Journal of John Howe._ - -[371] Cf. Everett's _Orations_, i. p. 102. - -[372] These were under the command of Col. Timothy Pickering, who -was then and has been since charged with dilatoriness in coming up. -Bancroft (_United States_) and W. V. Wells (_Sam. Adams_) so assert. -Bancroft was controverted by Samuel Swett in a pamphlet in 1859, and -Octavius Pickering, in his _Life of T. Pickering_ (ch. 5 and App.), -makes a full defence of his father. - -[373] Andrews' letters (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, July, 1865) show the -rumors which reached Gage in Boston during the day. There were some -among the provincials who thought the news, when received in England, -would stir up civil war (_Proceedings_, vol. v. p. 3); but Washington -records, respecting its influence there, that it was "far from making -the impression generally expected here." Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 43. - -[374] Minutes in _Mass. Archives_, vol. cxv. - -[375] Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 311. - -[376] Frothingham's _Warren_, 467. - -[377] It was before long known what a reception these delegates had -had in New York, and how the crowd were with difficulty prevented -from taking the horses from Hancock's carriage and drawing it. _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1865, p. 135. The journey of the delegates to -Philadelphia in May, 1775, is described in the Deane Correspondence -(_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 222, etc.), and Jones (_N. Y. during the -Rev._, i. 45) describes their reception. - -[378] The papers of Quincy include a long message to the patriots, -practically a report on his English mission, which he was too weak -to write himself, but dictated to a sailor on the voyage. The only -poetrait of Quincy is one painted after his death. This is engraved in -the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. iii. - -[379] The trouble was in part whether "effects" included merchandise -as well as furniture. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 58. Cf. -Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 483. James Bowdoin, as representative of -the Boston people, tried to make an arrangement on the basis of a -surrender of arms, and the draft of an order in Bowdoin's handwriting, -in the name of Gage, is given, with references, in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -iii. 76. Cf. _Evacuation Memorial_, p. 115. A part of the agreement -with Gage was that the country Tories should be allowed to move into -Boston. Among those who soon found their way into Boston, but under -difficulties, were Lady Frankland and Benjamin Thompson, afterwards -Count Rumford. (_Evacuation Mem._, 125-130. Cf. Barry's _Mass._, iii. -5, and references.) - -[380] Whittier's "Great Ipswich Fright", in his _Prose Works_, ii. 112; -_Ipswich Antiq. Papers_, iv. no. 46; Crowell's _Essex_ (Mass.), 205. - -[381] See Alexander Scammell's letter in Amory's _General Sullivan_, -299. New Hampshire was already sending forward her men. _Hist. Mag._, -vii. 21. - -[382] Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 141. - -[383] Force's _Am. Archives_, ii. 433-39; Beardsley's _Life of W. S. -Johnson_, 110, 210. The Massachusetts delegates meanwhile had tarried -long enough in Connecticut, on their way to Philadelphia, to confirm -the patriots there, and force the halting to take a decided stand. Cf. -_Journals Prov. Cong._, 179, 194, 196. - -[384] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 227. - -[385] Cf. account of Warner in _Hist. Mag._, iv. 200, and by Gen. -Walter Harriman in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p. 363. - -[386] De Costa's _Lake George_, p. 11; Jones, _N. Y. during the Rev._, -i. p. 550. There is an account of Bernard Romans in F. M. Ruttenber's -_Obstructions to the Navigation of Hudson's River_, (Albany, 1860), p. -9. - -[387] Various papers respecting the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown -Point in the spring of 1775, and movements thereabouts, are in the -Mass. Archives, including letters of John Brown, Arnold, Allen, Easton, -and some of these are copied in the _Sparks MSS._, vol. lx. Sparks -indorses on a copy of the letter of the Mass. committee at Crown Point, -June 23, 1776: "By the journal of the Mass. assembly it appears that -Arnold, on his way to Ticonderoga, had engaged a company of men in -Stockbridge, who marched on the 10th of May, under Captain Abraham -Brown, but how far is uncertain." - -On the trouble between Allen and Arnold at Crown Point (May, 1775), see -the Deane Correspondence. (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 247.) - -[388] Frothingham's _Siege_, 106. - -[389] Circulated in broadside. There is one in the Mass. Hist. Soc. -Cabinet, among the Elton broadsides. - -[390] _Heath Papers_ (MS.), vol. i. - -[391] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 352. - -[392] Grape Island, May 21: Moore's _Diary of the Am. Rev._, i. 84, 85; -Adams' _Familiar Letters_, 56; Frothingham's _Warren_, 492, 496; _New -Jersey Archives_, x. 606. - -Noddle's Island, May 27: Frothingham's _Siege_, 109; Dawson's _Battle_, -i. 47; Force's _Am. Archives_, ii. 719; Gordon, ii. 24; Humphrey's -_Putnam_, 69; Tarbox's _Putnam_; Sumner's _East Boston; N. E. Hist. and -Gen. Reg._, April, 1857, p. 137. - -[393] Frothingham's _Warren_, 490 (May 16). - -[394] P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. Hutchinson_, 457. - -[395] Thornton's _Pulpit of the Revolution_, p. 277. - -[396] _Life of Gerry_, i. 79. - -[397] _Familiar Letters_, p. 60. - -[398] P. O. Hutchinson, p. 468. - -[399] Issued in pursuance of Dartmouth's instructions of April 15. -Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 510. There are copies of the broadside in -the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, and in the Bostonian Society's rooms. - -[400] Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 136, with the document in the Appendix. -It is also in Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 122. Moore, in -his _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, i. 93, gives a sample of the fun made of -it in rhyme. Cf. Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 310. - -[401] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 352. - -[402] E. E. Hale, _One Hundred Years Ago_. - -[403] Cf. John Adams's account of this choice, _Works_, ii. 417; -_Familiar Letters_, 65; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 68. Also see -Sparks' _Washington_, i. 138, etc.; iii. 1; Barry's _Mass._, iii. 18, -and references; Irving's _Washington_, i. 411. His commission and -instructions are in Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 479. - -[404] Frothingham's _Warren_, 512; _Evacuation Memorial_, p. 731; -Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 13, 17. - -[405] It was torn down in the summer of 1884. See cut and note in _Mem. -Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 108. - -[406] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 83. - -[407] The first boat to approach was struck by a three-pound shot from -the redoubt. _Life of Josiah Quincy_, by Edmund Quincy, p. 372. - -[408] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 69. - -[409] This is Stedman's statement, but it seems at variance with the -official report, which states that they took sixty-six rounds with -their guns, and did not use over half. Denman's _Royal Artillery_, 3d -ed., ii. 303. - -[410] Washington, on his arrival in Cambridge, recognized the services -of Col. Joseph Ward, who at this time had borne an order from General -Ward across Charlestown Neck amid the cross-fire of the British -batteries, by giving him a brace of pistols, now preserved; and -perhaps the only written order of the battlefield now remaining is a -requisition by Jos. Ward for ammunition, which is given in fac-simile -in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 86, where are also other notes on Jos. -Ward. Cf. also J. V. Cheney in _Scribner's Monthly_, xi. 424. Some -memoranda respecting Joseph Ward are in the _Sparks MSS._ (LII. vol. -iii.) - -[411] Only one or two hundred people, out of a population of from two -to three thousand, were now remaining in the town. - -[412] Belknap (_Papers_, ii. 164) says the wind was southwest all day, -and incommoded the British but not the intrenchment. There are some -verses on the burning of Charlestown, attributed to Barlow. (Moore's -_Songs and Ballads of the Amer. Rev._, 95.) For a supposed painting, -see _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 86. - -[413] Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 154; C. Hudson, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, Jan., 1880. He was killed by a negro. (Livermore's _Historical -Research_, etc., p. 119.) His body was taken to Boston and buried under -Christ Church. There is said to have been a blunder subsequently in -taking the wrong body to England. Sargent's _Dealings with the Dead_, -i. 54; Drake's _Landmarks of Boston_, 207. - -[414] When Elisha Hutchinson, in London, heard of the battle, he -said: "If every small hill or rising ground about Boston is to be -recovered in the same way, I see no prospect of an end to the war." -(P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_, p. 506.) Belknap (_Papers_, -published by Mass. Hist. Soc., ii. 159) says the criticism on Howe for -attacking in front was general. The royalist Jones, in his _New York -during the Revolutionary War_ (i. 52), charges the British general with -obstinacy in this respect. Lee (_Memoirs of the War in the Southern -Department_, 2d ed., p. 33) traces Howe's subsequent timidity in his -conduct of campaigns to the lesson this battle taught him. - -[415] Their loss was 150 killed, 270 wounded, and 30 taken -prisoners,—450 in all. - -[416] Their loss was 224 killed and 830 wounded,—1,054 in all, of -which 157 were officers. - -[417] Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 55, 555) is characteristic -upon the double-faced spirit of New York at this time. - -[418] The news of Bunker Hill reached Philadelphia in a vague way, June -22. The cannonade at Boston Neck during the battle had been magnified -into a second fight going on at the same time at Dorchester Point. -(Adams, _Familiar Letters_, 70.) - -[419] Sparks, iii. 11. - -[420] The provincial congress of New York assembled on the 22d of -May, and it soon became evident that some violent wrenching would be -necessary to unloose the grasp which the loyalists had upon it. The -Johnsons, with their Indian affiliations, were strong royalists, and -the leadership of the family, by the death of Sir William in July, -1774, fell to his son-in-law and nephew, Guy Johnson. The motives which -actuated the one remained with the other. - -[421] This elm, now going to decay, has been often pictured: _Amer. -Mag._ (1837), iii. 432; _Harper's Monthly_, xxiv. 729; Gay's _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, iii. 410; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 110, etc.; Von -Hellwald's _Amerika in Wort und Bild_, i. 73. - -On the 22d. of June, 1775, Hancock had written to Ward, transmitting -his commission as first major-general, and next in command after -Washington. He says of the new commander-in-chief, that "he takes -his departure to-morrow morning from this city [Philadelphia] in -order to enter upon his command. I the rather (he adds) mention the -circumstance of his departure, that you may direct your movements for -his reception." (_Ward MSS._, in Mass. Hist. Society.) - -The assumption of command by Washington under this tree rests, so far -as the writer knows, on tradition only, and he knows of no detail of -the ceremonies given by contemporary evidence, though writers have much -exercised their ingenuity in giving various attendant circumstances. - -[422] Cf. Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 486. - -[423] He held subsequent councils during the siege, at Cambridge, Aug. -3, Sept. 11, Oct. 8, Oct. 18, Jan. 16, 1776, Jan. 18, Feb. 16, and at -Roxbury, Mar. 13. Copies of their proceedings are in the _Sparks MSS._ -Minutes of Gates's speech at the council of war in Cambridge, Dec., -1775, in which he advised against an assault on Boston, are among the -Gates papers (copied in _Sparks MSS._, xxii., and xxxix. 446). - -[424] Washington complained that vessels cleared at New York with fresh -provisions for the West Indies, and, when free of the harbor, steered -for Boston. (N. Y. Arch., in _Sparks MSS._, no. xxix.) - -[425] Cf. John Adams' _Works_, i. 245; ix. 358. See, on the Southern -view of the North at this time, _Life of Chief Justice Parsons_, p. 40. - -[426] Bancroft, orig. ed., viii. 26. Cf. John Adams's opinion, _Works_, -ix. 362. - -[427] Lee had his headquarters at one time at the Royall house, in -Medford. Cf. Drake's _Landmarks of Middlesex_, ch. vi.; Lamb's _Homes -of America_; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 334. A paper on Lee, Gates, -Stephen, and Darke as generals from the Shenandoah Valley, by J. E. -Cooke, is in _Harper's Mag._, 1858, p. 500. - -[428] Cf., for the letters and comment, Niles's _Principles and Acts_, -1876, p. 118; Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 498; Moore's _Diary_, 108; -_Boston Evacuation Memorial_, p. 146; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 172. -The correspondence was soon printed, as _Letter from General Lee to -General Burgoyne, with General Lee's answer, and the letter declining -an interview_ (Boston, 1775). Cf. Haven, in Thomas, ii. p. 659. The -letters are given in the _Lee Papers_ (_N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1871, -pp. 180, 188, 222), and were translated into German and published at -Braunschweig, 1777. (Sabin, iii. no. 5,259.) When Burgoyne sailed for -England, Lee says, in a letter written from the camp at Winter Hill, -Dec. 15, 1775: "I have written a parting letter to Burgoyne. It is in -my opinion the most tolerable of my performances." _Sparks MSS._, xxvi. - -[Illustration] - -It was Burgoyne's opinion at this time that no force which Great -Britain and Ireland could supply would bring the war to a speedy -conclusion; while he thought that hiring foreign troops, levying -Canadians, and arming blacks and Indians, might do it. (Fonblanque, -153.) By July 3, Dartmouth had become aware that almost every colony -had caught the flame, and he had deduced from Gage's letters that -twenty thousand men would be required to reduce New England alone. -Burgoyne soon began to chafe under Gage's inaction, and urged him to -transfer the army to New York. (Fonblanque, p. 190.) He writes to the -ministry about "being invested on one side and asleep on the other" -(_Ibid._, p. 198), and says Gage is "amiable for his virtues, but not -equal to the situation." - -There is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library (Misc. MSS., 1632-1795) a -printed burlesque of a supposed battle of "Roxborough, July 19, 1775", -which shows the drift of public satire. - -[429] W. B. Reed thinks these letters on Washington's part the -production of Colonel Reed. _Life of Jos. Reed_, i. 111. - -[430] Sparks' _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 12. - -[431] Sullivan writes to Schuyler from Winter Hill, Aug. 5, 1775: "Our -enemies fear to come out, though we endeavor in every way to aggravate -them." - -[432] Of the attack at Stonington, Aug. 30, 1775, see _Conn. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, ii. 298 and references. - -[433] Draper's _Gazette_, of Sept. 21, had intimated that there was to -be some faithlessness in the patriot party. Barry's _Mass._, ii. 48. - -[434] Being carried to Connecticut, he sunk under his confinement, and -was allowed to embark for the West Indies, but the vessel on which -he sailed was never heard of. For the sources and their examination, -see Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 115, 502; John Adams's _Works_, ii. -414; ix. 402; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 51, 333; Greene's _Life of -Greene_, i. 120; Cowell's _Spirit of Seventy-Six in Rhode Island_; -Bancroft, vi. 409; Chandler's _Criminal Trials_, i. 417; Frothingham's -_Siege of Boston_, 258; Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, 37, 40; -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 111, 145; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, -1884, p. 15; _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. i.; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. -622; _New Jersey Archives_, x. 671. An exculpatory letter of Church, -dated American Hospital, Sept. 14, 1775, is among the Sullivan papers -(_Sparks MSS._, xx.) - -[435] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 353. - -[436] _Sparks MSS._ xlv. There is a list of his addressers (Oct. 6) in -Curwen's _Journal_, p. 474. - -[437] A letter from H. Jackson to John Langdon, describing the -preparations (Sept. 3, 1775) is in the _Sparks MSS._, xlix., vol. 2. - -[438] Mahon, vi. 74. - -[439] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 129, 145, 520; _Correspondence of the -Rev._, i. 70, 71; _Genl. Mag._, 1775; Bailey's letter, in _Me. Hist. -So. Coll._, v. 437. Washington, Oct. 24, 1775, transmits a statement -(Oct 16) of Pearson Jones. (N. Y. Archives in _Sparks MSS._ xxix.). A -letter of William Whipple, Nov. 12, 1775, to Langdon, describing the -burning, is among the Langdon Papers, and a copy in the _Sparks MSS._ -(lii. vol. ii.). There is a rude copperplate engraving of the burning -town, by Norman, in the Boston ed. of the _Impartial Hist. of the War_ -(1781), vol. ii. Cf. Williamson's _Maine_, ii. 422; William Goold's -_Portland in the Past_ (1886), ch. 10; Willis's _Portland_, with plans -and views; Smith and Deane's _Journal of Portland_; Jos. Williamson's -_Belfast_; Barry's _Mass._, ii. 56; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -July, 1873, p. 256; _Hist. Mag._, Mar., 1869 (xv. 202); _Old Times_, -vi. 823; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 633, 635. Hutchinson records (_Life -and Diaries_, i. 583) that when the news reached London, Lord George -Germain told him that "Graves had been put in mind of his remissness, -and he imagined he would run to the other extreme." Cf. Mahon's -_England_, vi. 75. - -[440] Lynch, Franklin, and Harrison. - -[441] _Heath MSS._, p. 3. - -[442] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 288, 297; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -Dec., 1877, p. 390; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 147 and references. - -[443] Fac-simile of handbill printed to send among the royal troops to -induce desertion. It follows an original in a volume of _Proclamations_ -in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society. Cf. _Evacuation Memorial_. - -[444] P. O. Hutchinson, 123. - -[445] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 141; _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 73; -Quincy's _Life of J. Quincy, Jr._, 412. - -[446] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 113. Gage had, as early as July 14, -1775, pronounced Boston a "disadvantageous place for all operations", -and expressed a preference for New York as a base of operations. The -government had advised (Sept. 5, 1775) Howe to abandon the town. Before -Howe, perhaps, got this, Gage wrote to Dartmouth that "the possession -of Boston occasions a considerable diversion of the enemy's force; -but it is open to attacks on many sides, and requires a large body to -defend it." In November Howe had made up his mind that he must winter, -at least, in Boston. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 353, 354, 356.) -The Secretary of War, as early as Nov. 12, 1774, had urged that Boston -was a place where the royal troops could do little good, and might do -much harm. (_Life of Barrington_, 140.) - -[447] Dr. Peter Oliver wrote (Nov. 27) from Boston: "The pirates, or, -as the rebels term them, the privateers, have taken a Cork vessel, -Captain Robbins, of this town, with provisions, and carried her into -Marblehead; and a number of wood vessels from the eastward are carried -into the worthless town of Plymouth." P. O. Hutchinson, i. p. 571. -Again, Dec. 7, he writes: "We have eight or ten pirate vessels out -between the capes; and yet our men-of-war are chiefly in the harbor." -_Ibid._, p. 581. Admiral Graves was as inactive as Gage, and, on Dec. -30, Admiral Shuldham arrived with orders to relieve him. Percy, writing -from Boston of the new admiral, says: "We wanted a more active man than -the last, for really the service suffered materially during his stay." -(_Percy Letters_, in Boston Pub. Library.) Curwen records how matters -at this time were regarded in London: "Their [the rebels'] activity and -success is astonishing." - -[448] She reached Cambridge Dec. 11. - -[449] Adams's _Works_, ix. 270, 369. Burgoyne was soon too distant for -the implied blow. He sailed for England Dec. 5. - -[450] See the rolls in the State House in Boston, and _N. H. Rev. -Rolls_, i. 240. Cf. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 675-681. - -[451] There is in a volume of _Misc. MSS._, 1632-1795, in the Mass. -Hist. Soc. library, an agreement to release Andrew Richman, who had -joined the regiment after the suppression of the rebellion,—signed by -John Small, major of brigade. - -[452] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 77. - -[453] It will be recollected that independence had not yet been -declared. - -[454] Percy wrote from Boston, January 7, 1776: "I take it for granted -that the next campaign will be so active and, I hope, so decisive a -one, that the rebels will be glad to sue for mercy. All, however, will -depend on our having a sufficient force sent us out very early in the -spring.... Brig. Gen. Grant directs our commander-in-chief and all his -operations. Mr. Howe is, I think, the only one here in his army who -does not perceive it. I wish from my soul that we may not feel the -consequences." (_Percy Letters._) Hutchinson was writing in January, -1776, from London: "I count the days, and absurd as it is so near the -close of life, I can hardly help wishing to sleep away the time between -this and spring, that I may escape the succession of unfortunate events -which I am always in fear of." (P. O. Hutchinson, vol. ii.) - -[455] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 223. - -[456] Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 193, 199. - -[457] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 230; _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 106, -112; John Adams's _Works_, ix. 370. - -[458] Lee's instructions in Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 230. Cf. Duer's -_Stirling_, p. 123; Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, p. 49; Jones's _N. -Y. during the Rev._, i. 570, 593. - -[459] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 124, 135, 139; _Life of -Gouverneur Morris_, i. 74-88. Already, on Jan. 6, 1776, the provincial -congress of New York had organized a company of artillery to defend the -colony and guard its records; and March 14, 1776, a student in King's -College was made its captain. That organization still exists as Battery -F, Fourth Regiment U. S. Artillery. (Asa Bird Gardner, in _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, 1881, P. 416.) - -[460] Letters to and from Lee during his movements from Connecticut -to Charleston (S. C.) are in the Lee Papers. (_Sparks MSS._, xxv., -January, 1776-July, 1776, for copies, and _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1871 -and 1872, for the print. There are letters from Lee during Jan.-March, -1776, from Connecticut and New York, in the _Sparks MSS._ xxix.) Cf. -Sparks's _Gouv. Morris_, i. ch. 5. - -[461] _Works_, ii. 431. - -[462] Knox's instructions are in Sparks's _Washington_, iii. p. 160; -Knox's letters from the Lake, in the _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 86, 94. - -[Illustration] - -Knox's diary is in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1876, p. -321; and an inventory of the cannon, made Dec. 10, 1775, is in Drake's -_Soc. of Cincinnati_, p. 544. Cf. Drake's _Knox_, pp. 22, 128, 129. A -roll of men whom Knox enlisted in his artillery, 1775, is in _Mass. -Archives; Rev. Rolls_, vol. xlix. - -[463] N. Y. Archives in _Sparks MSS._, no. xxix. Curiously enough, -Franklin was at this time urging a resort to bows and arrows. (_N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 285.) - -[464] His headquarters here were in the Roxbury parsonage, a house -still standing, and delineated in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 115. -On the 2d of March Washington gave notice to Ward, then commanding in -Roxbury, of his intention. His letter in fac-simile is given in the -_Boston Daily Advertiser_, March 17, 1876. - -[465] Burgoyne had suggested the occupation of these heights by the -British very soon after the battle of Bunker Hill. Fonblanque, p. 150. -Clinton says (_Notes on Stedman_) that he had told Gage and Howe, in -June, 1775, that if ever the royal army was forced to evacuate Boston, -it would be owing to the rebels getting possession of Dorchester -Heights. What is given in T. C. Simond's _South Boston_, p. 31, as "a -plan of Dorchester Neck for the use of the British army", seems to be -but an extract from Pelham's Map. - -[466] _Heath's Papers_ (MSS.), i. 180. - -[467] See Washington's letters on the occupation of Dorchester Heights -and its effect, in Sparks, iii. 302, 311. Cf. _N. H. State Papers_, -viii. 86; Mary Cone's _Life of Rufus Putnam_ (Cleveland, 1886) p. 45. - -[468] Hutchinson says the list which reached England showed 938 souls. -(P. O. Hutchinson, ii. 61.) On Nov. 20, 1775, Lieut.-Gov. Oliver wrote -that there were 2,000 loyalists in Boston, men, women, and children, -and that Boston had then 3,500 inhabitants, instead of the 15,000 -properly belonging to it. - -[469] _Mem. of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 416. - -[470] These before long were gone. Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. -54), referring to the captures after the British left Boston harbor, -says: "One or two frigates stationed in the bay would have prevented -all this mischief. But a fatality, a kind of absurdity, or rather -stupidity, marked every action of the British commanders-in-chief -during the whole of the American war." - -[471] Nearly eighty armed vessels and transports were necessary -to carry the army and its followers, but a large number of other -vessels loaded with merchandise accompanied the fleet. Abigail Adams -counted 170 sail in all, from her home in Braintree. Washington had -supposed they would steer for New York, and so had warned the New York -authorities as early as March 9. (N. Y. Archives, in _Sparks MSS._, no. -xxix.) Cf. his letter to Stirling of March 14. (Duer's _Stirling_, p. -143.) - -[472] A small number of General Ward's papers, given by Mrs. Barrell, -a granddaughter, are in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. Ward -resigned April 12, 1776, and Hancock's reply to him of April 26 is -among these, as are also sundry papers pertaining to his retention -of the command of the Eastern department after Washington went to -New York. Cf. a paper on Ward in _Scribner's Monthly_, xi. p. 712. A -letter of Ward's, April 16, 1776, describing the army's condition, is -in the Mass. Archives, and is copied in the _Sparks MSS._, vol. lx. -There is an engraving of Ward, after an original picture in Irving's -_Washington_, illus. ed., ii. Cf. also picture in A. H. Ward's _Hist. -of Shrewsbury, Mass._; and _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, vol. iii. - -[473] _Mem. of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, p. 417. - -[474] Edmund Quincy's letter in _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1859, p. -233. - -[475] For the Mugford affair, see Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. -204; Moore's _Diary_, i. 244. - -[476] _Secret Journals of Congress_, i. 19. - -[477] John Adams understood these sectional difficulties. _Works_, -ix. 367. Cf., on the New England distrust of Schuyler, Sparks's -_Washington_, iii. 535. Bancroft says of Schuyler that he was "choleric -and querulous, and was ill suited to control undisciplined levies of -turbulent freemen." Schuyler, who was honest and uncompromisingly -zealous, is defended in Lossing's _Life of Schuyler_, where (vol. -ii. 27) Bancroft's assertion (original ed., viii. 423) that Schuyler -"refused to go into Canada" is controverted on the ground that Congress -declined to accept Schuyler's resignation, when ill-health prevented -his leading the army. Bancroft, in his final revision (iv. 377), -says of Schuyler that he owned himself unable to manage the men of -Connecticut, and proposed to resign. The differences between Schuyler -and Wooster have led to much championing of the two by writers of New -York and Connecticut. Wooster, a man now of sixty-five years, austere -in habit, could hardly be expected to commend himself to one of -Schuyler's temperament. Cf. Hollister's _Connecticut_. - -[478] Hinman's _Conn. in the Rev._, p. 571; Guy Johnson's despatch to -Dartmouth, Oct. 12, 1775, in _Canadian Antiquarian_, iv. 25, 135. - -[479] Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 153, 158; Sparks's _Corresp. -of the Rev._, i. 471; Allen's own _Narrative_; Lossing in _Harper's -Monthly_, xvii. 721. Cf. Warner's letter of Sept. 27, in the _Sparks -MSS._, xlix. vol. 2. - -[480] On November 3, the colors taken at Chamblée were hung up in Mrs. -Hancock's chamber at Philadelphia. - -[481] Silas Deane seems to have comprehended something of the -intractable quality of Wooster (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 288.) - -[482] Parton's _Burr_, i. 68. - -[483] Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 461; Sparks's -_Washington_, iii. 92; Henry's _Journal_ (1877), p. 5. - -[484] This rear division was under Colonel Enos. - -[485] Parton's _Burr_, i. 71. Cf. "Burr as a Soldier", in _Hist. Mag._, -xix. 385 (June, 1871). - -[486] Burr was near by. Parton's _Burr_, i. 75. See the denial of the -statement that Burr endeavored to carry off the body of Montgomery, in -_Hist. Mag._, ii. 264. Cf. Lossing in _Ibid._, xiv. 272; and General -Cullum's note in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, April, 1884, p. 294. Trumbull, -in his picture of the death of Montgomery (Hinton's _United States_, i. -233, and other places), represents Burr supporting the falling hero. -_Catal. of Paintings by Colonel Trumbull_ (N. Y., 1838), p. 14. The -attack was premature. _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 351. - -[487] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 134. - -[488] They were accompanied by the Rev. John Carroll, a Catholic priest -and brother of Charles, of whom there is a _Biographical Sketch_ by -Brent. - -[489] Percy got the news at Halifax in this fashion (June 1, 1776): -"So precipitate was their retreat that whole companies flung away even -their arms. Nay, they left their pots boiling, so that the king's -troops sat down and ate their dinners from them." (_Letters in Boston -Public Library._) - -[490] There is a likeness of Thomas, owned by Mrs. Williams, of New -York, a descendant. This portrait was engraved for the illustrated -edition of Irving's _Washington_, and is reproduced in Jones's -_Campaign for the Conquest of Canada_, p. 52. There is a brief memoir, -_Life and Services of Maj.-Gen. John Thomas, compiled by Chas. Coffin_ -(New York, 1844). In July, 1775, Thomas had been justly irritated at -the irresponsible action of Congress in ranking the general officers -of its appointment, and had only been prevented from resigning by -Washington's urging him to pause. W. B. Reed, in his _Life of Joseph -Reed_ (i. 109), prints this appeal of Washington from the draft in -Reed's handwriting. - -[491] Greaton writes to Heath, July 31, 1776, from Ticonderoga: "We -have got out of Canada very well considering the situation we were -in; but happy would it have been for us if we had retreated three -weeks sooner. We are fortifying as fast as we can; the men in very low -spirits." (_Heath MSS._, i. 306. Cf. Adams, _Familiar Letters_, p. 195.) - -[492] They are traced in Bancroft, orig. ed., viii. 373. - -[493] Rives's _Madison_, i. 102. - -[494] Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. p. 160; Niles, _Principles and -Acts_ (1876), p. 286; Force's _Archives_, iii. 1385; Geo. Livermore's -_Historical Research_, p. 134; Rives's _Madison_, i. 117. - -[495] Moore's _Diary_, i. 179. Dawson, _Battles_, gives contemporary -reports (i. 121, 125); Maxwell's _Virginia Register_, vol. vi. p. 1. - -[496] Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 189. There are in the _Sparks -MSS._, no. xxxviii., various letters in 1775 and 1776 respecting Lord -Dunmore's proceeding in Norfolk, and, after Aug., 1776, in New York. -A letter in Nov., 1775, shows that he had given orders to raise a -regiment of savages, to be called "Lord Dunmore's own regiment of -Indians." On the other hand, Arthur Lee was making interest with -Vergennes in Paris, to secure ammunition for Virginia. _Calendar Lee -MSS._, p. 7, no. 65. An _Orderly book of that portion of the American -Army near Williamsburg, Va., under Gen. Andrew Lewis, Mar. 18 to Aug. -28, 1776_ (Richmond, 1860), with notes by C. Campbell, covers some of -the patriots' movements at this time. - -[497] Husband of Flora Macdonald. Cf. _The Autobiography of -Flora Macdonald, being the home life of a heroine, edited by her -granddaughter_, Edinburgh, 1870; London,1875; _Bentley's Mag._, xix. -325; _Amer. Hist. Record_, i. 109, etc.; Mrs. Ellet's _Women of the -Rev._, ii. 142. - -[498] David L. Swain published a paper on "the British invasion of -North Carolina in 1776" in the _University Magazine_ (Chapel Hill, -N. C.), which was afterwards included in W. D. Cooke's _Rev. Hist. -of North Carolina_ (1853). Cf. Dawson's _Battles_, i. 128, with -the official documents; Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. App.; -Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 502; _Harper's Mag._, lx. 682; -Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 465; Mrs. Ellet's _Women_, etc., i. -316; the Tory account in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 95; and -an _Address on the battle of Moore's Creek bridge, Feb. 27, 1857, by -Joshua G. Wright_ (Wilmington, N. C., 1857). - -[499] _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 161; _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1871, p. -343. It seems to have been the determination in March to send him -north. Adams, _Familiar Letters_, p. 135. - -[500] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 485, etc. - -[501] _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. 501. Cf. Lee Papers in _N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, 1872, and _Sparks MSS._, no. xxv. - -[502] Letter of W. A. Hyrne in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1870, -p. 254; and one of Jacob Morris, June 10, noting preparations, in _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 435. Lee had at first wished to abandon -the fort. _Ibid._, 1872, p. 221. - -[503] It was the favorable report of a reconnoitering vessel sent from -Cape Fear to Charleston that induced Clinton to attack Charleston -instead of joining Howe at once. P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor -Hutchinson_, ii. 96. - -[504] See an account of the effects of the fort's fire given by some -Americans who had been captured at sea, and escaped. (_N. Y. Hist. -Coll._, 1872, p. 111.) - -[505] Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 100), without recognizing the -conditions, is very severe on Clinton for his failure to coöperate. Cf. -Johnston's _Observations on Jones_, p. 67. - -[506] McCall's _Georgia_, p. 393. - -[507] _Celebration of the Centennial Anniversary of the Battle of -Bunker Hill_, edited by James M. Bugbee (Boston, 1875). - -[508] This was first printed in the _Essex Institute Hist. Coll._, i. -p. 2. Cf. _Ibid._, xviii. 190. Gage's account to Dartmouth is in _Mass. -Hist. Society Proc._, xiv. 348. Cf. further, _Memorial Services at the -Centennial Anniversary of Leslie's Expedition to Salem_ (Salem, 1875), -including addresses by G. B. Loring and others; O. Pickering's _Life of -Timothy Pickering_, i. ch. 4; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 379; F. -Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 27, etc. - -[509] On Cliff Street, between Fulton Street and Maiden Lane, where -several of the British troops were beaten and disarmed, but none -killed, Jan. 19-20, 1770. Cf. H. B. Dawson in _Historical Mag._, iv. -202, 233, and (best account) xv. p. 1; Leake's _Gen. Lamb_, p. 57. - -[510] Cf. the histories of Vermont; _Hist. Mag._, iii. 133; Bancroft, -orig. ed., vii. 271. See further on these preliminary acts of violence, -Potter's _Amer. Monthly_, April, 1875; Seba Smith in _Godey's Mag._, -xxii. 257; Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, i. 50. - -[511] General Carrington has recast his narrative in his _Boston and -New York, 1775 and 1776, historical papers from the Bay State Monthly_ -(Boston, 1884). - -[512] Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. ch. 16; Barry, _Mass._, iii. ch. -2, with notes; _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii., where the chapter on the -siege is written by Edward E. Hale (cf. also his _Hundred Years Ago_); -Paige, _Hist. of Cambridge_; Drake, _Hist. of Roxbury_; Clapp, _Hist. -of Dorchester_; Symonds, _Hist. of South Boston_; Lossing, _Field-Book -of the Revolution_, i.; A. B. Muzzey, _Reminiscences and Memorials -of Men of the Revolution_ (Boston, 1883); H. E. Scudder in _Atlantic -Monthly_, April, 1876. - -[513] By Marshall and Irving, in particular. Something may be added by -the memoirs of Putnam, Heath (with also his diary as printed in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, May, 1859), Greene, Wilkinson, Knox, John Sullivan, -John Thomas, Wm. Hull, Col. John Trumbull, with lives of such civilians -as Dr. John Warren and Elbridge Gerry. - -[514] Reed's letters from the camp during the summer of 1775 are in the -_Life of Joseph Reed_, i. 116, etc., as well as those of Washington (p. -125, etc.) to Reed during the autumn and winter, after the departure -of the latter. Sparks thought these letters of Washington the most -imperfect he had seen, being written in great haste and confidence. -Sparks printed them in part. Reed gives them at length. Washington's -letters to Reed from the Cambridge camp make 20 of the 51 letters -constituting the lot of his correspondence with Reed, which, having -passed from Mr. William B. Reed to Mr. Menzies, was sold at the -latter's sale (no. 2,051), and was again sold in the J. J. Cooke sale -($2,250) in Dec., 1883, when they passed into the Carter-Brown library. -The _Cooke Catalogue_ (pp. 340-349) describes them mainly as Mr. Reed -prepared the statement, and they are commented on in the _No. Am. -Rev._, July, 1852, p. 203, and in Irving's _Washington_, ii. 178. The -original draft of Washington's letter to his officers, Sept. 8, 1775, -asking their views respecting a boat attack on Boston, is among them -(_Cooke Catal._, p. 342), while a fair copy in Washington's hand, as -addressed to Ward, is among the Ward MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society's -library. It is printed in Sparks, iii. 80. - -[515] There is necessarily much in the _Mass. Archives_. Cf. _Mem. -Hist. Boston_, iii. 118. - -[516] Lossing's _Field-Book_, vol. i.; Lossing's _Schuyler_, i. ch. 26; -Stone's introd. to Thayer's _Journal_, and the references given by that -editor, p. v. - -[517] On the "Canada Campaign." - -[518] The manuscript is in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. Cf. -_Worcester Mag._, i. 202. - -[519] The tower upon which the lanterns were hung is a matter of -dispute, Revere's "North Church" being considered by some to have been -the church in North Square, Boston, pulled down by the British during -the siege, and by others the present Christ Church, and it is upon the -latter that the tourist to-day is shown an inscription identifying that -building with the event. Richard Frothingham, in a letter to the mayor -of Boston, called _The alarm on the night of April 18, 1775_ (Boston, -1876, 2nd ed., 1877) protested against this act, and wrote in favor of -the church in North Square. The other alternative was upheld by the -Rev. John Lee Watson in a letter to the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, July -20, 1876, and this was printed separately in 1877 as _Paul Revere's -Signal, with remarks by Charles Deane_, and in a second edition with -an additional letter in 1880. (Cf. _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, Nov., -1876.) This second letter was mainly in answer to William W. Wheildon's -_History of Paul Revere's Signal Lanterns_ (Concord, 1878), in which, -while accepting the Christ Church theory, it was claimed that Robert -Newman was the person who showed the lanterns, and not John Pulling, as -averred by Mr. Watson (cf. note in Everett's _Orations_, i. p. 101). -Mr. Deane had shown that, both before and after the destruction of -the church in North Square, Christ Church had been called the North -Church; while the earliest use of that designation for the latter -building seems to have been in one of Dr. Stiles's almanacs in 1754, -where he speaks of "Dr. Cutler's _alias_ North, _alias_ Christ Church." -(_Atlantic Monthly_, Aug., 1884, p. 256.) E. G. Porter's _Rambles in -Old Boston, N. E._, favors Christ Church. - -Among the more general histories, the fullest account of this ride can -be found in S. A. Drake's _Middlesex County_, i. ch. 16. - -Mr. E. H. Goss printed a paper on Revere in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Jan., 1886, p. 3, giving, among other cuts, a view of his birthplace(?) -in North Square, in Boston. There is a portrait of him, with a note -on other likenesses, in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 69. Cf. also T. W. -Higginson in _Harper's Monthly_, Oct., 1883, and his _Larger Hist. of -the U. S._ - -[520] Boston, 1878,—one hundred copies privately printed. - -[521] The entire series (twenty in number) is printed in Force's -_American Archives_, 4th ser., ii. 490, _et seq._; Shattuck's _History -of Concord_, pp. 342, _et seq._; _Journal of second continental -congress_, pp. 79, _et seq._; and portions of it are given in -Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, pp. 367, _et seq._; _Remembrancer_, -1775, i. 35, _et seq._; _London Chronicle_, June 1, 1775; also in -various Boston newspapers of the time. They were also printed in a -tract without imprint, _Affidavits and depositions relative to the -commencement of hostilities at Concord and Lexington, April 19, 1775_. -They were again issued by Isaiah Thomas, at Worcester, in a _Narrative -of the incursions and ravages of the King's troops on the nineteenth -of April_ (Haven, in Thomas, ii. p. 661); again at Boston, in 1779 -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xiv. 204). Dawson (i. 23) prints some of -the depositions, and so does Hinman in his _Connecticut during the -Revolution_, App. Governor Franklin, of New Jersey, transmitted copies -to Dartmouth (_N. Jersey Archives_, x. 612). Lieut. E. T. Gould, of the -King's Own, captured by the provincials, testified that he "could not -exactly say which fired first." - -[522] Sparks says (_Sparks MSS._, no. xxxii., vol. ii.): "In the public -offices in London, I saw several papers respecting [Lexington], and -particularly about the arrival of Captain Derby and the intelligence -he brought. He was examined by order of the ministers, and he seems -to have acted a bold part in circulating the intelligence.... In the -first dispatch to General Gage he was censured for not sending the -particulars immediately, and ordered to keep a packet in constant -readiness." - -[523] P. O. Hutchinson, 436. - -[524] These depositions of the combatants, thus falling among Arthur -Lee's papers, were finally separated in a strange division, by the -younger R. H. Lee, who gave a part to Harvard College and a part to -the University of Virginia. Cf. _Calendar of the Lee MSS. in Harvard -University Library_, p. 6; Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 35. - -[525] _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1883, vol. ix; Mahon, vi., App. p. -xxvii. - -[526] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 343, 349; Hudson's _Lexington_, -249; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1857, p. 165. - -[527] Sabin, viii 33,030. This money was later paid to Dr. Franklin, -and by him, in October, to a committee of the Mass. assembly. Sparks's -_Franklin_, iii. 134. - -[528] Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, 86; Sparks's _Washington_, iii -512. In the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, May, 1876 (vol. xiv, p. 349), is -Percy's report to Gage, April 20, 1775, and Smith's, of April 22 (p. -350),—both from the Public Record Office. Cf. _Sparks MSS._, xxxii., -vol. i., and the Appendix to Lord Mahon's _Hist. of England_, vol. vi. -The government's bulletin, dated Whitehall, June 10, 1775, as printed -in the _London Gazette_, is given in Dawson, i. 26. For the effect of -the news in England, see Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 342. - -[529] One of these despatches, dated Watertown, April 19, endorsed -by the officers of the towns through which it had passed, is printed -in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1873, p. 434. It is -pointed out in Greene's _Life of Nathanael Greene_ (i. 77), how the -news affected Rhode Island. The confused statements which reached -Connecticut can be seen in the Deane Correspondence in the _Conn. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, ii. 218, and in the broadside _Letter of James Lockwood -and Isaac Bears, dated Wallingford, April 24, 1775, respecting the -Battle near Winter Hill, in which Lord Percy was killed_. The news -reached New York, Sunday, April 23, and the response was sudden. -Vessels loaded for Boston were seized; arsenals were taken in charge, -and cannon planted at Kingsbridge (Dawson's _Battles_, i. 130, and -his _Westchester County during the Amer. Rev._, Morrisania, 1886, -p. 75; Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 328; Leake's _Lamb_, 101; _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, Apr., 1882, p. 283). Governor Colden describes the -effects in his despatch to Dartmouth (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 571). -Jones, in his _New York during the Rev. War_ (i. 39, 497), gives a -curiously perverted story, saying, among other things, that the British -muskets were unloaded when the Americans attacked them at Lexington, -and describes the stormy meeting of the governor's council in the -afternoon. From New Jersey, Governor Franklin wrote to Dartmouth May -6, and June 5 and 7. (_New Jersey Archives_, x. 590, 601, 642.) The -tidings reached Philadelphia April 24, and the original endorsed -despatch is in the Pennsylvania Hist. Soc. library. (_N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1864, p. 23; Hazard's _Reg. of Penna._, iii. 175, -Christopher Marshall's _Diary_, p. 18.) In the second week in May the -news reached Western Pennsylvania, and the resolutions which were -passed at Hannastown were drawn by St. Clair (_St. Clair Papers_, i. -363). It reached Williamsburg, Va., April 29 (Moore's _Diary_, i. 75.) -It came to Kentucky just as the settlers were founding a town, and -they named it Lexington. (Winthrop's _Speeches_, 1878, etc., p 106.) A -despatch which was written at Wallingford, Conn., April 24, embodying -the reports which had reached that point, and representing that both -the American commander and Lord Percy had been killed, was sent South, -receiving endorsements as it passed along, and reached Charleston, S. -C., May 10 6.30 P.M. It is given in R. W. Gibbs's _Doc. Hist. of the -Amer. Rev._, pp. 82-91. (See broadside mentioned above.) A military -company, the Fusiliers, was at once formed, and its roll and career are -registered in the _Charleston Year Book_, 1885, p. 342. - -For the effect of Lexington and Concord upon the other colonies, see, -beside Bancroft and the other general histories, Stuart's _Jonathan -Trumbull_; Moore's _Diary_, i. 77; John Dickinson's Letter in Lee's -_Arthur Lee_, ii. 307; Lossing's _Philip Schuyler_, i. 307. - -[530] This was reprinted in Nathaniel Low's _Astronomical Diary or -Almanac_ (Boston), 1776; in George's _Cambridge Almanac_, 1776 and in -Stearns's _North Amer. Almanac_ (Boston), 1776. It is substantially -included with additions and abridgments in Gordon's _History of the -Amer. Revolution_, and can be found in Force's _Amer. Archives_. - -[531] Cf. Dawson's _Battles of the United States_, i.; Frank Moore's -_Diary of the Amer. Revolution_, i. 63; Niles's _Principles and Acts -of the Revolution_; L. Lyons's _Mil. Journals of two private soldiers, -1758-1775_ (Poughkeepsie, 1855), with notes by Lossing, and an App. of -"official papers" (Field, _Indian Bibliog._, 963; Sabin, x. 42,860); -a letter by John Andrews in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, July, 1865, p. -403; one by Dr. Foster (?) of Charleston, in _Ibid._ (April, 1870), xi. -306; and others by D. Greene in xiii. 57, and by Jos. Greene in xiii. -59. Cf. also letter of Jos. Thaxter in _Hist. Mag._, xv. 206; and one -by Alex. Scammell in _Ibid._, xviii. 141. A significant handbill was -issued at the time, with a row of coffins at the head, called _Bloody -Butchery by the British Troops_. The narrative had before appeared in -the _Salem Gazette_ for April 21, 25, and May 5, which, with an elegy -and a list of the killed and wounded, constituted this broadside as -printed at Salem. It was reproduced a few years since in fac-simile. -The _Essex Gazette_ and the _Worcester Spy_ (May 3) also contained -accounts. Thaddeus Blood, of Concord, jotted down at some later period -his recollections which, found among his papers, were printed in the -_Boston Daily Advertiser_, April 20, 1886. - -[532] Clark's is appended to a discourse which he delivered on the -first anniversary in 1776, and this was reprinted in 1875. It was also -reprinted in the _Massachusetts Mag._, 1794. Emerson's, which makes -three pages of an interleaved almanac (which was in the possession of -his grandson, Ralph Waldo Emerson, when the fac-simile was made, which -is here followed, so far as the first page goes), was first printed -by R. W. Emerson in his _Historical Discourse_ in 1835 (republished -in 1875), and again in the _American Historical Magazine and Literary -Record_, New Haven, 1836. Other early anniversary sermons add little -or nothing to our knowledge; such are Samuel Cooke's _The violent -destroyed and oppressed delivered_ (Lexington, 1777, but printed in -Boston, 1777), and Philip Payson's sermon, also at Lexington, in 1782. -Sermons were preached at Concord from 1776 to 1783; the series is in -the Mass. Hist. Society's library. A sermon preached by John Langdon, -at Watertown, May 31, 1775, refers to the fight. This is reprinted in -J. W. Thornton's _Pulpit of the Amer. Revolution_. - -[533] _Memoirs of Maj.-Gen. William Heath, containing anecdotes, -details of skirmishes, battles, and other military events during the -American War, written by Himself_ (Boston, 1798). Accounts by those who -knew the actors intimately are in Mercy Warren's _Hist. of the Amer. -Revolution_ (1805), and in James Thacher's _Military Journal_ (1823). - -[534] _Works_, ii. p. 406. - -[535] We have brief records of other observers of the after-appearances -in Dr. McClure's diary and in Madam Winthrop's letter. (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, 1875, vol. xiv. p. 28; 1878, vol. xvi. p. 157.) - -[536] This letter is in the _Trumbull MSS._, iv. p. 77. - -[537] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 351. There are two or three copies -of this broadside in the library of this society, and it is reproduced -somewhat smaller in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 73, and is reprinted -in the Society's _Collections_, xii.; and in Wm. Lincoln's ed. of the -_Journals of the Provincial Congresses_ (Boston, 1838). There is in -the Mass. Hist. Soc. library a printed broadside containing Governor -Trumbull's letter to Gage, dated at Hartford, April 28, 1775, sent by -a committee of the Connecticut assembly, and also Gage's reply of May -3, 1775, in which he characterizes his _Circumstantial Account_ in the -language quoted in the text. He also tells Trumbull that the royal -troops "disclaim with indignation the barbarous outrages of which they -are accused, so contrary to their known humanity. I have taken the -greatest pains (he adds) to discover if any were committed, and have -found examples of their tenderness both to the young and the old, but -no vestige of cruelty or barbarity." - -[538] This name, probably by a typographical error, appears in some -of the contemporary accounts as Berni_cre_, and this mistake has been -followed by various later writers. The pamphlet is called _Instructions -of 22 Feb. 1775 to Capt. Brown and Ensign de Berniere ... and an -account of their doings in consequence of further orders to proceed to -Concord. Also an Account of the Transactions of the British troops from -their march from Boston, April 18, till their retreat back, April 19, -1775, and a return of killed and wounded_ (Boston, 1779, 20 pp.). There -is a copy in the Boston Pub. Library. Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 658. - -[539] There is also a table of casualties at Lexington, Concord, and -Bunker Hill, in the _Hist. of the War in America_ (Dublin, 1779-1785). -On the provincial side there is a list of casualties (forty-nine -killed, thirty-nine wounded, and five missing,—ninety-three in -all) of the 19th April given in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xviii.; -Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, 80; Dawson's _Battles_, etc.; Hudson's -_Lexington_, p. 211; Everett's _Orations_, i. 562; Wm. Lincoln's ed. -of the _Journals of the Provincial Congresses_ (Boston, 1838). The -names of the men who were on duty on that day are in what are called -the Lexington alarm rolls in the State Archives (_Revolutionary -Rolls_, vols. xi., xii., and xiii.). The histories of towns which sent -companies usually print such lists, as the _Hist. of Sutton_, p. 783, -etc. The losses of property sustained by Lexington during the day, as -figured in 1780, is given in the _Mass. Archives_, cxxxviii. p. 410; -and the Report of the Committee of the Provincial Congress on the -losses along the line of march is given in Wm. Lincoln's ed. of the -_Journals of the Prov. Congresses_ (Boston, 1838). This report makes -the damage done by the king's troops in Concord, £274 16_s._ 7_d._; in -Lexington, £1,716 1_s._5_d._, and in Cambridge, £1,2O2 8_s._ 7_d._; -total, £3,193 6_s._ 7_d._ In Oct., 1775, a committee of Congress—Silas -Deane, John Adams, and George Wyeth—were addressing letters to get -information respecting extent of losses inflicted by the ministerial -troops. One of these, addressed to Ezra Stiles, is in _Letters and -Papers_, 1761-1776 (MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc.). - -[540] Incidental British accounts are given in Donkin's _Military -Collections_ (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 74); in G. D. Scull's _Memoir -and letters of Capt. Evelyn of the King's Own_, 1774-76, Oxford, 1779, -privately printed, 200 copies (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 56), and the -later _Evelyns in America_, pp. 161, 263, 277, 299, 303; in _Detail and -Conduct of the Amer. War_, p. 9; in Force's _Amer. Archives_. - -Capt. George Harris, of the fifth regiment, lost half his company in -covering the retreat, and describes his perils in a letter in S. R. -Lushington's _Life and Services of General Lord Harris_ (London, 1840). -A letter from Boston, July 5, 1775, is in _A view of the Evidence -relative to the Conduct of the American War_, 1779. Cf. Duncan's _Royal -Artillery_, 3d ed., ii. 302. - -[541] _Siege of Boston_, 63. - -[542] _Hist. of Lexington_, 225. - -[543] Stedman, who was not present, and most British writers, say the -Americans fired first, as did Pitcairn, whose representations, as -reported by Stiles in his diary, are given by Frothingham (p. 62), -and by Irving (_Life of Washington_, i. 393). One tory, on talking -with the British soldiers afterwards, was satisfied that they were the -aggressors. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 60.) Hudson, in a paper on -Pitcairn in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 318, examines the question. -(Cf. Frothingham's _Warren_, 488; _Evelyns in America_, 299, 303; -Mahon's _England_, vi. 36.) A deposition of one Sylvanus Wood, taken -in 1826, says that the stories in this country of the Americans firing -first were started long after the event. Dawson (i. 22) prints this -document. - -[544] Reprinted in 1875 at Boston. The literary sources with -interest centering in Lexington are Edward Everett's address in -1835 (_Orations_, i. 526), where he noted (p. 561) the survivors of -Captain Parker's company taking part in the celebration; Everett's -_Mount Vernon Papers_, no. 47; _Hudson's Hist. of Lexington_, ch. 6, -and his Abstract (1876); _Harper's Magazine_, vol. xx.; R. H. Dana's -Address in 1875; C. Hudson's and E. G. Porter's _Proceedings at the -Centennial Celebration_, 1875; The _Centennial Souvenir of 1775_; -Henry Westcott's _Lexington Centennial Sermons_ (1875); A. B. Muzzey's -_Battle of Lexington_ (_New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1877, -and separately, 1877); E. S. Thomas's _Reminiscences of the last -Sixty Years, commencing with the battle of Lexington_ (Hartford, -1840); William D. Howells's _Three Villages_; Poole's _Index_, under -"Lexington." See Mr. R. C. Winthrop's remarks on Chas. Hudson in _Mass. -Hist. Proc._, xviii. 418; cf. also _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -1881, p. 395, and _Worcester Soc. of Antiq. Proc._, 1881, p. 46. - -Geo. W. Curtis made the oration in 1875, and J. R. Lowell's ode is -printed in _Atlantic Monthly_, June, 1875. The town of Concord printed -in 1875 an account of its centennial celebration. Cf. Poole's _Index_, -under "Concord." - -The orations of 1875 at Concord and Lexington, with an account of the -celebration, are given in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., -1875; and there are additional particulars in the reports of the two -towns for 1875-1876. - -[545] This was reissued in 1832,—both editions at Concord, and the -side of that town was again espoused by Lemuel Shattuck, in his -_History of Concord_, whose views were, however, examined in the _North -American Review_, vol. xlii. (Cf. notice of Shattuck in _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, Apr., 1860.) - -Among the literary sources with their interest centering in Concord -may be named Edward Everett's oration in 1825 (_Orations_, i. p. 73); -Grindall Reynolds in _Unitarian Review_, April, 1875, and his chapter -xvii. in Drake's _Middlesex County_; Frederic Hudson's illustrated -paper in _Harper's Mag._ (May, 1875). - -[546] For Acton,—the _Centennial Address_ of Josiah Adams (1835), -and his _Letter_ to Shattuck (1850); James T. Woodbury's _Speech_ in -the Massachusetts Legislature (1851) for a bill to erect a monument -to Capt. Davis, killed at the North Bridge. Cf. a pamphlet by Rufus -Hosmer, of Stowe (1833). - -For Danvers,—D. P. King's _Address_ on the seven young men of Danvers -slain at Lexington (Salem, 1835). - -For West Cambridge,—J. A. Smith's _West Cambridge on the 19th of -April, 1775_ (Boston, 1864). - -For Cambridge,—Rev. Alexander Mackenzie's address in 1870, when -the bodies of some "men of Cambridge", who fell Apr. 19, 1775, were -reinterred in the old burying-ground, where a monument now marks the -spot. - -For Bedford,—notice of the flag borne by the company from this town in -the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec., 1885, and Jan., 1886. This flag, -which is still preserved, bore a device very like that made in England -for the Massachusetts Three County Troop, an organization which existed -from 1659 to 1690. It is probable that this flag had been used in -earlier wars. (Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxv. 138.) - -Cf. also Perley's _Hist. of Boxford_, ch. x.; _Hist. of Sutton_, p. -783; S. A. Drake's _Middlesex County_; and Wheildon's _New Chapter in -the History of Concord Fight_ (for Groton). The Andover men did not -arrive in time (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xv. 254). - -In 1850 all the participating towns celebrated the anniversary at -Concord, when an oration by Robert Rantoul, Jr., was given, and was -later printed. - -In the general histories, the best account is in Bancroft's _United -States_ (final revision), iv. ch. 10; but other accounts are in -Lossing's _Field-Book_; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 389; Elliott's -_New England_, ii.; Barry's _Massachusetts_; E. E. Hale's _One Hundred -Years Ago_, etc. - -Dawson's _Battles of the United States_, vol. i ch. 1, has some -essential errors, as where he says Smith proceeded "up Charles River to -Phipps's farm in West Cambridge." - -[547] He has abundantly fortified his narrative with authorities, -though it is only the chief ones that he enumerates in chronological -order in an appendix of his _Siege_ (p. 372; also see p. 121). - -[548] The substance of this volume is also found in the _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xiv. p. 53, etc. In the same year Mr. Frothingham -condensed the story of the battle into a little volume,—_The -Centennial: Battle of Bunker Hill_ (Boston, 1875). Mr. Frothingham's -enthusiasm for his subject may be easily misjudged by the unsympathetic -reader. P. O. Hutchinson says of the _Siege_: "This would be a -creditable book if it were not so overloaded with boast, tall talk, and -self-glorification." (_Life of Governor Hutchinson_, p. 11.) - -[549] This will be quoted in the following pages as "Dawson" simply; -and it is a much ampler and more critical account than that in his -_Battles of the United States_, vol. i. - -[550] _Bibliography of Charlestown_, etc., p. 19. Taking precedence in -time is that in the _Boston Gazette_ of June 19, at this time printed -at Watertown. The _Massachusetts Spy_ (Worcester, June 21st) had the -next account, and this is reprinted in Frothingham's _Centennial_. The -_Connecticut Journal_ printed an account the same day; and in New York -a handbill was circulated, _Fresh news just arrived_, by an express -from the provincial camp near Boston, giving an account by Capt. Elijah -Hide, of Lebanon. See fac-simile in _Mag. of American Hist._, March, -1885, p. 282. Hide saw the battle from Winter Hill, and his account -is printed by Ellis (1843), p. 142, and Dawson, p. 378. Frank Moore's -_Diary of the American Revolution_ (i. pp. 97, 102), which begins -Jan. 1, 1775, gives most of these contemporary press articles, and so -does Dawson. Several of these newspaper accounts were reproduced in -fac-simile in 1875. - -[551] This was first printed by Frothingham (_Siege_, etc., p. 395), -and is also in Dawson, p. 390, and in his _Battles_, i. p. 70. A -paper usually called _The Prescott MS._, said to have been prepared -under Colonel Prescott's supervision, in part at least, abridged in -Graydon's _Memoirs_ (1846), is printed in Butler's _Groton_ (p. 337) -and in Dawson. A memoir prepared by Judge Prescott, son of the colonel, -derived in part from his recollection of his father's accounts, is -printed in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 68, and in Frothingham's -_Battle-Field_, p. 18. - -[552] The MS. of this account is in the Am. Antiq. Society's -Collections at Worcester, and was printed in Dawson, p. 381. Cf. -_Belknap Papers_, ii. 163, 166. Frothingham (_Siege_, p. 385) gives -Thacher's indorsement of the MS. This narrative and that of Gordon, -mainly following it, were the basis of some elaborate papers in the -_Analectic Magazine_ (Feb. and March, 1818), which, however, present -some important differences of view, supported by documents. - -[553] It is signed by J. Palmer, and dated July 25, 1775, and was -transmitted to Arthur Lee. It is printed in the _Journal of the Third -Prov. Congress; Analectic Magazine_, May, 1818, p. 261; Force's -_Archives_, iv. 1,373; Ellis (1843), p. 131; Frothingham's _Siege_, -382; Dawson, 387, and his _Battles_, i. p. 68. The provincial congress -had already (June 20) sent an account to the Continental Congress -(Ellis, p. 140; Dawson, p. 371). There are other official accounts sent -to Albany and New Hampshire (Dawson, 380; _N. H. Hist. Coll._, ii. 143.) - -[554] These may be named in an approximate chronological order thus -thus:— - -JUNE 17. Dr. Holyoke saw the smoke at Salem, and wrote to his wife the -reports which reached him. (_Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, xiii. 212.) - -JUNE 18. David Cheever wrote from Watertown to the provincial congress -of New Hampshire (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 521). Abigail Adams, at -Braintree, wrote her impressions (having heard of Warren's death) -to John Adams, in Philadelphia. She supposed the battle was then (3 -P. M., June 18) still unended. She wrote farther June 25 and July 5 -(_Familiar Letters of John Adams and his Wife_, pp. 67, 70, 72). Josiah -Bartlett, at Kingston, N. H., learned the news by express, and B. -Greenleaf repeated the news (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 520). On this -day Ezra Stiles, then at Newport, made his first entry in his diary as -the news came in (Dawson, 391). Loammi Baldwin's letter (Frothingham's -_Battle-Field_, P. 43). General Greene to Governor Cooke, of R. I. -(copy in _Sparks MSS._, vol. xlviii.). - -JUNE 19. Andrew Eliot to Isaac Smith, then in England (Ellis, 151; -Dawson, 369; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1878, p. 288). Col. John Stark, -from Medford to the N. H. congress (Ellis, 145; Dawson, 370; _N. -H. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 144; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 322-23). -Job Bradford, from Hingham to Col. B. Lincoln (_Rivington's N. Y. -Gazetteer_, Dawson, 370; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 523). Bradford had -come out of Boston on the 18th. - -JUNE 20. Colonel Stark to the Continental Congress (Ellis, Dawson, _N. -H. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii.). James Warren to John Adams (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xiv. 79). Letter from Providence (_N. Y. Gazetteer_, June -26; Dawson, 372). William Williams to the Connecticut delegates in -Congress (Frothingham's _Battlefield_, 41). - -JUNE 21. Professor Winthrop to John Adams (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -xliv. 292). John Bromfield (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Feb., 1870, p. -226). James Warren to Sam. Adams (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 80). - -JUNE 22. Isaac Lothrop to T. Burr (_Rivington's Gazetteer_, June 29; -Ellis, 148; Dawson, 374). Capt. John Chester (Frothingham's _Siege_, -389). Samuel Paine (Dawson, 440). Letter from Philadelphia (Force, iv.; -Dawson, 375). Gen. N. Folsom to the N. H. Committee of Safety, from -Medford (_N. H. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 146; Dawson, 373; _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, vii. 527). - -JUNE 23. William Tudor (Dawson, 376). - -JUNE 25. Peter Brown to his mother. Frothingham calls it the most -noteworthy account by a common soldier (Frothingham's _Siege_, 392; -Potter's _Amer. Monthly_, July, 1875, from the original). Dr. Geo. -Brown to Maj.-Gen. Haldimand (_Evelyns in America_, p. 171). - -JUNE 27. Letter from camp (Force, iv.; Dawson, 379). Officer -(_Rivington's Gazetteer_, July 6; Dawson, 380). - -JUNE 30. Isaac Smith, from Salem (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 291) - -JULY 3. Letter from camp (Dawson, 384). - -JULY 11. Samuel B. Webb to Silas Deane, from camp at Cambridge -(original MS. in Brinley, i. 1,789; printed _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xiv. 83). - -JULY 12. Samuel Gray to Dyer (Frothingham's _Siege_, 393; Dawson, 385). - -AUGUST 31. Governor Trumbull (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. 159. Cf. -Stuart's _Jonathan Trumbull_, ch. vi.) - -There is among the _Charles Lowell MSS._ in the Mass. Hist. Soc. a -document found with the papers of Dr. Lowell's grandfather, Judge -Russell, giving a list of the houses burned in Charlestown, June 17, -1775. Thaddeus Mason's account of his losses at Charlestown is in the -_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1882, p. 397; papers on individual -losses in the battle, and by the burning of Charlestown, are in _Mass. -Archives_, cxxxviii. and cxxxix. - -[555] DIARIES.—Lt.-Col. Storrs, June 1-28 (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xiv. 86; Frothingham's _Battlefield_, 34) Benj. Crufts, June 15, etc. -(_Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, April, 1861); Ezekiel Price, May 23, -etc. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Nov., 1863, p. 185); Dr. John Warren -(Frothingham's _Siege: Life of Dr. John Warren_); Thomas Boynton -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xv. 254). - -ORDERLY-BOOKS.—Capt. Chester's, June 5-17 (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xiv. 87; Frothingham's _Battlefield_, 37); Henshaw's, April-Sept. -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1876); Fenno's (_Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, Oct., 1876). - -[556] References in Poole's _Index_, p. 1328. - -[557] Charles Coffin, at Saco in 1831 and at Portland in 1835, -published a _History of the Battle of Bunker Hill_, which was compiled -from the accounts by Heath, Wilkinson, Lee, and Dearborn. Of less -importance are Dr. Belknap's note-book and letters (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xiv. 92, 96, etc.); _Adventures of Israel R. Potter_ -(Providence, 1824); Oliver Morsman's _Hist. of Breed's, commonly called -Bunker's Hill Battle_ (Sacketts Harbor, 1830); Col. E. Bancroft's -narrative (J. B. Hill's _Bicentennial of Old Dunstable_, Nashua, 1878); -_Columbian Centinel_ (Dec., 1824; Jan., 1825); Needham Maynard (Boston -newspaper, 1843); Timothy Dwight (_Travels in New England_, New Haven, -1821, vol. i. 468-476), who knew some of the actors, and who says that -a member of the council of war held the day before told him that the -representations of an old hunter, that it was better to fire a small -number of shots well aimed than many carelessly, induced the council to -order fifteen rounds to a man instead of sixty. - -A large number of depositions of supposed survivors were made in -1818 and 1825, but they are held to be of no value by the critical -student. There is a transcript in three folio volumes, made in William -Sullivan's office, of some of the latter date, preserved in the cabinet -of the Mass. Hist. Society. What purported to be some of the originals -were offered for sale in New York in 1877, but were bid in. C. L. -Woodward, of New York, advertised in May, 1883, nearly two hundred -papers, which were called Col. Swett's Collection of Affidavits, priced -at $200 (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 104). - -[558] For instance, Rev. Wm. Gordon's _Hist. of the Independence of the -United States_ (London, 1788), vol. ii. 39, who followed closely the -Committee of Safety's account; D. Ramsay's _Amer. Revolution_ (1789), -i. 201, who is criticised by Charles Thomson (_N. Y. Hist. Coll._, -1878, p. 216) for not allowing that military necessity justified -Gage in firing Charlestown; Charles Smith's _American War from 1775 -to 1783_ (N. Y., p. 97, also _Monthly Repository_, N. Y., 1796-97); -Holmes' _Amer. Annals_ (1805), ii. 231; Mercy Warren's _American War_ -(Boston, 1805), i. 217; Hubley's _Amer. Revolution_ (1805); Lee's _Mem. -of the War in the Southern Department_ (Philad., 1812); Marshall's -_Washington_, ii. 237. (See, for others, Hunnewell, p. 23.) - -Colonel Scammans's court-martial is reported in the _N. E. Chronicle_, -Feb. 29, 1776; _Essex Gazette_, Feb. 29, 1776; Dawson, p. 400. - -[559] Charles Hudson availed himself of this in a pleasantry, _Doubts -concerning the battle of Bunker Hill_ (Boston, 1857), in which he -paralleled Whately's famous argument for the non-existence of Napoleon. -Cf. _Christian Examiner_, vol. xl. - -[560] _Hist. of the United States_, orig. ed., vol. vii. ch. 38-40; and -final revision, iv. ch. 14. - -[561] He ceases, however, to speak of "the age and infirmities" of -Ward, as Carrington indeed does, calling him "advanced in years and -feeble in body", and as many of the writers have, misled perhaps by the -somewhat elderly appearance of the usual portrait of him. He was in -fact but forty-eight years old! - -[562] _Battles of the Amer. Revolution_, N. Y. [copyrighted 1876], ch. -15. - -[563] Gen. Carrington has contributed other papers on the battle to the -_Granite Monthly_, vii. 290, and _Bay State Monthly_, May, 1884. Edward -E. Hale has given accounts in his _One Hundred Years Ago_ (ch. 4) and -in a chapter in _Memorial Hist. Boston_, vol. iii. Dr. George E. Ellis -was one of the earliest to collate carefully the sources in his _Battle -of Bunker Hill_ (1843). Barry (_Massachusetts_, iii. ch. 1) gives the -story with care, and fortifies it by references. Irving's account -(_Washington_, i. ch. 40, 41) is of course flowingly done. - -[564] See Hollister's _Connecticut_, and other histories; Stuart's -_Life of Jonathan Trumbull_; lives of Putnam; Hinman's _Conn. in the -Revolution; Memorial Hist. of Hartford County_, ii. 473;, and H. P. -Johnston on "Yale in the Revolution", in _The Yale Book_. The news of -the battle as it reached Connecticut is remarked upon in the Silas -Deane Correspondence (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 270, etc.). - -[565] Stark's letter to the N. H. congress, of June 18, has already -been mentioned. Cf. memoirs of Stark by Caleb Stark and Edward Everett; -"Col. Jas. Reed at Bunker Hill", in _N. H. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1876-84), -p. 111; account in _N. H. Adj.-General's Report_, 1866, vol. ii.; the -rosters of her regiments in the Adj.-General's office; _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, vol. vii. pp. 516, 586; _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. 32-44; ii. -739; C. C. Coffin in _Boston Globe_, June 23, 1875; _N. E. Hist. and -Gen. Reg._, xxvii. 377, and the account by E. H. Derby in the number -for Jan., 1877. Evans' account of the service of New Hampshire troops, -1775-1782, is among the Meshech Weare papers (_Letters and Papers_, -1777-1824, vol. ii. p. 61, _Mass. Hist. Soc._). For the part of New -Hampshire towns: HOLLIS, _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 601, by S. T. -Worcester; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxvii. 377; xxx. 28; xxxi. -169; S. T. Worcester's _Hist. of Hollis_ (1879), p. 146. MANCHESTER, -Potter's _Hist. of Manchester_. - -[566] The connection of Putnam with the final stand at Prospect Hill -naturally conveyed the impression of his commanding through the day, as -he was known to have been by turns upon different parts of the field. -Gen. Greene, who hurried up from Rhode Island that night, got this -impression from the understanding of the case which he found prevailing -in the Roxbury lines, when he wrote back the next day (June 18) to Gov. -Cooke, of Rhode Island. "General Putnam", he says, "had taken post at -Bunker's Hill, and flung up an entrenchment with a detachment of about -three hundred" (_Sparks MSS._, no. xlviii. p. 67). This notion reached -England, and on a print of Putnam published there Sept. 9, which is -annexed, Putnam is called commander-in-chief (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -Nov., 1881, p. 102). An American engraving, by Roman, which appeared -shortly afterwards, represents Putnam on horseback at the redoubt, -as if commanding there. Col. Trumbull gave him similar prominence -when he painted his well-known picture in 1786, though he is said to -have regretted it at a later day. The earliest general narrative to -give the command to Prescott was Gordon's, which followed closely the -account of the Committee of Safety, and this was printed in 1788. The -_Life of Putnam_ by Humphreys was published in 1788, while Putnam was -still living, and makes no mention of his having the command; but the -Rev. Josiah Whitney, in 1790, in a note to a sermon preached upon the -death of Putnam, took exception to this oversight (Stevens's _Hist. -Coll._, i. no. 685). In 1809, Eliot, in his _Biographical Dictionary_, -represents Prescott as commanding at the redoubt and Stark at the -rail fence. When Gen. Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ were published, in 1816 -(reviewed in the _N. Am. Rev._, Nov., 1817), the conduct of Putnam -on that day was represented in no favorable light; and Gen. Henry -Dearborn, who was with Stark at the rail fence, asserted that Putnam -remained inactive in the rear. It is also significant that Major -Thompson Maxwell, who was with Reed's regiment at the rail fence, also -asserted that Prescott commanded (_Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, vol. -vii.; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1868, p. 57). Dearborn's -statement was made in a paper in the _Portfolio_ (March, 1818), which -is reprinted in the _Hist. Mag._, August, 1864, and June, 1868 (Dawson, -p. 402). It was printed also separately at the time in Philadelphia -and Boston (1818) as _An Account of the Battle of Bunker Hill with De -Bernière's map corrected by General Dearborn_ (16 pp.). Col. Daniel -Putnam replied in the _Portfolio_ (May, 1818) with numerous depositions -(all reprinted by Dawson, p. 407), which was issued separately as -_A letter to Maj. Gen. Dearborn, repelling his unprovoked attack on -the character of the late Maj. General Putnam, and containing some -anecdotes relating to the Battle of Bunker Hill, not generally known_ -(Philadelphia, 1818). Both tracts were reprinted as an _Account of -the Battle of Bunker's Hill, by H. Dearborn, Major-General of the -United States Army; with a letter to Maj. Gen. Dearborn, repelling his -unprovoked attack on the character of the late Maj.-Gen. Israel Putnam, -by Daniel Putnam, Esq._ (Boston: Munroe & Francis, 1818). Each document -is paged separately, and the last has a separate title. Dearborn -replied in the _Boston Patriot_ (June 13, 1818), with depositions, all -of which are in Dawson, p. 414. See account of Gen. Dearborn by Daniel -Goodwin, Jr., in the _Chicago Hist. Soc. Proc._ In July, 1818, Daniel -Webster, in the _North Amer. Rev._, vindicated Putnam, but claimed -for Prescott as much of a general command during the day as any one -had, which claim he held to be established by Prescott's making his -report to Ward at Cambridge when it was over. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, June, 1858.) John Lowell offered counter-depositions in the -_Columbian Centinel_ (July 4 and 15, 1818), again reprinted in Dawson, -p. 423. In October, 1818, Col. Samuel Swett appended an _Historical -and Topographical Sketch of Bunker Hill Battle_ to a new edition of -Humphrey's _Life of Putnam_. In the _Boston Patriot_, Nov. 17, 1818, D. -L. Child claimed that Putnam was not in the battle, and he published -separately _An Enquiry into the Conduct of Gen. Putnam_ (Boston, 1819). -In 1825, Swett enlarged his text, and published it as a _History of -the battle of Bunker Hill_ (Boston, 1825), followed by _Notes_ to his -_Sketch_ in Dec., 1825. His history passed to a second edition as a -_History of the Bunker Hill Battle, with a plan. By S. Swett. Second -Edition, much enlarged with new information derived from the surviving -soldiers present at the celebration on the 17th June last, and notes_ -(Boston, 1826). A third appeared in 1827. (Cf. Sparks in _N. Am. Rev._, -vol. xxii.) - -[Illustration] - -A new advocate for Putnam appeared in Alden Bradford's _Particular -Account of the Battle of Bunker or Breed's Hill, by a Citizen of -Boston_ (two editions, Boston, 1825, and since reprinted); while Daniel -Putnam during the same year recapitulated his views in a communication -to the Bunker Hill Monument Association (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. -i.). A summary of this Putnam-Dearborn controversy is given in G. W. -Warren's _Hist. of the Bunker Hill Monument Association_. - -The dispute now remained dormant till 1841, when George E. Ellis -delivered an oration at Charlestown, and then, and in his _Sketches of -Bunker Hill Battle, with illustrative documents_ (Charlestown, 1843), -he presented at fuller length than had been before done the claims of -Prescott to be considered the commander. This led to a criticism and -rejoinder by Swett and Ellis in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_. See -Judge Prescott's letter to Dr. Ellis in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (iv. -76), and another to Col. Swett (xiv. 78. Cf. Memoir of Swett and a list -of his publications in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1867, p. -374). In 1843, John Fellows, in _The Veil Removed; or reflections an -David Humphrey's essay on the life of Israel Putnam; also, notices of -Oliver W. B. Peabody's life of the same; S. Swett's sketch of Bunker -Hill_, etc. (New York, 1843), ranged himself among the detractors of -Putnam. - -In 1849, the question was again elaborately examined in Frothingham's -_Siege of Boston_ (p. 159, etc.), favoring Prescott, which produced -Swett's _Who was the Commander at Bunker Hill?_ (Boston, 1850), and -Frothingham's rejoinder, _The Command in the battle of Bunker Hill_ -(Boston, 1850). Cf. also the _Report_ to the Massachusetts Legislature -on a monument to Col. Prescott (1852). In 1853, Irving favored Prescott -(_Washington_, vol. i.). In 1855, L. Grosvenor, in an address before -the descendants of Putnam, reiterated that general's claims. In 1857, -Barry (_Hist. of Mass._, iii. 39) gave to Prescott the command in the -redoubt, and to Putnam a general direction outside the redoubt. In -1858, Bancroft in his _History_ (vol. vii.) took the view substantially -held by the present writer. In 1859, Mr. A. C. Griswold, as "Selah", of -the _Hartford Post_, had a controversy with H. B. Dawson, who exceeded -others in his denunciation of Putnam, and this correspondence was -printed as parts 6 and 11 of Dawson's _Gleanings from the Harvest-field -of American History_ (Morrisania, 1860-63), with the distinctive title -_Major General Putnam_. In 1860, the Hon. H. C. Deming published an -address on the occasion of the presentation of Putnam's sword to the -Conn. Hist. Society. - -The question of the command was again discussed at the season of the -Centennial of 1875. The chief papers in favor of Putnam were by I. N. -Tarbox in the _N. Y. Herald_ (June 12 and 14), in the _New Englander_ -(April, 1876), and in his _Life of Putnam_; by S. A. Drake in his -_General Israel Putnam the Commander at Bunker Hill_; by W. W. Wheildon -in his letters to the _N. Y. Herald_ (June 16 and 17) and in his _New -History of the battle of Bunker Hill_. Gen. Charles Devens' oration -in _The Celebration of the Centennial Anniversary of the Battle of -Bunker Hill_ (Boston, 1875) did not extend Prescott's command beyond -the redoubt, as was done, however, in Francis J. Parker's _Colonel Wm. -Prescott the Commander in the Battle of Bunker's Hill_ (Boston, 1875), -and his paper "Could General Putnam command at Bunker's Hill?" in _New -Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (Oct., 1877, p. 403). During this same -year, Dr. George E. Ellis recast the material of his earlier book in -his _History of the Battle of Bunker's (Breed's) Hill_ (Boston, 1875, -in 16mo and 8vo, the last revised). - -The Centennial period produced, also, various magazine articles, the -most important of which are one by H. E. Scudder in the _Atlantic -Monthly_, July, 1875; one by Launce Poyntz in the _Galaxy_, July, 1875; -one by Dr. Samuel Osgood in _Harper's Monthly_, July, 1875; and those -which later constituted a brochure, _One Hundred Years Ago_, by Edward -E. Hale. - -[567] As in the accounts of Ward and Knowlton in the _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, July, 1851, and Jan., 1861; the _Journals of Samuel -Shaw_ (Boston, 1847); _The Female Review_, being a life of Deborah -Sampson, by Herman Mann (1797; also edited by J. A. Vinton in 1866); -and C. W. Clarence's _Biographical Sketch of the late Ralph Farnham, of -Acton, Me., now in the one hundred and fifth year of his age, and the -sole survivor of the glorious battle of Bunker Hill_ (Boston, 1860). -There are other accounts of this man in the _Historical Magazine_, iv. -3, 12; and in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xvi. 183. - -[Illustration: Camp at Roxbury Nov 20th 1775] - -[Illustration: Artemas Ward] - -There is a portrait of Artemas Ward, with a memoir, in A. H. Ward's -_Genealogy of the Ward family_, and another in the same writer's _Hist. -of Shrewsbury_ (Boston, 1847). Cf. also _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -v. 271; and _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. - -[568] Accounts of the present obelisk on Bunker Hill can be found -in G. W. Warren's _Hist. of the Bunker Hill Monument Association_; -Wheildon's _Life of Solomon Willard_; Ellis's _Battle of Bunker Hill_ -(1843); Frothingham's _Siege_; and in other places noted in Hunnewell's -_Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 28. - -[569] Winthrop's _Speeches_, 1878-1886, p. 253, and separately. The -statue was erected by anonymous subscribers, acting through the Rev. -Dr. Ellis. - -[570] For anniversary memorials, see Hunnewell's _Bibliog._, 25, 26. - -[571] See extracts and fac-simile from Waller's orderly-book in _Mem. -Hist. Boston_, iii. 83, 84. - -[572] The earliest English accounts which we have are two dated -June 18, a letter of John Randon, a soldier (Lamb's _Journal of -Occurrences_, 33; Dawson, 358), and that of an officer of rank from -Boston (Force, iv.; Dawson, 357; Ellis, 115). Written on June 19, is -a short letter from Brig.-Gen. Jones, colonel of the fifty-second -regiment (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 91; Frothingham's -_Battle-Field_, 45). Henry Hulton, commissioner of his majesty's -customs at Boston, wrote a long letter on June 20 (Emmons's _Sketches -of Bunker Hill Battle_, 123; Dawson, 359; Ellis, 123). On the 22d, -Adjutant Waller, of the Royal Marines, wrote a letter which is given -in S. A. Drake's _Bunker Hill, the Story told in Letters from the -Battlefield_. (Cf. P. H. Nicholas's _Historical Record of the Royal -Marine Forces_, London, 1845, i. 84-89.) On the 23d we have the account -of an officer on one of the king's ships (Force, iv.; Dawson, 360; -Ellis, 117), and a brief letter by Dr. Grant, one of the surgeons -(Dawson, 361; Ellis, 114). On the 24th, a merchant in Boston writes to -his brother in Scotland (Ellis, 119). - -The 25th of June must have been a letter day in Boston, in anticipation -of the sailing of the despatch ship "Cerberus", for we have several -letters of that date. Gage wrote then his official despatch to Lord -Dartmouth, which reached London July 25, but a vessel had arrived -at Waterford a week earlier (July 18), bringing rumors of the fight -(P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_, 489). The news was at -once published from Whitehall (Almon's _Remembrancer_, 1775, p. 132; -_Analectic Mag._, 1818, p. 260; Force, iv.; Dawson, 361, and his -_Battles_, 65; Ellis, 94; Frothingham's _Siege_, 385; Moore's _Ballad -History_, 86, etc.). Gage wrote at the same time a private letter to -Dartmouth. "The number", he says, "of killed and wounded is greater -than we could afford to lose, and some extraordinary good officers have -been lost. The trials we have had show that the rebels are not the -despicable rabble too many have supposed them to be" (_London Gazette_, -July 25; Force, iv.; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 353; Dawson, 363). -Burgoyne wrote the same day (June 25) a "letter to a noble lord" -(Stanley). He saw the action from Copp's Hill. We have the letter in -two forms; the first in Burgoyne's letter-book, where he calls it the -"substance" of the letter, and in this form it is printed by E. D. -de Fonblanque in his _Political and Military Episodes derived from -the life and correspondence of the Right Hon. John Burgoyne, General, -Statesman, Dramatist_ (London, 1876), p. 153. In this draft he says -that the fight "establishes the ascendency of the king's troops, though -opposed by more than treble numbers, assisted by every circumstance -that nature and art could supply to make a situation strong." This -and other paragraphs, as well as other forms of expression, do not -appear in the letter as historians print it, as by Mahon (vol. vi.), -for instance, who, as Fonblanque supposes, had access to the letter -actually received by Stanley. In this latter form the letter appeared -in London in the public prints (Sept.), and in a broadside with a -plan of the battle. It came back to Boston in this shape, and was -printed in Hall's _New England Chronicle_ (Cambridge, Nov. 24), and -in Edes's _Boston Gazette_ (Watertown), and is now frequently met -with (_Analectic Mag._, 1815, p. 264; Ellis, p. 106, with comments -from a London opposition journal; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xi. -125; Dawson, p. 363, and his _Battles_, p. 66; and in the Centennial -publications of David Pulsifer and Samuel A. Drake). Fonblanque adds -something more of Burgoyne's view in letters (pp. 147, 193) which -he wrote to Lord Rochfort, without date, and to Lord George Germain -(Aug. 20). In the former he said: "The defence was well conceived and -obstinately maintained; the retreat was no flight; it was even covered -with bravery and military skill." - -Beside the Stanley letter of Burgoyne, we find also, written on June -25, two others: the first from Boston to a gentleman in Scotland -(Force, iv.; Dawson, 364); the second from an officer in Boston (Force, -iv.; Dawson, 365). - -On the 26th, Gage wrote to the Earl of Dunmore in Virginia (Force, iv.; -Dawson, 366). - -On July 5th, there is a letter from an officer in Boston (_Detail and -Conduct of the American War_, 3d ed., 1780, p. 12; Dawson, p. 367; -Frothingham's _Siege_, 373). - -A letter of Captain Harris, describing his receiving a wound and being -taken from the field, is given without date in Lushington's _Lord -Harris_ (p. 54; also Dawson, 366; Drake, 37). The Bunker Hill letter -is lacking in G. D. Scull's _Capt. Evelyn of the King's Own_ (Oxford, -1879), but there is new matter in his _Evelyns in America_ (pp. -166-171, 278). - -[573] The book passed to a second edition the same year. It was -privately printed in New York in 1868, and is included by S. A. Drake -in his _Bunker Hill_, published in 1875 (Brinley, no. 1,786; Stevens, -_Americana_, 1885, £3 3_s_). - -[574] Particular reference may be made to the more extended accounts in -Moorsom's _Fifty-Second Regiment_ (with a plate of uniforms); Lamb's -_Journal of Occurrences_ with the Welsh Fusiliers; E. Duncan's _Royal -Artillery_ (London, 1872, i. 302); R. G. A. Levinge's _Fifty-third -Regiment Monmouthshire light infantry_ (Lond., 1868, pp. 61-64); The -_Case of Edward Drewe, late Major Thirty-fifth Regiment_ (Exeter, -1782,—see Dawson, 368). - -[575] In 1793, when Stedman used the plate in his _American War_, he -only altered the title, as Frothingham says. In 1797 it was again -reëngraved, but also with changes in the title, as _A plan of the -action at Breed's Hill, etc._, and, as then reduced by D. Martin, -it constitutes the earliest American engraved plan. It appeared in -C. Smith's _American War from 1775 to 1783_ (New York, 1797), and -Hunnewell (p. 18) gives a heliotype of it. Nathaniel Dearborn, in his -_Boston Notions_, engraved it, on a very small scale, in 1848; and the -next year (1849) Frothingham reproduced it in its original state in his -_Siege_, and pointed out that the correspondence of Montresor's survey -to a recent survey of Felton and Parker inspired one with confidence -in its accuracy (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv.). It is the basis -of the best plans of the action, and is reproduced also in Irving's -_Washington_, illus. ed., ii. 467. - -[576] Dearborn was at the time a captain in Stark's regiment, at the -rail fence. Winthrop was on the field unattached. Dr. Dexter looked on -from the Malden shore of the Mystick. Kettell was a common soldier, at -first in the redoubt; then at the rail fence. Miller was at the rail -fence. - -[577] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1858. There is a portrait -of Brooks, by Stuart, owned by Mr. Francis Brooks, of Boston. It has -been engraved by A. B. Durand. Cf. Usher's ed. of Brooks' _Medford_ -(Boston, 1886.) - -[578] The figures in the town denote the numbers of the wards. The -letters signify,—A, Town Hall; B, Old meeting; C, the Chapel; D, -Governor's house; E, Christ Church; F, Trinity Church; G, Faneuil -Hall; H, Old North meeting; I, Old South meeting; L, Work-house; M, -Prison. A map like it appeared in 1782 in a work of similar title to -that published in Boston, but printed at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, being a -second edition of one printed at London in 1779. (Cf. Henry Stevens's -_Hist. Coll._, i. no. 435.) The whole design seems, however, to be -taken from a map which appeared in London, Sept. 2, 1775, whose main -title is _Seat of War in New England, by an American Volunteer, with -the marches of the several Corps sent by the Colonies towards Boston, -with the Attack on Bunker Hill_; and which has in the margin a _Plan of -Boston Harbor_, and is also the prototype of the one in the _Impartial -History_ (Boston, 1781). Modern reproductions are also given in -Wheildon's _New History_, F. S. Drake's _Tea Leaves_, and in various -other of the Centennial memorials of 1875. - -[579] _Military Journal_ (Boston, 1823). Others are the following: -Diary of Jeremy Belknap, Chaplain, in _Life of Belknap_ and _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1858. _Diary of David How_, ed. by H. B. -Dawson (Morrisania, 1865). A journal of Solomon Nash (beginning Jan. -1, 1776) is included in the series (vol. i.) edited by C. I. Bushnell, -called _Crumbs for Antiquarians_, 2 vols., 1862-66 (Sabin, iii. 9,538). -Journal of David McCurlin, beginning at Cambridge, Aug. 9, 1775, and -ending May, 1776, in _Papers relating to the Maryland line_, ed. -by Thomas Balch (Philad., 1857). Diary of Lieut. Jonathan Burton, -of Wilton, N. H., on Winter Hill, Dec., 1775, to Jan. 26, 1776, in -_N. H. State Papers_ (1885), vol. xiv., and _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. -667-689. Diary of Aaron Wright, June 29, 1775, to March 11, 1776, in -_Boston Transcript_, April 11, 1862, and _Hist. Mag._, vi. 208. He -was a private in a rifle company from the South. Diary of Lieut.-Col. -Experience Storrs, June 13, 1775, to Feb., 1776, in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, Feb., 1882, p. 124. Journal of Crafts, June 15, etc., in _Essex -Inst. Hist. Coll._, iii. Diaries in the _Hist. Mag._, Oct., 1864; Aug., -1871, p. 128; March, 1874, p. 133, by Ensign Clap. Diaries in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, Nov., 1863 (by Ezekiel Price); Feb., 1872 (by Paul -Lunt, May 10 to Dec. 23, 1775); March, 1876 (by Samuel Bixby); Sept., -1882 (by Paul Litchfield, at Cambridge and Scituate). A diary of Caleb -Haskell, beginning May 5, 1775, was published at Newburyport in 1881. -There are some rather vague reminiscences in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xv. 390; and others in Elkanah Watson's _Memoirs_. - -[580] In Sparks's _Washington_; in W. B. _Reed's Life of Reed_; in the -Chas. Lee Papers (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871); in Lee's _R. H. Lee_ -(vol ii.). A letter to his brother, July 20, 1775, is in the _Penna. -Mag. of Hist._, x. 353. His appeals for powder are in the _N. H. Prov. -Papers_ (vii. pp. 571, 572, 581), as in other places. Two letters (July -23 and Dec. 4) are in the _Gen. Thomas Papers_. His correspondence with -Josiah Quincy about fortifying the harbor is in the _Quincy Papers_ in -the Mass. Hist. Soc. Cabinet. - -[Illustration] - -John Adams tells of dining with Washington and the Caghnawaga sachems -(_Familiar Letters_, p. 131). From near headquarters there are letters -of Charles Lee (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871; Lee's _Life of R. H. -Lee_, i. 281; _Memoirs of Charles Lee_; one of July 23 in the _Gen. -Thomas Papers_); of Horatio Gates (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 281; several in the _Thomas Papers_); of -Gen. Ward (many in the _Thomas Papers_); of Lewis Morris (_N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 433, etc.); of Joseph Trumbull (_Hist. Mag._, -vii. 22; Hinman's _Conn. in the Rev._, 554); of Asa Fitch (_Hist. -Mag._, iii. p. 6); of Samuel B. Webb (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. -284; _Sparks MSS._ no. xxv.); of Thomas Brown (_Trumbull MSS._, iv. -no. 75). Other letters of more or less interest will be found in the -_N. Jersey Archives_, x. 606-608; in the _Memoirs of General Heath_; -_Drake's Life of Knox_; Bicknell's _Barrington, R. I._ (p. 190); -and others of Richard Devens and Richard Gridley are in the _Thomas -Papers_. Letters of Robert Magaw, in August, are in the _Mag. of West. -Hist._, Sept., 1886, p. 674. - -[581] There are others in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. p. 282 -(Joseph Ward to John Adams); in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, March, 1884, -p. 221 (by Stephen Johnson); and by W. T. Miller, of the Rhode Island -camp, in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1857, p. 136. - -[582] Amory's _Life of Sullivan_; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. pp. -275, 283; others from the Langdon papers are copied in the _Sparks -MSS._ (no. lii., vol. ii.; see also _Ibid._, no. xxi.). There are also -letters of Scammel (_Hist. Mag._, xviii. 129); of John Stark and others -(_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 528-29, 531, 557, 565, 581, 612, 616, 675; -viii. 30; one of Aug. 23 is in the _Thomas Papers_); of Samuel Sweat -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec., 1879); and some in R. A. Guild's -_Chaplain Smith and the Baptists_ (p. 166, etc.). Others from Medford -are in _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 530, 555, 565. - -[583] There is a letter of Thomas Mifflin in the _Thomas Papers_ (Aug. -26). Others of W. T. Miller in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (1857, p. -137); and of William Thompson in the _Life of George Read of Delaware_ -(pp. 112, 128). - -[584] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 277, 279, 280. Various letters -of Joseph Warren, James Warren, and Mercy Warren are in the _Thomas -Papers_. A book of contracts for supplies for the army, 1776, kept at -Watertown and in part in the handwriting of Elbridge Gerry, is in the -Boston Public Library [H. 90 a, 7]. - -[585] Col. Ephraim Doolittle's, April 22 to Aug. 19, 1775; an anonymous -one, Sept.-Oct., 1775; and another, written at Roxbury and Cambridge, -July 29, 1775, to Jan. 12, 1776; Sergeant Isaac Nichols's, Sept. 5 to -Dec. 11, 1775, and Col. William Henshaw's, Oct. 1, 1775, to March 12, -1776, and March 19-27,1776. A book of Henshaw's, preceding this one, -and covering April 20 to Sept. 26, 1775, as edited by C. C. Smith, was -printed in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1876, and separately with -additions (Boston, 1881). - -[586] In the library of the Mass. Hist. Society, and unprinted, Maj. -William Lee's orderly-book (Cambridge); and, in Harvard College -library, that of Jeremiah Fogg (Winter Hill), Oct. 28, 1775, to Jan. -12, 1776. In the Penna. Hist. Society is one kept at Cambridge, July -3 to Sept. 11, 1775; and another, also at Cambridge, Nov. 5, 1775, to -Jan. 1, 1776, is in the Boston Public Library [H. 90 a, 9]. Two were -sold in F. S. Drake's sale, Boston, Nov., 1885, nos. 1,073, 1,074: -one covering Feb. 1 to March 31, 1776; the other, Nov. 5 to Dec. 31, -1775. Glover's (June 29, etc.) is printed in the _Essex Inst. Hist. -Coll._, V. 112. That of Col. Israel Hutchinson, Cambridge and Winter -Hill, Aug. 13, 1775, to July 8, 1776, is in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, November, 1879. Baldwin's, Jan. 5 to March 28, 1776, is at the -State House, Boston, with a large mass of rolls, commissary and other -papers. Sullivan's brigade-book is in the library of the Mass. Hist. -Soc. (_Proc._, Oct., 1884, p. 250). There are in the _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, iv. 67, papers on the rank of the field-officers -at Cambridge, Nov., 1775; and in _Ibid._, xxviii. 259, a list of the -bodies of troops near Boston in 1775. The state of affairs in and about -Boston in 1774-75 is cleverly sketched in Winthrop Sargent's _Life of -André_, ch. iv.,—that young British officer being there at the time. - -[587] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 130. - -[588] _Evelyns in America_, 273. Some of Gage's letters, however, are -preserved in the Haldimand Papers in the British Museum, and their -substance is given in the _Calendar of the Haldimand Papers_ (p. 52, -etc.), published by the Canadian Archivist, Brymner, in 1884. They -end, however, in March, 1775. There are letters of Gage and Howe to -Dartmouth and Germaine in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. lviii., Part 2). - -[589] Given in synopsis by Dr. Ellis in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -March, 1876, p. 233. - -[590] _Boston Evacuation Memorial_, 1876. - -[591] Cf. his _Men and Manners in America one hundred years ago_ (N. -Y., 1876). - -[592] The liberty-tree was cut down Sept. 1, 1775 (Moore's _Diary_, -i. 131). There is a picture of it in _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. p. -159. The various houses occupied by the British generals are traced -in _Ibid._, iii. 155, with references. Within our day, a cannon-ball -imbedded in the tower of the Brattle Square Church has attracted -attention. A ball from the American lines struck there, and was -afterwards fastened in the hole it made, as a memorial. When the -church was taken down, the ball was transferred to the cabinet of the -Historical Society (Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, 108; _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 189; _Catal. Cab. Hist. Soc._, p. 141). The -house of John Hancock was rather roughly used (_Mem. Hist. of Boston_, -iii. 155). - -[593] Newell's diary in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxi.; that of "a British -officer in Boston in 1775", edited by R. H. Dana, in _Atlantic -Monthly_, April and May, 1877. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 307.) - -We have also the diaries of some American prisoners in the town: Peter -Edes's, which was printed at Bangor in 1837; and John Leach's, June -29 to Oct. 4, printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, -1865 (see also Oct., 1865). On the imprisonment of James Lovell, see -Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, p. 33. Much of interest is found -in the _Memoir and letters of Captain W. Glanville Evelyn, from North -America, 1774-1776, ed. by G. D. Scull_, Oxford, privately printed, -1879. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1879, p. 289.) The letters were -reprinted in Scull's _Evelyns in America_ (1881). Letters of Peter -Oliver and others in P. O. Hutchinson's _Diary and letters of Thomas -Hutchinson_ (vol. i., 1884; vol. ii., 1886). The letters of John -Andrews, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, July, 1865, are scant in -the period from June, 1775, to April, 1776. The passing of news in -and out of Boston is illustrated in letters, edited by W. P. Upham, -printed in the _Essex Institute Hist. Coll._ (July, 1876), vol. xiii. -153, etc. Letters addressed to Gardiner Greene are in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, June, 1873. Samuel Paine, Oct., 1775, in _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, July, 1876. _American Hist. Record_, Dec., 1872. Andrew -Eliot remained for pastoral duty in the town during the siege. His -letters to friends without, April, 1775, to Feb., 1776, are in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 182, 288-306. Letters on the last days of the -siege, in Almon's _Remembrancer_, iii. 106-8, quoted in the _Evacuation -Memorial_, 175. Letters of Maj. Francis Hutcheson are in the Haldimand -Papers (_Calendar_, p. 177). - -A MS. orderly-book of Adjutant Waller is in Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. A -fac-simile of the order for the attack at Bunker Hill is given from it -in _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. - -The log-book of the British ship "Preston", lying in the harbor, -April-Sept., 1775, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Aug., -1860. - -[594] Sparks, iii. 319, 320, 330; Dawson, i. 96; _Life of Jos. Reed_, -i. ch. 8; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, viii. 86. - -[595] Force's _Amer. Archives_. A letter by Eldad Taylor, Sunday, -March 18, 1776, in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, viii. 231; Edmund -Quincy's, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1858, p. 27, etc.; John -Winthrop to John Adams, in _Heath Papers, etc._ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._); Abigail Adams, in _Familiar Letters_, p. 148. See _Mem. Hist. -of Boston_, iii., with references; and _Potter's Amer. Monthly_, vi. -166; and Chief Justice Oliver's diary, in P. O. Hutchinson's, _Thomas -Hutchinson_, ii. 46. - -[596] It appears from Hutchinson's _Diary_ (ii. 44) that while -Dartmouth had directed the evacuation, Lord George Germain, in coming -into office, had rescinded the order, but for some reason the despatch -was not forwarded. - -[597] There is a description of Crean Brush in a letter from Ebenezer -Hazard (Feb. 18, 1775) in the _Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 201. - -[598] The royal arms carried off from the old State House are now in -St. John, N. B. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 231). - -[599] Edmund Quincy wrote at the time: "The tories, they say, have been -equal plunderers with the military." _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -1859, p. 231. Washington wrote to Lee, "The destruction of the stores -at Dunbar's camp, after Braddock's defeat, was but a faint image of -what was seen in Boston" (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1872, p. 32). For -the contributions of the Friends of Philadelphia to the poor of Boston, -see the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 168. - -[600] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 191, 200. There is an -orderly-book of Colonel Francis's regiment, at Dorchester Point, -Aug.-Dec., 1776, among the _Moses Greenleaf MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.) -Various castle and harbor rolls, seacoast defence rolls, etc., are in -the _Mass. Archives; Rev. Rolls_, vols. xxv., xxxvi., xxxvii. - -[601] Similar letters are in John Adams's _Works_, ix. 381, etc. -Abigail Adams constantly informed her husband of the condition of -affairs (_Familiar Letters_, 78, 85, 91, 111, 124, 129, 137, 138, 141, -156). There is a diary of Chief Justice Oliver at Halifax, after the -refugees had reached there, in P. O. Hutchinson's _Hutchinson_, ii. 50. - -[602] It was not procured from Paris till four years after the peace -(Colonel Humphrey's letter, Nov., 1787, in _Amer. Museum_, ii. 493). -John Adams (_Familiar Letters_, 210) describes a device proposed for -it, as early as 1776. It was purchased for the city of Boston in -1876, and is now preserved in the Boston Public Library. Its history -is given in the _Boston Evacuation Memorial_. It has been described -and delineated, obverse and reverse, several times, as in Sparks's -_Washington_, i. 174, iii. 356; in Frothingham's _Siege_ (cover); -_Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 100; _Amer. Journal of Numismatics_ -(July, 1880), xv. 1, 38; Snowden's _Medals of Washington_; Loubat's -_Medallic Hist. of the United States; Nat. Port. Gallery_ (N. Y. 1834); -Johnston's _Orig. portraits of Washington_, p. 235; Guizot's _Atlas -to his Washington_. Baker (_Medallic Portraits of Washington_, p. 27) -says the artist made in it the earliest use of Houdon's bust. See -Washington's letter in Force's _Archives_, v. 977. On one side are the -words "Hostibus primo fugatis", and Mahon (vi. 85) seizes upon them to -show that they plainly renounce all "the idle vaunts of Lexington", -that the British had there fled. - -[603] There is a reduction of this issue in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, -iii. p. lv. - -[604] It is reproduced in Wheildon's _Siege, etc., of Boston_; in -Moore's _Ballad History_, etc. - -[605] Reproduced by Wheildon (p. 32). - -[606] This is reproduced in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. iii. - -[607] Like those in Marshall's _Washington_ (1806); in Sparks's -_Washington_ (iii. 26, also in the Boston _Evacuation Memorial_, 1875); -in Frothingham's _Siege_ (1849), p. 91; and in Carrington's _Battles_, -p. 154,—to say nothing of those in Guizot's _Washington_, Lossing's -_Field-Book_ (p. 154), Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (iii. 427), etc. - -[608] This is reprinted in Frothingham's _Siege_ (p. 409). - -[609] There is among the Washington plans a plan of the works on Winter -Hill. Cf. _Sparks's Catal._, p. 207. It is not at Cornell. It is -understood that nos. 1-11 of this set of plans, as per catalogue, were -not sent to the Cornell University library. They do not appear to be -among the _Sparks MSS._ in Harvard College library. This aspect of the -siege of Boston is particularly studied in Lossing's _Field-Book of the -Revolution_ (also in _Harper's Monthly_, vol. i.), and in S. A. Drake's -_Landmarks of Middlesex_, and _County of Middlesex_ (ch. 19). There are -photographs of this sheet in the Boston Public Library, the Mass. Hist. -Soc. library, and in the State Library of Massachusetts. Cf. map of -Boston, 1750-1773, in Brit. Mus. MSS., 21,686, fol. 70, in the _Index -to Brit. Mus. MSS._ (1880). - -[610] The whole map was reëngraved and published at Augsburg by T. C. -Lotter, and the plan of the town was reproduced in Boston in 1875 by A. -O. Crane. The whole map was reëngraved in Paris (1777) by Le Rouge, and -makes part of the _Atlas Ameriquain_ (1778). - -[611] It is reduced in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. (Cf. _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, May, 1860.) - -[612] It has been reproduced in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vol. xvii. - -[613] Sabine's _Amer. Loyalists_, i. 537. - -[614] Cf. _Boston Harbor, [with] nautical remarks and observations by -G. Callendar_, London, 1775. _Brit. Mus. Maps_ (1885), col. 491. - -[615] Cf. the Rawdon map in _Harper's Mag._, xlvii. 20. - -[616] There are photographs of it in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library, -Boston Public Library, and State Library. _Brit. Mus. Map Catal._, -1885, col. 493. - -[617] _Belknap Papers_, ii. 115; _Mass. Hist. Soc Proc._, xix. 93, -94. A tracing is given in the _Boston Evacuation Memorial_ (1876), -and it is reduced, but not in fac-simile, in Frank Moore's _Diary of -the Revolution_, i. p. 213, and given in reduced fac-simile in S. A. -Drake's _Old Landmarks of Middlesex_, and in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ -(vol. iii.; introduction). - -[618] These Faden maps are numbered, for the finished and rough drafts -in E. E. Hale's _Catal. of the Faden Maps_, nos. 32-36, and include one -by Lieutenant Hill, of the Welsh Fusileers. - -[619] Frothingham reproduces it in his _Siege_, and it is reduced in -the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. iii., introduction. - -[620] _Brit. Mus. Map Catal._, 1885, col. 493. - -[621] A reproduction of the harbor map was issued in Boston by W. -P. Parrott, in 1851. It is also reproduced as no. 5 in the _Neptune -Americo-Septentrional_, 1780. - -[622] Dr. Thomas A. Emmet, of New York, owns several interesting, -graphic memorials of the seat of war round Boston, one of which, a _Map -of Boston and vicinity_, made during the British occupancy, is given by -Benson J. Lossing in _Harper's Magazine_, July, 1873. - -[623] _Labanoff Catalogue_, no. 1,576; copy in Amer. Geog. Soc. library. - -[624] There are photographs of it in the Boston Public Library, Mass. -State Library, and Mass. Hist. Society library. - -[625] Cf. his letter to the provincial congress of Massachusetts in -their journals, and various letters from him in the _Trumbull Papers_, -vol. iv. - -[626] Dr. Trumbull also stated the Connecticut case in the _Hartford -Daily Courant_, Jan. 9, 1869, likewise printed separately. Cf. further -Hollister's _Connecticut_, ii. ch. 7; Hinman's _Connecticut in the -Revolution_, p. 29. - -[627] Holland's _Western Mass._; Barry's _Mass._; Smith's _Pittsfield_; -letters of Thomas Allen, May 4 and 9, 1775, in _Hist. Mag._, i. p. 109, -etc. - -[628] The original edition, _A narrative of Col. Ethan Allen's -Captivity, Sept. 25, 1775, to May 6, 1778, containing his voyages and -travels, with the most remarkable occurrences respecting himself, ... -particularly the destruction of the prisoners at New York by Gen. Sir -William Howe, in 1776 and 1777. Written by himself_ (Philad., 1779), -was reprinted the same year in Philad., and also in Boston; again -at Newbury, for publication in Boston, 1780; at Norwich in 1780; at -Philadelphia in 1799; in the Appendix of the second volume of Ira -Allen's _Particulars of the Capture of the ship Olive Branch_, etc. -(Philad., 1805); with notes, at Walpole, N. H., 1807 (Stevens, _Hist. -Coll._, ii. no. 6); at Albany, 1814; at Burlington, 1838; as _Ethan -Allen's Captivity, being a Narrative, etc._ (Boston, 1845); as _A -Narrative of Col. Ethan Allen's Captivity_ (Burlington, 1846, and, with -slightly changed title, in 1849); as _Ethan Allen's Narrative of the -Capture of Ticonderoga and of his Captivity_, etc. (Burlington, 1849); -as _Narrative of the Captivity_, etc. (Dayton, 1849). Cf. Sabin, i. -793-800, 821. Allen's letter (May 11th) to the Massachusetts Congress -is in Dawson's _Battles_, i. 38; and another (May 10th) to Seth Warner -is in the _Mag. of Am. Hist._, 1885, p. 319. Various letters of Ethan -Allen at this time are among the _Trumbull Papers_ (vol. iv.): to the -Conn. Assembly, from Crown Point, May 26, 1775, covering a copy of his -letter to the Indians (p. 96); to Governor Trumbull, July 6th and Aug. -3d. His letter from Crown Point, June 2d, to the N. Y. Congress, is in -Sparks's Gouverneur Morris, i. p. 54. Cf. Lives of Allen by Sparks and -by Hugh Moore; De Puy's _Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain heroes_; -Williams's _Vermont_. Dr. De Costa having, in the _Galaxy_, Dec., 1868 -(also in his _Fort George_, p. 10), disputed Allen's claim to the sole -credit of the surprise, he was answered by Hiland Hall in a pamphlet, -_The Capture of Ticonderoga_ (Montpelier, 1869; also in the _Vermont -Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct. 19, 1869). Cf. Ira Allen's _Vermont_; Goodhue's -_Shoreham, Vt._ - -[629] Cf. Lives of Arnold by Sparks and by Isaac N. Arnold (ch. 2). -The regimental memorandum-book of Benedict Arnold, written while at -Ticonderoga and Crown Point, is printed in the _Penna. Mag. of History_ -(Dec., 1884), viii. 363, and separately. It begins May 10th and ends -June 24th, and is published from a copy made by W. H. B. Thomas before -the original was lost. The _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii. p. 27) contain -letters from Arnold between 1775 and 1780, beginning with a letter -from Crown Point, May 23, 1775, and ending with a letter dated at -Philadelphia, July 17, 1780, to Governor Huntington. There is a letter -of Arnold from Crown Point, June 13, 1775, in the _Trumbull Papers_ -(vol. iv. p. 111). Arnold was accused of countenancing the robbery of -Skene's house a few days before the capture, and some papers in his -defence are given in Stevens's _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. 96. -The original list of trophies of Ticonderoga, in Arnold's handwriting, -is in Dr. T. A. Emmet's Collection (Carrington's _Battles_). Cf. "Who -took Ticonderoga?" in _Hist. Mag._, vol. xv. (Feb., 1869) p. 126. -Arnold's appointment of May 3d, and his report of May 14th, are given -from the original documents in the possession of Jonathan Edwards, of -N. Y., in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. pp. 546-7. - -[630] Jones (p. 49) sets forth the tergiversations of Duane and other -New Yorkers (who had assisted a few months before in proclaiming Allen -an outlaw) as soon as the capture of Ticonderoga had made him the hero -of the hour. Depositions and other documents in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, -iv., touch the riotous proceedings of Allen, which had caused a price -to be set on his head by the New York authorities. Cf. also Jones, _N. -Y. during the Rev._, i. note xx. - -[631] Cf. also Schuyler's letters in Sparks's _Correspondence of the -Amer. Revolution_ and Lossing's _Life of Schuyler_, i. 310. Lossing -also deals with the subject in his _Field-Book of the Revolution_, and -in _Harper's Monthly_, vol. xvii. p. 721. Chas. Carroll (_Journal to -Canada_, 1876, p. 75) describes the ruinous condition of Ticonderoga a -year later. Reference may be made to Sparks's _Gouverneur Morris_ (vol. -i. ch. 4), and to the general historians: Bancroft (orig. ed., vii. -338); Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (iii. ch. 17); Irving's _Washington_ -(i. 404); and local histories, like Watson's _Essex County_ (ch. 9); -Palmer's _Lake Champlain_; Holden's _Queensbury_ (p. 405); Bourne's -_Wells and Kennebunk, Me._; Van Rensselaer's _Essays_; Poole's _Index_, -etc. A letter of Joseph Warren congratulating Connecticut on the -event is in Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 490. Another letter of Joseph -Warren (Watertown, May 17, 1775) to John Scollay, being captured by -Gage, gave the British general the first intimation of the fall of -Ticonderoga (_Sparks, MSS._, xxxii.). Governor Franklin communicates a -diary at Ticonderoga, May 11-19, to Dartmouth (_N. Jersey Archives_, x. -608). Respecting the condition of Ticonderoga after the capture, see -Eliphalet Dyer's letter, May 31, 1775, in _Hist. Mag._, vii. 22; and -the letters of Governor Trumbull and the Connecticut committee to the -New Hampshire authorities, in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 489-501. - -[632] Sparks caused copies to be made of some of the most important -parts, which are in the _Sparks MSS._, no. lx. - -[633] The orderly-book of Sergeant Aaron Barlow, under Montgomery, June -2 to Dec. 6, 1775, was preserved in 1848, when a copy was made for the -New York Historical Society (_Proc._, 1849, p. 279). - -[634] Dawson, i. p. 116, who points out some errors in Leake's _Life of -Lamb_ (p. 374), or _4 American Archives_, iii. p. 1343. Cf. Lossing's -_Schuyler_, i. 444; Sargent's _Major André_, p. 79; Alex. Scammel's -letter in _Hist. Mag._, xviii. 136; accounts in Gen. John Lacy's papers -in the N. Y. State Library; Samuel Mott's letters in the _Trumbull -Papers_ (iv. p. 174); and others of Timothy Bedel in _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, vii. 637, 670. There are in the Archives at Ottawa a Mémoire -of Amable Berthelot, of Quebec, on the war of 1775; a journal at Three -Rivers, May 18, 1775, etc.; and a journal of the siege of St. John, -1775 (Brymner's _Report on the Canadian Archives_, 1881, p. 46). These -are printed in Verreau's _Invasion du Canada_ (Montreal, 1873). Carroll -(_Journal to Canada_, 1876, p. 89), describing the works at St. John, -says they were not injured by Montgomery's siege of them. There is a -view of the works in Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 172. - -[635] Dawson, i. p. 115, etc. - -[636] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 477. Montgomery's letter to -the inhabitants is given in fac-simile in _4 Force's Archives_, iii. -1596, and his demand for its surrender, _Ibid._, v. 312. The articles -of capitulation were printed in broadside. Sabin, xii. p. 314. Copies -of Montgomery's letters are in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). -Lareau, _Littérature Canadienne_, p. 240, says that L'Abbé Perrault -intended a book, _Le Siège de Montreal en 1775_. See various documents -in Verreau's _Invasion du Canada_. - -[637] Dennie's _Portfolio_, xx. 75. A paper by Louise L. Hunt in -_Harper's Monthly_, vol. lxx. (Feb., 1885), in which the story of the -preservation of Montgomery's sword is told. Cf. _Living Age_, no. -1,017, p. 428; _Biog. Notes concerning Richard Montgomery_, by L. -L. Hunt (1876); _A Sketch of Montgomery_ (1876), by General Geo. W. -Cullum, and an article by him in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, April, -1884, with interesting illustrations, including (p. 277) a view of -Montgomery Place, on the Hudson, which was building at the time of his -death, and was afterwards the home of his widow. There are other views -of this well-known estate in Lamb's Homes of America, _Harper's Mag._, -lxx. 354, etc. General Cullum's paper has also a fac-simile of a letter -sent by Montgomery to Colonel Bedel, Oct. 2, 1775. For the ancestry -of Montgomery, see _N. Y. Geneal. and Biog. Record_, July, 1871, p. -123. The memory of Montgomery suffered for a long time in Canada from -the belief that he was the officer of that name who was charged with -atrocities during the siege of Quebec in 1759 (_Quebec Lit. and Hist. -Soc. Trans._, 1870-71, p. 63). - -On his death and burial, see, beside the usual accounts, a paper among -the Belknap papers in Mass. Hist. Soc. library (_Proc._, x. 323), -called "A true account of Gen. Montgomery's death and burial at Quebec" -(cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 111), _Life of Geo. Read_, p. -140; Hilliard d'Auberteuil's _Essais_, with a stately picture of his -funeral; _Niles's Register_, xiv. 371; Sparks's _Washington_, iii. -264, on the identification and burial of his remains; a picture of the -house to which his body was carried in Grant's _Picturesque Canada_ -(Toronto, 1882, vol. i. p. 28); the final removal of his remains to New -York, when his widow, forty-three years after his death, watched the -barge which bore them as it slowly floated down the Hudson in front of -Montgomery Place (Dennie's _Portfolio_, xxi. 134; _Harper's Mag._, lxx. -357; _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans._, 1870-71, p. 63; Dr. W. J. -Anderson's paper was reprinted in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 97); and a paper -on the hundredth anniversary of his death in the _New Dominion Monthly_ -(Montreal), xvii. 397. - -The tributes of Congress to Montgomery are recorded in the _Journals -of Congress_, i. 247. Public services took place before that body -Feb. 19, 1776, when an address was delivered which was published as -_An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, and of the Officers and -Soldiers who fell with him, December 31, 1775, before Quebec; drawn up -(and delivered February 19th, 1776). At the Desire of the Honorable -Continental Congress. By William Smith, D. D., Provost of the College -and Academy of Philadelphia_ (Phila., 1776) It was reprinted in -Norwich, Conn., and in London twice in the same year. - -Franklin was commissioned to procure in France a monument to -Montgomery's memory. One was finally erected in Trinity Church in New -York (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, April, 1884, p. 297; _Harper's Mag._, -Nov., 1876, p. 876; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 473). - -Of some interest are a contemporary tragedy by H. H. Brackenridge, -_The Death of Montgomery_ (Norwich and Providence), with an engraving -of the death scene by Norman (Sabin, ii. no. 7,185; _Sparks' Catal._, -no. 337); and Thomas Paine's _A Dialogue between the ghost of general -Montgomery just arrived from the Elysian fields; and an American -delegate, in a wood near Philadelphia_. [_Anon._] [Phila.], 1776. N. -Y.; privately reprinted, 100 copies, 1865. - -[638] Printed in the _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._ (i. 343), at Portland, in -1831; Sabin, xii. 50,221. Cf. _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 117, -for an account of the Montresors, father and son, and G. D. Scull's -_Mem. and letters of Capt. W. G. Evelyn_ (1879), enlarged as _The -Evelyns in America_ (1881). Cf. also _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -Jan., 1882, p. 104. - -[639] _Catal. of King's Maps_, Brit. Mus., i. 608. Cf. also the _Map -of New Hampshire_, by Col. Joseph Blanchard and Rev. Samuel Langdon, -engraved in Jefferys, dated Oct. 21, 1761. - -[640] Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 193. - -[641] _Lives of Arnold_, by Sparks (ch. 3 and 4) and Isaac N. Arnold -(ch. 3); Irving's _Washington_ (ii. ch. 5 and 8); Graham's _Morgan_ -(ch. 4); Lossing's _Schuyler_ (i. ch. 26); B. Cowell's _Spirit of -Seventy-Six in Rhode Island_; North's _Hist. of Augusta_; Gay's _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, iii. 441; a paper by William Howard Mills, describing the -route, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Feb., 1885), xiii. 143; and William -Allen's "Account of Arnold's Expedition" in the _Maine Hist. Soc. -Coll._, vol. i. p. 387, derived mainly from the journals of Meigs and -Henry. - -The conduct of Enos in deserting Arnold has been extenuated in _General -Roger Enos—a lost Chapter of Arnold's Expedition to Canada, 1775_, by -Horace Edwin Hayden (1885), reprinted from _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May, -1885). The papers of the court-martial which acquitted Enos are in the -State Department at Washington, and have been printed by Force and -Allen, and also in Henry's _Journal_ (ed. of 1877), p. 59. - -[642] Described by G. T. Packard in the _N. Y. Independent_, 1881. Cf. -_Good Literature_, 1881, p. 239. - -[643] Dawson (i. 118) also gives his Quebec despatch of Dec. 31, 1775. -Sparks preserved copies of various of Arnold's letters in the _Sparks -MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.); and in _Ibid._ (no. lvii. 10) are letters of -Arnold on his early trading visits to Quebec, when he acquired a -knowledge of the region. - -[644] _Journal of the march of a party of Provincials from Carlyle to -Boston and from thence to Quebec, begun the 13th of July and ended -the 31st of Dec., 1775. To which is added an account of the Attack -and Engagement at Quebec, the 31st of Dec., 1775_ (Glasgow, 1775, pp. -36). It is, says Sabin (ix. no. 36,728), the journal of a company of -riflemen under Captains William Hendricks and John Chambers, and it was -sent from Quebec to Glasgow by a gentleman who appended the "account." - -Henry Dearborn's is in the Boston Public Library, and is called -_Journal of the proceedings, and particular occurrences, which -happened, within my knowledge, to the troops under the command of -Benedict Arnold, in 1775, which troops were detached from the American -army lying before Boston for the purpose of marching to, and taking -possession of Quebec_. [_From Sept. 10th, 1775, to July 16th, 1776._] -It has been printed by Mellen Chamberlain in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1886, and separately. - -_Caleb Haskell's diary, May 5, 1775, to May 30, 1776,—a revolutionary -soldier's record before Boston and with Arnold's expedition_ -(Newburyport, 1881, 8vo, pp. 23). It is edited by L. Withington. -Haskell belonged to Ward's company. - -John Joseph Henry's _Accurate and interesting account of the hardships -and sufferings of that band of heroes, who traversed the wilderness in -the Campaign against Quebec in 1775_ (Lancaster, Pa., 1812). _Campaign -against Quebec, being an accurate_, etc. (Watertown, N. Y., 1844). -_Account of Arnold's Campaign against Quebec, and of the hardships, -etc._ (Albany, 1877). This last edition has a memoir of Judge Henry by -his grandson, Aubrey H. Smith. (Cf. Brinley, ii. no. 4,026; Murphy, -no. 1,192.) Mr. Smith says that the _Account_ was dictated by Henry -to his daughter in his latest years, with the aid of casual notes -and memoranda, and was published without any revision and proper -press-reading. (Cf. Sabin, viii. 31,400-1.) - -Lieut. William Heth's journal is referred to in Marshall's -_Washington_, i. pp. 53, 57, and is still preserved in Richmond, Va. - -A journal of Sergeant McCoy, of Hendricks's company, is referred to by -Henry in his _Account_. - -Major Return J. Meigs's _Journal of the expedition against Quebec under -Col. Benedict Arnold in the year 1775_. (Cf. Almon's _Remembrancer_, -Part ii., 1776, p. 294.) This is in vol. i. of Chas. I. Bushnell's -_Crumbs for Antiquarians_ (New York, 1859). This series is recorded -in Sabin, iii. no. 9,538; _Boon Catal._, p. 591. The journal is also -in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xii., and notices of Meigs are in -Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, i. 180, 668, and in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, April, 1880, iv. 283 (with a portrait taken in his later -years), by H. P. Johnston. There is also a life of Meigs in John W. -Campbell's _Biographical Sketches_ (Columbus, O., 1838). There appeared -at Cincinnati in 1852 _Biographical and Historical Memoirs of the early -Pioneer settlers of Ohio, with narratives of incidents and occurrences -in 1775, by S. P. Hildreth, M. D., to which is annexed a journal of -occurrences which happened in the circles of the author's personal -observation in the detachment commanded by Colonel Benedict Arnold, -consisting of two battalions of the United States Army at Cambridge in -1775. By Colonel R. J. Meigs._ The Meigs journal thus called for in the -title was never included in the book (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._; Thomson's -_Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 551). - -J. Melvin's _Journal of the Expedition to Quebec in the year 1775, -under the command of Col. B. Arnold_. In the "Publications of The -Club", New York, 1857 (100 copies). The introduction is signed with the -initials of William J. Davis. The Club was a preliminary organization -which became the Bradford Club. The journal was also printed in a -small edition by the Franklin Club, in Philadelphia, in 1864 (Alofsen, -_Catalogue_, nos. 12, 13). Melvin was attached to Dearborn's company. - -John Peirce's journal of daily occurrences, Sept. 8, 1775, to Jan. 16, -1776, is that of an engineer with the pioneers. It is defective at the -beginning and end, and has not been printed. Stone refers to it. - -_Journal of Isaac Senter, Physician and Surgeon to the Troops on a -Secret Expedition against Quebec, under command of Col. Benedict -Arnold, in Sept., 1775_ (Phila., 1846). This journal, which begins at -Cambridge, Sept. 13, 1775, and ends at Quebec Jan. 6, 1776, made part -of the _Bulletin_, vol. i., of the Penna. Hist. Society. There is an -account of Senter, with extracts from his journal, in Stone's _Invasion -of Canada in 1775_, p. 65. - -The Diary of Ephraim Squier, Sept. 7 to Nov. 25, 1775, preserved in the -Pension Office in Washington, is printed in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -ii. 685. - -Capt. John Topham's Journal of the expedition to Quebec through the -wilderness of Maine in Sept., Oct., and Nov., 1775. Stone reports it as -being in the hands of David King, of Newport, as not published, and not -being legible before the date of Oct. 6th. - -_Invasion of Canada in 1775, including the Journal of Cap. Simeon -Thayer, describing the Perils and Sufferings of the Army under Col. B. -Arnold. With Notes and Appendix, by E. M. Stone_ (Providence, 1867). -This has a bibliography, and made part of the _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -vol. vi. - -_Journal of an Expedition against Quebec in 1775, under Col. Benedict -Arnold, by Joseph Ware, of Needham, Mass. Published by Joseph Ware, -grandson of the journalist_ (Boston, 1852). The journal begins Sept. -13, 1775. The writer was taken prisoner during the attack of Dec. 31st, -and his journal ends on a cartel at sea, Sept. 6, 1776. The notes are -by Justin Winsor, and the journal was first printed in the _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1852. A question has been raised as to Ware's -authorship of this journal (Whitmore's _Amer. Genealogist_, p. 84). - -There is in Harvard College library a copy of the MS. journal of -Ebenezer Wild, beginning at Cambridge Sept. 13th, and ending at Quebec, -while he was a prisoner, June 6, 1776. It was printed by Justin Winsor -with a note on similar records, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, -1886, and separately (75 copies). - -Of Christian Febiger, the adjutant of the expedition, a Dane, but -resident in Massachusetts, there is an account and portrait in _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, March, 1881. - -An orderly-book of the expedition, Nov. 8, 1775, to Feb. 26, 1776, -is in the Pension bureau of the War Department at Washington. There -is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii. p. 25) a list of officers and -volunteers on the expedition and at Quebec, furnished to Sparks at New -York, Feb., 1831, by Col. Samuel Ward, of whom a letter describing his -experiences on the march is also preserved (_Sparks MSS._, no. xxv.). -There are in the _Mass. Archives: Revolutionary Rolls_, vol. xxviii., -lists of officers of the reinforcements for Ticonderoga and Canada, -and in a separate volume a list of soldiers under Colonel Arnold, and -of the killed, wounded, and prisoners at Quebec, Dec. 31, 1775. (Cf. -list in _Ware's Journal_.) The N. Y. Continental line (four regiments -and one artillery company) was organized, under a vote of the N. Y. -provincial congress, June 28, 1775, and served on this campaign. Capt. -John Lamb's artillery company left New York with seventy enlisted men, -and (March 30, 1776) were reduced to thirty-one rank and file. The term -of service of the N. Y. line expired in April, 1776; but a large part -reënlisted (Asa Bird Gardiner in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1881). -The service of New Hampshire is shown in the _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. pp. -209, 311, 339, etc. Cf. _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans._, 1871-73, -1876-77; _Potter's Amer. Monthly_, Dec., 1875. - -[645] Wooster's share in the campaign was not a happy one. "His defect -was his age", says C. F. Adams. "Few of the brave officers in the -French war sustained their reputation in the revolutionary struggle" -(_Life and Works of John Adams_, iii. 44). Lossing's _Schuyler_ and -Hollister's _Connecticut_ have somewhat opposing sympathies respecting -Wooster's character. Cf. much in _4 Force's Archives_, iv., v., vi., -and _5 Ibid._, i. The opinion upon Wooster of the Commissioners to -Congress is shown in their letter of May 27th (_Force's Archives_, -vi. 589). There is a letter of Wooster from Montreal, Feb. 11, 1776, -addressed to Roger Sherman, in _Letters and Papers_, 1761-1776 (MSS. in -Mass. Hist. Soc., p. 167). In this he speaks of his disagreements with -Schuyler, and says that his persuasion had prevented Montgomery from -resigning. - -[646] Sparks's _Corresp., etc._, vol. i. 116, 154, and App. (Dec. 31, -1775; Jan. [1776] 2, 11, 12, 24; Feb. 1, 27; April 20, 30; May 8, 15; -June, etc.). Arnold's letter of Dec. 31 in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, -vii. 719. Cf. Lossing on Arnold in _Harper's Monthly_, xxiii. 721. - -[647] AMERICAN.—Report, Jan. 24th, to Congress, in _Secret Journal_, -i. 38. - -Letters from Point-aux-Trembles in App. of Henry's _Journal_ (ed. of -1877). - -Donald Campbell's despatch to Wooster, Dec. 31, 1775, in Dawson, i. -116; and in _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 718. - -Letters of Wooster to Schuyler and Warner (Jan. 5th and 6th), and -Schuyler to Washington (Jan. 13th), in _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. -720-22. Cf. _Sparks MSS._, lviii. 12. - -Lieut. Eben Elmer's diary of the Canada expedition in _N. Jersey Hist. -Soc. Proc._, ii. and iii. - -General Irvine's diary, beginning May, 1775, in _Hist. Mag._, April, -1862. - -The journal of Col. Rudolphus Ritzema, first N. Y. regiment, Aug. 8, -1775, to March 30, 1776, now in the N. Y. Hist. Soc., and printed in -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Feb., 1877), i. p. 98. Under date (Montreal) -of Jan. 3, 1776, he gives an account of the failure at Quebec, news -of which had just reached there by Mr. Antell, an express (from N. Y. -Archives in _Sparks MSS._, xxix.). - -_Journal of the Rev. Ammi Ruhamah Robbins, chaplain in the American -army, in the northern campaign of 1776_ (New Haven, 1850). - -_The Shurtleff manuscript, No. 153. Being a narrative of certain events -in Canada during the invasion by the American army, in 1775, by Mrs. -Thomas Walker, with notes and introd. by Silas Ketchum_ (Contoocook, -1876), making part no. 2 of the _Collections of the N. H. Antiquarian -Soc._ - -Some of the diaries noted under the Kennebec expedition cover the -attack on Quebec. Cf. Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 185. A letter -of Samuel Ward, Philad., Jan. 21, 1776, gives the news as it reached -Congress (_Sparks MSS._, xxv.; cf. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, viii. 49). - -A letter of Samuel Hodgkinson, before Quebec (April 27, 1776), is in -the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, July, 1886, p. 158. - -Wilkinson joined the army in May, 1776, and his _Memoirs_ (i. p. 39) -has accordingly a personal interest. - -The _Memoirs of Charles Dennis Rusoe d'Eres, a native of Canada_ -(Exeter, 1800), begins with the attack on Quebec. - -More or less of reference to original sources is made in the lives of -Washington by Marshall (i. 329) and Irving (ii. ch. 4, 5, 8, 12, 13, -15, 20, 22, 23); Lossing's _Schuyler_ (i. ch. 28, 29); Leake's _Lamb_ -(ch. 7 and 8); Read's _Geo. Read_ (i. 141); and the lives of Montgomery -and Arnold already referred to. Intercepted letters from Arnold to -Montgomery and Washington are in the _Haldimand Papers_. - -Daniel Morgan, the commander of the Virginia riflemen, was a -conspicuous actor in the attack. Rebecca McConkey, in her _Hero of -Cowpens_ (New York, 1881), claims that Morgan deserves the credit which -Arnold usually receives. A description by Morgan of his part in the -attack is among some papers gathered by Sparks for a life of Morgan -(_Sparks MSS._, lii. vol. ii. p. 99), and this same autobiographic -letter is printed at greater length in the _Hist. Mag._, xix. 379, as -from the _Pittsburgh Gazette_ of July 10, 1818, where it is said to -have been found among some papers once belonging to Gen. Henry Lee, and -is supposed to have been addressed to Lee by Morgan about 1800, two -years before Morgan died. The copy made by Sparks is given as from a -paper then (1831) in the possession of General Armstrong. Cf. Graham's -_Life of Morgan_ (ch. 5); Dennie's _Portfolio_, viii. p. 101; _Southern -Lit. Messenger_, xx. p. 559. - -The principal general accounts on the American side are in Bancroft -(viii. ch. 52-54, or final revision, iv. ch. 19 and 24); Ramsay's -_Amer. Rev._; Hollister's _Connecticut_ (ii. ch. 9); Dawson's _Battles_ -(ch. 7); Carrington's _Battles_ (ch. 20, 21); Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, -ix. 133; Dennie's _Portfolio_, ix. 133. - -Sullivan rehearses the news as it reached the Cambridge camp (_N. H. -Prov. Papers_, viii. 36). There are in the _Aspinwall Papers_ (ii. 772) -various items of intelligence respecting "the defeat of the rebels" in -Canada, gathered in New York in Feb., 1776. - -BRITISH.—Carleton's despatch to Howe (Dawson, 118; also see _Gent. -Mag._, June, 1776). The letters which passed from Dartmouth to -Carleton, Dec. 10, 1774 to Sept. 9, 1777, are noted in the Chalmers -MSS. (Thorpe's _Supplement_, 1843, no. 622). Other papers are in the -Haldimand Papers (Brit. Mus.), of which a calendar has been printed (p. -207) by the Dominion archivist at Ottawa. The volumes in the Public -Record Office, London, marked "Quebec, xiv., xv., vols. 348, 349", -cover this period. - -Journal of the siege of Quebec, by Hugh Finlay, in _Quebec Lit. and -Hist. Soc. Docs._, 4th series. (The bibliography of this society is -given in Sabin, xvi. no. 67,015, etc.) - -Account of the siege, beginning Nov., 1775, dated on board sloop-of-war -"Hunter", June 15, 1776, addressed by Col. Henry Caldwell to Gen. Jas. -Murray, has been printed in the _Transactions_ of the Quebec Lit. and -Hist. Soc., and in _Hist. Mag._, xii. 97 (1867). - -A _Journal of the Siege_, Dec. 1, 1775, to May 7, 1776, is noted in the -Chalmers MSS. (Thorpe's _Supplement_, 1843, no. 623). This MS. is now -in the _Sparks MSS._ (xlii. no. 1). Its earliest entry is really Dec. -5th. It gives a particular account of the share taken by the journalist -in the defence of Dec. 31st, calling it "a glorious day for us, and as -complete a little victory as was ever gained." The last entry is, in -fact, May 9, 1776. - -In Thorpe's _Supplement_ (no. 624) there is also noted a _Journal of -the Siege, by Capt. Thomas Ainslee, written on the spot, Sept., 1775, -to May 6, 1776_. This is also now in the _Sparks MSS._, i. - -_Journal of the Siege of Quebec in 1775-76, collected from some old -manuscripts originally written by an officer, to which are added a -preface and illustrative notes by W. T. P. Short_ (London, 1824). It -begins Dec. 1, 1775, and ends May 6, 1776; but the editor continues the -narrative, briefly, through the campaign (_Menzie's Catal._, no. 1,107). - -_Journal of the most remarkable occurrences in Quebec, from the 14th -of Nov., 1775, to the 7th of May 1776, by an officer of the garrison._ -It is printed in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1880, p. 175. Of -the British general accounts, mention may be made of the _Annual -Register_, xix. ch. 1, 5; xx. ch. 1; Andrew's _Late War_ (ch. 19, 20); -Stedman's _Amer. War_ (ch. 2, 10); Adolphus's _England_ (ii. 237); -Bisset's _George the Third_ (i. ch. 15); Mahon's _England_ (vi. 76); -W. Lindsay's _Invasion of Canada by the American provincials_ (1826). -Sir James Carmichael-Smythe's _Précis of the War in Canada_ criticises -the plan of Montgomery's attack. Cf. _Canadian Antiquarian_, v. 145; -Lemoine's _Maple Leaves_, pp. 84, 95; his _Picturesque Quebec_, pp. -120, 231; J. Lesperance's _Bastonnais: tale of the American invasion of -Canada in 1775-76_ (Toronto, 1877). - -Lossing has a paper on the local associations of Quebec in _Harper's -Monthly_, xviii. 176; and similar detail is also given in his -_Field-Book of the Am. Rev._ - -FRENCH.—There are three records in the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec: -1. _Le témoin oculaire de la guerre des Bastonnais durant les années -1775 et 1776 par M. Simon Sanguinet_. - -2. _Journal contenant le récit de l'invasion du Canada en 1775-1776, -redigé par M. Jean B. Badeaux_, printed in their Hist. Documents, 3d -series. For Nos. 1 and 2 see Verreau's _Invasion du Canada_ (Montreal, -1873). - -3. _Journal tenu pendant le Siège du fort St. Jean en 1776 par M. -Antoine Foucher._ - -The principal general French history on the subject is Garneau's -_Histoire du Canada_. - -Cf. _Centenaire de l'assaut de Québec par les Américains 31 Décembre, -1775. Compte-rendu de la Séance solennelle donnée par l'Institut -Canadien, 30 Déc., 1875._ Quebec, 1876 (Sabin, xvi. 66,997). - -[648] A letter of Samuel Hodgkinson, April 27th, is in the _Penna. Mag. -of Hist._, July, 1886, p. 162. - -[649] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 185, 189, 196; Force's -_Archives_, 4th, v., vi.; 5th, i. Among the General Thomas papers, -beside drafts of his own letters at this time, there are letters to him -from Arnold (May 1, 11, 14); from Schuyler (May 17); and from Baron de -Woedtke (May 11, 12, 18, 19). Some memoranda from Thomas's letters are -in a collection of _Letters and Papers, 1761-1776_ (p. 165), in the -Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. Cf. also Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 1, 2); -I. N. Arnold's _Arnold_ (ch. 5); Read's _Geo. Read_, 150; Bancroft's -_United States_ (orig. ed., viii. ch. 67); Irving's _Washington_ (ii. -ch. 20; 22); Stone's _Brant_, i. 154. - -[650] See the general narratives, and specially Sparks's _Washington_ -(iv. 56), for the capitulation; Resolutions of Congress, July 10, -1776, in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. 258); S. E. Dawson in -_Canadian Monthly_, v. 305; and _Authentic narrative of facts relating -to the exchange of prisoners taken at the Cedars, with original papers_ -(London, 1777—_Brinley Catal._, ii. no. 3,967). Cf. _John Adams's -Life and Writings_, ix. 407; _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. 477; and Force's -_Archives_, 4th, vi. (p. 598), and 5th, i. The Agreement (May 27, 1776) -of Arnold and Foster about the prisoners is in _Sparks MSS._, xiii. -and xlv. Jones recounts the disputes arising over the fulfilment of -Arnold's agreement for an exchange of the prisoners. _N. Y. during -the Revolution_, i. 93. There is a French edition of the _Authentic -Narrative_, by Marcel Ethier (Montreal, 1873). - -[651] Sparks's _Corresp. of Rev._, i. 525, 531; Force's _Archives_, -4th, vi.; Colonel Irvine's account in _Hist. Mag._; vi. 115; _Life -of George Read_ (ch. 3, with memoir of Thompson at end of ch. 2); -Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 85); Marshall's _Washington_ (ii. 362); -Amory's _John Sullivan_; Bancroft's _United States_, original edition, -viii. p. 415, etc. - -[652] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 423; _Corresp. of the Rev._, 211, -216, 231, 237, 239, 241; _John Adams's Life and Writings_, ix. 43. -Letters of Sullivan, with some from Arnold during the retreat from -Canada, are among the Sullivan papers (_Sparks MSS._, xx.). A letter -from Arnold to Gates, Chamblée, May 31, 1776, is among the Gates Papers -(copies in _Sparks MSS._, xx.). A letter of Thompson to St. Clair from -Sorel, June 2, 1776, is in the _St. Clair Papers_ (i. 367), with notes -on the retreat. - -[653] The are several personal records and diaries of these final -months of the campaign. Dr. S. J. Meyrick, a surgeon of a Massachusetts -regiment, wrote, June 1, 1836, to J. Trumbull, his recollections of the -retreat, drawn up from contemporary minutes, beginning May 21, 1776 -(Trumbull's _Autobiography_, 299). - -Diary of Joshua Pell, Jr., beginning at Quebec, May 29, 1776, giving an -account of Three Rivers defeat, ending Nov. 22d, is printed in _Mag. of -Am. Hist._, ii. 43. - -Letters of Colonel Bond (July, Aug., 1776) in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, iv. 71. - -In the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii. p. 69, etc.) are copies of papers -belonging to the Amer. Philosophical Society (Feb., 1831), which -contain a journal of Jacob Shallus, beginning in the camp before -Quebec, May 6, 1776, and ending at Crown Point, July 1st. A journal of -Lieut. Jona. Burton, Aug. 1 to Nov. 29, 1776, is in the _N. H. State -Papers_, vol. xiv. - -There are local aspects and connections of the campaign to be got from -Watson's _Essex County_ (ch. 10); Dunlap's _New York_ (ii. ch. 1, 4); -Mrs. Bonney's _Hist. Gleanings_, i.; Smith's _Pittsfield, Mass._ (ch. -15); Temple and Sheldon's _Northfield_, etc. - -[654] Sedgwick's _Livingston_. There is also a copy in the _Langdon -Papers_, and a copy from that in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). A -letter of Paine is in _Ibid._ (xlix. ii.). - -[655] A letter of John Carroll, describing his journey, and written -from Montreal, May 1, 1776, is in Force's _Archives_, v. 1,158. - -[656] _Memoir of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 418. Lives of Franklin by Sparks, -Parton, and Bigelow. - -[657] _Journal of Charles Carroll to Canada, with notes by B. Mayer_ -(Baltimore, 1845). _Journal of Charles Carroll of Carrollton during a -visit to Canada in 1776, as one of the Commissioners from Congress_ -(Baltimore, 1876—the Centennial volume of the Maryland Hist. Soc.). -On Carroll, see Boyle's _Marylanders; Annals of Annapolis_; Niles's -_Register_, xxx. 79; J. C. Carpenter in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. -101; J. M. Finotti in _Cath. World_, xxiii. 537; S. Jordan in Potter's -_Amer. Monthly_, vii. 401. Poole's _Index_ gives other references upon -John Carroll. The Commissioner Charles Carroll was reputed to be the -wealthiest man in America. Views of his mansion are in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, ii. 101; Lamb's _Homes of America_; Brotherhead's _Signers_ -(1861, p. 81); and in _Appleton's Journal_, xii. p. 321. For a Carroll -medal, see _Amer. Journal of Numismatics_, v. 8, xv. 45; _Cath. World_, -July, 1876, p. 537. - -[Illustration] - -The best known portrait of Carroll is that painted by Chester Harding, -which for a while was deposited in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. -(_Proc._, i. 500). It has been engraved by A. B. Durand (_National -Portrait Gallery_, N. Y., 1834), H. B. Hall (in Carroll's Journal, -1876), and J. B. Longacre. A portrait by Thomas Lally, formerly -belonging to Governor Swann, of Maryland, is now in the Mass. Hist. -Soc. Gallery (_Proc._, 2d ser., ii. 261). Cf. McSherry's _Maryland_. - -[658] A letter of Chase and Carroll from Montreal, May 26, 1776, to -General Thomas, is in the _Mass. Archives_, and is copied in the -_Sparks MSS_ (lii. vol. iii.). - -[659] Their letters, written in May, are in _Force's Archives_, and -the originals are preserved in the Archives at Washington; but Brantz -Mayer says (_Carroll's Journal_, 1876, p. 37) that their report of June -12, 1776, could not be found. Their last letter, however, of May 27th, -which Mayer prints (p. 38), gives their results. It is also in Force -(vi. 589). The papers of General Thomas show their letters addressed to -him of May 6, 12, and 15. - -[660] Maj.-Gen. Robert Howe's report on the defences of Charlestown, -some months later (Oct. 9th), is in the _Amer. Archives_, iii. 49. - -[661] _An Introduction to the History of the Revolt of the American -Colonies, being a comprehensive view of its origin derived from the -State Papers contained in the public offices of Great Britain_ (Boston, -1845). - -[662] It is to be remembered that these positive statements as to -the spirit of independence latent in the colonies were written after -the achievement of the fact. It is but fair to say that it has been -objected against the positiveness of Chalmers's statements that he -presents no specific evidence of their truth from written authorities. -(See Sparks's _Washington_, vol. ii. Appendix x., and his Preface to -the American edition of Chalmers.) Viscount Bury, in his _Exodus of -the Western Nations_ (i. 395, 412), repeats the opinion of Chalmers -as positively, yet also without authorities. On the other side, as -illustrating how general statements may be affirmed, as if not to be -qualified or challenged, we read in Governor Hutchinson's volume of -his _History_ written during his exile in England this sentence (vol. -iii. p. 69), as of date 1758: "An empire, separate or distinct from -Britain, no man then alive expected or desired to see",—an assertion -more rhetorical than true. In the debate in the Commons on the Boston -Port Bill and the infraction of the charter of Massachusetts, Sir -Richard Sutton said "that even in the most quiet times the disposition -to oppose the laws of this country was strongly ingrafted in the -Americans, and all their actions conveyed a spirit and wish for -independence. If you ask an American who is his master, he will tell -you he has none, nor any governor, but Jesus Christ" (Adolphus, ii. -108). - -[663] This last word recognized the jealousy and apprehension felt in -Massachusetts about the sending over of bishops to the province. - -[664] _Examination before Committee of Parliament._ - -[665] See _ante_, chapter i. - -[666] This Congress issued a very strong declaration "of the causes -and necessity of taking up arms." It sought by clear statements "to -quiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects. We do not mean to -dissolve the union. Necessity has not driven us into that desperate -measure. We have not raised armies with the ambitious designs of -separation from Great Britain, and establishing independent states." -This hesitating and vacillating course of the first two congresses -would naturally encourage the British ministry in the belief, first, -that the colonists were by no means of one mind as to valid reasons for -a united opposition to government; and second, that the strength of -the existing feelings of loyalty and attachment, backed by efficient -policy, would withstand any looking towards independence. - -[667] For an explanation of the reasons why R. H. Lee, the mover, was -not made chairman of this committee, see Randall's _Life of Jefferson_, -vol. i. 144-159. - -[668] There is a slight conflict of testimony in private records—for -we have none that are official—as to some of the details in the -preparation of the Declaration. John Adams, trusting to his memory, -wrote in his _Autobiography_ (cf. _Works_, ii. 512), twenty-eight years -after the transaction, and again in a letter to Timothy Pickering, -forty-seven years after it (cf. _Life of Pickering,_ iv. 463), and -when he was in his eighty-eighth year, substantially to the same -effect, namely, that Jefferson and himself were appointed by their -associates a sub-committee to make the draft. Jefferson (_Mem. and -Corresp._, iv. 375), on reading this letter, published in 1823, wrote -to Madison denying this statement, and making another, relying on notes -which he had made at the time. He says there was no sub-committee, -and that when he himself had prepared the draft he submitted it for -perusal and judgment separately to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, each -of whom made a few verbal alterations in it. These he adopted in a -fair copy which he reported to the committee, and on June 28th to -Congress, where, after the reading, it was laid on the table. On July -1st Congress took up for debate Mr. Lee's resolution for independence. -Nine colonies—New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, -New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia—voted -for the resolution. The two delegates of Delaware were divided. South -Carolina and Pennsylvania voted against it. The New York delegates -affirmed that they approved it, but that their instructions at present -did not warrant their voting for it; but on July 9th a New York -convention ratified it. Rutledge moved for a day's delay, which being -granted, South Carolina accorded. A third delegate coming by post -from Delaware turned that colony to the affirmative. Two substituted -delegates from Pennsylvania carried that province. The roll of the -thirteen colonies was now in union. On the same day, July 2d, and the -two days following, Jefferson's draft was under debate, and was amended -in committee of the whole. The author of the instrument leaves us to -infer that he sat in an impatient and annoyed silence through the -ordeal of criticism and objection passed upon it. The two principal -amendments were the striking out a severe censure on "the people of -England", lest "it might offend some of our friends there." and the -omission of a reprobation of slavery, in deference to South Carolina -and Georgia. When the committee reported to Congress, such notes of the -debates as we have inform us, that, with much vehemence, discordance, -remonstrance, and pleadings for delay, with doubts as to whether the -people were ready for and would ratify the Declaration, it secured a -majority of one in the count of the delegates. Jefferson said that John -Adams was "the colossus" in that stirring debate. - -There is no occasion here for a critical study or estimate of the -Declaration, either as a political manifesto or as a literary -production. Its rhetoric, as we know, was at the first reading of it -regarded as excessive,—needlessly, perhaps harmfully, severe. That has -ever since been the judgment of some. But Jefferson, Franklin, and John -Adams, men of three very different types of mental energy and styles -of expressing themselves, accorded in offering the document. The best -that can be said of it is, that it answered its purpose, was fitted -to meet a crisis and to serve the uses desired of it. Its terse and -pointed directness of statement, its brief and nervous sentences, its -cumulating gathering of grievances, its concentration of censure, and -its resolute avowal of a decided purpose, not admitting of temporizing -or reconsideration, were its effective points. Dating from its passage -by the Congress, and its confidently assured ratification by the -people, it was to announce a changed relation and new conditions for -future intercourse between a now independent nation and a repudiated -mother country. The resolve was sustained. Henceforward, whatever -proffers, threats, appeals of amity, for readjustment of quarrels, -or for harmony, might come from king or Parliament, or through -commissioners, must proceed after the diplomatic fashion, on the -admission that the negotiation was no longer between a government and -its revolted subjects, but between two distinct sovereignties. - -[669] It might be regarded as a matter of course that no parliamentary -or other official proceeding or document of the British government -would recognize, by way of examination or controversy, the crowning -state paper of the American Congress. Chagrin, contempt, vengeful -feelings, or a simple regard for its own dignity, may have induced the -government to assume indifference. As yet the Declaration was a paper -assertion of what was not then secured. But the English press was -neither silent nor respectful about the Declaration. An able pamphlet -appeared as _An Answer to the Declaration of the American Congress_ -(London, 1776). Another pamphlet, at first privately circulated, -afterwards published, was written by Governor Hutchinson, then in -England, entitled _Strictures on the late Declaration of Congress_. It -is reprinted anonymously in Almon's _Remembrancer_, iv. 25. The writer -says that the reasons given in the Declaration to justify it are "false -and frivolous." He sent a copy of this pamphlet to the king, with an -obsequious letter. Adolphus, after saying "that at no preceding period -of history was so important a transaction vindicated by so shallow and -feeble a composition", adds that "some passages are remarkable for low -and intemperate scurrility", (vol. ii. 405, 406). - -[670] A shining exception to the sweep of Judge Jones's assertion is -found in the case of that gifted and eminent man, Dr. William Samuel -Johnson, first Senator in the Constitutional Congress from Connecticut, -and president of Columbia College. Though not a clergyman, he had -been a lay reader in the Episcopal Church, as inheriting from his -distinguished father, and accepting through his own convictions, its -doctrine and discipline. Strongly conservative, with many fond ties -to England and Englishmen from long residence abroad as an agent of -his colony, he might naturally have espoused the side of the mother -country. Indeed, rather from a suspicion that he would do so than -from any overt act of his, he was arrested on an occasion of popular -excitement, in 1779. But he proved to be among the wisest and firmest -of patriots. See his _Life, by Dr. E. E. Beardsley_, 2d edition, -Boston, 1886. - -[671] _Reflections_, etc., p. 115. - -[672] _The History of the American Episcopal Church, 1587-1883_, by -Bishop W. S. Perry, Boston, 1885, vol. i. chap. xxiv., "The Position of -the Clergy at the Opening of the War for Independence." - -[673] On the records of the New York Provincial Congress, or -Convention, is a letter dated July 11, 1776, drafted by Gouverneur -Morris, and addressed to Hancock, president of the Continental -Congress, which contains the following remarkable proposition: "We take -the liberty of suggesting to your consideration the propriety of taking -some measures for expunging from the Book of Common Prayer such parts, -and discontinuing in the congregations of all other denominations all -such prayers, as interfere with the interests of the American cause. -It is a subject we are afraid to meddle with. The enemies of America -have taken great pains to insinuate into the minds of the Episcopalians -that the church is in danger. We could wish that the Congress would -pass some resolve to quiet their fears, and we are confident it would -do essential service to the cause of America at least in this State." -Happily Hancock did not act on this suggestion. Congress might indeed -have issued a revised edition of the English Liturgy; but a censorship -of the utterances of extemporaneous prayers would have been beyond -its range. These extemporaneous devotions were doubtless at the time -sufficiently patriotic. - -[674] See _ante_, chapter i. - -[675] The writings of Samuel Adams abound in the expression of -opinions similar to the following from the pen of his cousin, John -Adams: "If Parliament could tax us, they could establish the Church of -England, with all its creeds, articles, tests, ceremonies, and titles, -and prohibit all other churches, as conventicles and schism-shops" -(_Works_, x. 287, 288). - -[676] See _The Pulpit of the American Revolution: or, the Political -Sermons of the Period of 1776_. _With a Historical Introduction, -Notes, and Illustrations. By John Wingate Thornton._ (Boston, 1860.) -It contains Election and Thanksgiving sermons by Dr. Mayhew, Dr. -Chauncy, Mr. Cook, Mr. Gordon, Dr. Langdon, Mr. West, Mr. Payson, Mr. -Howard, and President Stiles, all of them eminent and able divines of -Massachusetts and Connecticut, fearlessly bold, yet guided by wisdom. - -In the French Archives, among the papers of Choiseul, prime minister -of France before our Revolutionary period, there are curious evidences -of the intelligent and keenly inquisitive method which that astute -statesman employed to acquaint himself thoroughly with the relations -of the religious teaching and belief of the people of New England and -the spirit of liberty aroused among them. He sent here a messenger to -gather information especially upon those as upon many other subjects. -He was to collect newspapers, advertisements, and extracts from -sermons. It was inferences from such communicative papers, with other -interpretations of omens and signs of the times, that helped prepare -the government for the alliance of 1778. The French minister sent two -emissaries, M. de Fontleroy in 1764 and the Baron De Kalb in 1768. -(See Kapp's _Life of John Kalb_.) The latter's letters are copied -in the _Sparks MSS._ Cf. the Vicomte de Colleville's _Les missions -secrètes du général-major baron de Kalb, et son rôle dans la guerre de -l'indépendance américaine_ (Paris, 1885). Franklin was in Paris at this -time. Cf. E. E. Hale's _Franklin in France_, p. 2. - -[677] _American Presbyterianism, its Origin and Early History_, etc. By -Charles Augustus Briggs, D. D. (New York, 1885, ch. ix.) - -[678] All that can be said in justification of George III. is said -by Mahon (vi. 100). The fact is, that, with the exception of a few -like Dean Tucker and John Cartwright, the king's subjects were, like -himself, deceived for a long time into believing that the loss of -England's colonies would cause her sun to set. It was the king's -obstinacy or "steadfastness", as you choose to call it, which kept him -longer of that opinion than almost all of his subjects.—ED. - -[679] Well might Washington, writing to Dr. Franklin in France, -October, 1782, and referring to the delay of the negotiations for -peace, emphasize "the persevering obstinacy of the king, the wickedness -of his ministry, and the haughty pride of the nation" (Sparks's -Franklin, ix. 422). - -[680] Lord Mahon's _History_, vol. vi. Appen. lviii. - -[681] _Ibid._, vii. Appen. xxix. - -[682] An emphatic sentence from the pen of the able and candid -historian Lecky may be quoted here. Referring to "the sullen and -rancorous nature of an intensity of hatred" towards Chatham, which led -the king, against all advice and urgency, to refuse any aid from that -noble statesman, Lecky writes "This episode appears to me the most -criminal in the whole reign of George III., and in my own judgment -it is as criminal as any of those acts which led Charles I. to the -scaffold" (_Hist. of Eng. in the XVIIIth Cent._, iv. 83). - -[683] The Massachusetts refugee, Judge Curwen, thus writes, in London, -in 1780: "In this baneful, woful quarrel, such a continued, unbroken -series of disappointments, disasters, and mortifying events have taken -place, that it seems to me to be morally impossible but the eyes of all -thoughtful, prudent, knowing men must open and discern the impolicy -and impracticability of accomplishing the great end for which this war -was undertaken,—the reduction of the colonies to the obedience of the -British Parliament" (Curwen, p. 311). - -[684] Wells's _Adams_, i. p. 164. - -[685] There is something very significant as well as comical in the -following entry in John Adams's Diary in Congress, in 1775, when he -had made his way to a full deliverance: "When these people began to -see that independence was approaching, they started back. In some -of my public harangues, in which I had freely and explicitly laid -open my thoughts, on looking round the assembly, I have seen horror, -terror, and detestation strongly marked on the countenances of some -of the members, whose names I could readily recollect; but as some of -them have been good citizens since, and others went over afterwards -to the English, I think it unnecessary to record them here" (_Works -of John Adams_, ii. p. 407). Mr. Sparks has gathered (_Washington_, -Appendix x. vol. ii.) the expressed opinions of such typical patriots -as Washington, Franklin, Henry, Madison, Jay, etc., utterly and -emphatically disavowing all thoughts or purposes of independence till -the crisis made it a matter of necessity, not of choice. It is but -candid, however, to note an anticipation of that acute observer Joseph -Galloway, whether it was but a surmise or a reasonable inference. In -a letter addressed by him, Jan. 13, 1766, to Dr. Franklin, in London, -he writes: "A certain sect of people, if I may judge from all their -late conduct, seem to look on this as a favorable opportunity of -establishing their republican principles, and of throwing off all -connection with their mother country. I have reasons to think that -they are forming a private union among themselves from one end of the -continent to the other" (Sparks's _Franklin_, vii. 305). The assertion -of John Jay is most explicit and emphatic: "During the course of my -life, and until the second petition of Congress, in 1775, I never did -hear any American of any class, or any description, express a wish for -the independence of the colonies" (_Life and Writings of John Jay_, ii. -p. 410). Mr. Jay probably referred to the contemptuous treatment of -that second petition, "Dickinson's Letter", not to its transmission. - -[686] _Works_, vii. 391. - -[687] _Reflections_, etc., p. 102. - -[688] Before this decision was reached, however, Congress, in 1774, -made this tentative effort to recognize the unity of the empire in -the extending through it of some sovereign power while holding to a -local independence, in this form: "From the necessity of the case and -a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheerfully -consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as are -_bonâ fide_ restricted to the regulation of our external commerce, for -the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire -to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective -members, excluding every idea of taxation, internal and external, for -raising a revenue, on the subjects in America, without their consent." -This was a seemingly candid and sincere suggestion to harmonize the -positions taken by the respective parties in the controversy. Britain, -the mistress of the seas, protected the great highways of commerce, and -so might regulate the trade of her colonies by the ocean, as she did -her own. But these colonies had constitutional charter assemblies with -exclusive powers for raising and disposing of their own revenues. - -[689] A very admirable and faithful digest of the proceedings of -Congress, the materials and incidents being gathered by wide and -diligent research, may be found in the ninth chapter of _The Rise of -the Republic of the United States_, by Richard Frothingham (Boston, -1872). - -[690] _History of England in the XVIIIth Century_, iii. p. 377. - -[691] A very significant reference to the mixed qualities recognized -in Paine by his contemporaries is found in _Men and Times of the -Revolution; or Memoirs of Elkanah Watson_, etc. (New York, 1856). Mr. -Watson, a native of Plymouth, was patriotic in his sentiments, and -was on mercantile business in Europe during the war, honored with the -friendship of Dr. Franklin and John Adams in Paris. His brother, Benj. -Marston Watson, of Marblehead, was a noted loyalist. (See a "Memoir" of -him in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1873.) When Elkanah was at -Nantes in 1781, Paine arrived there as secretary of Colonel Laurens, -"and took up his quarters at my boarding-place. He was coarse and -uncouth in his manners, loathsome in his appearance, and a disgusting -egotist. Yet I could not repress the deepest emotions of gratitude -towards him, as the instrument of Providence in accelerating the -declaration of our independence. He certainly was a prominent agent in -preparing the public sentiment of America for that glorious event." - -A very fair estimate of the qualities in Paine's pamphlet which adapted -it for popular effect is the following, by the English historian -Adolphus: "His pamphlet was replete with rough, sarcastic wit, and he -took, with great judgment, a correct aim at the feelings and prejudices -of those whom he intended to influence. Writing to fanatics, he -drew his arguments and illustrations from the holy Scriptures; his -readers, having no predilection for hereditary titles, distinctions -to them unknown, received with applause his invectives and sneers -at hereditary monarchy; a notion of increasing opulence, and false -calculations on their population and means of prosperity, had rendered -them arrogant and self-sufficient, and consequently disposed them to -relish the arguments he employed to prove the absurdity of subjugating -a large continent to a small island on the other side of the globe. -To inflame the resentment of the Americans, every act of the British -government towards them was represented in the most ungracious light", -etc. (Adolphus, ii. 400). A most thoroughly candid and discriminating -estimate of the character and abilities, the good and the bad elements -in Paine, may be found in a letter, not for publication, by Joel Barlow -to Cheetham, Paine's biographer (_Life and Letters of J. Barlow_, by -Charles Burr. Todd, 1886, pp. 236-239). Cheetham meanly published this -letter. - -[692] Dr. Josiah Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, sought to be an oracle -alike on its commercial and political bearings. He had well informed -himself about the history and condition of the colonies. He thought -it a mistake that Britain had broken the power of the French, and, by -withdrawing the threat of their presence over the English colonists, -had left them to set up for independence. The idea that their -disaffection began with the Stamp Act he repudiated, as disproved -by their restiveness and truculency from their first settlements, -and from the occasion there had always been for the interposition of -sharp measures of government for restraining them. His opinion of -their general character was highly unfavorable, but he was thoroughly -satisfied with the impossibility of subduing them, and even of the -inexpediency of retaining a forced relation to them. His advice was -that Britain should at once give over its attempts at subjugation, and -even acquiesce in leaving them to take care and govern themselves, at -least till they should repent of their folly. He anticipated, as the -solution of wisdom, the complete abandonment of any interference with -the recusant Americans, maintaining that the methods of profitable -commerce, which would secure English interests and supremacy, -would be more effective than a fretting interference with them. -His views—which, looked at in the retrospect, appear thoroughly -sagacious—were, to most of his contemporaries, either visionary or -exasperating. Tucker set forth the positive facts, that while war was -most ruinous to the interests of commerce, those interests ought to -serve to the security of peace. The war of England against the Spanish -right of search had won no benefit, but had added sixty millions -sterling to the debt of the realm. The late French war had cost ninety -millions more, and by relieving the colonists of all dread of the -French had encouraged them to set up for independence. - -[693] For further account of Galloway as a controversialist, see -_post_, the section on the Loyalists. - -[694] _Introduction to the Hist. of the Revolt_, and in his preface -to his _Opinions of eminent lawyers_. Cf. J. R. Seeley on the -accountability of the old colonial system for the revolt of the -American colonies. _Expansion of England_, lecture iv. Cf. W. T. -Davis's _Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth_, p. 75. On religious causes, -see B. Adams's _Emancipation of Mass._ (last chap.). - -[695] _Works_, ii. 411, 413, iii. 45, ix. 591, 596, x. 284, 359, 394; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.,_ xliv. 300, 465; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, July, 1876. - -[696] There is help in tracing the sporadic instances of the -independent spirit to be found in Sparks's App. to his _Washington_ -(ii. 496), in Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_ (pp. 154, 245, -291, 315, 364, 428, 438, 449, 452, 469, 483, 489, 499, 506, 509); -in Hutchinson's _Massachusetts_ (iii. 134, 264, 265,—cf. _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 135); in Jefferson's _Notes on Virginia_; in -Galloway's _Examination_; in Force's _American Archives_, 4th ser., -ii. 696, and vi., index, under "Independence;" in Bancroft, vii. 301, -viii. ch. 64, 65, 68; in Grahame, iv. 315; in J. C. Hamilton's _Repub. -of the U. S._, i. 110; Palfrey's _New England_, i. 308, ii. 266; _Mem. -of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, p. 228; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 242, 352; -Greene's _Nath. Greene_, i. 122; Austin's _Gerry_, ch. 13; Rives's -_Madison_, i. 108, 124. - -The position of parties in Congress can be traced in Randall's -_Jefferson_, i. 153; Read's _Geo. Read_; _John Adams's Works_, i. 220, -517, ii. 31-75, 93; Pitkin's _United States_, i. 362. - -[697] _Boston Gazette_, April 15th and 29th; _Penna. Evening Post_, -April 20th, etc. Several of these are quoted in Moore's _Diary_. - -[698] _Declaration of Independence by the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, -May 1, 1776, by H. B. Dawson_, N. Y., 1862; or _Hist. Mag._, May, 1862. - -[699] _Adams's Works_, iv. 201; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1884, p. -369; Bancroft, viii. ch. 64; Force, 4th ser., vi. 1524. - -[700] _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1872, p. 26; and on the timidity of Penna., -Reed's _Reed_, i. 199-202. - -[701] _Works_, ii. 489, 510; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 466; -_Jameson's Constitutional Conventions_, pp. 115, 116. - -[702] _No. Amer. Rev._, by L. Sabine, April, 1848. - -[703] Passed May 15th, and written by Edmund Pendleton,—Rives's -_Madison_, i. 123, 130. For R. H. Lee see _Life_ by R. H. Lee, Jr.; -Sanderson's _Signers_; Brotherhead's _Book of Signers_, etc. - -[704] The record is scant in the one called "Secret Domestic Journal." -These are described in M. Chamberlain's _Authentication_, etc., p. 17. - -[705] In Jefferson's _Writings_, i. 10, 96; _Madison Papers_ (1841), i. -9; Elliot's _Debates_, vol. i. 60; Read's _George Read_, 226. There are -other accounts in _John Adams's Works_ (i. 227, iii. 30, 55, ix. 418). -John Adams's letter to Mercy Warren (1807) is in Frothingham's _Rise of -the Republic_ (App.) and in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 465. - -[706] Works, i. 229, and Mellen Chamberlain's _John Adams, the -Statesman of the Revolution_ (Boston, 1884). - -[707] Bancroft, viii. ch. 65; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. ch. 41, 42; -Rives's _Madison_, i. 125; C. F. Adams's _John Adams's Works_, i. 227; -and a brief but clear exposition in Lecky (iii. 498). The reasons for -and against the Declaration are summarized in Read's _George Read_, -226, 247; and Smyth (_Lectures_, ii. 370) gives from an English -point of view the reasons which rendered separation and independence -inevitable. The lives of the leading participants—Jefferson, the two -Adamses, R. H. Lee, Franklin—necessarily include accounts. - -[708] Pitkin's _U. S._, vi. 263; _Penna. Journal_, June 19, 1776; -Read's _Geo. Read_, 164; _John Adams_, ix. 398. - -[709] Niles's _Weekly Register_, xii. 305, etc.; _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, xliv. 507; his letter of June 16, 1817, in App. of Christopher -Marshall's _Diary_, and one of Aug. 22, 1813, in _Harper's Mag._, 1883, -p. 211. - -[710] This being sent to a friend in England, thirty copies of the -paper were printed under the title of _The Declaration of independence, -or notes on Lord Mahon's history of the American declaration of -independence_ (London, 1855). The criticism was also printed in -_Littell's Living Age_ (xliv. 387). - -[711] A copy of it with notes by John Home, the author of Douglas, is -in the Philadelphia library. - -[712] Cf. Morley, in his _Edmund Burke_, p. 125. Lord John Russell -(_Mem. and Corresp. of Fox_, i. 152) thinks the truth was warped in -charging all upon the king, while in fact "the sovereign and his people -were alike prejudiced, angry, and wilful." - -[713] Cf. Franklin's _Works_ (Sparks), x. 293; Wells's _S. Adams_, ii. -340, 360; _John Adams's Works_, i. 204, ix. 627, and his _Familiar -Letters_, 134, 137, 146; Moore's _Diary_, i. 208; Jones's _N. Y. during -the Amer. Rev._, i. 63; Force's, _Amer. Archives_, indexes. A letter -from Charleston, S. C., March 17, 1776, says, "Common Sense hath made -independents of the majority of the country, and [Christopher] Gadsden -is as mad with it as ever he was without it" (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xi. 254). On Paine, see Duyckinck, Allibone, Poole's _Index_, W. B. -Reed in _No. Amer. Rev._, vol. lvii.; J. W. Francis' _Old New York_, -2d ed., p. 137; Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 19, 108; _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, October, 1879. See further, on his influence at this -time, Frothingham's _Rise_, etc., 476, 479; Barry's _Mass._, iii. -89; Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 137; Bancroft, orig. ed., ch. 56. On -the English side, Smyth's _Lectures_, ii. 430, 446; Mahon, vi. 93; -Ryerson, ii. ch. 32. For the Rousseauishness of the sentiments, see -Lecky, iv. 51. Louis Rosenthal (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1884, p. -46) thinks we need not go beyond English precedents for any of the -sentiments of the day. For the bibliography of _Common Sense_, See -Hildeburn's _Issues of the Press in Penna._ (1886), nos. 3,433, etc.; -Sabin, xiv. p. 124; _Menzies Catal._, no. 1,536; Brinley, ii. p. 166. -It was printed and reprinted in Philadelphia, in English and once in -German, and in the same year (1776) reprinted in Salem, Newburyport, -Providence, Boston, Norwich, Newport, New York, Charleston, and also in -London and Edinburgh, and is included in Paine's _Writings_ (Albany, -1791-92; Charlestown, Mass., 1824; New York, 1835, etc.) A volume of -_Large Additions to Common Sense_ (Philad. and London, 1776, etc.) was -got up by Robert Bell to extend his edition over that of Paine's then -publisher (Hildeburn, no. 3,439; Brinley, ii. no. 4,100). Frothingham -(p.476) has a bibliographical note. It is included in a French _Recueil -des divers écrits_ of Paine (Paris, 1793). - -There is a portrait of Thomas Paine by Peale, engraved by J. Watson -(cf. J. C. Smith's _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iv. 1529). A likeness by -Romney, engraved by William Sharp, in two sizes. There is a portrait in -Independence Hall, Philadelphia. - -The chief answer was _Plain Truth, written by Candidus_ (Philad. and -London, 1776). In the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, 4to ed., iii. 642, its -authorship by Charles Inglis is thought to be established; but see -Franklin Burdge in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 59. Sabin (xv. p. 176) -says it was probably by Jos. Galloway; but there is no evidence of -it. Hildeburn (no. 3,345) gives reasons for assigning it to George -Chalmers. It passed to a second edition. - -[714] Bancroft (_United States_, orig. ed., ix. ch. 15; final ed., v. -ch. 9), and G. W. Greene (_Hist. View_, p. 104) groups the several -records. - -[715] Rives's _Madison_, i. ch. 5; Madison's _Writings_, i. 21; Niles's -_Principles and Acts_, 1876, p. 301; J. E. Cooke in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, May, 1884; Preston's _Docs. illus. Amer. Hist._, p. 206, and -_Bill of Rights passed June 12, 1776, adopted without alteration by the -Convention of 1829-30, and readopted with amendments by the Convention -of 1850-51, and now readopted as passed June 12, 1776_ (Richmond, 1861; -also _Journal of the Convention of 1861_). On George Mason see R. -Taylor in _No. Amer. Rev._, cxxviii. 148; _Southern Bivouac_, April, -1886. A portrait is owned by the Penna. Hist. Soc. - -[716] Randall's _Jefferson_, i. ch. 6; Grigsby's discourse on the -Convention in 1855. - -[717] Cf. the account of its centennial celebration, July 30, 1877, -with a view of the old senate house at Kingston, in the _Centennial -Celebrations of N. Y._ (Albany, 1879), and J. A. Stevens's "Birth of -the Empire State" in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. p. 1. Also see -_Ibid._, April, 1887, p. 310, and Dawson's _West Chester County_, pp. -182, 206. - -Congress, July 1, 1782, passed votes for perpetuating the observance -of the day (_Journals_, iv. 43). A famous letter of John Adams to his -wife, dated July 3d, and predicting that the future observance would -be of July 2d as the essential day, was so far altered as to be dated -July 5th when first printed, in order to keep the prophecy true to the -custom, which by that time had designated July 4th as the day to be -observed (_Familiar Letters_, p. 190; _Works_, ix. 420). A letter of -Adams to Judge Dawes on this point is in Niles's _Principles_, etc. -(1876), p. 328. Cf. _Potter's American Monthly_, Dec., 1875. - -[718] _The Report of a Constitution or Form of Government for the -Commonwealth of Massachusetts: agreed upon by the Committee—to be laid -before the Convention of Delegates, assembled at Cambridge, on the -First Day of September, A. D. 1779, and continued by adjournment to -the Twenty-eighth Day of October following_ (Boston, 1779). Cf. also -_A Constitution or Frame of Government agreed upon by the Delegates -of the People of the State of Massachusetts Bay, in Convention begun -and held at Cambridge on the First of September, 1779, and continued -by adjournment to the Second of March, 1780_. _To be submitted to the -Revision of their Constituents &c._ (Boston, 1779), and _An Address of -the Convention for Framing a new Constitution of Government for the -State of Massachusetts Bay, to their Constituents_ (Boston, 1780). Cf. -also Parsons's _Life of Theophilus Parsons_, p. 46; Brooks Adams's -_Emancipation of Massachusetts_, p. 307. - -[719] Cf. Dr. Charles Deane's report on this document in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, v. 88. The Hon. Alexander H. Bullock read a paper before -the Amer. Antiq. Society in April, 1881, which was printed as _The -Centennial of the Mass. Constitution_ (Worcester, 1881), and the -_Proceedings of the N. E. Hist. Geneal. Society_ in commemoration were -also printed, and embodied a report of the proceedings of the State -authorities. - -[720] The Articles of Confederation can be found in Elliot's _Debates_, -i. 79; Ramsay's _Rev. in So. Carolina_, i. 437; Hinman's _Conn. in -the Rev._, 103; George Tucker's _United States_, i. App., p. 636; L. -H. Porter's _Outlines of the Constitutional Hist. of the U. S._, p. -48; Walker's _Statesman's Manual_ (New York, 1849), i. p. 1; _New -Hampshire State Papers_, viii. 747; N. C. Towle's _Hist. and Analysis -of the Constitution of the U. S._ (Boston, 1871), p. 328; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 859; H. W. Preston's _Documents illustrating Amer. -Hist._ (1886), p. 218, etc. For the debates and contemporary and later -views, see John Adams's _Works_, i. 268, ii. 492, ix. 467; _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 315; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 473, 480; -Bancroft, ix. 436; Hildreth, iii. 266; Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 125; -Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 569; Pitkin's _United States_; -Story (i. 209) and Curtis (i. 114) on the _Constitution_; Elliot's -_Debates_, i. 70; Von Holst's _Constitutional Hist. of the U. S._, ch. -1; Rives's _Madison_, i. ch. 10; Greene's _Hist. View_, 14; Draper's -_Civil War_, i. 265, etc. - -[721] Mother of Lindley Murray, the grammarian. - -[722] ... "On the 2^{nd} of November 1776 I sacrificed", says he, -"all I was worth in the world to the service of my King & country, -and joined the then Lord Percy, brought in with me the Plans of Fort -Washington, by which Plans that Fortress was taken by his Majesty's -Troops the 16 instant, together with 2700 Prisoners and Stores & -Ammunition to the amount of 1800 Pounds. At the same time, I may with -Justice affirm, from my knowledge of the Works, I saved the Lives of -many of his Majesty's subjects. These, Sir, are facts well known to -every General officer which was there." . . . . . . . . . - -[723] For this New Jersey campaign see chapter v.—ED. - -[724] Every true American should be most profoundly grateful that this -incompetent general was placed at the head of the British army, not for -his own merits, but because of his connection with royalty through his -grandmother's frailty. His mother was the issue of George I. and Sophia -Kilmansegge. - -[725] After Germain had written out Howe's orders, he left them to -be "fair copied", and went to Kent on a visit, forgetting on his -return to sign them; consequently they were pigeon-holed till May -18th, and did not reach Howe till August 16th, after he had left New -York upon his expedition to the Chesapeake, and when it was too late -to effect a junction with Burgoyne. Cf. Fitzmaurice's _Shelburne_, -i. 358; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 233); Jones's _N. Y. during the -Revolution_, i. App. p. 696.—ED. - -[726] In ridicule of this appeal, Burke indulged in an illustration -which delighted the House of Commons. "Suppose", he exclaimed, "there -was a riot on Tower Hill. What would the keeper of his Majesty's lions -do? Would he not fling open the dens of the wild beasts, and then -address them thus: 'My gentle lions—my humane bears—my tender-hearted -hyenas, go forth! But I exhort you, as you are Christians and members -of civil society, to take care not to hurt any man, woman, or child.'" - -[727] The familiar portrait of Schuyler is one by Trumbull, both in -civil and military dress, in engravings by Thomas Kelly, H. B. Hall, -and others. Cf. Lossing's _Life of Schuyler_, vol. i.; Irving's -_Washington_, vol. ii. 40; Stone's _Campaigns of Burgoyne_, p. 38; -_Centennial Celebrations of N. Y._ (Albany, 1878); C. H. Jones's -_Campaign for the Conquest of Canada in 1776_; _The Amer. Portrait -Gallery_, etc. - -G. W. Schuyler (_Colonial New York_, ii. 253), in his account of -General Philip Schuyler, points out some errors of a personal nature, -into which Lossing and Judge Jones have fallen, respecting Schuyler's -private history. For the Schuyler family, see _N. Y. Geneal. and Biog. -Record_, April, 1874. - -Schuyler's house in Albany, at which he entertained Burgoyne after his -surrender, is shown in Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 304; his _Hudson -River_, p. 129; _Mag. of Amer. History_, July, 1884. Cf. _Hours at -Home_, ix. 464. Of Mrs. Schuyler, the hostess, see account in S. B. -Wister and Agnes Irwin's _Worthy Women of our First Century_ (Philad., -1877). The mansion was sold in October, 1884, to be removed. A plan of -Albany during this period (dated 1770) is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, -iii. 697.—ED. - -[728] The total losses in this campaign of the Anglo-British army were: -British prisoners, 2,442; foreign prisoners, 2,198; General Burgoyne -and staff officers (including six members of Parliament), 12; sent to -Canada, 1,100; sick and wounded, 598; making the total surrendered, -October 17, 1777, to be 6,350. Then there were taken prisoners before -the surrender, 400; deserters, 300; lost at Bennington, 1,220; killed -between September 17 and October 17, 1777, 600; taken at Ticonderoga, -413; killed at Oriskany, 300; giving an entire loss of 3,233,—which, -with those surrendered, make a total loss of 9,583. - -Besides the _personnel_, there were lost in the campaign, 6 pieces of -cannon at Bennington; 2 pieces and 4 royals at Fort Stanwix; 400 set -of harness; a number of ammunition wagons and horses; 5,000 stand of -arms; 37 pieces of brass cannon, implements and stores complete, camp -equipage, etc., etc. - -[729] Captain John Montressor, a British "Chief Engineer of America" -in the Revolution, who was with Putnam under Colonel Bradstreet in -1764, goes so far as to intimate (very likely without warrant) a still -stronger reason for the general's inefficiency at Long Island and in -the Hudson Highlands. In his journal (page 136), published by the New -York Historical Society, 1882, speaking of the venality of the American -"Rebel Generals", he says "Even Israel Putnam, of Connecticut, might -have been bought, to my certain knowledge, for _one dollar per day_." - -[730] _Life and Times of General Philip Schuyler, by Benson J. -Lossing_, N. Y., 1872; _Battles of the American Revolution, by -General Henry B. Carrington_, N. Y., 1876; _Life and Correspondence -of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne, by Edward B. de Fonblanque_, -London, 1876; _Burgoyne and the Northern Campaign, by Ellen Hardin -Walworth_, 1877; _The Campaign of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne and -the Expedition of Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger, by William L. Stone_, -1877; Addresses and Papers upon Major-General Philip Schuyler and the -Burgoyne Campaign, by General J. Watts de Peyster, published variously, -1877-83; _Centennial Celebration of the State of New York_, 1879; -_Life of Major-General Benedict Arnold—his Patriotism and Treason, by -Isaac N. Arnold_, 1880; _Sir John Johnson's Orderly Book, annotated by -William L. Stone, with an introduction on his Life by General J. Watts -de Peyster, and Sketch of the Tories or Loyalists by Colonel T. Bailey -Myers_, 1882; _Hadden's Journal and Orderly Book, annotated by General -Horatio Rogers_, Providence, 1881; _The Hessians in the Revolution, by -Edward J. Lowell_, 1884. - -[731] _Correspondence and Remarks upon Bancroft's History of the -Northern Campaign of 1777, and the Character of Major-General Philip -Schuyler, by George L. Schuyler_; _The Life and Times of Major-General -Philip Schuyler, by Benson J. Lossing, LL. D._ - -[732] The ARTICLES of Oct. 16, 1777, were as follows, viz.:— - -"I. The troops, under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, to march out -of their camp with the honors of war and the artillery of the -intrenchments, to the verge of the river where the old fort stood, -where the arms and artillery are to be left; the arms to be piled by -word of command from their own officers. - -"II. A free passage to be granted to the army, under Lieutenant-General -Burgoyne, to Great Britain, on condition of not serving again in North -America during the present contest; and the port of Boston is assigned -for the entry of transports to receive the troops whenever General Howe -shall so order. - -"III. Should any cartel take place, by which the army under General -Burgoyne, or any part of it, may be exchanged, the foregoing article to -be void as far as such exchange shall be made. - -"IV. The army under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to march to -Massachusetts Bay, by the easiest, most expeditious, and convenient -route; and to be quartered in, near, or as convenient as possible to -Boston, that the march of the troops may not be delayed when transports -arrive to receive them. - -"V. The troops to be supplied on their march, and during their being -in quarters, with provisions by General Gates's orders, at the same -rate of rations as the troops of his own army; and if possible, the -officers' horses and cattle are to be supplied with forage at the usual -rates. - -"VI. All officers to retain their carriages, bat-horses, and other -cattle, and no baggage to be molested or searched; Lieutenant-General -Burgoyne giving his honor that there are no public stores secreted -therein. Major-General Gates will of course take the necessary measures -for the due performance of this article. Should any carriages be wanted -during the march, for the transportation of officers' baggage, they -are, if possible, to be supplied by the country at the usual rates. - -"VII. Upon the march, and during the time the army shall remain -in quarters in Massachusetts Bay, the officers are not, as far as -circumstances will admit, to be separated from their men. The officers -are to be quartered according to rank, and are not to be hindered from -assembling their men for roll-call and other necessary purposes of -regularity. - -"VIII. All corps whatever of General Burgoyne's army, whether composed -of sailors, bateau-men, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and -followers of the army, of whatever country, shall be included in the -fullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles, and comprehended -in every respect as British subjects. - -"IX. All Canadians, and persons belonging to the Canadian -establishment, consisting of sailors, bateau-men, artificers, drivers, -independent companies, and many other followers of the army, who come -under no particular description, are to be permitted to return there; -they are to be conducted immediately by the shortest route to the first -British port on Lake George, are to be supplied with provisions in -the same manner as the other troops, and are to be bound by the same -condition of not serving during the present contest in North America. - -"X. Passports to be immediately granted for three officers, -not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall be appointed by -Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, to carry despatches to Sir William -Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, and to Great Britain by way of New York; and -Major-General Gates engages the public faith that these despatches -shall not be opened. These officers are to set out immediately after -receiving their despatches, and are to travel the shortest routes and -in the most expeditious manner. - -"XI. During the stay of the troops in Massachusetts Bay, the officers -are to be admitted on parole, and are to be allowed to wear their side -arms. - -"XII. Should the army under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne find it -necessary to send for their clothing and other baggage to Canada, they -are to be permitted to do it in the most convenient manner, and the -necessary passports granted for that purpose. - -"XIII. These Articles are to be mutually signed, and exchanged -to-morrow morning at nine o'clock, and the troops under -Lieutenant-General Burgoyne are to march out of their intrenchments at -three o'clock in the afternoon. - -(Signed) HORATIO GATES, _Major-General_. (Signed) J. BURGOYNE, -_Lieutenant-General_. - -"SARATOGA, October 16th, 1777." - - -[733] A letter of Glover about the march, dated Cambridge, Jan. 27, -1778, is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. iii.). The line of their march -is shown in Anburey's _Travels_. Mrs. Hannah Winthrop's letter, Nov. -11, 1777, describing the entry of Burgoyne's army into Cambridge, is -cited in Mrs. Ellet's _Women of the Revolution_, i. 96. A journal of -the Northern campaign of 1777 (Oct. 6th to Nov. 9th), at which last -date the writer "attended Mr. Burgoyne to Boston", is among the Langdon -Papers, copied in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). The commander of -the Eastern department at this time was Gen. Heath (Heath's _Memoirs_, -p. 134; _Hist. Mag._, iii. 170; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 183). Letters -of Burgoyne to Heath are in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 482, -etc. A letter of Burgoyne (copy) to the president of Congress, dated -at Cambridge, Feb. 11, 1778, is in _Letters and Papers, 1777-1780_ -(MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc.). Burgoyne preferred charges against Capt. -David Henley, an officer of the guard, for cruel behavior towards the -prisoners. He was tried and acquitted. _An Account of the Proceedings -of a Court Martial held at Cambridge by order of Maj. General Heath -for the trial of Col. David Henley, taken in short hand by an officer -who was present_, was published in London, 1778. The trial lasted from -Jan. 20 to Feb. 25, 1778. The proceedings were also printed in Boston -(_Brinley Catal._, nos. 4,024-25). The trial is epitomized in P. W. -Chandler's _Amer. Criminal Trials_ (ii. 59). There are jottings about -the influence of the prisoners in Boston at the time in Ezekiel Price's -diary in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, October, 1865. The orders -of Burgoyne issued in Cambridge are given in _Hadden's Journal_. Gen. -Phillips commanded the convention troops after Burgoyne's departure. -There are letters of Phillips in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1885, -p. 91. The parole which the English and German officers signed, to keep -within certain limits of territory, is in the Boston Public Library -(Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 878, and _Burgoyne's Orderly-Book_). There -are details of their life in Cambridge in Schlözer's _Briefwechsel_ -(iv. 341); the memoirs of Riedesel and Madame Riedesel; and in -Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_; Drake's -_Landmarks of Middlesex_; and Mrs. Ellet's _Domestic Hist. of the Amer. -Rev._ (N. Y., 1850), p. 85. A MS. copy of Nathan Bowen's _Book of -General Orders_ is in the Boston Public Library.—ED. - -[734] Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. 466, x. 126. Cf. Lafayette's _Mémoires_, -i. 21; Hildreth's _United States_, iii. 237, 255; Lowell's _Hessians_, -ch. 12.—ED. - -[735] Cf. also Geo. W. Greene in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 231; -De Lancey in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 698.—ED. - -[736] _Hadden's Journal_, p. 397. - -[737] Sparks, _Washington_, v. 144. - -[738] _Journals of Congress_, ii. p. 18. Cf. Jones, _N. Y. during the -Rev. War_, App. p. 699. Cf. further in _Journals of Congress_, ii. 343, -397; _Pennsylvania Archives_, vi. 162.—ED. - -[739] Lafayette told Sparks that there was the strongest circumstantial -evidence that the British intended to take the troops, not to England, -but to New York, the vessels not being provisioned for an Atlantic -voyage, and that they claimed justification in this purpose because the -Americans had themselves broken the convention. He also added that the -British government would not ratify the convention, because they could -not keep faith with rebels. - -Much of the correspondence about the detention is copied in the _Sparks -MSS._, no. lviii., part 2. The English files are in the War Office, -London, in the collection "Quebec and Canada, 1776-1780;" and other -papers are in the Headquarters or Carleton Papers.—ED. - -[740] There is a map of their route and a view of their encampment -at this place in Anburey's _Travels_, which last is reproduced in -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 552. Cf. also the print as published by -Wm. Lane, London, Jan. 1, 1789 (_Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, p. 89, -no. 612). The command of the encampment in Virginia was given to Col. -Theodorick Bland, Jr., and copies of some of his papers are in the -_Sparks MSS._ (no. xli.). The _Bland Papers_, edited by Chas. Campbell, -were published at Petersburg, 1840-43. Accounts of the troops' sojourn -in Virginia are given by Anburey, Riedesel, and Eelking. Cf. also -Jefferson's _Writings_ (i. 212); lives of Jefferson, by Tucker (i. ch. -5), Randall (i. 232, 285), and Parton (p. 222); Howison's _Virginia_ -(ii. 250); Lowell's _Hessians_. On October 26, Jefferson had urged upon -Washington the removal of the convention troops, as it might not be -possible to protect them in case of an invasion of Virginia (_Sparks -MSS._, lxvi.). In November the English troops were removed to Fort -Frederick. Large numbers deserted (Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. -324).—ED. - -[741] By this exercise of sovereignty, the government of the United -States unhesitatingly repudiated Major-General W. T. Sherman's -agreement with Lieutenant-General Joseph E. Johnston, for the surrender -of the Confederate Army, April 13, 1865, at Durham Station, North -Carolina. - -[742] "It matters little what terms are granted, if it be not intended -to fulfil them." Mahon, vi. 278. Cf. Lecky, iv. 96.—ED. - -[743] 4 Force's _Amer. Archives_, vol. iii., iv., v., and vi.; Sparks's -_Washington_ (iv. 416); his _Correspondence of the Rev._ (i. 377); -Heath's _Memoirs_, 47; Boynton's _West Point_; Duer's _Stirling_; -Lossing's _Schuyler_, and _Field-Book_ (ii. 135); and particularly -Edward Manning Ruttenber's _Obstructions to the navigation of Hudson's -River; embracing the minutes of the secret committee, appointed by the -Provincial convention of New York, July 16, 1776, and other original -documents relating to the subject_. _Together with papers relating -to the beacons_ (Albany, 1860), being no. 5 of _Munsell's Historical -Series_. - -[744] Among the Sparks maps at Cornell University are two sheets -showing the Hudson River with soundings, in part at high tide and in -part at half tide. They are each thirty inches long, and appear to be -by the same draftsman. One of them is indorsed: "Drawn by the request -and under the inspection of the Commissioners of Fortifications in the -Highlands, Province of New York, by JOHN GRENELL." One shows Haverstraw -Bay and Tappan Bay to a point above Dobbs Ferry, and indicates the -site of Tarrytown. The other extends from Stony Point to "Polyphemes -Island", below Newburgh. Constitution Island is called "Martler's -Rock;" and beside Bunn's house, there is indicated at that point -the block house, a "curtain fronting the river, mounting fourteen -cannon", the wharf, barracks, storehouse, and commissioner's room, and -landing place. West Point is opposite, unoccupied, and Moore's house -is above. Fort Montgomery and a higher battery is delineated at "Poop -Lopes Kill", and from it along the river towards West Point is the -inscription: "By good information there is a waggon road from Poop -Lopes Kill to West Point." - -Another sheet contains "a plan of a fort proposed on the east of Fort -Constitution, laid down by scale of twenty feet to an inch per Isaac -Nicoll", and indorsed "Received May 10, 1776." Another has a distant -view of fortifications, topping a range of hills, and is marked "Fort -Montgomery." It is not clear what is meant by it. - -There is in the same collection "A rough map of Fort Montgomery, -showing the situation on Puplopes [_sic_] Point; ground plot of the -buildings, etc., etc., Pr. T. P. No. 2", which is indorsed also "Plan -of the works at Fort Montgomery, May 31, 1776, no. 2." Mr. Sparks has -written upon the original draft, "For an explanation see Ld. Stirling's -letter to Washington, dated June 1, 1776." - -There are likewise two plans in colors among the Sparks maps at -Cornell University, marked "No. 1" and "No. 3", which seem to have -been made in 1776. The first shows the Hudson River from Stony Point -to Constitution Island. West Point, which is opposite, is not named. -It bears no indorsement and no names, but in one corner is a profile -view of the bank in the neighborhood apparently of Peekskill. The works -on Constitution Island are indicated, and Sparks has noted on it, "See -Ld. Stirling's letter to Washington, June 1, 1776." The other plan -shows the neighborhood of Fort Constitution (opposite West Point) on a -larger scale, a sketch of which, reduced, is given herewith and marked -"Constitution Island, 1776." Cf. the map from the _American Archives_ -in Boynton's _West Point_, p. 26. - -[745] For this period see 4 Force, vol. v.; Heath's _Memoirs_; -Sparks's _Gouverneur Morris_ (i. ch. 5); lives of Putnam; Almon's -_Remembrancer_; histories of New York, city and province. There is much -of detail with references in Dawson's _Westchester County, during the -American Revolution_ (Morrisania, 1886), p. 159, etc., particularly as -respects the political influence of the provincial congress and the -treatment of suspected persons. This book, for the period covered by -it, is one of the thoroughest pieces of work respecting the history -of the Revolution; but it is unfortunately marred by a captious and -carping spirit, so characteristic of Dawson's historical work. This -monograph is a separate issue of a portion of a _History of Westchester -County_, by several hands. - -[746] Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, p. 91. This lighthouse was built -in 1762. There is a view of it in the _N. Y. Mag._, Aug., 1790. - -[747] Persifer Frazer to his wife, May 23-June 29, 1776, in _Sparks -MSS._ (no. xxi.). General Glover's letters in Upham's _Glover_. Others -in 5 Force, ii. Colonel Joseph Hodgkin's in _Ipswich Antiquarian -Papers_, vols. ii. and iii. Letter of Samuel Kennedy in June, in -_Penna. Mag. of Hist._ (1884, p. 111). Cf. Diary of the Moravian Ewald -Gustav Schaukirk, 1775-1783, in _Ibid._, x. 418. In July, the statue of -George III. in Bowling Green was pulled down. P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. -Hutchinson_, ii. 167. George Gibbs's account of the statue in _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1844, p. 168. - -[748] Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. ch. 6. Some of the British -frigates ascending the Hudson in July, an attempt was made to destroy -them. _Worcester Mag._, i. 353; _Hist. Mag._, May, 1866, Suppl., p. 84. -Dawson (_Westchester County_, 192, 207, 213, 214, 215, 216) goes into -detail, faithfully citing all the authorities. - -[749] Cf. Bellin's _Petit Atlas Maritime_ (1764), vol. i. - -[750] Cf. a MS. map by John Montresor, surveyed by order of General -Gage, and dated Sept. 18, 1766, which is among the Faden maps (no. 96) -in the library of Congress. A plan by Montresor in 1775 of _New York -et Environs_, with the harbor in the corner in much detail, measuring -about 48 inches wide by 22 high, is among the Rochambeau maps (no. 23) -in the same library. - -[751] _A Draught of New York harbor from the Hook to New York town, -by Mark Tiddeman_, was issued by Mount and Page in London, and is -reproduced in Valentine's _New York City Manual_, 1855. (Cf. also -_Ibid._, 1861, p. 628.) There is another (1776) in the _North American -Pilot_, no. 24, which was published separately as _A Chart of the -Entrance of Hudson's River from Sandy Hook to New York, with the -banks, etc._ (London, Sayer and Bennett, June 1, 1776). One was made -in 1779 by Robert Erskine; and another is contained in the _Neptune -Americo-septentrional_, no. 19. - -A map of New York and Staten Island, with intervening waters, made by -order of General Clinton in 1781, is noted in the _King's Maps_ (Brit. -Mus.), ii. 355. Cf. _N. Y. City Manual_, 1870, p. 845. A MS. draft of -Long Island Sound and the entrance of New York harbor is among the -Faden maps (no. 54) in the library of Congress. - -[752] Known as the Hickey Plot. It is detailed in the _Minutes of the -trial and examination of certain persons in the Province of New York, -charged with being engaged in a conspiracy against the authority of -the Congress and the liberties of America_ (London, 1786,—Menzies, -no. 1,400), which was reprinted (100 copies) as _Minutes of Conspiracy -against the liberties of America_, at Philadelphia in 1865. The -ringleader was one of Washington's life guard, Thomas Hickey, who -was hanged in June, 1776. David Matthews, the mayor of New York, was -implicated, and Governor Tryon was charged with a knowledge of the -plot. Matthews was arrested and confined in Connecticut (_Orderly-book -of Sir John Johnson_, 214, 215). Cf. _N. Y. in the Rev._ (papers in N. -Y. Merc. Library), p. 66; Irving's _Washington_, ii. 232; _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, xxiii. 205; Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, Doc. 129. - -[753] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1866, p. 69. - -[754] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 451; _Journals of Congress_, June -3 and July 19, 1776; Journal of Algernon Roberts on an expedition to -Paulus Hook, in _Sparks_ MSS., no. xlviii.; Johnston's _Campaign of -1776_, p. 113. The New Jersey militia were acting in concert under -Livingston. There is a journal of a Lieut. Bangs among them, from April -to July. _N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. - -[755] Cf. letter, Aug. 4, from Staten Island, in Lady Georgiana -Cavendish's _Mem. of Admiral Gambier_, copied in _Hist. Mag._, v. 68. - -[756] _Naval Chronicle_, xxxii. - -[757] Greene's _Greene_, i. 158. - -[758] Col. Moses Little's, beginning April 30, 1776, belonging to Benj. -Hale, of Newburyport, Mass., including orders of Greene and Sullivan; -the latter's orders of Aug. 25 are in _Hist. Mag._, ii. 354, and Col. -Wm. Douglas's, belonging to Benj. Douglas of Middletown, Conn. That of -Capt. Samuel Sawyer, Aug. 22-Nov. 27, is in the Mass. Archives. Cf. -_Journals_ of the New York provincial congress. Greene's apprehensions -as to the situation on Long Island in the early summer of 1776 can be -got from his letters in Greene's _Life of Greene_, ii. 420, etc. - -[759] 5 Force, i. 1244, ii. 196; Sparks, iv. 59; Field, 383; Johnston, -Docs., p. 32. - -[760] Sparks, iv. 513; Dawson, i. 150. - -[761] Field, 369; Dawson, i. 156; _Penna. Hist. Soc. Bull._, i. no. 8; -Sparks, iv. 517. - -[762] Gen. Parsons to John Adams, Aug. 29 and Oct. 8, in Johnston. -Smallwood's, Oct. 12, in 5 Force, ii. 1011; Field, 386; Dawson, i. -152; Ridgeley's _Annals of Annapolis_, App. Stirling to Washington -in Dawson, i. 151; Duer's _Stirling_, 163; Sparks, iv. 515. Col. -Haslet's in Sparks, iv. 516; Dawson, i. 152. Col. Chambers's, Sept. 3, -in _Chambersburg in the Colony and the Revolution_; Field, 399. Col. -Gunning Bedford's and Cæsar Rodney's in Read's _George Read_, 170. -Letters of Pennsylvania soldiers in 2 _Penna. Archives_, x. 305. - -[763] Col. Samuel J. Atlee's in 2 _Penna. Archives_, i. 509; 5 Force, -i. 1251; Field, 352; _Life of Joseph Reed_, i. 413. Samuel Miles's, in -2 _Penna. Archives_, i. 517. - -[764] Graydon's _Memoirs_, ch. 6; _Mem. of Col. Benj. Talmadge_ (N. Y., -1858), cited in Johnston. James Sullivan Martin's _Narrative of some of -the adventures of a revolutionary soldier_ (Hallowell, 1830, p. 219), -cited in Field, 507. Brodhead in 1 _Penna. Archives_, v. 21, cited by -Johnston. Hezekiah Munsell's account in Stiles's _Ancient Windsor, -Conn._, 714. Cf. further, _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 439; -Onderdonk's _Rev. Incidents in Queens County_; S. Barclay's _Personal -Recollections of the American Revolution_ (? fiction). - -[765] _Freeman's Journal_ and _Penna. Journal_, quoted in Moore's -_Diary_, i. 295-297. Dr. Stiles's diary, giving the news as it reached -him, is cited by Field and Johnston. - -[766] _Gazette Extraordinary_, Oct. 10, also in 5 Force, i. 1255-56; -_Naval Chronicle_ (1841); Field, 378; Moore's _Diary_, 300; Dawson, i. -154. Howe's letters during this campaign are in the _Sparks MSS._, no. -lviii. - -[767] Israel Mauduit's _Remarks upon Gen. Howe's account of his -proceedings on Long Island_ (London, 1778). Howe defended himself in -his _Narrative of his Conduct in America_. Field (p. 460) gives the -parliamentary testimony, and the examination of Howe's statements (p. -471) from the _Detail and Conduct of the Amer. War_ (3d ed., 1780, -p. 17). There were mutual criminations by Howe and the war minister, -Lord George Germain. Cf. Stedman, i. 193; Smyth's _Lectures on Modern -Hist._ (Bohn ed., ii. 463-65); _Parliamentary Reg._, xi. 340; Almon's -_Debates_, xii.; Almon's _Remembrancer_, iii. A loyalist's view of the -opportunity lost in not forcing the American lines is in Jones's _N. Y. -during the Rev._, i. 112. Johnston (p. 185) points out how the English -did the real fighting, while the Hessians joined in the pursuit. Major -James Wemys, an officer of the British army serving in America, dying -in New York in 1834-35, left papers, which were copied by Sparks while -in the hands of Rev. Wm. Ware (_Sparks MSS._, xx.). They include his -estimates of various generals of the British army; strictures on the -peculations of some of them; including criticisms of Howe's conduct in -the fights at Long Island, Whiteplains, and Trenton. - -[768] _Naval Chronicle_, xxxii., 271. Field (p. 407) gives G. S. -Rainer's account from the journals of Collier. Cf. Ithiel Town's -_Particular Services_ (N. Y., 1835). - -[769] _Evelyns in America_, pp. 266, 325. Lushington's _Lord Harris_, -cited by Field (p. 405). A letter of Earl Percy, Newtown, on Long -Island, Sept. 1, in which he says that the English loss was 300, the -American 3,000, with 1,500 privates, beside officers, taken prisoners, -and "he flatters himself that this campaign will put a total end to the -war" (MSS. in Boston Pub. Library). The _Hist. MSS. Com._, 2d _Report_, -p. 48, shows a letter of Sir John Wrottesley to his wife, dated Long -Island, Sept. 3. - -[770] Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_, ch. 1; Lowell's _Hessians_, p. -58; and the appendix of Field. There is a French view in Hilliard -d'Auberteuil's _Essais_, vol. ii. - -[771] Bancroft made some adverse criticisms of Greene in his orig. -ed., ix. ch. 4. George W. Greene replied in a pamphlet, which he has -reprinted in his _Life of Greene_, vol. ii., in which (book ii. ch. -7) he gives his own version of the battle. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, Feb. and -Aug., 1867. - -[772] Respecting the retreat, Washington had ordered Heath (5 Force, -i. 1211) to send down boats from up the Hudson, which he did (Heath, -_Memoirs_, 57). Washington's reasons for a retreat are told in a letter -of Joseph Reed, Aug. 30th, to Wm. Livingston, given in Sedgwick's -_Livingston_, 201. (Cf. Sparks, _Washington_, iv. 81.) Johnston -collates the authorities upon the reasons (p. 215), and thinks Gordon's -account the most probable, that the American lines were unfit to stand -siege operations, which Howe had begun. The proceedings of the council -of war (Aug. 29th) which decided upon the retreat are in 5 Force, i. -1246, and in Onderdonk's _Rev. incidents in Suffolk County_, p. 161. - -Bancroft (final revision, v. 38) and Wm. B. Reed (_Life of Jos. Reed_, -i. 121-126) are at issue upon the point whether the lifting of the -fog, which revealed the purpose of the English ships to get between -Brooklyn and New York, took place before the retreat was ordered, or -after it was nearly over. Bancroft's witnesses seem conclusive against -the claim of W. B. Reed that such a revelation induced Joseph Reed to -urge the retreat upon Washington (note in Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. 106; -final revision, v. 38). Joseph Reed's own account is in Sedgwick's -_Livingston_, 203. Cf. Johnston, ch. 5. Col. Tallmadge (_Memoirs_, p. -11) says that Washington never received the credit which was due to him -for his wise and fortunate retreat from Long Island. - -[773] Dawson (_Westchester Co._, 224) puts the British army at over -forty thousand men when the campaign opened. Beatson's _Naval and Mil. -Memoirs_, vi.; 5 Force, i.; Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. 85-90; final -revision, v. 28; Johnston, 195-201, and Docs., p. 167, 176, 180; De -Lancey in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, 600. There is a MS. on the -prisoners taken noted in the _Bushnell Catal._ (1883), no. 791. Lecky -(_England in the XVIIIth Century_, iv. 2, N. Y. ed.) says: "The English -and American authorities are hopelessly disagreed about the exact -numbers engaged, and among the Americans themselves there are very -great differences. Compare Ramsay, Bancroft, Stedman, and Stanhope, -[Mahon]." - -There has been a controversy over the death of Gen. Woodhull, who was -captured a few days later, and killed, as was alleged, while trying to -escape. Cf. 5 Force, ii., iii. (index); De Lancey in Jones, ii. chap. -20, and p. 593; Johnston's _Observations on Jones_, p. 73; Luther R. -Marsh's _Gen. Woodhull and his Monument_ (N. Y., 1848); _Hist. Mag._, -v. 140, 172, 204, 229; Henry Onderdonk, Jr.'s _Narrative of Woodhull's -Capture and death_ (1848). - -[774] Mercy Warren's _Amer. Revolution_; Bancroft, ix. ch. 4 and 5; -final revision, v. ch. 2; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii.; Gay's _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, iii. ch. 20, etc. - -[775] Lives of Washington by Marshall, ii. ch. 7; by Sparks, i. 190; -by Irving, ii. ch. 31, 32; of Sullivan by Amory, p. 25; of Stirling by -Duer; of Olney by Williams; of Burr by Parton, i. ch. 8, etc. - -[776] Most elaborate of such is R. H. Stiles's _Hist. of Brooklyn_ -(p. 242). Cf. Thompson's _Long Island_; Strong's _Flatbush_; Henry -Onderdonk, Jr.'s _Kings County_. Letters of Onderdonk to Sparks in -1844, on the battle, are in the _Sparks MSS._, no. xlviii. There is -a paper by the Rev. J. W. Chadwick, of Brooklyn, in _Harper's Mag._, -liii. p. 333. Cf. Hollister's _Connecticut_, ii. ch. 11. A personal -narrative of Thomas Richards, a Connecticut soldier, is in _United -Service_ (Aug., 1884), xii. 216. - -[777] The earliest special treatment is Samuel Ward in _Battle of Long -Island_ (1839; also see _Knickerbocker Mag._, xiii. 279). Field's -monograph makes vol. ii. of the _Memoirs of the Long Island Hist. -Soc._, and nearly half the volume is an appendix of documents. _The -Campaign of 1776 round New York and Brooklyn_ (Brooklyn, 1878), by -Henry P. Johnston, makes vol. iii. of the same series, and chapter -4 is given to the subject, and his narrative is well fortified by -documentary proofs. In placing the responsibility of the defeat, he -takes issue (p. 192) with Bancroft, Field, and Dawson, who charge it -upon Putnam. Dawson (_Battles_, i. 143) gives numerous references. -Carrington's _Battles of the Amer. Rev._ (ch. 31 and 32). - -[778] _Annual Reg._, xix. ch. 5; _Parliamentary Reg._, xiii.; _The -Impartial Hist. of the late War_; Andrews's _Late War_, ch. 21; -Stedman's _Amer. War_, ch. 6; Bissett's _Reign of George III._, i. -401, also speaks of the retreat as "masterly;" Knight's _Pop. Hist. -England_, cited in Field, 447, and Mahon's. - -[779] John Adams's _Works_, ix. 438; letters of Franklin and Morris -to Silas Deane, Oct. 1, 1776, noted in _Calendar of Lee MSS._, p. 7; -Stuart's _Jona. Trumbull_; Sedgwick's _Wm. Livingston_, 201; Donne's -_Corresp. of George III. and Lord North_, vol. ii.; _Rockingham and -his Contemp._, ii. 297; Russell's _Life of Fox_, and _Memorials and -Corresp. of Fox_, i. 145; Walpole's _Last Journals_, ii. 70. - -[780] This map of Hill's is reproduced in Valentine's _Manual_, 1857, -and in Dunlap's _New York_ (vol. ii.). - -[781] _Campaign of 1776_, p. 84. - -[782] _Letters from America_, p. 429. - -[783] Smith tells us that in 1766 a line of palisades, with -block-houses, still stretched across New York Island, near the line of -the present Chambers St., which had been built in the French war, at -a cost of about £8,000. Crèvecœur described the town in 1772, and his -description is translated in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 748. Cf. -Dawson's account in his _New York during the Revolution_. There are -various views of the town during the revolutionary period. One from -the southeast and another from the southwest, by P. Canot, 1768, are -reëngraved in Hough's translation of Pouchot (ii. 85, 88). Cf. _Doc. -Hist. N. Y._, octavo, ii. 43. There are others in the travels of Sandby -and Kalm. See Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, p. 311; Valentine's -_Manual_, 1852, p. 176; Appleton's _Journal_, xii. 464. A view of New -York as seen from the bay, found among Lord Rawdon's papers, is given -in _Harper's Mag._, xlvii. p. 23. Gaine's _N. Y. Pocket Almanac_, 1772, -has "Prospect of the City of N. Y." A bird's-eye view of the island, as -seen from above Fort Washington in 1781, is in Valentine's _Manual_, -1854. This last publication contains various views of revolutionary -landmarks, a of Hellgate (1850,—cf. _London Mag._, April, 1778); -the Battery and Bowling Green (1858, p. 633); the City Hall (1856, -p. 32; 1866, p. 547); the Beekman house, headquarters of Sir William -Howe in Sept., 1776 (1861, p. 496,—see also Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, -iii. 503); the Rutgers mansion (1858, p. 607); Lord Stirling's house -(1854, p. 410); Alexander Hamilton's house (1858, p. 468). Knyphausen's -quarters in Wall St. are shown in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, June, -1883, p. 409. - -[784] Gordon shows this. Cf. Putnam's letter to Trumbull, Sept. 12, -1776. - -[785] _Correspondence of the Provincial Congress of N. Y._; Sparks's -_Washington_, iv.; _Memoirs of Chas. Lee_; Dawson's _N. Y. during the -Rev._, p. 82; Booth's _New York_, p. 493; Irving's _Washington_, ii. -ch. 33; Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, ch. 5; Carrington's _Battles_, -ch. 33, and his paper in _Bay State Monthly_, March, 1884. An American -orderly-book, Sept. 1-13, is among the Northumberland Papers, Alnwick -Castle (_Third Rept. Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 124). A copy of -George Clinton's reasons against evacuating is in the _Sparks MSS._, -no. xlix., vol. i. p. 10. Bancroft (ix. 175; final revision, v. 69) -shows how Stedman and W. B. Reed are in error in supposing that Lee's -counsels prevailed in ordering a retreat. - -[786] Cf. Washington's views, 5 Force, ii. 495, and Niles's _Principles -and Acts_, etc. (1876 ed.), p. 464. "As the army now stands", said Knox -in 1776, "it is only a receptacle for ragamuffins" (Drake's _Knox_, -32). Cf. Greene's _Life of Greene_, i. ch. 6. The British army was -perhaps nearly double in numbers. On the extent of the opposing armies, -see 5 Force, i. and ii.; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 224; Johnston's -_Campaign of 1776_, ch. 3; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, i. App. -599. On Oct. 3d a committee of Congress reported on the condition of -the army around New York (5 Force, ii. 1385), and _Ibid._ (iii. 449) -there is a return of the entire army made Nov. 3d. - -[787] Original sources: Evidence of the Court of Inquiry in 5 Force, -ii, 1251; Washington to Congress in Sparks, iv. 94; Greene to Cooke, -Sept. 17th, in 5 Force, ii. 370 (cf. Green's _Greene_, i. 216); Cæsar -Rodney to Read, Sept. 18th, in _Life of George Read_, 191; Smallwood, -Oct. 12th, in 5 Force, ii. 1013; letter of Nicholas Fish, Sept. 19th, -in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 33; letter, Sept. 24th, in _Evelyns in America_; -Major Baurmeister's account, Sept. 24th, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Jan., 1877, p. 33 (Johnston, p. 95),—a MS. owned by Bancroft; Rufus -Putnam's _Memoirs_ (Johnston, p. 136); Heath's _Memoirs_, p. 60; Jas. -S. Martin's _Narrative_ (Johnston, Doc., p. 81). Cf. note on the -authorities in Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. p. 122; also Gordon, ii. 327. -Later accounts: Johnston, pp. 92, 232; De Lancey in Jones, App. p. 604; -Irving's _Washington_, ii. 333. - -Captain Nathan Hale, of the Connecticut troops, had been sent over -to Long Island to discover the intentions of the enemy; but, being -apprehended, was hanged as a spy, Sept. 22, 1776. Cf. Hinman's -_Connecticut during the Rev._, 82, and other histories of Connecticut; -I. W. Stuart's _Life of N. Hale_, Hartford, 1856, and New York, 1874; -_Memoir of N. Hale_, New Haven, 1844; Lossing's _Two Spies_ (N. Y., -1886); Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, p. 314; _Songs and Ballads of the -Rev._, 130; _Worcester Soc. of Antiquity Proc._, 1879; H. P. Johnston -in _Harper's Monthly_, June, 1880 (vol. lxi. p. 53); Greene's _Hist. -View_, 338; and references in _Poole's Index_, p. 566. Congress voted -him a monument. Poore's _Descriptive Catal._, etc., index, p. 1294. - -[788] See the plan in Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_ (ch. vi. p. 259), -with topography based on Randall's map and old surveys. - -[789] There is in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. a contemporary view of Harlem -from Morrisania (1765), drawn from an original in the British Museum, -and this is reproduced in Valentine's _Manual_, 1863, p. 611. (Cf. -_King's Maps_, Brit. Mus., i. 476.) - -[790] Original sources: Washington's letter to Congress, in Dawson, -i. 163, and Sparks, iv. 97; Geo. Clinton's letter in Dawson, i. 164, -and in Dawson's _N. Y. City during the Rev._ (1861), 108; General -Silliman's in App. of Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, p. 606; John -Gooch's in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1876, p. 334; original -documents in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iv. 375; viii. 39, 627; and in 5 -Force, ii. - -On the British side, Gen. Howe's letter is in Dawson, i. 165; a letter -(Sept. 22d) in the Lord Wrottesley MSS., noted in _Hist. MSS. Com. -Second Rept._, p. 48; and Lushington's _Lord Harris_, p. 79. Later -accounts: Johnston, _Campaign of 1776_; Dawson's _Battles_, i. 160, -and his account in the _N. Y. City Manual_, 1868, p. 804; Carrington's -_Battles_, ch. 34; Lossing's _Field-Book_; Gay, iii. 509; J. A. Stevens -in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iv. 351, vi. 260,—also see vii., viii. 39; -E. C. Benedicts _Battle of Harlem Heights_ (N. Y., 1881), read before -the N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1878; John Jay's _Centennial Discourse_, 1876, -with App. of documents, including extracts from Stiles's diary; Smyth -(_Lect. Mod. Hist._, Bohn's ed., ii. 459) on Washington's proposed -Fabian policy. Cf. also Greene's _Greene_, Reed's _Joseph Reed_, i. -237; Colonel Humphrey's _Life of Putnam_; _Memoirs of Col. Tench -Tilghman_ (Albany, 1876). Letters of Tilghman and others at this time, -copied from the papers in the N. Y. Hist. Soc., are in the _Sparks -MSS._, no. xxxix. Cf. histories of New York city. The amplest details -of the movements which led to the actions at Harlem, of the various -changes thereabouts, and of the later retreat to White Plains will be -found in Dawson's _Westchester County_, p. 229 _et seq._, abundantly -fortified with references. - -[791] Cf. current accounts from the newspapers in Moore's _Diary_, p. -311. A popular colored print published in Paris not long afterwards -assigned the cause to American incendiaries (Dufossé's _Americana_, -1879, no. 5,480). There is in Valentine's _Manual_, 1866, p. 766, a -diagram marking the spread of the fire in 1776 compared with that of -1778. A view of Trinity Church, in New York, as ruined by the fire, is -given in _Harper's Mag._, xlvii. p. 24; Valentine's _Manual_, 1861, p. -654; and Gay, iii. 510. - -[792] There were reports at the time that the British troops had set -the fire. Read's _George Read_, p. 196. De Lancey (Jones, i. p. 611) -collates the accounts, both British and American, citing that of Henry, -who had just been brought by water from Quebec, and who saw it from the -transport, as one of the best descriptions (Henry's _Campaign against -Quebec_). Sparks (iv. 100, 101) gives a note to Washington's account. -Howe's account is in 5 Force, ii., with other documents. Cf. J. C. -Hamilton's _Republic_, i. 127; Reed's _Joseph Reed_, 1, 213. Mahon -(_Hist. England_, vi. 116) believes it was not set. Lecky (_England in -Eighteenth Century_, iv. p. 5, with references), who is usually very -considerate in his criticisms, cites Washington's desire to burn New -York as a sort of justification of the British burning of Falmouth and -Norfolk; but he fails to distinguish between such wanton, isolated -destruction and one of strategical use. - -[793] The original map is entitled _A Plan of the Operations of the -king's army under the command of General Sir William Howe, K. B., in -New York and East New Jersey against the American forces commanded by -General Washington from the 12th of October to the 28th of Nov., 1776, -wherein is particularly distinguished the engagement on the White -Plains, the 28th of October, by Claude Joseph Sauthier_. _Engraved -by Wm. Faden, 1777. Published Feb. 25, 1777._ The original MS. draft -is among the Faden maps (library of Congress), no. 58. The engraved -map is given in fac-simile in Dawson's _Westchester County_, p. 227. -The direction of the American movements is indicated by arrows on the -broken line (— — — —), and triple lines ≡ mark camps and positions. -The British marches are shown by line and dot (—·—·—·) and their -camps by □. - -The American army extended from Fort Washington to Kingsbridge, when -Howe began a movement to threaten their communications with the upper -country. Leaving Percy to cover New York at McGowan's Pass, near -Bloomingdale (A), the British embarked at Turtle Bay, Harlem, and -Long Island (B) in detachments which landed at Frog's Neck (D, under -cover of the "Carysfoot", man-of-war, C) on Oct. 12, 16, and 17, when -the Americans (at E) on the 12th broke down the bridge in their front -across the marsh, and retired part towards Kingsbridge and part towards -New Rochelle. A MS. "Survey of Frog's Neck and the route of the British -army to the 24th of Oct., 1776, by Charles Blaskowitz", on a scale of -2,000 feet to an inch, is among the Faden maps (no. 57) in the library -of Congress. The British now proceeded farther by water to Pell's Point -(F), where they landed Oct. 18, and pushing forward had the same day -a skirmish with the retiring Americans (H), and still farther pursued -them and occupied the lower bank at Mamaroneck (M) while the Americans -held the opposite bank, Oct. 22. That same day, Knyphausen with his -Germans landed at Myer's Point (G), and moving forward took ground (at -K), and remained there from Oct. 22 to 28, while close by (at J) the -main body from Pell's Point were already in camp (Oct. 18-21), when, on -the 21st, they moved forward and encamped under Heister and Clinton (at -L), where they remained till Oct. 25, and then proceeded to N, where -they stayed till Oct. 28. - -Meanwhile, the Americans (at Z) had passed Kingsbridge, breaking it -down after their passage, and then dividing into two detachments. One -of these proceeded and occupied the ridge of land from X to the White -Plains, intrenching at intervals along the summit running parallel to -Bronx River. The other division proceeded north through Wepperham, -and both reunited Oct. 25 within the lines at White Plains (Q). The -British (at N) advanced on the same day, and formed, Oct. 28, opposite -the American lines (at O), while on the same day Leslie attacked the -American corps of Spencer (at P), and Oct. 29 the Americans occupied -the lines at R, and Nov. 1 fell back across the Croton River. During -Oct. 30, a part of Percy's force from Bloomingdale had come up, -leaving the road as they came north at N, and joining the left of -the British line, in place of the troops which after the fight of -the 28th had encamped at S. The British now marched, part direct and -part by Tarrytown, to Dobbs Ferry (T), where they were in camp Nov. -6, and proceeding south they were at U, Nov. 13. Dawson, _Westchester -County_, 239, points out some errors in the names in this map, which -were allowed to stand in Stedman's map, and in the first edition of -Lossing's _Field-Book_. On the American side there is a _Plan of the -Country from Frog's Point to Croton River, showing the positions of -the American and British armies from the 12th of Oct., 1776, until the -engagement on the White Plains on the 28th_, drawn by S. Lewis from the -original surveys made by order of Washington, and published in 1807. It -has been reproduced in Dawson's _Westchester County_, from the original -edition of Marshall's _Washington_. Later eclectic plans can be found -in the _Life of Washington_, by Sparks; in Hamilton's _Republic of the -United States_, i. 132; and in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 820-826. - -For Washington's headquarters (Miller house) see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -vii. 108; and for a view of Chatterton's Hill, Gay, iii. 514. - -[794] Documents in 5 Force, ii. (statement of the regiments, 1,319) and -iii.; Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 524-526, including Harrison's letter, -which is also in Dawson, i. 183, as well as a letter of Col. Haslett to -Gen. Rodney (i. 183). A letter in Johnson, Docs. p. 135. A letter of -James Tilton (Brunswick, N. J., Nov. 20, 1776) to Cæsar Rodney, among -the Pettit papers in the Amer. Philosophical Society, and a copy in the -_Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). Allen's diary in Smith's _Pittsfield, -Mass._, i. 252. _Memoirs_ of Heath, and the _Rev. Services_ of Gen. -Hull, ch. 4. Newspaper accounts in Moore's _Diary_, 335; and the -statements of De Lancey in Jones, i. App. 621. - -On the English side Howe's despatch (Nov. 30), which appeared in a -_Gazette_ of Dec. 30, is reprinted in Dawson, i. 184. This gave rise to -_Observations upon the Conduct of Sir Wm. Howe at the White Plains_, -London, 1779, known to be the work of Israel Mauduit, though published -anonymously. It included Howe's despatch. In this he criticises Howe -severely, as well as in his _Three Letters to Lt.-Gen. Sir William -Howe_ (London, 1781), with an appendix and map. When the brothers -Howe, general and admiral, were appointed, it was Hutchinson's opinion -(_Diary_, ii. 40) that "no choice could have been more generally -satisfactory to the kingdom." Hutchinson (_Ibid._, ii. 121) at this -time speaks of a letter from Major Dilkes (Nov. 3) describing the -series of actions, in which he calls White Plains the principal one, -and adds, "Though the king's troops had the advantaged pursuing them, -it does not appear that the loss was much different." Stedman's account -is in his ch. 7, and Eelking's in ch. 2 of his _Hülfstruppen_. Lowell -in his _Hessians_ uses several German accounts. - -[795] Johnston, p. 262. Carrington, ch. 35. Bancroft, ix. ch. 10; final -revision, v. ch. 3 and 5. Dawson, ch. 14. Lossing's _Field-Book_, -vol. ii. For biographies: Washington, by Marshall, ii. ch. 8, and by -Irving, ii. ch. 37. J. C. Hamilton's _Republic_, i. 132. Reed's _Jos. -Reed_, i. ch. 12. Read's _George Read_, 210. _Memoirs_ of Col. Benj. -Tallmadge (N. Y., 1858). Dawson is still the amplest in detail. His -list of authorities on the action at White Plains is one of his longest -(_Westchester County_, 256, 271). - -[796] JOHNSTON'S MAP.—Percy advancing from McGowan's Pass (T), -the several American outposts withdrew from Snake Hill (V), Harlem -Plains (D D), and across the hollow way (U), and under Cadwallader -resisted for a while the attack of Percy at W, till Lt.-Col. Stirling, -dispatched from the redoubt at F F, and landing at X, threatened to -intercept Cadwallader, when the Americans fell back to the lines above -Fort Washington. Meanwhile, two columns of attack approached the fort -from the other side. Cornwallis, embarking at Kingsbridge (B B), went -down Harlem River and landed at A A, under cover of batteries at F F, -and there attacked Col. Baxter at the redoubts, who retreated to the -fort. Knyphausen and Rall, advancing also from Kingsbridge (B B) to -Z, attacked Col. Rawling at Y, who also retreated to the fort. The -immediate outworks being carried on all sides, the fort surrendered -Nov. 16, 1776. - -SAUTHIER-FADEN PLAN.—On the day of the fight at White Plains, Oct. -28, Knyphausen had left his camp (at K), and marching west had crossed -above Kingsbridge; and had encamped, Nov. 2, at W. The Waldeck regiment -stationed at New Rochelle had also marched, and Nov. 4 were at V, and -then proceeded towards Wepperham. The same day a portion of the British -under Grant, coming south from Dobbs Ferry, had left the main line at -4 and proceeded to 5 and 6, continuing their march next day to 7. The -American outposts on Tetard's Hill withdrew to the works about Fort -Washington, when Knyphausen threatened to cut them off. The siege and -capture of Fort Washington now followed. This accomplished, Cornwallis -embarked a part of his force at "Spiting Devil Creek" and part at 8, -united them on landing, Nov. 18, at 1, and encamped that night at -2, the garrison of Fort Lee having already fled towards 3, whither -Cornwallis followed them. - -NOTE TO THE OPPOSITE MAP.—This sketch follows _A topographical map -of the north part of New York Island, exhibiting the plan of Fort -Washington, now Fort Knyphausen, with the rebel lines to the southward, -which were forced by the troops under the command of the Rt. Hon^{ble} -Earl Percy the 16th Nov. 1776, and surveyed immediately after by order -of his lordship by Claude Joseph Sauthier, to which is added the attack -made to the north by the Hessians, surveyed by order of Lieut.-Gen. -Knyphausen_. London, Wm. Faden, March 1, 1777. - -The broken lines (— — —) represent roads. The Hessians advanced from -Westchester County by Kingsbridge, under Knyphausen, with detachments -of his corps, the brigade of "Raille", and the regiment of Waldeck. -They crossed the little stream L in two columns. That of Raille's -[Rall, Rahl] mounted the hill, forced the battery of twelve-pounders -and howitzers at H, and was joined before G by Knyphausen's column, -which had followed up the stream. Both pushed on and carried the works -at A. The British light infantry under Brig.-Gen. Matthews, to be -supported by the grenadiers and 33d regiment under Cornwallis, landed -at B under cover of batteries at E, whereupon the Americans on the -hill at J retired to the main works. The 42d regiment under Lt.-Col. -Stirling, with two battalions of the second brigade, crossed the river -by the dot and dash line (·—·—) and landed at C as a feint, and -advanced by the battery M. Earl Percy with a brigade of English and -another of Hessians left the advanced posts of the British at McGowan's -Pass, and following the main road (— — —) forced the successive -American lines through their abatis (× × × ×) and attacked at D. -Philip's or Dightman's bridge is at F. The British vessel "Pearl" at -K assisted the attack at A. The buildings marked _a_ were barracks -erected for winter-quarters by the Americans, but burned by them when -the British landed at Frog's Neck. - -Sauthier's plan is included in _The American Atlas_, no. 23, and in -Stedman (i. 210). Three MS. plans of the attack on Fort Washington, -one of them surveyed by Sauthier on the day of the attack by order of -Lord Percy, are among the Faden maps (nos. 59, 60, 61) in the library -of Congress. The engraved map is reproduced in _The Evelyns in America_ -(p. 318), in Valentine's _Manual_, 1859, p. 120 (see 1861, p. 429), and -in the _Calendar of Hist. MSS. relative to the War of the Revolution_ -(Albany, 1868), i. 532. - -There is in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_, -Nuremberg, 1777, _Sechster Theil_, a folding plan of the operations -on New York Island in the autumn of 1776, showing the attack on Fort -Washington, "nun das Fort Knyphausen genannt" (see also "Achter -Theil"). A German plan belonging to Mr. J. C. Brevoort, after an -original preserved in Cassel, is given in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Feb., 1877. - -The leading American later accounts give eclectic plans,—Sparks's -_Washington_, iv. 96, 160; Guizot's _Washington_; Carrington's -_Battles_, p. 254,—but they include all the movements in the north -part of the island. Cf. also Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 816, and -Grant's _British Battles_, ii. 147. - -A drawing found among Lord Rawdon's papers, representing the landing of -the British forces under Cornwallis, Nov. 20, 1776, on the Jersey side -of the Hudson, after the fall of Fort Washington, is given in _Harper's -Mag._, xlvii. p. 25. - -[797] Original sources: Documents in 5 Force, iii.; Washington to -Congress in Sparks, iv. 178, and Dawson, i. 193; letters of Samuel -Chase, Nov. 21-23, in the _Sparks MSS._, ix.; letter in _Hist. Mag._, -March, 1874, p. 180; newspaper accounts in Moore's _Diary_, 345, 348; -Graydon's _Memoirs_, 197; Heath's _Memoirs_, 86; Gordon's _Amer. -Rev._, ii. 350; _N. Hampshire State Papers_, viii. 408. On the British -side, Howe's despatch to Germain is in Dawson, i. 194; Lowell, in his -_Hessians_, p. 80, uses German diaries (cf. Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_, -i. 84). - -Later accounts: Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. ch. 11; final revision, v. -ch. 5; Johnston, 276; Carrington, ch. 37; Dawson, i. 188; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii.; Gay, iii. 517. - -G. W. Greene, in his _Life of Gen. Greene_, as it was the first -military mistake of that officer, is at pains to treat the history of -the siege at considerable length, enlarging upon antecedent events -(i. ch. 10 and 11). Greene had urgently claimed that it was advisable -to attempt to hold the fort, and letters giving his reasons are in -Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 297, and Drake's _Knox_, 33. G. W. -Greene holds that Gen. Greene had a right to expect a better defence, -and championed his ancestor in a tract against the criticisms of -Bancroft (Greene's _Greene_, ii. 431, 470), who put the responsibility -of the disaster upon Green's persistent refusal to evacuate the fort. -This Bancroft maintains in his original edition, and in his final -revision, where, however, he recognizes, but does not deem essential -to the British success, the treachery of Magaw's adjutant, William -Demont. There had been an intimation in Graydon's _Memoirs_ that Howe -had been helped by some kind of faithlessness in the American ranks. -In February, 1877, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (i. 65, 756), Mr. E. -F. De Lancey first made public a letter of Demont written in 1792, in -which he acknowledged having carried the plans of the fort to Percy, -"by which the fortress was taken", and this information is thought to -have induced Howe to make his sudden withdrawal from Washington's front -at White Plains. De Lancey's paper was published separately as _Capture -of Mount Washington, 1776, the result of treason_ (New York, 1777), -and he repeated the story in the notes (i. p. 626) to Jones's _N. Y. -during the Rev. War._ Johnston (p. 283) doubts if this treachery was -decisive of the result. Cf. further in lives of Washington by Marshall -and Irving (ii. ch. 38, 40); Reed's _Joseph Reed_ (i. ch. 13); and a -paper by W. H. Rawle on the part taken by Col. Lambert Cadwalader, in -the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, April, 1886, p. 11. There is a portrait of -Cadwalader in the _Penna. Archives_, vol. x. A letter (Dec. 23, 1778) -of Robert Magaw on the surrender of Fort Washington is in the _Sparks -MSS._, no. xlix. vol. iii. Cf. the account of Magaw in the _Mag. of -Western History_, September, 1886, p. 678. - -[798] Sparks, iv. 186; Greene's _Greene_, ch. 12. Cf. on Fort Lee -_Appleton's Journal_, vi. 645, 660, 673, 688. Cf. the present volume, -ch. v. - -[799] There is a fac-simile of it in Valentine's _Manual_, 1864, p. -668. A German map is given in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser -Europa_ (Nuremberg, 1776). - -[800] A map was annexed to Israel Mauduit's criticism on Howe's -conduct of this campaign, _Three letters to Lt.-Gen. Sir Wm. Howe_ -(London, 1781). Marshall gives maps in both the large and small atlases -accompanying his _Life of Washington_. A MS. plan is in the Heath -Papers (i. 224) in Mass. Hist. Soc. library. - -[801] The _Calendar of the Lee MSS._, p. 8, shows a letter, Dec. 20, of -Robert Morris, on the campaign's misfortunes, which is printed in the -_Diplomatic Corresp._, i. 225. - -[802] The _Journal of Samuel Nash_, Jan. 1, 1776, to Jan. 9, 1777; -diary in _Hist. Mag._, Dec., 1863, covering Aug.-Dec., 1776; N. Fish's -account in _Ibid._, Jan., 1869 (iii. 33). Rufus Putnam's journal in -Mary Cone's _Life of Rufus Putnam_ (Cleveland, 1886); Moravian Journals -in N. Y. City, in _The Moravian_, 1876; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 133, -250; Johnston, p. 101. There is in _The Evelyns in America_ (p. 319) a -"Journal of the operations of the American army under Gen. Sir William -Howe from the Evacuation of Boston to the end of the Campaign of 1776", -by a British officer. Cf. _Gent. Mag._, Nov. and Dec., 1776. The -letters of Maj. Francis Hutcheson are in the _Haldimand Papers_ (Brit. -Museum). Howe's letters to Germain are in the _Sparks MSS._, lviii., -part 2. The military movements near New York are chronicled in papers -in the London War-Office, "North America, 1773-1776." - -Respecting New York city during this period, there are data in _New -York City during the American Revolution_, being a _Collection of -original papers, now first published from MSS. in the possession of -the Mercantile Library_, with an introduction by H. B. Dawson (N. Y., -privately printed, 1861), which includes an account by William Butler; -and in papers in Valentine's _Manual_ (1862, p. 652). Cf. _Harper's -Mag._, xxxvii. 180, and _Scribner's Monthly_, Jan., 1876. - -[803] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 433; _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 225; -Wilkinson's _Memoirs_, i. ch. 2. - -[804] 4 _Force's Archives_, vi., and 5, vols. i., ii., and iii.; -Lossing's _Schuyler_, ii. 92; John Adams's _Works_, iii. 47. - -[805] Various letters of this period about the army are in the Persifer -Frazer Papers (_Sparks MSS._, xxi., from July 9 to Nov. 18, 1776); in -the Gates Papers (copies in part among the _Sparks MSS._, xxii.); in -the Schuyler Papers as used in Lossing's _Schuyler_, and as existing -in the N. Y. Archives (copies in part in the _Sparks MSS._, xxix.). A -letter of Thomas Hartley (Ticonderoga, July 19, 1776) in _Mag. West. -Hist._, Sept., 1886, p. 677; one of Wayne (July 31) to Franklin in -_Sparks MSS._, no. lvii. The _N. H. State Papers_, viii., 311, 315, -325-6, 329, throw light on the feelings of the adjacent country,—Col. -Asa Potter seeking to throw the people upon Burgoyne's protection -against the Indians. The _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, ii. 2, 22, show how troops -were sent to Ticonderoga as the spring opened. - -Orderly-books and army diaries of the period have been noted as -follows: Col. J. Bagley's, Lake George (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, new -ser., i. 134). Col. Ruggles Woodbridge, Ticonderoga, Aug. 25 to Oct. -27, 1776 (_Sparks MSS._, lx. p. 317). Col. Wheelock's, Aug.-Nov., 1776 -(in _Mass. Archives_). Anthony Wayne's _Orderly book of the northern -army, at Ticonderoga and Mt. Independence, from October 17th, 1776, -to January 8th, 1777, with biographical and explanatory notes, and an -appendix_ (Albany, 1859, being no. 3 of Munsell's historical series). -It gives the daily orders issued by General Gates and himself. Letters -of Wayne from Feb. to April, 1777 are in the _St. Clair Papers_, i. -384, etc. Moses Greenleaf, Ticonderoga, March 23 to April 4, 1777 -(among the _Greenleaf MSS._, in Mass. Hist. Soc.). - -_Journal of Rev. Ammi R. Robbins_ [a chaplain in the American army] _in -the northern campaign of 1776_ (New Haven, 1850). It extends from March -18 to Oct. 29, and covers a part of the retreat from Canada. Diary of -Lieutenant Jonathan Burton, Aug. 1 to Nov. 29, 1776 (_New Hampshire -State Papers_, xiv.). - -[806] The original is among the Gates Papers (cf. _Sparks MSS._, xxii. -and xxxix.). They are printed in Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (i. 83) and -Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. 537). - -[807] They are printed in 5 _Force's Amer. Archives_ (ii. 1102); Dawson -(i. 171, 172); Arnold's _Arnold_ (p. 118). See also Sparks's _Corresp. -of the Rev._ (i. App.), and 5 _Force_ (vols. i., ii., iii.). - -[808] Other contemporary American accounts are in Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ -(ch. 2); Trumbull's _Autobiography_ (p. 34); Marshall's _Washington_ -(iii. ch. 1). - -[809] Later accounts are in Cooper's _Naval Hist._; Bancroft's final -revision (v. ch. 4); Irving's _Washington_ (ii. ch. 39); Lossing's -_Schuyler_ (ii. 116, 137), his _Field-Book_ (vol. i.), and a paper -in _Harper's Monthly_ (xxiii. 726); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. ch. 13); -Arnold's _Arnold_ (ch. 6); W. C. Watson in _Amer. Hist. Record_, -iii. 438, 501 (Oct., Nov., 1774); Palmer's _Lake Champlain_ (ch. -7); _Wayne's Orderly-Book_, where Arnold's tactics are particularly -examined; a pamphlet, _Battle of Valcour_ (Plattsburg, 1876); and -Osler's _Life of Viscount Exmouth_. W. L. Stone in his notes to Pausch -(p. 85) thinks the account by that German artillerist and that in -_Hadden's Journal_ as edited by Gen. Rogers are the best ones. - -[810] A MS. draft of Brassier's survey (1762) is in the Faden -collection, no. 20-1/2 in the library of Congress. - -[811] Vol. i. p. 163; and for a view of the spot, p. 162. - -[812] The catalogue of the _Brit. Mus. additional MSS._ (no. 31,537) -refers to a similar map. See the map in _The North American Atlas_ -(1777). The original MS. draft of the map engraved by Faden is in the -library of Congress (Faden collection, no. 21). There are maps of the -lake in _Wayne's Orderly-Book_, and in Palmer's _Lake Champlain_. An -elaborate survey of Lake Champlain, made in 1778-1779, one inch to the -mile, is also among the Faden maps (no. 64,—the library of Congress). - -[813] It was printed in the _Gent. Mag._, April, 1778. In the appendix -of Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ it has the king's comments on it, and it was -given in this way from a manuscript in the royal hand in Albemarle's -_Rockingham and his Contemporaries_ (ii. 330). Lord Geo. Germain's -instructions to Carleton relative to the campaign are in the _Gent. -Mag._, Feb., 1778. The _Gent. Mag._ (Oct., 1777, p. 472) warned the -public of the difficulties which Burgoyne must expect to encounter. - -[814] Comment from a British officer is in Anburey's _Travels_. Lecky -(iv. 31) shows the way in which the army was raised. The organization -of the army is explained in a chapter in _Hadden's Journal_. The -details of the dispatching of troops are embraced in the volume -"Secretary of State, 1776", War Office, London. The letter of Carleton -to Germain, Quebec, May 20, 1777, expressing his chagrin at not being -appointed to lead the expedition, but promising aid to Burgoyne, is -printed in Brymner's _Report on the Canadian Archives_ (1885, p. -cxxxii.) with Germain's answer. Howe in New York had notified Carleton -at Quebec, April 5, that he should not be able to communicate with -Burgoyne. Walpole records in his _Last Journals_ (ii. 160), "Lord -George Germain owned that General Howe had defeated all his views -by going to Maryland instead of waiting to join Burgoyne." There -may have been a purpose to help create the impression of Burgoyne's -destination, which that officer tried to spread, in professing to aim -at Connecticut, when Howe in April sent an expedition, under Tryon, -to Danbury, in Connecticut, to destroy stores. This was accomplished, -but Wooster and Arnold pressed the returning party with vigor and -inflicted a considerable loss. Wooster was killed. Congress ordered a -monument to his memory (_Journals_, ii. 168. Cf. Deming's oration at -the dedication of a monument in 1854, and Hinman's _Connecticut during -the Rev._, 155). The contemporary accounts are Howe's despatch to -Germain, and the narrative in the _Connecticut Journal_, April 30 (both -given in Dawson's _Battles_, i. 217, 219); current reports in Moore's -_Diary_, 423, 441; Trumbull's and Sullivan's letters in _N. Hampshire -State Papers_, viii. 547, 549, 556; a letter of James Wadsworth, dated -at Durham, May 1, 1777, in _Trumbull MSS._, vi. 94; with accounts in -Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 178, and Stedman's _Amer. War_, -ch. 14. Marshall's account in his _Washington_ was controverted by E. -D. Whittlesey (_N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 2d ser., ii. 227). Cf. Sparks's -_Washington_, iv. 404; Leake's _Lamb_, ch. xi., with a map; Stuart's -_Gov. Trumbull_, ch. 27; Irving's _Washington_, iii. 47; I. N. Arnold's -_Gen. Arnold_, ch. 7; Bancroft, ix. 346; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. -543; Hollister's _Connecticut_, ii. ch. 12. For local associations -see Dwight's _Travels_, iii.; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 407-416 -(with views); Teller's _Ridgefield_, p. 69 (1878), with a view of the -battlefield, April 27, 1777; C. B. Todd's _Redding_ (1880, p. 47). - -[815] These include the Riedesel Memoirs, Schlözer's _Briefwechsel_ -(iii. 27, 321, iv. 288), Eelking's, _Deutsche Hülfstruppen_ (ch. 4). -There is a letter from a Brunswick officer in Canada in J. H. Hering's -_Weeklijksche Berichten_ (Amsterdam,—noted in Muller's _Books on -America_, 1877, no. 1,410). - -[816] There is a contemporary broadside of it in the Mass. Hist. Soc. -library, and it was printed for the English public in the _Gentleman's -Mag._ in August. Walpole, in London, in August, records his opinion of -it, "penned with such threats as would expose him to derision if he -failed, and would diminish the lustre of his success if he obtained -any" (_Last Journals_, ii. 130). The dates given to it vary from -June 29th to July 4th. It will also be found in Anburey's _Travels_; -Thacher's _Military Journal_; Moore's _Diary_ (p. 454), from the -_Penna. Evening Post_, Aug. 21; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (App. F); -Riedesel's _Memoirs_; _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 59); _Proceedings_ of the -Mass. Hist. Soc. (xii. 189) and N. Y. Hist. Soc. (Jan., 1872); _Vermont -Hist. Soc. Collections_ (i. 163); _Niles's Register_ (1876 ed., p. -179); _N. Hampshire State Papers_, viii. 660. It instigated various -burlesques (Moore's _Diary_, 459; his _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._, -167). - -[817] A map by Montresor, made in 1775, showing the antecedent -knowledge of the country, is given in the _American Atlas_. - -_A topographical Map of Hudson's River, ... also the Communication with -Canada by Lake George and Lake Champlain, as high as Fort Chambly, by -Claude Joseph Sauthier. Engraved by Wm. Faden, published (London) Oct. -1, 1776._ - -_A map of the inhabited parts of Canada, from the French surveys, with -the frontiers of New York and New England, from the large survey by -Claude Joseph Sauthier, engraved by Wm. Faden_ (London), 1777. It is -dedicated to Burgoyne, and in the margin is a table showing the various -winter-quarters of the king's army in Canada in 1776. In 1777, Le -Rouge, in Paris, reproduced Sauthier's drafts as _Cours de la rivière -d'Hudson et la Communication avec le Canada par le lac Champlain -jusqu'au Fort Chambly_. (Cf. the map in the _Atlas Amériquain_, no. -23.) Sauthier's surveys were also used in a map of New York and -adjacent provinces, published at Augsburg in 1777, which is reproduced -in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._ (vol. i.). The _Gentleman's Mag._, -Jan., 1778, had a map of the Hudson River and the adjacent country. The -_London Mag._, 1778, had a map showing the country between Albany and -Ticonderoga. It was drawn by Thomas Kitchin, who in the same year made -a map of the Hudson and adjacent parts from Albany to New York. - -In 1780 (Feb. 1st) Faden published a more detailed map as drawn by Mr. -Medcalfe, and called _A map of the Country in which the army under -Lieutenant-General Burgoyne acted in the Campaign of 1777, shewing the -marches of the army and the places of the principal actions_. (Cf. map -in Stedman, reproduced in illus. ed. of Irving's _Washington_, iii. 93.) - -The maps as given in Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition from Canada_ -(London, 1780) are those usually followed. The original MS. drafts of -these, used for engraving them, are among the Faden maps (nos. 66-69) -in the library of Congress. A general map of the campaign is given in -Hilliard d'Auberteuil's _Essais_ (i. 205). - -There is in _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 90) a drawn map of the campaign -between Crown Point and Stillwater, showing the marches of the British -army and the points of conflict. Among the Faden maps (nos. 62, 63) -in the library of Congress is a MS. map of "Lake Champlain and Lake -George, and the country between the Hudson and the lakes on the west -and the Connecticut on the east." There are later and eclectic maps -given in Gordon's _American Revolution_; Anburey's _Travels_; Neilson's -_Burgoyne's Campaign_, used and corrected by Stone in his _Campaign of -Burgoyne_; Carrington's _Battles_ (312); Burgoyne's _Orderly-Book_; -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May, 1877). - -[818] Thomson, _Ohio Bibliog._, no. 1,011; _Brinley Catal._, no. 4,135 -($50); Menzies, no. 1,741 ($65). - -[819] Cf. also _Ibid._, ii., App. pp. 510, 513. - -[820] _The life and Public services of Arthur St. Clair, with his -correspondence and other papers arranged and annotated by Wm. Henry -Smith._ The correspondence begins in 1771. H. P. Johnston thinks Smith -too sweeping and injudicial in his editing (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Aug., 1882). St. Clair took command at Ticonderoga June 12th. Smith -includes in his book the proceedings of the councils of war (pp. 404, -420), and the various letters of St. Clair, respecting his retreat, -to Bowdoin (also in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi. 356), Hancock, Jay, -Washington, and others (pp. 396, 414, 423, 425, 426, 429, 433). Cf. -Dawson's _Battles_. St. Clair's letter, July 7th, at Otter Creek, to -the president of the Convention of Vermont, is in _N. H. State Papers_, -viii. 618. - -[821] _Sparks MSS._, no. xxix. The papers of the trial of St. Clair -are in _Ibid._, xlix., vol. ii. Congress ordered the inquiry (_N. H. -State Papers_, viii. 649). There are other contemporary accounts of the -evacuation in Moore's _Diary of the Revolution_ (p. 470); Wilkinson's -_Memoirs_ (ch. 4 and 5); original documents in _5 Force's Archives_, -vols. i., ii., and iii., and in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Aug., 1882); -letter of Asa Fitch, _Hist. Mag._ (iii. 7); a diary among the _Moses -Greenleaf's MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Society), beginning April 23, 1777, and -ending Nov. 22d, near Philadelphia; a diary of Samuel Sweat (June 18, -1777, etc.) in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (vol. xvii. 287). A letter of -one Cogan complains of the unnecessary retreat (_N. H. State Papers_, -viii. 640), and other accounts and comment of that day, in Sparks's -_Washington_, vol. v.; _Heath Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), p. -65. Cf. further, Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 10, etc.); _General -Hull's Revolutionary Services_ (ch. 7); Dawson's _Battles_ (ch. 20); -Van Rensselaer's _Essays_; Jay's _Life of Jay_ (i. 74); Sparks's -_Gouverneur Morris_ (i. ch. 8); J. C. Hamilton's _Life of Hamilton_ (i. -79, 91); Hamilton's _Works_ (i. 31); Sedgwick's _Livingston_ (p. 233); -Watson's _Essex County, N. Y._ (ch. 11); De Costa's _Fort George_; -Smith's _Pittsfield, Mass._ (i. 282); _Hist. Mag._, Dec., 1862, July, -1867 (p. 303), Aug., 1869 (p. 84, by Hiland Hall); Lewis Kellogg's -_Hist. Discourse_ (Whitehall, 1847). - -[822] Cf. Palmer's _Lake Champlain_ and Watson's _Essex County, N. Y._ - -[823] It is also in the _St. Clair Papers_, i. 76. See _post_, p. 352. - -[824] Cf. further, Wilkinson's _Memoir_ (ch. 5); Lossing's _Schuyler_ -(ii. 223), and his _Field-Book_ (i. 145); Carrington's _Battles_ -(ch. 45); Henry Clark's _Hist. Address_, July 7, 1859 (Rutland, -1859); Stone's _Beverley, Mass._ (p. 75); Amos Churchill's _Hist. of -Hubbardton_ (1855); _Hadden's Journal_ (App. no. 15); W. C. Watson in -_Amer. Hist. Record_ (ii. 455); beside such personal narratives as Enos -Stone's Journal in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (1861, p. 299,—he -was made a prisoner), and the _Narrative of the captivity & sufferings -of Ebenezer Fletcher, of New Ipswich, who was severely wounded and -taken prisoner at the battle of Hubbardston, Vt., in 1777, by the -British and Indians_ (New Ipswich, N. H., 1813?). - -There are letters of Stephen Peabody and Col. Bellows in _N. H. State -Papers_, viii. 625. There is a British diary by Joshua Pell, Jr., -published in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (ii. 107). - -[825] There is a composite map in Carrington's _Battles_ (p. 322), -and another in Lossing's _Field-Book_ (i. 145), with a view of the -battlefield (p. 146). - -[826] Cf. _Vermont Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 181, 182, where much will be -found from the Council of Safety's records and in letters from Schuyler -and Warner. Cf. also _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 658. - -[827] An earlier letter of Willet, July 28th, warning the people at -German Flats, is in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (1884), p. 285. Cf. also -Wm. M. Willet's _Narrative of the Military actions of Col. Marinus -Willet_ (N. Y., 1831), for Willet's hasty and his more leisurely -accounts, which differ somewhat in minor details. - -[828] This orderly-book was originally printed in the _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._ (March and April, 1881). The appended essays are incisive -expressions of individual views at variance with general beliefs (cf. -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, March, 1883, p. 219), De Peyster defending -Johnson, who was his great-uncle, from the charge of violating his -parole, and Myers agreeing with him. - -[829] It is reprinted in the _Cent. Celebrations of N. Y._ (1879, p. -55), where will be found other addresses and engraved views of the -present aspect of the scene of the conflict (pp. 91, 127). These local -associations are also traced in S. W. D. North's "Story of a Monument" -in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (xii. 97,—Aug., 1884; cf. also vol. i. p. -641), giving views of the monuments, a suspicious portrait of Herkimer -(p. 103), and a view of Herkimer's house (p. 111,—cf. Lossing, i. -260). On the various spellings of Herkimer's name, see _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, Aug., 1884, p. 283. Measures for erecting a monument to him -are recorded in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1845, p. 172. The later -writers are H. R. Schoolcraft in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1845, p. -132); Bancroft (ix. 378); Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 15, 16, 17); -Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 273), and his _Field-Book_ (vol. i.); I. N. -Arnold's _Benedict Arnold_ (ch. 8); J. W. De Peyster in _Hist. Mag._ -(xv. 38) and _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (ii. 22); T. D. English in _Harper's -Monthly_ (xxiii. 327); H. C. Goodwin's _Pioneer History of Cortland -County_; Benton's _Herkimer County_ (ch. 5); Campbell's _Tryon County_ -(ch. 4); Pomroy Jones's _Annals of Oneida County_, with some local -touches; Ketchum's _Buffalo_; S. W. D. North's "Historical Significance -of the Battle" in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (i. 641); the appendix of -_Hadden's Journal_ (no. 17) for La Corne St. Luc; Hull's _Revolutionary -Services_ (ch. 8); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. ch. 21); Carrington's -_Battles_ (ch. 45). The German accounts are given in Eelking's _Die -Deutschen Hülfstruppen_, with more prominence naturally from the -Hessian participants than the English or American narratives afford; -and in Frederick Kapp's _Die Deutschen im Staate New York_ (N. Y., -1884), equally glowing for his countrymen under Herkimer, on the other -side. Cf. Lowell's _Hessians_. The story of Hanyost Schuyler's carrying -a deceitful message from Arnold, which Dr. Belknap in 1796 picked up on -the spot (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 408), and as told in Dwight's -_Travels_ (iii. 183), in Benton's _Herkimer County_ (p. 82), and other -later books, is denied by Dawson (i. 247). - -[830] _Gent. Mag._, Mar., 1778; Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_; -App. to Roberts's _Address_; Dawson, i. 250; _Cent. Celebrations of N. -Y._, p. 131, and the letter of Col. Daniel Claus, dated at Montreal, -Oct. 16, 1777, (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 718; _Cent. Celebrations -of N. Y._, p. 141; Roberts's _Address_, App.) The Tory account is -in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._ (i. 216, with App., p. 700). St. -Leger's retreat is described in a letter, Montreal, Sept. 4, 1777, -in the Stopford Sackville Papers, printed in _Ninth Report of the -Hist. Mss. Commission_ (London, 1883, App. p. 87). The account of the -_Annual Register_, 1777, is copied in the _Cent. Celebrations of the -State of N. Y._ (p. 137), and is the basis of Andrews's _History_. Cf. -Almon's _Parliamentary debates_ (vol. viii.), and Beatson's _Naval and -Military Memoirs_ (vi. 69). The miniature of St. Leger, by R. Cosway, -as engraved in the _European Mag._, 1795, is given in fac-simile in -Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. Cf. _Johnson's Orderly-book_ and -Hubbard's _Red Jacket_. - -[831] It is also given in Hough's edition of _Pouchot_, i. 207, with a -plan of the modern city of Rome, superposed. A plan of Rome in 1802, -showing the position of the fort, is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. -687. - -[832] There are other plans in Campbell's _Tryon County_; and in -Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 249,—the last also giving a view of the -site of the fort (p. 231) and of the battlefield of Oriskany (p. 245). - -[833] Cf. the _Memoir and official Correspondence of Stark_, by Caleb -Stark (Concord, 1860), and H. W. Herrick On "Stark and Bennington", in -_Harper's Monthly_ (vol. lv. 511). - -[834] De Lancey (Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 685) has a note on -the forces engaged. - -[835] In "Mather and other papers", no. 78. There is a contemporary -copy among the _Trumbull MSS._, viii. 176. - -[836] Also in Stone's _Burgoyne's Campaign_, App., iii.; _Hadden's -Journal_ (p. 111); Moore's _Diary of the Rev._ (p. 488); Burgoyne's -_State of the Expedition_; _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 664; Guild's -_Chaplain Smith and the Baptist_ (differing somewhat, p. 203). Cf. -Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 271), and his _State of the Expedition_. - -[837] "Of an affair which happened near Walloon Creek" (_Sparks MSS._, -lviii., Part 2). Much on this expedition is in the English Public -Record Office, "vol. 351, Quebec, xvii." - -[838] Cf. Lowell's _Hessians_, p. 136; Riedesel, who in his -_Memoirs_ (i. 259, 299) somewhat differs from Burgoyne; Schlözer's -_Briefwechsel_; and Stedman's _Amer. War_ (i. ch. 17). - -[839] Other contemporary narratives are in the Appendix of Stone's -_Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. 286); Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (i. ch. 5); -and _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 120). There are letters by Peter Clark in -the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (April, 1860, p. 121). A letter of -the Council of Safety, written during the action, is in _N. H. State -Papers_, viii. 669, where is also Stark's letter, when he sent the -trophies, and the communication of the news to the militia (_Ibid._ p. -623). Stark was thanked by Congress, and made a brigadier (_Ibid._ p. -702). He had felt hurt at the failure of such recognition by Congress -earlier (_Ibid._ p. 662). - -[840] Cf. also the _Vermont Hist. Gazetteer_, (vol. i.); A. M. -Caverley's _Pittsford, Vt._; Frisbie and Ruggles's _Poultney, Vt._; -the _N. H. Adj.-General's Report_, 1866 (ii. 315); C. C. Coffin's -_Boscawen_, N. H. (p. 257); H. H. Saunderson's _Charlestown, N. -H._ (ch. 7); O. E. Randall's _Chesterfield, N. H._; N. Bouton's -_Concord, N. H._ (ch. 11); D. A. Goddard's paper on the part borne by -Massachusetts in the battle, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (xvii. 90, -May, 1879); Holland's _Western Mass._ (ch. 15); Smith's _Pittsfield, -Mass._ (i. 293); Hammond's _N. H. Rev. Rolls_ (ii. 139). - -[841] Cf. Bancroft (ix. ch. 22); Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 16); -Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (iii. 581); Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. -14), his _Field-Book_ (vol. i.), and his article in _Harper's Monthly_ -(vol. v.); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. 255), and his account in the _Hist. -Mag._ (xiii. 289, May, 1870); Carrington's _Battles_ (i. 334); Isaac -Jenning's _Memorials of a Century_ (Boston, 1869, ch. 12; see _N. E. -Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1870, p. 94). - -[842] Hiland Hall's paper on Warner's share in the battle of Bennington -is reprinted from the _Vermont Quarterly Mag._ (1861, p. 156), in the -_Vermont Hist. Coll._ (i. p. 209). Cf. _Hist. Mag._ (vol. iv., Sept., -1860, p. 268), and Chipman's _Life of Warner_. - -[843] Albert Tyler's _Bennington: the Battles, 1777. Centennial -celebration, 1877_ (Worcester, 1878). - -_Centennial anniversary of the independence of the state of -Vermont and the battle of Bennington, Aug. 15 and 16, 1877. -Westminster—Hubbardton—Windsor_ (Rutland, 1879). This volume contains -an oration by S. C. Bartlett and an historical paper by Hiland Hall, -with engraved portraits of some of the chief participants. - -F. W. Coburn's _Centennial Hist. of the Battle of Bennington_ (Boston, -1877). - -A Bennington Historical Society was formed in 1876. - -[844] The original of this, a carefully drawn MS. map of "the position -of Col. Baum, 16th Aug., 1776, with the attack of the enemy at -Walmscook near Bennington, by Lieut. Durnford, engineer", is among -the Faden maps (no. 65). This Faden map is reproduced in Jenning's -_Memorials of a Century_ (Boston, 1869), and sketches of it will -be found, with views of the field, in Lossing's _Field-Book of the -Revolution_ (i. 395, 396); Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (iii. 583); -_Harper's Monthly_ (xxi. 325). Carrington says the map of Baum's march -in _Harper's Mag._, October, 1877, is incorrect. Stone, _Campaign of -Burgoyne_ (p. 35), gives a view of the house in which Baum died. - -[845] Cf. Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 299); Wells's _Sam. Adams_ (ii. ch. -45); Sparks's _Washington_ (iii. 535; v. p. 14), his _Correspondence of -the Rev._ (i. 427), and his _Gouverneur Morris_ (i. 138). - -[846] Cf. _Amer. Hist. Record_, April, 1873; Hamilton's _Repub. of -the United States_ (i. 306). There is a view of the army headquarters -at Troy (1777) in Weise's _Troy_, 1876, p. 17; and of the Dirck Swart -house, still standing (used by Schuyler as headquarters), in the _Mag. -of Amer. History_ (vii. 226, etc.). The house subsequently used by -Gates has disappeared. - -[847] Cf. also Kidder's _First N. H. Regiment_ (p. 35). Other -narratives are in Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 19) and his -_Field-Book_ (i. 51); in Graham's _Morgan_ (ch.7-9); in Arnold's -_Arnold_ (ch. 9); Headley's _Washington and his Generals_; Dawson's -_Battles_ (i. ch. 25); Carrington's _Battles of the Rev._ (ch. 46); -Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. 151); and the memoirs of Riedesel; and on the -English side Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_, and Fonblanque's -_Burgoyne_. The Smith or Taylor house, in which Fraser died, is -depicted in Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. 72), and as to a story -about the removal of his remains, see _Ibid._, App. 6. Robert Lowell -read a poem, "Burgoyne's last march", at the centennial of this action. - -[848] The accounts of the day, as Marshall says, give him the command, -and in his _Life of Washington_, first edition, that writer so states -it. Wilkinson, who was with Gates two miles from the fight, said in his -_Memoirs_ that there was no general officer on the field; and this led -Marshall in his second edition to leave the question open. A letter -of R. R. Livingston, Jan. 14, 1778, to Washington (_Correspondence of -the Revolution_, ii. 551) is capable of counter conclusions on this -point; and Mr. Bancroft (orig. ed., ix. 410) who holds that Arnold was -not engaged during the day, judges that a letter of Colonel Richard -Varick to General Schuyler, written on the day of battle, supports that -view. Bancroft's opinion is maintained by J. A. Stevens in his paper -"Benedict Arnold and his apologists", in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ -(March, 1880). That the victory was won largely by Arnold's personal -exertions is the opinion of nearly every other writer, and they find -in the letters of Livingston and Varick as much to sustain their -view as Bancroft does to support his. Wilkinson writes to St. Clair: -"Gen. Arnold was not out of camp during the whole action" (_St. Clair -Papers_, i. 89, 443). The evidences in rebuttal of Wilkinson, who is -the only positive witness on the negative side, are numerous, and have -been best arrayed by Isaac N. Arnold in his _Life of Arnold_ (p. 175), -and in the paper "Benedict Arnold at Saratoga" (_United Service Mag._, -Sept., 1880; also printed separately), in which he added much new -testimony, gathered after he had published his _Life of Arnold_. This -consists of the statements in _The Revolutionary Services of General -Wm. Hull_ (N. Y., 1848); in a MS. account by Ebenezer Wakefield, who -was in Dearborn's light infantry, and written after Wilkinson, whom -he controverts, had published his _Memoirs_; in the narratives of the -Germans Von Eelking and Riedesel. Moore (_Diary of the Revolution_, p. -498) cites a letter of Enoch Poor, which seems to allow Arnold's share -in the battle. Later still the diary of a chaplain of the army has been -published, _Chaplain Smith and the Baptists_, and this says distinctly -(p. 209) that Arnold commanded. Mr. R. A. Guild, the editor of that -book, collates the evidence on this point. Washington Irving, Lossing, -Sydney H. Gay, William L. Stone,—not to name others,—have contended -for Arnold's participancy in the day's doings. Lecky (iv. 67) expresses -himself satisfied with the proofs adduced by I. N. Arnold. Cf. Rogers -in _Hadden's Journal_, p. 27. - -[849] Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May, 1879, p. 310), and B. W. -Throckmorton's address on Arnold in W. I. Stone's _Memoir of the -Centennial Celebration of Burgoyne's Surrender_ (Albany, 1878). Col. -Brooks, as reported by Gen. W. H. Sumner in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ -(Feb., 1858, ii. 273), gave some reminiscences of Arnold's conduct. The -surgeon attending Arnold said "his peevishness would degrade the most -capricious of the fair sex" (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1864, p. -34). - -[850] Stone (_Campaign of Burgoyne_, App. 5) also gives Woodruff's -and Neilson's reminiscences. See also Stone's _Life of Brant_ (i. -475). Cf. Wilkinson's _Memoirs_; Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 365), and -his _Field-Book_; Hull's _Revolutionary Services_ (ch. 10); Bowen's -_Lincoln_; Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 22); Creasy's _Decisive -Battles of the World_; Dawson (p. 291); Carrington (ch. 47); A. B. -Street in _Hist. Mag._ (March, 1858). Silliman's account of his visit -to the battlefield is in the App. of Stone's _Burgoyne's Campaign_. -Stone in the notes to his translation of Pausch (pp. 175-6) enumerates -what remains there are at the present day on the battle-ground of Oct. -7 to enable one to identify the points of the conflict. Gen. Hoyt's -description of the battlefield in 1825 is given in Hinton's _United -States_, Amer. ed., i. p. 264. - -[851] Cf. Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, p. 300; Rogers's _Hadden's Journal_, -p. liii.; _Hist. Mag._ (ii. 121); _Once a Week_ (xviii. 520); _Potter's -Amer. Monthly_ (vii. 191); Ellet's _Women of the Amer. Rev._, vol. -i. There are portraits of Lady Acland in _Burgoyne's Orderly-Book_, -in Bloodgood's _Sexagenary_, and Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. -Reminiscences of her later life are given in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Aug., 1886, p. 193. The house to which the wounded Major Acland was -borne is still standing, though much changed (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -vii. 226). It was the Neilson house, used as headquarters by Morgan and -Poor. - -[852] A naval brigade under young Pellew, afterwards Viscount Exmouth, -was not allowed by Burgoyne to cut its way through the American lines, -in place of surrendering (Osler's _Life of Exmouth_, London, 1835, p. -39). - -A view of the field of surrender is in the _Cent. Celebrations of N. -Y._ (p. 301). An old print of Burgoyne's camp is copied in Lossing's -_Field-Book_ (i. 57). Cf. Anburey's _Travels_. - -[853] It is also in the _Brief Examination_; Dawson (i. 305, with -accompanying private letter); _Gent. Mag._ (Dec., 1777); Fonblanque's -_Burgoyne_ (p. 313). Riedesel in his _Memoirs_ comments on Burgoyne's -despatch. - -In general, for American authorities on the surrender, see Wilkinson -(ch. 8); Bancroft (ix. ch. 24); Irving's _Washington_ (iii. 22); -Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 21); Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_; -Bloodgood's _Sexagenary_, which shows the effect of Burgoyne's march -on the country people; Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. 162); _Harper's Mag._ -(Aug., 1876); Mrs. E. H. Walworth in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May, -1877,—i. 273-302). Loubat, _Medallic Hist. of the U. S._, describes -the medal given to Gates. - -On the British side there are Jones's _New York during the Rev._ (i. -201, etc.); Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (ch. 7); Mahon's _England_ (vi. -207); G. R. Gleig in _Good Words_ (xii. 849); _Blackwood's Mag._ -(lxiii. 332, cxiii. 427; or _Living Age_, xvii. 226, cxvii. 543). - -[854] There is an account of prisoners and stores in _N. H. State -Papers_, viii. 708. - -[855] See accounts of the papers of Schuyler, Gates, Lincoln, etc., -elsewhere. No. liv. of the _Sparks MSS._ is given to papers on -this campaign. Cf. letters of Roger Sherman to William Williams in -_Ibid._, lviii. no. 12; of General Armstrong in _Ibid._, xlix., i. 7. -The correspondence of Schuyler and Gouverneur Morris is in Sparks's -_Morris_, i. 141. - -[856] Also _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1879. Cf. Geo. W. Schuyler's _Colonial -New York_, ii. 267; _Amer. Hist. Record_, ii. 145. The jealousy, -or rather dislike, of Schuyler on the part of New England men was -the natural result of the contact of commander and subordinates so -strongly opposed as an aristocratic Knickerbocker and the self-willed -democrats of the Eastern States. Cf., on this antagonism, _John -Adams's Works_, iii. 87; Graydon's _Memoirs_, passim; Gordon, ii. -331; Irving's _Washington_, iii. 128, etc. A survival of the feelings -had doubtless colored some of the later estimates of Schuyler's -character, and the opposing views can be seen in Lossing's _Schuyler_ -(ii. 325, etc.) and in Bancroft's _United States_. Cf. also Geo. L. -Schuyler's _Correspondence and Remarks upon Bancroft's History of the -Northern Campaign of 1777 and the character of General Schuyler_. -The dissatisfaction with Schuyler was not, however, confined to New -England. Reference seems to be made to him as an "infamous villain" -in the letters of Samuel Kennedy, a surgeon of Pennsylvania troops -(_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, viii. 114, where he is presumably spoken of as -"G. S ... r"). - -[857] Lincoln's orders, Aug. 4th, are in the _Sparks MSS._, lxvi. - -[858] The following orderly-books and journals of the campaign have -been noted:— - -_Orderly book of lieut. gen. John Burgoyne, from his entry into the -state of New York until his surrender at Saratoga, 16th Oct. 1777. -From the original manuscript deposited at Washington's head quarters, -Newburgh, N. Y. Edited by E. B. O'Callaghan_ (Albany, 1860), being no. -7 of _Munsell's Historical Series_. (Cf. J. T. Headley in _The Galaxy_, -xxii. 604.) Gen. Horatio Rogers is satisfied that this Newburgh MS. is -not an original record; and he has printed in his _Hadden's Journal_ -such records as are either defectively printed by O'Callaghan or not -printed at all. Burgoyne's orders to the inhabitants of Castleton are -in the _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 625, 658. There was published at -Albany in 1882, as no. 12 of _Munsell's Historical Series_, a book -entitled _Hadden's journal and orderly books. A journal kept in Canada -and upon Burgoyne's campaign in 1776 and 1777, by Lieutenant James -Murray Madden. Also orders kept by him and issued by Sir Guy Carleton, -Lieut. General Burgoyne and Major General William Phillips, in 1776, -1777, and 1778. With an explanatory chapter and notes by Horatio -Rogers_. Respecting this publication, Mr. William L. Stone says:— - -"The journal of Lieutenant Hadden is, perhaps, one of the most -important manuscript documents bearing upon Burgoyne's campaign -that has yet been discovered. This journal formerly belonged to -William Cobbett of London. The elaborate maps with which the writer -has interspersed his journal fully indicate the importance of the -strategical positions taken by Schuyler previous to Gates assuming -the command. Besides the journal there are several orderly-books, in -which the proceedings of the British army from day to day are minutely -set forth. In the manuscript book at Washington's headquarters at -Newburgh, the order of the day for 19th of August, 1777, is missing. -This missing link, however, is supplied by Hadden, who gives it in -full, and it proves to have been an order issued by Major-General -Phillips, in the absence, that day, of General Burgoyne, as follows: -'Major-General Phillips,' reads the missing order for the 19th, 'has -heard with the utmost astonishment, that, notwithstanding his most -serious and positive orders of the 16th instant, that no carts should -be used for any purpose whatever but the transport of provisions, -unless by particular orders from the commander-in-chief as expressed in -the order, there are this day above thirty carts on the road laden with -baggage _said to be their Lieutenant-General's_.'" - -The Hadden journals and orderly-books were bought in 1875 by General -Rogers, having passed through Henry Stevens's hands, and are carefully -printed, with fac-similes of the MS. maps accompanying them. - -Supplementing these, the following orderly-books may be mentioned:— - -_Henry B. Livingston's.—Troops under Gen. Schuyler, St. Clair, &c. -Ticonderoga, Stillwater, &c., June 13 to August 19, 1777._ - -_Gen. Philip Schuyler's.—Fort Edward, Albany, June 29 to August 18, -1777._ - -_Camp at Stillwater, Saratoga and Albany, &c. August 12 to November 4, -1774._ - -_Col. Thaddeus Cook's, of Wallingford, Conn., Stillwater, September 6 -to October 6, 1777. Weekly Returns of the Regiment, September 13, 27, -and October 21, 1777._ - -_Capt. William Gates's Company, of Col. Timo. Bigelow's Regiment, -Weekly Returns, various dates from October, 1777, to September, 1778._ -Also in same covers, _Orderly Book of Lieut. David Grout's Company, of -Timothy Bigelow's Regiment, February 15, 1779, to June 15, 1779, and -Weekly Returns of Capt. Peirce's Co., same Regiment, in 1780_. - -These are all in the library of the Amer. Antiq. Soc. at Worcester, -Mass. An orderly-book of James Kimball, of Croft's regiment, June, -1777, to Dec., 1778, has been published by the Essex Institute (Salem, -Mass.). - -The following diaries may be named:— - -The journal of Henry Dearborn, Aug. 3-Dec. 3, which was in the J. W. -Thornton sale, 1878, no. 501. It is now in the Boston Public Library, -and is included in Dearborn's journals as printed in the _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, 1886, edited by Mellen Chamberlain, and separately as -_Journals of Henry Dearborn_, 1776-1783 (Cambridge, 1887). - -Chaplain Smith's diary, July and Aug., 1777, in R. A. Guild's _Chaplain -Smith and the Baptists_, p. 197; Ralph Cross's journal, beginning Aug. -29, 1777, at Newburyport, and ending there on his return, Dec. 5th, -in the _Hist. Mag._ (vol. xvii. pp. 8-11); diary of Ephraim Squier, -Sept. 4 to Nov. 2, 1777, preserved in the Pension Office, Washington. -Extracts from the diary of Capt. Benj. Warren are preserved in the -_Sparks MSS._ (no. xlvii.). A copy of the journal of Samuel Harris, -Jr., of Boston, during the campaign of 1777, after he joined the army -at Stillwater, Sept. 20th, and describing the fight of Bemis's Heights, -Oct. 7th, and the surrender of Oct. 17th, is in the _Sparks MSS._ -(xxv.). Cf. McAlpine's _Memoirs_, published in 1788. - -The British journals of Burgoyne's campaign by actors in it, which -have been printed, are Roger Lamb's _Original and authentic journal -of occurrences during the late American war_ (Dublin, 1809), and his -_Memoir of his own Life_ (Dublin, 1811),—he was sergeant of the Royal -Welsh Fusileers,—and Thomas Anburey's _Travels through the interior -parts of America_ (London, 1789 and 1791; French versions, Paris, 1790 -and 1793; German, Berlin, 1792). Anburey was attached as a volunteer -to the grenadier company of the 29th foot. (Cf. Rogers's _Hadden -Journals_, explanatory chapter.) There is an English diary in the _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._ (Feb., 1878). - -For other personal records of the campaign, reference may be made to -the brief summary of Maj. Hughes, one of Gates's aides (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, Feb., 1858, iii. 279); the autobiography of Col. Philip -van Cortlandt, of the second New York regiment (_N. Y. Geneal. and -Biog. Rec._, July, 1874, vol. v. 123, and _Hist. Mag._, 1878). - -Similar records on the British side are Maj. Edward M'Gauran's -_Memoirs_, privately printed in London in 1786, in two volumes, and -_The narrative of Captain Samuel Mackay, commandant of a provincial -regiment in North America; by the appointment of Lieut.-Gen. Burgoyne_ -(Kingston, 1778). The author gives an account of his services as a -royalist in command of a company of provincials attached to General -Burgoyne's army, and complains of the refusal of the British generals -to recognize him as an officer. - -The British Museum has recently acquired a contemporary military -critique of the campaign, by one of the actors in it, Lieut. Digby, of -the British army. - -The diary of the Hanau artillerist, Pausch, is preserved at Cassel, -and a copy is in the hands of Mr. Edw. J. Lowell, from which a second -copy was made, and from this no. 14 of _Munsell's Hist. Series_ was -printed as _Journal of Capt. Pausch, chief of the Hanau artillery -during the Burgoyne campaign. Translated and annotated by W. L. -Stone. Introduction by E. J. Lowell_ (Albany, 1886). Pausch covers -the interval from the day he left Hanau, May 15, 1776, to the close -of Burgoyne's last battle, Oct. 7, 1777. There is in the notes (p. -149) a letter of one John Clunes, which shows some of the perils of -the attempt to keep Burgoyne's rear open at Ticonderoga. A journal of -Johann Konrad Döhla, a private of the regiment of Anspach, 1777-1783, -is in the _Deutsch-Amerikanisches Mag._, 1886-1887. - -[859] Less important accounts are in Hildreth and Gay; in Thaddeus -Allen's _Origination of the Amer. Union_, etc. - -[860] Mr. Stone adds a note (p. 149) on the periodical contributions of -Gen. J. Watts De Peyster to the history and criticism of the campaign, -aimed in large part to vindicate Schuyler and portray the patriotism -of New York State. Cf. his paper in the _United Service_, ix. 365. A -paper on the campaign in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Dec., 1881, p. -457, refers to an article on the same topic in _Graham's Magazine_ -(Apr., 1847), by N. C. Brooks, mentioning original documents. A. B. -Street printed a paper on Saratoga in the _Hist. Mag._, March, 1858. -Cf. Lemoine's _Maple Leaves_, second series (Quebec, p. 123). - -[861] Stone says it is "characterized by great fairness and liberality." - -[862] Other German authorities are given in Lowell's _Hessians_, App. A. - -[863] In Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_ is a "Plan of the -encampment and position of the army under Gen. Burgoyne at Sword's -House, on Hudson River, near Stillwater, on Sept. 17th, with the -positions of that part of the army engaged on the 19th Sept., 1777. -Drawn by W. C. Wilkinson, Lt. 62d Reg. Engraved by Wm. Faden", and -published in London, Feb. 1, 1780. It has a portion superposed, showing -later positions. There is a composite map in Carrington's _Battles_ (p. -344); and in _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 164) fac-simile of drawn plans of -the order of march and order of battle on Sept. 19. There is a map of -the battle of the 19th in _Pausch's Journal_, p. 163. Loosing (i. 53) -gives a view of the Stillwater ground. - -Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_ also contains a "Plan of the -encampment and position of the army under Gen. Burgoyne at Bræmus -Heights, on the 20th Sept., with the position of the detachments in -the action of the 7th Oct., and the position of the army on the 8th -Oct. Drawn by W. C. Wilkinson. Engraved by Wm. Faden", and published -Feb. 1, 1780. This is reproduced in Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 292). -Carrington (p. 350) gives an excellent eclectic map. - -A plan of the battles of Freeman's Farm and Bemis's Heights, made by -Col. Rufus Putnam, is preserved at Marietta, Ohio, and a copy is in -Col. Stone's collection at Jersey City. There is also a plan given in -Charles Wilson's _Account of Burgoyne's Campaign_ (Albany, 1844), which -is revised in Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. Stedman's plan (_American -War_, i. 352) traces the movements from Sept. 10th to the capitulation. -Cf. Grant's _British Battles_, ii. 150. - -The positions from Oct. 10th, when the investment of Burgoyne's camp -began, to the 16th, when the surrender took place, are shown on the -American side in a map sketched by Chapman from an original of an -officer, which appeared in the _Analectic Mag._ (Philad., 1818, p. -433), and is reproduced herewith. - -In Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_ is Faden's "Plan of the -position which the army under Lt.-Gen. Burgoyne took at Saratoga on -the 10th of Oct., 1777, and in which it remained till the convention -was signed." It is reproduced in Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 302). -Carrington (p. 354) gives a careful plan, and there are others in -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (vol. i. 273) and Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. 163), -taken from Lossing's _Field-Book_ (i. 77). Lossing also gives a view -(p. 80) of the field of surrender, the signatures to the convention -(p. 79), the medal given to Gates (p. 83), the house used by Gates as -headquarters (p. 75), and the house occupied by the Baroness Riedesel -(pp. i. 89, 557; cf. also Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_, p. 94). - -Upon the landmarks and topography of this series of movements, see -papers in the _Boston Monthly_ (i. 505) for a visit to Bemis's Heights; -a paper by W. L. Stone in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Nov., 1885, p. 510) -on the remains of the works as now seen; and an examination of the -localities in G. W. Schuyler's _Colonial New York_ (ii. 128). Cf. -Lossing's _Field-Book_ and his _Book of the Hudson_. - -[864] Cf. also _Trumbull MSS._ (vol. vi. and vii.); the _Sparks MSS._ -(lii. vol. iii, p. 223); the lives of Putnam; and Upham's _Life of -Glover_. - -[865] A letter of Gen. Parsons to Gov. Trumbull, on the capture of Fort -Montgomery, is in Hildreth's _Pioneer Settlers of Ohio_ (p. 534). The -personal narrative of Thomas Richards is in _United Service_ (xii. 274). - -[866] Cf. also Clinton's letter in _Rockingham and his Contemporaries_ -(ii. 334), and his annotations on the account in Stedman (ch. 18) -in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._ (i. 704). A journal of a British -officer is printed in Scull's _Evelyns in America_ (p. 345). - -The journal of Capt. Scott, who was sent by Burgoyne to open -communication with Clinton, is in Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 287). - -The later accounts are in Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 21); -Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 20), and his _Field-Book_ (ii. 165); -Leake's _John Lamb_ (p. 179), where is controverted the opinion -expressed in Hamilton's _Life of Alex. Hamilton_ (i. 321), that the -defence of the forts was feeble; Carrington's _Battles_; and Sargent's -_André_ (p. 102). - -[867] There was also a map of the river in the _Gent. Mag._, 1778. - -[868] Letters of Greene and others, May 17, 1777, respecting the -obstructions in the North River at Fort Montgomery, are in the _Sparks -MSS._ (lii. vol. iii.). - -[869] _Boston Monthly Mag._, July, 1826; Loring's _Hundred Boston -Orators_, 174; Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 283. The brief letter sent by -Gates to the Mass. Council is in the Mass. Archives, and is printed in -Hale's _Franklin in France_, p. 160. The letter of the Mass. government -to Franklin (Oct. 24th) covered a copy of Gates's letter (Hale, p. 155). - -[870] The effect in England is seen in the _Debates in Parliament_; -Curwen's _Journal_ (p. 175); P. O. Hutchinson's _Diary of Thomas -Hutchinson_ (vol. ii.); Donne's _Corresp. of Geo. III. and Lord North_ -(ii. 93, 111); excerpts in Moore's _Diary_, i. 525, Macknight's _Burke_ -(ii. 202); Russell's _Mem. and Corresp. of Fox_ (i. 161); Fitzmaurice's -_Shelburne_ (iii. 12); Bancroft's _United States_ (ix. 478); Mahon's -_England_ (vi. 206, and App. p. xxxix.); Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (ch. -8); Madison's _Writings_ (i. 31). Walpole (_Last Journals_, ii. 170) -tells us how the king received the news of Burgoyne's disaster. - -[871] Fonblanque, p. 333, and _Almon's Remembrancer_, vi. 207; but they -do not agree upon the name of the vessel by which he sailed. - -[872] Walpole (_Last Journals_, ii. 278) describes Burgoyne's -appearance in the Commons. - -[873] Cf. Bancroft's character of Burgoyne, in his orig. ed., vii. -245. Fonblanque (p. 5) charges Bancroft with coarseness in speaking -of alleged but unfounded statements of Burgoyne's shame of birth. -A certain swagger about the man laid Burgoyne open to the stinging -burlesques of the small writers of the day. Cf. _The Lamentations of -Gen. Burgoyne_ (Sabin, iii. 9,262); _Calendrier de Philadelphie_, 1779 -(_Ibid._ xiv. 61, 511), Moore's _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._ (176, -185, 189); Stone, _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (App. xvi.). - -[874] There were six editions printed in London, and one in Dublin, in -1778 (Sabin, iii. no. 9,257; Menzies, no. 264). These speeches were in -response to a motion of inquiry made by John Wilkes, whose copy of this -pamphlet belongs now to Mr. Charles Deane; and, by Wilkes's annotations -upon it, it seems that Wilkes recalled a good deal that Burgoyne said -and did not print, and qualified other parts which he did print. - -[875] Sabin, iii. no. 9,257. There were six editions the same year. -Menzies, no. 266. - -[876] Sabin, iii. no. 9,266,—three editions; Menzies, no. 268. - -[877] Sabin, iii. no. 9,263; Menzies, no. 267. - -[878] Sabin, iii. no. 9,258; Menzies, no. 265. - -[879] Sabin, iii. no. 9,260; _Sparks's Catal._, no. 405. Menzies, no. -272. - -[880] Sabin, iii. no. 9,261; Menzies, no. 273. - -[881] It appeared in two editions, and the book is now usually priced -at about £3 (Sabin, iii. no. 9,255; Sparks, no. 404; Stevens, _Bibl. -Amer._ (1885), no. 58; Menzies, no. 269.) - -Burgoyne's documents, as laid before Parliament, had been printed in -the _Parliamentary Register_. The _Gentleman's Mag._ had chronicled the -progress of the investigation. Cf. _Annual Register_ (xxi. 168) and -Russell's _Memoirs and Correspondence of Fox_ (i. 176). - -The principal English MS. sources for the study of the whole campaign -are these: The minutes of inquiry into the causes of Burgoyne's failure -in the volume "Secretary of State, 1777-1781", in the War Office, -London; Quebec series, in the Public Record Office, vols. xiv., xvi. -(Cf. Brymner's _Reports on Canadian Archives_, 1883, p. 77; 1885, p. -xi.) - -[882] The volume contains Burgoyne's speech, prefatory to his -narrative; his narrative; the evidence of Carleton, Balcarras, -Harrington, Major Forbes, Lieut.-Colonel Kingston, and others; a -review of the evidence and conclusion. In the Appendix are Burgoyne's -"Thoughts for conducting the war from the side of Canada;" various -letters of Burgoyne, Carleton, etc.; Burgoyne's speech to the Indians; -Baum's instructions; St. Leger's letter from Oswego, Aug. 27, 1777; -Burgoyne's letter from Albany, Oct. 20th; his councils of war, Oct. -12th and 13th; the terms proposed by Gates. There are added various -plans of battle, elsewhere mentioned. - -[883] Sabin, iii. no. 9,256; Menzies, no. 270. Privately reprinted in -New York (75 copies) in 1865. It is said to have been printed without -the sanction of Burgoyne. - -[884] Sabin, iii. no. 9,265. - -[885] Menzies, no. 271; Sabin, iii. no. 9,264. Sabin also notes, no. -9,267, _Reponse à un des articles des Annales politiques de M. Linguet -concernant la défaite du Général Burgoyne en Amérique_ (Londres, 1788). -Cf. on Burgoyne's subsequent exchange, Rogers's _Hadden's Journal_. - -[886] Other addresses are N. B. Sylvester's _Saratoga and -Hay-ad-ros-se-ra_ (July 4, 1876); George G. Scott's Saratoga County -address; J. S. L'Amoreaux at Ballston Spa (July, 1876); Edward F. -Bullard's, at Schuylerviile (July 4, 1776); H. C. Maine's _Burgoyne's -Campaign_. The remarks of Messrs. Edward Wemple and S. S. Cox in -Congress, Dec. 4, 1884, on the Saratoga monument, have been printed. - -[887] The evidence on this point is overwhelming. "Those", wrote -Washington, in a letter intended only for the eye of his step-son, -"who want faith to believe the accounts of the shocking wastes of -Howe's army—of their ravaging, plundering, and the abuse of women—may -be convinced to their sorrow ... if a check cannot be put to their -progress." - -[888] Cf. letter of the Secret Committee of Congress to Silas Deane -in Paris, Aug. 7, 1776 (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1877, p. -99). Pertaining to this movement is a journal of a campaign from -Philadelphia to Paulus Hook, by Algernon Roberts (_Sparks MSS._), which -is printed in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vii. 456. It covers Aug. -16-Sept. 17, 1776. Cf. orderly-book in _Hist. Mag._, ii. 353; and a -journal in the _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 223. - -[889] His letters (Sparks, iv., and 5 Force, iii.) give details of -this retreat. Cf. also G. W. P. Custis's _Recollections_, p. 538. Howe -has been much blamed for his want of enterprise in allowing Washington -to escape (Galloway's _Examination_; Gordon's _Amer. Rev._, ii. 355; -Wilkinson's _Memoirs_, i. 120). - -[890] Lee was wrought upon by Joseph Reed writing to him, Nov. 21st, of -Washington's "indecisive mind" (C. Lee's _Memoirs_; Moore's _Treason of -Lee_, p. 46), and the next day Lee wrote in the same spirit to Bowdoin -(_Ibid._, p. 49), and on the 24th he wrote to Reed of Washington's -"fatal indecision." Moore examines this hesitancy of Lee (pp. 48, 57). -For suspicions as to Lee's conduct at this time, see Moore's _Treason -of Lee_; Heath's _Memoirs_, 88; Reed's _Jos. Reed_, i. 253; Drake's -_Knox_; J. C. Hamilton's _Republic_, i. ch. 6; Lee Papers (_N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._), ii. 337, etc. - -[891] Cf. Force's _Archives_, 5th ser., vol. iii.; Jones's _N. Y. -during the Rev._, i. 173; Wilkinson's _Memoirs_, i. 105; Sparks's -_Washington_, iv. App. p. 530; Robert Morris's letter, Dec. 17th, -in _Pa. Hist. Soc. Bull._, vol. i.; Moore's _Treason of Lee_, 61; -Bancroft, ix. 210; Irving's _Washington_, ii. 433; Scull's _Evelyns in -America_, 211; _Memoir of Mrs. E. S. M. Quincy_ (1861); Fonblanque's -_Burgoyne_, p. 50. - -A contemporary picture of the capture of Lee, in Barnard's _Hist. of -England_, represents him in uniform at the door of his house, handing -his sword to a mounted officer, whose horse prances among dead bodies, -while a platoon of dragoons stands at a little distance. - -[Illustration] - -Lee's exchange was rendered possible when Washington acquired a -prisoner of equal rank by the exploit of Colonel Barton. This -Rhode Island officer summoned a party, and in whale-boats crossed -Narragansett Bay, and (July 10, 1777) surprised Gen. Richard Prescott -in bed at his headquarters, a few miles north of Newport where he -held command of the British who, under Clinton and Percy, had taken -possession of that port in Dec., 1776 (Almon'S _Remembrancer_, iii. -261; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 639). The parole of Gen. -Prescott, July 14, 1777, given at Providence, as well as a letter -from Lambert Cadwalader, "being greatly indebted to his politeness -and generosity while a prisoner in New York", are in the _Trumbull -MSS._ (vol. vi.). The parole is printed in Arnold's _Rhode Island_, -ii. 403. General Smith's letter, July 12th, to Howe is in the _Sparks -MSS._, lviii. Contemporary accounts are in Moore's _Diary_, i. 468. Cf. -Force's _Archives_, 4th ser., vol. iv., and Thacher's _Mil. Journal_. -Barton was assisted by a negro. _Livermore's Historical Research_, -143. There was an address by Professor Diman on the centennial of the -capture, which was printed as no. 1 of the _R. I. Hist. Tracts_. Cf. -_Narrative of the surprise and Capture of Maj.-Gen. Richard Prescott, -July 9, 1777_ (Windsor, Vt., 1821), and a tract of similar title, -Philadelphia, 1817; Mrs. C. R. Williams's _Biog. of Revolutionary -Heroes_ (William Barton and Stephen Olney), Providence, 1839; Andrew -Sherburne's _Memoirs_, App.; Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 495; Arnold's -_Rhode Island_; Scull's _Evelyns in America_, 280. Diman gives a -photograph of a portrait of Barton, and a fac-simile of his orders. -Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 75. Scull (p. 140) gives a likeness -of Prescott. Views of the house where the capture took place are in -Mason's _Newport_, p. 8; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 76, and his -_Cyclo. U. S. Hist._, p. 1133. - -[892] _Penna. Archives_, vi. (1853); _Colonial Records of Pa._, xi. -(1852); Hazard's _Register_, iii. 40; Rev. Dr. Muhlenberg's journal in -_Pa. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i.; Robert Morris's letters in _Pa. Hist. Soc. -Bull._, i. 50, etc.; broadsides enumerated in Hildeburn's _Issues of -Pa. Press_, ii.; the diary of Christopher Marshall (Philad., 1839, to -Dec. 31, 1776; again to Dec. 31, 1777; in full, Albany, 1877). - -[893] See _ante_, p. 272. - -[894] Wallace's _Col. W. Bradford_, p. 140. Mr. Stone indicates the -following authorities on these points: Charles Thomson's letter to -Drayton (_Pa. Mag. of Hist._, ii. 411; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1878, -p. 274); Reed's _Reed_ (ii. ch. i.); Anna H. Wharton on Thomas Wharton, -Jr., in _Pa. Mag. Hist._ (v. 431, 437,—also in _The Wharton Family_); -_St. Clair Papers_ (i. 370, 373); _Proceedings relative to calling the -Conventions of 1776 and 1780_ (Harrisburg, 1825); _Journals of the Ho. -of Rep. of Penna._ (vol. i.—Philad., 1782); _Pa. Col. Rec._, xi.; and -other titles in Hildeburn. - -[895] For further aspects of a political nature, see Wells's _Sam. -Adams_, ii.; Ellery's letter to the governor of Rhode Island (_R. I. -Col. Rec._, viii.), and the _Corresp. of the Executive of New Jersey, -1776-1786_ (Newark, 1846); Read's _George Read_, 212, 216, and (Cæsar -Rodney's letter) 256. The leading biographies give some original -aspects: Greene's _Greene_, i. 299 (in which Bancroft's statements -are controverted); Reed's _Reed_, ch. 14; Drake's _Knox_, 36; Stone's -_John Howland_, who was with the troops from Lee, which reinforced -Washington; Williams's _Olney_. There is a contemporary "Relation of -the Engagement at Trenton and Princetown on Thursday and Friday the 2d -and 3d of January, 1777, by Mr. Wood, 3d Battalion", in the _Penna. -Mag. of Hist._, x. 263. - -A journal of Sergeant William Young is in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, -Oct., 1884, vol. viii. 255. A little chapbook, _Narrative of events -in the Revolutionary war; with an account of the battles of Trenton, -Trenton-bridge and Princeton_ (Charlestown [1833]), by Joseph White, an -orderly-sergeant of artillery, gives some personal experiences. - -[896] C. C. Haven's tracts: _Washington and his army in New Jersey_ -(Trenton, 1856), _Thirty days in New Jersey ninety years ago_ -(1867), _Annals of the City of Trenton_ (1867), and _Historic Manual -concerning Trenton and Princeton_. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. -335.) Joseph F. Tuttle's papers: _Annals of Morris County_ (187-), -_Revolutionary forefathers of Morris County_ (Dover, 1876), "Washington -in Morris County", in _Hist. Mag._, June, 1871. E. D. Halsey's _Hist. -of Morris County_ (N. Y., 1882). W. A. Whitehead's _Perth Amboy_ (p. -329), and _Penna. Hist. Coll._, i. 223. Hatfield's _Hist. of Elizabeth_ -(ch. 20). A paper, "Washington on the west bank of the Delaware", by -Gen. W. W. H. Davis, giving local details, in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._ -(iv. 133). _Historical Mag._, xix. 205. _Harper's Mag._, July, 1874. -_Potter's Amer. Monthly_, Jan., 1877. Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_ -(ch. 8). - -[897] Gordon (vol. ii.); Bancroft (orig. ed. ix. ch. 12; final -revision, v. ch. 6, 7, 8); Irving's _Washington_ (vol. ii.); Gay, _Pop. -Hist. U. S._ (iii. 520). - -[898] Bancroft, ix. 218; Reed's _Reed_, i. 270. - -[899] Other contemporary American accounts are by Major Morris (_Sparks -MSS._, no. liii.; Chalmers's MSS. in Thorpe's _Catal. Suppl._, 1843, -no. 632); by R. H. Lee (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1878, xix. 109); by -Sullivan (_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 492); in Stirling's letter (Dec. -28, 1776) (Sedgwick's _Livingston_, 211). The order of march to Trenton -is in Drake's _Knox_, 113. Capt. Wm. Hull's letter, Jan. 1, 1777, is -in Bonney's _Legacy of Hist. Gleanings_, 1875, i. p. 57. (Cf. Hull's -_Rev. Services_, ch. 5.) See also Greene's _Greene_ (book ii. ch. 13); -Reed's _Reed_ (i. 273); Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (ch. 3); Smith's _St. -Clair_; Stone's _John Howland_ (p. 72); Marshall's _Washington_ (ii. -ch. 8); Drake's _Knox_ (p. 37); _Memoirs_ of Tench Tilghman (p. 148); -_Journals_ of Samuel Shaw; Capt. Thomas Rodney's letter in Niles's -_Principles_ (1822, p. 341); Force's _Amer. Archives_ (5th, iii.); -_Freeman's Journal_ in Moore's _Diary_ (p. 364). The account in the -_Penna. Evening Post_, Dec. 28, 1776, is copied in _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, July, 1886, p. 203. - -Local publications are: Raum's _Trenton_ (1866); C. C. Haven's _Annals -of Trenton_; Henry K. How's _Battle of Trenton_ (N. Brunswick, 1856). - -Of the more general accounts, Bancroft (ix. 218) is the best. Cf. -_Hist. of First Troop of Pa. Cavalry_, p. 7. Cf. also Gordon (ii. 393); -Irving's _Washington_ (ii. 449); Dawson (i. 196); Carrington (ch. 39); -Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_ (p. 288, with docs. pp. 151, 153). Also -articles in _Godey's Mag._ (xxxii. 51) and _Harper's Mag._ (vii. 445), -and details in Lossing's _Field-Book_. - -[900] Cf. Lowell's _Hessians_, ch. 8; Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_, i. -113, 132. The oft-printed letter of the Prince of Hesse-Cassel to -Baron Hohendorf or Hozendorf is a forgery (Kapp's _Soldatenhandel_, 2d -ed. 199). A court-martial of the Hessian officers was held at Cassel -in 1782, and the report of it is in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vii. -45 (April, 1883), a paper of much use to the writer of the preceding -narrative. - -The battle is the subject of one of Trumbull's pictures. On a Hessian -flag captured, see Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 413. Moore, _Songs and -Ballads_, 150, 156, 165, gives some of the current verses. - -The movements of Washington after Trenton in recrossing the Delaware, -are easily followed in Washington's letters to Congress, in Reed's -narrative (_Penna. Mag. Hist._, viii. 391); in Sergeant William -Young's Journal (_Ibid._ viii. 255); in Reed's _Reed_ (i. 277); and in -Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (i. 133). - -[901] Gordon (ii. 398); Bancroft (ix. 248); Dawson (ch. 17); Carrington -(ch. 41); Irving's _Washington_ (ii. 477); Johnston's _Campaign of -1776_ (p. 293,—quoting from a Rhode Island officer's statement in -Stiles's diary). G. W. P. Custis's _Recollections_ (ch. 3). - -[902] The narrative of George Inman is in the _Pa. Mag. of Hist._, vii. -240; and he tempers on some points the assertions of Stedman. - -Upon Howe's evacuation of New Jersey and the sluggishness of his -subsequent movements, see Sparks's _Washington_ (iv.); Bancroft (ix. -ch. 20); Graydon's _Memoirs_; Green's _Greene_: Graham's _Morgan_; -_Life of Timothy Pickering_, i.; Irving's _Washington_, iii. ch. 8; -Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_; Lecky, iv. 58. Cf. Journal of Capt. Rodney in -_Campaign of 1776_, Doc. 158, and the Journal of Capt. John Montresor -(_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 420; and in part in _Pa. Mag. of -Hist._, v. and vi.). Howe's losses, Aug.-Dec., 1776, are tabulated in -the _War in America_ (Dublin, 1779). The campaign is examined in Gen. -Carrington's _Strategic Relations of New Jersey to the War of Amer. -Independence_ (Newark, 1885). - -[903] The principal controversial tracts upon the charges of -incompetency preferred against Howe are these: The _Narrative of -Lieut.-Gen. Howe relative to his Conduct during his late command in -North America_ (London, 1780, several eds.). _Letters to a nobleman -on the Conduct of the War in the middle Colonies_, (London, 1780, -various eds.). Howe replied in _Observations_; and this led to a _Reply -to the Observations_ (London, 1781). Another severe critic appeared -in _Two letters from Agricolas to Sir William Howe_ (London, 1779). -Galloway was sharp in his _Examination_. The loyalists felt Howe's -shortcomings poignantly, as they prolonged, as was thought, their exile -(_Life of Peter Van Shaack_, 167). The contemporary historians, like -Murray and Gordon, did not spare him. The later ones, like Andrews -(ii. ch. 26), Adolphus (ii. ch. 31), Smyth (_Lectures_, no. 34), were -quite as severe. The American historians have not disputed the adverse -conclusion (Marshall, Bancroft, Irving, etc.). Cf. Sargent's _André_, -ch. 7, and a note in his _Stansbury and Odell_, 137. The current story -that the charms of Mrs. Loring paralyzed the English general finds -occasional record (John Bernard's _Recoll. of America_, N. Y., 1887, p. -60). On General Howe's lineage, as affecting his characteristics, see -_General Sir William Howe's Orderly-Book, 1775-1776_, etc., _collected -by B. F. Stevens, with hist. introd. by Edw. E. Hale_ (London, 1884); -also Dawson's _Westchester_, p. 217. - -[904] Jones, i. 187, 252, 256, 714; ii. 431. - -[905] The charge of treason is also disputed (_Hist. Mag._, v. 53). Cf. -G. W. Greene's _Gen. Greene_, i. 385; his _Historical View_, 62, 265; -Lossing in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1879, p. 450. - -[906] Cf. W. T. Read in the _Hist. Mag._, July, 1871, p. 1. Cf. Gordon; -_Penna. Archives_, 1st and 2d series; Reed's _Reed_, i. ch. 15, 16; -Drake's _Knox_, 43; Greene's _Greene_; Irving's _Washington_, iii. ch. -18, 19; Hamilton's _Republic_, i. ch. 10; Mahon, in the main just; -histories of Pennsylvania; McSherry's _Maryland_, ch. 11; Quincy's -_Shaw_, ch. 3; _Evelyns in America_, 302. For political aspects, -Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. ch. 44; Lee's _R. H. Lee_; Adams's _John -Adams_. - -[907] Hutchinson, in London, seems to have thought Boston the object -of the campaign (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 165; Adams's _Familiar -Letters_, 286; Hutchinson's _Diaries_, ii. 152). James Lovell writes -from Philadelphia, July 29, 1777, that Howe seems bound up the -Delaware; but he warns his friends in New England that his present -movements may be undertaken to cloak an ultimate design upon the New -England coast (_Charles Lowell MSS._). - -[908] J. F. Tuttle's _Washington at Morristown_, in _Harper's Mag._, -xviii. 289; _Potter's Amer. Monthly_, v. 665. - -[909] There are in the Persifer Frazer papers (_Sparks MSS._, xxi.) -some letters from the Mount Pleasant camp, near Bound Brook and -Morristown, in June and July, 1777. For the British movements at this -time, cf. the journal in Scull's _Evelyns in America_, p. 328. - -[910] Sparks, iv. 442, 453, 501, 505; v. 42; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -xliv.; Greene's _Greene_, i. 400, 429; _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 620. - -[911] _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 652, 653; Adams's _Familiar -letters_, 294; Heath Papers in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, p. 71. Howe's -_Narrative_ gives his reason for not going up the Delaware. - -[912] Various papers relating to the raid and the inquiry are in the -_Sparks MSS._, no. liv. For the inquiry, see also the _N. H. State -Papers_, viii. 704. A diary of Andrew Lee is in the _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, iii. 167. The current American and British accounts are in -Moore's _Diary_, i. 482. - -[913] Hamilton's _Works_, vii. 519; _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 673; -Jones's _New York_, ii. 431. His advance is followed in Futhey's Paoli -address, and in his notes as printed in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._ Cf. -also Montresor's journal. - -[914] The orders of march are recorded in W. T. R. Saffell's _Records -of the Rev. War_ (p. 333), and John Adams's account of the march -through Philadelphia is in his _Familiar Letters_. A sermon preached -on the eve of the battle of Brandywine, by Rev. Jacob Trout, Sept. -10th, is given in L. M. Post's _Personal Recoll. of the Amer. Rev._ -(1839,—App.) _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i.; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, March, -1885, p. 281 (fac-simile). Confidence prevailed in Philadelphia that -Howe could be beaten. Shippen letters in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1864, p. 32. - -[915] _Washington_, vol. v. App. p. 456. Some confusion has arisen from -the fact that the ford called Buffenton's at a later day was not the -one so known at the time of the battle, and there are in the _Sparks -MSS._ (lii. vol. iii.) some letters upon this point from William B. -Reed (with a small pen-map) and Alfred Elwyn. - -There has been some question upon the responsibility of Sullivan for -the defeat; but Washington asked to be allowed to suspend the execution -of the orders of Congress, withdrawing Sullivan from the army. Bancroft -(ix. 395) has been the chief accuser of late, and T. C. Amory, in his -_Mil. Services of Gen. Sullivan_ (pp. 45, 50), the principal defender. -Sullivan's letter to Congress, Sept. 27th, which Bancroft (ix. 397) -considers "essential to a correct understanding of the battle", is in -_N. H. Hist. Coll._, ii. 208; Dawson, i. 279; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -Dec., 1866, p. 407; his letter of vindication, Nov. 5th, is in _N. H. -State Papers_, viii. 743. A copy of Sullivan's defence (Nov. 9, 1777) -is among the Langdon Papers, and is copied in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. -vol. ii. p. 199). The counter-arguments of the case are examined in -the _Penna. Hist. Soc. Bulletin_, vol. i. Read's _George Read_, 273, -questions Sullivan's vigilance. Cf. Sparks's _Washington_, v. 108, 456, -for the charges against Sullivan. Bancroft also criticises the conduct -of Greene, and Geo. W. Greene (_Life of Greene_, i. 447, 453; ii. 460) -defends that general. - -[916] Cf. Reed's _Reed_, i. ch. 15; Read's _George Read_; Lee's _War -in the Southern Dep't._, 16; Muhlenberg's _Muhlenberg_, ch. 3, and the -_Bland Papers_. For special treatment, see Carrington, ch. 50; Dawson, -ch. 24; the account by Joseph Townsend, and the sketch by J. S. Bowen -and J. S. Futhey, in _Penna. Hist. Soc. Bull._, i., where various -essential documents are printed; H. M. Jenkins in _Lippincott's Mag._, -xxx. 329; _Potter's Amer. Monthly_, vii. 94. There are local aspects -in Smith's _Delaware County_, p. 305, and Lewis's _Chester County_. -The services of John Shreve, of the New Jersey line, are told in _Mag. -Amer. Hist._ (1879), iii. 565. The widow of a wounded guide, Francis -Jacobs, applied for a pension as late as 1858 (_Senate Repts., no. -213, 35th Cong., 1st sess._). Washington's headquarters are shown in -Smith's _Del. County_, p. 304, and _Penna. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i.; and -Lafayette's in _Smith_, 310. A view of the field is given in Day's -_Hist. Coll. Penna._, p. 213. - -Accounts more or less general are in Gordon, Irving (iii. ch. 18), -Lossing, Gay (iii. 543), Thaddeus Allen's _Origination of the Amer. -Union_; Hollister's _Conn._, ii. ch. 16; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, ii. 310. -Washington seems to have been poorly informed about the country, and to -have relied on false intelligence. - -[917] The Journal of Capt. John Montresor, July 1, 1777, to July 1, -1778, edited by G. D. Scull, is in _Penna. Mag. Hist._, v. 393; vi. -34, 189, 284, 295, with corrections, 372. There are letters in Scull's -_Evelyns in America_, 244; Moore's _Laurens Correspondence_, 52; and -others from Gen. Fitzpatrick in _Walpole's Letters_. - -[918] Cf. Eelking, ch. 6, and Du Portail in Mahon, vi. App. 27. - -[919] Bisset's _George III._, ch. 19, 25; _N. E. Hist. and Gen. -Reg._, April, 1879, p. 240, and July, p. 351; J. Watts de Peyster in -_Scribner's Monthly_, April, 1880, p. 940. - -[920] Cf. also Moore's _Diary_, 498; Pennypacker's _Phœnixville_, 101; -Bell's address in Hazard's _Register_; _Laurens Correspondence_, 53; -_Hist. Mag._, iii. 375; iv. 346; J. W. De Peyster in _United Service_, -1886, p. 318; and lives of Wayne by Armstrong and Moore. - -[921] Howe's _Narrative_; the _Conduct of the War_; Ross's -_Cornwallis_; papers on the war in _Penna. Archives_, 1st, v., and 2d, -iii.; Thomas Paine's letter to Franklin (_Penna. Mag. Hist._, ii. 283); -_Penna. Evening Post_; Watson's _Annals of Philad._; Drake's _Knox_; -Greene's _Greene_; _Mem. of B. Tallmadge_; Bancroft, ix. ch. 23, etc. -Howe's proclamations during this period are noted in the _Catalogue -Philad. Library_, p. 1553; Hildeburn's _Issues of the Press_ (under -1777). - -Congress fled to York, and occupied the old court-house, of which a -view, in fac-simile of an old print is given in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, -Dec., 1885, p. 552. - -[922] _Washington_, v. 463; Dawson, 326; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -Dec., 1866, p. 418; Amory's _Sullivan_, 57; and in part in _N. H. State -Papers_, viii. 705. - -[923] Sparks, v. 78, 86, 102; Dawson, i. 325; Heath Papers, _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 76. Other contemporary evidence is in the -letters of Wayne (Dawson, i. 328; cf. lives of Wayne); Gen. Adam -Stephen (Sparks, v. 467): Gen. Armstrong (Dawson, 329); Knox (Drake, -52); William Heth (Leake's _Lamb_, 183). Other contemporary statements -and documents are in Moore's _Diary_, 504; _Penna. Archives_, v. -646; _Pa. Mag. of Hist._, i. 13, 399, 400, 401; ii. 283; Tilghman's -_Memoirs_, 160; Davis's _Lacey_, 48; Watson's _Annals of Philad._, -ii. 67; _Hist. Mag._, xi., 82, 148; Moore's _Laurens, Corresp._, 54. -Accounts of participants given at a later day are by C. C. Pinckney -(1820), who was on Washington's staff (_Hist. Mag._, x. 202), and Col. -J. E. Howard, who addressed a letter to Pickering in 1827, a copy of -which in his own hand, with a rude plan, is in the _Sparks MSS._, no. -xlix. vol. i., and it is printed in Sparks, v. 468. - -[924] Cf. _No. Amer. Rev._, April, 1825, p. 381; Oct., 1826, p. 414; -_National Intelligencer_, Dec. 5, 1826, and Jan. 27, Feb. 24, 1827. Cf. -Hazard's _Register_, i. 49. On the 21st November, 1777, James Lovell -at York expressed the discontent with Washington in a letter to Joseph -Whipple at Portsmouth. He complained that the naval force at Fort -Mifflin was not properly seconded by the land force; and adds: "I have -reason to think the battle of Germantown was _the_ day of salvation -offered by Heaven to us, and that such another is not to be looked for -in ten campaigns." - -[925] Lives of Washington by Sparks (vol. i.), Irving (iii. ch. 23); of -Greene by Johnson and Greene; Muhlenberg's _Muhlenberg_; the collated -narrative in Dawson (i. 318); the military criticism in Carrington -(ch. 51), and accounts in Bancroft (ix. 424,—controverted in Amory's -_Sullivan_); Reed's _Reed_ (i. 319); Sargent's _André_ (p. 112); -Lossing, Gay, etc. Cf. Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. 197); notes in _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 183; _Harper's Mag._ (i. 148; vii. 448); -_Potter's Amer. Monthly_ (vii. 81); T. Ward on the Germantown Road, in -_Penna. Mag. Hist._, v. p. 1, etc. At the centennial ceremonies in 1877 -there were addresses by Judge Thayer and by A. C. Lambdin (_Penna. Mag. -Hist._, i. 361). - -[926] Cf. Stedman (i. ch. 15); Mahon (vi. 163); Hamilton's _Grenadier -Guards_ (vol. ii.). Also see Wilkinson's _Memoirs_, i. 369, for Howe's -orders; Hunter's diary in Moorsom's _Fifty-second Reg._, 20; Lord -Lindsay in _Memoirs of Admiral Gambier_ (_Hist. Mag._, v. 69); Harcourt -in _Evelyns in America_, 244. - -[927] Wallace's _Col. Wm. Bradford, the patriot printer of 1776_ -(Philad., 1884), ch. 30; Bancroft, ix. ch. 25. - -[928] Local details are in Smith's _Delaware County_, p. 289. -Washington was opposed to trying to match an inferior navy with the -British (Wallace, p. 271), and Wallace weighs the advantages (p. 296). -There are some current observations in Adams's _Familiar Letters_, p. -257. The ultimate destruction and scuttling of the American vessels -is described by Wallace (p. 247), referring in connection to the -_Universal Mag._, vol. lxii. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, iii. 201. The principal -loss of the British fleet was the blowing up of the frigate "Augusta" -(Wallace, P. 187; _United Service_, May, 1883, p. 459). - -[929] For other contemporary records see 2 _Penna. Archives_, v.; -Moore's _Diary_, 514; Pickering's in _Life of Pickering_, i. 174; -Joseph Reed's letter, Oct. 24, to President Wharton (cf. Reed's _Reed_, -i. 336); Jones (i. 193) gives the accredited British reports. The best -later narrative is in Wallace's _Bradford_ (p. 183). Cf. Bancroft, ix. -430; Smith's _Delaware County_, p. 321. - -[930] Varnum's and Angell's letters in Cowell's _Spirit of '76 in -R. I._, 296; Col. Laurens' diary in the _Army papers of Col. John -Laurens_, p. 74, and his letter to Henry Laurens in Moore's _Laurens -Correspondence_ (1861), p. 63; Major Fleury's diary in Marshall and -in Sparks (v. 154); Robert Morton's diary in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._ -(i. 28); Bradford's letter in Force (vi. p. 11). The story as given in -the _United States Mag._, May, 1779 (p. 204), used by Bancroft (ix. -434), is reprinted in the _Penna. Mag. Hist._, App. 1887, p. 82. Moore -(_Diary_, i. 520) reprints the account in the _N. Jersey Gazette_. -Washington's instructions and his report to Congress are in Sparks (v. -100, 112, 115, 151, 154; Dawson, i. 364). - -Other details are found in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. 3, 7, -12, 18, 20, 42; _Penna. Archives_, v. and vi.; Chastellux's _Travels_, -Eng. tr., i. 260; _Hist. Mag._, xxi. 77; Tuckerman's _Com. Talbot_; -Hamilton's _Repub. U. S._, i. 297; _Life of Pickering_, i. 174; -Greene's _Greene_, i. 501; Potter's _Amer. Monthly_, Feb., 1877. - -[931] There is some confusion in the accounts of the grounds given for -the defence (Arnold's _Rhode Island_, ii. 410). - -[932] Pickering's Journal in his _Life_ (i. 180); Knox's letters -in Drake's _Knox_, 135, and in Leake's _Lamb_, 192; the account in -Williams's _Olney_; and further in Gordon, Marshall (i. 178), Henry -Lee's _Memoirs_; Reed's _Reed_ (i. ch. 16); Almon, v.; Stone's -_Invasion of Canada_ (p. 75); _Hist. Mag._, Feb., 1872; Dawson, i. ch. -29, 30; Carrington (ch. 52); Lossing, etc. - -[933] The broadside orders of the British commanders can be found in -Sabin, xv. p. 577, etc.; Hildeburn's _Issues of the press_, under 1777 -and 1778; some of them are in fac-simile in Smith's _Hist. and Lit. -Curios._, 2d series. - -[934] Those of Christopher Marshall; James Allen (_Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 278; Jan., 1886, p. 424); Robert Morton -(_Ibid._, i. p. 1); Miss Sally Wister (_Ibid._, 1885 and 1886; Howard -Jenkins' _Hist. Coll. relating to Gwynedd_; extracts in Watson's -_Annals_); Margaret Morris, _Private journal kept for the amusement of -a sister_, Philadelphia, 1836, p. 31,—(also copy in _Sparks MSS._, no. -xlviii.); notes in _Evelyns in America_ (also in _Penna. Mag. Hist._, -1884, p. 223). Cf. also a letter, Oct. 23, 1777, in Lady Cavendish's -_Admiral Gambier_ (also in _Hist. Mag._, v. 68); the letters of -Samuel Cooper in _Penna. Mag. Hist._, April, 1886; the account of a -Hessian captain, Henrich, is in the _Schlözer Correspondenz_, vol. -iii.,—translated in _Penna. Mag. Hist._, vol. i. 46; cf. Lowell's -_Hessians_, p. 100. - -[935] Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_; Sargent's _André_, p. -119; _Penna. Mag. Hist._, iii. 361, by F. D. Stone; _Life of Esther -Reed_, p. 278, by W. B. Reed; _United Service Journal_, 1852. The house -in Market Street, occupied successively by Washington and Howe as -headquarters, is depicted in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 302; Scharf -and Westcott, i. 351; Brotherhead's _Signers_ (1861), p. 3. - -[936] The contemporary accounts of it are in the _Annual Register_, -1778, p. 264; _Gent. Mag._, August, 1778; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 52; -_Bland Papers_, i. 90; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 242, -718. André played a conspicuous part and described it (Sargent's -_André_, 168; Lossing's _Two Spies_, 46). Israel Mauduit made it the -occasion of a severe condemnation of Howe in his _Strictures on the -Philadelphia Mischianza, or Triumph upon leaving America unconquered_ -(London, 1779,—_Sparks Catal._, no. 2,550). Later accounts will be -found in the _Lady's Mag._ (Philad., 1792); Anna H. Wharton's _Wharton -Genealogy_, and her paper in the _Philadelphia Weekly Times_, May 25, -1878; Watson's _Annals_, vol. iii.; Egle's _Penna._, 185; Mrs. Ellet's -_Women of the Rev._, i. 182, and _Domestic Hist._, etc., ch. 12; -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 303. Views of the Wharton house and other -illustrations are in Smith and Watson's _Lit. and Hist. Curiosities_; -Lossing; Scharf and Westcott (i. 377-380). - -[937] Sparks's _Washington_, i. 276; v. 240, 522; _Corresp. of the -Rev._, ii.; Custis's _Recollections_, ch. 9. - -[938] Henry Dearborn's, the original of which is in the Boston Public -Library, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Nov., 1886, p. -110; Surgeon Waldo's, in _Hist. Mag._, May, 1861, vol. v. p. 129; of -John Clark, in _N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Coll._, vii. There is illustrative -material among the John Lacey papers in the N. Y. State Library, and -various letters from the camp in the _Trumbull MSS._ (vol. vi. pp. 46, -50,—from Jed. Huntington, speaking of their "shameful situation"); -others in _Hist. Mag._, April, 1867; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, July, -1860 (v. 48), and Feb., 1874 (xiii. 243),—the last from Col. John -Brooks. More or less of personal experience and observation of the -suffering will be found in Greene's _Greene_ (i. ch. 24, 25); Reed's -_Reed_ (i. ch. 17); Pickering's _Pickering_ (i. 200); Read's _Geo. -Read_ (326); Hull's _Rev. Services_ (ch. 12). - -General treatment will be found in Bancroft (ix. ch. 27); Egle's -_Penna._, 955; Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 27, 31); T. Allen's -_Origination of the Amer. Union_ (vol. ii.); Lossing's _Field-Book_ -(ii. 331); Mrs. Ellet's _Domest. Hist._; T. W. Bean's _Washington and -Valley Forge_; Potter's _Amer. Monthly_, May, 1875, and July, 1878. - -[939] Col. H. A. Dearborn's, Jan. 12-Feb. 4, in J. H. Osborne's -collection at Auburn, N. Y.; of a German battalion of Continentals, -Jan., 1777-June, 1781, in the Penna. Hist. Society. General Wayne's was -sold in the Menzies sale, no. 2,095 ($100); it covered Feb. 26-May 27, -1778, and had been used by Sparks, Irving, and Bancroft. One covering -May-June is in the Boston Athenæum, extracts from which are in the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (vii. 133), which speaks of the mud being -removed towards spring from the chinks of the huts, to increase the -fresh air. Records of some courts-martial are in the Moses Greenleaf -MSS. (Mass. Hist. Soc.). Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vii. 133. - -[940] Cf. further, on this reorganization of the army, Hamilton's -_Works_, ii. 138; Bancroft, ix. ch. 27. In the spring (May 5th) a new -impulse was given in this direction by the appointment of Steuben -as inspector-general (_Journals of Congress_, ii. 539; Sparks's -_Washington_, v. 349, 526; Greene's _Hist. View_, 233; Kapp's -_Steuben_; Greene's _German Element_; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, iii. 2). - -[941] Cf. _Washington at Valley Forge, together with the Duché -Correspondence_ (Philad., 1858?); Graydon's _Memoirs_, 429; Scharf and -Westcott's _Philadelphia_; Wilson's _Memoir of Bishop White_. - -[942] Cf. Simcoe's _Journal_; Reed's _Reed_, i.; Greene's _Greene_, i. -ch. 24; Pickering's _Pickering_, i. 193; Graham's _Morgan_. - -[943] Moore's _Songs and Ballads_, 209; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii.; -_Mag. Amer. Hist._, April, 1882, p. 296; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 5. - -[944] Cf. Simcoe; Stedman, ii.; Dawson, i. ch. 33, 34; Lossing, ii. -344; Johnson's _Salem, N. Jersey_. - -[945] Dawson, i. 386; W. W. H. Davis's _John Lacey_, Doylestown, 1868; -_Hist. Mag._, vi. 167; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 41. - -[946] Sparks, v. 368, 378, 545; _Sparks MSS._, xxxii., for Lafayette's -narrative given to Sparks; Wilkinson's _Memoirs_, i. 822; Irving, iii. -33. - -[947] Sparks, v. 320; _Sparks MSS._, lii. vol. iii.; Muhlenberg's -_Muhlenberg_, chap. 5. - -[948] Wayne's letter, May 21st, in _Penna. Mag. Hist._, April, 1887, p. -115; journal by Andrew Bell, Clinton's secretary, of the march through -New Jersey, in _N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi., and journal of Joseph -Clark in _Ibid._, vii. 93; Eelking, ch. 10; _Mag. Am. Hist._, Jan., -1879, p. 58. A British orderly-book, Philad., April-June, 1778, is in -the Amer. Antiq. Society. The American vessels scuttled above the city -were raised (Wallace's _Bradford_, 292). - -[949] Sparks, v. 422, 431; Dawson, i. 412; _Lee Papers_, N. Y., 1872, -p. 441. Cf. _Recollections_ by Custis, ch. 5. - -[950] _Lee Papers_, p. 467; _Pa. Mag. Hist._, ii. 139; Hamilton's -_Works_, ed. Lodge, vii. 550; Hamilton's _Repub. U. S._, i. 468, 478. - -[951] _Sparks MSS._, xxxii., printed in Sparks's _Washington_, v. 552, -and his letter in Marshall's _Washington_, i. 255. - -[952] By Col. John Laurens (_Lee Papers_, pp. 430, 449); by W. Irvine -(_Penna. Mag. Hist._, ii. 139); by Colonel Richard Butler, July 23, -1778, to General Lincoln, in _Sparks MSS._, lxvi., and other light in -the Lincoln papers as copied in _Ibid._, xii.; by Generals Wayne and -Scott (_Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. 150; _Lee Papers_, 438); by -Wayne to his wife (_Ibid._, 448); by Knox (_Sparks MSS._, xxv.; Drake's -_Knox_, 56); by Persifer Frazer (_Sparks MSS._, xxi.); the account in -the _N. Jersey Gazette_, June 24, 1778 (_Lee Papers_); the narrative -from the _N. Y. Journal_ (Moore's _Diary_, ii. 66); the journal of -Dearborn (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Nov., 1886, p. 115); diary of John -Clark (_N. Jersey Hist. Soc._, vii.). Cf. James McHenry in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, iii. 355. - -[953] Other editions: Cooperstown, 1823; N. Y., private ed., 1864; -Sabin, x. nos. 39,711, etc. It is reprinted in the _Lee Papers_ (_N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 3 vols., 1873), as is also (iii. 255) Lee's -vindication, printed in the _Penna. Packet_, Dec. 3, 1778. Cf. also -Langworthy's _Lee_, p. 23; Sparks's _Lee_; Davis's _Burr_; Reed's -_Reed_, i. 369; and the correspondence of Washington and Lee after the -battle, in Sparks, v. 552, etc. - -The _Sparks MSS._ contain various papers, including the statement -of John Clark, who bore Washington's orders to Lee (dated Sept. 3, -1778), and a statement of John Brooks, who had personal knowledge of -Washington's treatment of Lee in the field. - -Sargent (_André_, 188) is inclined to acquit Lee of blame for his -retreat at Monmouth. - -Colonel Laurens called Lee out for using language disrespectful to -Washington, when Lee was slightly wounded (account by the seconds in -Hamilton, Lodge's ed., vii. 562). - -The more general accounts, early and late, are in Marshall (iii. -ch. 8,—who was present); Heath's _Memoirs_ (p. 186); Hull's _Rev. -Services_ (ch. 14); Reed's _Reed_ (i. ch. 17); Williams's _Olney_ (p. -243); Armstrong's _Wayne_; _Washington_, by Sparks (i. 298), and Irving -(iii. ch. 34, 35); Drake's _Knox_; Kapp's _Steuben_ (p. 159); Quincy's -_Shaw_ (ch. 4); Hamilton's _Hamilton_ (i. 194), and his _Repub. U. S._ -(i. 471); Bancroft (ix. ch. 4); Gay (iii. 603). - -Henry Armitt Brown delivered the oration in the Centennial ceremonies -(_Memoir with orations, edited by J. M. Hoppin_, Philad., 1880). - -Critical examinations of the battle have been made by Gen. J. W. De -Peyster in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, July and Sept., 1878; March and -June, 1879; cf. 1879, p. 355 (by J. McHenry); by Dawson (ch. 37, -praised by Kapp); and by Carrington (ch. 54-56). - -Cf. for various details, C. King in _N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 125; -_Amer. Hist. Rec._, June, 1874; Barker and Howe's _Hist. Coll. N. J._; -Linn's _Buffalo Valley_, 159; the Moll Pitcher story in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, Sept., 1883, p. 260, and _Penna. Mag. Hist._, iii. 109. For a -visit to the field a few days after the battle, _U. S. Mag._, Philad., -1779, by H. H. Brackenridge, reprinted in _Monmouth Inquirer_, June, -1879. For landmarks, Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 356, and _Harper's -Mag._, vii. 449, lvii. 29. - -[954] Cf. further Simcoe's _Journal_; Stedman (ii. ch. 22); Murray (ii. -448); Mahon (vi. ch. 58). - -[955] Vol. v. 483-518; cf. also _Ibid._, i. 266; v. 97, 390; and his -_Gouverneur Morris_, i. ch. 10. - -[956] Hamilton's _Works_, i. 100; J. C. Hamilton's _Repub. U. S._, i. -339; Irving's _Washington_, iii. ch. 25. - -[957] Vol. i. 311; v. 530 (App.); vi. 106, 114, 149. There are extracts -from the Lafayette papers in _Sparks MSS._, no. xxxii. Cf. Marshall, -iii. 568; Irving, iii. 334; Jay's _Jay_, i. 83; Stone's _Brant_, ch. 14. - -There is a good account of the conspiracy in Greene's _Greene_ (ii. p. -1; also see i. 22, 34, 483). The account in the _Memoirs_ of Wilkinson -(i. ch. 9) is called grossly inaccurate in Duer's _Stirling_ (ch. -7). Cf. Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 390); Kapp's _De Kalb_; Hamilton's -_Hamilton_ (i. 128-163); Reed's _Reed_ (i. 342); Wirt's _Patrick Henry_ -(p. 208); Stone's _Howland_ (ch. 5); Marshall's _Washington_ (iii. ch. -6); Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 25, 28, 29, 30); Bancroft (ix. -ch. 27); Lossing's _Field-Book_ (ii. 336); the account of Col. Robert -Troup, written for Sparks in 1827 (_Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. i. no. 3); -Dunlap's _New York_, ii. 131, and a note in Sargent's _Stansbury and -Odell_, p. 176. - -[958] Vol. x. 378. - -[959] It was at this time, Feb., 1779, that a story reached Christopher -Marshall, in Lancaster, Pa., that Arnold had gone over to the British. -_Hist. Mag._, ii. 243. - -[960] _Report to Germain._ - -[961] _Life and Treason of Arnold._ - -[962] _Life of André._ - -[963] Clinton says Arnold "found means to intimate to me", etc. - -[964] The question of Mrs. Arnold's privity to her husband's plot has -been much discussed, but most investigators acquit her. Her innocence -is maintained by Irving (_Washington_, iv. 151), Isaac N. Arnold -(_Arnold_ ch. 17), Sargent (_André_, p. 220), and Sabine (_Loyalists_, -i. 122). The chief accusations are in Leake's _General Lamb_, 270, and -in the Lives of Aaron Burr by Davis (i. 219) and Parton (p. 126). Cf. -Mrs. Ellet's _Women of the Rev._, ii. 213; Stone's _Brant_, ii. 101; -Reed's _Joseph Reed_, ii. 373. The scene in which she showed disorder -of mind, when she accused Washington of attempting to kill her child, -is held by some to have been mere acting. (Cf. Jones, _N. Y. during -the Rev._, i. 745.) It seems clear that she did not wish to join her -husband when the authorities of Pennsylvania drove her to New York. - -[965] He wrote to Gates, "By heavens! I am a villain if I seek not a -brave revenge for injured honor!" Bancroft, ix. 335. - -[966] Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 344, 351, 408. - -[967] Irving's _Washington_, iv. 96. - -[968] Sparks's _Washington_, v. 529; Austin's _Gerry_, i. 356. - -[969] The writing in which Washington conveyed this reprimand is about -the most adroit piece of literary composition which we have from his -pen, and he contrived, while complying with the sentence of the court, -to signify his estimate of the venial character of the offences, and to -pronounce what some have considered a practical eulogy on a brilliant -soldier. (Isaac N. Arnold's _Arnold_, Irving's _Washington_.) The -former book gives a full examination of Arnold's career during his -command in Philadelphia (chapters 12-14). For the trial, see Sparks's -_Washington_, vi. 231, 248, 261, and App. p. 514. The trial closed -Jan. 26, 1780. Congress ordered the report of the trial to be printed: -_Proceedings of a general Court-Martial for the trial of Benedict -Arnold_. Philadelphia, 1780. It was reprinted in a few copies for -presentation, with introduction, notes, and index, by F. S. Hoffman, -in New York in 1865. A letter of Arnold, transmitting the report to -President Weare of New Hampshire, dated March 20, 1780, is in MS. -_Miscell. Papers_, 1777-1824, vol. i. p. 156 (Mass. Hist. Soc. library). - -[970] It is believed that the writer of this letter was Beverley -Robinson, a loyalist in the British service. The letter is only known -through the French version in Marbois' _Complot_, and it has not passed -without some suspicion of its genuineness. (Cf. Arnold's _Arnold_, p. -275; Sargent's _André_, 446; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Sept., 1878, p. -756; Reed's _Jos. Reed_, ii. 54, etc.) - -[971] Several attempts at invasion from Canada are supposed to have -been timed in unison with Arnold's plot (Hough's _Northern Invasion_, -New York, 1866; Lossing's _Schuyler_, ii. 407.) - -[972] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 2; Irving's _Washington_; Lossing's -_Schuyler_, ii. 52; Arnold's _Arnold_. - -[973] For views of this house, see Boynton's _West Point_; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 140; his _Hudson_, 236; his _Two Spies_, p. 95; -_Harper's Mag._, iii. 827. Cf. Sargent's _André_, 263; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._ (Feb., 1880), iv. 109, by C. A. Campbell. - -[974] Johnson says (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. 731) that Varick's -papers show that Arnold's letter to Anderson of Aug. 30th never reached -André, though Sparks and Sargent print it as having been received. -This is the letter which Sargent supposes may have been conveyed to -André by Heron. This and Arnold's of Sept. 15th are the only ones of -"Gustavus" preserved. Fac-similes of a part of one of these letters, -with a portion of one of "Anderson's", are given in Sparks's _Arnold_; -in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 146; in the _Cyclop. of U. S. Hist._, -ii. 1410, etc. Cf. _Harper's Monthly_, lii. 825. Fac-similes of -Arnold's passes are in Lossing, ii. 155. These passes are printed in -Dawson's _Papers_, 60; H. W. Smith's _Andreana_; McCoy's edition of the -_Proceedings_, etc., and in other places. - -[975] There are views of this house in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. -25; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 152; _Harper's Mag._, iii. 829; his -_Two Spies_, 82; his _Cyclop. U. S. Hist._, ii. 1411. - -[976] This view is given in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 185. - -[977] Percy Greg, in his _History of the United States_ (London, 1887), -vol. i. p. 304, thinks Joshua Smith was in the pay of Washington, -and persuaded André to put on a disguise in order that he might be -condemned as a spy if caught! This opinion is of the character of most -of the speculations in the book; of course it condemns the execution. - -[978] Sargent's _André_, p. 306. - -[979] These papers, having been used in André's trial, were passed over -to Governor Clinton to be used in the civil trial of Smith, and from -Clinton's descendant Sparks procured them when he was writing his _Life -and Treason of Arnold_. Lossing also got them from the same source, -and collated them with Sparks's copies before he printed them in his -_Field-Book_, ii. 153. They were subsequently bought by the State of -New York, and are now in the State library at Albany. They have since -been printed by McCoy in his edition of the _Proceedings_ of André's -examination; by Boynton in his _West Point_, ch. 7; by Dawson in his -_Papers_ ("Gazette series"), 51; in the Appendix of his edition of -Smith's trial, and in _Revolutionary Relics or Clinton Correspondence, -comprising the celebrated papers found in André's boots, etc., -published originally in the N. Y. Herald_, N. Y., 1842 (Menzies, no. -1,687); and in _Cent. Celeb. of the State of N. Y._ (1879). - -[980] There is a view of his quarters in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. -188. - -[981] View of the breakfast room in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 158. - -[982] Some memoranda of his aide, Colonel Varick (_Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, viii. 727) show that Arnold's movements were hastened by the -arrival of Washington's servant at this moment, announcing the near -approach of his master. - -[983] They were subsequently released in New York. Dr. William Eustis's -account of this flight to the "Vulture", written May 8, 1815, is in -the Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet (_Letters and Papers_, 1777-1824, vol. -ii. 206), and is printed in their _Collections_, xiv. 52. Its purport -is to emphasize the patriotic resistance of the boatmen to Arnold's -offers for their desertion. He says some of them were sent ashore in an -inferior boat, Arnold keeping the barge. Cf. Heath's _Memoirs_. - -[984] The Varick memoranda (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii.) would seem to -indicate that Varick, Franks, and Dr. Eustis had already begun to be -suspicious, and Arnold's barge had been observed by some one to go down -stream and not to West Point. - -[985] Arnold had, before leaving, cautioned this messenger to keep -quiet, and this also becoming known increased the suspicion of his -aides (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii.). - -[986] These aides were Colonel Richard Varick and Major David S. -Franks. Henry P. Johnston, in a paper, "Colonel Varick and Arnold's -Treason", printed in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1882 (viii. p. -717), has thrown some new light, from papers of Colonel Varick, on -the life at Robinson's house previous to the flight of Arnold, and -on the evidence, both of Varick, Franks, and Dr. Eustis, brought out -before a board of inquiry, Nov. 2, which acquitted these officers of -any complicity in the plot. On the night when Smith had been dragged -from his bed and put in confinement, Arnold's aides had been put under -arrest. This paper also shows, from a deposition of General Knox, that -Varick had found in one of Arnold's trunks, after his desertion, some -plans and profiles of the West Point works. - -[987] These orders are in Dawson's _Papers_, p. 63. Colonel Lamb had -command of the immediate works at West Point at the time; but being -absent, Col. Nathaniel Wade had temporary charge (_Ipswich Antiq. -Papers_, ii. no. 19). Lamb's orderly-book, July-Dec., 1780, is owned by -the Cayuga County Hist. Society. - -St. Clair succeeded Arnold in command of the post, and his instructions -from Washington are in the _St. Clair Papers_, i. 528. - -[988] There are views of the De Wint house at Tappan, occupied by -Washington as headquarters, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (v. 105; cf. -p. 21), with a paper by J. A. Stevens. Cf. also Irving's _Washington_, -4^o ed., vol. iv.; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 196, etc., his _Hudson_, -p. 336, and his _Two Spies_, 100; Ruttenber's _Orange County_ (1875), -p. 215. - -The house in which André was confined, known as the "Seventy-six Stone -House", is described, with a plan of its rooms and the village, and a -view of the building, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, (Dec., 1879), iii. -p. 743, etc. Cf. Lossing's _Two Spies_, 97. The earliest description -was written in 1818, and is cited in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, v. 57. - -[989] It is only within a few years, and since the publication of -Clinton's record of the secret service of headquarters, that it has -been known that Gen. S. H. Parsons, of Connecticut, was at this time -acting as a spy for the British general. André, who saw him in the -court, may have known this. - -[990] _Proceedings of a board of General Officers, by order of General -Washington, ... respecting Major John André, ... Sept. 29, 1780; to -which are appended the several letters which passed to and from New -York on the occasion. Published by order of Congress_ (Philad., 1780). -There is a copy in Harvard College library, and others are noted in -Menzies (no. 63, $63); Morrell (no. 20, $26); Brinley (ii. no. 3,937); -John A. Rice (no. 45, $67.50). There were editions the same year at -Hartford (Brinley, ii. 3939) and at Providence (no date; Cooke, iii. -91, now in Harvard College library). Cf. also _N. Y. Gazette_, Nov. 6, -1780, and _Political Mag_., i. 749. It was reprinted in London, 1799, -in conjunction with Dunlap's _Tragedy of André_. Later reprints are:— - -_Proceedings, etc., A Reprint with additional matters_ (Philad., 1865; -50 copies in quarto, 100 in octavo). _Andreana: containing the trial, -execution, and various matters connected with the history of Maj. -John André_ (Philad., 1865), with an introduction by Horace W. Smith -(Brinley, ii. 3943; Cooke, iii. 94). _Minutes of a Court of Inquiry -upon the case of Maj. John André, with accompanying documents and an -Appendix_ (Albany, 1865; privately printed, 100 copies, for John F. -McCoy; Brinley, ii. 3941; Cooke, iii. 92). - -Sargent, in printing it in his _André_, collated the original MS., -which is preserved at Washington. It is also to be found in Boynton's -_West Point_, 127; in Dawson's _Papers_ (Gazette series). The Cooke -Catalogue (iii. 92) gives an edition, New York, 1867. - -The original edition (1780) contains: Washington's letter, Sept. 26th, -to the president of Congress; André's letter to Washington, Sept. 24th; -Arnold's letter to Washington, Sept. 25th; B. Robinson's to Washington, -Sept. 25th; Clinton to Washington, Sept. 26th; Arnold to Clinton, Sept. -26th; and the award of the court. The appendix has André's letter -to Clinton, Sept. 29th; Washington to Clinton, Sept. 30th; Arnold's -commission left at West Point; Arnold to Washington, Oct. 1st; André to -Washington, Oct. 1st. - -André's statement is not given in full, but only in substance, in -this volume, but it is included as written by him in Sargent, p. 349; -Boynton's _West Point_; Dawson's _Papers_. (Cf. _Amer. Bibliopolist_, -1870, p. 15.) - -[991] By Clinton and Capt. Sutherland of the "Vulture", dated Oct. 4th -and 5th. They are in the _Sparks MSS._, vol. lviii. Cf. Sargent, p. 385. - -[992] One of these is preserved in the Trumbull gallery at New Haven. -It represents André himself sitting in a chair at a table on which is -an inkstand and pen. It has been engraved in fac-simile in Sparks's -_Arnold_, 280; in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 203; in George C. Hill's -_Arnold_, etc. Another is a sketch of the landing by boat from the -"Vulture", showing André rowed ashore. An aquatint engraving from it -was published in New York in 1780, of which there is a reproduction in -_Harper's Mag._, lii. p. 835, and Lossing's _Two Spies_. Cf. _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, vol. xiii. (Feb., 1885), p. 173, for a paper by L. Wilson -on André's landing-place at Haverstraw. - -[993] An engraving of the scene is given in Barnard's _History of -England_ (p. 694), which is reproduced in H. W. Smith's _Andreana_. - -[994] The amount of the removal by James Buchanan, who effected it, is -in the _United Service Journal_, Nov., 1833. Cf. for other details W. -Sargent's _André_; Stanley's _Westminster Abbey_; _Penna. Hist. Soc. -Mem._, vi. 373; _N. Y. Evangelist_, Jan. 10 and Feb. 27, 1879; _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, iii. 319; L. M. Sargent's _Dealings with the Dead_, i. 58. - -[995] This monument has been often represented in engravings (for the -first time in _The Universal Mag._, 1782; cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_; -_Cyclo. U. S. Hist._, i. 46; _Two Spies_; and guide-books to the -Abbey). Germain informed Clinton, Nov. 28, 1780, that a pension had -been bestowed on André's mother, and the offer of knighthood made to -his brother, "in order to wipe away all stain from the family." - -Col. John Trumbull, who had been Washington's aide, was arrested in -London with threats of retaliatory treatment; but he was released at -the intercession of Benjamin West, the painter. Trumbull tells the -story in his _Autobiography_. Cf. Walpole's _Last Journal_, ii. 434, -436. - -[996] View of it in Lossing's _Two Spies_, 109; his _Field-Book_, ii. -204. It was placed there in 1847. - -[997] View and account in Lossing's _Two Spies_, 110. - -[998] The amount received was £6,315 (Sargent's _André_, 450). He -issued an address of exculpation to the inhabitants of America, dated -New York, Oct. 7, 1780, which is printed by Isaac N. Arnold (p. 330) -from the original MS. in a text varying slightly from other printed -copies, as in the _Political Mag._, i. 734. A fortnight later (Oct. -20th) he issued a proclamation to induce defection among the officers -and soldiers of the army, the original draft of which is among the -Force Papers in the library of Congress. It is printed in I. N. Arnold, -p. 332; in _Polit. Mag._, i. 766, etc. - -Sargent thinks that a vindication of Arnold which appeared in _Remarks -on the Travels of M. de Chastellux_, London, 1787, was instigated by -Arnold himself. - -[999] Cf. "Arnold at the Court of George III.", by I. N. Arnold, in -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1879, and in his _Life of Arnold_. Cf. -Sargent's _André_, App. i.; and Walpole's _Last Journal_, ii. 493, 494, -501, 511. - -[1000] _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Oct., 1883, p. 307; _Amer. Hist. Record_, -iii. 495; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxxiv. 196. - -[1001] The original records of this trial are said to have disappeared -from the State archives at Albany, but they had been printed in the -_New York Herald_. Dawson reprinted this Herald text in the _Historical -Mag._, vol. x., July-Nov., 1866, and issued it separately as _Record -of the trial of Joshua Hett Smith, Esq., for alleged complicity in the -treason of Benedict Arnold, 1780, Ed. by H. B. Dawson_ (Morrisania, -1866). Sparks made use of the record; and the evidence has been -examined in P. W. Chandler's _American Criminal Trials_, ii. 155, 183. -The _Gentleman's Mag._, 1780, Supplement, p. 610, gave an account of -the trial and printed the chief documents. - -[1002] Sargent's _André_, p. 281. - -[1003] Smith published in London in 1808, and there was reprinted in -N. Y. in 1809, _A Narrative of the causes which led to the death of -Major André_ (Cooke, iii. 101; Brinley, ii. 3,954). Sargent found that -it must be used with caution. Sparks says (p. 298) that as "a work of -history this volume is not worthy of the least credit, except where the -statements are confirmed by other authorities." - -[1004] Sargent, 266; George W. Greene, _Hist. View_. Marbois was -translated by Walsh in the _Amer. Register_, vol. ii. Cf. a French view -in Léon Chotteau's _Les Français en Amérique_, p. 199. - -[1005] There are in the _Sparks MSS._, xlix., no. 14, various papers -used by Sparks in writing his life of Arnold, including the action of -Congress on the seizure of Arnold's papers, and copies of the papers; -letters written in 1833-1834 to Sparks and others, by David Hosack, -Benj. Tallmadge, James Thacher, Nathan Beers, Professor Woolsey, John -D. Dickinson, Samuel Eddy, James Lanman, James Stedman, J. Bronson, and -William Shimmin,—mainly reminiscences. Cf. for some of these letters, -the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1879. Copies of Arnold's letters from -Philadelphia in 1779-1780 are in _Ibid._, lii. vol. ii. no. 3. There is -a "Genuine history of Arnold by an old acquaintance" in the _Political -Mag._, i. 690. - -[1006] Duyckinck's _Cyclo. Am. Lit. Suppl._, p. 130. - -[1007] André had been a prisoner at Lancaster, Pa., after his capture -at St. John, Nov. 2, 1775, to Dec., 1776, when he was exchanged. He -was paroled in Feb., 1776 (_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i.). Afterwards -he served with General Grey, and in 1780 was placed on Clinton's -staff. There are contemporary accounts of him by "intimate friends" -in _Political Mag._, i. 688; ii. 171. His lineage is traced by J. -L. Chester in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, March, 1876 (xiv. 217). His -will is in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, vi. 63, and in Dawson's -_Papers_, 241. For bibliography, see Sabin, i. no. 1,449, and _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._, viii. pp. 61, 145, 149. A daily record of his life -from Sept. 20 to Oct. 2, 1780, is _Ibid._, iii. 157 (1879). On his -career in general, see articles in _No. Amer. Review_, vol. xxxviii., -by Bancroft and Bigelow; vol. lxxx., by Sargent; vol. xciii., by C. C. -Smith; _Harper's Mag._, 1879, p. 619; _N. Y. Semi-weekly Evening Post_, -March 3, 1882; Earl Stanhope's _Miscellanies_; _Atlantic Monthly_, -Dec., 1860; L. M. Sargent's _Dealings with the Dead_; Sabin's _Amer. -Bibliopolist_, 1869-1870; _N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1876; _Poole's -Index_, p. 38. - -The _Monody on Major André by Miss Seward, to which are added letters -addressed to her by Major André in 1769_, was published at Lichfield, -Eng., in 1781, and reprinted in New York in 1792; in Boston, 1798 -(fourth Amer. ed.); in Smith's _Narrative_, London, 1808; in Lossing's -_Two Spies_, N. Y., 1886. Cf. _The Galaxy_, Feb., 1876. - -His fate has been the subject of several tragedies: by William Dunlap -(1799); by W. W. Lord (1856); by George H. Calvert (1864), etc. W. G. -Simms has examined the story as a subject for fiction in his _Views and -Reviews_. - -[1008] It passed to a second edition in 1871. A company orderly-book -showing the disposition of troops at West Point on the discovery of the -plot is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (_Proc._, xix. 385). - -[1009] Orig. ed., x. 395; final revision, v. 438, where, contrary to -his custom, he retains a part of his note. - -[1010] Isaac N. Arnold was of very remote kin to Benedict. He had -access to the Shippen Papers, the papers owned by Arnold's descendants -in England and in Canada, and used the letters of Arnold, his wife and -sister, in the Department of State. His praise of Arnold's "patriotism" -in the earlier years of the war, which he thought was evinced by his -brilliant acts in the field, induced a paper by J. A. Stevens on -"Arnold and his Apologist" (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, March, 1880), who -contended that there was "no evidence that the heart of Arnold ever -beat with one patriotic thrill." The biographer, while condemning the -treason, makes the best show which he can of the provocations which -led Arnold to be false. He adds considerable that is new to Arnold's -story. Mr. I. N. Arnold died in 1884, and addresses upon him before the -Chicago Hist. Society were printed. - -Lossing has written much on the subject of Arnold's treason: -_Field-Book_, ii. ch. 6, 7, and 8; _Harper's Monthly_, iii., xxiii., -and liii.; _Two Spies_ (Hale and André), N. Y., 1886. Cf., on these two -spies, Hull's _Rev. Services_. - -Other American treatments of the subject are in the lives of Washington -by Marshall (iv. 274) and Irving (iv. ch. 9-11); Greene's _Greene_ -(ii. 227); Leake's _Lamb_, ch. 19 and App. D; Reed's _Reed_, ii. 252 -Hamilton's _Hamilton_, i. 262; Quincy's _Shaw_, 77; Dunlap's _New -York_, ii. ch. 13; E. G. Holland's "Highland Treason", in his _Essays_; -Winthrop Atwill's _Treason of Arnold_, Northampton, 1837; _Niles's -Register_, xx. - -[1011] There remained for a long time no doubt as to the unalloyed -patriotism of the three men who captured André. Washington praised -their resistance to bribes, and Congress gave them a medal (figured -in Loubat's _Medallic Hist. U. S._, and in Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 205). Some of those who came in close contact with André after -his capture, and heard his account of the arrest, were convinced that -André felt that if he could have made any considerable sum certain -to them they would have let him go. This belief, on their part, of -these keepers of André did not come to public notice till, in 1817, -John Paulding, one of the captors, and the leader of them, petitioned -Congress for an additional pension. This gave occasion to Benj. -Tallmadge, who had been André's chief-keeper, and who was then in -Congress, to oppose the bill on the grounds of André's statements. The -_Journals_ of the House of Representatives show the debate, which is -reprinted in Dawson's _Papers_, 127. A letter of Gen. Joshua King, also -in André's confidence at the time, confirms Tallmadge's view, and there -is also a similar statement by Bowman, one of André's guards (Sparks's -_Arnold_; _Notes and Queries_, ix.; _Niles's Register_; _Hist. Mag._, -i. 204, 293; iii. 229; Dawson's _Papers_, 45; Jones's _N. Y. during the -Rev._, i. 733; _Boston Sunday Herald_, Sept. 14, 1879). - -The captors did not want for friends. Judge Egbert Benson published a -_Vindication of the Captors of Maj. André_, 1817 (cf. _Analectic Mag._, -x. 307), which was reprinted in N. Y. in 1865, in two editions, with -additional matter, one by Sabin, the other by Hoffman. John Paulding, -the son of one of the captors, published a paper in their defence -(_Hist. Mag._, i. 331). The three captors were then all living, and -each made statements and affidavits respecting the event. These can -be found, whole or in part, in Benson; in the _Hist. Mag._, ix. 177, -xviii. 365; in Dawson's _Papers_, 119, 123, 182; in H. J. Raymond's -_Address_ (N. Y., 1853) at Tarrytown; in _Cent. Celebrations of N. -Y._ (1879); in Sabin's _Amer. Bibliopolist_, 1869, p. 335; in Simms's -_Schoharie County_, 646. Sargent thinks that Paulding (of whom there is -a portrait in H. W. Smith's _Andreana_) was the one of the three that -most firmly resisted André's bribes. - -A monument was erected at Tarrytown in 1853, when Henry J. Raymond -delivered an address; it was remodelled in 1883, and capped with a -statue of a captor, when Chauncey M. Depew spoke in defence of the -good names of the captors; and a _Centennial Souvenir_ was prepared -by Nathaniel C. Husted (N. Y., 1881). Monuments have been erected at -the graves of the three captors: for Paulding's and Van Wart's, see -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 171, 192; for Williams's, erected at Old -Fort Schoharie in 1876, when addresses were given by Daniel Knower and -Grenville Tremain, see _Centennial Celebrations of the State of N. Y._ -(Albany, 1879). For memorials of Williams, see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Feb., 1887, p. 168. - -A letter of Maj. Henry Lee describing the capture is in the _Penna. -Mag. of Hist._ (1880), iv. 61. Cf. _Amer. Hist. Rec._, Dec., 1873; -_Potter's Amer. Monthly_, vii. 167; Bolton's _Westchester_, i. 213. - -Respecting André in confinement, Major, later Colonel, Tallmadge has -left several statements,—letters, Sept. 23, 1780 (_Sparks MSS._, xlix. -vol. iii.); to Heath, Oct. 10, 1780 (_Heath MSS._, printed in Dawson, -194, and in Sargent, 469); his letters to Sparks in 1833-4 (_Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, 1879, pp. 748, 752); his _Memoir_, privately printed by -his son, F. A. T., and the extracts from it (_Hist. Magazine_, Aug., -1859; and Dawson's _Papers_). - -Washington gave his version of the conspiracy at a dinner-table in -1786, which is contained in Richard Rush's _Washington in Domestic -Life, being letters addressed to his secretary, Lear, 1790-97_ (also -in Dawson, 139). There are many references in the letters of 1780 in -Sparks's _Washington_ (vii, 205, 212-222, 235, 241, 256, 260-65, 281, -296, and in the App. pp. 520-552, most of the documentary proofs), and -in his _Letters to Washington_ (iii. 101-111), much of which is given -in Dawson. - -Several letters of Hamilton, contained in his _Correspondence_, are -of interest: one to Greene; one to Miss Schuyler, usually dated Oct. -2, but Bancroft says it is without date and must have been written -later, and, as usually printed, has omissions and interpolations. -Of particular value is a letter of Hamilton's to Henry Laurens, in -which he wished André's desire for a soldier's death could have -been gratified (Lodge's ed. _Works_, viii.; Dawson; H. W. Smith's -_Andreana_; McCoy's ed. _Proceedings_. Cf. _Pennsylvania Packet_, in -Moore's Diary, ii. 333). - -Lafayette's account is in his _Memoirs_, Eng. trans., N. Y., i. 253-56, -349, as well as letters to Luzerne and others (Dawson, 204, etc.). -Sparks held various conferences with Lafayette in later life, and his -notes are in the _Sparks MSS._, xxxii. J. F. Cooper, in his _Notions of -the Americans picked up by a travelling Bachelor_, has an account which -he says he derived from Lafayette in later years and from a British -officer who had heard Arnold tell his story at a dinner. - -In Dawson's _Papers_ are included various other contemporary accounts: -letters of Alex. Scammell (Oct. 1st, in Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet; -_Misc. Papers_, 1777-1824, i. 192; Oct. 3d, in _Hist. Mag._, xviii. -145; and Farmer and Moore's _Hist. Coll. N. H._); of Anthony Wayne, -Sept. 27 and Oct. 1, 1780 (_Amer. Bibliopolist_, 1870, p. 62); extracts -from the _Bland Papers_, ii. 33-38; and Maj. Samuel Shaw to the Rev. -Mr. Eliot, in Shaw's _Journals_, 77-82. - -Some papers of Timothy Pickering, formerly possessed by the Hon. Arad -Joy, of Ovid, N. Y., and now in the War Department, were printed in the -_N. Y. Tribune_. Letters of General Greene are in Greene's _Greene_, -ii. 227-40, and in the _R. I. Col. Records_, ix. 246, and in the _R. -I. Hist. Coll._, vi., and one of R. R. Livingston in the _Sparks -MSS._, xlix. vol. iii. Moore's _Diary_ (ii. 323, etc.) gives various -contemporary newspaper reports. - -The records of observers of André's last hours and execution have been -precise: Dr. Thacher's _Military Journal_, 274 (Dawson, 130; McCoy; -Smith's _Andreana_, 58), and his additional statements, together with -Maj. Benjamin Russell's account in the _N. E. Mag._, vi. 363 (also in -Dawson and _Andreana_); letter of Col. Van Dyk in 1821 (_Hist. Mag._, -Aug., 1863, vol. vii. 250); Todd's _Joel Barlow_, 35; the _Military -Journal of Gen. Henry Dearborn_, a MS. (J. W. Thornton's sale, no. -284, bought by Dr. T. A. Emmett); _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1879, p. 574; -_Amer. Whig Rev._, v. 381; _Southern Lit. Messenger_, vii. 856; xi. -193; Sparks's _Arnold_ (p. 255); Irving's _Washington_ (iv. 149, 157); -Sargent's _André_, 395; and others cited by Dawson. - -[1012] In a letter by Clinton, Oct. 11, 1780, to Germain, he details in -an accompanying narrative the rise of the correspondence with Arnold, -which began eighteen months before. Sargent notes it as being in the -State Paper Office, "America and West Indies, vol. cxxvi.", and says -it has not been printed. The _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxxii.) has a copy, -where is his next letter of the 12th, telling the story of André's -execution, which is printed in the _Remembrancer_, vii. part 2, p. 343, -and in Dawson, p. 240. Clinton also wrote to Lord Amherst on the 16th; -and on the 30th he wrote a secret letter to Germain, in which he says -that he has paid £6,315 to Arnold (_Sparks MSS._, xxxii. and xlviii.). -Germain's letters to Clinton and Arnold of Nov. 28th and Dec. 7th are -in _Sparks MSS._, xlviii. On a fly-leaf of Stedman's _History of the -Amer. War_, Clinton, having dissented to that writer's narrative (vol. -ii. p. 249,—given in Dawson, 196), wrote what he called an extract -from his MS. History of the War, no other portion of which is known. -This is printed in Mahon, vii. App.; Sargent's _André_; Dawson, p. 177, -and Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, vol. i. App. p. 737. Washington -in this extract is severely criticised, and this is also the case in -a pamphlet, _The Case of Major John André, who was put to death by -the Rebels, Oct. 2d, 1780, candidly represented, with remarks on said -case_ (pp. 28), New York, Rivington, 1780,—a copy in proof-sheets -in the Carter-Brown library, being the only one known, and it has -been supposed that it was prepared under Clinton's supervision and -suppressed (Sargent, 274; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1879, iii. 739). -The introduction is dated N. Y., Nov. 28, 1780. - -Cf. also Simcoe's _Mil. Journal of the Queen's Rangers_, pp. 150, 292 -(in Dawson, 149, 151). Simcoe offered to try to rescue André. Mahon's -_England_, vii. ch. 62; journal of Gen. Matthews, cited in Balch's -_Les Français en Amérique_. A long letter on the conspiracy and events -attending it, varying in some ways from the American account, and -possibly furnishing Arnold's story, was written by Andrew Elliott to -William Eden, Oct. 4 and 5, 1780, and is among the Auckland MSS. in the -Cambridge University library (England). Mr. B. F. Stevens has furnished -to me a printed copy of it. The account in Jones's _N. Y. during the -Rev._ (i. 370) misses or perverts the story throughout, and gives -that writer the occasion to abuse Clinton, which he does not fail to -use. Any opinion of Jones is liable to be confused by his cynical and -misplaced irony, which singularly accords with the countenance of the -man as portrayed in his picture. - -[1013] The questions at issue were these: Was André protected by -a flag? Arnold says Yes, and André himself says No. They were the -principal parties who could know the fact. If there was a flag, does -such use of a flag come within the purport of the military law which -defines flags? Is the question of good faith in flags one only between -the giver and the receiver of a flag, and can the giver of a flag act -in good faith to the receiver and with perfidy to his own principal, -with that perfidy known to the receiver? Can the passport of a general -engaged in treasonable correspondence with the enemy protect an officer -of that enemy when clothed in a disguise and bearing papers to the -enemy, such as might give that enemy an unfair advantage? - -These are questions which Washington and the board of inquiry and all -American writers have decided in the negative. Clinton, in his notes -on Stedman already referred to, Cornwallis (_Corresp._, i. 78), Simcoe -(_Mil. Journal_, pp. 152, 294), and other British military writers -then, as well as historians like Adolphus (_Hist. England_, iii. ch. -39) and Mahon (both in his _History_, vii., and his _Miscellanies_), -have supported the affirmative view. The most conspicuous dissent to -the general English opinion at the time was Sir Samuel Romilly, in -a letter to Roget, Dec. 12, 1780 (_Memoirs_, i. 140, quoted in P. -W. Chandler, _Amer. Crim. Trials_). The more reasonable among the -Tories, like Curwen (_Journal_, p. 323), defended the sentence. Later -English military writers like Mackinnon (_Coldstream Guards_), and -historians like Massey (_England_, iii. ch. 25) and Lecky (_England_, -iv. 155), have held that "the justice of the sentence cannot be -reasonably impugned;" and this seems to be the drift of the best -current English opinion to-day (cf. Dawson's _Papers_, 211, etc.; -Sargent, p. 413, who in chapter 22 gives the characters of the members -of the board, which English writers have attacked), though there is -an occasional exception. The _Saturday Review_, for instance, in -1872 (_Amer. Bibliopolist_, Oct., 1872), contended that a technical -construction of the law should not have guided Washington. The last -considerable discussion of the case was raised by Mahon, whose views -were controverted in Chas. J. Biddle's _Case of Major André_ (_Penna. -Hist. Soc. Mem._, vi. 317-416, Philad., 1868; _Hist. Mag._, i. 193), -and in Arnold's _Life of Arnold_. Irving (_Washington_, iv. 101) is the -most signal instance among American writers of the power to hold the -judgment apart from sympathetic emotion, when he pronounces André's -exploits are "beneath the range of a truly chivalrous nature." (Cf. -Bancroft, x. 393, and _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1885, p. 620.) There -is some evidence to show that André in the spring of 1780 had been a -deliberate spy at Charleston. - -If there are any aspects of the circumstances attending the discovery -of the plot with which one would willingly dissociate the name of -Washington, it is the countenance which he gave to the proposition to -Clinton to exchange André for Arnold, and his encouragement of the -attempt of Sergeant Champe, a little later, to abduct Arnold from New -York. Henry Lee (_Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department_, ii. -159-187; R. E. Lee's ed., p. 394) gives the most detailed account of -Champe's connived-at desertion, but he evidently mixes together the -later with the earlier incident, and has brought the story in some -minds into the category of myths. Lee's story appeared in New York -in 1864 in a separate brochure as _Champe's Adventures in attempting -to capture Gen. Arnold_ (pp. 48). _The House Reports, no. 486, -Twenty-seventh Congress, 2d session_, ii. (1842), show a petition -of "Sergeant-Major Champe" for reward for services. Cf. Sparks's -_Washington_, vii. 546; Niles's _Principles_, etc. (1876), p. 307; -Arnold's _Arnold_, 336; Sargent's _André_, 451; Lossing's _Field-Book_, -ii. 207. - -[1014] Lincoln's order-books bear witness to the seriousness of the -trouble. Even Moultrie became alarmed, and wrote to C. C. Pinckney that -he was afraid lest by straining after too much liberty they might lose -all. - -[1015] A court-martial, presided over by Moultrie, censured Ashe for -his lack of the proper precautions, while acquitting him of the charge -of cowardice on the field of battle. - -[1016] Curry, the deserter, was taken at Hobkirk's Hill by his former -friends and hanged. - -[1017] The Santee in its upper course as far as the line separating the -two Carolinas is known as the Catawba; thence to its junction with the -Congaree it is called the Wateree. The three names should be borne in -mind. - -[1018] It seems, however, tolerably certain that he had greatly -overestimated the size of his army, rating it at seven thousand, -while in reality the returns showed an effective force of only "three -thousand and fifty-two, rank and file." When Williams explained this to -Gates, the latter replied: "Sir, the number of the latter (privates) -are much below the estimates formed this morning; but these are enough -for our purpose." It seems never to have occurred to Gates that -Cornwallis would attempt to bring him to action. - -[1019] What brought these men together is not certainly known; but a -determination to keep the war away from their homes seems to have been -the main cause of their action. Probably the threats which Ferguson -made, in the vain hope of intimidating them, may have had a good deal -to do with it. - -[1020] The court of inquiry into Gates's conduct was never convened; at -first, because it was impossible to get it together without injury to -the service, since Steuben's presence was necessary. Later, when Greene -became cognizant of the whole affair, he became convinced that Gates -was the victim of circumstances, and advised against holding the court. - -[1021] Afterwards, when his attention was called to this hazardous -position, Morgan declared that had he passed the Broad River his -militia would have left him. As to the unprotected condition of his -flanks, he asserted that had there been a swamp in the neighborhood the -militia would have taken refuge in it. He added that he should have -viewed the surrounding of his army with unconcern, as then his men -would have been obliged to fight it out. In fact, like his great chief, -Morgan had a very poor opinion of the militia. He placed them in the -front rank with orders to fire at least two shots, and then to retire -behind the regulars, who were posted on a slight eminence in their -rear. A skirmish line of militia sharpshooters protected the front, -while the cavalry remained in reserve. The best proof of the excellence -of these dispositions is to be found in the results of the encounter. - -[1022] Tarleton had some "grasshoppers" at the Cowpens, but they did -little execution. For grasshoppers, cf. Stone's _Brant_, ii. 106, and -_Centennial Celebration of Sullivan's Expedition_, p. 109, note. - -[1023] In numbers the two commands were about equal,—not far from -one thousand on either side, excluding detachments. In discipline -and equipment the British were far superior. Their defeat was mainly -due to the rash impetuosity of their young commander, to his unwise -dispositions, and especially to his unmilitary conduct in leading his -men into action before the formation was complete. Above all, however, -their defeat was due to the confidence of Morgan's men in their leader, -to his admirable tactics, and to the splendid behavior of the Maryland -line. The "unaccountable panick", as Tarleton calls it, which seized -the British infantry, and the poor use the "Legion" commander made -of his horse contributed in no small degree to the result which was -probable whenever Tarleton should meet with a real soldier. - -[1024] A court of inquiry, summoned at Gunby's request, found that his -order "was extremely improper and unmilitary, and, in all probability, -was the only cause why we did not obtain a complete victory." At the -same time the court declared that Gunby's spirit and activity were -unexceptionable. This court was presided over by Huger, or Hugee, as -his name is not infrequently spelled in the old books. - -[1025] This seizure of Fort Granby greatly displeased Sumter, who -had marked it for himself. He tendered his commission to Greene, who -returned it with such an effusion of compliments that Sumter could not -refuse to keep it. But his conduct at a time when it was especially -important for the patriots to act in concert was a good illustration of -the way in which he systematically thwarted Greene. Before the Cowpens -he had ordered his subordinate to obey no orders coming from Morgan. -And now, instead of coming to the aid of Greene, when hard pressed, -he contented himself with desultory operations of no utility in the -campaign. They secured to himself, however, a separate command. - -Even Marion, that most steadfast and gallant leader of Southern -militia, was impatient at the way in which he was treated by the -commander-in-chief. It seems that Greene thought Marion might easily -spare a few horses in order that Washington's men could be mounted. -It will be remembered that Greene had before this taken occasion to -declaim against the practice of the Southern irregulars in always -wishing to serve mounted, as it added greatly to the expense. Marion -took the implied censure to himself, and wrote that as soon as the -siege of Motte's was over he wished to give up his present command and -go to Philadelphia. Greene induced him to give over his contemplated -retirement, and Marion's reply to Greene's urgent letter furnishes the -real reason for his wish to attain to some other command than that of -"Marion's men", for whom he appears to have had any but the kindest -feelings. Indeed, the popular idea of "Marion's men" seems to be far -from correct, for his band was composed largely of renegades, drawn -together by the hope of booty. They deserted their leader when anything -serious was to be attempted, and this "infamous behavior", as Marion -rightly terms it, was very distressing to him. However, for a time the -storm blew over, and for the future Lee was regarded as under Greene's -own immediate orders. - -[1026] It was at this time that Grierson himself was shot by one of -the militia after he had surrendered. Lee asserts that the murderer -could not be discovered, though a large reward was offered for his -apprehension; but Brown has declared that his name was well known, and -that he was purposely shielded by the American commanders - -[1027] That chieftain showed at this time a disregard for the orders -and wishes of Greene which counterbalanced whatever good his former -vigorous though unfortunate conduct may have produced. Instead of -acting in harmony with Marion, and delaying Rawdon by every means -within his reach, Sumter by contradictory letters neutralized Marion's -force, and rendered his own quite harmless by shutting himself up in -Fort Granby and allowing the British to march by unopposed. Greene -seems never to have forgiven Sumter for his behavior at this time; and, -indeed, it cannot be too warmly censured. - -[1028] He then went to Charleston, and soon after the hanging of Hayne -sailed for home. - -[1029] Four cruisers had been sent out by the Americans to give them -warning of the English fleet then in the neighborhood. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xii. 229. Cf. letters of Gerry in _Letters of Washington -to Langdon_ (1880), p. 111.—ED. - -[1030] Ternay was buried in Newport. Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Genial. -Reg._, 1873, p. 409, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 105; and -Anthony's speech on a bill to repair the tomb (H. B. Anthony's -_Memorial Addresses_, Providence, 1875).—ED. - -[1031] The Marquis of Rochambeau, in his _Memoirs_, took to himself -the credit of appointing the Chesapeake as a rendezvous for the fleet. -He also claims to have intimated to De Grasse that perhaps it would -be best to attack the English in Virginia. At all events, the French -admiral sent word that he should go into the Chesapeake, and he hoped, -as his stay on the coast would be short, that the land forces would be -ready to coöperate with him. This decided the matter. There is in print -(dated Mount Vernon, July 13, 1788; Carey's _Museum_; also in Niles, -_Principles and Acts_, 1st ed, p. 273) a letter from Washington to the -effect that, although the point of attack was not decided on at the -outset, the movement against New York was a feint. - -[1032] The documents recently printed by the Royal Commission on -Historical Manuscripts convey the impression that Rodney preferred not -to act in conjunction with Sir Henry Clinton. - -[1033] It was while reconnoitring on the morning of this day that Col. -Alexander Scammel, of the New Hampshire line, was captured by a party -of Legion dragoons, and mortally, though accidentally, wounded after he -had surrendered. - -[1034] _History of the Revolution of South Carolina from a British -Province to an Independent State_, Trenton, 1785,—cited in this -chapter as _Rev. in S. C._ - -[1035] There is no formal biography of Moultrie. Brief sketches of his -career may be found in Hartley's _Heroes of the South_, 231-268, and -in _A New Biographical Dictionary or Remembrancer of Departed Heroes, -compiled by T. J. Rogers_, Philadelphia, 1829, pp. 317-322. Cf. also -_ante_, p. 171, 229. - -[1036] _Memoirs of the American Revolution, so far as it related to the -States of North and South Carolina, and Georgia. By William Moultrie._ -New York, 1802. This work, though written long after the event, -consists so largely of letters and other original material that it may -be regarded almost as a contemporary work. - -[1037] _Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department, by Henry Lee, -lieutenant-colonel commandant of the Partisan Legion during the -American War_, Philadelphia, 1812; reprinted in 1819. In 1827 appeared -_A New Edition, with corrections left by the author, and with Notes -and Additions by H. Lee, the author of the Campaign of '81_. Many -years later, in 1869, _A New Edition, with Revisions, and a Biography -of the Author, by Robert E. Lee_, was published in New York. This is -the best memoir of "Legion Harry" that has yet appeared. Cf. also G. -W. P. Custis's _Recollections_, p. 354, and Rogers, _Biog. Dict._, -p.271. There are portraits of Henry Lee as a young man in Continental -uniform in the Penna. Hist. Society. Cf. Irving's _Washington_, quarto -ed., iii. 197; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 591; R. E. Lee's ed. of the -_Memoirs_. Cf. C. C. Jones, _Last days, death, and burial of General -Lee_ (Albany, 1870).—ED. - -[1038] And the same criticism applies with still greater force to the -writers who have based their narratives on this work. - -[1039] Cf. Charles C. Jones, _Reminiscences of the Last Days, Death, -and Burial of General Henry Lee_, Albany, 1870. - -[1040] For Washington's opinion of Lee, see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. -81. - -[1041] H. E. Turner's _Greenes of Warwick_ (Newport, 1877). - -[1042] See especially Greene's _Greene_ (all references in this chapter -are to the three-volume edition, unless otherwise stated), iii., -Appendix, pp. 541-547; Johnson's _Greene_, i. 218-221 and 326; Sparks, -_Correspondence of the Revolution_, iii. 118-189; Reed's _Reed_, ii., -_passim_ and App.; _Maryland Papers_; _Charleston News and Courier for -May 10th, 1881_; _Rhode Island Colonial Records_, vol. ix., and _R. I. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. vi. Many of these letters will be referred to -in the notes. In two letters from Knox to Greene (Drake's _Knox_, 67 -and 68) the lighter side of Greene's character appears. - -[1043] Caldwell sought interviews with Greene's relatives, and says -that his sources were "as ample and authentic as any now existing;" -and he represents that his account of the fight at Ramsour's Mill is -the only event of moment in which he differs materially from other -writers.—ED. - -[1044] _Sketches of the Life and Services of Nathanael Greene, -Major-General of the Armies of the United States, in the War of the -American Revolution. Compiled chiefly from original materials. By -William Johnson of Charleston, South Carolina, 1822._ Two volumes, -folio. A good review of this work is in the _United States Magazine and -Literary Repository_ for January, 1823, pp. 3-23. - -[1045] This of course provoked the reviewers, and especially Jared -Sparks,—then editor of the _North American Review_,—though his -criticisms are for the most part directed against portions of the work -that do not concern us here. - -[1046] _The Campaign of 1781 in the Carolinas, with remarks, historical -and critical, on Johnson's Life of Greene, to which it added an -Appendix of original documents, by H. Lee_, Philadelphia, 1824. - -[1047] _The Life of Nathanael Greene, ... by George Washington -Greene_, N. Y., 1871. The life intermediate between these two was -written in Rome, far away from the proper materials. It therefore is -of little value compared with the larger work. It forms volume xx. -of Sparks's _American Biography_. In 1877 appeared _A Biographical -Discourse delivered at the unveiling of the statue ... to the memory -of Major-general Nathanael Greene, by his Grandson, G. W. Greene_. But -the address, owing to the ill-health of the author, was not delivered. -It contains a good short summary of the Southern campaign. Cf. an -_Eulogium on Major-general Greene, delivered before the Society of -the Cincinnati by Alexander Hamilton, July 4, 1789_, in Hamilton's -_Works_, ii. 481; and Lodge's ed., vol. vii.; see also Headley's -_Washington and his Generals_, ii. 7-77; _Lives of the Heroes_, 27-75; -Wilson, _Biography_, 278-286; Rogers, _Biog. Dict._, 170-185; _American -Biography_ (1825), pp. 158-182, etc., etc. - -On the grant to Greene for his services, see the paper on the -sea-islands, in _Harper's Mag._, Nov., 1878. Cf. B. P. Poore, _Desc. -Catal. of gov't publ._, p. 1293. Recently published personal detail is -in _Providence Plantations_ (Providence, 1886), p. 62; John Bernard's -_Retrospections_, p. 103.—ED. - -The place of Greene's burial has aroused some controversy. Cf. C. C. -Jones, _Sepulture of Greene and Pulaski_ (1885). A description of the -monument to his memory at Savannah is in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, xvi. -297. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, iii. 369. - -[1048] _The Life of General Daniel Morgan, with portions of his -correspondence, compiled by James Graham_, N. Y., 1856. Besides this -there is a sketch of Morgan's career in Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 386. Cf. -also _Lives of the Heroes_, 76-89; Wilson, _Biography_, etc., 31-38; -Rogers, _Biog. Dict._, 309-316; Headley, ii. 366-372. _The Hero of -Cowpens, A Centennial Sketch by Mrs. McConkey_, N. Y., 1881, is of no -value. _Am. Hist. Record_, i. 111, contains an account of _The Grave of -Daniel Morgan_, with illustrations. - -Portraits of Daniel Morgan were painted by C. W. Peale (engraved by -David Edwin) and John Trumbull (engraved by J. F. E. Prud'homme). -Cf. Dennie's _Portfolio_, viii.; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 637 -(also, _Cyclo. U. S. Hist._, p. 920, etc.). The picture (_Mag. Amer. -Hist._, April, 1884), representing him sitting on a chest, and dressed -in a hunting-shirt, is no further a likeness than his features are -preserved. There is a statue of him by Ward. Morgan lived after the war -in the Shenandoah Valley, and a view of his house, "Saratoga", is given -in _Appleton's Journal_, 1873, July 16, p. 67; Mrs. Lamb's _Homes of -America_; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, x. 455.—ED. - -[1049] _The Life of General Francis Marion, by Brig.-gen. P. Horry, of -Marion's Brigade, and Mason L. Weems_, Baltimore, 1815. This volume -went through many editions. (Cf. Sabin.) The _Sketch of the Life of -Brig.-gen. Francis Marion, and a History of his Brigade, by William -Dobein James_ (Charleston, 1821), is now very rare. John James based -on it a _Life of Marion_ (N. Y., 1856). For an appreciative sketch of -the noted partisan, see Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 394. Cf. also _The Life of -Francis Marion_, by W. G. Simms, N. Y. (1846 and 1860); Headley, ii. -225; Lossing, in _Harper's Monthly_, xvii. 145; P. D. Hay, _The Swamp -Fox_, in _Ibid._, lxvii. 545,—especially valuable as containing some -original entries from the general's order-book; Hartley, _Heroes_, -1-212; Wilson, _Biography_, 82; Rogers, _Biograph. Dict._, 284; -_Charleston Year Book_ (1885, p. 338), where Marion's epitaph is given, -etc. For portraits of Marion, see Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed., -iv. 196; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 684.—ED. - -[1050] _Documentary History of the American Revolution, consisting of -letters and papers relating to the contest for liberty, chiefly in -South Carolina, by William Robert Gibbes._ There are three volumes -with titles not unlike the above. The first relates to events not -touched on in this chapter, the second (N. Y., 1855-57) covers the -period 1776-1782, while the third volume (Columbia, 1853) relates -more especially to the years 1781-1782. Many of the documents are of -interest to local readers only, and as a whole the volumes are of less -value than their titles would indicate. - -[1051] Hartley, _Heroes_, 269-290; Dawson, _Battles_, i. 487; and Lee, -_Memoirs_ (2d ed.), App. p. 442. Some autographic letters of Pickens -are in the _Sparks MSS._, lix. 24. - -[1052] In Sparks, _American Biography_, xxiii. pp. 205-434. Cf. also -_Notices of the Life of Major-General Benjamin Lincoln_, by "P. C." in -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 2d series, iii. 233-255,—pp. 238-244 deal -with his Southern campaigns; Thacher, _Military Journal_, 504-517; -J. T. Kirkland, _Notices of the Life of Benjamin Lincoln_; Headley, -_Washington and his Generals_ (N. Y., 1847), ii. 104; Rogers, _Biog. -Dict._, 276, etc., etc. - -[1053] There are among the Lincoln Papers (copied in the _Sparks -MSS._, xii.) a considerable mass of documents relating to Lincoln's -service in Carolina in 1779-1780; his correspondence with Marion, -Pinckney, Rutledge, Pulaski, Moultrie, Horry, John Laurens, Commodore -Whipple, etc., and the public authorities of Congress and the Assembly -of Georgia. His Journal, Sept. 3—Oct. 19, 1779, covers his plans of -normally coöperation with D'Estaing. There are records of the councils -of war in Charleston, April 20, 21, 26, May 11,—the latter advising -him to capitulate. Letters of Adj.-Gen. Ternant recount the strength -and losses of the garrison during the siege. Various letters between -Clinton and Lincoln concern the provisions and interpretation of the -terms of surrender. A proclamation of Clinton and Arbuthnot to the -South Carolinians is dated June 1, 1780.—ED. - -[1054] There is a _Life of Anthony Wayne by John Armstrong_ in Sparks, -_Amer. Biog._, iv. pp. 1-84. See especially pp. 56-71 for his Southern -campaigns. - -[1055] General Joseph Graham contributed many of these articles in -vols. i., iii., iv., and v. He took part in many of the operations. Cf. -_N. C. Univ. Mag._, iii. 433; Wheeler's _North Carolina_, ii. 233, and -Foote's _Sketches of Western North Carolina_, 251. There are sketches -of Caswell's life in the above-mentioned magazine, vols. vii. pp. 1-22, -and iv. 68. For a loyalist's view of the war in general, see Col. -Robert Gray in _Ibid._, viii. 145. Hugh Williamson collected material -for N. C. revolutionary history. Cf. _Pennsylvania Magazine of Hist._, -vii. 493. Cf. _Harper's Mag._, xv,. 159. - -[1056] _Interesting Revolutionary Incidents and Sketches of Character, -chiefly in the "Old North State", by the Rev. E. W. Caruthers, D. D._, -second series, Philadelphia, 1856. The title of the first series, -which relates to the Camden campaign, wants the word "_Interesting_." -Cf. the same author's _Sketch of the Life and Character of the Rev. -David Caldwell, ... with Account of the Revolutionary Transactions -and Incidents in which he was concerned_, etc. (Greensborough, N. C., -1842), and W. A. Graham's _British Invasion of N. C._, in W. D. Cooke's -_Rev. Hist. of N. C._ (1853). - -[1057] _Traditions and Reminiscences chiefly of the American Revolution -in the South, by Joseph Johnson, M. D., of Charleston, S. C._, -Charleston, 1851. - -[1058] The best biography of Steuben is the life by Friedrich Kapp, 2d -ed., N. Y., 1859. But Kapp is often ridiculously partial to his hero. -In the _Magazine of American History_, viii. pp. 187-199, is a valuable -and graphic account of Steuben, written in 1814 by his former aide, -William North. See also Thacher, _Military Journal_ 517-531; Professor -Ebeling in _Amerikanisches Magazin_, 1797, iii. 148; G. W. Greene, -_German Element in the War of American Independence_, N. Y., 1876, pp. -11-87; Francis Bowen, _Life of Baron Steuben_, in Sparks, _Am. Biog._, -ix. pp. 1-88; Headley, _Generals_, i. 293; Rogers, _Biog. Dict._, 370; -and his character, by Richard Peters in _Mag. of Western Hist._, 1886, -p. 680. - -[1059] Light-Horse Harry Lee in his _Memoirs_ was especially severe -on Jefferson's actions at this time, and later during Cornwallis's -campaign. To this Jefferson replied in a letter to the younger Henry -Lee, dated May 15, 1826, in Lee's _Memoirs_ (2d edition), p. 204. In -his _Notes on Virginia_, Jefferson attempted a defence of his conduct, -and in his _Writings_ (ix. 212 and 220) there appeared an attack on the -elder Lee. This brought forth a pamphlet entitled _Observations on the -Writings of Thomas Jefferson, with particular reference to the attack -they contain on the memory of the late Gen. Henry Lee_, by Henry Lee, -New York, 1832. This was suppressed (cf. Sabin, x. 172), but in 1839 a -second edition, "with an introduction and notes by Charles C. Lee", was -published. See especially pp. 119 to 141 of the 1st ed., and pp. 129 -to 147 of the 2d. See also Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 291-343; Giradin, -_Continuation of Burk_, iv. 452-470; and, on the other side, Howison, -ii. 251-265. - -[1060] Parton in his interesting life of the Virginia statesman, pp. -224-256, gives a lifelike picture of Jefferson's share in the war. He -dwells on the more picturesque incidents, like Tarleton's raid, which, -though giving a pleasant color to the story, had little influence on -the course of events. - -[1061] _The History of Virginia, commenced by John Burk, and continued -by Skelton Jones and Louis Hue Giradin_, Petersburg, 1816. What -part Jones took in the work is not clear. Volume iv. relates to the -Revolution. The editors of _Jefferson's Works_ (i. 41) say of Giradin: -"Mr. Jefferson supplied him with a large amount of manuscript matter -which greatly enriched his volume. His admiration for Mr. Jefferson -sometimes approaches the ludicrous." Cf. also Howison, ii. 278. The -volume closes abruptly after the capitulation of Yorktown. Further -publication seems to have been suspended on account of what M. Giradin -terms in his preface "typographical difficulties." - -[1062] _Calendar of Virginia State Papers and other Manuscripts -preserved in the Capitol at Richmond_, 1652-1781. Volume i., arranged -and edited by Wm. P. Palmer. Volume ii. prepared for publication by -Sherwin McRae (Richmond, 1875 and 1881). Volume ii. deals almost -entirely with the period covered by this chapter. - -[1063] _Letters of Thomas Nelson, Jr., Governor of Virginia_, Richmond -1874; (No. I. of the New Series of the _Publications of the Va. Hist. -Soc._) - -[1064] _Mémoires Militaires, Historiques, et Politiques de Rochambeau_, -Paris, 1809, vol. i. pp. 237-330, relating to his share in this war. -This portion was translated by M. W. E. Wright, Esq., and printed -as _Memoirs of the Marshall Count de Rochambeau relative to the War -of Independence of the United States_, Paris, 1838. It is generally -thought that the portion of Soulés' _Troublés_ dealing with Yorktown -was the work of Rochambeau, or written by his inspiration. - -[1065] See also appendices to the _Third_ and _Fifth Reports_ for -other papers of interest in the present examination. Some notes in -the Westmoreland Papers (_Tenth Report_, App., iv. 29) supplement the -Sackville Papers. - -[1066] Volume xxv. pp. 88 _et seq._, _Hansard_, xxii. 985 _et seq._, -contains the debates in the "Lords", but no documents. Abstracts of the -important papers are in the _Political Magazine_. - -[1067] For some account of the career of Cornwallis, see -_Correspondence of Charles, First Marquis Cornwallis_. _Edited with -Notes by Charles Ross, Esq._, London, 1859 (ably reviewed by C. C. -Smith in _North American Review_, lxxxix. 114). Most unfortunately, -many of the letters are printed in extract without any indication -being made of the fact. Several of the most important documents in -the book are printed in the appendix. Cf. also _Lives of the Most -Eminent British Commanders, by the Rev. G. R. Gleig_, iii. 115, being -vol. xxxvi. of Lardner's _Cabinet Cyclopædia_; G. W. Kaye's _Lives of -Indian Officers_, i. 1; the contemporary _Political Magazine_, ii. 450; -Jesse's _Etonians_; E. E. Hale in _Christian Examiner_, lxvii. p. 31; -and Poole's _Index_, p. 303. - -[1068] Cf. Cornwallis to Clinton, dated New York, Dec. 2, 1781, in -_Parliamentary Register_, xxv. 202; _Political Magazine_, iii. 350; -_Germain Correspondance_, 269; and Cornwallis's _Answer_, App., p. -228. This was followed by _The Narrative of Lieutenant-general Sir -Henry Clinton, K. B., relative to his conduct ... particularly to -that which respects the unfortunate issue of the campaign in 1781, -with an appendix containing copies and extracts of his correspondence -with L^d G. Germain, Earl Cornwallis_, etc. (London, 1783, several -editions. Reprinted in Philadelphia (1865) as _Narrative of the -Campaign of 1781 in America_ (250 copies).) Next came _A Reply to Sir -Henry Clinton's Narrative ... by Themistocles_ (Cornwallis?) (London, -1783, two editions), and _An Answer to that part of the Narrative of -Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Clinton, K. B., which relates to the -conduct of Lieutenant-general Cornwallis during the campaign in North -America in the year 1781, By Earl Cornwallis_ (London, 1783, and -Philad., 1866). In reply to this appeared _Observations on some parts -of the answer of Earl Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative -by Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Clinton, K. B._ (London, 1783). In -_Notes and Queries_, Oct. 28, 1882, mention is made of a copy of the -_Correspondence between Clinton and Cornwallis_, July-Dec., 1781, with -marginal MS. notes by Clinton. Cf. On this controversy Jones's _New -York during the Rev._, ii. 464, 466.—ED. - -[1069] Cf. _Ninth Report_ of the Royal Commissioners, as above, App., -iii. p. 100. Soon after his arrival at New York, Clinton demanded that -either the admiral or himself should be relieved (see Eden to Germain, -enclosing letters from Clinton, in _Ibid._, p. 106). Arbuthnot asking -to be relieved on account of his advanced age, the command of the fleet -was given to Graves. Soon, however, Clinton found himself involved in a -similar dispute with a more influential man. _The Seventh Report of the -Commissioners appointed to examine, take, and state the Public Accounts -of the Kingdom_ appeared in 1782 (also printed in _Parliamentary -Register_, xxiv. pp. 517-622). In his evidence before this board (cf. -above, p. 537) Cornwallis repeated Arbuthnot's charge, and plainly -implied that the final cessation of the plundering was due to his -own efforts. To this Clinton replied in a _Letter from Lieut.-gen. -Sir Henry Clinton, K. B. to the Commissioners on Public Accounts, -relative to some observations in their Seventh Report_ (London, 1784). -The order of Cornwallis, on which so much emphasis was laid, is in -_Parliamentary Register_, xxiv. 617. Stedman, as commissary under -Cornwallis, had excellent facilities for observation. He repeated the -old accusations in a note to his _History_. Clinton deemed the attack -worth noticing. Cf. his _Observations on Mr. Stedman's History of the -American War_ (London, 1794; reprinted, New York, 1864). It is but fair -to say that Cornwallis seems to have done everything in his power to -prevent plundering during his march through North Carolina. Cf. his -"Order-Book" in Caruthers' _Incidents_, 2d series, App. Cf. further, -Clinton's _Memorandum respecting the Unprecedented Treatment which -the Army have met with respecting Plunder taken after a Siege and of -which Plunder the Navy had more than ample share_ (privately printed, -1794).—ED. - -[1070] _A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Provinces of -North America, by Lieutenant-colonel Sir Banastre Tarleton, Commandant -of the late British Legion_ (London, 1787). There is in the Boston -Public Library a copy of this book which has bound with it a MS. diary -of Lieutenant Eld, of the Coldstream Guards, from his arrival at New -York, in the summer of 1779, to March, 1780, at the South (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xviii. 70). There is a statement of Tarleton's losses in -the _Sparks MSS._, lvi.—ED. - -Tarleton rose to the rank of lieutenant-general. He was a member of the -House of Commons, 1790-1806, and again 1807-1812. Ross, the editor of -Cornwallis's _Correspondence_, says (note to p. 44) that "in the House -of Commons he [Tarleton] was notorious for his criticisms on military -affairs, the value of which may be estimated from the fact that he -almost uniformly condemned the Duke of Wellington." Cf. also a sketch -of his career in _Political Magazine_, ii. 61. - -There is a well-known portrait of Tarleton by Reynolds (1782), -representing him in uniform, with hat, and his foot on a cannon. It -was engraved in mezzotint by J. R. Smith. Cf. E. Hamilton's _Catal. -raisonné of the engraved works of Reynolds_ (London, 1884), p. 67, -and John C. Smith's _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iii. 1305. It is engraved -on wood in _Harper's Mag._, lxiii. 331. Cf. also _London Mag._, 1782; -Johnston's _Yorktown Campaign_, p. 41; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. -607.—ED. - -[1071] _Strictures on Lt.-Col. Tarleton's History, &c., by Roderick -Mackenzie, late Colonel of the 7th Regiment_ (London, 1787). This in -turn called forth _An Address to the Army; in reply to the Strictures -... by Roderick M'Kenzie_, by George Hanger, Tarleton's second in -command. Hanger, afterwards Lord Colerain, also wrote or inspired a -work entitled _The Life, Adventures, and Opinions of Col. G. Hanger, -Written by himself_ (London, 1801). As to the authorship of this, see -_Gentleman's Magazine_, vol. xxxvii. - -[1072] _A Journal of the Operations of the Queen's Rangers, From the -end of the year 1777 to the conclusion of the late American War, by -Lieut.-colonel Simcoe, commander of that corps_ (Exeter, "printed -for the author", 1787). Reprinted, with some slight alterations and -additions, as _A History of the Operations of a Partisan Corps called -The Queen's Rangers, commanded by Lieut.-col. J. G. Simcoe, during -the War of the Revolution_. _Now first published. With a memoir of -the author and other additions_ (New York, 1844). The memoir is by an -unknown hand. - -[1073] _Memoir of General_ [Samuel] _Graham, edited by his son Colonel -J. J. Graham_, "privately printed" (Edinburgh, 1862). The portions of -this book dealing with America were reprinted in a condensed form in -_The Historical Magazine_ for August and November, 1865. - -[1074] _An Original and Authentic Journal of Occurrences during the -late American War, By R. Lamb—late Serjeant in the Royal Welsh -Fuzileers_ (Dublin, 1809). - -[1075] _The Origin and History of the First or Grenadier Guards, By -Lieut.-Gen. Sir F. W. Hamilton_ (London, 1874). - -[1076] Major Weemys, who commanded in the night assault on Sumter at -Fishdam Ford, was unfortunate in his later career, and died in poverty -in the city of New York. His manuscripts came into the possession -of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Among them is one entitled -_Sketches of Characters of the General Staff Officers ... in the -British Army_. It is the work of a disappointed man, but probably -reflects the opinions of many officers in the British army. - -[1077] The number of men nominally under Howe's orders cannot be -stated. He probably had not over 700 in action. Cf. Huger in Moultrie's -_Memoirs_, i. 251. Campbell had with him 3,500 men. Of these 2,500 were -in the fight. The total American loss in this preliminary campaign was -not far from 900 killed, wounded, and missing; while the British do -not seem to have lost more than 40 men. Probably many of the Americans -missing sought safety on their plantations. See further returns annexed -to the official reports as above; Gordon, iii. 218; and _Proceedings_ -of the Robert Howe Court-Martial, _passim_. - -[1078] C. C. Jones has a description of Sunbury in his _Dead Towns of -Georgia_ (_Ga. Hist. Soc. Coll._, iv.). - -[1079] Portrait in _London Mag._, 1781.—ED. - -[1080] Cf. also Moultrie, _Memoirs_, i. 252. - -[1081] For some account of Howe, see _Charleston Year-Book_ for 1882, -p. 359, and Dawson's _Battles_, i. 479. There is a "Sketch of Gen. -Robert Howe", by Archibald M. Hooper, in _North Carolina University -Magazine_, ii. 209-221, 305-318, 358-363, and iii. 97-109, and 145-160. -The first number of this magazine was printed in March, 1844, and it -was continued to 1860. L. C. Draper writes to me that of vol. vi. -he has "only one number, issued in March, 1857." He adds: "I have -been told that none others appeared of that volume." This statement -is confirmed by K. P. Battle, the present head of the university. -Mr. Draper tells me also that "there are some valuable Revolutionary -papers in the _Magnolia_, a magazine published in Georgia, and then in -Charleston in ante-war times; some in the _Orion_, a Georgia magazine; -some, I think, in _Russell's Magazine_, published at Charleston." - -[1082] For other accounts, see Dawson, _Battles_, i. 472; Marshall, -_Washington_, iv. 62; F. D. Lee and J. L. Agnew, _Historical Record of -the City of Savannah_, Savannah, 1869, p. 45; T. S. Arthur and W. H. -Carpenter, _Georgia_, Phila., 1853, p. 134; Stevens, _Georgia_, ii. -160; Eelking, _Die deutschen Hülfstruppen_, ii. 23; Lowell, _Hessians_, -239; Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. 524; Beatson, _Military Memoirs_, iv. -371; James Grant, _British Battles on Sea and Land_, ii. 156-160; -Allen, _American Revolution_, ii. 214; _An Impartial History_ (Bost. -ed.,) ii. 361; Botta (Otis's trans.), iii. 15; and Andrews' _History_, -iii. 63. - -This attack on Savannah is illustrated in the Faden map (1780) -called _Sketch of the Northern Frontiers of Georgia, from the mouth -of the River Savannah to the Town of Augusta, by Lieut.-Col. Archd. -Campbell_.—ED. - -[1083] Cf. Moultrie's _Memoirs_, i. 241, and _Remembrancer_, viii. 177. -An abridgment is in Dawson, _Battles_, i. 482. There is an interesting -account of the affair in Johnson's _Traditions_, p. 211. See also -Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 12, and Gordon, iii. 230. The numbers -given in the text are derived from Moultrie's "Orders" of February -7th (_Memoirs_, i. 296), and from a letter written by General Bull -to Moultrie (_Memoirs_, i. 312). Des Barres published a large map of -this region under the title of _Port Royal in South Carolina, taken -from surveys deposited at the Plantation Office, 1777_. Cf. _Neptune -Americo-Septentrional_ (1778), no. 23, and _N. Amer. Pilot_ (1776), -nos. 30, 31. - -[1084] _Georgia_, ii. 192. See also Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 14; -Gordon, ii. 230; Stedman, ii. 106; White, _Hist. Coll._, p. 683; and -Stevens, _Georgia_, ii. 188. In the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1st -ser., vol. ii. pp. 41-240, there is a valuable "Historical Journal of -the American War." Pp. 178-234 relate to the events described in this -chapter. - -[1085] This is given entire by Moultrie, who presided over the court -(_Memoirs_, i. 337-354. The finding of the court is on p. 353). The -assertion of Lossing that Ashe was acquitted "of every charge of -cowardice and deficiency of military skill" is not correct, as the -court expressly stated that it was of the opinion that "Ashe did not -take all necessary precautions." There is a "Sketch" of Ashe's career -in _North Carolina University Magazine_, iii. pp. 201-208 and 366-376. - -[1086] Accounts of varying degrees of excellence are in McCall, -_Georgia_, ii. 206; Moultrie, _Memoirs_, i. 310-330; Gordon, iii. 232; -Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 16; Stedman, ii. 107. See also Lossing, -_Field-Book_, ii. 507; Marshall's _Washington_, iv. 23; C. C. Jones, -_Georgia_, ii. 346, etc.; Stevens, _Georgia_, ii. 180; Moore's _Diary_, -ii. 138; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1880, p. 249. - -[1087] Cf. Prevost to Lord G. Germain in _The London Gazette_, -April 17-20, 1779; reprinted in _Remembrancer_, viii. 168; and in -_Gentleman's Magazine_ (1779), p. 213. - -[1088] Prevost had about three thousand men, but of these only two -thirds were fit for duty when he retired from Charleston. Moultrie -(_Memoirs_, i. 430) gives his own force at three thousand one hundred -and eighty, including eight hundred Continentals. According to -Prevost, Maitland had at Stono not far from eight hundred men, though -Lowell (_Hessians_, 241) gives him only five hundred. The attacking -party numbered twelve hundred. The American loss was one hundred and -sixty-two; that of the British one hundred and thirty-one. - -[1089] See also Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 23; Gordon, iii. 254; -Stedman, ii. 109, 120 (115-120 deal with Stono); Johnson's _Greene_, i. -271; Johnson's _Traditions_, 217; Flanders's _Rutledge_, in his _Lives -of the Chief Justices_, ii. 358-365. Something has also been gleaned -from Eelking, ii. 24; Lowell, _Hessians_, 240 (giving June 19 instead -of 20 as the date of the attack on Stono); Marshall's _Washington_, -iv. 28; and P. J. S. Dufey, _Résumé de l'histoire des Revolutions de -l'Amérique Septentrionale, depuis les premières découvertes jusqu'au -voyage du Général Lafayette_, Paris, 1826, i. 293-312. The British are -supposed to have carried away a large amount of plate and more than -a thousand slaves. The terror they inspired in the souls of the fair -Carolinians is well set forth in the _Letters of Eliza Wilkinson during -the invasion and Possession of Charleston, S. C., by the British in the -Revolutionary War_. _Arranged by Caroline Gilman_, N. Y., 1839. - -[1090] _Life of Lincoln_ in Sparks's _Am. Biog._, xxiii. 285. - -[1091] Judge Johnson, in his _Greene_, went out of his way to assert -that Pulaski slept at his post just before the battle at Germantown. In -a defence of his former commander, Paul Bentalou put forth the claim -that the retreat of Prevost was due to Pulaski. Unless the documents -(cited above) are untrustworthy this claim cannot be maintained. On -the contrary, a gallant charge that the brave Pole made had no other -effect than to dispirit the garrison. Cf. _Pulaski Vindicated by Paul -Bentalou, a captain in his "legion",_ Baltimore, 1824, p. 27; Jared -Sparks in the _North American Review_, xx. 385; _Remarks_, etc., on the -above article, by Judge Johnson, Charleston, 1825; Bentalou's _Reply to -Judge Johnson's Remarks_; and another article by Sparks in the _North -American Review_, xxiii. 414. - -[1092] There are two editions of this book in the Harvard College -library bearing the same date. One contains 158 pages, the other 126, -but in other respects they seem to be the same. The portion dealing -with Savannah, which Mr. Jones has translated (_Siege_, pp. 57-76), -runs from page 128 to 158 in one edition, and from page 101 to 126 -in the other. In Sabin this journal is attributed to D'Estaing. (Cf. -Sabin, under Estaing.) There seems to be no authority for this, and -it would certainly be astonishing for an officer to speak of his own -conduct as the writer of this journal constantly speaks of D'Estaing's -motives and actions. - -[1093] In F. B. Hough's _Siege of Savannah by the combined American -and French forces, in the Autumn of 1779_, Albany, 1866, p. 171, it is -reprinted from the _New Jersey Journal_, June 21, 1780, as a _Summary -of the Operations of the King's squadron commanded by the Count -D'Estaing, Vice Admiral of France, after the taking of Grenada, and the -Naval Engagement off that Island with Byron's Squadron_. - -[1094] Reprinted in _Remembrancer_, ix. 71; _Gentleman's Magazine_, -1779, p. 633; and, in an abridged form, in _Political Magazine_, i. 50, -also 106; and _Historical Magazine_, viii. 290. - -[1095] It usually precedes Prevost's report, and may also be found -in Hough, _Savannah_, 134, and in White, _Hist. Coll._, 343. T. W. -Moore, one of Prevost's aides, wrote a long letter to his wife, which -was printed in Rivington's _Royal Gazette_, Dec. 29, 1779; reprinted -by Hough in his _Savannah_, p. 82. Governor Tonyn, of Florida, -inclosed some interesting letters to Clinton bearing on the siege -(_Remembrancer_, ix. 63, and elsewhere). - -[1096] The first (pp. 25-52, with some "additions" running from p. 52 -to p. 56) is by an unknown hand. It was copied from Rivington's _Royal -Gazette_, Dec., 1779. The second journal, which he for convenience -calls "Another Journal" (cf. his _Savannah_, pp. 57-79), was also -copied from Rivington. It appears, however, to be identical with the -"Journal" (Sept. 3d-Oct. 20th) which E. L. Hayward sent to John Laurens -in December, 1779,—reprinted in Moore's _Materials for History_, N. -Y., 1861, pp. 161-173, and in _Historical Magazine_, viii. 12-16. It is -interesting, but hardly worth so many repetitions. - -[1097] To this should be added an extract from a letter of Anthony -Stokes, the colonial chief justice of Georgia to his wife, which Moore -found in Orcutt's _Collection of Newspaper Scraps_ in the library of -the N. Y. Hist. Soc., and printed in his _Diary_, ii. 223. - -[1098] Cf. Garden, _Anecdotes of the American Revolution_ (Brooklyn -ed.), iii. 19, and Hough, _Savannah_, 157. It was not written till -long after the event, and has no value for fixing dates, as Pinckney -confesses to having relied on Moultrie for the dates he gives. - -[1099] The French, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (1878), P. 548, where -it is stated that they were "translated from an original MS. in the -possession of Mr. Frank Moore." Lincoln's orders, as then given, are -stated to be on the same sheet and in the same handwriting as those of -the French, though in English. A somewhat different and more accurate -copy of Lincoln's orders is printed in Moultrie's _Memoirs_, ii. 37. -Cf. Lincoln's MS. order-book. - -There has been much dispute as to the size of the opposing armies. In -the report which I have somewhat incautiously attributed to D'Estaing, -the French army actually on shore is given at 2,823 Europeans, 165 -volunteers from Cape François, and 545 "volunteer chasseurs, mulattoes, -and negroes newly raised at St. Domingo." The American force is rated -at 2,000, or 5,524 men in all. Cf. Hough, _Savannah_, 173, and Jones, -_Savannah_, p. 40, note. Moultrie (_Memoirs_, ii.) increases the -number of the Americans to 4,000, while lowering that of the French -to 2,500. Stedman (_Am. War_, ii. 127) is even wilder when he says -that the combined armies numbered more than ten thousand men, of whom -about five thousand were French. In this he is followed by Mackenzie -(_Strictures_, p. 12), and as both were officers in the force which -came South with Clinton, it is probable that that was the impression -prevalent in the British army. Chief-Justice Stokes (_View of the -British Constitution_, etc., Lond., 1783, p. 116) estimates the -Americans at 2,500 and the French at 4,500, while Jones (_Savannah_, -p. 39) rates the French at 4,456, and the Americans at 2,127. This is -probably as accurate an estimate as can now be made. - -The writer of the so-called D'Estaing report says that the force in -Savannah was composed of 3,055 English European troops, 80 Cherokee -savages, and 4,000 negroes, or 7,155 men in all. Stedman gives the -garrison at 2,500 "of all sorts", while T. W. Moore says that there -were but 2,000 in the town. The legend on Faden's _Plan_ gives the -number at 2,360, while the writer of the first journal in Hough (p. 43) -says that there were but 2,350 "effectives" in the place. - -The Allies lost in the sortie of the 23d, 24th, or 25th of -September—for the journals differ as to the date—from 70 to 150 in -killed, wounded, and missing. Cf. Jones, _Savannah_, 22, 53. The writer -of the _Extrait_, ec. of 158 pages, p. 141, says that this great loss -was due to the fact that M. O'Dune, who had the immediate command at -the time, was intoxicated, and pursued the assaulting column too far. -The assault of Oct. 9th cost D'Estaing, according to the _Extrait_ -(as above, p. 148), 680 men, while the author of the other journal -translated by Jones gives it as high as 821. The American loss was -not far from 312, though Moultrie rates it at 457, or a total loss -of about 1,133 in killed, wounded, and missing. The French suffered -severely from sickness,—malaria on shore and scurvy in the fleet. -So that Captain Henry, when he wrote (_Remembrancer_, ix.) that "we -have every reason to believe that this expedition cost the enemy two -thousand men", was probably not far from correct. In the document which -I have called the D'Estaing report the French losses are given as -follows (Hough, _Savannah_, p. 174): "Killed, 183; wounded, 454." But -the figures have not been verified by a comparison with the original -_Gazette_. - -The English loss in the sortie was very slight,—not more than -twenty-one. Repelling the assault on the 9th cost Prevost 16 killed -and 39 wounded. But to these numbers should he added those picked off -from time to time, which swelled the total to 103 in killed and wounded -(Prevost's report in _Remembrancer_, iv. 81). He lost, in addition, -52 in missing and deserters, or 155 in all. But this was more than -counterbalanced by desertions from the French ranks. It should be -stated, however, that T. W. Moore, Prevost's aide, gave the loss of the -garrison in killed and wounded alone at 163. - -[1100] C. C. Jones, _Georgia_, ii. 375-416; Lee and Agnew, _Historical -Record_, 50-64; Arthur and Carpenter, _Georgia_, 174-193. Cf. also -Allen, _History_, ii. 264; _An Impartial History_, p. 605; Andrews, -iii. 309-318; and Beatson, _Memoirs_, iv. 516-534. The most inaccurate -account known to the present writer is in E. Ryerson, _The Loyalists of -America and their Times_, Toronto, 1880, vol. ii. p. 22. - -[1101] Dufey, _Résumé_, i. 312-321; François Soulés, _Histoire des -Troublés de l'Amérique Anglaise_, Paris, 1787, iii. 211-219. See also -Botta (Otis's trans.), iii. 66-75; and Giuseppe Colucci, _I casi della -Guerra per l'Independenza narrati dall' ambasciatore della Republica di -Canova presso la corte D'Inghilterra nella sua corrispondenza officiale -inedita_, Genoa, 1879, ii. 536. - -[1102] Eelking, _Hülfstruppen_, ii. 57, and Lowell, _Hessians_, 242. -Major-General John Watts De Peyster has an article on the siege in the -_New York Mail_ for Sept. 24, 1879. Something may also be found in -Lossing, _Field-Book_; Stone, _Our French Allies_, etc. A description -of Ebenezer, a town which constantly figures in this campaign, is in -C. C. Jones, _Dead Towns of Georgia_, p. 183; also in _Ga. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, vol. iv.; while the experience of the Salzburg settlers of that -region is well set forth in P. A. Strobel's _The Salzburghers and their -Descendants_, Balt., 1855, pp. 201-211. - -[1103] Cf. _A Journal_, in Hough, p. 46; _Another Journal_, in _Ibid._ -79; and the other original sources as above. - -[1104] As to the sufferings of the sailors and the lack of energy -displayed by the officers of the fleet, see _Extrait du Journal_ (158 -page edition), p. 138 _et seq._ This part is translated in Jones, -_Savannah_, p. 61. - -[1105] The verses of the royalist wits are in Moore's _Songs and -Ballads_, 269, 274. - -[1106] The former had come into notice during the gallant defence of -Fort Moultrie. Later he rendered important service, and was wounded in -the lungs while carrying off the colors from the deadly Spring Hill -redoubt at Savannah. There is no doubt of the truth of this intrepid -bravery of Sergeant Jasper. Cf. McCall, _Georgia_; Horry, _Life of -Marion_, p. 66; Stevens, _Georgia_, ii. 217. Cf. especially C. C. -Jones, _Serjeant William Jasper, An Address delivered before the Ga. -Hist. Soc. in 1876_. - -The "impetuous Polander" was mortally wounded while making some kind of -a charge in the rear of the enemy's line on the right. As to Pulaski, -see, beside the general accounts and C. C. Jones's Address in _Georgia -Hist. Coll._, iii., the _Life of Count Pulaski_ by Sparks, in his -_American Biography_, xiv. 365-446; pp. 431-443 relate to the Southern -campaign. Cf. also an article in _American Historical Record_, i. -397-399; and note in Hough, _Savannah_, p. 175, abridged from Stevens, -_Georgia_, ii. According to Paul Bentalou, who claimed to have been -with him when he died, his body became so offensive immediately after -his death that it was thrown overboard from the vessel which was -bearing the wounded to Charleston. Nevertheless, at the laying of the -corner-stone of a monument to his memory in Savannah, a metallic box -supposed to contain his remains was placed within the plinth alongside -the corner-stone. With regard to his place of burial, see Bentalou, -_Pulaski Vindicated from a charge in Johnson's Greene_ (Balt., 1824), -p. 29; C. C. Jones, _Sepulture of Major-General Nathanael Greene and -of Brigadier-General Count Casimir Pulaski_, Augusta, Ga., 1885; and a -letter from James Lynch, of South Carolina, to the editor of the _New -York Herald_, Jan. 7, 1854,—reprinted in the _Hist. Mag._, x. 285; -Johnson, _Traditions_, note to p. 245, where another Pole, who claimed -to have been aide-de-camp to Pulaski, and to have supported him in the -death struggles, says that he was buried under a large tree, about -fifty miles from Savannah. - -The Maryland Historical Society has the banner presented to Pulaski by -the Moravian Sisters of Bethlehem in 1778. It was saved when Pulaski -fell at Savannah in 1779, and came into the possession of the society -in 1844 (_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., xi.). There is a portrait of -Pulaski, engraved by H. B. Hall in Jones's _Georgia_, ii. 402. (Cf. -Lossing, ii. 735.) The history of efforts to establish Pulaski's -service and recompense by the United States Government is traced in -_Senate Exec. Doc. 120, 49th Cong., second session_ (1887).—ED. - -[1107] Printed in various places,—as, for example, in Hough, -_Charleston,_ p. 173; _Remembrancer_, x. 140. Other letters from -Lincoln to Washington are in _Corresp. Rev._, ii. 344, 385, 401, 403, -418, and 433, etc. Some of them, especially one of April 9th, are of -considerable value. Among Lincoln's MSS. is a long letter from Lincoln -to Washington, dated Hingham, July 17, 1780, defending his conduct. It -is of value, but, if sent, has never, to my knowledge, been printed. -The reasons for abandoning the defence of the bar are given in a letter -from Captain Whipple and other commanders and pilots to Lincoln, dated -Charleston, Feb. 27, 1780, in Ramsay, _Rev. S. C._, ii. 397. See -Lincoln MS. defence as above. There are also several papers relating to -this portion of the siege in the third volume of the _Commodore Tucker -Papers_ in the Harvard College library. But see Moultrie (_Memoirs_, -ii. 50) for his strictures on the giving up the position near Fort -Moultrie. It is probable that, had the British fleet been kept out of -the Cooper River, the surrender would have been long deferred, perhaps -even until the hot season and the arrival of the French at Newport had -compelled its abandonment. - -[1108] There are several other descriptions from American sources. -The most valuable, so far as it goes, is the report of Du Portail -to Washington (_Corresp. Rev._, ii. 451). It relates, however, to a -limited period. The same must be said of a few letters from the younger -Laurens and from Woodford, the commander of seven hundred Virginians -who arrived on the 21st of April. Laurens's first letter, bearing -date of Feb. 25th, is in Moore's _Materials for History_, p. 173. The -second, written on March 14th, is in _Corresp. Rev._, ii. 413. The -third, which bears date of April 9th, is in _Ibid._ 435. Woodford's -letter of April 8th is in _Ibid._ 430. Cf. also _Ibid._ 401, 420, and -Moore's _Materials_, 175. - -The contemporary journals of value are: _Diary of Events in Charleston, -S. C., from March 20 to April 20, 1780, by Samuel Baldwin_, in New -Jersey _Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1st series, vol. ii. pp. 78-86,—Baldwin -was a schoolteacher in Charleston; cf. _Ibid._ p. 77; _Journal of the -Siege of Charleston in 1780_, by De Brahm (Feb. 9, 1780-May 12, 1781), -in Gibbes, _Doc. Hist._ (1776-82), p. 124; and _Memoirs of Andrew -Sherburne, written by Himself_ (a "boy" on the American ship "Ranger"), -first printed at Utica in 1828, and reprinted in an "enlarged and -improved" form at Providence, in 1831. His curious journal begins -on p. 24 of the 1st ed., and on p. 27 of the 2d. Maj. Wm. Croghan's -journal at Charleston, S. C., Feb. 9-May 4, 1780, etc., is copied in -the _Sparks MSS._, vol. lx. There are two journals in _The Siege of -Charleston by the British Fleet and Army, which terminated in the -surrender of that place May 12, 1780_, with notes, etc., by Franklin -B. Hough (Albany, 1867). The first is contained in two letters by -an unknown hand, and relates to the operations on Lincoln's line of -communications. The author was not present at the siege itself. The -other journal relates to the operations against the town, but it has -little value. Indeed, this volume of Hough's is not so interesting -as the similar work on Savannah. Another journal, which relates more -especially to the movements in the country, is the _Diary of Anthony -Allaire_, a lieutenant in Ferguson's corps, printed by Draper in his -_King's Mountain and its Heroes_, p. 484. Allaire corroborates in a -most striking manner the accuracy of the charges of cruelty and outrage -made by the author of the "Notes" in Stedman's _American War_. The -account of the defence in Johnson's _Traditions_ was written by an -eye-witness, though long after the event. It is often very inaccurate, -but nevertheless interesting. The assertion therein made that Gadsden -signed the capitulation, and that therefore all of South Carolina was -included in its terms, cannot be substantiated. - -[1109] According to Lincoln's official report, the Continental troops, -"including the sick and wounded", surrendered prisoners of war at -Charleston numbered 2,487. Adding to this the 89 Continentals killed, -we have 2,576, or within five of the number of the garrison as given -in the _New Jersey Gazette_ for June 23, 1780 (Hough, _Charleston_, -198). Lincoln says further that at the time of surrender the militia -"effectives" did not exceed 500 men (Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 141), in all -not over 3,000. Clinton, in his report as usually printed, gives the -total as 5,612, or 5,618, "together with town and country militia, -French and seamen, make about six thousand men in arms." In Beatson, -_Memoirs_, vi. 209, the number of seamen is printed as 100 instead of -1,000—a considerable reduction, and perhaps nearer the mark. Clinton's -estimate was further increased in the royalist newspapers of the time -to "between seven and eight thousand men." Lincoln's figures are -probably the nearest to the truth, as all the contemporary writers on -the American side insisted that Clinton counted among his prisoners -every man capable of bearing arms in Charleston. At any rate, whatever -their number, the militia, excepting the artillery company, seem to -have been of but little service, as their loss in killed and wounded -was not over forty, and in this estimate is included the total loss to -those inside the lines not otherwise accounted for. Lincoln stated his -killed at 89, and wounded at 140. But both Ramsay and Moultrie say that -from five to six hundred Continentals were in the hospital at the time -of the surrender. - -In Beatson's _Memoirs_ (vi. 204) there is a _List of the different -regiments and corps selected by Sir Henry Clinton to accompany him on -the expedition against Charlestown_. It gives the total, exclusive of -staff, at 7,550. There were in Savannah at the time about 2,000 more, -and the reinforcement which arrived in April numbered about 3,000 -men. Clinton therefore had about 13,000 men at his disposal in May, -1780. Of course, a large proportion of this force was employed in -detachments,—guarding Savannah, breaking up Lincoln's communications, -and the like; so that it is impossible to say how many men Lincoln had -in his front at any one time. - -Clinton's loss from Feb. 11th to May 12th is given by himself at -76 killed and 189 wounded. To this should be added the loss of -the sailors, who seem to have participated in a good many land -expeditions,—23 seamen killed and 28 wounded, or a grand total of 316. -None of these figures include the losses and numbers engaged in the -minor actions. But there is so little data with regard to them that it -has seemed best to omit them in these estimates. - -[1110] It was widely reprinted, as, for instance, in _The New Annual -Register_ for 1780, under _Principal Occurrences_, p. 55; _Pol. Mag._, -i. 455; _Remembrancer_, x. 41; Tarleton, 38, etc., etc. An abstract -under title of _A memorandum_, etc., is given in the _Ninth Report of -the Hist. MSS. Commission_, App. ii. p. 109. A previous report, bearing -date of March 9th, has been found,—_London Gazette_ for April 25-29, -1780; _Pol. Mag._, i. 397; Tarleton, 34; and Hough, _Charleston_, p. -190. The gap between March 9th and 29th must be filled from other -sources. The instructions as to reducing South Carolina to obedience, -from Germain to Clinton and Arbuthnot, are dated Whitehall, 3 Aug., -'79 (_Charleston Year-Book_ for 1882, p. 364). Clinton issued in all -six proclamations, including the one signed by him conjointly with -Arbuthnot, as commissioners. The first was dated at James's Island, -March 3, 1780. It promised protection, etc., to all who should take -the oath of allegiance. These protections were given in a most -indiscriminate fashion, and caused the complaint of Cornwallis above -noted. The paper was reprinted by Hough in his _Charleston_, p. 24. -Next came the "Handbill", without date, but sent out soon after the -capitulation (_Remembrancer_, x. 80). The proclamation of May 22d -threatened vengeance on all who should prevent the loyalists from -coming in (_Remembrancer_, x. 82; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 435; -and Tarleton, 71). The most important proclamation, however, and the -one to which Cornwallis took such violent exception, pardoned all not -included in a few specified classes (June 1st), and was signed by the -two chief commanders (_Remembrancer_, x. 85; Hough, _Charleston_, 178; -Ramsay, _Rev. S. C._, ii. 438; Tarleton, 74, etc.). A fac-simile is -in _Charleston Year-Book_ (1882), p. 369. The proclamation of June 3d -called upon those on parole, with a few exceptions, to give up their -paroles, take the oath of allegiance, and thereby secure "protections" -(_Remembrancer_, x. 82; Hough, _Charleston_, 182; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. -C._, ii. 441; Tarleton, 73; Moultrie, _Memoirs_, ii. 384, etc.). _The -Address of divers Inhabitants of Charleston to Sir Henry Clinton_, -June 5, 1780, is (_Remembrancer_, x. 93; Ramsay, ii. 443; Moultrie, -ii. 386, etc.) without names, which are appended to the copy in Hough, -_Charleston_, 148, where it is stated to be reprinted from Rivington's -_Royal Gazette_ of June 21, 1780. The names, however, are from the -_Gazette_ of June 24th. The letters of Cornwallis on this subject are -in his _Correspondence_, i. 40, 46, and 48. There is a very striking -passage in Moultrie, i. 276, with regard to this business. Cf. also -_Ibid._ 314, and Johnson's _Greene_, i. 279. - -[1111] Hough in his _Charleston_ (p. 50) has reprinted a despatch -purporting to have been written by Clinton and addressed to Lord George -Germain. It was dated Savannah, Jan. 30, 1780; reprinted in Hough, -_Charleston_, p. 50; and was said to have been captured by a privateer. -In it Clinton described the dispiriting effect on the royalists of -Georgia of D'Estaing's attack on Savannah. It has been regarded as a -forgery, partly on this very account. It probably was a forgery. But -it is curious to observe that the opening pages of Tarleton contain -the same statement, and he repents the despatch without a hint as to -its being a forgery. And this forms the ground of Mackenzie's first -stricture. - -[1112] Moore, _Diary_, ii. 269; "Allen", _Hist. Am. Rev._, ii. 296; -_An Impartial History_ (Bost. ed.), ii. 386; Beatson, _Memoirs_, v. -8; Soulés, _Troublés_, iii. 259; Johnson's _Greene_, i. 274; Sargent, -_Life of André_, p. 225; Marshall's _Washington_, iv. 135; Sparks's -_Washington_, vii. 92; Wilmot G. De Saussure in _Charleston Year-Book_ -(1884), p. 282; Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_, ii. 59; Ewald, iii. 252; and -Lowell, _Hessians_, 243. - -A good account of this and the other operations in South Carolina is -in Mills's _Statistics of South Carolina_, while Mrs. Ellet, in her -_Domestic History of the American Revolution_ (pp. 151-290), has well -set forth the services of the women of the South. Cf. the _Letters of -Eliza Wilkinson, during the invasion and possession of Charleston, -S. C., by the British in the Revolutionary War_. _Arranged from the -original manuscripts, by Caroline Gilman_ (New York, 1838). The -articles of capitulation are in Tarleton, p. 61, and R. E. Lee's ed. -Lee's _Memoirs_, p. 158. The correspondence of the commanders is in -_Polit. Mag._, i. 454. The abject condition of South Carolina after the -reduction of Charleston is set forth in Ardanus Burke's _Address to -the Freemen of South Carolina_, Phil., 1783. The British exhilaration -is shown in Moore's _Songs and Ballads_, 293. The _Memoirs of Josias -Rogers, Commander of H. M. S. "Quebec", by Rev. Wm. Gilpin_ (London, -1808), is said to have passages concerning the siege.—ED. - -[1113] Reprinted in _Polit. Mag._, i. 513; _Remembrancer_, x. -76; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 432; Tarleton, _Campaigns_, 83; -_Cornwallis Correspondence_, i. 45, etc. It is often accompanied by two -letters: one from Cornwallis, approving his conduct; the other from -Clinton to Germain, calling the latter's attention to the fact that -"the enemy's killed and wounded and taken exceed Lieutenant-Colonel -Tarleton's numbers with which he attacked them." - -[1114] There are good descriptions in Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 148; Ramsay, -_Rev. in S. C._, ii. 108; Moultrie, _Memoirs_, ii. 203; Gordon, iii. -360; and Stedman, ii. 192; though all these writers obtained their -information from others. - -[1115] Good accounts of this affair are in Marshall's _Washington_, iv. -208, and Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. 458. - -[1116] It was reprinted by Wheeler in his _North Carolina_, ii. 227, -and in an abbreviated form in Hunter's _Sketches of Western North -Carolina_, p. 206. It forms the basis of the account in Dawson, -_Battles_, i. 592. See also _Historical Magazine_, xii. 24. - -[1117] They can also be found in full in the _Ninth Report of the Royal -Commission on Historical MSS._, Appendix, iii. p. 103; _Cornwallis -Correspondence_, i. 488 and 492; Tarleton, 128; _Annual Register_ -(1780), under Principal Occurrences, p. 72; and _Political Magazine_, -i. 675, 678. The second one is in the _Remembrancer_, x. 267; Tarleton, -128; _Gentleman's Magazine_ for Oct., 1780; and in many other places. -Not long before the battle, Gates supposed himself to be at the head -of 7,000 men,—Williams in Johnson's _Greene_, i. 493,—while an -estimate found in De Kalb's pocket (_Remembrancer_, x. 279) gives the -size of the American army at some day before the battle at 6,000, -less 500 deserters. In this estimate the Virginians were reckoned at -1,400,—twice their real number. Jefferson in "Memoranda" (Giradin, -iv. 400) gives the total at 2,800,—the North Carolina militia being -rated at 1,000, far below their real strength. Williams (_Narrative_, -in Johnson's _Greene_) gives the "rank and file present and fit for -duty" as 3,052. Gordon gives the total, including officers, as 3,663. -If we add to this number the light infantry and cavalry we get a total -of 4,033 men of all arms. This is probably as correct an estimate as -can be made. Cf. J. A. Stevens in _Mag. Am. Hist._ (v. 267), where the -subject is fully discussed. - -Cornwallis had in the engagement itself 2,239 men, of whom 500 -were militia. Cf. _Field Return of the troops under the command of -Lieutenant-general Earl Cornwallis, on the night of the 15th of August, -1780_, in _Remembrancer_, x. 271, etc. This is given by Beatson, -_Memoirs_, vi. 211, as _Return of troops ... at the Battle of Camden_. - -As to the American loss, it appears that Cornwallis, without taking -much pains to inquire, wrote to Germain that between 800 and 900 of -the enemy were killed and wounded, about 1,000 being prisoners. Even -supposing the wounded to have been counted twice, this is too high. -Only three Virginia and sixty-three North Carolina militiamen are -anywhere reported as wounded, while none were killed. In fact, from -their speedy dispersal the militia loss must have been very slight. In -any correct return they would have appeared as missing. But no attempt -at such a return was made. The nearest approach to it is _A List of -Continental Officers, killed, captivated, wounded, and missing in the -actions of the 16 and 18 August, 1780_. This is signed by Otho H. -Williams, and is in _Remembrancer_, x. 338; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, -ii. 454. It is erroneously printed in the _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, -xxvii. 376, as a _Return of the Killed, wounded, captured, and missing -at the Battle of Camden_, which it certainly is not. There were between -ten and twelve hundred Continentals present. They bore the brunt of -the action and suffered nearly all the loss. Yet Gates wrote on the -29th of August that "seven hundred non-commissioned officers and men of -the Maryland division have rejoined the army." See, also, Williams in -Johnson's _Greene_, i. 505. In view of this it seems that even Gordon's -estimate of 730 is too high, while Cornwallis's figures are simply -ridiculous. He certainly did not overstate his own loss when he gave it -as 68 killed, 245 wounded, and 11 missing, or 324 in all. Cf. return -usually annexed to his report, and printed separately by Beatson in his -_Memoirs_, vi. 211. - -[1118] A mystery surrounds the life of De Kalb. But he died as became a -man of worth and honor. The fullest account of his career is _The Life -of John Kalb, Major-general in the Revolutionary Army, by Friedrich -Kapp_, "privately printed" in New York in 1870. In 1884 there seemed -to be a revival of interest in the hero of Camden, and the volume was -published. It is a translation of Kapp's _Leben des Amerikanischen -Generals Johann Kalb_, Stuttgart, 1862. An earlier notice was the -_Memoir of the Baron de Kalb read at the meeting of the Maryland -Historical Society 7 January, 1858, by J. Spear Smith_. Both Kapp and -Smith, from whom Kapp quotes, are unwarrantably severe on Gates, as, -too, is G. W. Greene in his _German Element in the War of American -Independence_, N. Y., 1876, pp. 89-167. See, also, Thomas Wilson, _The -Biography of the Principal American Military and Naval Heroes_, N. Y., -1817; Headley, _Generals_, ii. 318; Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 378, etc. For an -account of the monument to De Kalb, see H. P. Johnston in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, ix. 183. - -[1119] The whole letter is interesting,—_Third Report of Hist. MSS. -Com._, Appendix, p. 430; a portion was reprinted in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, -vii. 496, and copied thence by Kapp in his _Life of John Kalb_, p. 322. - -[1120] Printed under the title of _Gates's Southern Campaign_ in _Hist. -Mag._, x. 244-253. - -[1121] There is an extract in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, v. 258. The whole -is copied in the _Sparks MSS._, xx., from the Gates Papers. - -[1122] The editors of Jefferson's _Works_ (q. v. i. 249) omitted -this on the ground that the "circumstances of the defeat of General -Gates's army near Camden" are of "historical notoriety." Cf. Giradin's -_Continuation_, iv. 398, where an account probably identical with this -is given. It is one of the best descriptions. - -[1123] The best of this class, perhaps, is that of Colonel Senff, an -engineer officer who was with Sumter at the time. The original is among -the _Steuben Papers_, a portion being printed in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, v. -275. See also two letters written by Governor Nash of North Carolina -(Tarleton, 149, and _Corres. Rev._, iii. 107). The latter is especially -valuable as showing the effects of the disaster on the public mind. -Marion also announced the defeat to P. Horry (Gibbes, _Doc. Hist._, -1776-1782, p. 11). - -In a letter dated Kennemark, Sept. 5, 1780, Greene describes the defeat -from Gates's despatches, which had not then been made public (_R. I. -Col. Rec._, ix. 243; _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. 265; and _Mag. -Amer. Hist._, v. 279). A more valuable letter on the same subject is -one to Reed, written after his arrival in the South (Reed's _Reed_, -ii. 344). But the most important of these Greene letters is one dated -High Hills of Santee, Aug. 8, 1781 (quoted by Gordon, iv. 98), in -which Greene declares that Gates did not deserve the blame with which -his career in the South was so unhappily closed. Moore (_Diary_, ii. -310) gives several extracts from accounts of the affair which appeared -in Rivington's _Royal Gazette_. Another contemporary account from a -British source is in Lamb's so-called _Journal_, pp. 302-307. Lamb was -a standard-bearer in a British regiment at the time, and his narrative -seems to have been written while details were still fresh in his mind. - -[1124] _Remembrancer_, x. 276; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 456, etc. -Important letters of Gates as to his dispositions after the action are -in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, v. 308; _Remembrancer_, x. 338; _Corres. Rev._, -iii. 66; _Maryland Papers_, 128, etc., etc. - -The charges of undue haste and refusal to take the advice of others, so -recklessly heaped on Gates by Bancroft and the writers who have copied -him, appear to be without foundation. After a careful examination of -the field, in company with Otho H. Williams, Greene advised against -making an inquiry into Gates's conduct, while "Light-Horse Harry" Lee -wrote to Wayne (R. E. Lee's edition of Lee's _Memoirs_, p. 32) that -Gates "has been most insidiously, most cruelly traduced.... An action -took place on very advantageous terms; we were completely routed." In -his _Memoirs_, Lee censured Gates for not using cavalry. But this, too, -seems undeserved, as a note to page 394 of Giradin's _Continuation_ -contains evidence to the effect that Gates could not get—though he -made every effort—the cavalry he was blamed for not employing. The -most exhaustive article in his defence is _The Southern Campaign, -1780: Gates at Camden_, by John Austin Stevens, in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, -v. 24-274. It is wholly in favor of Gates, and is so one-sided that -it should be read with the greatest caution. Singularly enough, when -he wrote this article, Mr. Stevens, as he acknowledges (p. 424), did -not know of the existence of the Pinckney letter noted above. For -the other side, perhaps, nothing is better than a short, carefully -written article by Henry P. Johnston, entitled _De Kalb, Gates, and -the Camden Campaign_, in _Mag. Amer, Hist._, viii. 496, and reprinted -without map in Kapp's _Kalb_, Appendix, p. 322. Of the more popular -accounts, that in Marshall's _Washington_ (iv. 169) is still one of -the best. Mention should also be made of the description in McRee's -_Life and Correspondence of James Iredell_, N. Y., 1857, i. 456-461. -Accounts of more or less value will also be found in Greene's _Greene_, -iii. 17; Johnson, _Greene_, i. 296; _Harper's Monthly_, lxvii. 550; -Botta (Otis's trans.), iii. 206; Soulés, _Troubles_, iii. 285; Allen, -_Hist. Amer. Rev._, ii. 318; Andrews, iv. 27; J. C. Hamilton, _Hist. -of the Republic_, ii. 120; Sparks, _Washington_, vi. 214; Irving, -_Washington_, iv. 91; Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. 459; Carrington, -_Battles_, 513; Dawson, _Battles_, iii. 613, etc., etc. - -[1125] There is some detail in Mrs. Ellet's _Women of the Amer. Rev._, -iii. App. The best known portrait of Sumter is by C. W. Peale. It is -engraved in the quarto edition of Irving's _Washington_. Cf. Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 651.—ED. - -[1126] The first, dated Camden, July 7, 1780, is in _Remembrancer_, -xi. 156, and _Pol. Mag._, ii. 339. The more famous letter, without -date, but containing the offer of a reward for the head of every -Irish deserter, is in Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 132; Moultrie, -_Memoirs_, ii. 215; and _Washington's Writings_, vi. 554. See also -Sparks, _Corres. Rev._, iii. 77 (note). The extract of the letter -to Balfour or Cruger, which aroused the ire of Washington, is in -_Washington's Writings_, vii., Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 157, and -Moultrie, _Memoirs_, ii. 240. Cornwallis's own version is in his -_Correspondence_, i. 56, and Draper's _King's Mountain_, p. 140. A -proclamation embodying the British commander's ideas as to confiscation -was issued on either the 6th or 16th. of September, 1780 (Tarleton, -186; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 460; and _Remembrancer_, xi. 25). -Clinton's reply to Washington is in _Cornwallis Correspondence_, i. 60, -with Cornwallis's and Rawdon's explanations (pp. 72, 501). - -[1127] Ramsay was a prisoner at the time, and what he says (_Rev. in S. -C._, ii. 158-173, 288-303) has a considerable value. A large portion -of Moultrie's second volume (pp. 117-201) is taken up with the same -subject. Both of them relied on a letter written to Ramsay by Dr. -P. Fassoux, surgeon-general in the hospital at Charleston. Moultrie -declares that the letter "is an exact statement of their conduct in -our hospital at that time." The letter is in Moultrie, _Memoirs_, ii. -397,—the indorsement is on p. 277; Gibbes, _Doc. Hist._ (1781-82), -p. 116; and Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 527. If a tithe of this -statement is true, the conduct of the British officers in charge at -Charleston was simply brutal; but the British surgeon denied most of -the statements. It will do no harm to contrast this with the treatment -of those taken at Yorktown, as told by one of their own number, Gen. -Graham. Cf. his _Memoirs_, 66 _et seq._, and App. p. 306. English -writers have asserted that papers implicating the Charleston prisoners -in a conspiracy to overthrow the government were found in the pockets -of those taken at Camden; but no proof of this has ever been produced. -In fact, in his letter of Dec. 4th Cornwallis alleged as a reason for -their removal to St. Augustine that they were so insolent in their -behavior they could not be allowed to go at large in Charleston. -Indeed, the prisoners seem to have been treated with increased -harshness after Camden. Before that time everything had been done to -induce them to enlist in the British army. A regiment had been raised, -and the command offered to Moultrie, and refused by that sturdy patriot -in a letter which has been printed over and over again. Cf. Moultrie, -_Memoirs_, ii. 166; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 289; _Charleston -Year-Book_ for 1884; and reprinted as _The Correspondence of Lord -Montague with General Moultrie, 1781_ (Charleston, 1885). - -[1128] Hayne's letters to the British authorities are in Gibbes, i. p. -108; _Remembrancer_, xiii. 121; Ramsay, 508-520. - -[1129] Greene waited till Gadsden and his fellow-prisoners were safe -within the American lines; and his officers, in ignorance of his -purpose, remonstrated, Aug. 20, 1781, against this delay (Ramsay, -ii. 521; Moultrie, ii. 414; Greene's _Greene_, iii. 558; Gibbes, i. -128). Greene's formal proclamation, Aug. 26th, declared that the first -regular British colonel captured should suffer (Ramsay, _Rev. in S. -C._, ii. 524; Moultrie, ii. 417, _Remembrancer_, xiii. 125, etc.). Cf. -also Greene to Washington, Aug. 26, 1781, in _Corres. of Rev._, iii. -393; Balfour to Greene, Sept. 3, 1781. The letter to which this is an -answer I have not found in Ramsay, _U. S._, 520, extract; and Gibbes -(1781-82), 168. And see also Greene to Balfour, Sept. 19, 1781, in -Gibbes, 168. Before this threat could be carried out a new commander -arrived at Charleston, and the war took on humaner methods. - -[1130] Cf. Hansard, xxii. 963; _Parl. Reg._ (Debrett), xxv. 81; _Polit. -Mag._, iii. 45, 73, 237, 383; Lee's _Memoirs_ (2d edition), 326; _Hist. -Mag._, x. 269. - -[1131] Lee's _Campaign of 1781_, App.; R. E. Lee's ed. of Lee's -_Memoir_, p. 613. - -[1132] Cf. Lieut. Hatton in Mackenzie's _Strictures_. - -[1133] Pickens to Greene in Johnson's _Greene_, ii. 135, and Gibbes, -_Doc. Hist._ (1781-82), 91. On the other hand, Browne, the British -commander at Augusta, in a letter to Ramsay, dated Dec. 25, 1786 -(White's _Hist. Coll._), asserts that James Alexander, a captain in -Pickens's militia, was the murderer whom Pickens shielded. It would -seem that such was the case. See further Johnson's _Traditions_; -McCall's _Georgia_; Jones's _Georgia_, ii. 455; Stevens's _Georgia_, -ii. 247; White's _Hist. Coll. of Georgia_, 210; Lee's _Memoirs_, ii. -204; and Stedman, _American War_, ii. 219. - -[1134] There is an account of this author's life in _Mag. Western -History_, Jan., 1887. - -[1135] He gives portraits of John Sevier, Shelby, Samuel Hammond, -Joseph McDowell, and De Peyster; and a view of Ferguson's headquarters. -W. E. Foster, in his review of Draper, gives references (_N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1882, p. 92). - -[1136] See the "report" in Draper, 522; Foote's _Western North -Carolina_, 126; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 338; and the newspapers of the -time. As to the opposing numbers, Ferguson had when attacked from -nine to eleven hundred men; the Americans numbered a little over nine -hundred. But as to the losses, it is within the truth to say that the -British loss was not under seven hundred and fifty in killed, wounded, -and prisoners; and it has been given as high as eleven hundred and -three in the official report. There is every reason to suppose that -this was an overestimate. The killed and wounded on the American side -did not exceed one hundred, and may be stated at ninety. This is -supposed to have resulted from the fact that the fire of the Tories, -being down-hill, was not so effective as the fire of the patriots in -the opposite direction. Draper (_King's Mountain_, 297) has said all -that can be said on this subject. There is an account of Campbell in -the _Mag. of Western Hist._, Jan., 1887. - -[1137] Draper, 546; Foote's _Sketches of Western North Carolina_, 264; -and _Southern Literary Messenger_, xi. 552. It forms the basis of the -account in Ramsay's _Annals of Tennessee_, 225. On the whole, this -account is very favorable to Shelby. - -[1138] Many years before this, a dispute had broken out between the -descendants of Campbell and Shelby himself. The portions of the papers -which this brought forth, so far as they relate to King's Mountain, are -reprinted in Draper, 540. What was in some sort a last word was said by -John C. Preston, Campbell's descendant, in his _Address delivered at -the Celebration of the battle of King's Mountain_ (printed separately -at Yorkville, S. C., 1855). - -Charges of cowardice were also made on the British side. In February, -1781, a writer in the _Political Magazine_ accused De Peyster of -surrendering too soon; but in the same magazine (iii. 609) are -documents vindicating his character. Ferguson's death deprived -Cornwallis of a most valuable officer. For Ferguson, see _Biographical -Sketch or Memoir of Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Ferguson, by Adam -Ferguson_ (Edinburgh, 1817). Cf. also _Political Magazine_, ii. 60; -Mackenzie, _Strictures_, 63; Foote, _Sketches of Virginia_, 2d series, -129. - -[1139] This was given to Draper by Allaire's grandson, J. De Lancey -Robinson, of New Brunswick. The part relating to this campaign is -in Draper, 505-515. The British Museum has recently acquired a MS. -narrative of one Alexander Chesney, who describes the partisan -warfare in Carolina during the Revolution. He was wounded at King's -Mountain.—ED. - -[1140] There are good accounts in the contemporary books, especially -in Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 178; Gordon, iii. 462; Moultrie, ii. -242; Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 207; Stedman, ii. 220; and Tarleton, 164. -Tarleton's account of Ferguson's campaign was displeasing to Mackenzie; -cf. _Strictures_, 58. It was also very distasteful to Cornwallis, -whom his former subordinate censured. Much can be gleaned from the -local histories: W. B. Zeigler and B. S. Crosscup, _The Heart of the -Alleghenies or Western North Carolina_ (Raleigh, N. C., and Cleveland, -Ohio, 1883, p. 219); Hunter, _Sketches of Western North Carolina_, -300; J. H. Logan, _History of the Upper Country of South Carolina_ -(Columbia, 1859), vol. i., all ever published, p. 68. Cf. also J. -W. De Peyster in _Historical Magazine_, xvi. 189-197, and _Magazine -of American History_, v. 401-424; Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. 624, -and _American Historical Record_, i. 529; Marshall, _Washington_, -iv. 397; J. C. Hamilton, _Hist. of the Republic_, ii. 161; _Am. Whig -Rev._, 2d series, ii. 580. Bancroft was present at the celebration in -1855, and made a speech. Cf. _Celebration of King's Mountain_, p. 75; -Moore's _Life of Lacey_, etc. For poetry we have a rude ballad by an -unknown author,—cf. Draper, 591; a poem by Paul H. Hayne in _Harper's -Monthly_, lxi. 942; by W. G. Simms in _Ibid._ xxi. 670; and a stirring -ballad, written shortly after the action, by an anonymous author in -Moore, _Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution_, p. 335, and -Draper, 592. - -There is no good plan of this action. Foote (_Sketches of Western North -Carolina_) says that Graham made "several plots of the ground showing -the position of the different bands at different times." One of these, -depicting the situation at the time of the surrender, has been printed. -It should have accompanied the original publication of Graham's account -in the _Southern Literary Messenger_ (xi. 552), but was omitted. What -I take to be the same is given by Major-General John Watts De Peyster -in the _Historical Magazine_ (xvi. 192), who says that it was first -printed in the _Southern Lit. Messenger_, but when he does not say. He -adds that it was copied in the _University of North Carolina Magazine_. -A plan closely resembling it in general features is in Ramsay's _Annals -of Tennessee_, p. 238. A fac-simile of this last is in _Mag. of Am. -Hist._, v. 414. Draper (page 236) gives a _Diagram of the Battle of -King's Mountain_, in which the corps are arranged to suit his ideas, -together with a map of the neighboring region. There seems to be little -doubt but that Graham's arrangement is faulty, and too favorable to -Shelby. As to this officer, cf. _Mag. of Western Hist._ (Jan., 1887). -Lossing gives views of the field (_Field-Book_, ii. 629, 634). - -[1141] Cf. _Ninth Report of Hist. MSS. Commission_, App. iii. p. 109. -The second of these is also in _Cornwallis Cor._, p. 495, and Clinton, -_Observations on Cornwallis_, etc., App., 32. - -[1142] Cf. _Parl. Reg._, xxv. 124; _Fifth Report of Hist. MSS. Comm._, -236; _Political Mag._, ii. 339; and _Germain Cor._, 10. - -[1143] _London Gazette_, Feb. 13-17, 1781; _Annual Register_, 1780 -(Principal Occurrences, p. 17); Clinton, _Observations on Cornwallis_, -etc., App. p. 45; and _Cornwallis Corres._, i. 497. A short extract is -in Tarleton, p. 203. - -[1144] _Cornwallis Corres._, i. 57-74, and Clinton, _Observations on -Cornwallis_, etc., pp. 29, 35. - -[1145] Cf. also Marshall, _Washington_, iv. 336; G. W. Greene, -_Historical View of the American Revolution_ (Boston, 1865), pp. -265-281,—very laudatory. McRee, _Life of Iredell_ (i. 481-565), -contains, besides many interesting letters from and to the subject of -the book, an explanatory text, in which the author endeavors to defend -North Carolina from various charges that have been brought against her -people and militia. _Reminiscences of Dr. William Read_ in Gibbes, -_Doc. Hist._ (1776-82), 270 _et seq._; Randall, _Life of Jefferson_, -i.; Kapp's _Steuben_, Am. edition, pp. 344-369; Le Boucher, i. 280, -and ii. 17; Allen, _Hist. Am. Rev._, ii. 369-392; Caldwell's _Greene_, -pp. 150-388; Reed's _Reed_, ii. 339-381; J. C. Hamilton, _Life of -A. Hamilton_, i. 308, and _History of the Republic_, ii. 41, 133; -Irving's _Washington_, iv. There is an interesting article in _Harper's -Monthly_, xv. 159, on the first part of the campaign, and a good -account of the later portion from the British side in the _Political -Mag._, iv. 25-36. - -Various letters of Greene after assuming command are in the _Steuben -Papers_ (copies in _Sparks MSS._, xv.). Washington's instructions are -in Sparks, vii. 271. He reached Charlotte in December (_Corresp. of -Rev._, iii. 165); _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1881; by Lewis Morris in -_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 473; by C. W. Coleman in _Mag. of -Am. Hist._, vii. 36, 201. - -[1146] For a brief and appreciative notice of Williams, see Lee, -_Memoirs_, i. 410. Cf. also _A Sketch of the Life and Services of -Gen. Otho Holland Williams, read before the Md. Hist. Soc. by Osmond -Tiffany_ (Baltimore, 1851). - -[1147] There is a short notice of William Washington in Lee, _Memoirs_, -i. 399. See also Wyatt, 79-83. - -[1148] Carrington was less known, but Hartley in his _Heroes_, p. 318, -has devoted a short space to him. - -[1149] Cf. _Memoirs of Generals ... who were presented with medals by -Congress_, by Thomas Wyatt (Phila., 1848), pp. 70-78; _Mag. of Am. -Hist._, vii. 276-282,—with portrait; Hartley, _Heroes_, 317; Rogers, -_Biog. Dict._, 228, etc. - -[1150] Davie, however, rose into prominence. Cf. Frances M. Hubbard, -_Life of William Richardson Davie_, in Sparks, _Am. Biog._, xxv. pp. -1-135. Pages 13-177 relate to his military career. Cf. also Lee, -_Memoirs_, i. 381; _Lives of the Heroes_, 134; and Rogers, _Biog. -Dict._, 114. - -[1151] Cf. Greene's _Greene_, iii. ch. 1. The earliest general map of -the Southern campaigns from American sources appeared in David Ramsay's -_Hist. of the Rev. in So. Carolina_ (vol. i., Trenton, 1785). Gordon, -in 1785, sent this Ramsay map to Greene, asking him to correct it, and -lest it should not answer he sent other maps of the Southern States -for Greene to amend (_Hist. Mag._, xiii. 24, 25). Gordon's own map is -in his third volume, and is reduced in Greene's _Greene_. Other early -American maps are those in Marshall's _Atlas_ to his Washington, and in -Johnson's _Greene_, vol. ii. - -The English maps are _A new and accurate map of North Carolina and part -of South Carolina, with the field of battle between Earl Cornwallis -and General Gates_ (London, 1780), and Faden's map of Feb. 3, 1787, -showing the _Marches of Lord Cornwallis in the Southern provinces, -comprehending the two Carolinas, with Virginia and Maryland and the -Delaware Counties_ (20 × 26 inches), which is the one also used in -Tarleton's _Campaigns_. Cf. those in the _Political Mag._, Nov., 1780, -and Kitchen's _Map of the Seat of War_, in _London Mag._, 1781, p. 291. -There are later eclectic maps in Carrington, 556; _Harper's Mag._, -lxiii. 324; and in such lesser works as Ridpath's _United States_, -342, and Lowell's _Hessians_, 265. There are French maps in Hilliard -d'Auberteuil's _Essais_, ii.; Balch's _Les Français en Amérique_, etc. - -There was a map of South Carolina published in nine sheets (London, -1771,—_King's maps, Brit. Mus._, i. 209). That by James Cook was -engraved by Bowen in 1773 (_Brit. Mus. Catal. Maps_, 1885, col. 699). -Other maps antedating the active hostilities in the South were those -in the _Amer. Military Pocket Atlas_ (1776); the large sheet (56 × -40 inches), with considerable detail, called _Map of North and South -Carolina_, the work of H. Mouzon and others (London, Sayer & Bennett, -1775); and upon this and Cook's the map in B. R. Carroll's _Hist. Coll. -of So. Carolina_ is based. Sayer & Bennett (London, 1776) published -a smaller map, 19 × 25 inches, called _A general map of the southern -British colonies in America, comprehending North and South Carolina -[etc.] with the Indian countries. From the modern surveys of de Brahm & -others & from hydrographic survey, by B. Romans, 1776._ It has marginal -plans of Charleston and St. Augustine. - -In 1777 there was published both in London and Paris a large map of -South Carolina and Georgia, after surveys by Bull, Gascoigne, Bryan, -and De Brahm. The Paris publisher was Le Rouge, and it was included in -the _Atlas Amériquain_, which also reproduces the Mouzon map and the -English map of the Carolina coasts, by N. Pocock (1770). - -The Bull, etc., map of 1777 was reissued by Faden in 1780 as a _Map of -South Carolina and a part of Georgia_. Cf. the map of _Parts of South -Carolina and Georgia_ in the _Political Mag._, i. 454. The _Brit. Mus. -Catal. Additional MSS._, no. 31,537, shows four plans, giving positions -of the British in South Carolina from May to September, 1779. - -North Carolina alone was not so well mapped as South Carolina at the -outbreak of the war. There was a map published in London in 1770, after -surveys by Collet, governor of Fort Johnson (_King's maps, Brit. Mus._, -i. 208), and in the same library is a drawn map, also by Collet, of -the back country, made in 1768, in twelve sheets. E. W. Caruthers' -_Interesting Revolutionary incidents chiefly in the old North State_, -second series (Philadelphia, 1856), has a folding map, with the marches -of Greene and Cornwallis, from the Cowpens till the separation at -Ramsey's Mill. - -The standard map of Virginia at the outbreak of the war was that by -Fry and Jefferson (see Vol. V. p. 273), originally issued in 1751, but -reproduced by Jefferys in 1775, and included in his _American Atlas_ -(1775, no. 31). In 1777 Le Rouge reproduced it in Paris, and included -it in the _Atlas Amériquain_. Cf. the map of Virginia and Maryland in -Hilliard d'Auberteuil's _Essais_; and the maps in _Political Mag._, -i. 787, and _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vi. 25; and for details those -in Simcoe's _Journal_ (giving various skirmishes, etc.), Sparks's -_Washington_, viii. 158; and Carrington's _Battles_, p. 616. There is -among the Rochambeau maps (no. 51) a _Plan du terrain à la rive gauche -de la rivière de James, vis-à-vis Jamestown, en Virginie, où etait le -Combat du 6 Juillet, 1781_, giving the first and second positions of -the troops in the engagement between Lafayette and Cornwallis. It is a -colored map, 18 × 18 inches, with a good key. Cf. map on the operations -in Virginia in _Mémoires_ of Lafayette (Paris, 1837), vol. i.—ED. - -[1152] Pp. 258-329; 290-312 dealing more especially with this -engagement. See also Johnson's _Greene_, vol. ii. pp. 346, 370, 372, -and 410, and _Charleston News and Courier_ for May 10, 1881. Some part -at least of the correspondence of General Morgan is in the collection -of Theodorus Bailey Myers (_Johnson's Orderly-book_, p. 211). There are -a few letters in the _Correspondence of the Revolution_, iii. 217, with -Greene's official announcement of the victory to Washington (pp. 207, -214). Greene's letter to Marion is in Gibbes, _Doc. Hist._, 1781-82, p. -16. - -[1153] _The London Gazette, March 27-31, 1781_, reprinted either in -whole or in part in _Remembrancer_, xi. 272; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 221; -Tarleton, 249; Cornwallis, _Answer to Clinton's Narrative_, App. 1; -Cornwallis, _Corr._, i. 81. Balfour, then the commander at Charleston, -also reported the particulars to Germain. Cf. _London Gazette_, as -above, etc. Cornwallis's order to Tarleton to "push Morgan to the -utmost" is in Graham's _Morgan_ 227, and in Tarleton, _Campaigns_, 244. - -[1154] Mention should also be made of Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 252-266, and -R. E. Lee's ed., 229; Moultrie, _Memoirs_, ii. 252; Gordon, Ramsay, -_Rev. in S. C._, ii.,—all at second hand. See also Johnson's _Greene_, -i. 368; Greene's _Greene_, iii. 139; _Travels in North America in the -years 1780, 1781, and 1782. By the Marquis de Chastellux—translated -from the French by an English Gentleman_ (London, 1787), ii. 60. -The marquis claimed to have derived his account from Morgan, but he -probably did not understand him, as his description is at variance -with the best authorities. There are accounts of more or less value -in McSherry, _Maryland_, 276; _Memoir of General Graham_, p. 38; -Marshall, _Washington_, iv. 342; Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. 636; -Carrington, _Battles_, 546; _Historical Magazine_, xii. 356 (Dec., -1865), a "traditionary account;" _Harper's Monthly_, xxii. 163, etc. -Probably as good an estimate as can be formed of Morgan's force is that -contained in a letter from Greene to Marion of January 23, 1781. He -there gives it at 290 infantry and 80 cavalry of the line, and about -600 militia; total, 970. The estimate of the militia is too high, and -might be reduced by 100. Then, too, there were a few small detachments. -So that Morgan's assertion in his official report, that he fought with -only 800 men, is not incompatible with this statement of Greene's. The -British brought, or should have brought, into action at least 1,000 -men, including 50 militia and a baggage-guard, which made off, without -striking a blow, as soon as the news of the defeat reached it. Greene -rates Tarleton's force at 200 more. But 1,000 was probably not far from -his number of "effectives" on the morning of Jan. 17, 1781, as opposed -to Morgan's 800. - -In his official report Morgan gave his loss as 12 killed and about -60 wounded. He states, however, that he was not able at the time of -writing to ascertain the loss of the militia in the skirmish and front -lines. It must have been very small, however. The British loss he -gives as more than 110 killed, more than 200 wounded, and between 500 -and 600 prisoners. Morgan states, however, that, as he was obliged to -move off the field so quickly, the estimate of killed and wounded was -very imperfect. The loss of the British in officers was very large, -and it is safe to follow Graham (_Life of Morgan_, p. 308) and place -the killed at 80, the wounded at 150, and the prisoners at 600. The -important fact is the deprivation to Cornwallis of his light infantry -at a time when he was sorely in need of such. - -A good plan will be found in Johnson's _Greene_, i. 378, of which a -reduced fac-simile is given by Graham (p. 297). A more valuable plan as -coming from an actual observer, Colonel Samuel Hammond, is in Johnson's -_Traditions_, pp. 529, 530. The best plan is in Carrington's _Battles_, -p. 547. The medals given to Morgan, Colonels Washington and Howard are -figured in Loubat's _Medallic Hist. of the U. S._, and in Lossing's -_Cyclop. U. S. Hist._, p. 341. Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. 637, gives a -view of the field.—ED. - -[1155] Those from Morgan are in Graham's _Morgan_, 328 _et seq._ The -most interesting letter from Greene is one that he wrote to Reed (March -18), in Reed's _Reed_, ii. 348. A letter to Washington (Irwin's Ferry -on Dan, Feb. 15, 1781) may be regarded as his official report. Cf. -_Corres. Rev._, iii. 233. It should be read in connection with one -of six days earlier, in the same volume, p. 225. Cf. also a letter -to Lieutenant Lock as to militia in _Hist. Mag._, v. 86; Caruthers' -_Incidents_, p. 195; originally printed in Tarleton, 252. Lee's -description of the retreat after the union of the two wings at Guilford -is admirable (_Memoirs_, i. 267-298). - -[1156] _London Gazette for June 2-5, 1781_; _Annual Register_ for 1781 -(_Principal Occurrences_, p. 62); Cornwallis, _Answer to Clinton_, -Appendix, p. 23; Cornwallis, _Corres._, i. 502; Tarleton, 259, etc. For -a less official account, see Cornwallis to Rawdon, Feb. 4 and Feb. 21, -in Cornwallis, _Corres._, 83, 84. - -[1157] Cf. also _British Invasion of North Carolina in 1780 and 1781. A -Lecture, by Hon. Wm. A. Graham, delivered before the N. Y. Hist. Soc. -in 1853._ This short and interesting account of the campaign is printed -as part iii. of _Revolutionary History of North Carolina_ (Raleigh -and N. Y., 1853), pp. 180-187. General Joseph Graham also presented -the local idea of this campaign in the _University of North Carolina -Magazine_, vol. iii. - -[1158] See also Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 203; Greene's _Greene_, -iii. 148-175; Johnson's _Greene_, i. 387. Johnson thinks that too much -credit has been given to Cornwallis. Lamb's _Journal_, 343; Marshall's -_Washington_, iv., etc. - -[1159] The map is on p. 245. Stedman also gives a plan in _Amer. War_, -ii. 328. The whole march can be traced on the general maps, especially -the map in Caruthers' _Incidents_, second series. Cf. Lossing, ii. 598. - -[1160] See also Seymour's "Journal" (_Penna. Hist. Mag._, vii.) for -another contemporary account. - -[1161] _North Carolina University Magazine_, vol. vii. 193. This was -written in 1824 and cannot be regarded as authority of the first -importance. The passage relating to this affair is quoted by Caruthers, -_Incidents_, 76. That author's own account is derived to a great extent -from tradition (_Incidents_, 71 _et seq._). In the above letter Graham -asserted that he saw Eggleston—the leader of Lee's rear troop—strike -a Tory with the butt of his pistol, and that the blow brought about the -conflict. The different narratives cannot be reconciled. Very likely -Lee had forgotten the exact details. It is certain that Stedman (_Amer. -War_, ii. 333), in his estimate of the Tory loss in killed alone at -between two and three hundred, more than doubled the actual number; but -it was a murderous business at best. - -[1162] There are three letters from Greene to Washington in Sparks, -_Corr. Rev._, iii. 224, 259, 266. The second of these (March 10) was -also printed in _Remembrancer_, xii. 37; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 380; and -Tarleton, 258. Greene's official report to the President of Congress -may be found in Caldwell's _Greene_, p. 432; _Ann. Reg._ for 1781, -Principal Occurrences, p. 148; _Remembrancer_, xii. 37; Tarleton, 313; -Lee, _Memoirs_, i. 414, etc. Cf. also a letter to Morgan in Graham's -_Morgan_, 372, and to Reed, in Reed's _Reed_, ii. 348. As to the -proper dispositions to make in engagements where much reliance must -be placed on militia, see Morgan to Greene, Feb. 20, in a note to -Johnson's _Greene_, ii. 6. As to events subsequent to the battle, see -Nash, governor of N. C., to Washington in Sparks, _Corres. Rev._, iii. -282; Greene to same in _Ibid._ 277; Johnson, _Greene_, ii. 37; and -_Remembrancer_, xii. 116. Greene also wrote to Greene, governor of R. -I., on the same subject. Cf. _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. 284, and _R. -I. Col. Rec._, ix. 380. - -[1163] Cornwallis's report to Germain (_London Gazette_, June 2-5, -1781) was widely reprinted (_Corn. Corr._, i. 506; Cornwallis, _Answer -to Clinton's Narrative_, App. p. 35; _Remembrancer_, xii. 21, etc., -etc.). He also wrote a friendly note to Rawdon, in which he says that -after a very sharp action he had routed Greene (_Corn. Corr._, i. -85; _Remembrancer_, xi. 332; _Polit. Mag._, ii. 329, etc.). Balfour -communicated the news of the "victory at Guilford" to Germain in two -letters, dated respectively March 24 and 27. These last three letters -arrived in London in season to be published in the _Gazette Extra_ for -May 11, 1781,—nearly a month before the official report was given to -the world. Cf. also _Remembrancer_, xi. 329. Cornwallis's _Order-book_ -is very valuable for this period, although it is often hard to -reconcile the dates as there given with the accepted accounts,—in -Caruthers, _Incidents_, 2d ser. pp. 391-442. See also St. George -Tucker to Fanny (his wife) under date of March 18, 1781, in _Mag. -Amer. Hist._, vii. 40; viii. 201; and Seymour's "Journal" in _Penna. -Mag. Hist._, vii. 377. Major Weemys gives the supposed strength of -Cornwallis's army before the action at Guilford, March 15, 1781, as, -in the field with him, 2,700; in his department, 6,000 in all (_Sparks -MSS._ xx.).—ED. - -[1164] Good descriptions are in the _Memoirs_ of the British Graham -(pp. 41-46), in Gordon (iv. 53), and in Stedman (ii. 337). Lamb in his -so-called _Journal_ (pp. 348-362) follows Stedman, but he added several -interesting anecdotes, which it must be remembered are related by an -actual actor in the battle. - -[1165] Another apologetic description is that in McSherry's _Maryland_ -(p. 286). The plain fact is that the 2d Maryland broke and contributed -materially to the defeat of the Americans. The Grenadier Guards -(Hamilton, ii. 247) did excellent work on the British side, and the -account in the history of that corps is good. The Hessians, too, once -more appeared on the Southern fields (Eelking, _Hülfstruppen_, ii. 101, -and Lowell, _Hessians_, 268). Other accounts may be found in Marshall's -_Washington_, iv. 336; Greene's _Greene_, iii. 176; Johnson's _Greene_, -ii. 4; Allen, _Hist. Amer. Rev._, ii. 393; Andrews, iv. 100; Botta -(Otis's trans.), iii. 263; Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. 599 and 608; -_Mag. Amer. Hist._, vii. 38; _Harper's Magazine_, xv. 158; Dawson, -Carrington, etc. - -A narrative of subsequent events in North Carolina, with a loyalist's -sympathies, is in _The Narrative of Colonel David Fanning ... as -written by himself_, Richmond, 1861. "Printed for private distribution -only." A small edition (50 copies) was brought out by Sabin in 1865. - -[1166] Greene to Huntingdon (President of Congress) in Caldwell's -_Greene_, p. 435; _Remembrancer_, xii. 126; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 547; -Tarleton, 467, etc. See also letters to Lee and Marion in Gibbes, _Doc. -Hist._, 1781-82, 60. Cf. also Sparks, _Corres. Rev._, iii. 299, and -Reed's _Reed_, ii. 351, 361. - -[1167] Rawdon's order which brought on the battle is in _Pol. Mag._, -ii. 340. The British commander reported to Cornwallis (_Corn. Corr._, -i. 97, and _Remembrancer_, xv. 1); Balfour to Germain (_London -Gazette_, June 2-5, 1781; reprinted in _Annual Register_ for the -same year under Principal Occurrences, p. 71; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 380; -_Remembrancer_, xii. 27; Tarleton, p. 465; etc.). On the 6th Balfour -wrote to Clinton, giving a very gloomy account of affairs (Clinton, -_Observations on Cornwallis_, etc., App. p. 97). Clinton enclosed -several letters of about this time to Germain (_Remembrancer_, xii. -151). In a letter to Cornwallis, dated Monk's Corner, May 24, Rawdon -describes his movements after the fight. It is a valuable letter -(_London Gazette_, July 31-Aug. 4, 1781; _Remembrancer_, xv. 4, while -extracts are in _Ibid._ xii. 151; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 482; Tarleton, 475; -Clinton, _Observations on Cornwallis_, etc., App. p. 91; Gibbes, _Doc. -Hist._ (1781-82), p. 77, etc.). - -[1168] Cf. also Gordon, iv. 81; Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._; Stedman, -ii. 324; Lee, _Memoirs_, ii. 57 (he always spells the name of the -battle-ground Hobkick's Hill); Lee, _Campaign of 1781_, 264; Balch's -_Maryland Line_, 143. As to numbers, Greene thought that the two armies -were about equal,—one thousand on each side. This is probably nearly -correct; for Rawdon gave his own number at 960, and Gordon, on the -authority of returns not now accessible, rated Greene's force at 1,194 -men of all arms. This included 254 North Carolina militia who had just -arrived. They were not included in the battle line. Williams reported -the American loss at 268; but 133 of these are given as missing, with -the remark that they probably had mistaken the order as to a place of -rendezvous. Rawdon reported his own loss at 220 men. But Tarleton, on -the authority of a return in the _Annual Register_, gives it at 258. -The discrepancy is not material. - -[1169] His letter to the President of Congress is in _Remembrancer_, -xii. 197; Gibbes, _Doc. Hist._ (1781-82), p. 70; etc. Cf. also a letter -to Washington in Sparks, _Cor. Rev._, iii. 310. - -[1170] Cf. _Remembrancer_, xv. 6, for a _copy_. Cf. also -_Remembrancer_, xii. 153; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 483; and Gibbes, p. 89, for -_extracts_. A report to Clinton of June 6 is printed, with this, except -in Gibbes. - -[1171] Substantially the same account is in White's _Hist. Coll. of -Georgia_, p. 607; Stevens's _Georgia_, ii. 247; and Jones's _Georgia_, -ii. 455. - -[1172] See, in addition to the above, _Remembrancer_, xii. 289. There -are no plans of any of these sieges, and the statements as to numbers -are too vague and contradictory to be made the basis of any accurate -estimates. - -[1173] There is an account of Cruger in Jones, _New York during the -Rev. War_, ii. 376. - -[1174] See also Greene, to Marion in Gibbes, _Doc. Hist._ (1781-82), p. -100; to Washington in Sparks, _Cor. Rev._, iii. 341; and to Jefferson -in Greene's _Greene_, iii. 555. O. H. Williams sent an interesting -description of the siege to his brother (Tiffany's _Williams_, p. 21). -Greene's letters to Sumter and Marion and Sumter's letters to Marion -are in Greene's _Greene_ (fragmentary) and Gibbes, 93 _et seq._ - -[1175] Several letters from Balfour to Germain of this period are -in _Remembrancer_, xii. 172 and 173; _Polit. Mag._ ii.; and _London -Gazette_, Aug. 7-11, 1781. Rawdon gives the loss of the garrison as -less than forty, but this is very possibly too low. Cruger had 550 men -when the siege began. The British account in Mackenzie rates Greene at -5,000, which estimate is absurd. It was not under 1,000 nor over 1,500, -including militia. Williams reported the loss at 57 killed, 70 wounded, -and 20 missing. Rawdon had "near 2,000" men. Of these 7 were placed -_hors de combat_ on the way up, "50" died of the heat, and Lee captured -250 of the cavalry on the homeward march,—a total loss of 307. - -[1176] Something can also be found in Gordon, _American War_, iv. 92; -Ramsay,_ Rev. in S. C._; Stedman, _Amer. War_, ii. 364; Johnson's -_Greene_, ii. 127 (he apologizes for Sumter's behavior; but see -Greene's _Greene_, iii. 319); Greene's _Greene_, iii. 219; Jones, _New -York during the Revolutionary War_, ii. 376; Lossing, _Field-Book_, ii. -690; Marshall's _Washington_, iv. 524; etc. Simms has written several -romances relating to this time. - -Johnson has given a plan of the works in his Greene, ii. 140; a reduced -fac-simile is in Greene's _Greene_, iii. 299. The works were planned by -Lieutenant Haldane, of Cornwallis's family (cf. Stedman, ii. 364), but -Lieutenant Barrette was engineer in charge at the time of the siege. -Cf. Hatton in Mackenzie, 163. Also map in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. -691. - -[1177] Dated near Ferguson's Swamp, Sept. 11, 1781, in Caldwell's -_Greene_, p. 441; _Remembrancer_, xiii. 175; _Pol. Mag._, ii. 677; -Gibbes, _Doc. Hist._ (1781-82), p. 141; Tarleton, p. 513, etc. Cf. also -Marion to P. Horry, in Gibbes, 160. - -[1178] It was dated Eutaw, Sept. 9, 1781 (_London Gazette_, Jan. -29-Feb. 2, 1782;) reprinted in whole or in part in _Ann. Reg._, 1782, -Principal Occurrences, p. 7; _Remembrancer_, xiii. 152; _Pol. Mag._, -iii. 108; Tarleton, 508; Gibbes, p. 136; etc., etc. - -[1179] Cf. J. W. De Peyster in _United Service_ (Sept. 1881; _Harper's -Mag._, lxvii. 557); Lossing, ii. 699; Dawson, Carrington, etc. On the -Eutaw flag, see R. Wilson in _Lippincott's Mag._, xvii. 311. Johnson -(_Greene_, ii. 224) gives a plan of two stages of the battle, and it -is reproduced by G. W. Greene (iii. 384). Carrington (p. 582) gives -a minuter plan. Johnson (ii. 238) gives a map of the country between -Eutaw and Charleston. - -The journal of Captain Kirkwood, of the Delaware regiment, beginning -at Germantown, Sept. 14, 1777, and giving the marches of that regiment -in 1777, its course during the Southern campaign of 1780, with a table -of the losses at Eutaw, Sept. 8, is in _Sparks MSS._, xxv. (also xlix. -vol. 3). Greene's medal is given in Loubat.—ED. - -[1180] A notice of Laurens's career, by G. W. P. Custis, is in -Littell's Graydon's _Memoirs_ (Appendix, p. 472). See also Hartley's -_Heroes_, 310. - -[1181] _Remembrancer_, xv. 29; the latter is also in _Corres. of the -Rev._, iii. 529. The Delaware troops took part in this action. Cf. -C. P. Bennett in _Penna. Mag._, ix. 452 _et seq._ Major Bennett was -a lieutenant in the regiment at the time. His account, however, was -written fifty years after the war, and cannot be reconciled with -contemporary narratives. - -[1182] Cf. _Life of Count Rumford_, by George E. Ellis, pp. 123-131, -and 666-668. There is absolutely nothing about Rumford's military -career in Renwick's so-called _Life of Benjamin Thomson_, in Sparks's -_American Biography_, xv. pp. 1-216. A most curious and insufficient -reason for this omission is given on p. 59 of the same work. - -[1183] See also "Journal of Captain John Davis" in _Penna. Hist. Mag._, -v. 300, and Seymour's Journal in _Ibid._ vii. 390. - -[1184] The _Maryland Papers_, too, contain several interesting letters, -especially one from Roxburgh to Smallwood (p. 186), on the evacuation -of Savannah. See also, with regard to the same event, Greene to the -President of Congress, in _Remembrancer_, xv. 21. - -[1185] Moultrie, _Memoirs_, ii. 343, has devoted considerable space to -it. Cf. also _Mag. Am. Hist._, viii. 826. - -[1186] Cf. especially on this last campaign Johnson's _Greene_, ii. -238-394, and Lee, _Memoirs_ (2d edition), p. 378 _et seq._ - -[1187] This table as given in _Charleston Year Book_ (1883), p. 416, is -not entirely correct. - -[1188] See letter from Clinton, enclosing reports from Mathews of May -16th and 24th, and from Collier of May 16, 1779 (_London Gazette_, June -19-22, and July 6-10, 1779; also in _Remembrancer_, viii. 270, 296, -etc.). Collier also wrote three letters to Stephens, secretary of the -admiralty (_London Gazette_, as above, and July 10-13, 1779). - -[1189] See also Girardin, _Continuation of Burk_, iv. 332-338; -Hamilton, _Grenadier Guards_, ii. 236; Stedman, ii. 136; J. E. Cooke in -_Harper's Mag._, liii. 1 etc. - -[1190] A journal of Baron Steuben in Virginia, Dec. 21, 1780, to Jan. -11, 1781, is among the copies of the Steuben MSS. in the _Sparks -MSS._, xv. 182. Cf. Kapp's _Steuben_, and the lives of Jefferson, -then governor. Cf. Henry A. Muhlenberg's _Life of Maj.-Gen. Peter -Muhlenberg_ (Philad., 1849), who was under Steuben. Cf. also -_Deutsch-Amerikanisches Magazin_, 1887; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. -383; _Harper's Mag._, lxiii. 333, for portraits and accounts.—ED. - -[1191] Clinton, _Observations on Cornwallis_, App. p. 61; -_Parliamentary Register_, xxv. 143; and _Germain Corresp._, 75, 79. -Arnold's report to Clinton of May 12th—Phillips, who died on the 13th, -being too ill to write—is really a diary of events since the 18th of -the preceding April, the day on which Phillips began the ascent of the -James. It is in _Remembrancer_, xii. 60; _Political Mag._, ii. 390; -and _Hist. Mag._, iii. 294. Extracts are given by Ramsay, Tarleton (p. -334), and others. The report (May 16) is given in full in Arnold's -_Arnold_, p. 344. Jones in his _New York during the Revolutionary -War_ (ii. 463) says that Clinton, distrusting Arnold, gave dormant -commissions to Dundas and Simcoe. The commissions were never used; but -Simcoe in his _Military Journal_ (ed. of 1787, pp. 108-146; ed. of -1844, pp. 158-208) gave a narrative of the whole movement, in which he -figured himself as the principal personage. See also _Memoir of General -Graham_, pp. 33-37; Beatson's _Memoirs_, v. 211-225; and Eelking, -_Hülfstruppen_, ii. 105. - -[1192] Giradin's account is full (_Continuation of Burk_, iv. 418). See -also Muhlenberg's _Muhlenberg_, pp. 205-213; Sparks's _Washington_, -vii. 269; Lee's _Memoirs_, R. E. Lee's ed., 297, 314; Howison's -_Virginia_, ii. 248; Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 283-294, etc. See also, -on these movements in Virginia, Wirt's _Henry_; Rives's _Madison_, i. -289; Madison's _Writings_, i. 45; Jefferson's _Writings_, ix. 212; -Jones's _New York during the Revolutionary War_, ii. 177; Campbell's -_Virginia_, 168; I. N. Arnold's _Life of B. Arnold_, 342-348; Gordon's -_Am. War_, iv. 59; Moore's _Diary_, ii. 384; _Va. Hist. Reg._, iv. 195; -Marshall's _Washington_, iv. 387; Sparks's _Washington_, vii. 347, 410; -Carrington's _Battles_; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 434, 546; and J. A. -Stevens's "Expedition of Lafayette against Arnold" in _Maryland Hist. -Soc. Proc._ (1878). - -[1193] See also Gordon, iv. 107; Lee, _Memoirs_ (2d edition), 285; -Stedman, _Am. War_; and Beatson, _Memoirs_, v. 239. On Lafayette's -preparations, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 150 - -[1194] Something may be found in Regnault's _Lafayette_, 190; Kapp's -_Steuben_, 420; Eelking, _Hülfstruppen_, ii. 109; Chotteau, _Les -Français_, etc. See also _Harper's Monthly_, vii. 145. - -[1195] _Mémoires ... du Générale Lafayette publiés par sa Famille_ -(Paris, 1837), vol. i. This edition was in six volumes. An English -translation in three volumes was published at London in the same -year. The first volume of this was reprinted at New York in 1838, -with an appendix containing many valuable documents not elsewhere in -print. Among these is a report to Greene relating to the affair at -the crossing of the James near Jamestown. Wayne, who commanded at the -front, also made a report, which is in Sparks's _Corres. of Rev._ -Lafayette's letters and narrative of his campaign in Virginia are in -the _Sparks MSS._, nos. lxxxiv., lxxxvi. - -[1196] See also _The Part of Virginia which was the seat of action_, in -Gordon, iv. 116. - -[1197] There is an interesting letter from Christian Febiger to T. -Bland, dated July 3, 1781, in _Bland Papers_, p. 71. See also _Ibid._, -p. 68. - -[1198] Cf. also Denny's journal in _Penna. Hist. Soc. Mem._, vii.; -Judge Brooks's account in _Va. Hist. Reg._, vi. 197; _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, ii. 572. Lafayette always thought that he forced Cornwallis -back to take post at Yorktown; but it was really Clinton's message -that he could not reinforce Cornwallis that led the latter to fortify -himself, according to E. E. Hale (_Franklin in France_, 463).—ED. - -[1199] The _Tenth Report of the Royal Commission on Hist. MSS._ -(App. i. p. 29) contains two letters still further lessening the -responsibility of Clinton for the disaster. In the first, from Lord -George Germain to Clinton, the latter is given "positive orders to push -the war in the South." The projected withdrawal of Arnold and Phillips -is not approved. This is dated May 2, 1781. In the second letter, also -from Germain, Clinton is advised that the French fleet will sail to -America, and that Rodney will follow it. This letter is dated July 7, -1781. It is not stated whether Clinton ever received these notes. If he -did receive them, he certainly must have felt obliged to continue the -war in the South. - -In the _Fifth Report of the Commission on Hist. MSS._ (p. 235) there -are three letters written by "Sir H. Crosby" and "Sir H. C.", which -the editor takes to stand for Sir H. Crosby. At least one was written -by Clinton, and the probability is that all were written by him. The -first (N. Y., July 18, 1781) relates to the proceedings of Cornwallis, -and gives a statement of the troops under some of the British generals -in America, and an estimate of the number of French troops which -Washington has within call. The third (to G. G., dated Dec., 1781) is -plainly the work of Clinton, as the author says that, from the tone -of Cornwallis's letter of Oct. 20 (his official report), it might be -supposed that the author was to blame for the selection of the post -at Yorktown. In the last, also written in December, 1781, the writer -attributes the disaster to the want of promised naval supremacy under -Sir G. Rodney. He also gives Cornwallis's explanation of the passages -complained of in his report. Cf. also Jones's _New York during the Rev. -War_, ii., notes to pp. 464-470, where the editor gives extracts from -Clinton's annotations of a copy of Stedman's _American War_. S. H. Gay -(_N. Am. Rev._, Oct., 1881) follows Cornwallis's movements previous to -his fortifying at Yorktown. - -[1200] On this subject see also Clinton's _Observations on Stedman_, p. -16. - -[1201] _London Gazette_, Dec. 15. Among the more accessible books -containing it are _Remembrancer_, xiii. 37; Johnston's _Yorktown_, 181; -Tarleton, p. 427; Lee, _Memoirs_ (2d ed.), App. p. 457; R. E. Lee's -ed., 610, etc. - -[1202] Clinton to Cornwallis, Sept. 6, 1781, in _Parl. Reg._, xxv. -189. Clinton also described his endeavors in a letter to Germain in -_Remembrancer_, xiii. 57. - -[1203] Cf. _Two Letters respecting the conduct of Rear Admiral Graves -on the coast of the United States, July-November, 1781, by William -Graves, Esq._ Edited by H. B. Dawson, 1865. The original was privately -printed. Dawson says "the present edition is as perfect a fac-simile of -the original as can now be made." - -[1204] _Remembrancer_, xiii. 515, while a letter from Cornwallis -to Washington respecting the form of parole is in _Cornwallis -Correspondence_, i. 126. - -[1205] _Fifth Report of Royal Commission on Hist. MSS._, p. 235 -(Lansdown MSS.). - -[1206] _Memoirs_, ii. 434, copied in Niles's _Principles_, etc. (ed. -1876). For effect of the news in England, see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Nov., 1881, p. 363; and John Fiske on the political consequences, in -_Atlantic Monthly_, Jan., 1886. The papers laid before Parliament are -in the _Polit. Mag._, iii. 339. Cf. also Walpole's _Last Journals_, -ii. 474; Donne's _Corresp. of George III._, etc., ii. 390; Macknight's -_Burke_, ii. 457, etc. For the effect in Europe generally, see Parton's -_Franklin_, ii. 452; Hale's _Franklin in France_, p. 464.—ED. - -[1207] Cf. also two valuable letters written during the siege from -Washington to Heath, who commanded on the Hudson, in _5 Mass. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, iv. 224 _et seq._ We note two early tables of the -prisoners taken, one in the Meshech Weare papers in the Mass. Hist. -Soc. library, and the other in the _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. iii. The -vote of thanks given by Congress to Washington, with his reply, is in -_Journals of Congress_, iii. 694. Washington's epaulettes worn at the -time are in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (_Proc._, iii. 133). For "Cornwallis -Burgoyned", see Moore's _Songs and Ballads_, 367.—ED. - -[1208] _Orderly-book of the Siege of Yorktown, from September 26th, -1781, to November 2d, 1781_ (Philad., 1865), being Revolutionary -series, no. 1, published by Horace W. Smith. - -[1209] Lincoln's MS. orderly-book is in possession of Mr. Crosby, of -Hingham, Mass. Johnston (_Yorktown_, p. 91, note) gives an order of -Lincoln's as copied from the Lamb MSS. An orderly-book of General Gist -belongs to the Maryland Hist. Soc. An _Orderly-Book of the Second -Battalion of the Penna. Troops before Yorktown_ is in Egle's _Notes -and Queries_, 145-156. It runs, however, only to Sept. 14th. See also -Feltman to Lieutenant Johnston, dated Yorktown, Oct. 10, 1781, in Egle -(p. 132). There is a _Journal of the Campaign by Lieutenant William -Feltman_, May, 1781-April, 1782 (_Penn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1853, and -_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. xi.); and a _Journal of the Siege of -York in Virginia, by a chaplain of the American Army_ (_Mass. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, iv. 102-108). From a reference in Thacher's _Journal_, -Johnston (_Yorktown_, App., p. 196) infers that the latter appears -to have been the work of Chaplain Evans, of Scammell's corps. A -portion of the _Military Journal of Major Ebenezer Denny_ relates to -this siege (_Penn. Hist. Soc. Mem._, vii. 237-249). Another valuable -journal is the one kept by Capt. John Davis, of the Pennsylvania line -(_Westchester Village Record_, 1821, and _Principles and Acts of the -Revolution_, 1st ed., p. 465, and 2d ed., p. 293, and entire from May -26, 1781, to June 10, 1782, in _Penna. Hist. Mag._, v. 290-311; vii. -339). Other journals are _Notes of the Siege of Yorktown_, by Dayton, -in _New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix.-x. 187; Colonel Tilghman's _Diary -of the Siege of Yorktown_ in Appendix to _Memoir of Tench Tilghman_; -_Journal of the Siege of Yorktown_, by Col. Richard Butler, in _Hist. -Mag._, viii. 102; _Extract from the Journal of a Chaplain in the -American Army_—Sept. 12-Oct. 22, 1781—in _Potter's American Monthly_, -v. 744; _Journal of Colonel Jonathan Trumbull_ in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._ (April, 1876), vol. xiv. 331; Thacher's _Military Journal_, pp. -334-351; "Siege of York and Gloucester" in _American Museum_, June, -1787,—reprinted in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vii. 222-224; an anonymous -journal in Martin's _Gazetteer of Virginia_, pp. 293-295; and a _Diary -of the March from the Hudson to Yorktown and return, by Lieutenant -Saunderson_, of the Connecticut line, in Johnston's _Yorktown_, p. -170,—the original being in that author's possession. The diary of -David Cobb, Oct.-Nov., 1781, is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct., -1881, p. 67. A journal of Henry Dearborn, ending Nov. 24, 1781, is -owned by Dr. T. A. Emmet, of N. Y., having been bought in the J. W. -Thornton sale, no. 284. See also letters from Governor Nelson to -various persons in the "Nelson Papers" (no. 1 of the New Series of -the Publications of the Virginia Historical Society). There are other -letters in the _Va. Hist. Reg._, ii. 34; v. 157; Drake's _Knox_, 69, -etc. - -[1210] It is entitled _Journal of the Operations of the French Corps -under the command of Count Rochambeau_ (_Remembrancer_, xiii. 35, and -_Pol. Mag._, ii. 707). Portions are also in Tarleton's _Campaigns_, -443, taken, probably, from a diary which was afterwards printed in the -_Paris Gazette_, Nov. 20, 1781, as _Journal des Opérations du Corps -Français sous le commandement du Comte de Rochambeau_; also found -in _Two Letters respecting the conduct of Rear Admiral Graves_, pp. -31, 32, and translated by Dawson, pp. 38, 39. Another translation, -_Substance of a French Journal from the Supplement to the Gazette de -France of Nov. 20, 1781_, is reprinted in the _Mag. Am. Hist._, vii. -224, from _Pennsylvania Packet_ of Feb. 21, 1782. See also the account -in Rochambeau's _Mémoires_, i. 289-302; Wright's translation of above, -65-80; Soulés, _Troubles_, iii. 369-378, and 386-398,—attributed to -Rochambeau; and Lauzun, _Mémoires_, 194-205. - -[1211] No. 1,886 in his sale catalogue. - -[1212] The _Magazine of American History_ contains two other journals -which really formed a part of this diary, and were written by M. de -Ménonville (vii. p 283-288), and by "the engineers" (vii. 449-452). - -[1213] The original _Journal de Campagne de Claude Blanchard_, ed. by -Maurice La Chesnais, was published in Paris, 1869. - -[1214] _My Campaigns in America. A Journal kept by Count William de -Deux-Ponts, 1780-81. Translated from the French Manuscript, with -an Introduction by S. A. Green_, Boston, 1868. The original and -translation are here printed successively. Dr. S. A. Green came upon -this valuable manuscript by chance while in Paris. - -[1215] At a later day it was charged that Lafayette had ordered the -garrison of the small redoubt to be put to the sword in revenge for -the murder of Alexander Scammell. Of course the charge was false. It -led to a correspondence between Lafayette and Hamilton. Cf. _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, vii. 363 _et seq._, and Hamilton's _Works_, vi. 555. -Lafayette's narrative, as he gave it to Sparks, is in the _Sparks -MSS._, no. xxxii. - -[1216] Ramsay, _Rev. in S. C._, ii. 317; Gordon, iv. 175; Stedman, ii.; -Lee, _Memoirs_ (2d ed., p. 307). Lee was present during the siege as -the bearer of despatches from Greene, or for some other reason. - -[1217] _The Yorktown Campaign and the Surrender of Cornwallis_, 1781 -(N. Y., 1881). Johnston also printed an article in _Harper's Monthly_, -lxiii. 323. - -[1218] _Yorktown, an Account of the Campaign_ (N. Y., 1882). See also, -by the same author, _The Campaign of the Allies_ in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, vii. 241. - -[1219] Drake's _Knox_, 62; Hamilton's _Hamilton_, ii. 256-275; Leake's -_Lamb_, 276; Williams's _Olney_, 266; Custis's _Recollections_, 229; -Kapp's _Steuben_, 453, etc., with the diary of an Anspach sergeant. Cf. -Balch, p. 14, for references to another diary of a German. - -[1220] See J. A. Stevens, _The Allies at Yorktown_ in _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, vi. 1; Page, _Old Yorktown_ in _Scribner's Mag._, xxii. 801; -Goldwin Smith, _Naseby and Yorktown_ in _Contem. Rev._, Nov., 1881; -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1881,—a collection of newspaper scraps, -some of value; E. M. Stone's _French Allies_, 416; E. E. Hale in -_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1881; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, v. -290; W. S. Stryker's _New Jersey Continental Line in the Virginia -Campaign of 1781_ (Trenton, 1882); Longchamps, _Histoire Impartiale_, -iii. 129; Robin, _Nouveau Voyage_, 29; Le Boucher, ii. 26; Chotteau, -267; Regnault's _Lafayette_, 199,—not good for much; Tarleton's -_Campaigns_, 351; Clinton, _Observations on Stedman_, 22; Beatson's -_Memoirs_, v. 271; _Memoir of General Samuel Graham_, 55; Grant's -_British Battles_, 173; Botta, Otis's trans., iii. 374. Lamb's -_Journal_, p. 370 _et seq._, is of considerable interest, especially -the portion narrating his escape and subsequent recapture. See also -Capt. William Mure to Andrew Stuart, dated Yorktown, Oct. 21, 1781, -in Mahon's _Hist. of England_, vol. vii. App. xxxviii. There is in -the Boston Public Library a MS. orderly-book of the troops under -Lord Cornwallis, dated Williamsburgh, 28 June, 1781, to Yorktown, 19 -October, 1781, and made up by several officers. The generally received -account of the reception of the news in England is probably not -correct. Cf. Stockbridge in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vii. 321. - -[1221] The official account of the recent celebration at Yorktown -is called a _Report of the Commission for a monument commemorative -of the Surrender of Lord Cornwallis_ (Wash., 1883). This contains -Robert C. Winthrop's oration, which has also been separately printed. -Another notable address was by the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, delivered -at Richmond and published. A French account of this anniversary, -_Yorktown Centénaire de l'indépendance des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, -1781-1881_ (Paris, 1886), is the work of Rochambeau's descendant. Cf. -Stone's _French Allies_, 535; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vii. 302; _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 101. Another volume called forth by the same -celebration is _An Account of General Lafayette's Visit to Virginia in -1824-25_, by Robert D. Ward, Richmond, 1881. - -[1222] Liverpool. - -[1223] Yet in 1668-9 the colony of Massachusetts had sent a ship-load -of masts to Charles II.; and at the end of the century, Bellomont, in -one of his despatches home, says that from the port of Boston there -sailed more vessels built in New England than belonged to all Scotland -and Ireland. Bellomont urged on the home government the importance of -making in America their own tar and pitch. New Hampshire was already -sending masts, yards, and bowsprits to England, and Bellomont shows the -government how they could save by carrying them for themselves. This -was in 1700 and 1701. - -[1224] Cf. "Ships of the Eighteenth Century", by Admiral Preble, in -_United Service_, x. 95, 117.—ED. - -[1225] On the capture of the "Margaretta" at Machias, see Kidder's -_Military Operations in Eastern Maine_, p. 39; _Maine Hist. Soc. -Coll._, ii. 142; _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 251; Com. F. H. Parker in the -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._ i. 209; Drisko's _Life of Hannah Weston_ -(Machias, 1857), ch. vii. Cf. also _Journal of Mass. Prov. Cong._ -(Boston, 1838), pp. 395-96. The account in Dawson's _Battles_ (i. -47) is based on Goldsborough's _Naval Chronicle_ and Cooper's _Naval -History_.—ED. - -[1226] The steps leading to this action of Washington, who felt -authorized to take it by giving a liberal interpretation to his -commission, were these: As early as June 7, 1775, the Massachusetts -legislature had considered the question of creating a naval force, -but moved cautiously (Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, p. 111). Rhode -Island moved first, June 12th, and put two vessels in commission under -Abraham and Christopher Whipple, and in July they were cruising. (On -this and other early movements in Rhode Island, see Arnold's _Rhode -Island_, ii. 351, 363, 369, 386; Staples's _Annals of Providence_, -pp. 265-70; _R. I. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi.; Gammell's _Life of Samuel -Ward_; and Ward's journal in _Sparks MSS._, lxviii. no. 7.) By July -1st Connecticut had begun to move. Washington's first commission was -given to Capt. Nicholas Broughton, of Marblehead, accompanied by -instructions, which are given in Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 517, when -he took command of the "Hannah" (Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, -260). John Adams says (_Works_, x. 27; _Letters of Washington to John -Langdon_, 1880, p. 19) it was John Manly's application to Washington -for authority to fit out a cruiser that led directly to this step, -and that Manly was the first to fly a Continental flag, and to have a -British flag struck to him. - -For the early navy of Pennsylvania, see Wallace's _William Bradford_, -p. 130, and in the Appendix of the same work we have an account of the -first naval combat on the Delaware, and the first hostile guns heard by -Congress, when the "Roebuck" and "Liverpool" were driven down the river -by the American flotilla. - -On the early movements in Virginia, see _Va. Hist. Reg._, i. 185; -_Southern Lit. Messenger_, xxiv. 1-273.—ED. - -[1227] Hancock's letter of instructions, October 5, 1775, is in -Sparks's _Correspondence of the American Revolution_, i. 56. Cf. _John -Adams's Works_, i. 187; x. 31.—ED. - -[1228] Selman's own account of this exploit has been printed in the -_Salem Gazette_, July 22, 1856. Cf. Sparks's _Writings of Washington_, -iii. 193.—ED. - -[1229] "Lord Amherst laments the capture of the ordnance vessel,—says -her cargo amounted to £10,500. The Board is censured for not putting -her stores into a vessel of greater force." Hutchinson's _Diary_ (July -10). Manly continued to gain and deserve the commendation of Washington -(Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 266, 271). For an account of Manly's -being driven into Plymouth, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ 2d ser., ii. -158.—ED. - -[1230] Rhode Island, as she had put the first armed vessel afloat, -was also the inciter of the movements in Congress which resulted in -this fleet, her members, in Oct., 1775, having urged action (4 Force, -iv. 1838). John Adams gives on the successive stages of the movement -(_Works_, ii. 463, iii. 7. Cf. Gammell's _Ward_, 316, and the _Journal -of Congress_, 1775). A naval committee was instituted Oct. 13th, and -in December it was enlarged, to have a member for each colony. John -Adams tells on his labors on this committee were the most agreeable he -had in Congress; and he always took great credit to himself for being -mainly instrumental in committing Congress to naval policy (_Works_, -ix. 363, _Familiar Letters_, 166), and it was he who drew up the Rules -of the naval service (_Works_, iii. p. 11; _Journal of Congress_, -1775, p. 282). In tracing the official action of Congress towards the -navy, beside the _Journals_, use the index of Ben: Perley Poore's -_Descriptive Catal. of Government Publications_; the indexes to the -_Amer. Archives_, under such heads as "armed vessels", "fleet", "Mass. -armed vessels", "marine committee", "navy", "privateers", "prizes", -"row galleys", "seamen", "vessels", and the names of naval characters. -The incongruous character of Force's indexes increases the labor -considerably in using the _Archives_. - -The beginnings of the navy, beside being followed in Cooper, Clark, -etc., can be traced in W. E. Foster's _Stephen Hopkins_, ii. App. -M; in Bancroft, ix. 134, or final revision, v. 50 in Silas Deane's -correspondence in _Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. Washington ceased to -exercise any supervision over the armed fleet after the evacuation of -Boston in March, 1776. General Ward, who was then left in command in -Boston, commissioned Captain Mugford to cruise, June, 1776, before he -received any blank commissions from Congress. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -i. 203. - -In 1775 David Bushnell invented at Saybrook a machine for blowing up -the enemy's vessels, called the "American Turtle." It is described in -the _Conn. Soc. Coll._, ii. 315, 322, 333, with references.—ED. - -[1231] Sparks's _Washington_, i. 36; iii. 77. There is a memoir of -Whipple, with a portrait (cf. also E. M. Stone's _Our French Allies_, -p. 26), in Hildreth's _Pioneer Settlers of Ohio_ (1852), pp. 120-164. -There are letters of Whipple among the _Com. Tucker Papers_ in Harvard -College library. Few of the earlier captains made more captures -than Samuel Tucker. Washington commissioned him in Jan., 1776. His -reputation as a naval officer was mostly made during his command of -the frigate "Boston", in one of whose voyages he took John Adams to -France in 1778. The log of this voyage is preserved in Harvard College -library, where are also a collection of Tucker's papers, embracing his -instructions, correspondence, and logs. They have been used in John H. -Sheppard's _Life of Samuel Tucker_ (Boston, 1868), which is abridged by -the author in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1872 (xxvi. -105). Cf. _New Eng. Mag._, ii. 138; Niles's _Register_, xliv. 140; and -Johnston's _History of Bristol and Bremen, Me._—ED. - -[1232] See note at the end of this chapter. - -[1233] On the fisheries as a school for the navy of the Revolution, see -Lorenzo Sabine's _Report on the Fisheries of the U. S._ (Washington, -1853), p. 198, and Babson's _Gloucester_. The histories of the maritime -towns of Massachusetts touch this point, like Rich's _Truro_, Roads's -_Marblehead_, E. V. Smith's _Newburyport_, etc.—ED. - -[1234] Cf. _ante_, ch. ii. - -[1235] Adams's _Familiar Letters_, 186. The continued naval exploits of -Seth Harding and Samuel Smedley, of the Connecticut armed vessels, are -recorded in sundry letters in the _Trumbull Papers_ (MSS.), vol. v., -etc.—ED. - -[1236] _Journals of Congress_, i. 213. - -[1237] Cf. Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 353; _John Adams's Works_, -iii. 65. Bancroft, in his orig. ed., ix. 134, charges Hopkins with -incompetency, but omits the accusation in his final revision, v. -50.—ED. - -[1238] Cf. _United Service_, xii. 411. - -[1239] _American Archives_, ii. 1394. - -[1240] There is a portrait of Biddle in the Pennsylvania Hist. Soc. -gallery. _Catal. of Paintings_, no. 138. - -[1241] The government of South Carolina gave him four war-vessels of -their own, and early in 1778 he went out to meet the English blockading -squadron of four vessels, hoping to find himself of superior force -to them. He did not meet the squadron, but east of the Barbadoes, -on the 7th of March, he did meet the "Yarmouth", sixty-four guns, -and, apparently relying on the four small vessels he had with him, -he bravely engaged her. But after an action of twenty minutes the -"Randolph" blew up, nor was it until five days after that a part of -her crew were picked up by the "Yarmouth" on a piece of the wreck. The -other vessels of Biddle's squadron escaped. - -[1242] The reader will be interested in his own simple account of -the voyage, as contained in his report to Franklin and the other -commissioners. We print it from his manuscript as a good illustration -of the straightforward loyalty of the man. - -PORT LEWIS, _Feb'y 14th, 1777_. - -GENTLEMEN,—This will inform you of my safe arrival after a tolerable -successful cruise, having captured 3 sail of Brigs, one snow, and one -ship. The Snow is a Falmouth Packet bound from thence to Lisbon. She -is mounted with 16 guns and had near 50 men on board. She engaged near -an hour before she struck. I had one man killed. My first Lieut. had -his left arm shot off above the elbow, and the Lieut. of Marines had -a musquet ball lodged in his wrist. They had several men wounded, but -none killed. I am in great hopes that both my wounded officers will do -well, as there are no unfavorable symptoms at present. Three of our -Prizes are arrived, and I expect the other two in to-morrow. As I am -informed that there has been two American Private ships of war lately -taken and carried into England, I think it would be a good opportunity -to negotiate and exchange prisoners, if it could be done; but I submit -to your better judgment to act as you think proper. I should be very -glad to hear from you as soon as possible, and should be much obliged -if you would point out some line or mode to proceed by in disposing -of prisoners and prizes, as nothing will be done before I receive -your answer to this. I hope you'll excuse my being more particular at -present. - -From, Gentlemen, Your most obliged h'ble serv't, LAMB'T WICKES. - - -[1243] "This will inform you", he writes on the 12th of August, "of my -present unhappy situation. The Judges of the Admiralty have received -orders of the 6th inst. from the Minister at Paris, ordering them not -to suffer me to take any cannon, powder, or other military stores on -board, or to depart from this port on any consideration whatever, -without further orders from Paris. In consequence of these orders, they -came on board on Saturday to take all my cannon out and to unhang my -rudder. I have prevented this for the present by refusing to let them -take rudder or cannon without producing an order from the minister for -so doing. As I told them, my orders corresponded with theirs in regard -to continuing in port, but I had no order to deliver anything belonging -to the ship to them, which I would not do without orders, and if the -ministers insisted on it, made no doubt but you would give your orders -accordingly, which would be readily complied with on my part when -such orders were received. My powder is stopped, and they have been -contented with taking my written parole not to depart until I receive -their permission." - -[1244] On the questions arising from the carrying of prisoners by the -American cruisers into European ports, see Hale's _Franklin in France_, -ch. xi. and xviii. On American prisoners in England, see _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, June, '82, p. 428; _Memoirs of Andrew Sherburne_, p. 81; -occupants of Old Mill prison, near Plymouth, _N. E. Hist. and Gen. -Reg._, 1865, pp. 74, 136, 209; occupants of Forton, and journal of -Timothy Connor in _Ibid._, xxx. 3, 175, 343; xxxi. 18, 212, 288; xxxii, -70, 165, 280; xxiii. 36; journal of Samuel Custer, etc., _Ibid._, -Jan., 1878; Charles Herbert's _Relics of the Rev., Amer. prisoners in -England_ (Boston, 1847), with lists of names and the edition of 1854, -called _The Prisoners of 1776, compiled from Herbert's Journal by R. -Livesey_; narratives in Moore's _Diary_, ii. 344, 437. In 1780 there -was reprinted in London, to be sold for the benefit of the American -prisoners then in England, a _Poetical Epistle to George Washington_, -by the Rev. Charles Perry Wharton of Maryland, which had been -originally printed in Annapolis in 1779. There was prefixed to it an -unusual portrait of Washington, "engraved by W. Sharp from an original -picture." - -[Illustration] - -Perhaps the most distinguished of the Americans confined in the English -prisons was Joshua Barney, and the story of his several confinements -and escapes is told in _A Biographical Memoir of the late Commodore -Joshua Barney, from autobiographical notes and journals in the -possession of his family_, by Mary Barney (Boston, 1832). Cf. Lossing -in _Field-Book_, ii. 850; _Harper's Monthly_, xxiv. 161; _Cyclop. U. S. -Hist._, i. 105—ED. - -[1245] _Almon's Remembrancer._ - -[1246] Landais survived until the year 1818, when he died at the age of -eighty-seven years, in the city of New York. - -[1247] See Hutchinson's _Diary_, at the date of D'Estaing's sailing. - -[1248] See Notes, following this chapter. - -[1249] It is printed in _Franklin in France_. - -[1250] For accounts of Barry, see Dennie's _Portfolio_, x.; _United -Service Mag._ (xii. 578), May, 1885, by Admiral Preble; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, ii. 847; Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 304. -The narrative of Luke Matthewman, one of Barry's lieutenants, is in -the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 175, copied from the _N. Y. Packet_, -1783.—ED. - -[1251] A MS. journal of a cruise on board the brigantine of war -"Tyrannicide", in the service of the State of Massachusetts Bay, John -Allen Hallet commander, in 1778, is in the Boston Public Library.—ED. - -[1252] The log of the "Protector" is in the library of the N. E. Hist. -Geneal. Society. Cf. Ebenezer Fox's _Revolutionary Adventures_ (Boston, -1838); _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 187.—ED. - -[1253] The following is an official list, sent to Franklin in March, -1780, of the navy of the United States at that time:— - -"America" (74 guns), Captain John Barry, on the stocks at Portsmouth, -N. H. - -"Confederacy" (36 guns), Seth Harding, refitting at Martinico. - -"Alliance" (36 guns), Paul Jones, in France. - -"Bourbon" (36 guns), Thomas Read, on the stocks in Connecticut. - -"Trumbull" (28 guns), James Nicholson, ready for sea in Connecticut. - -"Deane" (28 guns), Sam'l Nicholson, on a cruise. - -"Providence" (28 guns), Ab'm Whipple; "Boston" (28 guns), Sam'l Tucker; -"Queen of France" (20 guns), I. Rathbourne; "Ranger" (18 guns), S. -Sampson,—within the Bar at Charleston, S. C., to defend that harbor. - -"Saratoga" (18 guns), J. Young, on the stocks at Philadelphia. - -Cf. _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. iii. - -[1254] See chap. vi. - -[1255] The table on a later page shows that there were nearly 90,000 -Continentals and militia on the rolls at different times during 1776; -but it is not probable that 70,000 were in service at any single time, -and the terms of service were short.—ED. - -[1256] There is a curious difficulty as to the name of this little -vessel. In printed histories she is sometimes called the "Penet" and -sometimes the "Perch." There is no question that the State owned a -vessel called the "Penet", which was named from one of the mercantile -agents in Nantes. But, after a careful examination of the manuscript of -the journals of Mr. Austin, who carried the news, we are satisfied that -the vessel was the "Perch", and that she is called the "Penet" in some -of the manuscripts only from an error of the early copyists. - -[1257] A third edition was printed at Cooperstown in 1848. Editions -with revisions and additions were issued at New York in 1853 and -1856, use being made in part of matter collected by Cooper himself. -An abridged edition was published in New York in 1856. There were -other editions in London, Paris, and Brussels. Cooper's _Lives of -distinguished Naval Officers_ (Philad., 1846) includes only Paul Jones -of the Revolutionary period. - -[1258] Second ed., London, 1866. The first ed. was in 1863. - -[1259] There are a few accessory books: J. Rolfe's _Naval Biography -during the Reign of George III._ (London, 1828, in two volumes,—Sabin, -xvi. 67,601). _The Detail of some particular services performed in -America during the years 1776-1779_ (printed for Ithiel Town, N. -Y., 1835,—Sabin, v. 19,775) had previously appeared in _The Naval -Chronicle_, and consists, in the main, of a journal supposed to be -kept on board his Majesty's ship "Rainbow", while under the command of -Sir George Collier, on the American coast. Town says that the book was -privately printed from a manuscript obtained by him in London in 1830, -and it is said that all but seventy copies were destroyed by fire. -There is a copy in Harvard College library, and others are noted in the -Brinley (no. 4,002) and Cooke (no. 708) sales. - -John Adams sent to Congress in 1780 an account of the naval losses of -Great Britain from the beginning of the war (_Diplom. Corresp._, iv. -483, v. 234). A similar statement (1776-1781) on the British side is in -the _Political Magazine_, ii. 452. - -[1260] In January, 1763, peremptory orders were sent from England -to the governor and company of Connecticut to put a stop to the -Susquehanna settlement. In September of the same year, Governor Fitch -wrote to the board of trade that he had strictly obeyed the orders; -that a delegation from the Six Nations had been received, and in the -presence of the assembly he had announced the commands of his majesty; -that this had apparently satisfied the natives. (_Trumbull MSS._, Mass. -Hist. Soc.) - -[1261] In Proud's _History of Pennsylvania_, ii. p. 326, there is a -note containing an extract from an "authentic publication", entitled -_A narrative of the late massacres in Lancaster County, of a member -of Indians, friends of this Province_ (Philadelphia, 1764). In this -narrative (which was written by Franklin,—cf. Sparks's _Franklin_, -i. 273; iv. 56), religious enthusiasm, "chiefly Presbyterian", is the -alleged motive for the outbreak. See, also, a reprint of a curious -pamphlet on the massacre of the Conestogoe Indians by the Paxton -Boys, in the _Hist. Mag._, July, 1865, p. 203. For other tracts see -_Carter-Brown Catal._, iii. 1,407-1,415; Field's _Indian Bibliog._, -nos. 854, 1,187, 1,193, 1,331; _Brinley Catal._, nos. 3,062-3,070; -Hildeburn's _Penna. Press_, ii. nos. 2,029-2,034; cf. _Penna. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, i. 73; _Zeisberger_, by Schweinitz, 274; Graydon's -_Memoirs_, 49; and letter of Richard Peters in _Aspinwall Papers_, ii. -508.—ED. - -[1262] In Reed's _Reed_, i. p. 35, there is a letter from Dr. John -Ewing, coolly discussing this transaction, as if it were a laudable -attempt on the part of the frontier inhabitants to relieve themselves -in a perfectly justifiable way from a source of danger. He says, "there -was not a single act of violence, unless you call the Lancaster affair -such, although it was no more than going to war with that tribe." - -[1263] The Conestogoes belonged to the Five Nations, but had no -connection with the Tuscaroras. The Five Nations put in a claim for -the land of the Conestogoes, as "their relations and next heirs." (Sir -William Johnson to Governor Penn, Feb. 9, 1764, _Penna. Archives_, iv. -p. 162.) - -[1264] His correspondence with Gage is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, ii. -833 _et seq._ - -[1265] The question of the rights of Indian women in lands of the -tribes forms part of the discussion in the paper by Lucien Carr, -entitled "The social and political condition of women among the -Huron-Iroquois tribes." (_Report xvi. of the Peabody Museum_, pp. -216-218.) Instances are on record where transfers were compelled by -the women in opposition to the wishes of the chiefs, and where they -prevented sales, the terms of which had been arranged by the men. -At the conference at Canajoharie Castle in 1763, where the Mohawks -submitted one of their numerous complaints against settlers for -stealing their lands, all the women present interrupted the speaker, -and declared that they "did not choose to part with their lands and be -reduced to make brooms for a living." The fraudulent transfers alluded -to in the text had already attracted the attention of the authorities. -By proclamation, dated October 7, 1763, the king had forbidden private -individuals to purchase land from Indians. - -[1266] "After the peace, numbers of the frontier inhabitants of -Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, etc., animated with a spirit of -frenzy, under pretext of revenge for past injuries, though in manifest -violation of British faith and the strength of the late treaties, -robbed and murdered sundry Indians of good character, and still -continue to do so, vowing vengeance against all that come in their way; -whilst others forcibly established themselves beyond even the limits of -their own governments in the Indian country." - -[1267] At this date the Mohawk Valley, as far west as the boundary -line, was jointly occupied by the whites and the Mohawk tribe. -Immediately to the west of that line, in the neighborhood of Oneida -Lake, lived the Oneidas. Both Mohawks and Oneidas had extensive -hunting-grounds to the north. The Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas -severally lived upon the lakes which to-day bear the names of those -tribes. The Tuscaroras occupied land which had been allotted them -immediately to the south of the Oneida country, and had also a section -on the Susquehanna. [See Colden's map in Vol. IV. 491, and the maps in -Vol. III. 281, 293.—ED.] The whole number of the confederacy did not -exceed 10,000 souls, of whom 2,000 were warriors, more than one half -being Senecas. The most conspicuous tribe among the Ohio Indians was -the Shawanese. They were a source of terror to the Virginia settlers, -and had a hand in most of the invasions of Kentucky, Virginia, and -Pennsylvania. They numbered about 300 warriors, and lived in Ohio on -the Scioto and its branches. The Delawares, counting 600 warriors, -were scattered from the Susquehanna Valley to Lake Erie; 200 Wyandots -lived near Sandusky. These and other tribes living on the border -or in Canada, who were classified as allies of the Six Nations, -numbered in all about 2,000 warriors. The other tribes living east -of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio, with whom the British had -dealings, or of whom they had knowledge, were classified as the "Ottawa -Confederacy, comprehending the Twightwees or Miamis", and numbered -about 8,000 warriors, of whom 3,000 lived near Detroit. In all, there -were, according to this estimate, which is from Sir William Johnson's -papers, about 12,000 warriors. [See Sketch map in Vol. IV. 298.—ED.] - -A similar computation of the "gun-men or effectives" in the South, -made by Sir James Wright in 1773, shows that over 9,500 men could -be furnished by the Choctaws, Creeks, Cherokees, and Catawbas. From -other sources we have estimates which include tribes omitted by the -above authorities, from which it would appear probable that there were -about 35,000 warriors east of the Mississippi, in the United States -and across the straits at Detroit. There is a difference of opinion as -to the proportion of warriors to the total population. Apparently the -proportion varied in different tribes. Some observers have placed the -number as high as six to one; others, as low as three to one. Between -four and five to one appears to be about the number furnished by the -averages of the best observers. This will give for a total Indian -population east of the Mississippi, in the United States and along the -lakes near Detroit, at the beginning of the Revolutionary War, 150,000 -persons. - -[1268] "My intelligence informs me", wrote Governor Penn to Lord -Dunmore, March 1, 1775, "that your lordship has set up an office for -granting lands far within the limits of this province, and that lands -already patented by me have been granted by your lordship." - -[1269] Guy Johnson refers to the success of his interference on this -occasion in his letter to the magistrates and others of Palatine, -Canajoharie, and the upper districts, dated May 20, 1775, quoted in -Stone's _Brant_, i. p. 65. - -[1270] Accustomed as the inhabitants of the Northern colonies had been -to coöperating with Indians in the several wars with the French, the -proposition to make use of their services did not excite the universal -feeling of horror which would be aroused by the same proposition -to-day. On the contrary, it was regarded as a natural and inevitable -condition attached to the war that the natives should be engaged upon -the one side or the other; and rumors of the friendly disposition -of this tribe, and of the number of warriors which that tribe would -furnish to the cause, found their way into the journals of that day. -It was evident that Indian auxiliaries would be of greater military -value to the English than to the Americans. The English army would be -practically an army of invasion. There were no English homes exposed -to destruction. The use of savages by the Americans would not keep -out of the field a single Englishman for the protection of the scalps -of his family. Nevertheless, it was felt by the colonists that all -the tribes that could be secured would be an advantage gained. Such -evidently was the opinion of the men composing the Provincial Congress -of Massachusetts Bay, who first met the question, and, even before the -battle of Lexington, solved it by employing some of the Stockbridge -Indians as minute-men. The records of that body go far towards -justifying the statement made by Gen. Gage at Boston (June 12, 1775), -that the "rebels" were "bringing as many Indians down here as they -could collect." - -[1271] In this letter to Kirkland the assertion is made that the -step was taken because of information received that "those who are -inimical to us in Canada have been tampering with the natives." In -the _American Archives_, 4th series, ii. p. 244, is a letter dated -Montreal, March 29th, from J. Brown to Samuel Adams and Joseph Warren, -Committee of Correspondence of Boston, in which Brown's mission is -betrayed even without his credentials. He was prospecting the ground -with a view to future operations. He reports that "the Indians say -they have been repeatedly applied to and requested to join with the -king's troops to fight Boston, but have peremptorily refused, and -still intend to refuse. They are a simple politick people, and say -that if they are obliged, for their own safety, to take up arms on -either side, they shall take part on the side of their brethren the -English in New-England." In the same letter Brown states as a secret -that Ticonderoga must be seized on the beginning of hostilities. Samuel -Adams, one of the committee to whom Brown's letter was addressed, was -also a member of the committee which drafted the letter to Kirkland. If -Brown's letter did not reach Adams in time to inspire the suggestion -of "tampering", it indicates at least the character of the rumors. -The English writers (like Mahon, vi. 35) look upon the plea of -"tampering" as a pretence; and Dartmouth, in July and August, 1775, -called his orders retaliatory ones. We know that there was little for -the colonists to apprehend from Carleton on this score. His opposition -to the enlistment of Indians for service outside Canada drew forth -complaints afterward from Guy Johnson (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. p. -636). Still less was there cause for apprehension if the Caughnawagas -were going to take sides with the colonists. It was probably understood -that the statements of these Canadian Indians could not be implicitly -relied upon. - -[1272] The enlisted Indians are occasionally heard from during the -war, although their services were not conspicuous. Their fondness for -liquor soon brought them into trouble, and we find that a petition -signed by seventeen of them was presented to the Provincial Congress, -asking that liquor might be kept out of their way. This petition was -duly granted. (_Am. Arch._, 4th ser., ii. pp. 1049 and 1083.) During -the siege of Boston they occasionally killed a sentry (_The Boston -Gazette and Country Journal_, Aug. 7, 1775; Frothingham's _Siege of -Boston_, pp. 212, 213). In _Mass. Archives_, vol. lvi. (special title, -"Coat Rolls, 8 Months' Service, 1775—vol. i. Rolls"), no. 173, is a -copy of what purports to be an order for bounty money, etc., signed by -thirty-two persons. Appended is the following: "Camp at Charlestown, -March 12, 1776. This may certify that the within named persons were -soldiers in my Regiment, and served as such in the service of this -province last summer, until they were discharged by his Excellency -Gen. Washington. Attest, John Paterson, Col. These Indians belonged -to Capt. William Goodrich's Company. Attest, John Sargent." Some of -them, under the command of Captain Ezra Whittlesey, were "posted at the -saw-mills", Sept. 13, 1776 (_Amer. Arch._, 5th series, ii. p. 476). -If Guy Johnson is to be believed, there were enlisted Indians in the -battle of Long island, and some of them were taken prisoners (_N. Y. -Coll. Doc._, viii. p. 740). Washington applied for them for scouting -service, Oct. 18, 1776 (_Amer. Arch._, 5th series, ii. p. 1120); Jones -(_Annals of Oneida County_, p. 854) says that a considerable party of -Oneidas participated in the battle of White Plains, and that a full -company of Stockbridge Indians, under Captain Daniel Ninham, went to -White Plains (_Ibid._ p. 888). A capture by Indians of six prisoners is -reported in Moore's _Diary_, etc., i. p. 476. The Stockbridge Indians -were ambuscaded at King's Bridge with severe loss, Aug. 31, 1778. -(_Mag. Am. Hist._, v. p. 187.) In 1819, the survivors of this tribe, -petitioning the President of the United States for the protection of -their rights in certain lands in Indiana, said: "When your parent -disowned you as her children, and sent over to this great island many -strong warriors to burn your towns, destroy your families, and bring -you into captivity, we, of the Muhheakunuks, defended your fathers on -the west against the warriors which your parent had sent against you -on that side; and we also sent our warriors to join your great chief, -Washington, to aid him in driving back into the sea the unnatural -monsters who had come up from thence to devour you, and ravage the land -which we a long time before granted to your fathers to live upon." -(_American State Papers—Public Lands_, vol. iii., Washington, 1834). - -[1273] Kidder's _Mil. Operations in Eastern Maine_, p. 51.—ED. - -[1274] In Kidder's _Expeditions of Captain John Lovewell_, it is stated -that the petition for guns, blankets, etc., of thirteen Pequakets, -who were willing to enlist, was granted by the Provincial Congress -of Massachusetts Bay. The date of the petition is not given. For the -treaty of July 10, 1776, see _Amer. Arch._, 5th, i. 835; and the reply -of the Micmacs to Washington, _Ibid._ iii. 800.—ED. - -[1275] On the 24th of May, Ethan Allen addressed a letter to several -tribes of the Canadian Indians, asking their warriors to join with his -warriors "like brothers, and ambush the regulars." This proceeding he -reported to the General Assembly of Connecticut two days afterward. -On the 2nd of June, Allen proposed to the Provincial Congress of New -York an invasion of Canada, urging as one of the reasons therefor that -there would be "this unspeakable advantage: that instead of turning -the Canadians and Indians against us, as is wrongly suggested by many, -it would unavoidably attach and connect them to our interest." From -Newbury, Colonel Bayley, on the 23d of June, addressed the Northern -Indians as follows: "If you have a mind to join us, I will go with any -number you shall bring to our army, and you shall each have a good coat -and blanket, etc., and forty shillings per month, be the time longer or -shorter." - -In the autumn of 1775, Arnold on his Kennebec march was joined at -Sartigan by a number of Indians, to whom he offered "one Portuguese per -month, two dollars bounty, their provisions, and the liberty to choose -their own officers." Under this inducement they took their canoes and -proceeded with the invading column. - -[1276] Governor Trumbull, of Connecticut, was in correspondence with -Major Brown. Fifteen days after the fall of Ticonderoga the governor -wrote to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay, and, without -mentioning his authority, spoke of the "iterated intelligence we -receive of the plans framed by our enemies to distress us, by inroads -of Canadians and savages from the Province of Quebec upon the adjacent -settlements." (Stuart's _Trumbull_, p. 185.) In a note (_Ibid._ p. -186) an extract from a letter of Arnold, of the 19th, is given, in -which Arnold says that there are "400 regulars at St. Johns, making -all possible preparation to cross the lake, and expecting to be joined -by a body of Indians, with a design of retaking Crown Point and -Ticonderoga." (Cf. also, Arnold, May 23d, from Crown Point, in _Jour. -Cong._, i. 111.) The New Hampshire Provincial Congress, on the 3d of -June, 1775, had "undoubted intelligence of the attempts of the British -ministry to engage the Canadians and savages in their interest, in the -present controversy with America, and by actual movements in Canada." -(_Sparks's MSS._) On the 6th of July, 1775, Governor Trumbull wrote -to General Schuyler, enclosing a statement of a person who had been -in Canada, containing the assertion that Governor Carleton "directly -solicited the Indians for their assistance, but on their refusal -declared he would dispossess them, and give their lands to those who -would." July 21, 1775, Schuyler gave Major John Brown a general letter -for use in Canada, in which he said: "Reports prevail that General -Carleton intends an excursion into these parts; that for that purpose -he is raising a body of Canadians and Indians." (Lossing's _Schuyler_, -i. 366.) On Aug. 15th, Brown reported that "Sir John Johnson was at -Montreal with a body of about 300 Tories and some Indians, trying to -persuade the Caughnawagas to take up the hatchet", etc. (_Ibid._ p. -380). From the foregoing we can see that Congress had some reason to -believe that the English authorities were at work among the Indians. -Washington was evidently not convinced of the fact until Schuyler -received information of a positive character concerning the Guy Johnson -conference at Montreal. On the 24th of December, 1775, he wrote to -Schuyler: "The proofs you have of the ministry's intention to engage -the savages are incontrovertible. We have other confirmation of it by -some despatches from John Stuart, the superintendent for the southern -district, which luckily fell into my hands" (Sparks's _Washington_, -iii. p. 209). Congress had not made public its previous sources of -information, but it authorized the publication of "the second paragraph -in General Schuyler's letter relative to the measures taken by the -ministerial agents to engage the Indians in a war with the colonies." -Montgomery, at St. John's, had, in September, already met with proofs -of the most convincing character, but the presence of the Mohawks -there, and their opposition to the American force, does not seem to -have made the impression to which it was entitled. - -[1277] _Secret Journals of Congress_, p. 44. Sparks, in his review -of the subject, says "After the sanguinary affair at the Cedars ... -Congress openly changed their system" (_Washington_, iii. p. 497). The -resolution passed May 25th. Washington was then in Philadelphia. As -late as June 9th, he wrote from New York: "I have been much surprised -at not receiving a more explicit account of the defeat of Colonel -Bedell and his party at the Cedars. I should have thought some of the -officers in command would and ought to have transmitted it immediately, -but as they have not, it is probable that I should have long remained -in doubt as to the event, had not the commissioners called on me -to-day." The coincidence of Washington's presence in Philadelphia at -the time of the passage of the resolve is more significant than the -fact that a battle had been fought of which the general of the army had -only just heard two weeks after that date. - -[1278] The address to the people of Ireland is dated May 10, 1775, the -date of the assembling of Congress. The address was agreed to July -28th. It would be hard to justify the language used, if we accept the -nominal date of the instrument as the actual date of its composition. -When it was issued, the atrocities committed at the Cedars were still -fresh in the minds of the members. - -[1279] A note on the opinions of leading men, respecting the employment -of Indians, is on a later page. The index (under _Indians_) to B. -P. Poore's _Descriptive Catalogue_ will point to the government -publications.—ED. - -[1280] _Speeches_; also in Niles's _Principles_ (1876), p. 459. -Cf. also Burke's _Speeches_, and the reference in Walpole's _Last -Journals_, ii. 193.—ED. - -[1281] This letter of Dunmore is quoted by Dartmouth. (_Am. Arch._, -4th, iii. 6.) On the 23d of April, 1779, William Livingston forwarded -copy to Congress. It was ordered to be printed (Almon's _Remembrancer_, -viii. p. 278). According to Bancroft, Gage in 1774 asked Carleton his -opinion about raising "a body of Canadians and Indians, and for them to -form a junction with the king's forces in this province." Carleton, in -reply, apparently discouraged the project, saying, "You know what sort -of people they [the Indians] are" (Bancroft, vii. pp. 117, 119). - -[1282] Guy Johnson was the son-in-law of Sir William Johnson, as well -as his successor in office, and the Mohawks said: "The love we have -for Sir William Johnson, and the obligations the whole Six Nations -are under to him, must make us regard and protect every branch of his -family." - -[1283] From the best evidence that I can get, I conclude that Ontario -and Oswego are one. Stone and Lossing state that there were two -conferences. Guy Johnson, in "a brief sketch of his past transactions", -refers to but one (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. 636). - -[1284] At a conference between Captain John, in behalf of the Six -Nations, and Colonel Butler, of the colony of Connecticut, in 1776, -Captain John said: "We come to make you a visit, and let you know we -were at the treaty at Oswego with Col. Guy Johnson." "We do now assure -you that so long as the waters run, so long you may depend on our -friendship. We are all of one mind and are all for peace." (Miner's -_Wyoming_, p. 183.) Under date of Nov. 21, 1774, the following is -entered in the records of Harvard College: "As the corporation with -pleasure have received information of Mr. Zebulon Butler to engage -in a mission to the Tuscarora Indians, they cheerfully signify their -readiness to give him all suitable encouragement, as far as may be -in their power, if he should proceed according to his intention in -so laudable an undertaking." This extract will perhaps explain Col. -Butler's influence among the Indians. - -[1285] An unsuccessful attempt was made to detach Cameron, Stuart's -deputy, from the king's service. He was offered a salary and -compensation for losses if he would join the American cause. "He -refused to resign his commission or accept of any employment in the -colony service." Hearing later that he was to be seized, he fled to the -Cherokee country. This alarmed the colonists, but they were quieted -when they heard that he had written "that Captain Stewart had never -given him orders to induce the Indians to fall upon Carolina, but to -keep them firmly attached to his majesty" (Moultrie's _Memoirs_, i. p. -76). It appears from Stuart's correspondence that he received almost -simultaneously, in the first part of October, satisfactory replies from -the Indians and orders from General Gage to make use of the natives -(_Amer. Arch._, 4th ser., iv. p. 317). The Catawbas, a relatively -insignificant tribe, were said to be friendly to the rebels. The -Cherokees were ready for attack (Almon's _Remembrancer_, Part iii., -1776, p. 180). - -[1286] The reasons for believing that both these statements were true -have already been given. - -[1287] Bancroft's _United States_, viii. p. 88. - -[1288] _Parl. Reg._, x. p. 48. Flavored as follows in a communication -quoted in Almon's _Remembrancer_, viii. p. 328: "God and nature hath -put into our hands the scalping-knife and tomahawk, to torture them -into unconditional submission." Burgoyne's opinions at this time -became important; they are in his speeches (_Parl. Reg._), his letter -to the secretary of state (Ryerson's _Loyalists_), his address to the -Indians (Anburey's _Travels_), and elsewhere (_Hadden's Journal and -Orderly-Book_, etc.). Cf. also _Gent. Mag._, March, 1778; McKnight's -_Burke_, ii. 213; _Walpole and Mason Corresp._, i. 335; Fonblanque's -_Burgoyne_.—ED. - -[1289] Vol. iii., App. - -[1290] At the same time that some of them were engaged in hostilities -in Canada, others were at Philadelphia having peace-talks with Congress -(_Journals of Congress_, ii. pp. 192, 206, 207). - -[1291] For the treaty at Albany in August, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, xxv. 75, and _N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. 605. A report of the -commissioner of Indian affairs in the Northern Department, addressed -to President Hancock from Albany, Dec. 14, 1775, is in _Letters and -Papers, 1761-1776_ (MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc.).—ED. - -[1292] Numerous other conferences and communications between different -persons and bodies and the several tribes attracted attention this -season. In May, 1775, the Mohawks declared to the committee of Albany -and Schenectady that it was their intention to remain neutral, but they -had heard that their superintendent was threatened, and they would -protect him (_Am. Arch._, 4th ser., ii. p. 842). They also addressed a -letter to the Oneidas, calling on them to prevent the Bostonians from -capturing him (_Ibid._ pp. 664, 665). For accounts of the conferences, -see _Am. Arch._, 4th ser., iii.; also Stone's _Brant_, i. ch. v. Cf. -letter from Albany in _Am. Arch._, 4th ser., iii. p. 625. - -[1293] When Fort Stanwix was occupied without causing an Indian -outbreak, Washington congratulated Schuyler (Sparks's _Washington_, iv. -p. 24). We have but little information of the conference at Montreal -which Col. Guy Johnson held in July; but in Almon's _Remembrancer_, i. -p. 241, the statement is made that a considerable number of the chiefs -and warriors of the Six Nations were present, and that there were also -present 1,700 Caughnawagas. In the presence of Governor Carleton, "they -unanimously resolved to support their engagements with his majesty, and -remove all intruders on the several communications." This gives a hint -of the jealousy with which they regarded the occupation of the posts at -the carrying-places between the Mohawk Valley and the lakes. See also -Guy Carleton's letter to Dartmouth (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. 635), in -which he says that at Ontario they agreed to defend the communications. - -[1294] An intended conference of the Six Nations with the Canadian -Indians was announced to Congress by Schuyler in January, 1776 (_Am. -Arch._, 4th ser., iv. p. 898). In March the Oneidas, by their friendly -interference, again prevented the taking up of the hatchet which had -been surrendered at Albany. (Dean to Schuyler, _Am. Arch._, 4th ser., -v. p. 768.) The Caughnawagas went to Oneida, but would not go to the -Onondaga council in March (_Ibid._ p. 769). Dean went to the Onondaga -council. While on the way there his life was threatened, and the -Oneidas declined to go on until they received assurances of Dean's -safety (_Ibid._ pp. 1100-1103). The Caughnawagas, returning from -Onondaga[?], surrendered the sharp hatchet which Col. Guy Johnson had -given them. ("The Commissioners in Canada to the President of Congress, -Montreal, May 6, 1776", in _Ibid._ p. 1214.) - -[1295] The loyalists termed this Schuyler's "Peacock Expedition", -because the men decorated themselves with feathers from the peacocks -at Johnson Hall. Cf. Jones's _New York_, i. 71, and note xxx.; De -Peyster's _Life and Misfortunes of Sir John Johnson_ (New York, 1882), -which was first issued as a part of the _Orderly-Book of Sir John -Johnson_ (Albany, 1882). This contains a portrait of Sir John, which -will also be found in Hubbard's _Red Jacket_.—ED. - -[1296] Tuesday, March 5, 1776. Two Indian chiefs, who lately arrived in -town from Canada, were introduced to his majesty at St. James's by Col. -Johnson, and graciously received (_Gentleman's Magazine_, xlvi. p. 138). - -[1297] See _ante_, chap. ii. - -[1298] The site is at present covered by the town of Rome. Its name -was changed, when occupied by the Americans, to Fort Schuyler, and for -a time the new name conquered a place in the despatches, but the fort -is more generally known and spoken of by its original title. There had -been another Fort Schuyler at the spot where Utica now stands, and this -fact has caused some confusion. See a paper on Forts Stanwix and Bull -and other forts near Rome, by D. E. Wager, in the _Oneida. Hist. Soc. -Trans._, 1885-86, p. 65.—ED. - -[1299] The "large force at Oswego" was probably suggested by a grand -Indian council held at Niagara in September, 1776, between Col. John -Butler and others representing the English and fifteen Indian tribes, -including representatives of the Six Nations. The Indians declared -their intention to embark in the war and abide the result of the -contest (MSS. of Gen. Gansevoort, quoted by Stone in his _Brant_, ii. -p. 4, note). - -[1300] In March the Oneidas sent a delegation, accompanied by the Rev. -Mr. Kirkland, to the army, to see how matters were going. An offer made -by them to act as scouts, probably a result of this tour of inspection, -was on the 29th of April accepted by Congress. - -[1301] Stone, in his _Brant_, i. p. 185, attributes to Herkimer an act -of intended treachery utterly inconsistent with Herkimer's character as -it is portrayed to us. Simms, in his _Frontiersmen_, etc. (ii. p. 19), -gives a more natural version of the story. - -[1302] This tragical incident, which attained great currency at the -time, is followed in D. Wilson's _Life of Jane McCrea_ (New York, -1853); Mrs. Ellet's _Women of the Rev._ (ii. 221); Lossing's _Schuyler_ -(ii. 250) and _Field-Book_ (vol. i.); the elder Stone's _Brant_ (i. -203), and the younger Stone's papers in _Hist. Mag._ (April, 1867) and -_Galaxy_ (Jan., 1867, also in Beach's _Indian Miscellany_), and App. -to his _Burgoyne's Campaign_; Asa Fitch in _N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -also in Stephen Dodd's _Revolutionary Memorials_; Epaphras Hoyt in _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1847, p. 77); _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. 202; -also Moore's _Diary_ (475), and Ruttenber's _Hudson River Indians_ (p. -273). The subsequent fate of Lieut. Jones, her lover, is told in the -_Catholic World_, Dec., 1882.—ED. - -[1303] The hints as to Burgoyne's opinions of the Indians which are -derived from contemporaneous documents are of course more satisfactory -than any of his subsequent expressions of opinion. In his speech -in the House of Commons, May 26, 1778, his estimate of their value -as soldiers was very reasonable: "Sir, I ever esteemed the Indian -alliance, at best, a necessary evil. I ever believed their services -to be overvalued; sometimes insignificant, often barbarous, always -capricious; and that the employment of them in war was only justifiable -when, by being united to a regular army, they could be kept under -control, and rendered subservient to a general system." (_Parl. Reg._, -ix. p. 218). - -[1304] The number of Herkimer's force can never be positively -ascertained. It has generally been stated at from 800 to 1,000. In -the letter of the Council of Safety to John Jay and Gouverneur Morris -(_Journals of the Provincial Congress, the Provincial Convention, the -Committee of Safety, and the Council of Safety of the State of New -York_, vol. i. p. 1039) it is estimated at 700. - -[1305] _Narrative of the Mil. Actions of Col. Mariamus Willett_ (N. Y., -1831). - -[1306] In Simms's _Frontiersmen_, ii. p.152, and note, there is a -description of the Cobleskill affair. Simms says that Stone is in error -in making two engagements, one in 1778 and one in 1779, at this spot, -and he places the date at May 30, 1778. Campbell describes the event -as having occurred in 1779 (_Border Warfare_, etc., p. 175). Thacher, -in his _Military Journal_, mentions the event in 1778. The next date -preceding the entry is May 20th; the next succeeding, June 1st. Col. -Stone actually gives three accounts of this engagement,—two in the -summer of 1778 and one in 1779. - -[1307] The population of the valley at that time has been estimated -by Miner at twenty-five hundred, who rejects the larger number given -by Chapman and others as not being based on any enumeration; but -John Jenkins, in 1783, represented, in behalf of the inhabitants, to -the legislature, that such an enumeration was taken, and yielded six -thousand persons. - -[1308] From Major John Butler's report to Lieut.-Col. Bolton, dated -at Lackwanak, July 8, 1778. This report was apparently withheld from -Miner's agent, who wrote against its title "Disallowed at the foreign -office." Butler's humanity "in making those only his object who were -in arms" was the subject of congratulation of Lord George Germain, -in a letter to Sir Henry Clinton. See extract in Miner's _Wyoming_, -p. 234. Butler probably understates his losses; but, as is the case -with all successful ambuscades, it must have been light. Miner quotes -from an American prisoner, who thinks from forty to eighty fell. This -seems improbable, when the circumstances of the fight are taken into -consideration. The report of Colonel Denison to Governor Trumbull is -among the Trumbull MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. - -[1309] Eleven dead Indians were left on the field. The American loss -was reported by Sullivan as three killed and thirty-three wounded. The -number of the enemy engaged was reported by prisoners at eight hundred, -although Butler himself stated that his whole force numbered only six -hundred men. - -[1310] Aug. 20, 1779, General Haldimand had a conference with deputies -of the Six Nations. Sullivan was then invading the Indian country. -Haldimand told the Indians that he did not "establish" Oswego, because -he then "had intelligence that the rebels were preparing boats at -Saratoga and Albany to go up the Mohawk River, with an intention to -take post at Oswego; but in the course of a few weeks he received a -different account, that that was not their intention, but a large -rebel army was come up the Connecticut River under the command of the -rebel General Haysen, with an intention to invade this province." "As -to your apprehensions of the rebels coming to attack your country, I -cannot have the least thought of it" (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. p. 776). -Sullivan's force was accounted for as "a feint to be made upon the -Susquehanna to draw the attention of Colonel Butler and the Six Nations -of Indians from going to Detroit." - -[1311] Respecting the original maps made by Lieut. Lodge, of Sullivan's -army, showing by actual survey the routes of the several divisions of -the army, General Clark informs me that they have been discovered, and -will be included in a proposed volume on the campaign, to be issued by -the State of New York. What seems to be an original map is preserved -among the Force maps in the library of Congress. There is in Simms's -_Frontiersmen_ (ii. 272) a map of Sullivan's march along Seneca and -Cayuga lakes from the Tioga, following a sketch found among the papers -of Capt. Machin, who was in the expedition. See note following this -chapter. - -For the route of Brodhead, see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 655. Maps of -the Groveland ambuscade and the Newtown fight are in the _Cayuga County -Hist. Soc. Coll._, no. 1.—ED. - -[1312] There is in the _Penna. Archives_, xii., a list of the forts in -Pennsylvania built and maintained during the war. - -[1313] It did not need that with the adoption of Indian tactics the -barbarous custom of mangling the dead should be included, even for -purposes of economy. "On Monday, the 30th, sent out a party for some -dead Indians." "Toward morning found them, and skinned two of them from -their hips down, for boot-legs: one pair for the major, the other for -myself" (_Proc. N. J. Hist. Soc._, ii. p. 31,—Diary of Lieut. William -Barton). - -[1314] The destruction of grain in Schoharie Valley alarmed Washington. -On November 5th he wrote Governor Clinton, saying: "We had the most -pleasing prospects of forming considerable magazines of bread from the -country which has been laid waste, and which from your Excellency's -letter is so extensive that I am apprehensive we shall be obliged to -bring flour from the South to support the troops at and near West -Point" (Sparks's _Washington_, vii. p. 282). - -[1315] The operations of the several columns are reported by Gen. -Haldimand in a letter to Lord George Germain, dated Quebec, Oct. 25, -1780. The return of "rebels killed and taken on the expedition to the -Mohawk River, in October, 1780", was as follows: On the Mohawk River -and at Stone Arabia, the 18th, 19th, and 20th of October, prisoners, -10 privates; killed, 1 colonel and 100 privates. At Canaghsioraga, the -23d of October, prisoners, 2 captains, 1 lieutenant, 4 sergeants, 4 -corporals, 45 privates; killed, 1 lieutenant, 3 privates. The returns -of October 23d must refer to the capture of the party sent to destroy -the boats, an event which is generally said to have been accomplished -without firing a shot. - -[1316] "It is thought, and perhaps not without foundation, that this -incursion was made upon a supposition that Arnold's treachery had -succeeded" (Sparks's _Washington_, vii. p. 269). - -[1317] By a pocket-book found on Butler's person it appears that he -had with him 607 men, including 130 Indians. This list is appended to -Willett's report in Almon's _Remembrancer_, xiii. 341. - -[1318] _Secret Journals_, p. 255. - -[1319] Cf. Vol. V. p. 584. - -[1320] William Leete Stone was born April 20, 1792. He died August 15, -1844. He was for many years one of the proprietors and editors of the -_New York Commercial Advertiser_. In addition to the works enumerated -in the text, and besides several miscellaneous works, he also published -_Border Wars of the American Revolution_ (two volumes, 1839), _Poetry -and History of Wyoming_, (1841), and _Life of Uncas and Miantonamoh_ -(1842). He is generally spoken of as Col. Stone, a title which he -gained through a staff-office. (Cf. account of Col. S. in _Hist. Mag._, -Sept., 1865, and his portrait in Feb., 1866). - -[1321] Cf. Vol. III. p. 510. - -[1322] See Vol. IV. pp. 409-12. - -[1323] _The Journals of the Provincial Congress, The Provincial -Convention, The Committee of Safety, and the Council of Safety of the -State of New York, 1775-1776-1777_, Albany, 1842, in two volumes, the -second volume being devoted to the correspondence of the Provincial -Congress. Here we are able to trace the doubts about Brant, the -suspicion of Guy Johnson, and we learn what steps were taken to check -their influence. Reports of conferences and meetings are given here, -including the meeting between Brant and Herkimer at Unadilla. - -[1324] Two of these which have been found useful in connection with -this chapter are: _Indian Treaties and Laws and Regulations relating -to Indian affairs, to which is added an Appendix, containing the -proceedings of the Old Congress, and other important State Papers, -in relation to Indian Affairs_ (published by the War Department, -Washington, 1826); and _Laws, Treaties, and other documents having -operation and respect to the Public Lands. Collected and arranged -pursuant to an Act of Congress, passed April 27, 1810_ (Washington -City, 1811). - -See also _Indian Treaties, 1778-1837. Compiled by the Committee on -Indian Affairs_ (Washington, 1837). - -[1325] See notice in Vol. V. p. 581. - -[1326] In this book there is a full account of the organization of a -company of rangers, and a description of their mock Indian costume. -There is also an account of the seizure and destruction by the settlers -of a lot of goods which the authorities had quietly permitted to be -forwarded by traders to the frontier for traffic with the Indians at -a time when the border inhabitants did not wish it done. The military -authorities, who interfered, were brushed away as lightly as the -traders had been who complained to them. The bibliography of the book -is given in Vol. V. p. 579. - -[1327] See Vol. V. p. 580. - -[1328] _Upper Mississippi, or historical sketches of the Mound -Builders, the Indian Tribes and the progress of civilization in the -Northwest, from_ A. D. _1600, to the Present time_, by George Gale -(Chicago, 1867). - -[1329] _An authentic and comprehensive history of Buffalo, with some -account of its early inhabitants, both savage and civilised, comprising -historic notions of the Six Nations, or Iroquois Indians, including a -sketch of the life of Sir William Johnson, and of other prominent white -men long resident among the Senecas. Arranged in chronological order_, -by William Ketchum (Buffalo, 1864), 2 vols. - -[1330] Mary Jemison, the white woman who lived among the Senecas so -many years, is carelessly spoken of several times as Mary Johnson; -elsewhere he gives the name correctly. - -[1331] _The Book of the Indians and History of the Indians of North -America from its first discovery to the year 1841_, by Samuel G. Drake -(Boston, 1841). This is the title of the 8th edition. - -[1332] _The Memoir and writings of James Handasyd Perkins_, edited -by William Henry Channing (Boston, 1851), 2 vols. His chief paper -originally appeared in the _N. A. Rev._, Oct., 1839. - -[1333] _Annals of the West, embracing a concise account of principal -events which have occurred in the Western States and territories, from -the discovery of the Mississippi Valley to the year eighteen hundred -and fifty-six._ Compiled from the most authentic sources, and published -by James R. Albach (Pittsburgh, 1858, 3d edition). - -[1334] Cf. Vol. V. p. 581. - -[1335] Lack of space prevents the proper development of the influence -upon the Indians, of the constant absorption by the colonies of their -lands. Besides settlers with their families; besides squatters, and -in addition to English companies, like the Ohio Company and the -Walpole Company, the attention of individuals was directed towards -these lands for the double purposes of colonization and investment. -Bancroft (vi. 377) says that Franklin organized "a powerful company -to plant a province in that part of the country which lay back of -Virginia, between the Alleghanies and a line drawn from Cumberland -Gap to the mouth of the Scioto." The correspondence of Washington -discloses his eagerness to secure land for investment (see Vol. V. p. -271). He labored to get for the soldiers who had participated with -him in the French wars the land bounties offered by Dinwiddie, and in -addition he sought to secure land for himself by purchase. "Nothing -is more certain", he wrote to his agent, "than that the lands cannot -remain long ungranted, when once it is known that rights are to be -had" (Sparks's _Washington_, ii. 346). "My plan is to secure a good -deal of land" (_Ibid._ 348). He wished the matter kept secret, as he -apprehended that others would enter into the same movement if they knew -about it (_Ibid._ 349). In 1770 he personally visited the valley of the -Ohio, and marked corners for the soldiers' land. While on this trip -he was told by Indians that they viewed the settlements of the people -on this river with an uneasy and jealous eye, and that they must be -compensated for their right if the people settle there, notwithstanding -the cession of the Six Nations (_Ibid._ 531). - -In Pennsylvania an act was passed Feb. 18, 1769, "to prevent persons -from settling on lands within the boundaries of this province not -purchased of Indians." The preamble recites that "Whereas, many -disorderly persons have presumed to settle upon lands not purchased of -the Indians, which has occasioned great uneasiness and dissatisfaction -on the part of the said Indians, and have [_sic_] been attended with -dangerous consequences to the peace and safety of the province", etc. -(_Laws of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, etc., republished under -authority of the Legislature_, by Alexander James Dallas, Philadelphia, -1797). - -[1336] See Vol. III. p. 161. - -[1337] If land companies were disposed to avail themselves of the doubt -as to what tribe of Indians had a right to sell land, so the British -government itself had treated the question of their shadowy allegiance -to suit its convenience. Bradstreet, in his abortive attempts at making -a treaty with them, called them subjects. Sir William Johnson said the -very idea of being "subjects was abhorrent to them." Compare this with -the doctrine laid down in Huske's _Present State of North America_, pp. -16, 17. - -[1338] Croghan's testimony does not materially alter the boundaries as -they were defined by Sir William Johnson in his report to the Lords -of Trade, Nov. 13, 1763 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. p. 573). "Along the -ridge of the Blue Mountains to the head of the Kentucky River, and down -the same to the Ohio above the rifts, thence northerly to the south -end of Lake Michigan", etc. Cf. letters (1767) to Franklin from George -Croghan, Joseph Galloway, and Samuel Wharton, in the Shelburne Papers -(_Hist. MSS. Com. Rep._, v. 218). - -Charles W. E. Chapin contributed an article entitled "The Property Line -of 1768", to the _Magazine of American History_, January, 1887. He -shows how the boundary line defined in the Fort Stanwix treaty came to -be known as the "Property Line", and forcibly points out the powerful -influence this treaty had upon the Revolution. - -[1339] _The Register of Pennsylvania, devoted to the preservation -of facts and documents, and every other kind of useful information -respecting the State of Pennsylvania_, 16 vols., 1828-1835, a weekly -journal, edited by Samuel Hazard. See Vol. III. p. 510. - -[1340] Cf. Vol. III. p. 508. - -[1341] _An historical Amount of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians -in the year 1764 under the command of Henry Bouquet_, etc., (London, -reprinted for T. Jefferies, etc., 1766), App., vol. v. p. 69. - -[1342] See also Stone's _Sir William Johnson_, Appendix, ii. no. vii. -p. 486. - -[1343] This original edition is called _History of the Discovery of -America, of the landing of our forefathers at Plymouth, and of their -most remarkable engagements with the Indians in New England from their -first landing in 1620, until the final subjugation of the natives in -1669_. _To which is annexed the defeat of Generals Braddock, Harmer, -and St. Clair by the Indians at the Westward, etc._ By the Rev. James -Steward, D. D. (Brooklyn, L. I., no date). Slight changes were made in -some of the titles to later editions, to indicate the material added, -and the date 1669 was altered to 1679. Pritts, under the impression -that it was a rare book, reprinted it in his _Border Life_, etc. Its -accuracy was impugned in the _Historical Magazine_ (1857, p. 376; -and 1858, p. 29). It was vigorously denounced in Field's _Indian -Bibliography_ (no. 1,570, p. 397). "This work under all its Protean -forms bears evidence that it was written for a comparatively unlettered -public." Col. Peter Force is quoted as having said that he found -twenty-two chronological errors on a single page. The notice concludes: -"Under all forms there is only a variation of worthlessness." Dr. -Trumbull gives a brief bibliographical notice in the _Brinley -Catalogue_ (which shows six editions), from which I have extracted some -of the information used in the text. The very poor woodcuts with which -the book was originally illustrated, the violent colors with which the -wretched illustrations of some of the later editions were disfigured, -and the errors of dates, have prevented recognition of what there was -of value about it. - -[1344] It is not worth while to undertake to follow this book through -all its editions and changes. It is important, however, for our -purposes to note some of them. The estimate to which I have alluded is -given in the appendix of the edition referred to above (p. 176), and -the statement is made that it was obtained "from a gentleman employed -in one of the Indian treaties." There was a second issue of the first -edition with the imprint "Norwich", and the authorship attributed to -"A Citizen of Connecticut." An edition was published at "Norwich, for -the Author, at his Office", in 1810. In this edition "Henry Trumbull" -appears as the author. Another edition was issued at Norwich in 1811, -and another in 1812. One was also issued at Trenton in 1812. In these -various editions slight changes in the arrangement of materials took -place, some corrections were made, and from time to time additional -matter was inserted. The name of the gentleman who furnished the list -of Indians is given on page 115 of the Trenton edition, which I have -been able to consult, as Benjamin Hawkins. Editions were published at -Boston in 1819, 1828, 1841, and 1846. Dr. Trumbull is of opinion that -there must be twenty editions of the book, which is certainly poor -enough; but it happens that this list, which was evidently furnished -by some one familiar with the subject, is to our purpose. The same -list did service in _A Tour in the United States of America_, etc., by -J. F. D. Smyth (London, 1784), where it appears (i. p. 347) without -recognition of the original source. The arrangement of the order -of tribes is changed, and the spelling of many of the Indian names -is altered to correspond with the French methods of spelling, thus -suggesting the possibility that the list may have been transcribed by -Smyth from some French work. The author foots up the total number of -warriors, including certain tribes west of the Mississippi and others -in Canada, at 58,930. To these he adds one third to represent the old -men, and making an error in his calculation, calls the total number of -men 88,570. Allowing six souls for each male warrior he arrives at a -total of 531,420, which, he says, "I consider as the whole number of -souls, namely, men, women, and children of all the Indian nations." - -[1345] _Views of Louisiana, together with a Journal of a Voyage up the -Missouri River in 1811._ By H. M. Brackenridge, Esq. (Pittsburgh, 1814). - -[1346] _Voyage dans les deux Louisianes et chez les Nations Sauvages du -Missouri, par les Etats-Unis, l'Ohio et les Provinces qui le bordent, -en 1801, 1802, et 1803; Avec un apperçu des mœurs, des usages, du -caractère et des coutumes religieuses et civiles des peuples de ces -diverses Countrées_, par M. Perrin du Lac (A Lyon, 1805). - -[1347] It is also given in Campbell's _Annals of Tryon County_, note L, -p. 319. - -[1348] Three of the estimates referred to in the text are reprinted -by Schoolcraft under the following headings: "Enumeration of M. -Chauvignerie's Official Report to the Government of Canada, A. D. -1736;" "Estimate of Colonel Bouquet, 1764;" "Estimate of Captain Thomas -Hutchins, 1764." Schoolcraft also gives one more estimate of that -period, viz.: "Account of the Indian Nations given in the year 1778 by -a Trader who resided many years in the neighborhood of Detroit. (From -the MSS. of James Madison.)" (Schoolcraft's _Indian Tribes_, iii. p. -553.) - -[1349] All of the authorities to which he refers have already been -cited, and it may fairly be said that there is nothing of special -value in his remarks on the subject. In the development of the topic -to which the work is devoted the author alludes to the custom of the -Indians to refrain from connection with women not only during the time -that they were on the war-path, but for some days before starting. -The unanimity of testimony as to this custom of the Indians renders -special citations unnecessary. Until the natives were debauched in this -respect by contact with civilization, no authentic instance can be -found of the violation of a woman by a warrior on the war-path. Brantz -Mayer, in his defence of Cresap (_Logan and Cresap_, p. 110), quotes -from the _Md. Gazette_ (Nov. 30, 1774) a charge of this sort. If there -was foundation for it in the minds of those who made it, investigation -would probably have traced the outrage to whites disguised as Indians. -The superstition which protected women from Indian assault was still in -force at that time. - -[1350] The editor says he "has given the following memorandum of Indian -_fighting men_, inhabiting near the distant parts, in 1762; to indulge -the curious in future times, and show also the extent of Dr. Franklin's -travels. He believes it likely to have been taken by Dr. Franklin in an -expedition which he made as a commander in the Pennsylvania militia, in -order to determine measures and situation for the outposts; but is by -no means assured of the accuracy of this opinion. The paper, however, -is in Dr. Franklin's handwriting: but it must not be mistaken as -containing a list of the whole of the natives enumerated, but only as -such part of them as lived near the places described." - -[1351] In addition to a vast number of reports, extracts from letters, -and proceedings of one sort and another, I would call especial -attention to the following papers: Carleton's Commission (ii. p. -120); Proceedings connected with Connolly's arrest (ii. pp. 218-221); -Schuyler's expedition to Tryon County (iii. p. 135); Stuart's letter -to Gage, Oct. 3, 1776 (Part iii., 1776, iv. p. 180); an account of -Wyoming massacre from fugitives (vii. p. 51); Col. Wm. Butler's report -to General Stark of the destruction of Unadilla, etc. (vii. pp. -253-255); Colonel Van Schaick's report of the destruction of Onondaga -(viii. p. 272); the Minisink affair (viii. pp. 275, 276); the letter -of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lord Dunmore (viii. p. 278); attack On -Indians at Ogeechee, April, 1779 (viii. p. 300); action of the Council -at Williamsburgh in Hamilton's case (viii. p. 337); letters from -Sullivan's headquarters concerning battle at Newtown (ix. p. 23); -Sullivan's proclamation to Oneidas (ix. p. 25); Brodhead's report of -his expedition (ix. p. 152); Sullivan's report, Teaoga, Sept. 30, 1779 -(ix. p. 158); Joint movements in the valleys of Mohawk, Hudson, and -Connecticut (xi. pp. 81-83). The foregoing sufficiently illustrates the -wealth of historical material collected in the _Remembrancer_. - -[1352] The _Register_ contains nearly all the papers submitted to -Parliament which bore upon American affairs, together with other -documents which the publishers from time to time added to the volumes. -The _Remembrancer_ and the _Register_ together furnish the means of -writing a history of the border warfare of the Revolution which would -be nearly complete. A large mass of documentary material respecting -the relation of General Haldimand in Quebec with the Indians and with -British officers operating with the Indians is in the _Haldimand -Papers_, in the British Museum, of which the Dominion archivist, -Douglas Brymner, is now printing a calendar in his _Annual Reports_ -(Ottawa). The correspondence of Haldimand and Guy Johnson, 1778-1783, -makes three vols. Many papers on this border warfare are in the Quebec -series of MSS. in the Public Record Office, and are also noted by -Brymner (_Report_, 1883, p. 79).—ED. - -[1353] In the _Secret Journals_, the Articles of Confederation, -proposed by Franklin on the 21st of July, 1775, are printed in -full. I have had occasion to refer to them because an offensive and -defensive alliance with the Six Nations is proposed in them. In the -"Advertisement" to the edition of the _Secret Journals_ which is -cited, the publishers say that these Articles "have never before been -published." In the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (xlv. p. 572) a "Plan of -the American Confederacy" is given. This plan is copy of Franklin's -proposed Articles of Confederation, with a preamble addressed to the -Provincial Congress of North Carolina, and was apparently received from -that colony. In connection with this, see Bancroft (viii. p. 97). In -the _Scot's Magazine_ (Edinburgh, 1775, xxxvii. p. 665) these Articles -were copied from the _Gentleman's Magazine_, with this comment: "The -copy from whence this was printed was addressed particularly to the -Province of North Carolina; but the same was without doubt submitted to -the consideration of every other Provincial Congress, as the preamble -clearly shows." The preamble thus referred to reads: "The Provincial -Congress of —— are to view the following Articles as a subject which -will be proposed to the Continental Congress at their next session." -These two magazines publish the Articles as a mere submission of a -plan. When the proposed Articles of Confederation reached the _Annual -Register_ they became "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union -entered into by the several colonies of New Hampshire, &c., &c., in -General Congress met at Philadelphia, May 20, 1775" (_Annual Register_, -1775, p. 253). These Articles were also published as if they had been -adopted in _The History of the British Empire, etc._ By a Society -of Gentlemen. (Printed for Robert Campbell & Co., Philadelphia, -1798, 2 vols.: i. p. 188, note.) They are also given as Articles of -Confederation, etc., entered into, etc., May 20, 1775, in _An Impartial -History of the War in America_, etc., Boston, 1781, Appendix to vol. i. -p. 410. - -[1354] The rumors current in the colonies during the progress of events -express the hopes and the fears of the colonists, and to a certain -extent also indicate their opinions. We should naturally expect to find -in an American collection of this sort something to help us in getting -at the views of the colonists on the question of employing Indians. In -fact, there is but little to be found in the book on this subject, and -we are obliged to turn again to Almon's _Remembrancer_, where we find -numerous rumors recorded, some of them improbable in their very nature, -but serving to indicate the hopes of the people; as for instance, in a -letter from Pittsfield, May 18, 1775: "The Mohawks had given permission -to the Stockbridge Indians to join us, and also had 500 men of their -own in readiness to assist" (i. p. 66). Again, Worcester, May 10: -"We hear that the Senecas, one of the Six Nations, are determined to -support the colonies" (i. p. 84). [This extract will be found in the -_Spy_ of that date.] June 20, 1775: "The Indians from Canada, when -applied to by Governor Carleton to distress the settlement, say they -have received no offence from the people, so will not make war with -them" (i. p. 147). August 3: "The Canadians and Indians cannot be -persuaded by Governor Carleton to join his forces, but are determined -to remain neuter" (i. p. 169). August 12: "The Indian nations, for a -thousand miles westward, are very staunch friends to the colonies, -there being but one tribe inclined to join Governor Carleton, of which, -however, there is no danger, as the others are able to drive that tribe -and all the force Carleton can raise" (i. p. 251). The _Boston Gazette -and Country Journal_ for August 21, 1775, contains the statement that -"all apprehensions of danger from our fellow-subjects in Canada and the -Indians are entirely removed." The arrival of Swashan, with four other -Indians of the St. Francois tribe, at Cambridge, with the statement -that "they were kindly received and are now in the service", is printed -in the columns of the same journal. Cf. Drake's _Book of the Indians_, -iii. ch. xii. p. 156; Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. p. 127. The -_Boston Gazette_, etc. (Dec. 4, 1775) has the following: "Last week his -Excellency the Commander-in-Chief received some despatches from the -Honorable Continental Congress, by which we have authentic intelligence -that several nations of the Western Indians have offered to send 3,000 -men to join the American forces whenever wanted." _The New England -Chronicle or the Essex Gazette_, from Thursday, July 27, to Thursday, -August 3, 1775, published at Stoughton Hall, Harvard College, under -date of Aug. 3, says: "We can't learn that a single tribe of savages -on this continent have been persuaded to take up the hatchet against -the colonies, notwithstanding the great pains made use of by the vile -emissaries of a savage ministry for that purpose." - -[1355] Also in Campbell's _Border Warfare of New York during the Rev. -War_ (a second edition of his _Annals of Tryon County_), App. - -[1356] This petition, if in the _Mass. Archives_, as one might infer, -cannot now be found there. - -[1357] For instance, John Sullivan and John Langdon write from -Philadelphia, May 22, 1775, that the Indians tell them Guy Johnson "has -really endeavored to persuade the Indians to enter into a war with us" -(vii. p. 501); Lewa, a well-known Indian, reports the Canadian Indians -friendly to the Americans, and says he "can raise 500 Indians to assist -at any time" (vii. p. 525); Governor Trumbull has learned that "the -Cognawaga Indians have had a war-dance, being bro't to it by Gen. -Carleton" (vii. p. 532); Rev. Dr. Eleazer Wheelock gives Dean's report -as to the good-will of the Canadian Indians (vii. p. 547). - -[1358] Sparks asserts that Natanis, a Penobscot chief, was in the -interest of Carleton (_Washington_, iii. p. 112, note). Judge Henry -says he was one of those who joined Arnold at Sartigan. In the -_American Archives_ (5th ser., i. pp. 836, 837), James Bowdoin, writing -to Washington, says that the Penobscots said "that when General -Washington sent his army to Canada, five of their people went with -them, and two of them were wounded and three taken prisoners." The -small number of Indians who accompanied Arnold cut no figure in the -campaign, but the advance of the column under Montgomery excited fears -in the minds of the English in Canada that the invaders might use the -natives as auxiliaries, precisely as the Americans feared a similar use -on the English side. In Almon's _Remembrancer_ (ii. p. 108), a letter -from Quebec states: "General Montgomery, who commands the provincial -troops, consisting of two regiments of New York militia, a body of -Continental troops, and some Indians", etc. On Sept. 16, 1775, General -Carleton, writing from Montreal to Gage, in an account of the landing -of the Americans near St. John's, says: "Many Indians have gone over -to them, and large numbers of Canadians are with them at Chamblée" -(Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 110, note). The Canadian Indians, instead -of contributing to Montgomery's force, asked for protection,—a plea -which apparently seemed, in the excitement of the hour in Canada, -to be a declaration of friendship. "The Caghnawagas have desired a -100 men from us. I have complied with their request, and am glad to -find they put so much confidence in us, and are so much afraid of Mr. -Carleton" (letter from Montgomery, camp before St. John's, Oct. 20, -1775, in Almon's _Remembrancer_, ii. p. 122). The Mohawks, on the -contrary, acted on the English side, and some of them were killed by -the Americans. - -[1359] It was from these reports, as well as from personal interviews, -that Washington formed his opinion as to the temper of the Canadian -and Northern Indians. A few quotations will illustrate what he had a -right to think, _e. g._ (p. 35) report of committee, August 3, 1775, -appointed to confer with Lewis, a chief of the Caughnawaga tribe. -"_Question._ Has the governor of Canada prevailed on the St. Francois -Indians to take up arms against these colonies? _Answer._ The governor -sent out Messi'rs St. Luc and Bœpassion to invite the several tribes of -Indians to take up arms against you.... They answered nobody had taken -up arms against them, and they would not take arms against anybody to -trouble them, and they chose to rest in peace." Again (p. 80), the -committee appointed to confer with the St. Francois tribe reported, -Aug. 18, 1775: "_Q._ If Governor Carleton should know you offered us -your assistance, are you not afraid he would destroy you? _A._ We -are not afraid of it; he has threatened us, but if he attacks us we -have arms to defend ourselves." Once more (p. 81): "_Q._ Do you know -whether any tribes have taken up arms against us? _A._ All the tribes -have agreed to afford you assistance, if wanted." Also (p. 89), Aug. -21st, £10 was appropriated for the use of five Indians belonging to -the St. Francois tribe, "one being a chief of said tribe; the other -four, having entered into the Continental army, are to receive eight -pounds of said sum as one month's advance wages for each of them;" -and (p. 148) Oct. 9, speech of two head sachems of the St. John's -tribe. "Penobscot Falls, September 12, 1775. We have talked with the -Penobscot tribe, and by them we hear that you are engaged in a war -with Great Britain, and that they are engaged to join you in opposing -your and our enemies. We heartily join with our brethren in the colony -of Massachusetts, and are resolved to stand together, and oppose the -people of Old England, that are endeavoring to take your and our lands -and liberties from us." - -[1360] "A company of minute-men, before the 19th of April, had been -embodied among the Stockbridge tribe of Indians, and this company -repaired to camp. On the 21st of June two of the Indians, probably of -this company, killed four of the regulars with their bows and arrows, -and plundered them" (Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, p. 212). A letter -of July 9th says: "Yesterday afternoon some barges were sounding the -river of Cambridge (Charles) near its mouth, but were soon obliged -to row off, by our Indians (fifty in number), who are encamped near -that place" (_Ibid._ p. 212, note). On the 25th (June): "This day -the Indians killed more of the British guard." On the 26th: "Two -Indians went down near Bunker Hill, and killed a sentry" (_Ibid._ -p. 213). Frothingham's authority is given as "John Kettel's diary. -This commences May 17, and continues to Sept. 31, 1775." Through the -kindness of Mr. Thomas G. Frothingham I have examined the original -diary, which, in addition to the extracts given, contains several -others showing that our riflemen picked off the British sentries. _The -Boston Gazette and Country Journal_ (August 7, 1775) contains the -following: "Watertown, August 7. Parties of Rifle Men, together with -some Indians, are constantly harassing the Enemy's advanced Guards, and -say they have killed several of the Regulars within a Day or two past." -(_Ibid._ 14th): "We hear that last Thursday Afternoon a number of Rifle -men killed 2 or 3 of the Regulars as they were relieving the Centries -at Charlestown lines." The fact that two Indians were wounded by our -own sentries in August is recorded in Craft's Journal, etc. (Essex -Institute Hist. Coll., iii. p. 55). As there were no Indians with the -English, this must have been an accidental collision. - -[1361] The correspondence of Allan and Haldimand is in the _Quebec -Series_, vol. xvii. (Public Record Office), and is chronicled in -Brymner's _Report on the Dominion Archives_ (1883). Cf. further in _N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1858, p. 254, _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1882, -p. 486; W. S. Bartlet's _Frontier Missionary_ (1853); G. W. Drisko's -_Life of Hannah Weston_ (Machias, 1857); Journal of sloop "Hunter" in -_Hist. Mag._, viii. 51; Ithiel Town's _Particular Services_, etc. There -is a portrait and memoir of Frederic Kidder in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, April, 1887.—ED. - -[1362] Cf. N. S. Benton's _Herkimer County_; Harold Frederic in -_Harper's Mag._, lv. 171; Dawson's _Battles_, ch. 36; Lossing's -_Field-Book_, i. ch. 12, etc. - -[1363] This work was reviewed in the _Monthly Review_, iii. p. 349; -_The New York Review_, iii. p. 195; _Christian Examiner and General -Review_, xxvi. p. 137; _Christian Review_, iii. p. 537; _No. Amer. -Rev._, Oct., 1839, by J. H. Perkins. (Cf. _Poole's Index_.) - -The two volumes originally published in 1838 were edited by the son -in 1865. An abridgment of it, known as the _Border Wars of the Rev._, -makes part of Harper's Family Library. - -There is some account of the early life of Brant in J. N. Norton's -_Pioneer Missionaries_ (N. Y., 1859), and of his posterity by W. C. -Bryant, of Buffalo, in _Amer. Hist. Record_, July, 1873; reprinted in -W. W. Beach's _Indian Miscellany_. S. G. Drake told Brant's story in -the _Book of the Indians_, and in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -ii. 345; iii. 59. There are references to letters of Brant among the -Haldimand Papers, in the _Index of MSS._ (Brit. Mus.), 1880, p. 195. -Mr. Lyman C. Draper, of Madison, Wisconsin, has been an amasser of -material respecting Brant for forty years, but has not yet published -his studies. - -[1364] Col. Stone speaks of two conferences held in 1775, one at -Ontario and one at Oswego. He says: "Tha-yen-dan-e-gea had accompanied -Guy Johnson from the Mohawk Valley first westward to Ontario, thence -back to Oswego" (_Brant_, i. p. 149). Lossing, upon the evidence at -his command, adopted the same opinion: "Johnson went from Ontario to -Oswego" (_Schuyler_, i. p. 355). I have made some effort to discover -the site of Ontario, which apparently was to the "westward" of Oswego, -but have been unable to find it, and have been forced to the conclusion -that the officers who dated their letters from Fort Ontario at Oswego, -and who spoke of the post in their correspondence, used the words -Ontario and Oswego indifferently to express the same place. Guy Johnson -dates several letters at Ontario. Col. Butler, in his correspondence -in connection with the St. Leger expedition, dates his letters first -at Niagara, then at Ontario. On Guy Johnson's map of the country [see -_ante_, p. 609] the site is designated as Fort Ontario, and no other -Ontario is put down. Guy Johnson reported that St. Leger had gone -"on the proposed expedition by way of Ontario" (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, -viii. p. 714). We know that he went by Oswego, and except that Col. -Butler writes from Ontario, we have no mention of Ontario in any of -the accounts of this expedition. Gen. Haldimand, in speaking of the -proposed reëstablishment of the post, calls it Oswego (_Ibid._ viii. p. -777). Guy Johnson, in the same connection, calls it Ontario (_Ibid._ p. -775) and Fort Ontario (_Ibid._ p. 780). Rev. Dr. Wheelock, describing -Johnson's movements, said he had withdrawn with his family by the way -of Oswego (_N. H. Provincial Papers_, vii. p. 548). - -Shortly after Johnson's arrival in Montreal he wrote a brief account -of his transactions to the Earl of Dartmouth, in which he spoke of -the conference at Ontario, but said nothing of a second at Oswego -(_N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. p. 636). This journal, certified by Joseph -Chew, Secretary of Indian Affairs, appears to account for his motions -continuously during this period, and speaks only of the conference at -Ontario. He arrived at Ontario June 17th, embarked at that point July -11th for Montreal, and arrived at the latter place July 17th, with 220 -Indians from Ontario (_Ibid._ viii. p. 658; Ketchum's _Buffalo_, i. -p. 243). Mr. Berthold Fernow informs me that in Guy Johnson's account -for expenses in the Indian Department in 1775 this item occurs: "July -8, 1775. For cash given privately to the chiefs and warriors of the -6 Nations during the treaty at Ontario, £260." No other conference -in that immediate neighborhood is mentioned in the _Johnson MSS_. An -instance of indifference in the application of the two names will be -found in Mrs. Grant's _Memoirs of an American Lady_. Mr. B. B. Burt, -of Oswego, writes to me that "there was not any Ontario west of Oswego -except the _lake_", and kindly calls my attention to several instances -in the records which tend to show the confusion in the use of these -names. Among others he refers to a letter of Sir William Johnson's, -in which he speaks of Ontario and Oswego, apparently meaning the -same place (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. p. 530). A similar instance, as -I believe, is to be found in the letter of Capt. Walter N. Butler to -Gen. Clinton, Feb. 18, 1779, quoted in Stone's _Brant_, i. p. 384. -In this latter case it is not surprising that the identity of the -two places was not suspected by Col. Stone. At first sight Butler -seems to be speaking of two distinct spots. In Orasmus H. Marshall's -_Niagara Frontier, embracing Sketches of its early history and French -and English local names_ (1865), Ontario as a town or site is not -mentioned. O'Reilly's _Rochester_ contains an Indian account of the -alliance, which makes no mention of Ontario (see pp. 388, 389). On the -other hand, the Duc de la Rochefoucault Liancourt's _Travels through -the United States of North America, the country of the Iroquois and -Upper Canada, in the years 1795, 1796, and 1797_, mentions a place -called Ontario on the Genessee River, but he gives no other description -of it than of the log-cabin where he spent the night. - -Hough, in his _Northern Invasion of October, 1780_, gives his reason -for disputing Stone's statement that the Oneida settlements were -destroyed by the enemy in the winter of 1779-1780. The reasons for -believing that Hough was correct are stated elsewhere. - -Stone places the invasion of the Schoharie Valley in October, 1780; but -Simms (_Frontiersmen_, ii. p. 392 _et seq._) makes it clear that there -were two invasions during that year, as indeed Stone himself (vol. ii. -p. 97) seems to allow in quoting from Almon's _Remembrancer_ (part ii., -1780). - -In his enthusiasm for his hero, Col. Stone is betrayed into calling -Brant the principal war-chief of the confederacy; but Morgan, in his -_League of the Iroquois_ (p. 103), speaking of the celebrated Joseph -Brant Ta-yen-dä-ná-ga, says his "abilities as a military leader -secured to him the command of the war parties of the Mohawks during -the Revolution. He was also but a chief, and held no other office or -title in the nation or in the confederacy." (Ketchum's _Buffalo_, i. -p. 331). Stone (ii. p. 448) further says "the Six Nations had adopted -from the whites the popular game of ball or cricket", but the _Jesuit -Relations_, as well as La Potherie and Charlevoix, would have put him -right in this respect. - -[1365] Tryon County was formed in 1772 (Albany County then embracing -all the northern and western part of the colony), so as to cover all -that part of New York State lying west of a line running north and -south nearly through the centre of the present Schoharie County. -Campbell's work, by its title, therefore fairly included the scene of -all the border warfare of New York. Many of the notes in the appendix -are valuable, and they contain sketches of the lives of Sir William -Johnson, Brant, Gen. Clinton, and Gen. Schuyler; Moses Younglove's -account of his captivity and his charges against the English; and an -account of the Wyoming massacre. Franklin's successful imitation, the -Gerrish letter, is copied (as genuine in the first edition) from a -local newspaper of the Revolutionary period. A table of the number of -Indians employed by the English in the Revolutionary War is given, -and an article, by the author, on the direct agency of the English -government in the employment of Indians in the Revolutionary War is -reprinted. The sketch of Clinton's life was separately published as -_Lecture on the Life and Military Services of General James Clinton, -read before the New York Historical Society, Feb., 1839_. - -[1366] _Life of Kirkland_, by S. K. Lothrop, in Sparks's _Amer. Biog._, -vol. xv. A sketch will also be found in the _History of the town of -Kirkland, New York_, by Rev. A. D. Gridley (New York, 1874). - -[1367] In the _History of the United States for families and -libraries_, by Benson J. Lossing (New York, 1857), the author deals -briefly, but accurately, with the events covered by this chapter. Cf. -also his earlier _Seventeen Hundred and Seventy-Six_ (New York, 1849). - -[1368] Historical writers have been greatly at variance on this point. -John M. Brown (pamphlet _History of Schoharie County_, quoted by Simms -and Stone) says the event took place in June or July, 1776; but Stone -(_Brant_, ii. p. 313), in giving Brown's account, corrects the date to -July, 1778. In the Gansevoort Papers Stone found the affair assigned -to the close of May, 1778, corresponding with the date in Thacher, -and with the account given in McKendry's journal of the disaster to -"Capt. Partrick" at "Coverskill;" this was adopted by Simms in his -_Frontiersmen_ (ii. p. 151), and Stone put his narrative under this -date in his _Brant_ (ii. p. 354). Campbell (_Border Warfare_) places it -in 1779, but Stone (_Brant_, ii. p. 412) says that Capt. Patrick could -not possibly have commanded the troops, as he was killed in the attack -of the previous year. It seems to me that Simms clearly establishes -that there was but one attack on Cobleskill. - -[1369] See Vol. V. p. 616. Fort Stanwix, which is sometimes spoken of -as a log fort, is thus described by Pouchot: "This fort is a square of -about ninety toises on the outside, and is built of earth, revetted -within and without by great timbers, in the same fashion as those at -Oswego" (vol. ii. p. 138). We find no mention of Ontario. - -[1370] See _ante_, ch. iv.—ED. - -[1371] De Peyster seems to have misinterpreted the language of St. -Leger's letter, where St. Leger states that Lieut. Bird was led to -suppose that Sir John Johnson needed succor, and in consequence of -this false information Bird went to the rescue, thus leaving the camp -without defenders. On page cxi, De Peyster says: "The white troops, -misled by the false reports of a cowardly Indian, were recalled to the -defence of the camp." There is no phrase in any accounts that I have -met with in which action on the part of the troops is predicated on -the information of a "cowardly Indian", except that contained in St. -Leger's account, which De Peyster himself quotes, p. cxxx, as follows: -"Lieut. Bird, misled by the information of a cowardly Indian that Sir -John was prest had quitted his post; to march to his assistance." In -spite of his mistake as to which marched to the other's assistance, on -page cxxxiv he says "When the Indians began to slip out of the fight, -the Royal Greens must have been hurried to the scene of action, leaving -the lines south of the fort entirely destitute of defenders." - -[1372] The troops which were intended for St. Leger are named in the -_Parl. Reg._, viii. p. 211. He was to have 675 regulars and Tories, -"together with a sufficient number of Canadians and Indians." St. Leger -was to report to Sir William Howe at Albany. The numbers of the force -which he took with him, although different in detail, corresponded -as a whole with the estimate. He was so confident of success that at -Lachine he detached a sergeant, a corporal, and thirty-two privates -to accompany the baggage of the king's royal regiment by way of Lake -Champlain to Albany. Ten "old men" were also ordered to be left at -Point Clair (_Johnson's Orderly-Book_, p. 63). Carleton on the 26th of -June reported as follows: "St. Leger has begun his movement, taking the -detachment of the 34th regiment [100 men], the royal regiment of New -York increased to about 300 men, and a company of Canadians [say 75 -men]. He will be joined by the detachment of the 8th regiment [100 men] -and the Indians of the Six Nations with the Misasages, as he proceeds. -About 100 Hanau chasseurs have since arrived, and are on their way to -join him" (_Parl. Reg._, viii. p. 215). The king's (8th) regiment, -which was to join as the expedition proceeded, and the Hanau chasseurs, -were at Buck Island July 10th (_Johnson's Orderly-Book_, p. 67). The -increase of Johnson's regiment is to be accounted for by the presence -of "Jessup's corps" (_Ibid._ p. 36, note 17). This force, apparently -numbering 675 men, was increased at Oswego by Butler's rangers, a -company of 70 to 75 men, making the total force of whites nominally -about 750 men. From that number 44 men had been detached, as above. -Forty days' provisions for 500 men were on the 17th of July ordered -to be made ready to be embarked. From this order De Peyster and Stone -argue that St. Leger's total effective force of whites was 500 men. In -the same order Lieut. Collerton was directed "to prepare ammunition for -two 6-pounders and 2 cohorns, and 50 rounds ball cartridges per man for -500 men", showing by the same reasoning that there were 500 men who -bore muskets. No entry is made in the order-book concerning provisions -for the Indians and rangers after leaving Buck Island. Col. Claus -reported "150 Mississaugas and Six Nation Indians" at that point (Claus -to Secretary Knox, _N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. p. 719), and said that -St. Leger had 250 with him when he arrived at Oswego (_Ibid._). Brant -joined the expedition at this point with 300 more (_Ibid._). A company -of rangers raised by Col. Butler participated in the campaign (Carleton -to Germain, July 9 and Sept. 20, 1777, _Parl. Reg._, viii. pp. 220, -224). They apparently joined the expedition at "Ontario", as Butler -calls "Oswego." The Western Indians and the Senecas had been summoned -by Col. Butler. He reported that "the number of Indians at Ontario and -the Senecas at 'three rivers' cannot fall much short of 1,000" (_Ibid._ -226). The Indians were stopped at "three rivers" by Col. Claus; but -from those assembled at Oswego and "three rivers", there were "upwards -of 800" who went forward with the expedition to Fort Stanwix (Claus -to Secretary Knox, _N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. p. 719). Among these were -some Senecas, who participated in the ambuscade under the leadership -of chiefs of their own tribe, in concurrence with Sir John Johnson -and Col. Butler (_Parl. Reg._, viii. p. 226). It is evident that the -rations for 500 men did not make provision for the Indians nor for -the company of rangers. Making every allowance for the reduction of -the force by illness, it would seem as if the allowance of 650 whites -to St. Leger's effective force must be within limits. The presence of -each separate command alluded to by Carleton in his report of what had -gone forward, is recognized at some point in the _Orderly-Book_. The -"upwards of 800 Indians" mentioned by Claus makes a total of about -1,450. St. Leger throws a doubt over the number of Indians present by -saying that all of them participated in the ambuscade. Both Butler and -Claus say there were 400 of them in the fight. The probability is that -some of them were engaged in transporting supplies across the portage, -and that all in camp were sent forward. Col. Stone gives Brant credit -for devising the ambuscade and leading the Indians. Butler says not a -ward of Brant, but praises the Senecas. Here again we must resort to -conjecture for explanation. It may be that Brant was on one side of -the road with his "poor Mohawks", of whose sufferings in the battle -he afterwards spoke, while Butler with his Senecas was on the other -side. St. Leger's statement that all the Indians went to the front -shows one thing at least,—that the force with which he undertook to -cut off Willett's 250 men must have been whites. He had men enough -with him while engaged in clearing the creek and in transporting -provisions—with 80 men at the front, and with Lieut. Bird's command, -decoyed from camp by false intelligence—to return to intercept -Willett. Cf. _Precis of the Wars in Canada_ (London, 1826), which -states that St. Leger's corps "consisted of 700 regulars, with eight -pieces of ordnance and about 1,000 Indians." - -In all this discussion I have assumed that Sir John Johnson's -orderly-book contained all the orders with reference to rations. As -such orders were not a necessary part of the record, it may he doubted -whether other orders not affecting that corps would not be found in St. -Leger's order-book. - -[1373] Mary Jemison puts the loss of the Senecas alone above what Claus -and Butler reported the total Indian loss. Claus states the British -loss at three officers, two or three privates, and thirty-two Indians -killed (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. p. 720). Col. Butler puts the English -loss in the action at four officers killed and two privates wounded; -the Indian loss at thirty-three killed and twenty-nine wounded (_Parl. -Reg._, viii. p. 226). Mary Jemison (p. 116) says: "Previous to the -battle of Fort Stanwix the British sent for the Indians to come and -see them whip the rebels; and at the same time stated that they did -not wish to have them fight, but wanted to have them just sit down, -smoke their pipes, and look on. Our Indians went, to a man, but, -contrary to their expectation, instead of smoking and looking on, they -were obliged to fight for their lives; and in the end were completely -beaten, with a great loss of killed and wounded. Our Indians alone had -thirty-six killed and a great number wounded. Our town exhibited a -scene of real sorrow and distress when our warriors returned, recounted -their misfortunes, and stated the real loss they had sustained in the -engagement. The mourning was excessive, and was expressed by the most -doleful yells, shrieks, and howlings, and by inimitable gesticulations." - -[1374] The exaggerated rumors of the losses at Minisink which first -reached Sullivan's camp were immediately displaced by more accurate -accounts. "The accts we rec'd from the Delaware at Minisings on the -29th are more favorable than at first represented. The Tories and -savages made a descent upon that settlement, and, having burned several -houses, barns, etc., were attacked by a Regt. of Militia, who repulsed -and pursued them a considerable distance. Forty men were killed on -our side, the Colo. and Major included" (Major Norris's journal in -_Publications of the Buffalo Hist. Soc._, i. p. 225). - -The account which appears in the _Boston Gazette and Country Journal_, -Sept. 6, 1779, is singularly free from exaggeration. Indeed, it -underrates the whole affair. It speaks of the destruction of the town -as "an excursion on old Minisink", and says the militia marched to the -assistance of their neighbors and followed the savages thirty miles -into the wilderness. An action ensued in which upwards of twenty of -the enemy were killed, and our losses, killed, wounded, and missing, -were upwards of thirty. The later accounts are in E. M. Ruttenber's -_Orange County_ (Newburgh, 1875); Charles E. Stickney's _Minisink -Region_ (Middletown, 1867); in the _N. Y. Columbian_, copied in Niles's -_Principles and Acts_, and in Dr. Arnell's _Address to the Med. Soc. -of Orange Co._; and the addresses at the dedication of the monument at -Goshen (showing forty-five names of the slain), in Samuel W. Eager's -_Outline Hist. of Orange County_. - -[1375] Almon's _Remembrancer_, viii. 51. The _Boston Gazette and -Country Journal_ (July 27, 1778) contains a letter from Samuel Avery, -July 15, 1778, giving the "disagreeable intelligence, brought by Mr. -Solomon Avery, this moment returned from Wyoming, on the Susquehanna -River", which says: "The informant conceives, that of about five -thousand inhabitants one half are killed and taken by the enemy -prisoners, and the other half fleeing away naked and distressed." The -same paper (August 3) contains the Poughkeepsie account. - -[1376] Botta's account is reprinted in the _Penna. Register_ (i. 129; -cf. vi. 58, 73, 310; vii. 273). - -[1377] Miner, in 1806, called Judge Marshall's attention to some of the -errors in his account. In 1831 the judge revived the correspondence -on the subject, and expressed his intention to avail himself of the -information furnished by Mr. Miner. - -[1378] William L. Stone, in the _Life and Times of Red Jacket_, -referring to his father's _Life of Brant_, says (p. 75): "Indeed, -until this work appeared, it was universally believed that Brant and -his Mohawk warriors were engaged in the massacre of Wyoming. Gordon, -Ramsay, Thacher, and Marshall assert the same thing." Thacher in his -account of Wyoming, under date of August 3, does not mention Brant's -name, but charges the responsibility for the atrocities upon Col. John -Butler. - -Ramsay (ii. 323, etc.) mentions Brant's name, but does not charge -upon the invaders an indiscriminate slaughter. He says the women and -children were permitted to cross the Susquehanna and retreat through -the woods to Northampton County. Stone claimed an _alibi_ for Brant in -his _Border Wars_, while Caleb Cushing (_Democratic Rev._) thought the -case not proved; but Stone, again, in his _Wyoming_, reasserted it, -and Peck, in his _Wyoming_ (3d ed., N. Y., 1868), sustains Stone. The -question is also discussed by Thomas Maxwell in Schoolcraft's _Indian -Tribes_, v. 672. - -On this subject see "Letter to the Mohawk chief, Ahyonwaegho, commonly -called John Brant, Esq., of the Grand River, Upper Canada, from Thomas -Campbell, Jan. 20, 1822", published in the _New Monthly Magazine_, -London, 1822 (vol. iv. p. 97). - -It has been already stated that the correspondence of Guy Johnson shows -that in the plan of campaign Brant's field of operations in 1778 did -not include Wyoming. Gen. John S. Clark in a private note quotes from -a MS. in the handwriting of Col. Daniel Claus, entitled _Anecdotes of -Captain Joseph Brant, 1778_, a copy of which is in the possession of -Hon. J. B. Plumb, of Niagara, Canada, a statement that Sakayenwaraghton -led the Senecas at Oriskany (1777), and that after the battle a council -was held at Canadesege, at which it was agreed that this chieftain -should attack Wyoming in the early spring, and that Brant should attack -the New York settlements. This MS. further says that the Indians "bore -the whole brunt of the action, for there were but two of Butler's -rangers killed." What is known of the life of this Seneca chieftain is -given by Geo. S. Conover in his pamphlet, _Sayengueraghta, King of the -Senecas_ (Waterloo, 1885). - -[1379] Ryerson in his _Loyalists of America_ (ii. ch. 34) compares the -accounts of Wyoming given by Ramsay, Bancroft, Tucker, and Hildreth, -and credits Hildreth with the most accurate story. He copies Stone's -account from the _Life of Brant_, and expresses himself in approbation -of it. There is an account of the Wyoming affair in _The History of -Connecticut from the first Settlement to the present time_, by Theodore -Dwight, Jr. (New York, 1841), which is unusually full of errors. I -should be strongly inclined to quote here from the pages of Murray's -_Impartial History of the present War_, etc., to show that British -opinions were as strongly pronounced in their expressions against -the reported acts of Butler, and that they held the authorities who -permitted him to bear a commission responsible, were it not that I -find so many pages in this book identical with _An Impartial History -of the War in America_, which was published about the same time in -Boston, that I am at a loss to determine which was the original book. -The two books are not in all respects the same. The one purports to be -an English composition, the other an American recital. Phrases in which -the enemy are alluded to in the one are reversed in the other, while -topics which are elaborated in one are barely mentioned in the other; -still, there are enough pages identical in the two, except for the -toning down of the adjectives, to make me doubtful of the authorship -of the Rev. James Murray. The bibliography of these books is examined -elsewhere in this _History_. - -[1380] In order to show what has been accepted as history on this -point, I quote a portion of the account in this history, which is -typical: "After the savages had completed their work of slaughter in -the field, they proceeded immediately to invest Fort Kingston, in which -Col. Dennison had been left with the small remnant of Butler's troops -and the defenceless women and children. In such a state of weakness -the defence of the fort was out of the question; and all that remained -to Dennison was to attempt to gain some advantageous terms by the -offer of a surrender. For this purpose he went himself to the savage -chief; but that inhuman monster, that Christian cannibal, replied to -the question of terms that he should grant them _the hatchet_. He -was more than true to his word, for when, after resisting until all -his garrison were killed or disabled, Col. Dennison was compelled to -surrender at discretion, his merciless conqueror, tired of scalping, -and finding the slow process of individual murder insufficient to glut -his appetite, shut up all that remained in the houses and barracks, -and by the summary aid of fire reduced all at once to one promiscuous -heap of ashes. Nothing now remained that wore the face of resistance to -these savage invaders but the little fort of Wilksborough, into which -about seventy of Col. Butler's men had effected their retreat, as has -been said. These, with about the same number of Continental soldiers, -constituted its whole force, and when their enemy appeared before -them they surrendered without even asking conditions, under the hope -that their voluntary obedience might find some mercy. But mercy dwelt -not in the bosoms of these American Tories; submission could not stay -their insatiable thirst of blood. The cruelties and barbarities which -were practised upon these unresisting soldiers were even more wanton, -if possible, than those which had been exhibited at Fort Kingston. -The seventy Continental soldiers, _because_ they were _Continental_ -soldiers, were deliberately butchered in cruel succession; and then a -repetition of the same scene of general and promiscuous conflagration -took place, which had closed the tragedy at the other fort. Men, women, -and children were locked up in the houses, and left to mingle their -cries and screams with the flames that mocked the power of an avenging -God." - -[1381] Chapman's sketch, although it repeats many of the errors in -the popular accounts, says that the women and children fled from the -valley. It also gives a copy of the articles of capitulation at the -final surrender (note ii.). This account is a long step towards the -story as at present accepted. - -[1382] It is also given, with other official documents, in Dawson's -_Battles_, i. ch. 38. - -[1383] This report is also given in a sketch of the life of Zebulon -Butler, which forms a part of the article headed Edmund Griffin Butler, -in Geo. B. Kulp's _Families of the Wyoming Valley_ (Wilkesbarre, Pa., -1885, vol. i.). - -[1384] Bancroft has necessarily treated such events briefly, but the -peculiar facilities which he has enjoyed for gaining access to the -papers in foreign archives give especial value to his statistics in -connection with such incidents in the war as the battle of Oriskany and -the destruction of Wyoming. - -[1385] In the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register_ (xiv. p. 265) an article, -"Mrs. Skinner and the Massacre at Wyoming", by D. Williams Patterson, -opens with a quotation from Col. Stone's book, and then proceeds as -follows: "The above account, which was probably taken by Col. Stone -from a newspaper article, published soon after the death of Mrs. -Skinner, contains so many errors that it seems proper to place on -record a version of the story more nearly in accordance with facts." -The facts stated are of a biographical and genealogical character. - -[1386] In a previous note I have reproduced one of the typical -accounts of the Wyoming massacre, as the story was told by the earlier -historians. The details given in accounts of that class were accepted -for a long time without question. Fortunately for the good name of the -human race, Butler, with all his responsibility for the wrongs done -during the continuance of this border warfare, was not the inhuman -wretch which he was represented to be, and the wholesale slaughter -of the women and children turned out to be a pure invention. Horrors -enough remain unchallenged to raise a doubt if even now all errors have -been removed. I have not introduced any of these shocking stories in my -narrative, but they can be found in Chapman, Miner, and Stone. - -The story of the horrors of the night is told in Hubbard's _Life of Van -Campen_ in such a way as to make it seem more probable than the same -story appears when read in some of the other accounts. - -Among the more general accounts are those in Egle's _Pennsylvania_; -Hollister's _Connecticut_, with a good account of the Connecticut -colony in Pennsylvania; H. Hollister's _Lackawana Valley_ (N. Y., -1857), following Miner closely; Stuart Pearce's _Luzerne County_ -(Philadelphia, 1860); Campbell's _Tryon County_, App.; Mrs. E. F. -Ellet's _Domestic Hist. of the Amer. Rev._ (N. Y., 1850), ch. 13, and -her _Women of the Amer. Rev._ (N. Y., 1856), ii. 165; Henry Fergus's -_United States_ in Lardner's _Cab. Cyclopædia_, reproducing the old -erroneous accounts; and even so late a history as _Cassell's United -States_, by Edmund Ollier, is little better. A marked instance of -the heedless method of popular historians is J. A. Spencer's _United -States_ (N. Y., 1858), who seems to have followed at that late day -Thacher as he found his account in Lossing, _Seventeen Seventy-Six_ -(_Hist. Mag._, ii. 126-128), which author reasonably complained that if -he were to be trusted at all, he should have been taken in the later -research of his _Field-Book_, or even of his school history, since Dr. -Spencer was fond of quoting such authorities. - -Poole's _Index_ gives references to several periodical articles. Chief -among such contributions are those in the _Worcester Mag._, i. 37; -the reviews of Peck in the _Methodist Quarterly_ (3d ser., xviii. p. -577, and the 4th ser., vol. xl.), and the paper in _Household Words_, -xviii. p. 282; A. H. Guernsey in _Harper's Mag._, xvii. 306 (also see -vii. 613); L. W. Peck in _National Mag._, v. 147; Erastus Brooks in the -_Southern Lit. Messenger_, vii. 553. - -The whole subject of the invasion of the valley was reviewed by Steuben -Jenkins in an historical address, which is embodied in "_A record of -the one hundredth year commemorative observances of the battle and -massacre_", etc., etc., edited by Wesley Johnson (Wilkesbarre, Pa., -1882). - -The bibliography of Wyoming, by H. E. Hayden, is given in the _Proc. of -the Wyoming Valley Hist. and Geol. Soc._ (1885). - -[1387] There are contemporary letters in the _Hist. Mag._, x. 172. - -[1388] The story of Cherry Valley is one of the numerous incidents -connected with the border war included in the _Historical Collections -of the State of New York_, edited by John W. Barber and Henry Howe -(New York, 1845). Such accounts in this work are generally transferred -bodily from Campbell or Stone, but occasionally some old newspaper -cutting is reproduced. At the celebration in 1840, addresses were made -by William W. Campbell and by William H. Seward. They were published in -pamphlet form, and Mr. Campbell printed his own address as a note to -the 2d edition of the _Annals of Tryon County_. - -The speeches made at centennial anniversary in 1878 were published in -the _Centennial Celebration of the State of New York_ (Albany, 1879). -The main address was delivered by Major Douglass Campbell (p. 359). Cf. -H. C. Goodwin's _Cortland County_ (N. Y., 1859); Dawson's _Battles_, i. -ch. 45; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 268, 297. - -[1389] _Ibid._, Jan. 4, 1779, has a letter from Cherry Valley, dated -Nov. 24, 1778. - -[1390] See _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1886. One hundred copies of -McKendry's journal were privately printed from these proceedings in -1886, with the title,—_1779_. _Sullivan's Expedition against the -Indians of New York_, edited by the writer of this chapter. - -[1391] See note E, at the end of this chapter.—ED. - -[1392] In a note, vol. iii. p. 312, he says: "Sullivan in his account -says forty: but if a few old houses which had been deserted for years -were met with and burnt, they were put down for a town. Stables and -wood hovels and lodges in the field, when the Indians were called to -work, these were all reckoned as houses." He charges that Sullivan was -importunate in absurd demands for supplies, and amongst other things -called for eggs to take upon his Indian campaign. This statement of -Gordon undoubtedly rests upon something which he had seen in print. Is -it not probable that his prejudice prevented him from seeing the humor -in a newspaper squib inserted by some wag, in which Sullivan's slow -movements and pertinacious demands for supplies are thus ridiculed? -Cf. Eben Hazard in _Belknap Papers_, i. 23. The writers of "Allen's -History" follow the same lead. "He lived during the march in every -species of extravagance, was constantly complaining to Congress that -he was not half supplied, and daily amused himself in unwarrantable -remarks to his young officers respecting the imbecility of Congress and -the board of war" (_Allen's Amer. Rev._, ii. 277). Bancroft (x. 231) -speaks of Sullivan as "wasting his time writing strange theological -essays", and gives him credit for destroying only "eighteen towns." - -[1393] The attendant controversies touching Sullivan's career as -a soldier and a legislator are examined in another place in this -_History_, but reference may be here made to T. C. Amory's paper on -this expedition in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, iv. 420, and to another on -the same subject in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 88. - -[1394] Quotations from Haldimand's correspondence and speeches are -given elsewhere. The openness of Clinton's movements seemed to -Washington such a complete betrayal of the whole scheme that on the -1st of July he wrote to Sullivan that Clinton "had transported, and by -last accounts was transporting, provisions and stores for his whole -brigade three months, and two hundred and twenty or thirty batteaux -to receive them; by which means, in the place of having his design -concealed till the moment of execution, and forming his junction with -you, in a manner by surprise, it is announced" (Sparks's _Washington_, -vi. p. 281). During the whole of this hazardous proceeding Clinton was -not molested, nor did Haldimand seem to derive any conception of what -it meant. Yet Washington was so far right in saying that the intention -of the movement was "announced" that on the 5th of July the following -appeared in the _Boston Gazette and Country Journal_: "The stores are -all arrived, and the greatest exertions are made by Gen. Clinton to -transport them unto Lake Otsego, over a carrying-place of about thirty -miles. Everything will be then ready to go down the Susquehanna and -join Gen. Sullivan." - -[1395] The latest official figures given by Sullivan are those of -July 21st,—2,312 rank and file; the entire number given in the -report footing up, according to Craft, 2,539. In the same estimate, -Craft puts Clinton's force at 1,400, and the total marching column at -3,100 to 3,200 men. It was promised by Washington that Lieut.-Col. -Pawling should join Clinton at Anaguaga with 200 men (Sparks's -_Washington_, vi. p. 275). Stone says Clinton was joined at "Oghkwaga" -by a detachment of Col. Pawling's levies from Wawarsing (_Brant_, ii. -p. 18). Peabody in his _Life of Sullivan_ makes the same statement. -Bleeker in his order-book makes no mention of Pawling's regiment. -Erkuries Beatty, August 16th, says: "Major Church marched to meet -the militia here. Returned in the evening and saw nothing of them" -(_Cayuga Co. Hist. Soc. Coll._ no. i. p. 64). McKendry in his journal -corroborates this statement (_Sullivan's Expedition against the -Indians_, p. 30). In a letter (Aug. 24, 1779) from Gen. Clinton to his -brother, contained in the Sparks collection, the general states that -the expected reinforcement by Pawling was not effected. _Geo. Clinton -papers—Sparks MSS._, no. xii. (Harvard Col. library). - -[1396] Washington in his instructions to Sullivan had insisted that -Sullivan should dispense with everything possible, on the ground that -the delays incident to the transportation of a great bulk of stores -might balk the expedition (Sparks, vi. 264; _Hist. Mag._, xii., Sept., -1867, p. 139). He was indignant when he heard that Clinton had taken to -great a quantity of stores with him. Referring to this, Sullivan wrote -to Clinton, July 11, 1779 saying "Gen. Washington has wrote to me as -he has to you, but I have undeceived him by showing him that in case -you depended on our magazines for stores we must all starve together, -as the commissaries have deceived us in every article" (Bleeker's -_Order-book_, p. 15). Lt.-Col. Adam Hubley wrote to the President of -Pennsylvania: "Our expedition is carrying on rather slow, owing to the -delay in provisions, etc. I sincerely pity Gen. Sullivan's situation. -People who are not acquainted with the reasons of the delay, I'm -informed, censure him, which is absolutely cruel and unjust" (_Penna. -Archives_, vii. p. 554). "The long stay at Wyoming was owing to the -infamous conduct of the commissaries and quartermasters employed in -furnishing the necessary provisions and stores. And finally, when the -army did move, it was so scantily supplied that the success of the -expedition is by that means rendered exceedingly precarious" (Diary of -Jabez Campfield, surgeon, etc., _N. J. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 2d Series, -iii. p. 118). "Various opinions prevailed about our proceeding any -further on account of our provisions" (Hubley, in Miner's _History_, -App., p. 97). - -[1397] Sullivan to Col. John Cook, July 30, 1779: "Nothing could afford -me more pleasure than to relieve the distressed, or to have it in my -power to add to the safety of your settlement; but should I comply with -your requisition, it would most effectually answer the intentions of -the enemy, and destroy the grand objects of this expedition" (_Penna. -Arch._, vii. p. 593). - -[1398] "We converted some old tin kettles, found in the Indian -settlements, into large graters, and obliged every fourth man not -on guard to sit up all night and grate corn, which would make meal, -something like hominy. The meal was mixed with boiled squash or -pumpkin, when hot, and kneaded into cakes and baked at the fire" -(Nathan Davis, in _Hist. Mag._, April, 1868, p. 203). - -[1399] Adam Hubley says 500 savages, 200 Tories (Miner's _History_, -Appendix, p. 93); Daniel Livermore says 600 chosen savages (_N. H -Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. p. 308); Lieut. Barton, 200 whites, 500 Indians -(_N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. p. 31); Daniel Gookin, 600 Indians, -14 regulars, 200 Tories (_N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, xvi. p. 27); -Jabez Campfield, 1,000 strong, 300 or 400 of whom were Tories (_N. -J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 2d Series, p. 124); George Grant, 1,500 -(_Hazard's Reg._, xiv. p. 74); Major Norris, 1,500 Indians (Jones's -_New York_, vol. ii. p. 613); Gen. Sullivan, 1,500 (_Remembrancer_, ix. -p. 158); Rev. David Craft, after a study of the subject, estimates the -force at 200 to 250 whites, and probably not less than 1,000 Indians -(_Centennial Celebration_, etc., p. 127, note). Cf. _Mag. Amer. Hist._, -iv. 420, and F. Barber's letter in _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. iii. - -[1400] Dr. Campfield says: "The Indian houses might have been -comfortable had they made any convenience for the smoke to be conveyed -out; only a hole in the middle of the top of the roof of the house. The -Indians are exceedingly dirty; the rubage of one of their houses is -enough to stink the whole country" (_N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii., 2d -Series, p. 132). Erkuries Beatty, speaking of the houses at Onoguaga, -says that they were good log houses, with stone chimneys and glass -windows (_Cayuga Hist. Soc. Coll._, no. i. p. 64). Van Campen says that -the houses were generally built by fixing large posts in the ground, at -a convenient distance from each other, between which poles were woven. -This formed the covering of the sides. The roof was made by laying bark -upon poles, which were properly placed as a support. To afford greater -warmth the sides were plastered with mud. The houses that were found -on the route were all of this description (John N. Hubbard's _Border -Adventures of Major. Moses Van Campen_, Bath, N. Y. 1842). "They were -built chiefly with split and hewn timbers, covered with bark and some -other rough materials, without chimneys or floors" (Norris in Jones's -_New York_, ii. p. 613). Col. Dearborn (_MS. Journal_) uses almost -identical language with Norris. "Newtown—here are some good buildings -of the English construction" (Capt. Daniel Livermore, in _N. H. Hist. -Coll._, vi. pp. 308-335). The huts or wigwams were constructed of -bark, and very narrow in proportion to their length, some being thirty -or forty feet long, and not more than ten feet wide, generally with -a bark floor, except in the centre, where there was a place for the -fire (Nathan Davis, in _Hist. Mag._, April, 1868, p. 202). According -to Hubley, Chemung contained fifty or sixty houses built of logs and -frames; Catharine's town, fifty houses, in general very good; Canadea, -about forty well-finished houses, and everything about it seemed neat -and well improved; Kanadalauga, between twenty and thirty well-finished -houses, chiefly of hewn plank; Anayea, twelve houses, chiefly of hewn -logs (_Penna. Archives_, 2d Series, vol. xi.). Nukerck describes the -houses at "Kandaia" as "large and elegant; some beautifully painted" -(Campbell, _Annals Tryon County_, p. 155); speaking of "Kanandagua", he -says: "This town, from the appearance of the buildings, seems to have -been inhabited by white people. Some houses have neat chimneys, which -the Indians have not, but build a fire in the centre, around which they -gather" (_Ibid._ p. 157). McKendry speaks of the "cellars and walls" -of the houses at "Onnaguago", and says it was a "fine settlement, -considering they were Indians." This place had been destroyed fifteen -years before by Capt. Montour, and Sir William Johnson then described -it as having houses "built of square logs, with good chimneys" (_N. -Y. Col. Docs._, vii. p. 628). McKendry says some of the houses at -"Appletown" were of "hew'd timber." At "Canondesago", some of them -built with hewed timber and part with round timber and part with bark. - -[1401] Hildreth and others speak of Niagara as if it were Sullivan's -objective point. John C. Hamilton (_History of the Republic_, i. -p. 543) says: "Instructions from Hamilton's pen were addressed to -Sullivan", etc. (p. 544). "A surprise of the garrison at Niagara and -of the shipping on the lakes was to be attempted." By whom was Niagara -to be surprised? Hamilton leaves it to be inferred that Sullivan was -instructed to attempt it, whereas it was only mentioned as one of the -possible advantages to be gained from the Indians in case they should -sue for peace. - -[1402] Washington's letters in Sparks, and in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Feb., -1879, p. 142. - -[1403] Ryerson in his _Loyalists of America_, etc., devotes a chapter -to the Sullivan campaign, which he terms "Revenge for Wyoming." He -confounds Zebulon Butler with William Butler, which is not perhaps to -be wondered at, for Campbell and Stone did the same thing, although the -fact that there were two English officers of the name of Butler engaged -in the border wars on the English side, and two American officers of -the same name opposed to them in the same campaigns, and the further -fact that at Wyoming the forces on each side were commanded by a -Butler, were warnings enough that especial scrutiny should be observed -in distinguishing these persons. - -[1404] General Stryker (p. 7) gives Clinton's force at 1,700, and -Sullivan's at 3,500. He states that his account was compiled from -twenty published (by typographical error, the compositor has put -thirty) and five unpublished diaries. He suggests that Sullivan's delay -may possibly have been a part of Washington's strategy. T. C. Amory -shares this opinion. - -Sullivan's fight at Newtown is thus described by H. C. Goodwin in -_Pioneer History of Cortland Co._, etc.: "The contest was one which has -but few parallels. The enemy yielded inch by inch, and when finally -forced at the point of the bayonet to leave their intrenchments and -flee, terror-stricken, to the mountain gorges or almost impassable -_lagoons_, the ground they had occupied was found literally drenched -with the blood of the fallen victims." Accounts of varying length are -given in other local histories: _Delaware County and Border Wars of -New York_, etc., by Jay Gould (Roxbury, 1856); _Centennial History of -Erie County, New York_, by Crisfield Johnson (Buffalo, 1876); _Annals -of Binghamton and of the Country connected with it, from he earliest -settlement_, by J. B. Wilkinson (Binghamton, 1840); _History of the -Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorham's Purchase, and Morris reserve, -etc._, by O. Turner (Rochester, 1851); J. M. Parker's _Rochester_ -(1884, p. 236); Ketchum's _Buffalo_ (ii. 318); Campbell's _Tryon -County_; Simms's _Frontiersmen_, etc. - -There is a monograph on the campaign by A. T. Norton,—_Hist. of -Sullivan's Campaign_ (1879),—and special chapters in Dawson (i. 537), -and accounts in the more general works, like Stone's _Brant_; Ryerson's -_Loyalists_ (ii. 108), examining Stone's account; O. W. B. Peabody's -_Life of Sullivan_; Hamilton's _Republic of the U. S._; some local -traditions in Timothy Dwight's _Travels_ (iv. 204). Gen. J. Watts De -Peyster has some essays on the campaign in the _N. Y. Mail_, Aug. 26, -29, and Sept. 15, 1879. - -There are various letters respecting the campaign in the Gansevoort -Papers, as copied by Sparks (_Sparks MSS._, vol. lx.). Cf. the -autobiography of Philip van Cortlandt in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. -289, and William M. Willett's _Narrative of the military actions of -Col. Marinus Willett_ (N. Y., 1831). - -[1405] The New Jersey Historical Society has a MS. order-book kept -by Lieutenant-Colonel Barber, of the Third New Jersey Regiment, who -was also appointed deputy adjutant-general for the Western army. -The last entry made is dated Sept. 6, 1779. In Hammersly, and in -the roster compiled by General Stryker, Francis Barber is put down -as lieutenant-colonel of this regiment. This order-book has been -attributed by some to George C. Barber. The library of Cornell -University owns one kept by Thomas Gee, quartermaster's sergeant in -Col. John Lamb's regiment of artillery, which contains the orders of -the day issued at Fort Sullivan from Aug. 27, 1779, to Oct. 2, 1779 -also the return march to Easton, the last entry being Oct. 26, 1779. My -knowledge of these MS. order-books was derived from Gen. John S. Clark, -of Auburn, N. Y. I am indebted to Hon. Steuben Jenkins for details -concerning the Barber order-book, and to Professor Moses Coit Tyler, of -Cornell University, for a description of the Gee order-book. Dr. F. B. -Hough edited the _Order-book of Capt. Leonard Bleeker, major of brigade -in the early part of the expedition under Gen. James Clinton against -the Indians in the Campaign of 1779_ (N. Y., 1865). On Clinton's share -in the expedition, see W. W. Campbell's _Services of James Clinton_ -(N.Y. Hist. Soc., 1839); Chaplain Gano's _Biog. Memoirs_ (1806). For -a portrait of Clinton, see Irving's _Washington_, 4^o ed., v., and -Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 112. - -[1406] Craft, May 9, 1879, had already furnished a list of journals of -the campaign, and had appealed to the public for further information -(_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. pp. 348, 349). - -[1407] See note E, at end of chapter.—ED. - -[1408] The journals thus used are Erkuries Beatty's, covering Clinton's -movements; Thomas Grant's and George Grant's, covering the march up the -east side of Lake Cayuga; and Henry Dearborn's, for the march up the -west side of the same lake. - -[1409] _Boston Gazette and Country Journal_, Nov. 1, 1779. - -[1410] The expedition is referred to by Gordon, Ramsay, and Marshall, -each of these writers giving a brief account of the march and the work -accomplished. On the 27th of October, 1779, Congress resolved that "the -thanks of Congress be given to his excellency General Washington for -directing, and to Colonel Brodhead and the brave officers and soldiers -under his command for executing, the important expedition against the -Mingo and Munsey Indians, and that part of the Senecas on the Allegheny -River, by which the depredations of those savages, assisted by their -merciless instigators, subjects of the King of Great Britain, upon the -defenceless inhabitants of the Western frontiers have been restrained -and prevented." - -[1411] A descriptive article entitled "Mohawk Valley in the -Revolution", by Harold Frederic, was published in _Harper's Magazine_ -(lv. p. 171). Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Oct., 1879. The activity of -the Tories and Indians in the Mohawk Valley gave rise from time to time -to various rumors, some of which found their way into print. It was -stated in 1779 that Fort Stanwix had surrendered to the English. This -was repeated in a pamphlet of the day, a mere chronological register -of events, published in 1783, and entitled _The American and British -Chronicle of War and Politics; being an accurate and comprehensive -Register of the most memorable occurrences in the last ten years of his -Majesty's reign, etc. From May 10, 1773, to July 16, 1783_. The entry -of Nov. 2, 1779, was, "Col. Butler, with some Indians, surprise and -take Fort Stanwix, Mohawk River." In 1780 this rumor was repeated, and -found its way into the _Remembrancer_ (x. 347): "New York, Sept. 23.... -We are informed that about a fortnight ago Fort Stanwix, after having -been five or six weeks closely invested, was taken by 600 British -troops commanded by a Lieutenant-Colonel, supposed to be the King's or -8th Regiment: Our faithful friend, Capt. Joseph Brant, with a party of -Indians, shared in the glory of the conquest." - -Occasionally we meet, in the accounts of the fighting in the Mohawk -Valley and vicinity, with the statement that some Indian was present -who was commissioned by the Continental Congress. In the _Journals of -Congress_ (v. 133) we find that on the 3d of April, 1779, the board of -war submitted a report, whereupon it was resolved, "That twelve blank -commissions be transmitted to the commissioners of Indian affairs for -the Northern Department, and that they or any two of them be empowered -to fill them up with the names of faithful chiefs of the Oneidas and -Tuscaroras, giving them such rank as said commissioners shall judge -they merit." (Cf. _Remembrancer_, viii. p. 121) - -[1412] Stone relied upon the statement of John T. Kirkland (_Mass. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, iv. p. 69): "In the year 1780, the hostile Indians, -British troops, and refugees drove them from their villages", etc. - -[1413] _Sparks MSS._ (Harvard College library,—no. xiii. p. 281), -where are various letters of John Butler, Brant, Lt.-Col. Bolton, -etc., taken from the headquarters or Carleton Papers, and they include -Brant's report on the Minisink affair and Butler's report of the -Newtown fight. The letter of Guy Johnson is in Ketchum's _Buffalo_ (i. -337). - -[1414] As early as 1774 the minds of the colonists were turned -inquiringly towards this question. Joseph Reed wrote on Sept. 25, -1774, to the Earl of Dartmouth, that "the idea of bringing down the -Canadians and savages upon the English colonies is so inconsistent, -not only with mercy, but justice and humanity of the mother country, -that I cannot allow myself to think that your lordship would promote -the Quebec Bill, or give it your suffrage, with such intention" (Reed's -_Reed_, i. p. 79). The "full power to levy, arm, muster, command, and -employ all persons whatsoever residing within our said province", and -to "transport such force to any of our plantations in America", with -which Carleton was commissioned, was but a renewal of the authority -conferred upon James Murray in 1763 (_Parl. Reg._, iv., App., "The -New Commission of the Governor of Quebec", etc., pp. 8, 26). The same -language was used in the commission of Sir Danvers Osborn, Bart., to be -captain-general of New York in 1754 (_Ibid._ p. 48). In the XV. section -of the charter granted by Charles II. to the Lords Proprietors of South -Carolina, the grantees were authorized to levy, muster, and train "all -sorts of men, of what condition, or wheresoever born", and to pursue -enemies, "yea, even without the limits of the said province" (_Ibid._ -p. 64). The clause is repeated in the second charter of Charles II. to -the Lords Proprietors of Carolina (_Ibid._ p. 79). Lord Baltimore was -authorized by Charles I. with the same general powers to levy and arm, -and "to make war and pursue the enemies and robbers aforesaid, as well -by sea as by land, yea, even without the limits of the said province, -and (by God's assistance) to vanquish and take them." (Cf. _The Federal -and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters_, etc., Washington, 1877, -part ii. p. 1388, "Charter of Carolina, 1663, § 15.") - -[1415] Samuel Kirkland was born at Norwich, Conn., Dec. 1, 1744; -graduated at Princeton, 1765; became a missionary among the Indians. -The hostility of Guy Johnson bore testimony to the influence of the -missionary among the natives. Kirkland was afterward a chaplain in the -army. In 1789 he received a grant of land two miles square, now the -town of Kirkland, N. Y. He died in 1808. His life, by S. K. Lothrop, -was published in Sparks's _American Biography_. - -James Deane was born at Groton, Conn., Aug. 20, 1748; graduated at -Dartmouth in 1773; and then went as missionary among the Indians. -He was employed to pacificate the Northern Indians, and acted as -interpreter on many important occasions. He was afterward a judge in -Oneida County, N. Y., where he died in 1823. He was much esteemed. Gov. -Trumbull said: "The abilities and influence of Mr. Deane to attach the -Six Nations to the interest of these colonies is an instance of Divine -favor." - -[1416] See incidents of this border warfare in James Banks's _Hist. -Address_ (Fayetteville, N. C., 1859). - -[1417] The rank of this officer is sometimes given as colonel. The -expedition is stated by Haywood, in his _History of Tennessee_, to have -been led by Col. Leonard McBury. Capt. Leonard Marbury, who at that -time commanded a company under Major Jack, is probably the officer -referred to. - -[1418] The experience of South Carolina in these border wars is -exemplified in Alexander Gregg's _History of the old Cheraws: -containing an account of the aborigines of the Pedee, the first white -settlements, their subsequent progress, civil changes, the struggle of -the revolution, and growth of the country afterward; extending from -about A. D. 1730 to 1810, with notices of families and sketches of -individuals_ (N. Y., 1867).—ED. - -[1419] In a letter from Col. Charles Robertson, trustee of the Watauga -Association, to his excellency Richard Caswell, etc., April 27, 1777, -it is stated that on the 27th of March last Col. Nathaniel Guess -brought letters from the governor of Virginia soliciting the Indians to -come in to treat for peace. The Indians, in reply to pressure brought -to bear upon them, said "they could not fight against their Father King -George", etc. (Ramsey's _History of Tennessee_, p. 171). - -[1420] _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, i. 415. - -[1421] See Vol. V. p. 280. - -[1422] The definitive treaty is in Hansard, xv. (1753-65) p. 1291; -_Lond. Mag._, 1763, p. 149; and the preliminary articles signed at -Fontainebleau, Nov. 3, 1762, are in Hansard, xv. p. 1240; _Lond. -Mag._, 1762, p. 657. There are in the archives of the Dept. of Foreign -Affairs in Paris several vols. (nos. 444-449) of papers respecting the -negotiation between France and England which led to the treaty of 1763. -Cf. _Report_, 1874, on the Canadian archives. Cf. Vol. V. 614.—ED. - -[1423] See Parkman's _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 383-413; Green's _Hist. -of the English People_ (Lond., 1880), iv. 193; Macaulay's "Earl -Chatham", _Ed. Rev._, lxxx. 549, also in his _Essays; Olden Time_, i. -329. Cf. Vol. V. ch. viii.—ED. - -[1424] "The treaty of cession to Spain was never published, and the -terms of it remain a secret to this day" (Stoddard's _Louisiana_, 1812, -p. 72). - -[1425] Monette, _Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the -Mississippi_ (New York, 1848), vol. i., has a map showing the -territorial possessions before the treaty. For later maps showing the -treaty lines, see Vol. V. p. 615.—ED. - -[1426] The Duc de Choiseul, in conducting the negotiations on the part -of France, suggested that the English colonies would not fail to shake -off their dependence the moment Canada should be ceded (Parkman's -_Montcalm_, ii. 403); and Kalm, the Swedish botanist, who visited -America in 1748-49, made a similar prediction in his _Travels_: "The -English government has, therefore, the sufficient reason to consider -the French in North America as the best means of keeping the colonies -in their due submission" (London, 1772, i. 207). As to the spurious -Montcalm letters, see Vol. V. p. 606.—ED. - -[1427] A satirical article on restoring Canada to the French appeared -in _Gentleman's Mag._, 1759, p. 620, which has the flavor of Dr. -Franklin's style: "Canada ought to be restored in order that England -may have another war; that the French and Indians may keep on scalping -the colonists, and thereby stint their growth; for otherwise the -children will be as tall as their mother; that, though we ought to keep -faith with our allies, it is not necessary with our children. We must -teach them, according to Scripture, not to 'put trust in princes.' -Let 'em learn to trust in God. If we should not restore Canada, it -would look as if our statesmen had courage like our soldiers. What -have statesmen to do with courage? Their proper character is wisdom." -Franklin's serious and avowed tract is considered in Vol. V. p. -615.—ED. - -[1428] This document is in the _London Mag._, 1763, p. 541; _Amer. -Archives_, 4th ser., i. 172, and in other places [given in Vol. V. -p. 615.—ED.] Its terms were the subject of constant reference and -discussion for the next twenty years. - -[1429] "Many reasons may be assigned for this apparent omission. A -consideration for the Indians was, we presume, the principal, because -it might have given a sensible alarm to that people if they had seen us -formally cantoning out their whole country into regular establishments" -(_Annual Register_, 1763, p. 20). The writer of the very able and -interesting political articles in this volume was Edmund Burke -(Robertson's _Burke_, p. 18). - -[1430] Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 303-323. Dr. Franklin made an extended -and vigorous reply to this report (_Idem_, iv. 324-374); and when the -matter came up for action in the Privy Council, and his reply was read, -the prayer of the petitioners was granted. Lord Hillsborough was so -much offended by the decision that he resigned. The Doctor, writing to -his son, July 14, 1773, said: "Mr. Todd told me, as a secret, that Lord -Hillsborough was much chagrined at being out of place, and could never -forgive me for writing that pamphlet against his report about the Ohio" -(_Works_, viii. 75). - -[1431] See _ante_, chap. i. - -[1432] Sir William Johnson, the superintendent of Indian affairs, -writing to Secretary Conway, June 28, 1766, said: "Our people in -general are very ill calculated to maintain friendship with the -Indians, they despise in peace those whom they fear to meet in war. -This, with the little artifices used in trade, and the total want of -that address and seeming kindness practiced with such success by the -French, must always hurt the colonists. On the contrary, could they but -assume a friendship, and treat them with civility and candor, we should -soon possess their hearts, and much more of their country than we shall -do in a century by the conduct now practiced" (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. -836). The outrageous conduct of the English traders towards the Indians -is a constant theme of complaint by Sir William Johnson in his letters -to the Lords of Trade (see _Idem_, vii. 929, 955, 960, 964, 987). -He speaks (vii. 965) of the contrast between the French and English -traders. The former are gentlemen in character, manners, and dress; -the latter, "for the most part, men of no zeal or capacity; men who -often sacrifice the credit of the nation to the basest purposes. Can it -otherwise happen but that the Indians' prejudices must daily increase, -when they are on the one side seduced by men of abilities, influence, -and address; and on the other, see such low specimens of British -abilities, honor, and honesty? What, then, can be expected but loss of -trade, robbery, murder of traders, and frequent general ruptures?" See -also _Diary of Siege of Detroit_, ed. by Hough, preface, xiii., and Dr. -Hall's tract on _The Dutch and the Iroquois_. - -[1433] Sir William Johnson, writing Dec. 26, 1764, to the Lords of -Trade, said: "Indeed, it is not to be wondered that they should be -concerned at our occupying that country, when we consider that the -French (be their motive what it will) loaded them with favors, and -continue to do so, accompanied with all outward marks of esteem, and -an address peculiarly adapted to their manners, which infallibly -gains upon all Indians who judge by externals only; and in all their -acquaintance with us [the English] upon the frontiers, have never found -anything like it; but, on the contrary, harsh treatment, angry words, -and, in short, everything which can be thought of to inspire them with -a dislike for our manners and jealousy of our views. I have seen so -much of these matters, and am so well convinced of the utter aversion -our people have for them in general, and of the imprudence with which -they constantly express it, that I absolutely despair of ever seeing -tranquillity established until I may have proper persons to reside at -the posts, whose business it shall be to remove their prejudices, and -whose interests it becomes to obtain their esteem and friendship" (_N. -Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 689). - -[1434] Cf. Major Robert Rogers's _Concise Account_, 1765, pp. 240-243. -It was the opinion of Rogers that if the English had used common -sagacity in their treatment of Pontiac, the colonies would have been -spared the horrors of the Pontiac War. - -[1435] The fort at Detroit was a stockade on the west side of the -Detroit River, twenty-five feet high, with a bastion at each corner, -and a block-house over each gateway, the whole enclosing about a -hundred small houses. A few pieces of light artillery were mounted on -the bastions. The garrison consisted of eight officers, one hundred -and twenty soldiers, and forty-five fur traders, under the command of -Major Henry Gladwin, an experienced and gallant officer. Two small -armed schooners were anchored in the stream. The white cottages of the -Canadian farmers lined both banks of the river. About a mile below the -fort, on the western bank, was a village of the Pottawattamies, and -on the opposite shore a Wyandot village. Four miles above the fort -were the lodges of the Ottawas (Parkman's _Pontiac_, i. 212-222). -Parkman's, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_ is one of the most entertaining -monographs in American history; and no writer can treat the subject -without acknowledging his indebtedness to the accurate and scholarly -investigations of that distinguished historian. The reader of this -brief summary of events will find full details in the charming -narrative of Parkman. He says of the Bouquet and Haldimand Papers, in -the British Museum, that they contain "several hundred letters from -officers engaged in the Pontiac War, some official, others personal and -familiar." These he availed himself of in his last revision (1870), -but he had collected 3,400 MS. pages of unprinted documents for his -original edition (1851). All these MS. collections are now in the -library of the Mass. Hist. Society.—ED. - -[1436] A biographical notice of Major Gladwin (who became major-general -in 1782) by Dr. O'Callaghan is in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 961. Parkman -spells the name "Gladwyn." Detroit was now the chief post of this new -Northwestern government. Amherst, in a letter to Egremont, Nov. 30, -1762, had recommended the place as the proper headquarters (Shelburne -Papers, vol. 48, _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, v. 217).—ED. - -[1437] See plan in Vol. V. p. 532. - -[1438] Some years later, an Indian who was present described the scene -to Sir William Johnson. A party of Senecas gained admission to the fort -by treachery, and murdered all the garrison except the commander, and -him they later put to death by roasting over a slow fire (Parkman, ii. -20). - -[1439] Capt. Simeon Ecuyer was in the English service during the -Revolutionary War, and is mentioned with high terms of praise, as -"Major" Ecuyer, in "Journal of the most remarkable Occurrences in -Quebec, from Nov. 14, 1775, to May 7, 1776" (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -1880, p. 232). - -[1440] A biographical sketch (in French) of Col. Bouquet, by C. G. -F. Dumas, is prefixed to the Amsterdam edition, 1769, of Bouquet's -second expedition, 1764. The same (in English) is prefixed to Robert -Clarke's reprint in the _Ohio Valley Series_, 1868. A different and -fuller translation of Dumas's sketch is in _Olden Time_, i. 203, and -is preceded (p. 200) by a sketch by another writer. George H. Fisher, -in _Penna. Mag._, iii. 121-143, gives the life, with an excellent -portrait, of Col. Bouquet, and his letters to Anne Willing, a young -lady with whom he had tender relations, but whom he did not marry. -J. T. Headley, in _Harper's Mag._, xxiii. 577 (Oct., 1861), has an -illustrated article on Col. Bouquet. The Bouquet Papers, 1757-1765, -were given by the heirs of Gen. Haldimand, in 1857, to the British -Museum. There is a synopsis of them in Brymner's _Report on the -Canadian Archives_, 1873.—ED. - -[1441] Brymner, the Canadian archivist, in examining the papers in the -Public Record Office in London, was denied access to the volume of the -"America and West Indies" series, which contains the correspondence of -Amherst, Jan.-Nov., 1763.—ED. - -[1442] Sir Wm. Johnson (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 962) gives the number -of men in Bouquet's command as 600. - -[1443] He soon found that even they had the bad habit of losing -themselves in the woods. He wrote to Amherst, July 26th: "I cannot send -a Highlander out of my sight without running the risk of losing the -man, which exposes me to surprise from the skulking villains I have to -deal with" (Parkman, ii. 56). - -[1444] The reports of Colonel Bouquet to General Amherst, Aug. 5th, -6th, and 11th, give the losses in both actions as 50 killed, 60 -wounded, and 5 missing (_Gent. Mag._, 1763, p. 486; _Lond. Mag._, -1763, p. 545; _Mag. of Western Hist._, ii. 650; _Annual Register_, -1763, p. 31). Parkman (ii. 68) makes the losses "8 officers _and_ 115 -men." The officers were included in the above enumeration. Of the -losses by the Indians, General Amherst wrote (_Gent. Mag._, 1763, -p. 489): "The number of the savages slain was about 60, and a great -many wounded in the pursuit. The principal ringleaders who had the -greatest share in fomenting the present troubles were killed." As to -the number of Indians engaged, Sir William Johnson (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, -vii. 962) states on the best authorities of white men who were with -the Indians, and of several different Indians, who all agree, that the -true number of Indians who attacked Colonel Bouquet at Bushy Run was -only ninety-five. This statement seems hardly probable, in view of the -number killed and the accounts given by the officers engaged. - -[1445] "His Majesty has been graciously pleased to signify to the -commander-in-chief his royal approbation of the conduct and bravery -of Col. Bouquet and the officers and troops under his command in the -actions of the 5th and 6th of August" (General Orders from headquarters -in New York, January 5, 1764). - -An excellent description of Bouquet's expedition of 1763 and of the -battle of Bushy Run is in _Annual Register_, 1763, pp. 27-32. It was -doubtless written by Edmund Burke from authentic information furnished -by some of the officers engaged. Another account is in the introduction -to Bouquet's second expedition of 1764, in which the writer (Dr. -William Smith) uses freely the account in the _Annual Register_. Cf. T. -J. Chapman on the siege of Fort Pitt in _Mag. of Western Hist._, Feb., -1886. - -[1446] See Parkman's _Pontiac_, i. 305-317; _Annual Register_, 1763, p. -26; and General Amherst's report in _Gent. Mag._, 1763, p. 486; _Lond. -Mag._, 1763, p. 543; _Mag. of West. Hist._, ii. 648. He concludes his -detailed "Return of killed and wounded" with "Total, 19 killed and 42 -wounded." The name of Captain Dalzell, whom he had previously reported -as killed, is not included in the return, and the wounded named number -only 39. The _Annual Register_ gives the loss as "only seventy men -killed, and about forty wounded"! - -[1447] An orderly-book of Bradstreet's campaign, June-Nov., 1764, is in -the library of the American Antiquarian Society. - -[1448] Bradstreet sent Capt. Thomas Morris on a mission to Pontiac, -and an account of Morris's experience and his capture by the Indians -is given in his _Miscellanies in prose and verse_ (London, 1791). -See Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,095, and Thomson's _Bibliog. of -Ohio_, no. 854. Morris's original journal, sent to Bradstreet, is in -the Public Record Office, London. He extended the copy from which -he printed. A letter from Morris to Bradstreet is among the papers -of Sir William Johnson in the State Library at Albany (Parkman, ii. -195). The Parkman MSS. (Mass. Hist. Soc.) have minutes of the council -held by Bradstreet with the Indians at Detroit, Sept. 7, 1764, and -the Shelburne Papers (vol. 50) show similar records (_Hist. MSS. Com. -Rept._, v. 218).—ED. - -[1449] Sir William Johnson (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 686), writing to -the Lords of Trade, Dec. 26, 1764, and having spoken with much severity -of Bradstreet's bad management of his expedition, says: "On the other -hand, Col. Bouquet, under all the disadvantages of a tedious and -hazardous land march with an army little more than half that of the -other, has penetrated into the heart of the country of the Delawares -and Shawanese, obtained above two hundred English captives from amongst -them, with fourteen hostages for their coming here [Johnson Hall] and -entering into a peace before me in due form; and I daily expect their -chiefs for that purpose." A touching account of the English captives, -the reluctance of some of them to part from their captors and savage -life, and the joy of others again to meet their relatives, is in Dr. -Smith's _Historical Account_, pp. 75-80 (ed. 1868), and in Parkman, ii. -231-240. An engraving, after Benj. West, representing the delivery of -the English captives at the forks of the Muskingum, is in some of the -editions (p. 72) of the _Historical Account_, described in a following -note. - -[1450] Cf. a paper on the forks of the Muskingum in the _Mag. of West. -Hist._, Feb., 1885, p. 283. - -[1451] _Pennsyl. Mag._, iii. 134. An obituary notice of him appeared in -the _Pennsyl. Journal_, Oct. 24, 1765. In the Haldimand Coll. (Canadian -Archives), p. 21, appears: "June 5, 1765. Bouquet waiting for a vessel -to Florida. Nov. 17. Gen. Gage appoints Lieut.-Col. Taylor to act as -Brig.-Gen. in room of Brig. Bouquet, deceased." Among army promotions, -in _Gent. Mag._, Jan., 1766, is "Aug. Provost, Esq., Lieut.-Col. of the -60th Reg., in room of H. Bouquet, deceased." - -[1452] _An Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio -Indians in the Year 1764, under the command of Henry Bouquet, Esq., -Colonel of Foot, and now Brigadier-General_, appeared from the press of -William Bradford, Philadelphia, in 1765 (Wallace's _William Bradford_, -p. 85). The authorship has been ascribed by Rich, Allibone, and others -to Thomas Hutchins, later geographer of the United States; but it -is now known that the writer was Dr. William Smith, Provost of the -College of Philadelphia. It is a quarto, pp. xiii+71, with three maps -by Thomas Hutchins, Asst. Engineer, viz.: (1) "Map [of the route of -Col. Bouquet's expedition of 1763, and] of the country on the Ohio -and Muskingham Rivers; also, on the same sheet, separated by a line, -a map of the country traversed in his expedition of 1764;" (2) plan -of the Battle of Bushy Run; and (3) the order of march. The work has -been several times reprinted: (I.) In London, 1766, 4^o, pp. xiii+71, -with the plates named reëngraved, and two additional plates inserted, -after designs by Benj. West, viz.: (4) conference of Indians with -Col. Bouquet, engraved by Gregnion; and (5) Indians delivering up the -English captives to Col. Bouquet, engraved by Canot (II.) At Amsterdam, -1769, 8^o, pp. xvi+147+ix, a French translation, with the same plates -very neatly reëngraved, the two maps on the first plate being engraved -separately, making in all six plates. (III.) At Dublin, 1769, by John -Millikin, pp. xx+99, no plates. (IV.) In _Olden Time_, i. 203-221, -241-261, no plates. (V.) In the _Ohio Valley Series_, Cincinnati, 1868, -with preface by Francis Parkman, and photo-lithographic copies of the -plates in the London edition. The last two editions have translations -(not the same, however) of C. G. F. Dumas's biographical sketch of Col. -Bouquet, which is prefixed to the Amsterdam edition. The first two maps -are prefixed to Hildreth's _Western Pioneer_, and extracts from the -work are given (pp. 46-64). The map of the expedition of 1763 is in -Parkman's _Pontiac_ (ii. 199). (Cf. Thomson's _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. -1,065, etc.) - -The _Historical Account_ has an introduction giving a summary of -Col. Bouquet's expedition of 1763, and supplementary matter, viz., -Reflections on the War with the Savages in North America; and five -appendixes: (I.) Construction of Forts in America; (II.) Account of the -French Forts ceded to Great Britain in Louisiana; (III.) Route from -Philadelphia to Fort Pitt; (IV.) Indian Towns on and near the Ohio -River; (V.) Names of Indian tribes in North America. The supplementary -matter, and doubtless some of the narrative, were furnished by Col. -Bouquet himself, as Dr. Smith, in writing to Sir William Johnson, said: -"I drew up [the work] from some papers he favored me with." Cf. on the -expedition of 1764, Col. Whittlesey's _Cleveland_, p. 105; Darlington's -ed. of Col. James Smith's _Remarkable Occurrences_, pp. 107, 177; -Hildreth's _Pioneer Hist. of Ohio Valley_, p. 46; _Western Reserve -Hist. Soc. tracts_, nos. 13, 14, 25. - -[1453] M. D'Abbadie died in February, 1765. Pittman, p. 16. - -[1454] The Pontiac War is treated in Doddridge's _Notes_ (ed. 1876), p. -220; Kercheval (taken largely from Doddridge), p. 258; Monette, i. 326; -Stone's _Sir William Johnson_, ii. 191; Perkins's _Western Annals_ (ed. -1851), p. 66; Davidson and Struve's _Illinois_, p. 137; Silas Farmer's -_Detroit and Michigan_ (1884); Sheldon's _Michigan_; Blanchard's _North -West_, 119, with a map; Schweinitz's _Zeisberger_, p. 274; and in an -illustrated article by J. T. Headley, _Harper's Mag._, xxii. 437. -Munsell published at Albany in 1860, as edited by F. B. Hough, and no. -4 of Munsell's "Historical Series", a _Diary of the siege of Detroit -in the war with Pontiac_. _Also a narrative of the principal events of -the siege, by Major R. Rogers; a plan for conducting Indian affairs, by -Col. Bradstreet; and other authentick documents, never before printed._ -Rogers MS. diary is noted in the _Menzies Catal._, no. 1,715. There -was a _Life of Pontiac_ published in N. Y. in 1860. See also _Poole's -Index_ for reviews of Parkman's admirable work.—ED. - -[1455] Gage's despatch, May 27, 1764 (_Haldimand Coll._, p. 18). Major -Loftus arrived at New Orleans from Mobile with the 22d regiment, Feb. -12, 1764. The French governor "gave him a very bad account of the -disposition of the Indians towards us [the English], and assured him, -unless he carried some presents to distribute amongst them, that he -would not be able to get up the river" (Gage to Earl Halifax, _N. Y. -Col. Doc._, vii. 619). The attack on the command of Major Loftus was -made on the 20th of March, 1764, by the Tunicas Indians, a few miles -above the mouth of the Red River: first from the west bank, and later -from the east bank, of the Mississippi. The spot is indicated on Lieut. -Ross's _Map of the Mississippi_, 1765 (pub. 1775), by the legend -"Where the 22d regiment was drove back by the Tunicas, 1764;" and on -Andrew Ellicott's _Map of the Mississippi_, 1814 (_Journal_, p. 25), -by "Loftus's Heights", on the east bank. Pittman (p. 35) gives some -particulars of the attack, and says, "They killed five men and wounded -four." - -[1456] Capt. Pittman was the author of _The Present State of the -European Settlements on the Mississippi, with a Geographical -Description of that River; illustrated by [eight] plans and draughts_ -(London, 1770, 4to). It is the earliest English account of those -settlements, and, as an authority in early Western history, is of the -highest importance. He was a military engineer, and for five years was -employed in surveying the Mississippi River and exploring the Western -country. The excellent plans which accompany the work, artistically -engraved on copper, add greatly to its value. They are: (1) Plan of -New Orleans; (2) Plan of Mobile; (3) Draught of River Ibbeville to -Lake Ponchartrain; (4) Plan of Fort Rosalia; (5) Plan of Cascaskies -[Kaskaskia]; (6, 7, 8) Draught of the Mississippi River from the -Balisle to Fort Chartres (in three sheets). Cf. Vol. V. pp. 47, 71.—ED. - -[1457] Sir William Johnson, hearing of the failure of the English -troops to reach the Illinois country by way of the Mississippi, -attributed the result to a conspiracy existing between eighteen tribes -of Indians to prevent it, which he charged to the intrigue of the -French residing in New Orleans and the Illinois (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, -vii. 776). - -[1458] Fraser, "being too zealous", as Sir William Johnson wrote in -July, 1765, "set out before Mr. Croghan had effected the necessary -points with the Indians;" and "with two or three attendants" (Stone's -_Life of Johnson_, ii. 247) floated down the Ohio, and arrived at Fort -Chartres without casualty. Here he was courteously received by the -French commander; but he and his attendants were ill treated by drunken -Indians, and their lives were saved by the interposition of Pontiac in -their behalf. The story of Fraser's troubles came to Sir William in -another form, and he wrote: "From late accounts from Detroit there is -reason to think that Fraser has been put to death, together with those -that accompanied him, by Pontiac's party" (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. -746). Fraser, finding the Illinois country at that time an unsafe place -of residence, took a passage in disguise down the Mississippi to New -Orleans, and thence to Mobile. - -[1459] _N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 746, 765. The Shawanese, in their treaty -of July 7, stipulated to send ten deputies (_Ibid._ 752); and the -Delawares, in their treaty of May 8, agreed "to send with Mr. Croghan -proper persons to accompany and assist him" (_Ibid._ 739). - -[1460] Then called Post Vincent, and later simply "The Post" and -"O'post." It was often erroneously written "_St._ Vincent." - -[1461] The savages apologized, saying they supposed the Indians of the -party were Cherokees. - -[1462] Now Lafayette, Indiana. - -[1463] George Croghan's journals (for there are several) of his journey -to the Illinois country in 1765 are important documents in the history -of the West. "This journal", says Parkman (ii. 296), "has been twice -published,—in the appendix to Butler's _History of Kentucky_, and in -the _Pioneer History_ of Dr. S. P. Hildreth",—implying that they were -publications of the same journal. Dr. Hildreth, in a note appended -to his version (p. 85), makes a statement from which it is evident -that he supposed they were the same journal: "The above journal was -copied from an original MS. among Col. [George] Morgan's papers, and -not copied from Butler's _History of Kentucky_, which had not been -seen by the writer at that time." It is an important fact that these -journals are not the same, no paragraph in one being the same as a -paragraph in the other. Their subject matter is different, and yet they -are in no instance contradictory. The one printed by Dr. Hildreth may -be regarded as an official report, and the one printed by Butler as -a descriptive account. The former gives the details of the official -business which he was sent to transact; the latter is such a journal -as any traveller would keep, giving from day to day the incidents of -the journey, describing the scenery and topography of the country, -the fertility of the soil, the game, and omitting wholly to speak of -public business, or what was done at councils with the Indians. He -describes his being wounded and captured by the Indians, near the -Wabash, as a personal misfortune, but makes no mention of conferences -with the Indians at Ouatanon, or of his meeting Pontiac and making -peace with him. Butler (p. 365, ed. 1834; p. 459, ed. 1836) states -that "the following journal, so curious and little known, is extracted -from the _Monthly American Journal of Geology and Natural Science_, -December, 1831, by G. W. Featherstonhaugh, Esq., Philadelphia, and -purports to be from the original, in possession of the editor." This -text was reprinted at Burlington, New Jersey, 1875, in a tract of 38 -pages (Thomson's _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 285). A third version of -Croghan's journal is in the letters of Sir William Johnson to the Lords -of Trade (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 779-788). With some variations it is -the same as that printed by Dr. Hildreth. Each contains passages and -paragraphs which are not in the other. In the Johnson text, words and -passages are omitted, as illegible, which are given in the _Pioneer -History_. Sir William, writing Nov. 16, 1765, says: "A few days ago -[Oct. 21] Mr. Croghan arrived here, and delivered me his journal and -transactions with the Indians, from which I have selected the principal -parts, which I now inclose to your lordships. The whole of his journal -is long and not yet collected; because after he was made prisoner and -lost his baggage, etc., he was necessitated to write it on scraps of -paper procured with difficulty at Post Vincent [Vincennes], and that in -a disguised character, to prevent its being understood by the French, -in case through any disaster he might again be plundered" (_Ibid._ -775). Sir William, from May 8 to Sept. 28, 1765, frequently reports -that he has heard from Croghan, and mentions incidents and details -which are not contained in either of the three versions named (_Ibid._ -746, 749, 765). Being at Post Ouatanon on the 12th of July, Croghan -said: "I wrote to Gen. Gage and Sir William Johnson, to Col. Campbell -at Detroit, Major Murray at Fort Pitt, and Major Farmar at Mobile, or -on his way up the Mississippi, and acquainted them with everything that -had happened since my departure from Fort Pitt" (Hildreth's _Pioneer -History_, p. 71; _N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 781). In the Butler journal, -writing from the same place, July 15, he said: "From this post the -Indians permitted me to write to the commander at Fort Chartres [St. -Ange]; but would not suffer me to write to anybody else (this, I -apprehend, was a precaution of the French, lest their villainy should -be perceived too soon), although the Indians had given me permission to -write to Sir William Johnson and to Fort Pitt on our march, before we -arrived at this place." In the summary of his report to Sir William, -he said: "In the situation I was in at Ouatanon, with great numbers -of Indians about me, and no necessaries, such as paper and ink, I had -it not in my power to take down all the speeches made by the Indian -nations, nor what I said to them, in so particular a manner as I could -wish." It is evident that Croghan wrote many accounts of his journey, -and only three of them, as now appears, are accessible. A biographical -sketch of George Croghan, by Dr. O'Callaghan, is in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, -vii. 982, 983. For earlier traces of Croghan see Vol. V. 10, 596, -610.—ED. - -[1464] _N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 783; Hildreth's _Pioneer History_, -p. 75. Pontiac kept his promise, visited Sir William Johnson in the -spring, concluded a peace, and departed laden with presents. He -returned to his village on the Maumee, and little is known of him for -the next three years. He then reappeared in the Illinois country, and -visited his old friend M. St. Ange, who was in command of the post -of St. Louis, then under Spanish rule. Like other Indians, Pontiac -indulged at times in the excessive use of intoxicating liquors. Against -the advice of his friend, St. Ange, he attended an Indian drinking -carousal, at which he was waylaid and brained with a hatchet by a -Kaskaskia Indian, who had been paid a barrel of rum by an English -trader, named Williamson, to commit the deed. St. Ange claimed the -body, and buried it with the honors of war, in an unknown grave near -the fort of St. Louis. J. N. Nicollet, in his sketch of St. Louis -(p. 82), says: "This murder, which roused the vengeance of all the -Indian tribes friendly to Pontiac, brought about the successive wars -and almost total extermination of the Illinois nation. Pontiac was a -remarkably well-looking man, nice in his person, and full of taste -in his dress and in the arrangement of his exterior ornaments. His -complexion is said to have approached that of the whites. His origin is -still uncertain, for some have supposed him to belong to the Ottawas, -others to the Miamis, etc.; but Col. P. Chouteau, senior, who knew him -well, is of the opinion that he was a Nipissing." (Reprinted in _Olden -Time_, i. 322.) - -[1465] _N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 808. - -[1466] The account of St. Ange's "Surrender of Fort Chartres to M. -Stirling on the 10th of Oct., 1765", with a detailed description -of the fort, from the French archives, is in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, x. -1161-1165. See also Stone's _Life of Sir Wm. Johnson_, ii. 252. [There -are documents about Fort Chartres referred to in the _Hist. MSS. Com. -Report_, v. 216. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, viii. 257, and H. R. Stiles's -_Affairs at Fort Chartres, 1768-1781_ (Albany, 1864), being letters of -an English officer at the close of the war.—ED.] - -[1467] Nicollet (p. 81) states that "Capt. Stirling, at the head of -a company of Scots, arrived unexpectedly in the summer of 1765;" and -Parkman (ii. 298), that "Capt. Stirling arrived at Fort Chartres just -as the snows of early winter began to whiten the naked forests." The -articles of surrender are conclusive as to the fact that the English -troops arrived and took possession of the Illinois country, October -10. Capt. Stirling was relieved by Major Robert Farmar, of the 34th -regiment, about the time of which Parkman speaks. Sir William, writing -March 22, 1766, says: "Just now I have heard that Major Farmar, who -proceeded by the Mississippi, arrived there [the Illinois] the 4th -of December, and relieved Capt. Stirling" (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. -816; Stone's _Johnson_, ii. 251). Monette (i. 411) states that "Capt. -Stirling died in December; that St. Ange returned to Fort Chartres, -and not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt, arrived as -commandant." These errors have been repeated scores of times, and the -last repetition I have seen is in F. L. Billon's _Annals of St. Louis -in early Days_, 1886, p. 26. Capt. Stirling lived until 1808: served -in the Revolutionary War, became colonel in 1779, and later brigadier, -major-general, lieut.-general, general, and was created a baronet. -For a biographical sketch of him, by Dr. O'Callaghan, see _N. Y. Col. -Doc._, vii. 786; and for one of Major Farmar, _Ibid._ 775. F. S. Drake -(_Biog. Dict._) records Capt. Stirling's extraordinary feat of marching -his company of Highlanders overland 3,000 miles, from Fort Chartres to -Philadelphia, without losing a man. The facts were that Capt. Stirling -floated his company in boats down the Mississippi to New Orleans; -thence they sailed to Pensacola, and later to New York, where they -arrived June 15, 1766. Gen. Gage, in a letter of that date, wrote to -Gov. Penn announcing their arrival, stating that they would march on -the 17th for Philadelphia, and asking that quarters be assigned them -(_Penna. Col. Rec._, ix. 318). No officer of the name of Frazer was -ever in command at Fort Chartres. Fort Chartres, built by the French -in 1720, was in its time the strongest fortress in America. Its ruins -are on the left bank of the Mississippi, now a mile from the river, -in Randolph County, Ill., 50 miles south of St. Louis, and 16 miles -northeast of Kaskaskia. It was abandoned in 1772, in consequence of -a portion of it being undermined by a Mississippi flood. See Edw. G. -Mason's _Old Fort Chartres_, in Fergus's Historical Series, no. 12; -Pittman, p. 45; Reynolds, _My own Time_, p. 26, ed. 1879; also his -_Pioneer History_, p. 46, ed. 1887, with plan, from Beck's _Gazetteer -of Illinois and Missouri_. For a plan of the fort, see Vol. V. p.54; -and Mr. Davis's collation of authorities regarding its position, p. -55.—ED. - -[1468] _N. Y. Col. Doc._, vii. 775. - -[1469] The Six Nations claimed by conquest the supremacy of all the -tribes west of the Alleghanies and as far south as the Cherokees, with -whom the Northern tribes were in perpetual warfare. See Monette, i. -323; and Huske's map in Vol. V. p. 84.—ED. - -[1470] A fac-simile of this map is in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. 31; and -of the map as the treaty was finally made, _Ibid._ 136. See _ante_, p. -610.—ED. - -[1471] _Ibid._ ii. 2. - -[1472] _Haldimand Col._, p. 103. - -[1473] Stone's _Life of Johnson_, ii. 306. "I was much concerned", Sir -William wrote, "by reason of the great consumption of provisions and -the heavy expenses attending the maintenance of those Indians, each of -whom consume daily more than two ordinary men amongst us, and would be -extremely dissatisfied if stinted when convened for business" (_N. Y. -Col. Doc._, viii. 105). - -[1474] Sir William's full report of the council at Fort Stanwix, with -the treaty, which he transmitted to Lord Hillsborough, is in _N. Y. -Col. Doc._, viii. 111-137. In the appendix to Mann Butler's _History -of Kentucky_, 1834, p. 378-394, is an abstract of the proceedings -of the council, with the treaty, for which the author expresses his -obligations to Hon. Richard M. Johnson. The treaty and map are also in -_N. Y. Doc. History_, i. 587. - -[1475] In this interval between 1765 and 1774 there was a revival of -the purpose of settlements in the country watered by the Ohio and its -tributaries. The breaking up by the war of the earlier enterprise of -the Ohio Company (see Vol. V., _ante_; Sparks in his _Washington_, -ii. 483, says its papers were entrusted to him fifty years ago by -Charles Fenton Mercer, of Virginia) had led to a plan to buy out the -French settlers in Illinois (Sparks's _Franklin_, vii. 356; Bigelow's -_Franklin_, i. 537, 547; ii. 112); and this being abandoned, the -earlier project had been merged in the scheme known at first as -Walpole's Grant, and subsequently as the Colony of Vandalia, which -had derived some impetus immediately after the conclusion of peace in -1763 by the publication in London of _The Advantages of a Settlement -upon the Ohio_ (now rare; copies in Harvard College library; in -_Carter-Brown Catal._, iii. 1363; Thomson's _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 7), -and in Edinburgh of _The Expediency of securing our American Colonies -by settling the Country adjoining the Mississippi River and the -Country upon the Ohio Considered_ (Harvard College library, 6373. 33). -The scheme had the countenance of Lord Shelburne, and the Shelburne -MSS., as calendared in the _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, v. p. 218 (vol. -50), show various papers appertaining. Professor H. B. Adams, in the -_Maryland Fund Publications_, no. xi. p. 27, has marked the growth of -the perception of the importance of these lands. - -The grant was not secured till 1770, nor ratified till 1772 (account -in Sparks's _Franklin_, iv. 233, and _Washington_, ii. 483). Franklin -had interested himself in securing the grant against the opposition of -Hillsborough. See Franklin's letters in _Works_, iv. 233; the adverse -report of the Lords of Trade (p. 303), and Franklin's reply to it (p. -324). These last papers are also included in _Biog. lit. and polit. -Anecdotes of several of the most Eminent persons of the present Age_ -(London, 1797), vol. ii. Provision was made for securing out of this -grant the lands promised to the Virginia soldiers, in which Washington -was so much interested. The coming on of the Revolution jeopardized the -interests of the grantees, and in 1774 they petitioned the king that -the establishment of a government for Vandalia be no longer delayed. -Walpole, in May, 1775, was anxious at the turn of affairs (_Hist. -Mag._, i. 86), and in 1776 the plan was abandoned. A memorial of -Franklin and Samuel Wharton, dated at Passy, Feb. 26, 1780, tracing the -history of these lands, is in the _Sparks MSS._, no. xvii. - -On the early settlers of Ohio at this time, see S. P. Hildreth's _Biog. -and Hist. Memoirs of the Early Pioneer Settlers of Ohio_ (Cinn., 1852); -James W. Taylor's _Hist. of Ohio_, 1650-1787 (Sandusky, 1854); and a -paper by Isaac Smucker on the first pioneers, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Aug., 1885, p. 326. The position of the Delawares in this region during -the war is discussed by S. D. Peet in the _American Antiquarian_, ii. -132. - -The Filson Club of Louisville has published (1886) Thomas Speed's -_Wilderness road, a description of the route of travel by which the -pioneers and early settlers first came to Kentucky_, their previous -publication having been Reuben T. Durrett's _Life and Writings of -John Filson, the first historian of Kentucky_ (1884), which gives -in fac-simile the earliest special map of Kentucky, after a copy -in Harvard College library,—most copies of the book being without -it,—for while the _Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of -Kentucke_ was printed in 1784, at Wilmington, Del., the map was -printed in Philadelphia, and was an improvement upon the general maps -of Charlevoix, Evans, Hutchins, Pownall, and others. Filson's book -was issued in French, at Paris, in 1785, and reprinted in English -in Imlay's _Topog. Description of North America_ (London, 1793 and -1797), in conjunction with Imlay; again by Campbell in New York, in -1793. Filson first presented to the world the story of the adventures -of Daniel Boone in the appendix of his book, and from that it has -been copied and assigned to Boone himself, in the _Amer. Museum_, -Philadelphia, Oct. 1787, and in Samuel L. Metcalfe's _Collection of -some of the most interesting narratives of Indian Warfare in the West_ -(Lexington, Ky., 1821,—Thomson's _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 818). The -life of Boone embodies much of the history of the pioneer days of -Kentucky. His subsequent biographers, J. M. Peck (in Sparks's _Amer. -Biog._), E. S. Ellis, G. C. Hill, H. T. Tuckerman (in his _Biog. -Essays_), C. W. Webber (in _Hist. and Rev. Incidents_, Phil., 1861), -Lossing (in _Harper's Mag._, xix.), and others, have depended upon -Filson. E. C. Coleman has told the story as it is centred about Simon -Kenton (_Ibid._ xxviii.), and J. H. Perkins has given it more general -bearings in his "Pioneers of Kentucky", in _No. Amer. Rev._, Jan., -1846, included in his _Memoir and Writings_, ii. 243. Cf. Marshall -Smith's _Legends of the War of Independence and of the Earlier -settlements in the West_ (Louisville, 1855), and the old fort at -Lexington, Ky., in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1887, p. 123. - -What is now Tennessee was known after 1769 as the Settlements of the -Watauga Association, and so continued till 1777, when, during the rest -of the Revolutionary War, it was a part of North Carolina (J. E. M. -Ramsey's _Annals of Tennessee_, Charleston, 1853; Philad., 1853, 1860; -Sabin, xvi. no. 67, 729). - -There are documents on the Illinois country during this quiet interval -among the Shelburne Papers, as noted in the _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, -v. pp. 216, 218 (vols. 48 and 50). Cf. John Reynolds, _Pioneer Hist. -of Illinois_ (1852); Breese's _Early Hist. of Illinois_, and the -other later histories (see Vol. V., ante, p. 198). Cf. Arthur Young's -_Observations on the present State of the waste lands of Great Britain, -published on occasion of the establishment of a new Colony on the Ohio_ -(London, 1773). - -Several journals of voyages and explorations along the Ohio and its -tributary streams, which were made during this period, are preserved to -us, such as that of Capt. Harry Gordon, from Fort Pitt to the Illinois -in 1766, which is printed in Pownall's _Topog. Description_ (London, -1776), and of which the original or early copy seems to be noted in the -English _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, v. p. 216; that of Washington, who -visited the Ohio region in 1770 to select lands for the soldiers of the -late wars, and which is printed in Sparks's _Washington_ (vol. ii. 516, -beside letters in Ibid. 387, etc. Cf. Irving's _Washington_, i. 330, -and some letters in Read's _George Read_, p. 124); and those of Matthew -Phelps, who was twice in this Western country between 1773 and 1780, -and whose account is given in the _Memoirs and adventures, particularly -in two voyages from Connecticut to the river Mississippi, 1773-80_. -_Compiled from the original journal and minutes kept by Mr. Phelps. By -Anthony Haswell_ (Bennington, Vt., 1802). - -The diary of Rufus Putnam, who explored the lower regions of the -Mississippi Valley between Dec. 10, 1772, and Aug. 13, 1773, is -preserved in the library of Marietta College. (Cf. _Mag. Amer. Hist._, -vii. 230.)—ED. - -[1476] Connolly was arrested as a Tory in November, 1775, and held as -a prisoner until exchanged in the winter of 1780-81. He then planned a -scheme with Tories and Indians to capture Fort Pitt. See _Olden Time_, -i. 520; ii. 93, 105, 348; Craig's _Pittsburg_, 112, 124; Perkins's -_West. Annals_, 140, 148; Jacob's _Cresap_, 75-91; _Am. Archives_, 4th -ser., i. 774. - -[1477] Botta's _Am. War_, i. 250; Doddridge's _Notes_, (ed. 1876), 238; -_Olden Time_, ii. 43. - -[1478] Concerning this controversy, see Craig's _Pittsburg_, 111-128. -The right of Pennsylvania to land beyond the Alleghanies is examined in -a paper (1772) entitled "Thoughts on the situation of the inhabitants -on the frontier", by James Tilghman, printed in the _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, x. 316. Cf. also Daniel Agnew's _History of the Region of -Pennsylvania north of the Ohio and west of the Allegheny River, of -the Indian purchases, and of the running of the southern, northern, -and western State boundaries; also, an account of the division of -the territory for public purposes, and of the lands, laws, titles, -settlements, controversies, and litigation within this region_ -(Philadelphia, 1887).—ED. - -[1479] No Indian tribes had their homes in Kentucky. The territory was -the common hunting and fighting ground of the Ohio Indians on the north -and the Cherokees and Chickasaws on the south. See Butler's _Kentucky_, -p. 8. - -[1480] Brantz Meyer's _Logan and Cresap_, 1867, p. 149. Clark's letter -is also printed in _The Hesperian_ (Columbus, Ohio), 1839, ii. 309; -Jacob's _Life of Cresap_, pp. 154-158, and portions of it in Perkins's -_Western Annals_, 143-146. - -[1481] Capt. Cresap was then thirty-two years of age, was a trader, -and had had no experience in a former war. His father, however,—Col. -Thomas Cresap,—was a noted Indian fighter. Clark and his party -evidently supposed it was the father, and not the son, they were -sending for. The Cresaps were a Maryland family, and the party who -wanted a leader were Virginians. - -[1482] A few days before, a canoe from Pittsburg, coming down the -river, was fired on by Indians, near Baker's Bottom, two white men -killed and one wounded. Baker's family had been warned, and were -preparing to leave for one of the forts. Baker kept tavern, sold rum, -and the Indians across the river were his habitual customers. Fearing -an attack, he called in his neighbors. Twenty-one of them responded, -but kept out of sight. A party of Indians appeared, and all with the -exception of Logan's brother became very drunk. Logan's brother was -drunk enough to be insolent, and he attempted to strike one of the -white men. As he was leaving the house with a coat and hat which he had -stolen, the white man whom he had abused shot him. The neighbors rushed -from their concealment and killed the whole Indian party, except a -half-breed child whose father was Gen. John Gibson. The Indians on the -opposite shore, hearing the firing, came over in canoes. They were also -fired on, and twelve of them were killed. (See the statements of John -Sappington and others in Jefferson's _Notes on Virginia_, App. iv., -1800, and later editions; and Withers's _Border Warfare_, p. 113.) - -[1483] This comment Jefferson cancelled in his edition of 1800. - -[1484] "I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's -cabin hungry and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked -and he clothed him not.... Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood -and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even -my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins -of any living creature", etc. - -Col. Thomas Cresap, well known in the West as an Indian fighter, was -the father of Capt. Michael Cresap, and it is not strange that the -rank of the father should have been given to the son. Public attention -was not directed to Logan's speech, or the comments of Jefferson -on the character of Capt. Cresap, until 1797, when Luther Martin, -an ardent Federalist and the Attorney-General of Maryland (who had -married a daughter of Capt. Cresap), addressed a public letter to an -elocutionist, objecting to his reciting "Logan's Speech", on the ground -that it was a slander on a noble man and patriot. The speech itself, he -stated, was probably never made by Logan; and the letter had sneering -allusions to the claim that Jefferson was a philosopher. Martin's -letter is in _Olden Time_, ii. 51. Jefferson's letter to Gov. Henry -of Maryland, of Dec. 31, 1797 (_Writings_, viii. 309), shows that he -attributed Martin's attack to political motives, and that his feelings -were greatly disturbed. He immediately set about collecting testimony -(1) to prove the genuineness of Logan's speech, and (2) to justify the -charges he had made against Cresap. On the first point, it was easy for -him to show that he had not invented the speech; that it was common -talk in Dunmore's camp; that he took it, as he printed it, from the -lips of some person in Williamsburg in 1774, and that it was printed -at the time in the _Virginia Gazette_. It appears that the speech -was printed in the _Gazette_ at Williamsburg, Feb. 4, 1775, and that -twelve days later the speech, with important variations, was sent by -Madison to his friend William Bradford, and was printed in a New York -newspaper. Both versions are in _Amer. Archives_, 4th series, i. 1020. -(See also Rives's _Madison_, i. 63, and Mayer's _Logan and Cresap_, -p. 177.) The fact that the speech as printed was actually delivered -was more difficult to prove, as it depended wholly on the statement -of Gen. John Gibson, the interpreter. It will never be known what -part of it was Logan's and how much of it was Gibson's. Jefferson was -not successful in justifying the charges he had made against Cresap. -Such of the collected evidence as answered his purpose he printed in -Appendix iv. in the edition of his _Notes_ of 1800 (Philadelphia). -Some copies of the appendix were printed separately, and it was first -mentioned on the title-page in the edition printed at Trenton, 1803. -(See _Writings_, viii. 457-476.) Such of the testimony as did not -answer his purpose he suppressed. One of these suppressed statements -is the letter of George Rogers Clark to Dr. Samuel Brown, already -quoted. It was found among his papers purchased by the United States -in 1848, and is now in the State Department at Washington. Brantz -Mayer vindicated Cresap in a paper read before the Maryland Historical -Society in 1851, on _Logan the Indian and Cresap the Pioneer_, and -more fully in _Tah-Gah-Jute, or Logan and Cresap_ (Albany, 1867); -Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 805, 806. Dr. Joseph Doddridge, in -his _Notes_, 1824 (reprinted 1876, and used by Kercheval, Winchester, -Va., 1833), made severe strictures on Cresap, but did not charge him -with killing Logan's family. An extract from Doddridge, with other -matter, called _Logan, Chief of the Cayuga Nation_, was published in -Cincinnati by Wm. Dodge in 1868. Doddridge's attack on Capt. Cresap -caused the Rev. John J. Jacob, who in youth had been Cresap's clerk, -and had accompanied him in his Western expeditions, to write his -_Life_ (Cumberland, Md., 1826; reprinted, with notes and appendix, for -Wm. Dodge, Cincinnati, 1866; Field's _Ind. Bibliog._, nos. 769, 770; -Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 640-1). With slight claim to literary -merit, and much inaccuracy as to dates, it contains some important -documents, and is an earnest vindication of Cresap's character. Charges -of baseness and cruelty against Cresap were older than any publication -of Logan's speech. The early accounts which came to Sir William -Johnson charged the origin of the war upon him. Writing June 20, 1774, -Sir William says: "I received the very disagreeable and unexpected -intelligence that a certain Mr. Cressop [_sic_] had trepanned and -murdered forty Indians on the Ohio, ... and that the unworthy author of -this wanton act is fled.... Since the news of the murders committed by -Cressop and his banditti, the Six Nations have sent me two messages", -etc., and much more of the same character (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. -459, 460, 461, 463, 471, 477; a biographical sketch of Cresap by Dr. -O'Callaghan is on p. 459). The subject is treated in _Olden Time_, -ii. 44, 49-67; Potter's _Amer. Monthly_, xi. 187; _Old and New_, x. -436; _New Eclectic_, 169; _Annual Report, 1879, of the Sec. of State_, -Ohio, Columbus, 1880; Stone's _Sir William Johnson_, ii. 370; Dillon's -_Indiana_ (1859), p. 97; Atwater's _Ohio_, p. 116; Monette, i. 384; -Jacob's _Cresap_ (1866), 92-125; _Amer. Jour. Science_, xxxi. 11; -Withers's _Border Warfare_, p. 118; _Amer. Pioneer_, i. 7-24, 64, -188, 331. The _Amer. Pioneer_, 1842-43, was the organ of the "Logan -Historical Society", the object of the society being to erect a -monument to Logan, on which "his speech as given by Thomas Jefferson -shall be fully engraved in gilt letters." The title is a full-page -woodcut, representing Logan and Gen. Gibson sitting on a log, the -former making his "speech" and the latter taking it down. - -Capt. Cresap, in June, 1775, enlisted a company of one hundred -and thirty riflemen in Maryland, twenty-two of whom were his old -companions-in-arms from the country west of the Alleghanies, and -marched them to Boston in twenty-two days. Here his health gave way, -and he was compelled to return. He reached New York, and there died, -Oct. 18, 1775, at the age of thirty-three. His gravestone is in Trinity -churchyard, New York city, opposite the door of the north transept. An -accurate woodcut of his gravestone is in Mayer's _Logan and Cresap_, p. -144, and in _Harper's Mag._, Nov., 1876, p. 808. A view of his house is -in _Harper's Mag._, xiv. 599. - -[1485] See Withers's _Border Warfare_; Monette, i. 374; Dillon's -_Indiana_, 93; _Amer. Archives_, 4th series, i. 722. - -[1486] Accounts of Cornstalk by W. H. Foote are in the _Southern -Literary Messenger_, xvi. 533, and by M. M. Jones in Potter's _Amer. -Monthly_, v. 583. See Withers, pp. 129, 136, 156. Cornstalk's tragical -death is described in Doddridge, p. 239, and Kercheval, p. 267; also in -J. P. Hale's _Trans-Allegheny Pioneers_, p. 328. - -[1487] See _Amer. Archives_, 4th series, i. 1016; _Olden Time_, ii. -33; Monette, i. 376-380; Perkins's _Annals_, p. 149; _Amer. Pioneers_, -i. 381, by L. C. Draper; _Virginia Hist. Reg._, i. 30; v. 181; -narrative of Capt. John Stuart in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 668, in -Virginia Hist. Coll., vol. i., and separately as _Memoirs of Indian -Wars_ (Richmond, 1833); John P. Hale's _Trans-Allegheny Pioneers_ -(Cincinnati, 1886), p. 174, and a paper by S. E. Lane in _Mass. Mag._, -Nov., 1885, p. 277. What purports to be a contemporary account in J. L. -Peyton's _Adventures of my Grandfather_ (London, 1867), p. 142, is not -without suspicion.—ED. - -[1488] For particulars concerning the Dunmore War, see _Amer. -Archives_, 4th ser., i. 345, 435, 468, 506, 774, 1013-1020; ii. 170, -301; _N. Y. Col. Doc._, viii. 459, 461; _St. Clair Papers_, i. 296, -etc.; C. W. Butterfield's _Washington-Crawford letters_ (Cinn., 1877), -pp. 47, 86; Morgan's autobiographic letter in _Hist. Mag._, xix. 379; -De Haas's _West. Virginia_, 142; Doddridge, pp. 229-239; Kercheval, -p. 148; Withers, 104-138; Perkins's _Annals_, pp. 140-151; Hildreth's -_Pioneer History_, pp. 86-94; Monette, i. pp. 368-385; Atwater's -_Ohio_, pp. 110-119; Walker's _Athens Co., Ohio_, p. 8; Dillon's -_Indiana_, p. 91; and Schweinitz's _Zeisberger_, p. 399. Col. Charles -Whittlesey has treated the subject in his _Discourse relating to the -expedition of Dunmore_ (Cleveland, 1842); in the _Olden Time_, ii. 8, -37; and in his _Fugitive Essays_ (Hudson, Ohio, 1852).—ED. - -[1489] For references to the proceedings in Parliament, see _ante_, -chapter i., notes. - -[1490] Declaration of Rights, Oct. 14, 1774 (_Jour. of Old Cong._, -i. 22). In similar terms it was complained of in the Articles of -Association, Oct. 20, 1774 (_Ibid._ 23), and again, without naming the -act, in the Declaration of Independence, as follows: "For abolishing -the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing -therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to -render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the -same absolute rule into these colonies" (_Ibid._ 395). - -[1491] "The Quebec act was one of the multiplied causes of our -opposition, and finally of the Revolution." (Madison's report, January -17, 1782; Thomson Papers, _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1878, p. 134: -_Secret Journals of Cong._, iii. 155, 192.) - -[1492] Butler's _Kentucky_, pp. 26, 27. Just before this, in May, -1775, the few settlers of the Kentucky towns had met and organized for -defence, and had called their country Transylvania. For Boone's defence -of his fort in Aug., 1778, with references, see Dawson's _Battles of -the U. S._, i. 445.—ED. - -[1493] Butler, p. 35; Perkins's _Annals_, p. 171. - -[1494] Butler, p. 40; Dillon's _Indiana_, 115-118. - -[1495] [Dawson gives (_Battles of the U. S._, i. 221) an account, with -references, of the attack on Fort Logan in May, 1777, and (_Ibid._ i. -269) of the assault on Fort Henry (the modern Wheeling, named after -Patrick Henry), Sept. 1, 1777. Cf. the account of Elizabeth Zane in -Mrs. Eliot's _Women of the Rev._, ii. 275. There is a view of Fort -Henry in Newton's _History of the Pan-Handle, West Virginia_ (1879), p. -102.—ED.] - -[1496] In Clark's account of Nov., 1779 (_Campaign in Illinois_, -Cincin., 1869, p. 21), he says: "I set out for Williamsburg in Aug. -1777 in order to settle my accounts." In his later and fuller account -(Dillon's _Indiana_, 1843, p. 132; 1859, p. 119) he says: "When I left -Kentucky October 1, 1777." - -[1497] See Clark's _Campaign_, 95, 96; Butler's _Kentucky_, 394; -Monette, i. 415; Brown's _Illinois_, 239; _Hist. Mag._, iii. 362. - -[1498] Washington had trouble from the same cause in raising troops at -Pittsburg for the Eastern service (_Writings_, v. 244). - -[1499] Governor Henry, in a letter to Virginia delegates in Congress, -gives the number as "170 or 180" (Butler's _Kentucky_, 2d ed., p. 533); -Capt. Bowman, in letter of July 30, 1778, to Col. John Hite, gives the -number as "170 or 180" (Almon's _Remembrancer_, 1779, p. 82). - -[1500] _Amer. Pioneer_, ii. 345. - -[1501] George Rogers Clark's own narratives furnish the most authentic -information concerning his Illinois campaigns, three of which are -accessible in print, as follow in the order of their dates: (1) -Letter to the governor of Virginia, dated Kaskaskia, April 29, 1779, -concerning his capture of Vincennes (in Jefferson's _Writings_, i. -222-226). (2) Letter to George Mason, dated Louisville, Falls of -Ohio, November 19, 1779, which covers the period from setting out on -his second visit to Virginia, in the autumn of 1777, to the end of -his Vincennes campaign. It is printed from the original MS. in the -_Collections_ of the Hist. Soc. of Kentucky, with an introduction -by Henry Pirtle; a biographical sketch of Clark; and the journal of -Capt. (later Major) Joseph Bowman in the expedition against Vincennes. -It is one of the _Ohio Valley Series_, Cincinnati, 1869, and is -here quoted as _Clark's Campaign_. (3) "Memoirs composed by himself -at the united desire of Presidents Jefferson and Madison", printed -(with omissions and interpolations) in Dillon's _Indiana_ (1843, pp. -127-184; and 2d ed., 1859, pp. 114-170). The second edition is here -quoted. H. W. Beckwith used extracts from the same in his _Historic -Notes on the Northwest_, pp. 245-259. It is the most extended of the -three narratives. The original, with a large mass of other MSS. of, -and relating to, Geo. Rogers Clark, is in the possession of Dr. Lyman -C. Draper, of Madison, Wis. The date when it was written is not given; -but it must have been written more than twelve years after the events -occurred which it describes. Jefferson, writing March 7, 1791, to -Col. James Innes, concerning Col. Clark, said: "We are made to hope -he is engaged in writing the accounts of his expeditions north of the -Ohio. They will be valuable morsels of history, and will justify to -the world those who have told them how great he was" (_Writings_, iii. -218). Mann Butler's account of Clark's exploits (_Hist. of Kentucky_, -pp. 35-88) is highly seasoned with popular traditions, and with -incidents which are not consistent with Clark's own statements; and yet -Butler has been more frequently quoted than the narratives of Clark. -(4) The Canadian Archives, at Ottawa, has a journal of Clark, dated -Vincennes, Feb. 24, 1779, the day of the surrender, which has never -been printed nor quoted. (See report of Douglas Brymner, archivist, -for 1882, p. 27, where an abstract of the report is given.) This is -Clark's original report on his Vincennes campaign to the governor -of Virginia. Three days after the surrender, a messenger arrived at -Vincennes with despatches from the governor. On the 14th of March this -messenger (whom Clark calls William _Myres_; Bowman, _Mires_; the -Canadian Calendar, _Moires_; and Jefferson, _Morris_) was sent back -to Williamsburg with letters to the governor. Near the Falls of the -Ohio he was killed by the Indians, and the report of Clark, with nine -other letters captured upon him, appear in the _Haldimand Collection_ -in the Canadian Archives. Clark, writing to Jefferson April 29th, -mentions that he had heard of the killing of his messenger, "news very -disagreeable to me, as I fear many of my letters will fall into the -hands of the enemy at Detroit, although some of them, as I learn, were -found in the woods, torn to pieces" (Jefferson's _Writings_, i. 222; -see also Dillon, p. 159). Copies of these captured documents I have -received from Ottawa. Clark's report is very interesting, and gives -details of his interviews with Gov. Hamilton, while negotiating the -surrender, which are omitted in his later narratives, and show that he -treated Hamilton as if he believed he was responsible for the Indian -barbarities inflicted upon the frontier settlers. (5) The _report of -Gov. Hamilton_ to Gen. Haldimand, July 6, 1781, which is an extended -and detailed narrative of his expedition from Detroit to Vincennes in -the autumn and early winter of 1778, of his capture by Clark, and of -his long imprisonment in Virginia. He gives many facts and incidents -which have not before appeared. He earnestly defends himself against -the charges of cruelty made by Clark and the Virginia Assembly; and -while admitting that, under instructions of his government, he sent out -parties of Indians against the white settlements, he claims that he -always gave the savages special instructions to be merciful, and that -they obeyed him! This document, which has not been used by any writer, -or been accessible until recently, is important, and is about the only -statement we have giving the British view of the Vincennes campaign. -With sixty other early manuscripts relating to the Northwest, it was -kindly furnished to me by Mr. B. F. Stevens, of London, who copied it -from the family papers of Lord George Germain. It now appears that it -is also in the _Haldimand Collection_ in the British Museum and in the -Canadian Archives. It has lately been printed in the _Michigan Pioneer -Collections_, ix. 489-516. - -[1502] Butler (p. 52) says "two divisions crossed the river, while -Clark with the third division took possession of the fort on this [the -east] side of the river, in point-blank shot of the town." It is now -the popular belief of the residents in the vicinity, and it has been -the positive statement of all writers on the subject, that the fort in -which Col. Clark captured Rocheblave was on the high bluff opposite the -town, where there is still abundant evidence that a fort once existed, -and now is known by the name of "Fort Gage." The spot is daily pointed -out to visitors as perhaps the most noted locality in the Western -country. During the past year a historical painting (40×20 feet), -illustrating Col. Clark's capture of Kaskaskia, has been placed on the -walls of the State House at Springfield, Ill. In the centre of the -picture is the site of the old fort on the bluff, and near it stands -the Jesuit church. In the foreground is Col. Clark addressing a council -of Indians. There are three historical infelicities in this picture. -The council of Indians which is here represented, was not held at -Kaskaskia, but at Cahokia, sixty miles distant. The Jesuit church, and -the actual fort which Clark captured, were on the other, the western, -side of the river. Only a few points in justification of this statement -can be mentioned:— - -(1.) The fort on the bluff opposite the town "was burnt down in -October, 1766", says Pittman (p. 43), who visited Kaskaskia about that -time, or soon after, and whose book was published in London in 1770. -He gives a description and detailed drawing of the town, the river, -and site of the old fort. "It [the old fort] _was_", he says, "an -oblongular quadrangle, 290 by 251 feet; it _was_ built of very thick -squared timber", etc.,—using in every instance the past tense. "An -officer and 20 soldiers are quartered in the village." The evidence -that the old fort was ever rebuilt is wanting. - -(2.) No incident appears in the contemporary narratives that Clark -occupied, or even visited, the site of the old fort; and there are -many allusions to his occupying quarters in the town. On one occasion, -expecting an attack from the enemy, he resolved to burn the houses -around the fort. "I was necessitated", he says, "to set fire to some of -the houses _in town_, to clear them out of the way." The people came -to him in distress, fearing he would burn up their town. He took an -occasion for doing this when there was snow on the roofs, and only such -houses were burned as were set on fire (_Campaign_, p. 59). The site of -the old fort was 500 yards from the river, and the river was 150 yards -wide. A fire there would not have endangered the town; and Pittman's -plan shows no houses on the eastern bank, around the old fort. - -(3.) Setting out for Vincennes on the 5th of February, 1779, Clark says: -"We crossed the Kaskaskia River with 170 men" (Dillon, p. 139). -Major Bowman, in his journal of the same date, wrote: "About three -o'clock we crossed the Kaskaskia with our baggage, and marched about -a league from town" (p. 100). Crossing the Kaskaskia would have been -unnecessary if they had been quartered on the site of the old fort. - -(4.) Clark had heard from the hunters who joined him on the way, and -had been in the town eight days before, that the fort was kept in -good order, and that the garrison was on the alert. He was too good a -soldier, on such information, to divide his scanty force of less than -two hundred men into three divisions, and with one of them attack an -isolated fort on the opposite side of the river, where he could have -no support from his other divisions. Bowman, in a letter to Col. Hite, -said: "This town was sufficiently fortified to have resisted a thousand -men." That Clark passed the site of the old fort without approaching or -even mentioning it, and threw his men across the river a mile north of -the town, is evidence that the site of the old fort was then unoccupied. - -(5.) M. Rocheblave, writing from Kaskaskia, "Fort Gage, Feb. 8, 1778", -to Gen. Carleton at Montreal, shows conclusively where the fort was -situated in which he was taken prisoner by Clark five months later. -The MS. is in the Canadian Archives (Brymner's _Report of 1882_, p. -12). Rocheblave reports that "the roof of the mansion of the fort -is of shingles and very leaky, notwithstanding my efforts to patch -it; and unless a new roof be provided very soon, the building, which -was constructed twenty-five years ago and cost the _Jesuits_ 40,000 -piastres, will be ruined." By a decree of the king, the Jesuits were -suppressed in France and its colonies in 1763, and their property -was confiscated to the crown. The Jesuits had a valuable estate at -Kaskaskia which was taken possession of by the French commandant, and -the priests were expelled. Father Watrin, Jesuit, in his _Memoir of the -Missions of Louisiana_, 1764 or 1765 (_Mag. of West. Hist._ i. 265), -says "When the Jesuits of the Illinois, recalled by the decree against -them, passed this post [Point Coupée, on the Mississippi], Father -Irenæus [a Capuchin] received and treated them as though they had -been brothers." Such of the property as was needed for public use was -retained, and the remainder was sold. "The Jesuits' plantation", says -Pittman (p. 43), "consisted of 240 _arpens_ [200 acres] of cultivated -land, a very good stock of cattle, and a brewery, which was sold by -the French commandant, after the country was ceded to the English, for -the [French] crown, in consequence of the suppression of the order." -This sale must have taken place before the English occupation, in 1765. -Pittman mentions the church and the "Jesuits' house" as "the principal -buildings, which are built of stone, and, considering this part of the -world, make a very good appearance." The Jesuits' house was doubtless -the one mentioned by Rocheblave, the fort being adjacent to it. On his -plan of Kaskaskia Pittman locates the church in the centre of the town, -and the Jesuits' property at the southeast corner, near the river. -Pittman returned to Pensacola from Illinois in the spring of 1767, -"with the plan of a fort", which, Haldimand reports to Gage, will "cost -a good deal of money" (_Haldimand Coll._, p. 25). In 1772 Fort Chartres -was abandoned in consequence of being undermined during an inundation -of the Mississippi. Gen. Gage gave the order March 16, 1772, and -directed that the troops be stationed at Kaskaskia. After the capture -of the fort in 1778, the name was changed to "Fort Clark" (Bowman, p. -110; _Canad. Arch._, 1882, p. 36). I have found no instance where the -old fort on the bluff, burned in 1766, and now known as "Fort Gage", -had that name during the period when it existed as a fort. - -(6.) Lieut. Ross's _Map of the Mississippi from the Balise to Fort -Chartres, made late in 1765, improved from the French surveys_, and -published in London in 1775, places "Ft. Caskaskias" at the southeast -corner of the town, on the west bank of the river,—the spot indicated -in Rocheblave's letter. It shows no fort on the eastern bank. - -(7.) Major De Peyster, writing June 27, 1779, from Michilimacinac to -Gen. Haldimand, reports concerning affairs at Kaskaskia, and fixes -without question the location of the fort. He says: "The Kaskaskias no -ways fortified; the fort being still a sorry pinchetted [picketted?] -enclosure round the Jesuits' college." (_Mich. Pion. Coll._ ix. 388.) - -It is remarkable that Gov. Reynolds, who resided at Kaskaskia in 1800, -should not have known the location of "Fort Gage"; or, rather, that the -local remembrances of the real spot should have faded out in twenty-one -years. He says (in _My Own Times_, p. 31, ed. 1879): "The English -government [in 1772] abandoned Fort Chartres and established its -authority at Fort Gage, on the bluff east of Kaskaskia." Again, he says -(_Pioneer History_, p. 81, ed. 1887): "The British garrison occupied -Fort Gage, which stood on the Kaskaskia river bluffs opposite the -village." This, in his mind, was the location of the fort which Clark -captured. He says (_Ibid._ p. 94): "Two parties crossed the river; the -other party remained with Col. Clark to attack the fort." - -Capt. Bowman, in letter to Col. Hite of July 30, 1778 (Almon's -_Remembrancer_, 1779, p. 82), describes the march and capture as -follows: "Marched for Kaskaskia with four days' provisions, and in -six days arrived at the place in the night of the 4th instant, having -marched two days without any sustenance, in which hungry condition we -unanimously determined to take the town, or die in the attempt. About -midnight we marched into the town without being discovered. Our object -was the fort, which we soon got possession of; the commanding officer -(Philip Rocheblave) we made prisoner, and he is now on his way to -Williamsburg under a strong guard, _with all his instructions_ from -time to time, from the several governors at Detroit, Quebec, etc., to -set the Indians upon us, with great rewards for our scalps, for which -he has a salary of £200 per year." This statement shows that the fort -was in the town, and controverts the assertion of Butler (p. 53) that -the public papers in the fort were not captured, out of delicacy to -the wife of the commander, she "presuming a good deal on the gallantry -of our countrymen by imposing upon their delicacy towards herself." -... "Better, ten thousand times better", Butler adds, "were it so, -than that the ancient fame of the sons of Virginia should have been -tarnished by insult to a female!" - -[1503] _Campaign_, p. 31. - -[1504] For the details of the conquest of Kaskaskia, see Clark's -narrative of 1779 in _Campaign_ (1869), pp. 24-36; and of his narrative -of 1791 (?) in J. B. Dillon's _Indiana_ (1843), pp. 127-150; (2d -edition, 1859), pp. 114-136. See also Butler's _Kentucky_, p. 49, -Withers's _Border Warfare_, p. 185; Perkins's _Annals_, p. 192; -Beckwith's _Historic Notes_, p. 245; Davidson's _Illinois_, p. 173; -Brown's _Illinois_, p. 230; Monette, i. 414. - -[1505] The letter which Gov. Henry addressed to the Virginia delegates -in Congress, Nov. 14, 1778, on receiving intelligence of Clark's -capture of Kaskaskia, is in Butler's _Kentucky_, 2d. ed., p. 532; and -is reprinted from the MS. in the new and excellent life of _Patrick -Henry_ (Boston, 1887), by Professor Moses Coit Tyler (p. 230).—ED. - -[1506] Of M. Rocheblave very little is known. His full name, Philippe -François de Rastel, Chevalier de Rocheblave, with his nativity, appears -in the parish records of Kaskaskia for April 11, 1763, in the third -publication of the banns of his marriage to Michel Marie Dufresne (E. -G. Mason's _Kaskaskia_, p. 17). He is mentioned in 1756 (_N. Y. Col. -Doc._, x. 435) as a cadet at Fort Duquesne; in July, 1757, on the -Potomac (_Ibid._ 581); and in July, 1759, at Niagara (_Ibid._ 992). -Many of his letters [in French] are in the Canadian Archives. Several -of them which I have, show him to have been a man of sensibility and -refinement. He said he was a British subject because he had been -abandoned by France at the peace. One of them is a long and interesting -letter dated at "Fort Gage, July 4, 1778", which was probably sent off -by boat a few hours before he was captured by Col. Clark. He was a -prisoner in Virginia until the autumn of 1780, when he broke his parole -and went to New York (Jefferson's _Writings_, i. 258). His family were -left at Kaskaskia; and Gov. Henry of Virginia, in his instructions to -Col. John Todd, Dec. 12, 1778, says: "Mr. Rocheblave's wife and family -must not suffer for want of that property of which they were bereft by -our troops. It is to be restored to them, if possible. If this cannot -be done, the public must support them." (_Calendar of Va. Papers_, i. -314). His wife, signing her name "Marie Michel de Rocheblave", wrote -from Kaskaskia, March 27, 1780, to Gen. Haldimand, appealing to his -humanity for pecuniary help, as the rebels had taken everything from -her but her debts. (MS. letter furnished to me by Mr. B. F. Stevens.) - -[1507] The only garrison left in the fort when Gov. Hamilton and his -troops appeared was Capt. Helm and his one soldier, whose name was -Moses Henry. The latter placed a loaded cannon at the open gate, and -Capt. Helm, standing by with a lighted match, commanded the British -troops to halt. Hamilton demanded the surrender of the garrison. Helm -refused, and asked for terms. Hamilton replied that they should have -the honors of war, and the terms were accepted. The comical aspect -of the garrison, consisting of one officer and one soldier, marching -out of the fort between lines of disgusted Indians on one side and -British soldiers on the other, is happily illustrated in Gay's _Hist. -of U. S._, iii. 612. See note in Clark's _Campaign_, p. 52; Butler's -_Hist. of Kentucky_, p. 80; Monette, i. 425; Perkins's _Annals_, p. -207. Gov. Hamilton describes the surrender without mentioning this -humorous incident, thus: "The officer who commanded in the fort, Capt. -Helm, being deserted by the [resident French] officers and men, who to -the number of seventy had formed his garrison, and were in pay of the -Congress, surrendered his wretched fort on the very day of our arrival, -being the 17th day of December, 1778." (Report of July 6, 1781.) - -[1508] Gov. Reynolds (_Pioneer History_, p. 101, ed. 1887) says Col. -Vigo was sent to Vincennes by Clark as a spy; that he was captured by -the Indians and taken to Hamilton, who suspected the character of his -mission; and that he was released on the ground of his being a Spanish -subject, and having influential friends among the French residents. -Hamilton in his report makes no mention of Vigo by name, but says that -men were stationed at the mouth of the Wabash to intercept boats on -the Ohio; and that they at different times brought in prisoners and -prevented intelligence being carried from Vincennes to the Illinois, -"till the desertion of a corporal and six men from La Mothe's company, -in the latter end of January, who gave the first intelligence to -Col. Clark of our arrival." In Reynolds's _Pion. Hist._ p. 423, is a -biographical sketch of Col. Vigo, by H. W. Beckwith, and a portrait. -See also Law's _History of Vincennes_, pp. 28-30. Vigo helped Clark by -cashing his drafts, and the story of a consequent suit for recovery -of the money, which did not end till 1876 in the U. S. Supreme Court, -is told by C. C. Baldwin in the _Mag. of West. Hist._, Jan., 1885, p. -230.—ED. - -[1509] Clark, in his letter to George Mason, scarcely alludes to the -sufferings endured on this march. He says: "If I was sensible that you -would let no person see this relation, I would give you a detail of our -sufferings for four days in crossing these waters, and the manner it -was done, as I am sure you would credit it; but it is too incredible -for any person to believe except those that are as well acquainted -with me as you are, or had experienced something similar to it. I hope -you will excuse me until I have the pleasure of seeing you personally" -(_Campaign_, p. 66). In his later narrative he spoke on the subject -more freely (Dillon, 139-146), and his account is confirmed by Bowman's -journal. - -[1510] She arrived on the 27th, three days after the surrender, "to -the great mortification of all on board that they had not the honor to -assist us", says Bowman. Clark, in his captured report, writing on the -same day, says: "The Willing arrived at 3 o'clock. She was detained by -the strong current on the Wabash and Ohio; two Lieutenants and 48 men, -with two iron four-pounders and five swivels on board." - -[1511] An allusion to Gov. Hamilton's practice of paying the Indians -for scalps, and not for prisoners. The proclamation is in Dillon, p. -146; Bowman's _Journal_, p. 104. [See _ante_, p. 683.—ED.] - -[1512] Bowman gives (p. 105-108) the correspondence with Hamilton, the -articles of capitulation, etc., some of which are omitted in Clark's -narratives. Hamilton in his _Report_ describes Clark's demand on him to -surrender thus: "About eight o'clock a flag of truce from the rebels -appeared, carried by Nicolas Cardinal, a captain of the militia of St. -Vincennes, who delivered me a letter from Col. Clark requiring me to -surrender at discretion; adding, with an oath, that if I destroyed any -stores or papers, I should be treated as a murtherer." Hamilton asserts -that Clark was supplied with gunpowder by the inhabitants of Vincennes, -"his own, to the last ounce, being damaged [by water] on the march;" -and that "Clark has since told me he knew to a man those of my little -garrison who would do their duty, and those who would shrink from it. -There is no doubt he was well informed." - -[1513] Hamilton in his _Report_ enlarges on the barbarity of this -transaction. The indignation and resentment felt by Clark and his men -towards Hamilton, and the occasion for it, appear in a conversation -concerning the terms of surrender, which Clark gives in his captured -despatch: "_Hamilton._ 'Col. Clark, why will you force me to dishonor -myself when you cannot acquire more honor by it?' _Clark._ 'Could I -look on you as a gentleman, I would do the utmost in my power; but -on you, who have imbrued your hands in the blood of our women and -children—honor, my country, everything, calls aloud for vengeance.' -_Hamilton._ 'I know, sir, my character has been stained, but not -deservedly; for I have always endeavored to instill humanity, as -much as in my power, in the Indians, whom the orders of my superiors -obliged me to employ.' _Clark._ 'Sir, speak no more on this subject; -my blood glows within my veins to think on the cruelties your Indian -parties have committed; therefore, repair to your fort, and prepare for -battle'—on which I turned off." - -The following incidents illustrate the sort of humanity which Hamilton, -and other British commandants at Detroit, instilled in the Indian -mind: At a council, on July 3, 1778, Gov. Hamilton presented an axe -to the chief, saying: "It is the king's command that I put this axe -into your hands to act against his majesty's enemies. I pray the Lord -of life to give you success, as also your warriors, wherever you go -with your father's axe." The item "60 gross scalping-knives" are among -the official "estimates of merchandise wanted for Indian presents at -Detroit from Aug. 21, 1782, to Aug. 20, 1783", signed by A. S. De -Peyster, Lieut.-Gov. (Farmer's _Hist. of Detroit_, p. 247). The same -writer (p. 246) states that he has seen the original entry of sale, on -June 6, 1783, of "16 gross red-handled scalping-knives, £80;" and on -July 22d, of 24 dozen more to the same parties. - -[1514] Among Hamilton's reasons, in the articles of capitulation, -for surrender were: "The honorable terms allowed, and lastly, the -confidence in a generous enemy." For this compliment to Clark he -apologized in his _Report_ as follows: "If it be considered that we -were to leave our wounded men at the mercy of a man who had shown such -instances of ferocity, as Col. Clark had lately done, a compliment -bespeaking his generosity and humanity may possibly find excuse with -some, as I know it has censure from others." - -[1515] Hamilton states that Capt. Helm was the officer in command of -the expedition,—a fact which Clark omitted to mention. - -[1516] Hamilton says: "The day before Capt. Helm, who commanded the -party sent to take the convoy, arrived at Ouattanon, Mr. Dejean -heard that we had fallen into the hands of the rebels; but he had -not sufficient presence of mind to destroy the papers which, with -everything else, was seized by the rebels. Besides the provision, -clothing, and stores belonging to the king, all the private baggage of -the officers fell into the possession of Col. Clark." - -[1517] Dillon, p. 158. - -[1518] On March 7th, "Capt. Williams and Lieut. Rogers, with -twenty-five men, set off for the Falls of Ohio to conduct the following -prisoners, viz.: Lieut.-Gov. Hamilton, Major Hays [Hay], Capt. La -Mothe [La Mothe], Mons. Dejean, grand judge of Detroit, Lieut. Shiflin -[Scheifflin], Doct. M'Beth [McBeath], Francis M'Ville [Maisonville], -Mr. Bell Fenilb [Bellefeuille], with eighteen privates" (Bowman, p. -109). Hamilton does not give a list of his fellow-prisoners, but the -above names, as he gives them elsewhere in his _Report_, are inserted -in brackets. He says: "On the 8th of March we were put into a heavy -oak boat, being 27 in number, with our provision of flour and pork at -common ration, and 14 gallons of spirits for us and our guard, which -consisted of 23 persons, including two officers. We had before us 360 -miles of water carriage and 840 to march to our place of destination, -Williamsburg, Va." (_Mich. Pion. Col._, p. 506). "On the 16th, most -of the prisoners took the oath of neutrality, and got permission to -set out for Detroit" (_Ibid._ 110). Gov. Hamilton and his associates -were sent to Williamsburg, and by sentence of the executive council -were placed in close imprisonment in irons, for their treatment of -captives and for permitting and instigating the Indians to practise -every species of cruelty and barbarism upon American citizens, without -distinction of age, sex, or condition (see _Journals of Congress_, -ii. 340; Jefferson's _Writings_, i. 226-237, 258, 267; Sparks's -_Washington_, vi. 315, 407; _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. 323; Hamilton's -narrative from the _Royal Gazette_, July 15, 1780, in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, i. 186; Monette, i. 431; Farmer's _Hist. of Detroit_, p. 252). -In October, 1780, Hamilton was sent to New York on parole, in order -to procure the release of some American officers (_Sparks MSS._, no. -lxvi.). - -For details of the Vincennes expedition, see Clark's _Campaign_ -(1869), p. 62-87; Dillon's _Indiana_ (1843), pp. 151-184; 2d edition, -pp. 137-167; Butler's _Kentucky_, p. 79; Beckwith's _Hist. Notes_, -pp. 250-259; Davidson's _Illinois_, p. 193; Brown's _Illinois_, p. -241; Perkins's _Annals_, p. 208; Withers's _Border Warfare_, p. 188; -Monette, i. 427; Hall's _Sketches of the West_, ii., 117; Marshall's -_Washington_, iii. 562; _Mag. of West. Hist._, by Mary Cone, ii. 133; -_Hist. Mag._, i. 168, by John Reynolds; Judge Law's address (1839), -in _Va. Hist. Reg._, vi. 61; Ninian W. Edwards's _Hist. of Illinois_ -(1778-1833). There is a map of the campaign in Blanchard's _North-West_. - -[1519] The enactment is in _Hening's Virginia Statutes_, ix. 552, -and in _Legal Adviser_ (Chicago, 1886), vii. 284. Cf. "Virginia's -Conquest—the Northwest Territory", by J. C. Wells, in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1886. - -[1520] Clark's _Campaign_, p. 84. "I am glad to hear of Col. Todd's -appointment", he wrote to Jefferson (i. 225). - -[1521] His proclamation of June 15, 1779, is in Dillon, p. 168; -Davidson's _Illinois_, p. 202. - -[1522] See lists of the officials in Edward G. Mason's _Col. John -Todd's Record-Book_ (no. 12 _Fergus's Historical Series_, 1882), -p. 54. Mr. Mason's paper is an interesting account of Col. Todd's -administration, and of the state of the Illinois county at that time. -Col. Todd was killed in battle with the Indians at Blue Licks, Ky., -Aug. 18, 1782. See Col. Logan's account of the battle, _Col. Va. State -Papers_, iii. 280, 300; Perkins's _Annals_, p. 270. - -[1523] Butler's _Kentucky_, p. 108; Withers's _Border Warfare_, p. 197. - -[1524] An autograph letter of Jefferson to Washington, Feb. 10, 1780, -urging reinforcements for Clark, is in the _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. -iii. Various intercepted letters of Clark, including one of Sept. 23, -1779, to Jefferson, about fortifying the mouth of the Ohio, are among -the Carleton Papers, in the London Institution, and are copied in the -_Sparks MSS._, xiii. On May 26, 1780, St. Louis had been attacked by -the English with Indian allies (_Mag. Western Hist._, Feb., 1785, p. -271, by Oscar W. Collet). It was through Vigo that Clark established -intimate relations with the Spanish lieutenant-governor De Leyba, and -Clark is said to have offered assistance in the defence of that Spanish -post.—ED. - -[1525] Withers's _Border Warfare_, p. 213; Perkins's _Annals_, p. 235; -Butler's _Kentucky_, p. 110. - -[1526] [See _ante_, p. 681.—ED.] - -[1527] _Writings_, i. 259. The letter abridged is in Sparks's _Corresp. -of the Am. Rev._, iii. 98. - -[1528] _Writings_, i. 280; Sparks's _Corresp._, etc., iii. 175. - -[1529] Gen. Washington instructed Col. Brodhead to see that no -Continental officer outranked Col. Clark. "I do not think", he wrote, -"that the charge of the enterprise could have been committed to better -hands. I have not the pleasure of knowing the gentleman personally; -but independently of the proofs he has given of his activity and -address, the unbounded confidence which, I am told, the Western people -repose in him is a matter of vast importance.... In general, give -every countenance and assistance to this enterprise. I shall expect a -punctual compliance with this order. Col. Clark will probably be the -bearer of this himself" (_Writings_, vii. 343-345). - -[1530] Sparks's _Corresp._, etc., iii. 244. - -[1531] [See _ante_, pp. 495, 546.—ED.] - -[1532] _Writings_, i. 288. See Steuben's report to Washington, -Sparks's _Corresp._, etc., iii. 204. At the time of Arnold's descent -on Virginia, a scheme was devised by Jefferson and Baron Steuben to -capture the arch-traitor alive, and hang him. The scheme is set forth -in a letter of Jefferson, with no address (_Writings_, i. 289), dated -Richmond, Jan. 21, 1781; and it immediately follows the one describing -Col. Clark's ambuscade. The purpose of the letter is to enlist the -services of the person addressed in this hazardous enterprise. The -writer says he has "peculiar confidence in the men from the western -side of the mountains, whose courage and fidelity would be above -all doubt. Your perfect knowledge of those men personally, and my -confidence in your discretion, induces me to ask you to pick from among -them proper characters, in such numbers as you think best, and engage -them to undertake to seize and bring off this greatest of all traitors. -Whether this may be best effected by their going in as friends and -awaiting their opportunity, or otherwise, is left to themselves. The -smaller the number the better, so that they be sufficient to manage -him." He offers them a reward of five thousand guineas for bringing him -off alive, and says "their names will be recorded with glory in history -with those of Vanwert, Paulding, and Williams." The editor states in a -note that the person addressed "was probably Gen. [John Peter Gabriel] -Mühlenberg." Gen. Mühlenberg was a Pennsylvanian, and never resided -west of the mountains. The person was doubtless George Rogers Clark, -who was then in Virginia, and was too deeply interested in his Detroit -expedition to engage in the scheme. - -[1533] Sparks's _Corresp._, etc., iii. 323. - -[1534] _Ibid._ iii. 455. "I think", Gen. Irvine adds, "there is too -much reason to fear that Gen. Clark's and Col. Gibson's expeditions -falling through will greatly encourage the savages to fall on the -country with double fury, or perhaps the British from Detroit to -visit this post [Fort Pitt], which, instead of being in a tolerable -state of defence, is, in fact, nothing but a heap of ruins." The -relations of Detroit to the war in the Northwest, as the centre of -British intrigues among the Indians, and of British instigation of the -savages to make forays on the region of the Ohio, is well set forth -in Charles I. Walker's _Northwest during the Revolution_, the annual -address before the Wisconsin Hist. Soc. in 1871 (Madison, 1871; also -in _Pioneer Soc. of Michigan Coll._, iii., Lansing, 1881). A plan -of the Detroit River at this time is given in Parkman's _Pontiac_, -vol. i. Col. Arent Schuyler De Peyster, who commanded at Detroit, -1776-1785, gives something of his experiences in his _Miscellanies by -an Officer_ (Dumfries, 1813). The latest history of Detroit is Silas -Farmer's _Detroit and Michigan_ (Detroit, 1884), where, in ch. 39, the -revolutionary story is told. He has retold it in the _Mag. of Western -Hist._, Jan., 1886. - -Brymner's _Report on the Canadian Archives_, 1882, p. 11, calendars -the correspondence and papers relating to Detroit, 1772-1784, being in -large part the correspondence of Gov. Hamilton and Carleton, including -letters from Vincennes and intercepted letters of G. R. Clark. Much of -the military correspondence with the commandants at Detroit and Quebec, -during this period, are in the series "America and West Indies" of -the Public Record Office, vols. cxxi., etc., which are calendared in -Brymner's _Report_, 1883, p. 50, etc., as well as in the series "Canada -and Quebec", vols. lv., etc. (_Ibid._ p. 73, etc.). There is also among -the Haldimand Papers (_Calendar_, p. 204) a description of the route -from Detroit to the Illinois and Mississippi country, 1774.—ED. - -[1535] Virginia, later, made amends for this wrong. See Butler's -_Kentucky_, 2d edition, p. 537. - -[1536] See his report to Gov. Harrison, in Butler's _Kentucky_, 2d -edition, p. 536; Almon's _Remembrancer_ (1783), part 2, p. 93. - -[1537] See Dillon, p. 179; Perkins's _Annals_, p. 278. In Jefferson's -_Writings_, iii. 217, 218, and _Cal. Va. State Papers_, iv. 189, 202, -will be found some sad incidents which throw light on the habits and -subsequent record of Col. Clark. In 1793 he imprudently accepted from -Genet, the French minister, a position in the service of France, -with the rank of major-general and commander-in-chief of the French -revolutionary legions on the Mississippi River. The purpose of this -revolutionary scheme, which had many supporters in Kentucky and the -West, was "to open the trade of the said river and give freedom to the -inhabitants", by capturing and holding the Spanish settlements on the -Mississippi. The troops were to receive pay as French soldiers, and -donations of land in the conquered districts. Before the scheme could -be put into execution, a counter-revolution occurred in France, Genet -was recalled, and Clark's commission was cancelled. See Collins's -_Kentucky_, i. 277; ii. 140; McMaster, _Hist. of U. S._, ii. 142; -Washington's Message against Genet and his scheme is in _Writings_, -xii. 96. For Clark's reputation and the achievements up to 1781, see -Marshall's _Washington_, iii. 562; Rives's _Madison_, i. 193; Withers's -_Border Warfare_, p. 190; _Harper's Mag._ (by R. F. Colman), xxii. 784; -xxxiii. 52; xxviii. 302; _Potter's Am. Monthly_ (by W. W. Henry), v. -908; vi. 308; vii. 140; _Ibid._ (by S. Evans), vi. 191, 451; _Western -Jour._ (St. Louis, 1850), iii. 168, 216; John Reynolds in _Hist. Mag._, -June, 1857; Collins's _Kentucky_. He was styled by John Randolph "the -Hannibal of the West", and by Gov. John Reynolds "the Washington of the -West." He was never married. He died February 13, 1818, and was buried -at Locust Grove, near Louisville, Ky. - -The only portrait of him extant was painted by John W. Jarvis, an -English artist, who began business in New York in 1801, and painted -the heads of many distinguished Americans. He made a trip West and -South, during which he made many portraits. The picture of Clark -represents him about sixty years of age. The best engraving of it is -in the _National Portrait Gallery_, iv., with a biography. It is the -frontispiece of Butler's _Kentucky_, 1834, of Dillon's _Indiana_, 1859, -and in the Cincinnati edition of _Clark's Campaign_; and woodcuts are -in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 287; _Mag. of Western Hist._, ii. 133; -_Harper's Mag._, xxviii. 302, etc. It has been many times reproduced, -with a modification of details. There have been many rumors as to the -existence of a portrait taken earlier in life. Every alleged portrait -of an earlier date which I could hear of, I have looked up, and find -that they are all copies or modifications of the Jarvis picture. - -[1538] In 1772, the whole community of Moravian missionaries and their -Indian converts at Friedenshütten, in Pennsylvania, where they had -dwelt for seven years, removed to the valley of the Muskingum, on the -cordial invitation of the Delawares. For many years, when living in -the vicinity of the English settlements, they had suffered much from -persecution; but now that they had their home among savages, it seemed -to them that their trials were ended. - -[1539] The Sandusky of that period was on the head-waters of the -Sandusky River, about seventy-five miles east of south from the modern -Sandusky City on Lake Erie. Its location was near what is now known -as Upper Sandusky, in Wyandot County, Ohio. The region was a fertile -plain, and the home of the Wyandots. - -[1540] See "The Identity and History of the Shawanese Indians", by C. -C. Royce, in the _Mag. of Western Hist._, ii. 38. - -[1541] The fact that the Moravians had accompanied the Wyandots to the -country of Sandusky was used as evidence against them. - -[1542] It is to the credit of the British officers at Detroit that they -befriended the Moravians, and assigned them a tract of land in Michigan. - -[1543] See C. F. Post's first visit to the Western Indians by T. -J. Chapman, in _Mag. of Western Hist._, iii. 123. For the general -subject of the Moravian missions in Ohio, see Loskiel, _Memoirs of the -United Brethren, Part II._; Heckewelder, _Narrative_, pp. 213-328; -Holmes, _Missions of the United Brethren_, p. 110; Schweinitz, _Life -of Zeisberger_, pp. 368-590; Rondthaler, _Life of Heckewelder_, p. -66; Gnadenhütten, by W. D. Howells, in _Atlantic Monthly_, xxiii. -95; Withers, p. 230; Doddridge, p. 248; Monette, ii. 129; _Amer. -Pioneer_, ii. 425; Perkins, _Annals_, p. 258. Cf. also the _Diary of -David Zeisberger, a Moravian missionary among the Indians of Ohio_ -(1781-1798); _translated from the original German manuscript and edited -by E. F. Bliss_, 2 vols. (Cincinnati, 1885). - -[1544] Col. Crawford was a friend of Washington, and had been one of -his surveyors. "It is with the greatest sorrow", wrote Washington, -"that I have learned the melancholy tidings of Col. Crawford's death. -He was known to me as an officer of much prudence, brave, experienced, -and active. The manner of his death was shocking to me, and I have -this day communicated to Congress such papers as I have regarding -it." Cf. C. W. Butterfield's _Washington-Crawford letters, 1767-1781_ -(Cincinnati, 1877,—Thomson's _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 147). - -[1545] See _Narratives of the perils and sufferings of Dr. Knight and -John Slover, among the Indians, during the Revolutionary war; with -short memoirs of Col. Crawford and John Slover, and a letter from H. -Brackinridge, on the rights of the Indians, etc._ (Cincinnati, 1867), -pp. 12-31; (for earlier editions see Thomson's _Bibliog. of Ohio_, -nos. 682-685;) Perkins's _Annals_, p. 262; Doddridge, p. 264; Withers, -p. 242; "Crawford's Campaign", by N. N. Hill, Jr., in the _Mag. of -West. Hist._, ii. 19; McClung's _Sketches_, p. 128. Schweinitz's -_Zeisberger_, p. 564; _Amer. Pioneer_, ii. 177; _Hist. Mag._, xxi. -207; Isaac Smucker's "Ohio Pioneer History" in Ohio Sec. of State's -_Annual Report_, 1879, pp. 7-28. Cf. also C. W. Butterfield's _Hist. -Acc. of the Exped. against Sandusky_ (Cincinnati, 1873,—Thomson's -_Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 146); and, on the general military transactions -of this period in the West, the same editor's _Washington-Irvine -correspondence. The official letters which passed between Washington -and William Irvine and between Irvine and others concerning military -affairs in the West from 1781 to 1783. Arranged and annotated. With an -introduction containing an outline of events occurring previously in -the trans-Alleghany country_ (Madison, Wis., 1882). Cf. _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, vi. 371. Sparks made copies of many of these Irvine papers in -1847 (_Sparks MSS._, no. liv.).—ED. - -[1546] For a summary of these discussions, see Perkins, _Annals_ -(Peck's ed., 1850), pp. 242-250. Judge Hall, _Sketches of the West_, i. -171, gives the date "May 6, 1778"; Wilson Primm, _Historical Address_, -1847 (reprinted in _Western Journal_, 1849, ii. 71), gives "May, 1779", -as the date, and says 1779 is an era in the history of St. Louis, and -is designated as "L'Année du coup." Nicollet, _Early St. Louis_, gives -"May, 6, 1780", and Martin, _Louisiana_, "the fall of 1780." Stoddard, -_Sketches of Louisiana_, without naming the month and day, gives the -year and the main facts correctly; but errs in stating that "the -expedition was not sanctioned by the English court, and the private -property of the commandant was seized to pay the expenses of it." As to -the casualties, Stoddard (p. 80) says, "60 killed and 30 prisoners;" -Nicollet (p. 85), "60 killed and 13 prisoners;" Primm, "20 killed;" -and Billon, _Annals of St. Louis_, 1886 (p. 196), "seven persons were -killed", and he furnishes a list of their names. Sinclair, in report to -Haldimand, July 8, 1780, says: "At Pencour [St. Louis], 68 were killed, -and 18 blacks and white people taken prisoners; 43 scalps were brought -in. The rebels lost an officer and three men killed at the Cahokias, -and five prisoners" (_Mich. Pion. Col._, ix. 559). Martin (ii. 53) says -"Clark released about 50 prisoners that had been made." - -[1547] Brymner's _Calendar of the Canadian Archives_, including (1) the -_Haldimand collection_; (2) the publication of some of the Haldimand -papers in _Michigan Pioneer Collec._, ix.; and (3) the _Calendar of -Virginia State Papers_, Richmond, v. i., vi. - -[1548] In March, 1766, Ulloa, from Havana, landed at New Orleans, and -in the name of Spain took possession of Louisiana; but found himself -obliged to administer the government under the old French officers, and -in 1768 the French set up for a while a republic independent of Spain. -Cf. Gayarré's _Louisiana_, and Lieutenant John Thomas's account of -Louisiana in 1768 in _Hist. Mag._, v. 65. - -Congress maintained an agent, Oliver Pollock, at New Orleans during -the war, who, with the aid of the Spanish authorities, sent powder and -supplies at intervals up the river, to be landed on the Ohio (George -Sumner's _Boston Oration_, 1859, p. 14). The correspondence of Pollock -and Congress is in the archives of the State Department at Washington, -and copies are in the _Sparks MSS._, no. xli. An account of an -expedition under Col. David Rogers in 1778, to bring up stores to Fort -Pitt, is in _Hist Mag._, iii. 267. - -Various letters about and from New Orleans during the war are in the -_Sparks MSS._ (no. xxiii.), copied from the Grantham correspondence. -Intercepted letters between the Spanish governor at New Orleans and -Patrick Henry (1778-1779), found among the Carleton papers, are in the -_Sparks MSS._, no. xiii.—ED. - -[1549] Gayarré, _History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination_, p. 121. - -[1550] Brymner, 1885, p. 276. - -[1551] "In compliance with my Lord George Germain's requisition in the -circular letter sent from Detroit on 22d January, I sent a war party -of Indians to the country of the Sioux to put that nation in motion -under their own chief, Wabasha, a man of uncommon abilities.... They -are directed to proceed with all despatch to the Natchez, and to act -afterwards as circumstances may require. I shall send other bands of -Indians from thence on the same service as soon as I can with safety -disclose the object of their mission. I am at a loss to judge in point -of time, and can only hazard an opinion that the Brigadier [Campbell] -and his army will be at the place of their destination some time in -May" (_Michigan Pioneer Coll._, ix. 544). - -The same day, Sinclair wrote to Capt. Brehm, Haldimand's aide-de-camp: -"I will use my utmost endeavors to send away as many as I can of the -Indians to attack the Spanish settlements as low down [the Mississippi] -as they possibly can, in order to procure the assistance of the others -at home. I am so perfectly convinced of the general's [Haldimand's] -geographical knowledge that I do not know where to look for the -cause of a doubt about giving some aid to General Campbell from this -quarter.... I am at a loss to know whether this preparation may not be -too early, on account of want of secrecy in the people I have employed, -and from their getting too near [New] Orleans before the arrival of the -brigadier. I have confidence in and hopes of their leader, as Wabasha -is allowed to be a very extraordinary Indian, and well attached to his -majesty's interest" (_Ibid._ pp. 541-543). - -February 17, he writes again to Haldimand, that the Minomines, Puants, -Sacs, and Rhenards were to assemble at the portage of the Wisconsin -and Fox rivers under a Mr. Hesse, a trader; and later to rendezvous -at the confluence of the Mississippi and Wisconsin rivers, Prairie -du Chien. "The reduction of Pencour [_pain court_ (short bread), the -common nickname of St. Louis] by surprise, from the easy admission -of the Indians of that place, will be less difficult than holding it -afterwards.... The Sioux shall go with all dispatch as low down as the -Natchez, and as many intermediate attacks as possible shall be made" -(_Ibid._ pp. 546, 547). - -May 29, he again writes that seven hundred and fifty men, including -traders, servants, and Indians, proceeded down the Mississippi on the -second day of May, with the Indians engaged at the westward, for an -attack on the Spanish and Illinois country. He mentions Prairie du -Chien as the place of assembling. "Capt. Hesse will remain at Pencour; -Wabasha will attack Misère [wretchedness, the popular nickname for Ste. -Geneviève] and the rebels at Kacasia [Kaskaskia]. Two vessels leave -this place on the 2d of June to attend Machigwawish, who returns by -the Illinois River with prisoners. All the traders who will secure the -posts on the Spanish side of the Mississippi during the next winter -have my promise for the exclusive trade of the Missouri during that -time, and that their canoes will be forwarded" (_Ibid._ 548, 549). - -[1552] Brymner, _Report_, 1882, p. 34. He writes to Sinclair, March -12: "Your movements down the [Mississippi] shall be seconded from this -place by my sending a part of the garrison with some small ordnance. -Their route shall be to the Ohio, which they shall cross, and attack -some of the forts which surround the Indian hunting-ground of Kentucky. -I have had the Wabash Indians here by invitation; they have promised -to keep Clark at the Falls" (_Michigan Pioneer Coll._, p. 580). His -allusions are to Capt. Byrd's expedition. May 18, he again writes to -Sinclair: "Capt. Byrd left this place (Detroit) with a detachment of -about 150 whites and 1000 Indians. He must be by this time nigh the -Ohio" (_Ibid._ P. 582). - -[1553] Among his prisoners were Col. Dickson, in command of the British -settlements on the Mississippi; 556 regulars, and many sailors. - -[1554] Gayarré, _Louisiana, Span. Dom._, pp. 121-147. Galvez -discovered, by intercepted letters from Natchez, the scheme of the -English to attack the Spanish settlements as early as it was known by -Sinclair (p. 122), and he was earnest to strike the first blow. Clark -also heard of it very early. Sinclair, writing to Haldimand, says: -"No doubt can remain, from the concurrent testimony of the prisoners, -that the enemy received intelligence of the meditated attack on the -Illinois about the time I received a copy of my Lord George Germain's -circular letter" (_Mich. Pion. Coll._, ix. 559). In the same letter -he gives some details of the raids on St. Louis and Cahokia, which do -not appear elsewhere: "Twenty of the volunteer Canadians from this -place and a very few of the traders and servants made their attack on -Pencour and the Cahokias. The Winnipigoes and Sioux would have stormed -the Spanish lines, if the Sacs and Outagamies, under their treacherous -leader Mons. Calvé, had not fallen back so early. A Mons. Ducharme and -others who traded in the country of the Sacs kept pace with Mons. Calvé -in his perfidy. The attack, unsuccessful as it was, from misconduct, -and unsupported, I believe, by any other against New Orleans, with the -advances made by the enemy on the Mississippi, will still have its -good consequences. The Winnepigoes had a chief and three men killed -and four wounded. The traders who would not assist in extending their -commerce cannot complain to its being confined to necessary bounds." -Writing later to De Peyster (_Ibid._ 586), he says: "The attack upon -the Illinois miscarried from the treachery of Calvé and Ducharme, -traders, and from the information received by the enemy so early as -March last." For statements that the expedition against St. Louis was -organized and led by Jean Marie Ducharme, see _Wis. Hist. Coll._, iii. -232; vii. 176. It is evident that the objective point of the attack, -in Sinclair's mind, was the Illinois country, rather than the Spanish -settlements. Haldimand, writing to De Peyster, Feb. 12, 1779, said: -"Sinclair should strike at the Illinois" (Brymner, 1882, p. 33). -Sinclair, writing to Brehm, Feb. 17, 1780, concerning the attack on St. -Louis, said: "Afterwards they can act against the rebels on this side -[of the Mississippi], which I have pointed out to them" (_Mich. Pion. -Coll._, ix. 543). - -[1555] Sinclair seems not to have heard of the capture of Natchez by -the Spaniards, which occurred Sept. 21, 1779, until July 30, 1780, -when he wrote to De Peyster: "The report of the Natchez seems too well -founded" (_Ibid._ 587). - -[1556] _Ibid._ 547, 548. - -[1557] Stoddard and Martin state that Clark was present; Nicollet -denies the statement, on the ground that Clark was then at Kaskaskia, -and "that gallant officer could not have had time to aid in that -affair." Hall and Billon make no mention of Clark; and Primm and Peck -(in Perkins) say that Clark tendered aid to Leyba in 1779, but not in -1780. It was a part of Clark's policy to be always on friendly terms -with the Spanish commandant at St. Louis (_Campaign_, p. 35), and to -give aid whenever he needed it. In so doing, as they were fighting a -common enemy, he served his own interests. Mr. O. W. Collet, in _Mag. -of Western Hist._, i. 271, has discussed the friendly relations between -Clark and Leyba before the attack on St. Louis, but is unmindful of the -significance given to it in the text. See also Scharff's _Hist. of St. -Louis_, p. 217. - -[1558] The expedition of Captain Byrd from Detroit. - -[1559] Sinclair reported to Haldimand, July 8th, "Two hundred Illinois -cavalry arrived at Chicago five days after the vessels left" (_Mich. -Pion. Coll._, ix. 558). - -[1560] Dr. Lyman C. Draper (_Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, ix. 291) says: -"There was a party of Spanish allies sent out with Montgomery's -expedition from Cahokia in the latter part of May, 1780, in the -direction of Rock River." See also his note (_Ibid._ vii. 176). He -thinks that the Spaniards and some of the Americans probably returned -by way of Prairie du Chien, and that they were the party mentioned by -Long in his _Voyages_, 1791. - -[1561] _Michigan Pioneer Col._, ix. 541. Capt. Byrd, writing to De -Peyster, May 21, 1780, reports that a Delaware Indian has come in from -the Falls with this information: "Col. Clark says he will wait for us, -instead of going to the Mississippi; his numbers do not exceed 200; his -provisions and ammunition short" (_Ibid._ 584). Clark was on his way to -St. Louis before this date, and was back to Kentucky in season to block -Byrd's plans. - -[1562] Perkins's _Annals_, p. 245. - -[1563] It is noticeable that in these decisive campaigns efficient aid -was furnished in the West by Spain, and in the East by France; and that -both these powers, in the negotiations for a treaty of peace with Great -Britain, threw their influence against the interests of the United -States. - -[1564] See Gayarré, _Louisiana, Span. Dom._, p. 134; Pitkin's _United -States_, ii. 88, App. 512; _Secret Jour. of Cong._, ii. 326. - -[1565] Sparks's _Dipl. Corresp._, viii. 156. The Spanish claims and -the Western boundary question are very fully discussed in this eighth -volume. - -[1566] Mr. Jay (Sparks's _Dipl. Corres._, viii. 76-78) gives the -main facts concerning the Spanish expedition to St. Joseph, which he -translated from the _Madrid Gazette_ of March 12, 1782. Mr. E. G. Mason -(_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, xv. 457) has treated the subject more fully in -a paper entitled "March of the Spaniards across Illinois in 1781." See -also Reynolds's _Illinois_, ed. 1887, p. 126; Dillon's _Indiana_, ed. -1843, p. 190; Perkins's _Annals_, ed. 1851, p. 251. - -Dr. Franklin, writing from Passy, April 12, 1782, to Secretary -Livingston, said: "I see by the newspapers that the Spaniards, having -taken a little post called St. Joseph, pretend to have made a conquest -of the Illinois country. In what light does this proceeding appear -to Congress? While they decline our offered friendship, are they to -be suffered to encroach on our bounds, and shut us up within the -Appalachian Mountains? I begin to fear they have some such project" -(_Works_, Sparks, ix. 206). - -[1567] The diplomacy of the war and the final negotiations for peace, -form the subjects of the opening chapters of the succeeding volume of -the present _History_.—ED. - -[1568] Some of the copies bear other dates. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -—Obvious errors were corrected. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. 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