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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Thomas Hariot, by Henry Stevens

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Title: Thomas Hariot

Author: Henry Stevens

Release Date: February, 2004  [EBook #5171]
[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
[This file was first posted on May 28, 2002]

Edition: 10

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, THOMAS HARIOT ***




This eBook was produced by Norm Wolcott.



                              Thomas Hariot
-------------------------------------------------------------------------

[Redactor's note: Very little is known of Thomas Hariot; his only
published works are the 'Briefe and true report' (PG#4247) and the
posthumous 'Praxis', a handbook of algebra. He anticipated the law of
refraction, corresponded with Kepler, observed comets, and may have been
the first to recognize that the straight line paths of comets might be
segments of elongated ellipses. The lost 'ephemera' referred to in the
text have since been found (since 1876) and a conference was held in
1970 at the University of Delaware on the current state of Hariot
research, the proceedings of which have been published by the Oxford
University Press, where one may find a fairly current view of the
historical record. Due to the large number of quotations and early
english typography, the casual reader may find the 'html' version easier
to follow than the text version.]

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                              THOMAS HARIOT
                            THE MATHEMATICIAN
                           THE PHILOSOPHER AND
                               THE SCHOLAR
                                DEVELOPED
                                 CHIEFLY
                                  FROM
                            DORMANT MATERIALS
                      WITH NOTICES OF HIS ASSOCIATES
                        INCLUDING BIOGRAPHICAL AND
                      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DISQUISITIONS
                        UPON THE MATERIALS OF THE
                            HISTORY OF 'OULD
                                VIRGINIA'

                       BY HENRY STEVENS OF VERMONT

-------------------------------------------------------------------------
                               PREMONITION

WHEN I YEARS AGO undertook among other enterprises to compile a sketch
of the life of THOMAS HARIOT the first historian of the new found land
of Virginia; and to trace the gradual geographical development of that
country out of the unlimited 'Terra Florida' of Juan Ponce de Leon,
through the French planting and the Spanish rooting out of the Huguenot
colony down to the successful foothold of the English in Wingandacoa
under Raleigh's patent, I little suspected either the extent of the
research I was drifting into, or the success that awaited my
investigations.

The results however are contained in this little volume, which has
expanded day by day from the original limit of fifty to above two
hundred pages. From a concise bibliographical essay the work has grown
into a biography of a philosopher and man of science with extraordinary
surroundings, wherein the patient reader may trace the gradual
development of Virginia from the earliest time to 1585 ; I especially,'
says Strachey, I that which hath bene published by that true lover of
vertue and great learned professor of all arts and knowledges, Mr
Hariots, who lyved there in the tyme of the first colony, spake the
Indian language, searcht the country,' etc ; Hariot's nearly forty
years' intimate connection with Sir Walter Raleigh; his long close
companionship with Henry Percy ; his correspondence with Kepler; his
participation in Raleigh's `History of the World;' his invention of the
telescope and his consequent astronomical discoveries ; his scientific
disciples ; his many friendships and no foeships ; his blameless life ;
his beautiful epitaph in St Christopher's church, and his long slumber
in the 'garden' of the Bank of England.

The little book is now submitted with considerable diffidence, for in
endeavouring to extricate Hariot from the confusion of historical
'facts' into which he had fallen, and to place him in the position to
which he is entitled by his great merits, it is desirable to be clear,
explicit and logical. A decision of mankind of two centuries' standing,
as expressed in many dictionaries and encyclopaedias, cannot be easily
reversed without good contemporary evidence. This I have endeavoured to
produce.

Referring to pages 191 and 192 the writer still craves the reader's
indulgence for the apparently irrelevant matter introduced, as well as
for the inartistic grouping of the many detached materials, for reasons
there given.

It ought perhaps to be stated here that the book necessarily includes
notices, more or less elaborate, of very many of Hariot's friends,
associates and contemporaries, while others, for want of space, are
mentioned little more than by name.

The lives of Raleigh, and Henry Percy of Northumberland, Prisoners in
the Tower, seem to be inseparable from that of their Fidus Achates, but
I have endeavoured to eliminate that of Hariot as far as possible
without derogation to his patrons. All the new documents mentioned have
their special value, but too much importance cannot be attached to the
recovery of Hariot's Will, for it at once dispels a great deal of the
inference and conjecture that have so long beclouded his memory. It
throws the bright electric light of to-day over his eminently scholarly,
scientific and philosophical Life. By this and the other authorities
given it is hoped to add a new star to the joint constellation of the
honored Worthies of England and America.

         HENRY STEVENS of Vermont

Vermont House, xiii Upper Avenue Road,
          London, N.W. April 10 1885

-------------------------------------------------------------------------
                              THOMAS HARIOT
                                 AND HIS
                                ASSOCIATES

            ' chusing always rather to doe some thinge worth
            nothing than nothing att all.' _Sir William Lower
                   to Hariot_ July 19 1611 (see p. 99)

-------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                    To

                             FRANCIS PARKMAN

                                   THE

                      HISTORIAN and TRUSTIE FRIEND

                           Who Forty Years ago
             When we were young Students of History together
                    Gave me a hand of his over the Sea
                                   NOW
                    Give I him this right hand of mine
                                  with
                        Ever grateful Tribute to
                              our life-long

                                FRIENDSHIP

                                  MORIN

                        Custos juris reimprimendi
                       Caveat homo trium literarum

[The touching Dedication on the opposite page was penned by my father a
few months before his death on February 18, 1886. I have thought it best
to leave it exactly as he had planned it, although now, alas! Mr.
Parkman is no longer with us. Let us hope the old friends may have again
joined hands beyond the unknown sea.-H. N. S.]

-------------------------------------------------------------------------
                               EXPLANATORY

IN the year 1877 the late Mr. Henry Stevens of Vermont, under the
pseudonym of ' Mr. Secretary Outis,' projected and initiated a literary
Association entitled THE HERCULES CLUB. The following extracts from the
original prospectus of that year explain this platform:

The objects of this Association are literary, social, antiquarian,
festive and historical ; and its aims are thoroughly independent
research into the materials of early Anglo-American history and
literature. The Association is known as THE HERCULES CLUB, whose
Eurystheus is Historic Truth and whose appointed labours are to clear
this field for the historian of the future.

" Sinking the individual in the Association the Hercules Club proposes
to scour the plain and endeavour to rid it of some of the many literary,
historical, chronological, geographical and other monstrous errors,
hydras and public nuisances that infest it . . . . Very many books,
maps, manuscripts and other materials relating alike to England and to
America are well known to exist in various public and private
repositories on both sides of the Atlantic. Some unique are of the
highest rarity, are of great historic value, while others are difficult
of access, if not wholly inaccessible, to the general student. It ís one
of the purposes therefore of the Hercules Club to ferret out these
materials, collate, edit and reproduce them with extreme accuracy, but
not in facsimile. The printing is to be in the best style of the
Chiswick Press. The paper with the Club's monogram in each leaf is made
expressly for the purpose".

The following ten works were selected as the first field of the Club's
investigations, and to form the first series of its publications.

1. Waymouth (Capt. George) Voyage to North Virginia in 1605. By James
Rosier. London, 1605, 4°

2. Sil. Jourdan's Description of Barmuda. London, 1610, 4°

3. Lochinvar. Encouragements for such as shall have intention to bee
Vndertakers in the new plantation of Cape Breton, now New Galloway.
Edinburgh, 1625, 4°

4. Voyage into New England in 1623-24.. By Christopher Levett. London,
1628, 4°

5. Capt. John Smith's True Relation of such occurrences of Noate as hath
hapned in Virginia. London, 1608, 4°

6. Gosnold's Voyage to the North part of Virginia in 1602. By John
Brereton. London, 1602, 4°

7. A Plain Description of the Barmudas, now called Sommer Islands.
London, 1613, 4°

8. For the Colony in Virginia Brittania, Lavves Divine Morall and
Martiall, &c. London, 1612, 4°

9. Capt. John Smith's Description of NewEngland, 16l4-15, map. London,
1616, 4°

10. Hariot (Thomas) Briefe and true report of the new foundland of
Virginia. London, 1588, 4°

'Mr. Secretary Outis' undertook the task of seeing the reprints of the
original texts of these ten volumes through the Press, and almost the
whole of this work he actually accomplished.

The co-operative objects of the Association, however, appear never to
have been fully inaugurated, although a large number of literary men,
collectors, societies and libraries entered their names as Members of
the Club. All were willing to give their pecuniary support as
subscribers to the Club's publications, but few offered the more
valuable aid of their literary assistance; hence practically the whole
of the editing also devolved upon Mr. Henry Stevens.

He first took up No. 10 on the above list, Hariot's Virginia. His long
and diligent study for the introduction thereto, resulted in the
discovery of so much new and important matter relative to Hariot and
Raleigh, that it became necessary to embody it in the present separate
volume, as the maximum dimensions contemplated for the introduction to
each work had been exceeded tenfold or more.

Owing to Mr. Stevens's failing health, the cares of his business, and
the continual discovery of fresh material, it was not till 1885 that his
investigations were completed, although many sheets of the book had been
printed off from time to time as he progressed. The whole of the text
was actually printed off during his lifetime, but unfortunately he did
not live to witness the publication of his work, perhaps the most
historically important of any of his writings. Publication has since
been delayed for reasons explained hereinafter.

On the death of my father, on February 28, 1886, I found myself
appointed his literary executor, and I have since devoted much time to
the arrangement, completion, and publication of his various unfinished
works, seeking the help of competent editors where necessary.

Immediately after his decease I published his

_Recollections of Mr. James Lenox of New York, and the formation of his
Library,_ a little volume which was most favourably received and ran
through several impressions.

In the same year I published _The Dawn of British Trade to the East
Indies as recorded in the Court Minutes of the East India Company._ This
volume contained an account of the formation of the Company and of
Captain Waymouth's voyage to America in search of the North-west passage
to the East Indies. The work was printed for the first time from the
original manuscript preserved in the India Office, and the introduction
was written by Sir George Birdwood.

In 1888 I issued _Johann Schöner, Professor of Mathematics at Nuremberg.
A reproduction of his Globe of 1523 long lost, his dedicatory letter to
Reymer von Streytperck, and the `De Moluccis' of Maximilianus
Transylvanus, with new translations and notes on the Globe by Henry
Stevens of Vermont, edited, with an introduction and bibliography, by C.
H. Coote, of the British Museum._ This Globe of 1523_,_ now generally
known as Schöner's Third Globe, is marked by a line representing the
route of Magellan's expedition in the first circumnavigation of the
earth; and the facsimile of Maximilianus's interesting account of that
voyage, with an English translation, was consequently added to the
volume. Mr. Coote, in his introduction, gives a graphic account of many
other early globes, several of which are also reproduced in facsimile.
The whole volume was most carefully prepared, and exhibits considerable
originality both in the printing and binding, Mr. Henry Stevens's own
ideas having been faithfully carried out.

In 1893 I issued to the subscribers that elegant folio volume which my
father always considered as his _magnum opus._ It was entitled _The New
Laws of the Indies for the good treatment and preservation of the
Indians, promulgated by the Emperor Charles the Fifth, 1542-1543. A
facsimile reprint of the original Spanish edition, together with a
literal translation into the English language, to which is prefixed an
historical introduction._ Of the long introduction _of_ ninety-four
pages, the first thirty-eight are from the pen of Mr. Henry Stevens, the
remainder from that of Mr. Fred. W. Lucas, whose diligent researches
into American history are amply exemplified in his former work,
_Appendiculae Historicae, or shreds of history hung on a horn,_ and in
his recent work, _The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers Zeno._

Ever since 1886 I have from time to time unsuccessfully endeavoured to
enlist the services of various editors competent to complete the
projected eleven volumes of the Hercules Club publications, but after a
lapse of nearly fourteen years I have awakened to the fact that no
actual progress has been made, and that I have secured nothing beyond
the vague promise of future assistance. The field of editors capable of
this class of work being necessarily very limited, and death having
recently robbed me in the most promising case of even the slender hope
of future help, I determined to ascertain for myself the exact position
of the work already done, with the hope of bringing at least some of the
volumes to a completion separately, instead of waiting longer in the
hope of finishing and issuing them all _en bloc_ as originally proposed
and intended. On collating the printed stock I found that the two
volumes, _Hariot's Virginia_ and the _Life of Hariot,_ were practically
complete, the text of both all printed off, and the titles and
preliminary leaves and the Index to _Hariot's Virginia_ actually
standing in type at the Chiswick Press just as my father left them
fourteen years ago! (Many thanks to Messrs Charles Whittingham and Co.
for their patience.) The proofs of these I have corrected and passed for
press, and I have added the Index to the present volume. My great regret
is that I did not sooner discover the practical completeness of these
two volumes, as owing to the nature of the contents of the _Life of
Hariot_ it is not just to Hariot's memory, or to that of my father, that
such important truths should so long have been withheld from posterity.

These two volumes being thus completed, ít remained to be decided in
what manner they should be published. I did not feel myself competent to
pick up the fallen reins of the HERCULES CLUB, which, as I have said
before, appears never to have been fully inaugurated on the intended
co-operative basis.

There being now no constituted association (such having entirely lapsed
on the death of Mr. ' Secretary Outis'), and many of the original
subscribers, who were ipso facto members, being also no longer with us,
it appeared impossible to put forth the volumes as the publications of
the HERCULES CLUB. Consequently I resolved to issue them myself (and any
future volumes I may be able to bring to completion) simply as privately
printed books, and I feel perfectly justified in so doing, as no one but
Mr. Henry Stevens had any hand in their design or production either
editorially or financially. No money whatever was received from the
members, whose subscriptions were only to become payable when the
publications were ready for delivery. The surviving members have been
offered the first chance of subscribing to these two Hariot volumes and
I am grateful for the support received. They and the new subscribers
will also be offered the option of taking any subsequent volumes of the
series which I may be enabled to complete.

HENRY N. STEVENS,

_Literary Executor of the late
Henry Stevens of Vermont.
     39, Great Russell Street,
_     London, W.C.
_     10th February, 1900._

-------------------------------------------------------------------------
                              THOMAS HARIOT

                                 AND HIS

                                ASSOCIATES

COLLECTORS OF RARE English books always speak reverently and even
mysteriously of the 'quarto Hariot' as they do of the 'first folio.' It
is given to but few of them ever to touch or to see it, for not more
than seven copies are at present known to exist. Even four of these are
locked up in public libraries, whence they are never likely to pass into
private hands.

One copy is in the Grenville Library; another is in the Bodleian; a
third slumbers in the University of Leyden; a fourth is in the Lenox
Library; a fifth in Lord Taunton's; a sixth in the late Henry Huth's;
and a seventh produced £300 in 1883 in the Drake sale.

The little quarto volume of Hariot's Virginia is as important as it is
rare, and as beautiful as it is important. Few English books of its
time, 1588, surpass it either in typographic execution or literary
merit. It was not probably thrown into the usual channels of commerce,
as it bears the imprint of a privately-printed book, without the name or
address of a publisher, and is not found entered in the registers of
Stationers' Hall. It bears the arms of Sir Walter Raleigh on the reverse
of the title, and is highly commended by Ralfe Lane, the late Governor
of the Colony, who testifies, 'I dare boldly auouch It may very well
pass with the credit of truth even amongst the most true relations of
this age.' It was manifestly put forth somewhat hurriedly to counteract,
in influential quarters, certain slanders and aspersions spread abroad
in England by some ignorant persons returned from Virginia, who 'woulde
seeme to knowe so much as no men more,' and who ' had little
vnderstanding, lesse discretion, and more tongue then was needful or
requisite.' Hariot's book is dated at the end, February 1588, that is
1589 by present reckoning. Raleigh's assignment is dated the 7th of
March following. It is probable therefore that the 'influential
quarters' above referred to meant the Assignment of Raleigh's Charter
which would have expired by the limitation of six years on the 24th of
March, 1590, if no colonists had been shipped or plantation attempted.
It is possible also that Theodore De Bry's presence in London, as
mentioned below, may have hastened the printing of the volume.

Indeed, the little book professes to be only an epitome of what might be
expected, for near the end the author says, ' this is all the fruits of
our labours, that I haue thought necessary to aduertise you of at
present;' and, further on, ' I haue ready in a discourse by it self in
maner of a Chronicle according to the course of times, and when time
shall bee thought conuenicnt, shall also be published.' Hariot's
'Chronicle of Virginia ' among things long lost upon earth ! It is to be
hoped that some day the historic trumpet of Fame will sound loud enough
to awaken it, together with Cabot's lost bundle of maps and journals
deposited with William Worthington ; Ferdinand Columbus' lost life of
his father in the original Spanish; and Peter Martyr's book on the first
circumnavigation of the globe by the fleet of Magalhaens, which he so
fussily sent to Pope Adrian to be read and printed, also lost! Hakluyt,
in his volume of 1589, dated in his preface the 19th of November, gives
something of a chronicle of Virginian events, 1584-1589, with a reprint
of this book. But there are reasons for believing that this is not the
chronicle which Hariot refers to. As White's original drawings have
recently turned up after nearly three centuries, may we not still hope
to see also Hariot's Chronicle?

However, till these lost jewels are found let us appreciate what is
still left to us. Hariot's 'True Report' is usually considered the first
original authority in our language relating to that part of English
North America now called the United States, and is indeed so full and
trustworthy that almost everything of a primeval character that we know
of 'Ould Virginia' may be traced back to it as to a first parent. It is
an integral portion of English history, for England supplied the
enterprise and the men. It is equally an integral portion of American
history, for America supplied the scene and the material.

Without any preliminary flourish or subsequent reflections, the learned
author simply and truthfully portrays in 1585-6 the land and the people
of Virginia, the condition and commodities of the one, with the habits
and character of the other, of that narrow strip of coast lying between
Cape Fear and the Chesapeake, chiefly in the present State of North
Carolina. This land, called by the natives Wingandacoa, was named in
England in 1584 Virginia, in compliment to Queen Elizabeth. This name at
first covered only a small district, but afterwards it possessed varying
limits, extending at one time over North Virginia even to 45 degrees
north.

Raleigh's Virginia soon faded, but her portrait to the life is to be
found in Hariot's book, especially when taken with the pictures by
Captain John White, so often referred to in the text. This precious
little work is perhaps the most truthful, trustworthy, fresh, and
important representation of primitive American human life, animals and
vegetables for food, natural productions and commercial commodities that
has come down to us. Though the 'first colonie' of Raleigh, like all his
subsequent efforts in this direction, was a present failure, Hariot and
White have left us some, if not ample, compensation in their picturesque
account of the savage life and lavish nature of pre-Anglo-Virginia, the
like of which we look for in vain elsewhere, either in Spanish, French,
or English colonization.

Indeed, nearly all we know of the uncontaminated American aborigines,
their mode of life and domestic economy, is derived from this book, and
therefore its influence and results as an original authority cannot well
be over-estimated. We have many Spanish and French books of a kindred
character, but none so lively and lifelike as this by Hariot, especially
as afterwards illustrated by De Bry's engravings from White's drawings
described below.

The first breath of European enterprise in the New World, combined with
its commercial Christianity, seems in all quarters, particularly the
Spanish and English, to have at once taken off the bloom and freshness
of the Indian. His natural simplicity and grandeur of character
immediately quailed before the dictatorial owner of property and
civilization. The Christian greed for gold and the civilized cruelty
practised without scruple in plundering the unregenerate and unbaptized
of their possessions of all kinds, soon taught the Indian cunning and
the necessity of resorting to all manner of savage and untutored devices
to enable him to cope with his relentless enemies for even restrained
liberty and self-preservation; nay, even for very existence, and this
too on his own soil that generously gave him bread and meat. All these
by a self-asserted authority the coming European civilizer, with Bible
in hand, taxed with tribute of gold, labour, liberty, life. This has
been the common lot of the western races.

It is therefore refreshing to catch this mirrored glimpse of Virginia,
her inhabitants, and her resources of primitive nature, before she was
contaminated by the residence and monopoly of the white man. It may have
been best in the long run that the European races should displace the
aborigines of the New World, but it is a melancholy reflection upon ' go
ye into all the world and preach the gospel unto every creature,' that
no tribe of American Indians has yet been absorbed into the body
politic. Many a white man has let himself down into savage life and
habits, but no tribe of aborigines has yet come up to the requirements,
the honours, and the delights of European civilization. Like the tall
wild grass before the prairie-fire, the aboriginal races are gradually
but surely being swept away by the progress of civilization. Now that
they are gone or going the desire to gather real and visible memorials
of them is increasing, but fate seems to have swept these also from the
grasp of the greedy conqueror. Cortes gathered the golden art treasures
of Montezuma and sent them to Charles the Fifth, but the spoiler was
spoiled on the high seas, and not a drinking-cup or ringer-ring of that
western barbaric monarch remains to tell us of his island splendour.

A historical word upon the events that led up to Raleigh's Virginia
patent may not be out of place in a bibliographical Life of Hariot. The
patent was no sudden freak of fortune but was the natural outgrowth of
stirring events. Had it not been allotted to Raleigh it would doubtless
soon after have fallen to some other promoter. But Raleigh was the
Devonshire war-horse that first snuffed the breeze from afar. He
fathered and took upon himself the burden of this newborn English
enterprise of Western Planting.

Though unsuccessful himself, Raleigh lifted his country into success
more than any other one man of his time. To this day he is honoured
alike in the old country that gave him birth, and in the new country to
which he gave new life. His energy, enterprise, and fame are now a part
of England's history and pride, while his disgrace and death belong to
his king. Thomas Hariot was for nearly forty years his confidential
lieutenant throughout his varied career.

From his youth Raleigh had sympathized, like many intelligent
Englishmen, with the Huguenot cause in France. As early as 1569, at the
age of seventeen, he had been one of a hundred volunteers whom Elizabeth
sent over to assist and countenance Coligni. He thus probably became
better acquainted with the great but unsuccessful scheme of colonizing
Florida. At all events the history of that disastrous French Huguenot
colonization was first published under his auspices, and a chief
survivor, Jacques Le Moyne, became attached to his service and
interests. The story is in brief as follows.

Gaspar de Coligni, Admiral of France, often in our day called the French
Raleigh, was a Protestant, and firm friend of England. One of his
captains, Jean Ribault, of Dieppe, also a Protestant, had written an
important paper on the policy of preserving peace with Protestant
England. That paper, transmitted by the Admiral to England, is still
preserved in the national archives. Ribault became the leader of
Coligni's preliminary expedition in 1562 into Florida to seek out a
suitable place, somewhere between 30° north latitude and Cape Breton,
for the discomfited Huguenots to retire to and found a Protestant
colony. The previous Brazilian project had already been abandoned as
impracticable and unsuccessful.

Hitherto the Spanish Roman Catholic maritime doctrine had been that to
see or sail by any undiscovered country gave possession. But the French
Protestants, now firmly rejecting the Pope's gift, required occupation
in addition to discovery to secure title. Hence Florida at that time,
not being occupied by the Spanish, was considered open to the French.
Ribault sailed from Havre the 18th of February 1562, taking a course
across the Atlantic direct, and, as he thought, new, making his land
fall on the 30th of April at 29œ degrees; but Verrazano had in 1524
sailed also direct for Florida, taking a similar course, with the
difference that he started from Madeira. Thence coasting northward,
seeking for a harbour, touching at the river of May, and proceeding up
the coast to 32œ degrees, Ribault found a good harbour into which he
entered on the 27th of May, and named it Port Royal. He was so well
pleased with the country that, perhaps contrary to instructions, he left
a colony of thirty volunteers, under Capt. Albert de la Pierria, and
returned home with the news, arriving in France, after a quick voyage,
on the 20th of July, 1562.

Ribault, on leaving Port Royal, intended to explore up the coast to 40°,
that is, to the present site of New York, but gives various reasons for
not doing so, one of which was 'the declaration made vnto vs of our
pilots and some others that had before been at some of those places
where we purposed to sayle and have been already found by some of the
king's subjects.' This little colony of Port Royal, after nearly a year
of danger and privation, built a ship and put to sea, hoping to reach
France. After incredible sufferings, they were relieved by an English
ship, which, after putting the feeble on shore, carried the rest to
England, having on board a French sailor who had come home the previous
year with Ribault. These surviving colonists were all presented to Queen
Elizabeth, and attracted much attention and great sympathy in England.
Some found their way back to France, while others entered the English
service. Thus England became acquainted with the aim, object, success,
and failure of the first Florida (now South Carolina) Protestant French
colony. Thomas Hacket published in London the 30th of May 1563,
Ribault's 'True and last Discouerie of Florida,' purporting to be a
translation from the French; but no printed French original is now known
to exist.

The year of bigotry, 1563, in France having passed, a second expedition
of three vessels under Réné de Laudonnière, who had been an officer
under Ribault in 1562, sailed for Florida from Havre, April 22, 1564,
and arrived at the river of May the 25th of June. There were men of
courage and consequence in this company of adventurers, among whom was
Le Moyne, the painter and mathematician. The story of the sufferings of
this second colony has often been told, and need not be repeated here.
Suffice it to say that it was greatly relieved in July 1565, by Captain
John Hawkins on his return voyage from his second famous slave
expedition to Africa and the West Indies. Hawkins, after generously
relieving the French with food, general supplies, and friendly counsel,
returned to Devonshire, sailing up the coast to Newfoundland, and thence
home, bringing stores of gold, silver, pearls, and the usual valuable
merchandize of the Indies, but the store of information respecting
Florida and our Protestant friends, and especially the geography of the
American coast, was worth more to England than all his vast store of
merchandize.

In 1565 a third French expedition was fitted out, again under Ribault,
to supply, reinforce, and support Laudonnière. After many disappointing
and vexatious delays, Ribault, late in the season, put to sea, but by
stress of weather was forced into Portsmouth, where he remained a
fortnight. This gave England still more information respecting the
French Protestant projects of southern colonization, as well as of
Florida, which at that time extended very far north of its present
limits. At length on the 14th of June Ribault left the hospitable shores
of England with a fair north east wind to waft his seven ships,
freighted with above three hundred colonists including sailors and
soldiers, and taking the new ' French route' north of the Azores and
south of Bermuda, entered the river of May on the 27th of August, just
one month after the departure of Hawkins, and just one day before the
arrival of the Spaniards at the river of St John, a few miles south.

We find no hint of any opposition in England to these French colonizing
schemes, but on the contrary they were looked upon as an advantageous
barrier to Spanish greed of territorial extension northward under the
vicegerent's gift. There are still existing hints of English projects of
western voyages at this time, about the year 1565, to the American
coast. Elizabeth, however, was friendly to the Huguenots, and evinced
great sympathy with their Florida colonial scheme. England's claim to
Newfoundland and Labrador, through discovery by the Cabots, had been
allowed to lapse chiefly from the Protestant doctrine of non-occupation.
The French occupation of Canada was not disputed. There was some doubt,
however, about the intermediate country between the New France of Canada
and the New France of Florida, and hence we find that private plans of
English occupation were hatching at this early period, but they were not
encouraged. This delicate question between France and Spain was,
however, soon settled by the well known course of events with which
England had nothing to do but to stand aside till the contest was over,
and then in due course of time, like an independent powerful neutral,
step in and reap the rewards.

It is well known that Laudonnière's followers were not altogether
harmonious. Some restless spirits seceded, and seizing one of the
colony's ships, entered successfully in the autumn and winter of 1564-65
into piracy on the rich commerce of Spain in the West Indies. These
French spoliations had been a sore point with the owners of West India
commerce since the days of Verrazano, so much so that the Spanish
Government had instituted a fleet of coastguards among the islands to
intercept and destroy the pirates. This fleet for some time had been
under the charge of an experienced, trusted, and efficient officer named
Pedro Menendez de Avilés. No doubt the provocation was great, and the
new piracy was not to be endured. The home government of Spain had been
kept informed of the Huguenot encroachments in Florida, a country which
had long ago been granted to Ponce de Leon, Ayllon and others, and had
been coasted by Estevan Gomez, but these encroachments had hitherto been
so long winked at that the French colonists began to feel themselves to
be in tolerable security.

French piracy and Calvinism, however, coming together were two
provocations too much for the patriotism and piety of the zealous Roman
Catholic Spanish commander in the West Indies. Besides, there was a
sorrow which roused his Spanish bigotry and induced him more than ever
to serve God and his king by exterminating heresy. Don Pedro, with his
new honors and high hopes, had left Cadiz on the 31st of May 1564, as
Captain-General of the West India, the Terra Firma, the Peruvian, and
the New-Spain fleets, his son under him commanding the ships to Vera
Cruz. This son on the homeward voyage in the autumn had been lost on the
rocks of Bermuda. This circumstance, with the Florida pirates, the
heretic French and his Spanish love of barbaric gold, fired his zeal.

The General rushed home to Spain for new powers. Early in 1565 he stood
again before Philip petition in hand. Besides his present dignities he
would be Adelantado of Florida. Florida in Spanish eyes extended not
only to St. Mary's or the Bay of Chesapeake, but even to Newfoundland,
so as to embrace the whole northern continent west of the line of
demarcation. Philip had heard not only of Laudonnière and the French
Huguenots the last year, but was informed of Ribault's new reinforcing
expedition from Dieppe. He at once not only granted the General's
request, but enlarged his powers from time to time as additional news
came in of the French. Don Pedro became indeed a royal favourite. He was
now a veteran of forty-seven, who had done Philip and his father
personal service. He had cruised against blockaders and corsairs in
early youth, had convoyed richly-laden plate fleets from the Indies; had
turned the scale of victory at StQuintin in 1557 by suddenly throwing
Spanish troops into Flanders greatly to the advantage of Philip; was the
commanding general of the armada in which the king returned in 1559 from
Flanders to Spain; had been made in 1560 captain-general of the convoy
or protecting fleets between Spain and the West Indies, in which there
was much active business in guarding Spanish commerce from corsairs. In
spoiling these spoilers the general amassed much wealth, and was
acknowledged the protector of the islands and their commerce. In 1561 he
had fallen into some difficulty which caused his arrest by the Council
of the Indies, but the king came to his rescue, restored his
appointments, and promoted him in 1562 and 1563, and still more, as we
have seen, in 1564. In 1565 Philip gave him almost unlimited power over
Florida, with directions to conquer, colonize, Christianize, explore and
survey, and all these too at his own expense. Such is the fascination of
royal grants. He was given three years to perform these wonders, in
which so many others had failed. He was to survey the coasts up to
Chesapeake Bay, explore inlets and find out the hidden straits to
Cathay. Thus armed and instructed this Spanish pioneer of Virginia
history and geography returned to his native Asturias, raised an army,
manned and fitted out a fleet with many soldiers and sailors, and 500
negro slaves. He embarked at Cadiz with eleven ships on the 29th of June
1565, a fortnight after Ribault with his seven ships had left
Portsmouth. From Porto Rico the Adelantado, in his hot haste to
forestall the French, took a new route north of StDomingo, through the
Lucayan islands and the Bahamas, to the coast of Florida at the River of
StJohn, on the 28th of August, the day after the arrival of the French a
few miles north. Here Menendez entered the inlet, landed his five
hundred African negro slaves, founded a town, the first in what is now
the United States, and named it StAugustine, because he made his
land-fall on the saint's-day of the great African bishop. Thus
StAugustine became the patron saint of this first town in the United
States. Here slavery struck root, and here the Spanish Papist and the
French Huguenot, brought out of civilized and Christianized Europe were
set down blindfolded on the wild and inhospitable shores of Florida,
like two game-cocks, to fight out their religious and implacable hatred.
It was here that these 'children of the sun' showed the red men of the
American forests that they too were human and mortal. Here, a few days
later, the Spaniards began that merciless cut-throat religious butchery
of Huguenots, to the astonishment of the savages of the primeval forests
of America which finds a parallel on the pages of history only in the
lesson which it taught in refined Paris just seven years later on
StBartholomew's day.

All the world knows how the swift vengeance of Pedro Menendez de Aviles
descended upon the unfortunate colonists of Laudonnière and Ribault and
destroyed them, with very few exceptions, in September 1565. On the
other hand, every one has heard how the Spaniards, almost all except the
absent leader, expiated their murderous cruelty in April 1568, under the
retributive justice of De Gourgues. The Spanish settlers of Florida were
thus as completely exterminated by the French as the French three years
before had been exterminated by the Spaniards.

After this till 1574, the Spaniards maintained possession of Florida, as
far north as the Chesapeake Bay, under Menendez, who had been appointed
at first Adelantado of Florida, and subsequently also Governor of Cuba.
He caused an elaborate and official survey of the whole coast to be made
and recorded, both in writing and in charts. Barcia tells the whole
interesting story, but the charts seem to have been lost, though the
description, or parts of it, remains. Menendez returned to Spain and
died in 1574, just as he had been invested with the command of an
'invincible' armada of three hundred ships, and twenty thousand men to
act against England and Flanders. All his North American acquisitions
and surveys seem to have at once fallen into neglect. Not a Spanish town
had been founded north of StAugustine. His Spanish missionaries sent
among the Indians had gained no solid foot hold. Spain however still
claimed possession, on paper, of the whole coast up to Newfoundland,
though she could not boast of a single place of actual occupation.

England at this time began to see the coast clear for the spread of her
protestant principles in America, and for her occupation of some of
those vast countries she now professed to have been the first to
discover by the Cabots. No friendly power any longer stood in her way.
Her relations with Spain had settled into patriotic hatred and open war.
The voyages of Hawkins and Drake into the West Indies had revealed to
Englishmen the enormous wealth of the Spanish trade thither, as well as
the weakness of the Spanish Government in those plundered papal
possessions. Frobisher had matured his plans, secured his grant, and in
1576 made his first voyage to find the north west passage. The same year
the half-brother of Raleigh, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, published his
'discourse for a discouerieof a new passage to Catai,' with a map
showing the coast of North America, and the passage to China. This was
the result of years of study, and though the elaborate work was written
out hastily at last, we know that while others were advocating the north
east passage, Sir Humphrey always persisted in the north western.
Frobisher's expedition is said to have been an outgrowth of Gilbert's
efforts and petitions. These projects were long in hand, but Gilbert, in
June 1578, obtained his famous patent from Elizabeth for two hundred
leagues of any American coast not occupied by a Christian prince. This
grant was limited to six years, to expire the eleventh of June 1584 in
case no settlement was made or colony founded. The story of Gilbert's
efforts, expenditures of himself and friends, his unparalleled
misfortunes and death, need not be retold here. Part of his rights and
privileges fell to his half-brother Walter Raleigh who had participated
somewhat in the enterprise. After Gilbert's death and before the
expiration of the patent, Raleigh succeeded in obtaining from Elizabeth
another patent, with similar rights, privileges, and limitations, dated
the 25th of March 1584, leaving the whole unoccupied coast open to his
selection. On the 27th of April, only a month later, he despatched two
barks under the command of Captains Amadas and Barlow, to reconnoitre
the coast, as Ribault had done, for a suitable place to plant a colony,
somewhere between Florida and Newfoundland. This patent also, like
Gilbert's, in case of negligence or non-success, was limited to six
years. But it required the confirmation of Parliament. Though there were
many rival interests, some of which had perhaps to be conciliated, the
patent was confirmed.

It ought perhaps to be mentioned here that five of Gilbert's six years
having already expired without his obtaining success or possession,
several others, anticipating a forfeiture of the patent, began agitation
for rival patents in 1583. Carleil, Walsingham, Sidney, Peckham,
Raleigh, and perhaps others were eager in the strife. Mostof the papers
are given in Hakluyt's 1589 edition. The ' Golden Hinde ' returned in
September 1583 with the news of the utter failure of the expedition and
the death of Sir Humphrey. Raleigh succeeded in obtaining the royal
grant, and then all the rest joined him in getting the patent confirmed
by Parliament.

Raleigh was now thirty-three, a man of position, of large heart and
large income, a popular courtier high in royal favor, a man of foreign
travel, great experience and extensive acquirements. He had served under
Coligni with his protestant friends in France; subsequently served under
William of Orange in Flanders; had served his Queen in Ireland; under
Gilbert's patent, contemplated a voyage to Newfoundland in 1578; and in
1583 was ready to embark himself again, but by some happy accident did
not go, though he fitted out and sent a large ship at his own cost
bearing his own name, which ship however put back on account of the
outbreak of some contagion. Fully alive to the wants, plans, and desires
of the Huguenots, he had not only informed himself of their Florida
schemes, but had promoted the publication of their history, and secured
the interest and active co-operation of the most important survivor of
them all, Jaques LeMoyne, the painter, who having escaped landed
destitute in Wales, and subsequently entered the service of Raleigh who
had him safely lodged in the Blackfriars. He had also, how or when
precisely is not known, secured the active aid and facile pen of the
geographical Richard Hakluyt, who wrote for him, as no man else could
write, in 1584, a treatise on Western Planting, a work intended probably
to prime the ministry and the Parliament, to enable Raleigh first to
secure the confirmation of his patent, and afterwards the co-operation
and active interest of the nobility and gentry in his enterprise. This
important hitherto unpublished volume of sixty-three large folio pages
in the hand writing of Hakluyt, after having probably served its purpose
and lain dormant for nearly three centuries, was bought at Earl
Mountnorris's sale at Arley Castle in December 1852, by Mr Henry Stevens
of Vermont, who, as he himself informs us, after partly copying it, and
endeavouring in vain to place it in some public or private library in
England or the United States, threw it into auction, where it was sold
by Messrs Puttick and Simpson in May 1854, for £44, as lot 474, Sir
Thomas Phillipps being the purchaser. The manuscript still adorns the
Phillipps library at Cheltenham. In 1868 a copy of this most suggestive
volume was obtained by the late Dr Leonard Woods for the Maine
Historical Society, and has since been edited with valuable notes by Mr
Charles Deane of Cambridge and with an Introduction by Dr Woods. It
appeared in 1877 as the second volume of the second series of the
Society's Collections.

This Treatise of Hakluyt under Raleigh's inspiration may be regarded as
the harbinger of Virginia history. Though intended for a special
purpose, it is of the highest importance in developing the history of
English maritime policy at that time, and defining the growth of the
English arguments, advantages and reasons for western planting. The book
is full of personal hints, and is immensely suggestive, showing us more
than anything else the master hand of Master Hakluyt in moulding
England's 'sea policie' and colonial navigation. No mere geographical
study by Hakluyt could alone have produced this remarkable volume. It is
the combination of many materials, and the result of compromising divers
interests. Hakluyt had already, though still a young man under thirty,
entered deeply into the study of commercial geography, and had in 1582
published his _Divers Voyages_ dedicated to his friend Sir Philip
Sidney, son-in-law to the chief Secretary Walsingham. In the Spring of
1583 the Secretary sent Hakluyt down to Bristol with a letter to the
principal merchants there to enlist their co-operation in a project of
discovery and planting in America somewhere between the possessions of
the French in Canada and the Spaniards in Florida, which his son-in-law
Master Christopher Carleil was developing under the auspices of the
Muscovie Company, and for which they were about to ask the Queen for a
patent independent of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's.

In the summer of 1583 Hakluyt thought to go to Newfoundland with
Gilbert's expedition, according to the letter of Parmenius, but
fortunately did not go. But in the autumn of the same year Walsingham
sent him to Paris nominally as chaplain to the English Ambassador at the
French court, Sir Edward Stafford, but really to pursue his geographical
investigations into the west and learn what the French and Spanish were
doing in these remote regions, and what were their particular claims,
resources and trade.

Before his departure for Paris, the 'Golden Hinde' had returned to
Falmouth with the heavy news of the fate of Gilbert and the consequent
certain forfeiture of his patent, notwithstanding it had still some nine
months to run. Though Sir Humphrey had taken formal possession of
Newfoundland, as no colony was left there, his rights and privileges
would lapse as a matter of course.

Western planting now became the talk and fashion. Many projects were
hatching for new patents. Raleigh alone succeeded. Hakluyt's position
and circumstances in Paris seem made for the occasion, and he soon found
all these western eggs put into his basket. The materials of the several
previous writers and of the rival claimants were all apparently thrust
upon him. He thus became in 1583-4, though perhaps unconsciously, the
mouthpiece of a snug family party all playing into the hands of Raleigh.
There were Walsingham, and Sidney, and Carleil, and Leicester, all
connected with each other and with Raleigh. Then there were the papers
of Sir George Peckham, Edward Hayes, Richard Clarke master of the
Delight, and Steven Par-menius, rich alike in hints and facts. The
interests of these distinguished persons were by family ties or other
influence suddenly merged into a single patent and that Raleigh's. The
papers mostly passed through Raleigh's hands into Hakluyt's, who
acknowledges himself indebted to him for his chiefest light.

Raleigh, besides being the half-brother and representative of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, held also a large share in that venture. Gilbert's
real aim, policy and plan, in this last yearof his patent, to prospect
for a suitable place in which to take possession and found a colony, was
to begin at the south and work northward as the French had done, but his
previous failures since 1578, the inevitable impediments and delays, the
advanced season of this his last year 1583, and the necessity of making
a final strike for success, in behalf of himself and his assignees,
compelled him at the last hour to go direct to Newfoundland, take
possession, and then, if thought best, work southward. He was however
unquestionably influenced or professed to be by rumours of metals or
gold mines in Newfoundland. This northern passage was his fatal mistake.
Had he taken a middle or southern course say between 37° and 42° he
might perhaps have succeeded.

Under these circumstances Hakluyt's Discourse of Western Planting was
written, and may be considered as a digest of many plans without much
originality and a consolidation of many interests. Hakluyt and Raleigh
were at Oxford together, but we find no particular evidence of their
intimacy before the Spring of 1584, when Hakluyt had returned to London
from Paris with his Discourse, or perhaps it was partly written in
England. It is pretty certain that it was not shown to the Queen before
the date of the Patent, the 25th of March, as Hakluyt speaks of her
seeing it in the summer. It was probably intended principally for the
promotion of the interests of the Patent in Parliament.

At all events with his investigations in France Hakluyt's Discourse
became thoroughly English in its tone and tenor, and from this time he
labored zealously in the interests of Raleigh. A main point of inquiry
in Paris was to avail himself of the many opportunities at the Spanish
and Portuguese embassies, and with the French merchants and sailors of
Paris, Rouen, Havre and Dieppe, to pick up the particulars of the West
India trade of the Spaniards, and the nature of the French dealings in
Cape Breton and Canada. This led him to set forth the advantages of
direct English western trade independent of France and Spain, and of
French and Spanish routes.

The fisheries of Newfoundland and the Banks were extensive, and by
repeated treaties neutral, but gave no exclusive rights on the adjoining
territory to any one of the fishing nations; though in all cases the
English by common consent exercised leadership in the Newfoundland
harbors among the fishing ships, of which there were now some six or
eight hundred a year, notwithstanding the English still fished also at
Iceland.

It was necessary however in the interests of England for Hakluyt in this
Discourse to revive and substantiate the English rights in America by
putting forward the prior discovery by the Cabots in 1497-1498. Though
he presents this direct claim modestly, yet like Sir Humphrey Gilbert he
founds it upon insufficient evidence. In a loose manner he speaks of
Cabot and not the Cabots, and attributes to Sebastian the son what
properly belongs to John the father. He reposes full confidence in the
loose and gossiping statements of Peter Martyr that Sebastian Cabot, a
quarter of a century after the discovery, told him that at the time,
1497 or 98,he had explored the coast to the latitude of Gibraltar, that
is to Chesapeake Bay and the longitude of Cuba or the city of
Cincinnati, a thing not probable, in as much as the active old pilot
mayor was never able to declare, down to the time of Gomez, that he had
been on that coast before. It would have been foolish in him to fit out
in 1524 Gomez to ' discover ' what the pilot mayor had already explored
in 1497.

Hakluyt's arguments and historical statements in this Discourse of 1584
to the present time have always been presented by English diplomatists
with confidence, especially against the French. Yet the French continued
to maintain their occupation of Cape Breton, the Gulf of St Lawrence and
Canada, which together they called New France. It is now however made
apparent from contemporary historical documents that have recently been
brought to light from the archives of Spain and Venice that John Cabot,
accompanied by his son Sebastian, then a youth of some nineteen or
twenty years, in 1497 took possession of Cape Breton in the names of
Venice and England conjointly, and raised the flags of St Mark and St
George. There is not yet any trustworthy evidence that they went south
of Cape Breton either in that or the voyage of 1498.

Hakluyt in his Divers Voyages in 1582 did not venture to make this Cabot
claim so strong as in this Discourse. In his dedication to Sir Philip
Sidney he quaintly says that he ' put downe the title which we haue to
this part of America which is from Florida to 67 degrees northwarde by
the letters patentes graunted to John Cabote and his three sonnes,'
simply meaning that he had printed the first patent of 5th May 1496. In
his title page he speaks of the Discoverie of America,' made first of
all by our Englishmen and afterwards by the Frenchmen and Bretons.' He
does not question the rights and privileges of Frenchmen to the Gulf of
St Lawrence and Canada, because they were in the occupation of a
Christian prince.

This Discourse of Western Planting therefore, and the voyage of Amadas
and Barlow, in 1584, at the instigation and expense of Raleigh, based on
a thorough knowledge of the Huguenot and Spanish expeditions to Florida
in 1562-1568, are all parts of Virginia history, and therefore are
preliminary to Hariot's Report. It should be borne in mind that these
terms Florida and Virginia as used by the Spaniards, French, and
English, included the whole country from the point of Florida through
the Carolinas and Virginia to the Chesapeake Bay, or perhaps even to
Bacalaos.

Raleigh's patent, in which all interests were thus consolidated, came
before Parliament in the Autumn of 1584 well fortified in its historical
and geographical bearings by Hakluyt's learned Discourse. In the House
of Commons the matter was adroitly referred to a Commitee of which
Walsingham and Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Christopher Hatton and Sir Francis
Drake were members. The bill having passed the House was sent up to the
Lords, and there read the first time on Sunday the 19th of December
1584, as appears by the following entry in the Lords' Journal, volume
ii, page 76. ' Hodie allatae sicut a Dome Communi 4 Billae; _Prima,_ For
the Confirmation of the Queen's Majesty's Letters Patents, granted to
Walter Raughlieghe, Esquire, touching the Discovery and Inhabiting of
certain Foreign Lands and Countries, quae ia _vice_ lecta est.' It does
not appear precisely at what date the Bill received the Queen's
signature, but probably as early as Christmas or New Year.

Having now early in 1585 secured the Confirmation of this much coveted
patent which liberally permitted him in the name and under the aegis of
England to plant a ' colonie' and found an English empire in the New
World at his own expense of money, men, and enterprise; having pocketed
the geographical results and valuable experience of the French in
Florida and Canada; having vainly attempted a visit to Newfoundland in
1578, and having succeeded to the rights and privileges of his noble
half-brother Sir Humphrey Gilbert; having received by the return in
September of his two reconnoitring barks favorable reports as to the
properest place to begin his Western Planting in Wingandacoa ; and being
thoroughly supported by the good wishes and hearty co-operation of the
Queen and many of her prominent and influential subjects, Raleigh rose
superior to all jealousies and opposition.

This lasted as usual just so long as he was successful and no longer.
But he was blessed in his household, or at his table, or in his
confidence, with four sterling adherents who stuck to him through thick
and thin, through prosperity and adversity. These were Richard Hakluyt,
Jaques Le Moyne, John White and Thomas Hariot. When Wingandacoa makes up
her jewels she will not forget these Four, whom it is just to call
Raleigh's Magi.

With marvellous energy, enterprise, and skill Raleigh collected and
fitted out in an incredibly short time a fleet of seven ships well
stocked and well manned to transport his ' first colonie ' into the
wilds of America. It was under the command of his valiant cousin,
Admiral Sir Richard Grenville, and sailed from Plymouth on the 19th of
May 1585. Never before did a finer fleet leave the shores of England,
and never since was one more honestly or hopefully dispatched. There
were the ' Tyger' and the ' Roe Buck' of 140 tons each, the ' Lyon' of
100 tons, the 'Elizabeth' of 50 tons, the ' Dorothea," a small bark, and
two pinnaces, hardly big enough to bear distinct names, yet small enough
to cross dangerous bars and enter unknown bays and rivers. In this
splendid outfit were nearly two hundred souls, among whom were Master
Ralfe Lane as governor of the colony. Thomas Candish or Cavendish
afterwards the circumnavigator, Captain Philip Amadas of the Council,
John White the painter as delineator and draughtsman, Master Thomas
Hariot the mathematician as historiographer, surveyor and scientific
discoverer or explorer, and many others whose names are preserved in
Hakluyt.

The fleet had a prosperous voyage by the then usual route of the West
Indies and fell in with the main of Florida on the 20th of June, made
and named Cape Fear on the 23d, and a first landing the next day, and on
the 26th came to Wococa where Amadas and Barlow had been the year
before. They disembarked and at first mistook the country for Paradise.
July was spent in surveying and exploring the country, making the
acquaintance of the natives, chiefly by means of two Indians that had
been taken to England and brought back able to speak English. On the 5th
of August Master John Arundel, captain of one of the vessels, was sent
back to England, and on the 25th of August Admiral Grenville, after a
sojourn of two months in Virginia, took his leave and returned, arriving
at Plymouth on the 18th of October. There were left in Virginia as
Raleigh's 'First Colonie,' one hundred and nine men. They remained there
one whole year and then, discontented, returned to England in July 1586
in Sir Francis Drake's fleet coming home victorious from the West Indies.

One of these 109 men was Thomas Hariot the Author of the Report of
Virginia. Another was John White the painter. To these two earnest and
true men we owe, as has been said, nearly all we know of 'Ould
Virginia.' Their story is briefly told by Hakluyt.

Sir Francis Drake in the true spirit of friendship went out of his way
to make this call on the Colony of his friend Raleigh. He found them
anything but contented and prosperous. They had long been expecting
supplies and reinforcements from home, which not arriving, on the
departure of Drake's fleet becoming dejected and homesick, they
petitioned the Governor for permission to return. Immediately after
their departure a ship arrived from Raleigh, and fourteen days later Sir
Richard Grenville himself returned with his fleet of three ships, new
planters and stores of supplies, only to find the Colony deserted and no
tidings to be had. Leaving twenty men to hold possession the Admiral
made his way back to England.

It has already been stated how and under what circumstances the epitome
of the labours and surveys of Hariot came to be printed, but it may be
well to show how it came to be united with John White's drawings and
republished a year or two later as the first part of De Bry's celebrated
collections of voyages. Hakluyt returned to Paris at the end of 1584.
and remained there, perhaps with an occasional visit to London, till
1588, always working in the interests of Raleigh. In April 1585, a month
before the departure of the Virginia fleet, he wrote to Walsingham that
he ' was careful to advertise Sir Walter Raleigh from tyme to tyme and
send him discourses both in print and in written hand concerning his
voyage.' Rene Goulaine de Laudonnière's Journal had fallen into
Hakluyt's hand, and he induced his friend Basanier the mathematician to
edit and publish it. This was done and the work was dedicated to Raleigh
and probably paid for by him. Le Moyne the painter and mathematician who
had accompanied the expedition, one of the few who escaped into the
woods and swamps with Laudonnière the dreadful morning of the massacre,
was named by Basanier. He also mentions a lad named De Bry who was lucky
enough to find his way out of the clutches of the Spanish butchers into
the hands of the more merciful American Savages. This young man was found
by De Gourgues nearly three years later among the Indians that joined
him in his mission of retribution against the Spaniards, and was
restored to his friends well instructed in the ways, manners and customs
of the Florida Aborigines.

This journal of Laudonnière carefully edited by Basanier was completed
in time to be published in Paris in 1586, in French, in octavo. It was
dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh. Hakluyt translated it into English, and
printed it in small quarto in London the next year and it reappeared
again in his folio voyages of 1589. The French edition fell under the
eye of Theodore De Bry the afterwards celebrated engraver of Frankfort,
formerly of Liege. Whether or not this engraver was a relative of young
De Bry of Florida is not known, but we are told that he soon sought out
Le Moyne whom he found in Raleigh's service living in the Blackfriars in
London, acting as painter, engraver on wood, a teacher and art publisher
or bookseller.

De Bry first came to London in 1587 to see Le Moyne and arrange with him
about illustrating Laudonnière's Journal with the artist's maps and
paintings, and remained here some time, but did not succeed in obtaining
what he wanted, probably because Le Moyne was meditating a similar work
of his own, and being still attached to the household of Raleigh was not
free to negotiate for that peculiar local and special information which
he had already placed at Raleigh's disposal for his colony planted a
little north of the French settlement in Florida, then supposed to be in
successful operation, but of which nothing had yet been published to
give either the world at large or the Spaniards in the peninsula a
premature clue to his enterprise.

There is still preserved a good memorial of De Bry's visit to London in
the celebrated funeral pageant at the obsequies of Sir Philip Sidney in
the month of February 1587, drawn and invented by T. Lant and engraved
on copper by Theodore de Bry in the city of London, 1587. A complete
copy is in the British Museum, and another is said to be at the old
family seat of the Sidneys at Penshurst in Kent, now Lord de L'lsle's;
while a third copy not quite perfect adorns the famous London
collectionof Mr Gardner of St John's Wood Park.

LeMoyne died in 1588, and De Bry soon after came to London a second time
and succeeded in purchasing of the widow of Le Moyne a portion of the
artist's drawings or paintings together with his version of the French
Florida Expeditions. While here this time De Bry fell in with Richard
Hakluyt, who had returned from Paris in November 1588, escorting Lady
Sheffield.

Hakluyt at the end of this year, or the beginning of 1589, was engaged
in seeing through the press his first folio collection of the voyages of
the English, finished, according to the date in the preface, the 17th of
November, though entered at Stationers' Hall on the strength of a note
from Walsingham the first of September previous. Hakluyt with his mind
full of voyages and travels was abundantly competent to appreciate De
Bry's project of publishing a luxurious edition of Laudonnière's Florida
illustrated with the exquisite drawings of Le Moyne. Ever ready to make
a good thing better, Hakluyt suggested the addition of Le Moyne's and
other Florida papers; and introduced De Bry to John White, Governor of
Virginia, then in London.

White, an English painter of eminence and merit, was as an artist to
Virginia what Le Moyne his master had been to Florida. Le Moyne had
twenty years before mapped and pictured everything in Florida from the
River of May to Cape Fear, and White had done the same for Raleigh's
Colony in Virginia (now North Carolina) from Cape Fear to the Chesapeake
Bay. Le Moyne had spent a year with Laudonnière at Fort Caroline in
1564-65, and White had been a whole year in and about Roanoke and the
wilderness of Virginia in 1585-86 as the right hand man of Hariot.

Together Hariot and White surveyed, mapped, pictured and described the
country, the Indians, men and women; the animals, birds, fishes, trees,
plants, fruits and vegetables. Hariot's Report or epitome of his
Chronicle, reproduced by the Hercules Club, was privately printed in
February 1589. A volume containing seventy-six of White's original
drawings in water colours is now preserved in the Grenville library in
the British Museum, purchased by the Trustees in March 1866 of Mr Henry
Stevens at the instigation of Mr Panizzi, and placed there as an
appropriate pendant to the world-renowned Grenville De Bry. This is the
very volume that White painted for Raleigh, and which served De Bry for
his Virginia. Only 23 out of the 76 drawings were engraved, the rest
never yet having been published. Thus Hariot's text and map with White's
drawings are necessary complements to each other and should be mentioned
together.

Knowing all these men and taking an active part in all these important
events, Hakluyt acted wisely in inducing De Bry to modify his plan of a
separate publication and make a Collection of illustrated Voyages. He
suggested first that the separate work of Florida should be suspended,
and enlarged with Le Moyne's papers, outside of Laudonnière. Then
reprint, as a basis of the Collection, Hariot's privately printed Report
on Virginia just coming out in February 1589, and illustrate it with the
map and White's drawings. Hakluyt engaged to write descriptions of the
plates, and his geographical touches are easily recognizable in the maps
of both Virginia and Florida.

In this way De Bry was induced to make Hariot's Virginia the First Part
of his celebrated PEREGRINATIONS, with a dedication to Sir Walter
Raleigh. Florida then became the Second Part. The first was illustrated
from the portfolio of John White, and the second from that of Jaques Le
Moyne. Both parts are therefore perfectly authentic and trustworthy.
Thus the famous Collections of De Bry may be said to be of English
origin, for to Raleigh and his magi De Bry owed everything in the start
of his great work. Being thus supplied and instructed, De Bry returned
to Frankfort, and with incredible energy and enterprise, engraved,
printed, and issued his VIRGINIA in four languages, English, French,
Latin and German, in 1590, and his Florida in Latin and German, in 1591.
The bibliographical history of these books, the intimacy and dependence
of the several persons engaged; and the geographical development of
Florida-Virginia are all so intertwined and blended, that the whole
seems to lead up to Thomas Hariot, the clearing up of whose biography
thus becomes an appropriate labor of the Hercules Club.

Little more remains to be said of Raleigh's Magi who have been thus
shown to be hand and glove in working out these interesting episodes of
French and English colonial history. To Hakluyt, Le Moyne, White, De Bry
and Hariot, Raleigh owes an undivided and indivisible debt of gratitude
for the prominent niche which he achieved in the world's history,
especially in that of England and America ; while to Raleigh's liberal
heart and boundless enterprise must be ascribed a generous share of the
reputation achieved by his Magi in both hemispheres.

Of Hakluyt and De Bry little more need be said here. They both hewed out
their own fortunes and recorded them on the pages of history, the one
with his pen, the other with his graver. If at times ill informed
bibliographers who have got beyond their depth fail to discern its
merits, and endeavour to deny or depreciate De Bry's Collection,
charging it with a want of authenticity and historic truth, it is hoped
that enough has been said here to vindicate at least the first two
parts, Virginia and Florida. The remaining parts, it is believed, can be
shown to be of equal authority.

Whoever compares the original drawings of Le Moyne and White with the
engravings of De Bry, as one may now do in the British Museum, must be
convinced that, beautiful as De Bry's work is, it seems tame in the
presence of the original water-colour drawings. There is no exaggeration
in the engravings.

Le Moyne's name has not found its way into modern dictionaries of art or
biography, but he was manifestly an artist of great merit and a man of
good position. In addition to what is given above it may be added that a
considerable number of his works is still in existence, and it is hoped
will hereafter be duly appreciated. In the print-room of the British
Museum are two of his drawings, highly finished in water-colours, being
unquestionably the originals of plates eight and forty-one of De Bry's
Florida. They are about double the size of the engravings. They came in
with the Sloane Collection. There is also in the Manuscript Department
of the British Museum a volume of original drawings relating chiefly to
Florida and Virginia (Sloane N° 5270) manifestly a mixture of Le Moyne's
and White's sketches. They are very valuable. There is also in the
Museum library a printed and manuscript book by Le Moyne, which speaks
for itself and tells its own interesting story. It is in small oblong
quarto and is entitled ' La/ Clef des Champs,/ pour trouuer plusieurs
Ani-/maux, tant Bestes qu'Oyseaux, auec/ plusieurs Fleurs & Fruitz. . .
/ Anno. I586./ ¶ Imprimé aux Blackfriers, pour Jaques/ le Moyne, dit de
Morgues Paintre/'. The book consists of fifty leaves, of which two are
preliminary containing the title and on the reverse and third page a
neat dedication in French ' A Ma-dame Madame/ De Sidney.'/ Signed'
Voftre tres-affectionne,/ JAQVES LE MOINE dit

de/ MORGVES Paintre.'/ This dedication is dated ' Londres/ ce xxvi. de
Mars.'/ On the reverse of the second leaf, also in French, is ' ¶ A Elle
Mesme,/ Sonet' with the initials I.L.M.

Then follow forty-eight leaves with two woodcuts coloured by hand on the
recto of each leaf, reverse blank. These ninety-six cuts sum up
twenty-four each of beasts, birds, fruits and flowers, with names
printed under each in English, French, German and Latin. Although the
book is dated the 26th of March 1586, it was not entered at Stationers'
Hall until the 31st of July 1587. It there stands under the name of
James Le Moyne alias Morgan. Madame Sidney is given as Mary Sidney. She
was sister of Sir Philip, countess of Pembroke, ' Sidney's sister,
Pembroke's mother.' There is no allusion to Sir Philip in the
dedication, and therefore we may infer that it was penned before the
battle of Zut-phen. Both the dedication and the sonnet show the artist's
intimacy and friendship with that distinguished family.

There are two copies of this exceedingly rare book in the British
Museum, both slightly imperfect, but will together make a complete one,
but the more interesting copy is that in 727 c/2 31, in the Sloane
Collection. It has bound up with it thirty-seven leaves on which are
beautifully drawn and painted flowers, fruits, birds &c. There can be
little doubt that these are Le Moyne's own paintings. It is curious to
find that all these scattered works in the different departments came in
with the Sloane Collection which formed the nucleus of the British
Museum. It is to be hoped that other samples of Le Moyne's art may be
found or identified, and that all of them may be brought together or be
described as the ' Le Moyne Collection.' How Sir Hans Sloane became
possessed of them does not yet appear.

Capt. John White's name in the annals of English art is destined to rank
high, though it has hitherto failed to be recorded in the art histories
and dictionaries. Yet his seventy-six original paintings in
water-colours done probably in Virginia in 1585-1586 while he was there
with Hariot as the official draughtsman or painter of Raleigh's ' First
Colonie' entitle him to prominence among English artists in Elizabeth's
reign. There are some other works of his in the Manuscript department
mingled with those of his friend and master Le Moyne.

As Raleigh's friend and agent White's name deserves honorable mention in
the history of 'Ould Virginia.' He was an original adventurer in the '
First Colonie' and was one of the hundred and nine who spent a whole
year at and about Roanoke and returned with Drake in 1586. He went again
to Virginia in April 1587 as Governor of Raleigh's' Second Colonie,'
consisting of one hundred and fifty persons in three ships, being the
fourth expedition. Raleigh appointed to him twelve assistants 'to whome
he gave a Charter, and incorporated them by the name of Governour and
Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia,' intended to be founded
on the Chesapeake Bay. It never became more than a ' paper city.'

This Second Colony landed at Roanoke the 20th of July, but finding
themselves disappointed and defeated in all points, the colonists joined
in urging the Governor to return to England for supplies and
instructions. He reluctantly departed the 27th of August from Roanoke,
leaving there his daughter, who was the mother of the first child of
English parents born in English North America, Virginia Dare. He
intended immediately to return to Virginia with relief, but the
embarrassments of Raleigh, the
stirring times, and the ' Spanish Armada' defeated Sir Walter and
frustrated all his plans.

On the 20th of November 1587 Governor White having reached home apprised
Raleigh of the circumstances and requirements of the Colony. Sir Walter
at once ' appointed a pinnesse to be sent thither with all such
necessaries as he vnderstood they stood in neede of,' and also 'wrote
his letters vnto them, wherein among other matters he comforted them
with promise, that with all conuenient speede he would prepare a good
supply of shipping and men with sufficience of all thinges needefull,
which he intended, God willing, should be with them the Sommer
following.' This promised fleet was got ready in the harbor of Bideford
under the personal care and supervision of Sir Richard Grenville, and
waited only for a fair wind to put to sea. Then came news of the
proposed invasion of England by Philip King of Spain with his '
invincible armada,' so wide spread and alarming that it was deemed
prudent by the Government to stay all ships fit for war in any ports of
England to be in readiness for service at home ; and even Sir Richard
Grenville was commanded not to leave Cornwall.

Governor White however having left about one hundred and twenty men,
women and children in Virginia, among whom were his own daughter and
granddaughter, left no stone unturned for their relief. He labored so
earnestly and successfully that he obtained two small 'pinneses ' named
the ' Brave' and the ' Roe,' one of thirty and the other of twenty-five
tons, 'wherein fifteen planters and all their provision, with certain
reliefe for those that wintered in the Countrie was to be transported.'

The' Brave' and the ' Roe' with this slender equipment passed the bar of
Bideford the 22nd of April, just six months after the return of the
Governor, a small fleet with small hope. Had it been larger its going
forth would not have been permitted. The Governor remained behind,
thinking he could serve the Colony better in England. But the sailors of
the little 'Brave' and 'Roe' had caught the fighting mania before they
sailed, and instead of going with all speed to the relief of Virginia,
scoured the seas for rich prizes, and like two little fighting cocks let
loose attacked every sail they caught sight of, friend or foe. The
natural consequence was that before they reached Madeira (they took the
southern course for the sake of plunder) they had been several times
thoroughly whipped, and ' all thinges spilled ' in their fights. ' By
this occasion, God iustly punishing the theeuerie of our euil disposed
mariners, we were of force constrained to break of our voyage intended
for the reliefe of our Colony left the yere before in Virginia, and the
same night to set our course for England.' In a month from their
departure they recrossed the bar of Bideford, their voyage having been a
disgraceful failure, yet the doings of these two miniature corsairs are
recorded in Hakluyt manifestly only as specimens of English pluck, a
British quality always admired, however much misdirected. Meanwhile no
tidings of the ' Second colonie' and worse still, no tidings or help had
the Second Colony received all this long time from England. And even to
this day the echo is 'no tidings' and no help from home. This then may
be called the first and great human sacrifice that savage America
required of civilized England before yielding to her inevitable destiny.

And so it was that Virginia and the Armada Year shook the fortunes of
Raleigh and compelled him to assign a portion of his Patent and
privileges under it to divers gentlemen and merchants of London. This
document, in which are included and protected the charter rights of
White and others in the ' City of Raleigh,' bears date the 7th of March
1589. Matters being thus settled, with more capital and new life a '
Fifth Expedition' was fitted out in 1590 in which Governor White went
out to carry aid, and to reinforce his long neglected colony of 1587.
Not one survivor was found, and White returned the same year in every
way unsuccessful. He soon after retired to Raleigh's estates in Ireland,
and the last heard of him is a long letter to his friend Hakluyt ' from
my house at Newtowne in Kylmore the 4th of February 1593.'

Raleigh's Patent, like that of Gilbert, would have expired by the
limitation of six years on the 24th of March 1590 if he had not
succeeded in leading out a colony and taking possession. His first
colony of 1585 was voluntarily abandoned, but not his discoveries. His
second colony of 1587 was surrounded with so much obscurity that though
in fact he maintained no real and permanent settlement, yet it was never
denied that he lawfully took possession and inhabited Virginia within
the six years and also for a time in the seventh year, and therefore was
entitled to privileges extending two hundred leagues from Roanoke. As
long as Elizabeth lived no one disputed Raleigh's privileges under his
patent, though partly assigned, but none of the Assignees cared to
adventure further. The patent had become practically a dead letter. As
late however as 1603 the compliment was paid Raleigh of asking his
permission to make a voyage to North Virginia. As no English plantation
between the Spanish and the French possessions in North America at the
time of the accession of James was maintained the patent was allowed
nominally to remain in force. But no one claimed any rights under it. It
has been stated by several recent historians that the attainder of
Raleigh took away his patent privileges, but evidence of this is not
forthcoming. It is manifest that James the First, who had little regard
for his own or others' royal grants or chartered rights in America,
considered the coast clear and as open to his own royal bounty as it had
been long before to Pope Alexander the Sixth. It was easier and safer to
obtain new charters than to revive any questionable old ones.

But to all intents and purposes the interesting history of Virginia
begins with Raleigh. Whence he drew his inspiration, how he profited by
the experience of others, how he patronized his Magi and bound them to
himself with cords of friendship and liberality; how by his very
blunders and misfortunes he transmitted to posterity some of the most
precious historical memorials found on the pages of English or American
history, we have, perhaps at unnecessary length, endeavoured to show in
this long essay on the brief and true Report of Thomas Hariot, his
surveyor and topographer in Virginia, which must ever serve as the
corner-stone of English American History, by a man who, though long
neglected and half forgotten, must eventually shine as the morning star
of the mathematical sciences in England, as well as that of the history
of her Empire in the West.

It remains now to give some personal account of Thomas Hariot, whose
first book as the first of the labors of the hercules club has been
reproduced. Every incident in the life of a man of eminent genius and
originality in any country is a lesson to the world's posterity
deserving careful record. Hitherto dear quaint old positive
antiquarianly slippery Anthony à Wood in his _Athenes Oxoniensis_
embodies nearly all of our accepted notions of this great English
mathematician and philosopher. Anthony was indefatigable in his
researches into the biography of Hariot who was both an Oxford man and
an Oxford scholar. He happily succeeded in mousing out a goodly number
of recondite and particular occurrences of Hariot's life. He managed,
however, to state very many of them erroneously ; and he drew hence some
important inferences, the reverse, as it now appears, of historical
truth. This naturally leads one to inquire into his authorities. Wood's
account of Hariot appeared in his first edition of 1691, and has not
been improved in the two subsequent editions. For most of his facts he
appears to have been indebted to Dr John Wallis's Algebra, first
published in 1685, though ready for the printer in 1676 ; and for his
fictions to poor old gossiping Aubrey; while his inferences, in respect
to Hariot's deism and disbelief in the Scriptures, are probably his own,
as we find no sufficient trace of them prior to the appearance of his
Athenæ, unless it be in Chief Justice Popham's unjust charge at
Winchester in 1603, when he is said to have twitted Raleigh from the
bench with having been ' bedeviled ' by Hariot. Dr Wallis appears to
have obtained part of his facts from John Collins, who had been in his
usual indefatigable manner looking up Hariot and his papers as early as
1649, and wrote to the doctor of his success several letters between
1667 and 1673, which maybe seen in Professor Rigaud's Correspondence of
Scientific Men of the Seventeenth Century, 2 vols, Oxford, 1841, 8°.

Since 1784, from time to time, several other writers have partly
repeated Wood's estimate and added several new facts, as will be shown
further on. But it has been reserved for the Hercules Club, now just
three hundred years after Hariot left the University, to bring to light
new and important contemporary evidence, sufficient, it is believed, to
considerably modify our general estimate of Hariot's life and character,
and to raise him from the second rank of mathematicians to which
Montucla coolly relegated him nearly a century ago to the pre-eminence
of being one of the foremost scholars of his age, not alone of England
but of the world. Had he been walled around by church bigotry like his
friend and contemporary Galileo he would unquestionably by the
originality and brilliancy of his observations and discoveries have
rivalled, or perhaps have shared that philosopher's victories in
science. At all events it is believed that the new matter is sufficient
to reopen the courts of criticism and revision in which some of the
decisions respecting the use of perspective glasses, the invention of
the telescope, the discoveries of the spots on the sun, the satellites
of Jupiter and the horns of Venus may be reconsidered and perhaps
reversed. It is believed that in logical analysis, in philosophy, and in
many other departments of science few in his day were his equals, while
in pure mathematics none was his superior.

Thomas Hariot was born at Oxford, or as Anthony à Wood with more than
his usual quaint-ness expresses it, ' tumbled out of his mother's womb
into the lap of the Oxonian muses in 1560.' He was a ' bateler or
commoner of St Mary's hall.' He ' took the degree of bachelor of arts in
1579, and in the latter end of that year did compleat it by
determination in Schoolstreet.' Nothing of his boyhood, or of his
family, except a few hints in his will, has come to light.

It is not known precisely at what time Hariot joined Walter Raleigh, who
was only eight years his senior. From what their friend Hakluyt says of
them both, their intimate friendship and mutually serviceable connection
were already an old story as early as 1587. On the eighth calends of
March 1587, that is on the 22d of February 1588, present reckoning,
Hakluyt wrote from Paris to Raleigh in London,

' To you therefore I have freely desired to give and dedicate these my
labors. For to whom could I present these Decades of the New World [of
Peter Martyr] more appropriately than to yourself, who, at the expense
of nearly one hundred thousand ducats, with new fleets, are showing to
us of modern times new regions, leading forth a third colony [to
Virginia], giving us news of the unknown, and opening up for us pathways
through the inaccessible ; and whose every care, and thought, and effort
tend towards this end, hinge upon and adhere to it ? To whom have been
present and still are present the same ideas, desires, & incentives as
with that most illustrious Charles Howard, the Second Neptune of the
Ocean, and Edward Stafford our most prudent Ambassador at the Court of
France, in order to accomplish great deeds by sea and land. But since by
your skill in the art of navigation you clearly saw that the chief glory
of an insular kingdom would obtain its greatest splendor among us by the
firm support of the mathematical sciences, you have trained up and
supported now a long time, with a most liberal salary, Thomas Hariot, a
young man well versed in those studies, in order that you might acquire
in your spare hours by his instruction a knowledge of these noble
sciences ; and your own numerous Sea Captains might unite profitably
theory with practice. What is to be the result shortly of this your wise
and learned school, they who possess even moderate judgment can have no
difficulty in guessing. This one thing I know, the one and only
consideration to place before you, that first the Portuguese and
afterwards the Spaniards formerly made great endeavours with no small
loss, but at length succeeded through determination of mind. Hasten on
then to adorn the Sparta[Vir-ginia] you have discovered; hasten on that
ship more than Argonautic, of nearly a thousand tons burthen which you
have at last built and finished with truly regal expenditure, to join
with the rest of the fleet you have fitted out.'

From this extract one might perhaps reasonably infer that Hariot went
directly from the University in 1580 at the age of twenty into Raleigh's
service, or at latest in 1582 when Raleigh returned from Flanders. As
our translation of this important passage is rather a free one the old
geographer's words are here added, in his own peculiar Latin. Hakluyt in
his edition of Peter Martyr's Eight Decades, printed at Paris in 1587,
8°, writes of his young friend Hariot in his dedication to his older
friend Sir Walter Raleigh, as follows :-

Tibi igitur has meas vigilias condonatas & confecratas efle volui. Cui
enim potius, quàm tibi has noui Orbis Decades offerem, qui centum ferè
millium ducatoru impenfa, nouis tuis clafsibus regiones nouas, nouam iam
tertiò ducendo coloniam, notas ex ignotis, ex inaccefsis peruias,
nouifsimis hifce teporibus nobis exhibes ? Cuius omnes curse,
cogitationes, conatus, hue fpeflant, haec verfant, in his inhaerent. Cui
cum Illuftrifsimo illo herôe, Carolo Hovvardo, altcro Oceani maris
Neptuno, Edoardi Staffbrdij, noftri apud regem Chriftianifsimum oratoris
prudentifsimi fororio, eadem ftudia, eaedem voluntates, iidem ad res
magnas terra maríque aggrediendas funt & fuerunt ani-morum ftimuli. Cùm
vero artis nauigatoriæ peritia, præcipuum regni infularis ornamentum,
Mathematicarii fcientiaru adminiculis adhibitis, fuu apud nos fplendore
poffe cofequi facile per-fpiceres, Thomas Hariotum, iuuenem in illis
difciplinis excellente, honeftifsimo falario iamdiu donatum apud te
aluifti, cuius fubndio horis fuccefsiuis nobililsimas fcientias illas
addifcercs, tuique familiarcs duces maritimi, quos habes non paucos, cum
praii theoria non fine fructu incredibili coiungeret. Ex quo pulcherrimo
& fapientifsimo inftitutotuo, quid breui euentutum fit, qui vel mediocri
iudicio volent, facilè proculdubio diuinare poterunt. Vnum hoc fcio,
vnam & vnicam rationem te inire, quaæ primò Lufitani, deinde Caftellani,
quod antea toties cum no exigua iactura funt conati, tandem ex animoru
votis perficerut. Perge ergo Spartam quam nactus es ornare, perge nauem
illam plufquam Argonauticam, mille cuparum fere capace, quam fumptibus
plane regiis fabricatam iam tadem foelicitcr abfoluifti, reliquae tuae
clafsi, quam babes egregiè inftructam, adiungere.

From this early time for nearly forty years, till the morning of the
29th of October 1618, when Raleigh was beheaded, these two friends are
found inseparable. Whether in prosperity or in adversity, in the Tower
or on the scaffold, Sir Walter always had his Fidus Achates to look
after him and watch his interests. With a sharp wit, close mouth, and
ready pen Hariot was of inestimable service to his liberal patron. With
rare attainments in the Greek and Latin Classics, and all branches of
the abstract sciences, he combined that perfect fidelity and honesty of
character which placed him always above suspicion even of the enemies of
Sir Walter. He was neither a politician nor statesman, and therefore
could be even in those times a faithful guide, philosopher, and friend
to Raleigh.

In the year 1585, as has already been stated above, Hariot, at the age
of twenty-five, went out to Virginia in Raleigh's « first Colonie' as
surveyor and historiographer with Sir Richard Grenville, and remained
there one year under Governor Ralph Lane, returning in July 1586, in Sir
Francis Drake's home-bound fleet from the West Indies. During the
absence of this expedition Raleigh had received triple favors from
Fortune. He had entered Parliament, been knighted, and had been
presented by the Queen with twelve thousand broad acres in Ireland.
These Irish acres were partly the Queen's perquisite from the Babington
'conspiracy.' Other royal windfalls had considerably increased Sir
Walter's expectations, and aroused his ambition. Hariot is known to have
spent some time in Ireland on Raleigh's estates there during the reign
of Elizabeth, but it is uncertain when. It may have been between the
autumn of 1586 and the autumn of 1588. He was in London in the winter of
1588-89 in time to get out hurriedly his report in February 1589. It is
possible, however, that he went to Ireland after his book was out. He
was probably the manager of one of the estates there as Governor John
White was of another in 1591-93.

The next early author whom we find speaking of Hariot is his lifelong
friend and companion Robert Hues or Hughes in his ' Tractatus de /
Globis et eo- / rvm vsv, / Accommo-datus iis qui Lon-/dini editi funt
Anno I593,/ fumptibus Gulielmi Sanderfoni / Ciuis
Londinienfis/Confcriptus a Ro-/bertoHues./ Londini/ In ardibus Thomae
Dawfon. / 1594.' / 8°

In his dedication to Sir Walter Raleigh the author says :

Borealiora Europae noftrates diligentimme luftrarunt. Primo Hugo
Willoughby eques Anglus & Richardus Chanceler has oras apperuerunt.
Succedit eis Stephanus Borough, vlterius pro-grefsi funt Artunis Pet &
Carol. Iackman. Sufceptæ funt hae nauigationes, inftigante Sebaftiano
Caboto, vt, fiquâ pofset fieri traiectum in regiones Synanum & Cathayac
breuimmum confequeremur, at irreto haec omnia conatu, nifi quod his
medijs firmatum eft commercium cum Mofchouitis. Hâc cum non fuccederet,
inftitutx funt nauigationes ad Borealiora Americæ;, quas primo fuscepit
Martinus Frobifher, fecutus eft poftca Ioannes Dauis. Ex his omnibus
nauigationibus multi antiquiorum errores,magna eorum ignorantia
detectacft. Atque his conatibus minus fuccedentibus, gens noftra nauibus
abundans otij impatiens, in alias paries fuas nauigationes inftituerunt.
Humphredus Gilbert Eques, Americæ oras Hifpanis incognitas, magno animo
& viribus, fucceffu non aequali noftris aperire conatus eft. Id quod
tuis poftea aufpicijs (vir honoratifsime) felicius fufceptum eft quibus
Virginia nobis patefacta eft, præefecto clafsis Richardo Grinuil nobili
equite, quam diligentifsime luftrauit & defcripfit Thomæ Hariotus.

In the English edition of Robert Hues' work, London, 1638, this very
interesting but somewhat irrelevant passage appears as follows:

Among whom, the first that adventured on the discovery of these parts,
were, Sir Hugh Willoughby, and Richard Chanceler: after them, Stephen
Borough. And farther yet then either of these, did Arthur Pet, and
Charles Lackman discover these parts. And these voyages were all
undertaken by the instigation of Sebastian Cabot: that so, if it were
possible, there might bee found out a nearer pafsage to Cathay and China
: yet all in vane ; fave only that by this meanes a course of trafficke
was confirmed betwixt us and the Mofcovite.

When their attempts fucceeded not this way ; their next designe was then
to try, what might bee done in the Northern Coasts of America : and the
first undertaker of these voyages was Mr. Martin Frobisher: who was
afterward feconded by Mr. Iohn Davis. By meanes of all which
Navigations, many errours of the Ancients, and their great ignorance was
discovered.

But now that all these their endeavours fucceeded not, our Kingdome at
that time being well furnished in fhips, and impatient of idlenefse :
they resolved at length to adventure upon other parts. And first Sir
Humphrey Gilbert with great courage and Forces attempted to make a
discovery of those parts of America, which were yet unknowne to the
Spaniard : but the successe was not answerable. Which attempt of his,
was afterward more prosperously prosecuted by that honourable Gentleman
Sir Walter Rawleigh: to whose meanes Virginia was first discovered unto
us, the Generall of his Forces being Sir Richard Greenville : which
Countrey was afterwards very exactly furveighed and described by Mr.
Thomas Harriot.

This William Sanderson, the patron of Mollineux, Hood, and Hues, was a
rich and liberal London merchant, who had married a niece of Raleigh. He
contributed largely to Sir Walter's first reconnoitring expedition in
1584 under Amidas and Barlow, and was afterwards a liberal adventurer
and supporter of Raleigh in all his colonial schemes. He was fond of the
science of geography, and contributed largely to the preparation and
publication of the globes of Mollineux, and the Descriptions of them by
Hood and Hues in 1592 and 1594. He was also a good friend of all
Raleigh's friends, and acted as Sir Walter's fiscal agent in regard to
the Wine monopoly. On being called upon for a settlement of the large
amount due, as Raleigh supposed, after his imprisonment in the Tower,
Sanderson denied his indebtedness, was sued, cast into the debtors'
jail, and died in poverty. His son published severe comments against
Raleigh.

Robert Hues, who was an intimate friend and associate of Hariot, was
born at Hertford in 1554. He became a poor scholar at Brazen nose, and
was afterwards at St Mary's Hall with Hariot. He took his degree of
A.B.in 1579. He is said to have been a good Greek scholar, and after
leaving the University travelled and became an eminent geographer and
mathematician. He attracted the attention, probably through Raleigh, of
that noble patron of learning Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland,
who took him into his service, made him one of his scientific companions
while in the Tower, supported him partly at Sion, intrusted him to
instruct his children, and finally sent him to Oxford as tutor at Christ
Church of his eldest surviving son, Algernon Percy, who on the death of
his father on gunpowder treason day 1632, became the 10th Earl of
Northumberland. Hues died at Oxford the 24th of May, 1632, and was
buried in the cathedral of Christ Church, according to the inscription
on his monument. He is mentioned by Chapman in his translation of
Homer's Works [ 1616 ] as ' another right learned, honest, and entirely
loved friend of mine.' See infra, p. 183.

In 1595 Hariot was mentioned as a distinguished man of science in his
Seaman's Secrets by Captain John Davis the navigator, a friend and
partner of Raleigh.

On the eleventh of July 1596 Hariot under peculiar circumstances wrote a
long and confidential letter to Sir Robert Cecil, Chief Secretary of
State, in the interests of Raleigh's Guiana projects. The letter is here
given in full, as it shows better than anything else the close and
confidential relations existing between Sir Walter and Hariot at that
time. Raleigh had returned from Guiana, his first El Dorado expedition,
in August 1595, and had in the mean time employed such energy and
enterprise that within about five months he had fitted out and
dispatched his second El Dorado fleet under his friend Captain Keymis.
This second expedition returned to Plymouth in June 1596, a few days
after Raleigh had gone with Essex and Howard of Effingham on that
world-renowned expedition against Cadiz. Sir Walter appears to have left
his affairs in the hands of his ever faithful Hariot, and hence this
sensible and timely letter in the absence of his patron. There appears
to have been no complaint against Keymis; but the master of his ship,
Samuel Mace, seems to have been less discreet. The letter tells its own
story, and gives a vivid picture of the intelligent earnestness of Sir
Walter respecting Guiana, and at the same time the earnest intelligence
of Hariot during Raleigh's absence in Spain.

It has been denied that Raleigh really expected to find the El Dorado in
either his first expedition of 1595 or last in 1617, but this letter
goes to show that both he and Hariot had firm faith in the scheme.
Indeed in a German book of travels just published, entitled ' Aus den
Llanos. Schildenung einer naturwisscn-schaftlichen Reise nach Venezuela,
Von Carl Sachs, Leipzig, 1879,' the writer states that the export of
gold from Spanish Guiana in 1875 was 79,496 ounces. He says that the
richest mine, that of Callao, has of late years returned as much as 500
per centum. After briefly narrating the expeditions of Raleigh, which
had been preceded by various Spanish expeditions, he adds: 'Now at this
day, after nearly three centuries, the riches sought for have been
actually found In the very country where these unfortunate efforts were
made.' Hariot's letter is as follows:

                LETTER OF THOMAS HARIOT TO MR. SECRETARY

                            SIR ROBERT CECIL.

_From the original holograph in the Cecil Papers at Hatfield, vol. xliii,
               At first printed in Edward Edward's Life of
                      Raleigh, vol. ii, page 420._

Right Honourable Sir,

These are to let you understand that whereas, according to your Honor's
direction, I have been framing of a Charte out of some such of Sir
Walter's notes and writings, which he hath left behind him,-his
principal Charte being carried with him, -if it may please you, I do
thinke most fit that the discovery of Captain Kemish be added, in his
due place, before I finish it. It is of importance, and all Chartes
which had that coast before be very imperfecte, as in many thinges elce.
And that of Sir Walter's, although it were better in that parte then any
other, yet it was don but by intelligence from the Indians, and this
voyadge was specially for the discovery of the same; which is, as I
find, well and sufficiently performed. And because the secrecy of these
matters doth much importe her Majesty and this State, I pray let me be
so bould as to crave that the dispatch of the plotting and describing be
don only by me for you, according to the order of trust that Sir Walter
left with me, before his departure, in that behalf, and as he hath
usually don heretofore. If your Honor have any notes from Sir Thomas
Baskerville, if it may please you to make me acquaynted with them, that
which they will manifest of other particularytyes then that before Sir
Walter hath described shall also be set downe.

Although Captain Kemish be not come home rich, yet he hath don the
speciall thing which he was injoined to do, as the discovery of the
coast betwixt the river of Amasones and Orinico, where are many goodly
harbors for the greatest ships her Majesty hath and any nomber; wher
there are great rivers, and more then probability of great good to be
don by them for Guiana, as by any other way or to other rich contryes
borderinge upon it. As also, the discovery of the mouth of Orinico it
self,-a good harbor and free passage for ingresse and egresse of most of
the ordinary ships of England, above 3 hundred miles into the contry.
Insomuch that Berreo wondred much of our mens comming up so far; so that
it seemeth they know not of that passage. Nether could they, or can
possibly, find it from Trinidado; from whence usually they have made
their discoveryes. But if it be don by them the shortest way, it must be
done out of Spayne. Now, if it shall please her Majesty to undertake the
enterprise, or permitte it in her subjectes, by her order, countenance,
and authority, for the supplanting of those that are now gotten thither,
I thinke it of great importance to keepe that which is don as secretly
as we may, lest the Spaniardes learne to know those harbors and
entrances, and worke to prevent us.

And because I understand that the master of the ship with Captain Kemish
is somewhat carelesse of this, by geving and selling copyes of his
travelles and plottes of discoveryes, I thought it my dutye to remember
it unto your wisdome, that some order might be taken for the prevention
of such inconveniences as may thereby follow : by geving authority to
some Justice, or the Mayor, to call him before them, and to take all his
writinges and chartes or papers that concerne this discovery, or any
elce, in other mens handes, that he hath sold or conveyed them into ;
and to send them sealed to your Honor, as also to take bond for his
further secrecy on that behalf. And the like order to be taken by those
others, as we shall further informe your Honor of, that have any such
plots, which yet, for myne owne parte, I know not of; or any other
order, by sending for him up or otherwise, as to your wisdome shall
seeme best.

Concerning the Eldorado which hath been shewed your Honor out of the
Spanish booke of Acosta, which you had from Wright, and I have scene,
when I shall have that favour as but to speake with you I shall shew you
that it is not ours-that we meane-there being three. Nether doth he say,
or meane, that Amazones river and Orinoco is all one,-as some, I feare,
do averre to your Honor ; as by good profe out of that booke alone I can
make manifest; and by other meanes besides then this discovery, I can
put it out of all dout.

To be breef, I am at your Honor's comandement in love and duty farther
than I can sodeynly expresse for haste. I will wayte upon you at Court,
or here at London, about any of these matters or any others, at any
time, if I might have but that favour as to heare so much. I dare not
presume of my selfe, for some former respectes. My fidelity hath never
been impeached, and I take that order that it never shall. I make no
application. And I beseech your Honor to pardon my boldness, because of
haste. My meaning is allwayes good. And so I most humbly take my leave.
This Sunday, 11th of July 1596.

      Your Honor's most ready at commandement in all services I may,

                              THO. HARRIOTE.

   addressed:

To the right honorable Sir ROBERT CICILL, Knight
   Principall Secretary to Her Majesty, these.

   Endorsed: 11 July, 1596. Mr Harriott to my Master.

The vigilant Secretary lost no time in acting upon Hariot's suggestions.
On the 31st of July Sir George Trenchard and Sir Ralph Horsey wrote to
Cecil from Dorchester in reply to his instructions, that they had seized
the charts and books of the ' India Voyage' [to Guiana] from one Samuel
Mace and William Downe, which they would send up to the Secretary if
desired. They were desired, and accordingly sent them by post on the
10th of August. A few days later Raleigh returned to Plymouth with the
first glorious news of the success of the English fleet at Cadiz ; which
news completely turned the heads of the people of England one way, and
those of the Queen and the hungry politicians the other. Poor Mace, to
whom Raleigh was much attached, was restored to his confidence. To
Raleigh more than to any one man this triumph over Spain was justly due,
but in the pitiful squabbles that followed in the apportionment of the
honors and the spoils Sir Walter used to aver that his sole gain in this
great national enterprise from beginning to end was but a lame leg. He
might have added that the business had gained for him the envy, malice
and all uncharitableness of those in high places. In worldly wealth he
was now comparatively poor, and his fortunes were broken, though the
Queen at times, only at times, smiled on him.

At what precise time Hariot, who never deserted Raleigh, became
acquainted with Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, with whose honored
name, next to that of Sir Walter's, his must ever be associated, does
not as yet appear. It is known, however, that there was an intimacy
between Raleigh and Percy as early as 1586, when Sir Walter presented
Percy with a coat of mail on his going over to Flanders, and soon after
a bedstead made of cedar from Virginia ; while the Earl about the same
time gave to Sir Walter a ' stroe coloured velvet saddle.' From this
time to the day of Raleigh's triumph on the scaffold there exists plenty
of evidence of their continued intimacy.

When therefore the Earl and Raleigh were finally caged together in the
Tower for life in 1606 their friendship was of more than twenty years'
standing. From this we infer that Hariot also knew Percy almost from the
time of his joining Raleigh; but the earliest mention of his name in
connection with that of the Earl which we have met with is this of 1596,
in the Earl's pay-rolls, still preserved at Sion, and described in the
Sixth Report of the Royal Commission of Historical Manuscripts, page
227, 'To Mr. Herytt for a book of the Turk's pictures, 7s.' It appears
from the same rolls that from Michaelmas 1597 to 1610, if not earlier
and later, an annual pension of £80 (not £ 120, or £ 150, £300, as
variously stated) was paid to Hariot by the Earl. This pension was
probably continued as long as Hariot lived; and besides there are not
wanting many marks of the Earl's liberality, friendship, and love for
his companion and pensioner, who was long known as ' Hariot of Sion on
Thames,' as expressed on his monument. In the Earl's accounts for 1608
there is this entry, ' Payment for repairing and finishing Mr Heriotts
house at Sion.'

At what time exactly Hariot took up his residence at Sion the Earl's new
seat (purchased of James in 1604) is not known, but probably soon after
the Earl was sent to the Tower in 1606. There is preserved a Letter from
Sir William Lower addressed to Hariot at Sion dated the 3Oth of
September 1607, and other letters or papers exist showing his continued
residence there until near the time of his death in 1621. Wood and many
subsequent writers to the present time have confused Sion near Isleworth
with Sion College in London. They are totally distinct. Hariot had
nothing to do with Sion College, which was not founded until 1630, nine
years after his death. The error arose out of the coincidence of
Torporley's taking chambers at Sion College on retiring from his
clerical profession, and dying there in April 1632, leaving his
mathematical books and manuscripts to the College Library. He had been
appointed by Hariot to look over, arrange, and ' pen out the doctrine '
of his mathematical writings. Torporley's abstracts of Hariot's papers
are still preserved in Sion College Library.

What the Earl of Northumberland did for Hariot is, as the world goes,
ascribed to patronage ; what Hariot did for the Earl cannot be measured
by money or houses, but may be summed up in four words, alike honorable
to both, ' they were long friends.' To this day the debt of gratitude
from the philosopher to the nobleman is fairly balanced by the similar
debt of the nobleman to the philosopher. Hariot's Will, given on pages
193-203, tells the rest of the story of this noble friendship.

It is manifest, however, from many considerations that the noble Earl
took a lively and almost officious interest in the public honor and
character of his friend, for Hariot appears to have been as careless of
his own scientific reputation as his contemporary Shakspeare is said to
have been of his literary eminence.

On the other hand, Hariot's interest in the Earl's affairs and family at
Sion redound greatly to his credit. He was both an eminent scholar and a
remarkable teacher. Earnest students flocked to him for higher education
from all parts of the country. Besides the private scientific and
professional instruction that from the first he gave to Raleigh, his
captains and sea officers, he seems to have had under his scientific
tuition and mathematical guidance many young men who afterwards became
celebrated; among whom may be mentioned Robert Sidney, the brother of
Sir Philip, afterwards Lord Lisle of Penshurst; Thomas Aylesburyof
Windsor, afterwards Sir Thomas, the great-grandfather of two queens of
England; the late Lord Harrington; Sir William Protheroe and Sir William
Lower of South Wales; Nathaniel Torporley of Shropshire; Sir Ferdinando
Gorges of Devonshire; Captain Keymis; Captain Whiddon, and many others.
Cordial and affectionate letters of most of these men to their venerated
master are still preserved.

At Sion were the groves of Hariot's academy.

Yet he with Warner and Hues was constantly passing by the Thames between
Sion and the Tower, some three or four hours by oar and tide. They were
all three pensioners, or in the pay, of the Earl, though the last two
were on a very different footing from that of Hariot as to emoluments
and responsible position. They were, however, companions of both the
Earl and Sir Walter, and, if tradition is to be believed, they were
sometimes joined by Ben Jonson, Dr Burrill, Rev. Gilbert Hawthorne, Hugh
Broughton, the poet Hoskins and perhaps others.

The Earl had a large family to be educated, and there is reason to
believe that in his absence from Sion Hariot was intrusted for many
years with the confidential supervision of some of the Earl's personal
affairs at Sion, including the education of his children. How he
identified himself with the noble family of his patron may be inferred
from these extracts from a letter to Hariot, dated July 19, 1611, of
William Lower, one of his loving disciples. Cecil had been fishing out
some new evidence of Percy's treason from a discharged servant, and was
pressing cruelly upon the prisoner. Lower writes :

I have here [in South Wales] much otium and therefore I may cast awaye
some of it in vaine pursuites, chusing always rather to doe some thinge
worth nothing then nothing att all. How farre I had proceeded in this, I
ment now to have given you an account, but that the reporte of the
unfortunate Erles relapse into calamitie makes me beleeve that you are
enough troubled both with his misfortunes and my ladys troubles; and so
a discourse of this nature would be unseasonable. [And concludes the
letter with] But at this time this much is to much. I am sorrie to heare
of the new troubles ther, and pray for a good issue of them especiallie
for my ladys sake and her five litle ones. [The Countess of
Northumberland here referred to was the mother of Sir William Lower's
wife, who was Penelope Perrot, daughter of Sir John Perrot, who married
Lady Dorothy Devereux, sister of Essex, and for her second husband Henry
Percy the gth Earl of Northumberland. Lower died in 1615.]

This responsible trust gave Hariot a good house and home of his own at
Sion, with independence and an observatory. He had a library in his own
house, and seems to have been the Earl's librarian and book selector or
purchaser for the library of Sion House, as well as for the use of the
Earl in the Tower. The Earl was a great book-collector, as appears by
his payrolls. Books were carried from Sion to the Tower and back again,
probably not only for the Earl's own use, but for Raleigh's in his
History of the World. Many of these books, it is understood, are still
preserved at Petworth, then and subsequently one of the Earl's seats,
but now occupied by the Earl of Leconsfield.

To look back a little. Before either Raleigh or Henry Percy was shut up
in the Tower, we find one of Hariot's earliest and ablest mathematical
disciples, Nathaniel Torporley, a learned clergyman, writing in high
praise of him in his now rare mathematical book in Latin, entitled,'
Diclides Coelometricx,' or Universal Gates of Astronomy, containing all
the materials for calculation of the whole art in the moderate space of
two tables, on a new general and very easy system. By Nathaniel
Torporley, of Shropshire, in his philosophical retreat, printed in 1602.
The exact title is as follows:

Diclides Coelometricæ / Seu / Valvæ Astronomicæ / vniversales / Omnia
artis totius numera Psephophoretica in sat modicis / finibus duarum
Tabularum Methodo noua, generali,/ & facilima continentes./ Authore
Nathale Torporlaeo Salopiensi / in secessu Philotheoro. / Londini /
Excudebat Felix Kingston. 1602. / 4°.

In the long preface Torporley, who had entered St Mary's Hall the year
Hariot graduated, and who during his travels abroad had served two years
as private secretary or amanuensis to Francis Vieta, the great French
Mathematician, but who had since become a disciple of the greater
English Mathematician, thus admiringly speaks of his new master, Thomas
Hariot:

     Neque enim, per Authorum cunctationem & affectatam
     ob-scuritatem, fieri potuit, vt in prima huius Artis
     promulgatione, eidem alicui & inventionis laudem, te erudiendi
     mercedem deferremus; sed dimicamibus illis, neque de minoribus
     præmijs quam de imperio Mathematico certantibus; mussantibus
     vero alijs, & arrectis animis expectantibus,
     Quis pecori imperitet, quern tot armenta sequantur; non defuit
     Anglæ & suus Agonista (ornatifimum dico, et in omni
     eruditionis varietate principemvirum Thomam Hariotum, homine
     natu ad Artes illustrandas, &, quod illi palmariu erit
     præstantissimu, ad nubes philofophicas, in quibus multa iam
     secula caligauit mundus, indubitata; veritatis splendore
     difcutiendas) qui vetaret, tarn folidz laudis spolia ad
     exteros Integra deuolui. Ille enim (etiamdum in pharetra
     conclufa, quæ pupilla viuacis auicular terebraret, sagitta)
     ipsam totius Artiseius metam egregia methodo collimauit;
     expedita vero facilitate patefactam, inter alios amicorum, &
     mihi quoque tradidit; multisq vitro citroq, iaftatis
     Quæstionibus, ingenia nostra in abysso huius Artis exercendi
     causam præbuit.

Of Mr Torporley we shall have more to say further on, as he is
particularly mentioned in Hariot's will. Meanwhile here is an attempt at
a translation of his peculiar Latin in the above extract:

     For indeed by the delays and affected obscurity of authors, it
     was impossible, that in the first promulgation of the art, we
     should give the praise of invention and the credit of
     teaching, to the same individual ; but while they were
     quarrelling & contending for no less a prize than the empire
     of Mathematics, whilst others were muttering, and waiting with
     excited minds to see
         Who should rule the flock, whom so many herds should
     follow,
     our own champion has not been wanting to England. I mean
     Thomas Hariot, a most distinguished man, and one excelling in
     all branches of learning : a man born to illustrate Science,
     and, what was his principal distinction, to clear away by the
     splendour of undoubted truth those philosophical clouds in
     which the world had been involved for so many centuries : who
     did not allow the trophies of substantial praise to be wholly
     carried abroad toother nations. For he (while the arrow, which
     was to hit the bull's-eye, was yet in the quiver) defined by
     an admirable method the limits of all that science ; and
     showed it to me, amongst others of his friends, explained in
     an expeditious and simple manner ; and by proposing various
     problems to us, enabled us to exercise our ingenuity in the
     profundities of this science.

But time and space beckon. On the 24th of March 1603, set 'that bright
occidental Star,' and ' that mock Sun' fræ the north took by succession
its place. To Raleigh the change was the setting of a great hope, for to
Queen Elizabeth he owed his fortunes, and was proud of the debt. To
Raleigh more than to any other one man, notwithstanding his many faults,
the Queen owed the brilliancy of her Court, the efficacy and terror of
her navy, the enterprise and intelligent energy of her people, to say
nothing of the adventurous spirit of colonization which he awoke in his
efforts in Western Planting. The glory of his achievements today is the
glory alike of England and English America. King James let no man down
so far as he did Raleigh. Perhaps it was because there was no one left
of Elizabeth's Court who could fall so far.

On three trumped up charges which never were, and never could be
sustained with due form of law, Raleigh was with small delay thrown into
the Tower. Several other noblemen and less eminent persons were sent
there also. The Asiatic plague was raging in the City. A moral
pestilence of equal virulence at the same time infested the Court. The
State prisoners must be tried openly, though already secretly condemned.
The Judges of his ' dread Majesty' dared not venture to the Tower as
usual for the trials, forgetting apparently that its precincts were just
as unhealthy for the great prisoners of State as for them, who were
liable any day on the miffs of majesty to change places.

So it was determined that the' traitors' should be carted down to
Winchester for trial. A cold wet November seven-days' journey through
mud and slush was the miserable dodge to carry out this scheme of
darkness which neither Coke nor Popham would have dared to perpetrate in
the broad light of London. It was, as all the world knows, a mock trial.
The prisoners Raleigh, Cobham, Gray, and Markham were condemned and
sentenced to death as traitors, and Raleigh, for the grim sport of the
royal Nimrod, was made to witness a mock execution of his
fellow-convicts, but being in due course all respited by a warrant which
the Governorof Winchester Castle had carried three days in his pocket,
were carted back to the Tower, where, not pardoned, their sentences not
commuted, but simply deferred, they were tortured with a living death
hanging over them, like the sword of Damocles depending on royal caprice.

Here Raleigh dragged out his long imprisonment, and (as tersely & truly
expressed by his son) was, after thirteen years, beheaded for opposing
the very thing he was condemned and sentenced for favouring. The whole
story is a bundle of inconsistencies, like that of Henry Percy, the 9th
Earl of Northumberland, committed to the Tower in 1606, and his fifteen
years' imprisonment. The stories of these two celebrated men are
inseparably connected with that of Hariot. But it is not our purpose to
trace either Raleigh's or Percy's progress through these long and dreary
years any further than is necessary to illustrate the life of Hariot,
who was the light of the outer world to them both. Incarcerated and
watched as they were, Hariot was the ears, the eyes, and the hands of
these two noble captives.

The depth and variety of Hariot's intellectual and scientific resources,
his honesty of purpose, his fidelity of character, his eminent
scholarship, his unswerving integrity, and his command of tongue,
rendered him alike invulnerable to politicians and to royal minions. He
was with Raleigh at Winchester and in the Tower, off and on, as
required, from 1604 to 1618, except during the last voyage to Guiana. He
was at the same time a pensioner, a companion, and confidential factotum
of his old friend the Earl of Northumberland both in the Tower and at
Sion for fifteen years. Watched as these two prisoners were, ensnared,
entrapped, and entangled for new evidence against them, it was necessary
for Hariot to pursue a delicate and cautious course, to eschew politics,
statecraft and treason, and to devote himself to pure science (almost
the only pure commodity that was then a safeguard) metaphysics, natural
philosophy, mathematics, history, and literature. He was their jackal,
their book of reference, their guide, their teacher, and their friend.

Raleigh found himself in December 1603, lodged in the Tower, innocent,
as is now generally admitted, of the charges against him, but legally
attainted of high treason. All his worldly effects therefore escheated
to the Crown. The King out of pure cowardice (for he dared not carry out
the sentence of the Court) waived the horrid parts of the sentence-too
horrid even to be quoted here-and commuted it to execution by the block.
He also waived the immediate forfeitureof property acquired under
Elizabeth's reign, and even allowed Raleigh to complete the entail of
certain estates to his wife and son.

The Governor of the Tower and his Lieutenant were at first officially
kind and friendly, extending many privileges to win his confidence. If
there had been any treason in Sir Walter they would most certainly have
wormed it out of him, for his eyes at first were not fully open. He
still believed in the honour and fidelity of his mock friends at Court.

When no more satisfactory evidence of his guilt could be smuggled out of
him, or his companions, in support of the unjust verdict, they began, in
1605, to abridge his privileges and darken his lights. At first his
friends and visitors were cut down to a fixed number. There is a list
among the Burleigh papers in the British Museum by which it appears that
Lady Raleigh, her maid, and her son might visit Sir Walter. For this
they took a house on Tower Hill near the old
fortress, where they lived six years, or as long as this privilege
lasted.

Then Sir Walter was to be allowed two men servants and a boy, who were
to remain within the Tower. Besides these he was permitted to see on
occasion, Mr Hawthorne, a clergyman ; Dr Turner, his physician } Mr
Johns, his surgeon ; Mr Sherbery, his solicitor ; his bailiff at
Sherburne ; and his old friend, Thomas Hariot, with no official
designation.

It needs no ears under the walls of the Tower to tell us what were the
duties of this learned and trusted friend, who had been Sir Walter's
confidential factor for a quarter of a century in all his most important
enterprises. Hariot, it will be perceived, was the only one named, in
this house-list, without an assigned profession. Fortunately there is
still preserved a ' hoggeshead of papers' in Hariot's handwriting,
ill-assorted and hitherto unsifted, which partially reveal the secrets
of this prison-house, and show Hariot here, there, and everywhere, mixed
up with all the studies, toils, experiments, books, and literary
ventures of our honored traitor.

So passed, with tantalizing uncertainty, the year 1605, with many fears
for the future and some hopes; but 1606 brought into the Tower Sir
Walter's old friend Henry Percy, another 'traitor.' With him, at first,
there was considerable liberality on the part of the officials (all paid
for), and both Raleigh and Percy had each a garden to cultivate and walk
in, and a still-room or laboratory in which to study and perform their '
magic.' Hariot was the master of both in these occult sciences. The '
furnace ' and the ' still' were at first Raleigh's chief amusement and
study. Assaying and transfusing metals, distilling simples and
compounds, concocting medicines, and testing antidotes, with exercises
in chemistry and alchemy, were the studies of both Raleigh and the Earl.
But soon the policy of the Court changed. The prisoners had less liberty
and saw less of each other, and so the stills were pulled down, and the
gardens given up. Raleigh was more closely watched, and entrapped. Then
there was fencing and defencing, for nothing could stand against the
King's persistent rancor, and Cecil's dissimulation. From time to time
Sir Walter's titles, his offices, his Elizabethan monopolies and his
appointments were all taken from him. All his emoluments were wanted for
hungry favourites ; and finally the Sherburne estate which he had been
permitted to entail on his son went by no higher law than the king's, '
I mon hae it for Carr.'

During all these anxious months Hariot was Sir Walter's close-mouthed
and trusted Mercury, a silent messenger who floated frequently by the
tide on the Thames between the Tower and his residence at Sion, a
pensioner of, and one of Percy's staff of wise men, but really Raleigh's
strong right hand. He adroitly and faithfully served two masters,
preserving his own independence and self reliance, and not losing the
confidence of either.

From the trial at Winchester to the final transfer of Sherburne, a
period of some five years, every step against Raleigh was taken through
the high Courts of Justice. That the cannie monarch was capable of all
this moral wrong and legal crookedness need not surprise any one who has
investigated his antecedents and proclivities, but that he on coming to
England should have developed that masterly power of warping great minds
and bending the English Courts of Justice to his purposes, and even
crunching its strong old oaken Bench and Bar into his own royal privy
pocket, does surprise one. The secret of this unenglish strength,
however, has been attributed partly to his Bur-leigh help.

When Raleigh found the cords thus tightening round him, he offered
sundry concessions and services for life and liberty. He would carry out
his schemes for enriching the king and the kingdom by conquering and
exploring Guiana; he would accept exile in Holland; or emigrate to
Virginia, and help to build up a new English empire in the West; but all
in vain. It was feared that his unexpired and dormant patent might
interfere with the King's own Virginia charter. So Raleigh and Hariot
worked on, but relieved the tedium by ever changing study. Every year or
two, as long as he could command through himself or friends the
resources, Raleigh sent privately a reconnoitring and intelligence ship
to Guiana, to keep that pet enterprise alive. In this delicate matter
Hariot was Sir Walter's geographer and assayer, while Hariot's old
college friend, Keymis, was his factor or shipping agent.

Then come Raleigh's Essays and smaller writing with his hopeful
correspondence with the Queen and Prince Henry. Lady Raleigh's
privileges, after six years, ceased in 1611; probably about the time
that Cecil was for some unaccountable reason prospecting actively for
new evidence against both Sir Walter and Percy. The years 1610 and 1611
were anxious times for them both; but they were bright days for Hariot,
with his invention of the telescope and his discoveries. Whether in the
Tower, administering new scientific delicacies and delights to the
prisoners; or at Sion, unlocking the secrets of the starry firmament by
night, in his observatory; or floating between Sion and the Tower by day
on the broad bosom of the Thames, prying into the optical secrets of
lenses, and inventing his perspective trunks by which he could bring
distant objects near, Hariot in foggy England of the north was working
out almost the same brilliant series of discoveries that Galileo was
making in Italy. To this day, with our undated and indefinite material,
even with the new and much more precise evidence now for the first time
herewith produced, it is difficult to decide which of them first
invented the telescope, or first by actual observation with that
marvellous instrument confirmed the truth of the Copernican System by
revealing the spots on the Sun, the orbit of Mars, the horns of Venus,
the satellites of Jupiter, the mountains in the Moon, the elliptical
orbits of comets, _etc._ It is manifest, however, that they were both
working in the same groove and at the same time.

Hariot was undoubtedly as great a mathematician and astronomer as
Galileo. In 1607 at Ilfracombe and in South Wales, he had taken by hand
and Jacob's staff, the old patriarchal method, valuable observations of
the comet of that year, and compared notes with his astronomical pupil
William Lower, and afterwards with Kepler. This comet, now known as
Halley's, ought perhaps to have been named Hariot's, for it confirmed
his notions that the motions of the planets were not perfect circles and
afforded probably the germ of his reasoning out the elliptical orbits of
comets, especially afterhis friend and correspondent [see infra, pages
178-180] Kepler's book _de Motibus Stella Atartis_ came out in 1609, and
he had invented and improved his telescope or perspective ' truncke' or
cylinder in 1609-10.

It is not positively stated that Hariot held direct correspondence with
Galileo in 1609 and 1610 or even later, but the evidence is strong that
he was promptly kept informedof what was going on in Italy in
astronomical and mathematical discovery, as well as in Germany and
elsewhere. That he was using a ' perspective truncke ' or telescope as
early as the winter of 1609-10, and that his ' servaunte ' Christopher
Tooke (or as Lower in 1611 familiarly called him' Kitt') made lenses for
him and fitted them into his 'trunckcs' for sale by himself, is known.
From this circumstance,and from the fact that he disposed of many '
trunckes ' by his will, and left a considerable stock of them to Tooke,
it is manifest that he manufactured and traded in telescopes from 1609
to 1621. With his invention of the telescope then it required no
correspondence with Galileo to induce him to rake the heavens and sweep
our planetary system for new astronomical discoveries. To an astronomer
of his activity and mathematical acumen these discoveries followed as a
matter of course. Like Galileo he may have borrowed from the Dutch (or
quite as likely they of him) the idea that by a combination of lenses it
was possible to bring distant objects near, but that he worked out the
idea independently of Galileo admits hardly of a doubt. But he seems to
have been less ambitious than Galileo to claim priority in either the
invention or the discoveries that immediately followed. In this
connection the following hitherto unpublished letter will be read with
interest:

             LETTER OF SIR WILLIAM LOWER _in South Wales to_

                 THOMAS HARIOT _at Sion_ 21 _June_ 1610.

       _Printed from the holograph original in the British Museum_

I gaue your letter a double welcome, both because it came from you and
contained newes of that strange nature ; although that wch I craued, you
haue deserved till another time. Me thinkes my diligent Galileus hath
done more in his three fold discouerie then Magellane in openinge the
streightes to the South sea or the dutch men that weare eaten by beares
in Noua Zembla. I am sure with more ease and saftie to him selfe and
more pleasure to mee. I am so affected with this newes as I wish sommer
were past that I mighte obserue these phenomenes also, in the moone I
had formerlie observed a strange spotted-nesse al ouer, but had no
conceite that anie parte therof mighte be shadowes; since I haue
obserued three degrees in the darke partes, of wch the lighter sorte
hath some resemblance of shadinesse but that they grow shorter or longer
I cannot yet pceaue. ther are three starres in Orion below the three in
his girdle so neere togeather as they appeared vnto me alwayes like a
longe starre, insomuch as aboute 4 yeares since I was a writing you
newes out of Cornwall of a view a strange phenomenon but asking some
that had better eyes then my selfe they told me, they were three starres
lying close togeather in a right line, thes starres with my cylinder
this last winter I often observed, and it was longe er I beleued that I
saw them, they appearinge through the Cylinder so farre and distinctlie
asunder that without I can not yet disseuer. the discouerie of thes made
me then obserue the 7 starres also in, ### [Taurus], wch before I
alwayes rather beleued to be, 7. then euer could nomber them, through my
Cylinder I saw thes also plainelie and far asunder, and more then, 7.
to, but because I was prejugd with that number, I beleved not myne eyes
nor was carefull to obserue how manie; the next winter now that you have
opened mine eyes you shall heare much frö me of this argument, of the
third and greatest (that I confesse pleased me most) I have least to
say, sauing that just at the instance that I receaved your letters wee
Traventane Philosophers were a consideringe of Kepler's* reasons [*pag.
106. Noua Stella Serpentarii] by wch he indeauors to ouerthrow Nolanus
and Gilberts opinions concerninge the immensitie of the Spheare of the
starres and. that opinion particularlie of Nolanus by wch he affirmed
that the eye beinge placed in anie parte of the Univers the apparence
would be still all one as vnto us here. When I was a sayinge that
although Kepler had sayd somethinge to moste that mighte be vrged for
that opinion of Nolanus, yet of one principall thinge hee had not
thought; for although it may be true that to the ey placed in anie
starre of, ### [Cancer], the starres in Capricorne will vanish, yet he
hath not therfore so soundlie concluded (as he thinkes) that therfore
towards that parte of the world ther wilbe a voidnesse or thin
scattering of little starres wheras els round about ther will appeare
huge starres close thruste togeather: for sayd I (hauinge heard you say
often as much) what is in that huge space betweene the starres and
Saturne, ther remaine euer fixed infinite nombers wch may supplie the
apparence to the eye that shalbe placed in ### [Cancer], wch by reason
of ther lesser magnitudes doe flie our sighte what is aboute ###
[Saturn], ### [Jupiter], ### [Mars], etc. ther moue other planets also
wch appeare not. just as I was a saying this comes your letter, wch when
I had redd, loe, qd I, what I spoke probablie experience hath made good
; so that we both with wonder and delighte fell a consideringe your
letter, we are here so on fire with thes thinges that I must renew my
request and your promise to send mee of all sortes of thes Cylinders. my
man shal deliuer you monie for anie charge requisite, and contente your
man for his paines and skill. Send me so manie as you thinke needfull
vnto thes obseruations, and in requitall, I will send you store of
observations. Send me also one of Galileus bookes if anie yet be come
ouer and you can get them. Concerning my doubte in Kepler, you see what
it is to bee so far fro you. What troubled me a month you satisfyed in a
minute. I have supplied verie fitlie my wante of a spheare, in the
desolution of a hogshead, for the hopes therof haue framed me a verie
fine one. I pray also at your leasure answere the other pointes of my
last letter concerning Vieta, Kepler and your selfe. I have nothinge to
presence you in counter, but gratitude with a will in act to be vsefull
vnto you and a power in proxima potentia ; wch I will not leaue also
till I haue broughte ad actum. If you in the meane time can further it,
tell wher in I may doe you seruice, and see how wholie you shall dispose
of me.

Your most assured and louing friend
Tra'uenti the longest day of, 1610. Willm Lower.
~ _Addressed:_ To his espesial good frind
Mr. Thomas Hariot

Seal of Arms, _(B. M. Add._ 6789.) at Sion neere London.

[Tra'venti or Trafenty, near Lower Court, is eight or nine miles
south-west of Caermarthen, near the confluence of the rivers Taf and
Cywyn.]

The writer is fortunately able to throw some light upon these letters of
Lower to Hariot. In _the Monatlicbe Correspondenz Vol._ 8, 1803,
published by F. X. von Zach at Gotha, pages 47-56, is a most interesting
fragment of an original letter inEnglish toHariot. Dr Zach says that he
found this letter at Petworth in 1784, and it being without date or
signature he confidently assigned its authorship to the Earl of
Northumberland, and guessed the date to have been prior to 1619. In his
many notes he is in raptures over his discovery, and deplores the
misfortune of its breaking off in the most interesting place just as the
Earl was about to announce the discovery of the elliptical orbit of the
comet of 1607, as reasoned out of Hariot's observations and the writings
of Kepler. This famous letter has been used or copied in many places,
particularly in Ersch and Gru-ber's Algemeine Encyklopadie under Hariot.

The mystery is now solved by giving here the letter in full. It is even
more important than Dr Zach with all his enthusiasm supposed. It is not,
however, from the pen of Northumberland, though none the less
interesting on that account. The letter is in the well-known handwriting
of Lower, of Tra'venti, on Mount Martin, near Llanfihangel, in South
Wales, to his dearly loved friend and master Hariot at Sion, and is
dated the 6th of February, 1610. The letter fills two sheets of foolscap
paper. The first sheet of four pages Dr Zach found at Petworth, and it
is to be hoped that it still exists there. The other sheet of four pages
is preserved in the British Museum (Add. 6789). How long these two
sheets have been separated it is difficult to tell, but probably from
Hariot's day, that is, for more than two centuries and a half. The two
fragments are now brought together and printed for the first time
complete, the first half from Dr Zach's text, and the latter half copied
verbatim direct from the original autograph manuscript, Brit. Mus. Add.
6789.

               LETTER FROM SIR WILLIAM LOWER MATHEMATICIAN

                 AND ASTRONOMER TO THOMAS HARIOT AT SION

                            FEBRUARY 6, 1610.

     I have receeved the perspective Cylinder that you promised me
     and am sorrie that my man gave you not more warning, that I
     might have had also the 2 or 3 more that you mentioned to
     chuse for me. Hence forward he shall have order to attend you
     better and to defray the charge of this and others, that he
     forgot to pay the worke man. According as you wished I have
     observed the Mone in all his changes. In the new I discover
     manifestlie the earthshine, a little before the Dichotomic,
     that spot which reprefents unto me the Man in the Moone (but
     without a head) is first to be feene. a little after neare the
     brimme of the gibbous parts towards the upper corner appeare
     luminous parts like starres much brighter then the rest and
     the whole brimme along, lookes like unto the Description of
     Coasts in the dutch bookes of voyages, in the full she
     appeares like a tarte that my Cooke made me the last Weeke.
     here a vaine of bright stuffe, and there of darke, and so
     consufedlie al over. I muft confesse I can see none of this
     without my cylinder. Yet an ingenious younge man that
     accompanies me here often, and loves you, and these studies
     much, sees manie of these things even without the helpe of the
     instrument, but with it sees them most plainielie. I meane the
     younge Mr. Protherbe.

     Kepler I read diligentlie. but therein I find what it is to be
     so far from you. For as himfelf, he hath almoft put me out of
     my wits, his Aequanes, his sections of excentricities,
     librations in the diameters of Epicycles, revolutions in
     ellipses, have fo thoroughlie seased upon my imagination as I
     do not onlie ever dreame of them, but oftentimes awake lose my
     selfe, and power of thinkinge with to much wantinge to it. not
     of his caufes for I cannot phansie those magnetical natures,
     but aboute his theorie which me thinks (although I cannot yet
     overmafter manie of his particulars) he eftablifheth soundlie
     and as you say overthrowes the circular Aftronomie.

     Do you not here startle, to see every day some of your
     inventions taken from you ; for I remember long since you told
     me as much, that the motions of the planets were not perfect
     circles. So you taught me the curious way to observe weight in
     Water, and within a while after Ghetaldi comes out with it in
     print, a little before Vieta prevented [anticipated] you of
     the gharland of the greate Invention of Algebra, al these were
     your deues and manie others that I could mention ; and yet to
     great reservednesse had robd you of these glories, but
     although the inventions be greate, the first and last I meane,
     yet when I survei your storehouse, I see they are the smallest
     things and such as in comparison of manie others are of smal
     or no value. Onlie let this remember you, that it is possible
     by to much procrastination to be prevented in the honor of
     some of your rarest inventions and speculations. Let your
     Countrie and frinds injoye the comforts they would have in the
     true and greate honor you would purchase your selfe by
     publishing some of your choise workes, but you know best what
     you have to doe. Onlie I, because I wish you all good, with
     this, and sometimes the more longinglie, because in one of
     your letters you gave me some kind of hope therof.

     But againe to Kepler I have read him twice over cursoridlie. I
     read him now with Calculation. Some times I find a difference
     of minutes, sometimes false prints, and sometimes an utter
     confufion in his accounts, these difficulties are so manie,
     and often as here againe I want your conference, for I know an
     hower with you, would advance my studies more than a yeare
     heare, to give you a taft of some of thes difficulties that
     you may judge of my capacitie, I will send you onlie this one
     [upon the _Locum Martis_ out of Kepler's Astronomy, de motibus
     Stella: Martis, etc. Pragæ, 1609, folio Ch. xxvi, page 137.]
     For this theorie I am much in love with these particulars;

     1° his permutation of the medial to the apparent motions, for
     it is more rational that all dimensions as of Eccentricities,
     apogacies, etc.. . . should depend rather of the habitude to
     the sun, then to the imaginarie circle of orbis annuus.

     2° His elliptical iter planetarum. for me thinks it shiews a
     Way to the folving of the unknown walks of comets. For ai his
     Ellipfis in the Earths motion is more a circle _[here endeth
     Dr Zacb's fragment, and here beginneth the continuation from
     tie original in the Britith Museum]_ and in Mars is more longe
     and in some of the other planets may be longer againe so in
     thos commets that are appeard fixed the ellipsis may be neere
     a right line.

     3. His phansie of ecliptica media or his via regia of the sun,
     vnto wch the walke of al the other planets is obliqj more or
     lesse; even the ecliptica uera under wch the earth walkes his
     yeares journie; by wch he solues handsomelie the mutation of
     the starres latitudes. Indeed I am much delighted with his
     booke, but he is so tough in rnanie places as I cannot bite
     him. I pray write me some instructions in your next, how I may
     deale with him to ouermaster him for I am readie to take
     paines, te modo jura dantem indigeo, dictatorem exposco. But
     in his booke I am much out of loue with thes particulars. I.
     First his manie and intolerable atechnies, whence deriue thos
     manie and vncertaine assayes of calculation. 2. His finding
     fault with Vieta for mending the like things in Ptol: Cop.....
     but se the justice Vieta speakes sleightlie of Copernicus a
     greater then Atlas. Kepler speakes as slightlie of Vieta, a
     greater then Appollonius whom Kepler everie wher admires. For
     whosoever can doe the things that Kepler cannot doe, shalbe to
     him great Appollonius. But enough of Kepler let me once againe
     intreate your counsel how to read him with best profit, for I
     am wholie possessed with Astronomical speculations and
     desires. For your declaration of Vieta's appendicle it is so
     full and plaine, as you haue aboundantlie satisfyed my desire,
     for wch I yield you the thankes I ought, onlie in a word tell
     me whether by it he can solue Copernicus, 5 cap: of his 5.
     booke. The last of Vieta's probleames you leaue to speake of
     because (you say) I had a better of you, wch was more
     vniuersal and more easilie demonstrated, and findeth the
     point, E. as wel out of the plaine of the triangle giuen, as
     in the plaine. I pray here helpe my memorie or
     vnderstand-inge, for although I haue bethought my selfe vsq ad
     insaniam, I cannot remember or conceaue what proposition you
     meane. If I haue had such a one of you, tel me what one it is
     and by what tokens I may know it ; If I haue not had, then let
     me now haue it, for you know how much I loue your things and
     of all wayes of teaching for richnesse and fullnesse for
     stuffe and forme, yours vnto me are incomparablie most
     satisfactorie. If your leasure giue you leaue imparte also
     unto me somewhat els of your riches in this argument.

     Let me intreate you to advise and direct this bearer Mr.
     Vaughan wher and how to prouide himselfe of a fit sphere ;
     that by the contemplation of that our imaginations here may be
     releued in manie speculations that perplexe our vnderstandings
     with diagrammed in plano. He hath monie to prouide doe you but
     tell him wher the are to be had and what manner of sphere (I
     meant with what and how manie circles) wilbe most vsefull for
     vs to thes studies. After all this I must needs tell you my
     sorrowes. God that gaue him, hath taken from me my onlie sun,
     by continual and strange fits of Epelepsie or Apoloxie, when
     in apparence, as he was most pleasant and goodlie, he was most
     healthie, but amongst other things, I haue learnt of you to
     setle and submit my desires to the will of god ; onlie my wife
     with more greife beares this affliction, yet now againe she
     begins to be comforted. Let me heare fro you and according to
     your leasure and frindshippe haue directions in the course of
     studie I am in. Aboue al things take care of your health,
     keepe correspondence with Kepler and wherinsoeuer you can haue
     vse of me, require it with all libertie. Soe I rest ever,

     Your assured and true friend to be vsed in

     all things that you please.

     Willm Lowër.

     Tra'vent on Mount Martin [in South Wales.] 6 February, 1610.

     Let me not make my selfe more able then ther is cause. I can
     not order the calculation by the construction you sent me of
     Vieta's 3. probleme, to find the distances of C. & D. & B.
     from the Apegen or the proportion of ia. to ac. the
     eccentricitie. I tooke Copernicus, 3. observations in the, 6.
     chap, of his, 5. booke, therfore helpe here once againe.

     _Addressed:_ To his especiall good friend

     Mr. THO : HARRYOT at Sion neere London.

About this time, it is understood, Raleigh took up seriously and
earnestly the great literary work of his life, _The History of the
World._ It must have been brewing in his mind for years, for in his
preface he expressed the fears he had entertained 'that the darkness of
age and death would have overtaken him long before the performance.' The
work, according to Camden, was published in April 1614, just before the
meeting of Parliament. It appeared anonymously, and for obvious reasons
was not entered at Stationers' Hall. James is said to have had his
conscience so pricked by certain passages which everywhere pervade the
work on the power, conduct and responsibility of princes, that strenuous
efforts were made in January 1615 to call in and suppress it, but the
king might as well have attempted to call back a departed spirit by Act
of Parliament as to call in that ' History of the World' by royal
proclamation. The Book was in type and in the hands of the people of
England. It could therefore no more be suppressed at that day by
princely power than could manifest destiny itself. The second edition of
1621 was the first with Raleigh's name.

This grand work, which in almost everychapter shows the masterly hand of
Raleigh himself, needs no comment here. It is however no disparagement
of the book (but the contrary) to say that in the collection,
arrangement and condensation of its materials; that in unlocking the
muniment room of antiquity and perusing the chief authors of the Greek
and Latin classics from Heroditus to Livy and Eusebius, covering a
period of near four thousand years, he must have had at cheerful beck
powerful and competent aid. To collect, read, collate, note down, and
digest these vast and scattered treasures into reasonable and
presentable shape for the master mind, required not a bevy of poets and
parsons, but one masterly scholar of scientific, analytic, mathematical,
philosophical and religious training. Such a man was Hariot.

We read of Gibbon's twenty years' fag and toil on the materials of the
History of the Roman Empire alone, and at a time when there were many
aids not existing in Raleigh's day. Gibbon personally ransacked the
libraries of Europe. Raleigh had scarcely four years to cover the four
most ancient empires and a much longer period, and was himself confined
to Tower Hill. But he had at command a Hariot, a sort of winged Mercury,
who was neither entowered nor hide-bound with conceit or ignorance. He
was a marvellously good Greek and Latin scholar, who wrote Latin with
almost as much ease as English. One has but to read the vast number of
notes, citations and particular references in the History of the World
to see the height, depth, and perfect modelling of the structure.

Raleigh was unquestionably the designer, the architect and the finisher
of his History of the World. To him is due the honor and credit of the
work. But who was the builder ? The answer manifestly is Thomas Hariot
of Sion on Thames, learned, patient, self-forgetting, painstaking,
long-waiting, devoted Hariot. Many writers have claimed to be, or have
been named as, Sir Walter's assistants and polishers. Ben Jonson, Rev.
Dr Burhill, John Hoskins the poet, and others have each had their
advocates,but without sufficient evidence. It may well be questioned if
any one of them possessed either the ability, the time, the access to
the Tower, or the opportunity to perform such herculean labors of love.
These claims are apparently all based on pure conjecture, or unrectified
gossip, as shown by Mr Bolton Corney in his razorly reply to Mr Isaac
D'israeli. But Thomas Hariot, on the contrary, possessed abundantly what
they all lacked, the necessary credentials. For proof of this assertion
the doubter, as well as the lover of confirmed historical accuracy, is
referred to the Hariot papers still preserved partly at Petworth and
partly in the British Museum.

The Hariot manuscripts, of which there are thousands of folio pages all
in his own handwriting, seem to be still in the same confused state in
which he left them. He directed that the 'waste' should be weeded out of
his mathematical papers and destroyed. But this duty seems, fortunately
for us, to have been neglected by his executors, and hence among this
'waste' one has even now no great difficulty in recognizing in the
well-known Latin handwriting of the' magician,' many jottings in
chronology, geography and science, and many abstracts and citations of
the classics, that in their time must have played parts in the _History
of the World._ The Will now first produced lets in a flood of light on
the history of these valued papers, and dispels a great deal of the
heaps of foreign pretension, domestic assertion, and mixed charlatanism
that have since 1784 beclouded the memories of both Raleigh and Hariot.
It is true that on a hint in the previous century from Camden of a will
by the great mathematician, many conjectures were afloat from the days
of Pell, Collins, Wallis and Wood, but it has not been possible until
now for one, with due knowledge of the main events in the lives of these
two men, each equally great in his own sphere, to satisfactorily clear
away any considerable portion of the misconception and misstatements of
biographers and historians concerning them and their achievements. The
dawn however is coming, when these new materials now first printed by
the Hercules Club, but not worked up, may attract the attention of some
historian competent to give them a thorough scientific scrutiny and 'pen
their doctrine.'

It is not our purpose here to dwell upon Raleigh's masterpiece. From the
preface of the _History of the World,_ which opens with 'the boundless
ambition of mortal man,' to the epilogue which closes up the work with
the glorious triumph of Death, the whole book is replete with lessons of
wisdom and warning. No one can rise from its perusal without perceiving
that the modern author has made himself by apt illustration an
accomplished actor in ancient history, while the ancient characters are
made in their vera effigies to strut on modern stages. His pictures of
great actions and great men, noble deeds and nobler princes, are drawn
with such masterly perspective of truth, that they serve for all time ;
while his portraiture of tyrants, villains, and dishonorable characters
are no less lifelike and human. One marvels not therefore that King
James, whose political creed was that the people are bound to princes by
iron, and princes to the people by cobwebs, should see in Raleigh's
portraiture of the upright kings no likeness to himself, but had no
difficulty in recognizing in the deformed greatness and selfish virtues
of the old monarchs qualities suggestive of himself and his favorites.
This grand history, extending from the creation over the four great
monarchies of the world, near four thousand years, closes with the final
triumph of Emilius Paullus in these memorable and oft-repeated words
from the first edition of 1614.

Kings and Princes have alwayes laid before them, the actions, but not
the ends, of those great Ones which precededthem. They are alwayes
transported with the glorie of the one, but they never minde the miserie
of the other, till they finde the experience themselves. They neglect
the advice of God, while they enioy life, or hope it; but they follow
the counsell of Death, upon his first approach. It is he that puts into
man all the wisdome of the world, without speaking a word ; which God
with all the words of His Law, promises, or threats, doth not infuse.
Death which hateth and destroyeth man, is beleeved ; God, which hath
made him and loves him, is alwayes deferred. I have considered, saith
Solomon, all the workes that are under the Sunne, and behold, all is
vanitie and vexation of spirit: but who beleeves it, till Death tells it
us. It was Death, which opening the conscience of Charles the fift, made
him enjoyne his sonne Philip to restore Navarre ; and King Francis the
First of France, to command that justice should be done upon the
murderers of the Protestants in Merindol and Cabrieres, which till then
he neglected. It is therefore Death alone that can suddenly make man
know himselfe. He tells the proud and insolent, that they are but
Abjects, and humbles them at the instant ; makes them crie, complaine,
and repent; yea, even to hate their forepassed happinesse. He takes the
account of the rich, and proves him a beggar, a naked begger, which hath
interest in nothing, but in the grauell that filles his mouth. He holds
a glasse before the eyes of the most beautifull, and makes them see
therein their deformitie and rottennesse; and they acknowledge it.

O eloquent, just and mightie Death ! whom none could advise, thou hast
perswaded ; what none hath dared, thou hast done ; and whom all the
world hath flattered, thou onely hast cast out of the world and despised
: thou hast drawne together all the farre stretched greatnesse, all the
pride, crueltie, and ambition, of man, and covered it all over with
those two narrow words : _Hic jacet._

With this outburst of true eloquence the historian of the world laid
down his pen in 1614. Four short years later the same historian himself,
wickedly sacrificed by his hispaniolized monarch, laid down his life on
the scaffold, with an apotheosis scarcely less eloquent. No death
recorded in ancient or modern history is more grand or instructive than
that of Sir Walter Raleigh, in many respects the greatest man of his age.

On the execution being granted in the King's Bench Court, on the
afternoon of the 28th of October 1618, he asked for a little time for
pre- paration, but his request was refused, Bacon having already in his
pocket the death warrant duly signed by the King before the meeting of
the Court! Sir Walter then asked for paper, pen and ink; and when he
came to die that he might be permitted to speak at his farewell. To
these last requests he appears to have received no reply, but was with
indecent haste hustled off to the Gate House for execution early the
next morning, the 29th of October, Lord Mayor's day, when it was
expected that the crowd would go cityward. However, there was a crowd,
and probably in consequence he was not prohibited from speaking. He had
prepared himself, and is said to have consulted a _'Noteof Remembrance'_
which he held in his hand while speaking. It is possible, nay, probable
that this very same _Note_ still survives in 'paper-saving' Hariot's
'waste,' for a precious little waif, all crumpled and soiled, just such
a ' Noteof Remembrance,' it is believed, as Raleigh held in his hand and
consulted during that ever memorable speech, has comedown to us, and is
now preserved among the Hariot papers in the British Museum. It has been
recently recognized and identified by Mr Stevens, who has placed it,
with other newly discovered documents respecting our philosopher, at the
disposition of the Hercules Club. It is thought to possess internal
evidence of having been drawn out _before_ the speech, and is not
therefore Hariot's jottings of remembrance _after_ it. But positive
proof is wanting.

It is beyond all doubt, however, in the well-known handwriting of
Hariot, and is presumed to be the ' note of remembrance' _for_ the
speech, made in the Gate House, probably from dictation, during the
night before the execution. It appears as if hurriedly penned with a
blunt quill, and is on a narrow strip of thin foolscap paper such as
Hariot used. It is about twelve inches long and nearly four inches wide,
about one-third of the lower part of the paper being blank. There is no
heading, date, or anything else on the paper. It is rather difficult to
read, but every word, letter and point have been made out, and the whole
_Note_ is here given, line for line, and verbatim, the heading and
press-mark only being added :

     [SIR WALTER RALEIGH'S ' NOTE OR REMEMBRANCE '

     _for his speech on the Scaffold_ Oct. 29 1618.]

     Two fits of an agew.

     Thankes to god.

     of calling god to witness.

     note

     That He Speake iustly & truely.

     I.) Concerning his loyalty to _ye_

     King. French Agent,

     & Comission fro ye french King.

     2.) of Slanderous fpeeches touching

     his majty. a french man.

     Sr L. Stukely.

     3.) Sr L. Stukely. My lo: Carewe.

     4.) SrL. Stukely. My lo: of Danchaster.

     5.) Sr L. St: S' Edward Perham.

     6.) Sr L. St. A letter on london hyway l0000li.

     7.) Mine of Guiana.

     8.) Came back by constreynt.

     9.) My L. of Arundell.

     10.) Company ufed ill in ye Voyadge.

     11. Spotting of his face & counterfeiting sicknes.

     12 The _E. of_ Eflex.

     Lastly, he deiired ye company to ioyne with him in prayer. &c.

     _[Brit. MM. Add._ MSS. 6789.]

Every paragraph of the speech is noted, but not quite in the order of
the speech as variously reported by those who witnessed the execution
and heard it. Circumstances occurred after Sir Walter began to speak,
which may have caused the slight change in the order as here set down.
This argues in favor of its being a note prepared beforehand. If so It
must have been written shortly before the speech, because the order for
the execution was not given in the King's Bench Court till the afternoon
of the 28th, and the execution was fixed for early the next morning.

There is a little confusion of the tenses, but this is not strange
considering that the note was penned by a third person. The last two
lines, below the number 12, may have been added by Hariot afterwards, as
they are in the past tense and third person, and are separated from the
rest of the note by a dash. This point is not numbered. It is possible
that thefirst five lines were also added subsequently, as they are not
numbered, and are placed near the top of the paper, as if interpolated,
but they are in the same handwriting, and apparently were written with
the same pen and ink.

At all events, whether written by Hariot before or after the deed, it is
a precious contemporary document, and is another proof, if any more be
needed, of the genuineness of the reported dying speech, and,
consequently, that the famous 'Spanish papers' recently reproduced are
forgeries and false. It requires no great stretch of the imagination
with this little messenger in hand to believe that the ingenious teacher
and friend of his youth, and for nearly two score years the constant
companion of his manhood, passed that dreadful night with Sir Walter in
the Gate House at Westminster, and after ' dear Bess' had taken her
leave at midnight, penned out this note of remembrance for his friend's
morning guidance, that nothing should be forgotten in case the ague
returned, which he feared even more than death.

A little more than a month after the execution of his friend, Hariot is
found in his observatory at Sion taking observations of the comet of
December 1618. His valuable observations are preserved among his
mathematical papers. During the eleven years following his primitive
observations of the ' Hariot' comet of 1607, first at Ilfracombeand
later at Kidwely, great advances had been made in the science of
astronomy, chiefly in consequence of the invention of the telescope, and
the discoveries by means of it. No mathematician in Europe was probably
further advanced in this science than Hariot.

What particular discoveries belonged to him and what to Galileo, Kepler
and other contemporaries, it is very difficult to determine, since it is
now positively known that from 1609 or 1610 Hariot was a manufacturer
and dealer in lenses, or perspective glasses, as well as in perspective
trunks or telescopes; and that he was in correspondence with Kepler, and
probably with Galileo. He was easily the chief of astronomers in
England, and is known to have possessed the earliest books of Galileo
and to have sent them to his disciples, Lower and Protheroe, in Wales.
Respecting this comet of 1618, he was in correspondence with Alien and
Standish of Oxford and other scholars at home and abroad.

In 'Certain Elegant Poems, Written By Dr. [Richard] Corbel, Bishop of
Norwich. R. Cotes for Andrew Crooke, 1647, 16°- The mirth-loving Bishop,
in 'A Letter sent from Doclor Corbetto MaJler [Sir Thomas] Ailebury,
Decem. 9. 1618' [on the Comet of that year] is the following allusion to
Hariot:

     _Burton_ to _Gunter_ Cants, and _Burton_ heares
     From _Gunter,_ and th' Exchange both tongue & eares
     By carriage : thus doth mired _Guy_ complaine,
     His Waggon on their letters beares _Charles_ Waine,
     _Charles_ Waine, to which they fay the tayle will reach
     And at this diftance they both heare, and teach.
     Now for the peace of God and men, advise
     (Thou that haft wherewithall to make us wise)
     Thine owne rich ftudies, and deepe Harriots mine,
     In which there is no drosse, but all refine,
     O tell us what to trust to, lest we wax
     All stiffe and tupid with his paralex ;
     Say, shall the old Philofophy be true ?
     Or doth he ride above the Moone think you ? _etc._

After the departure of the ' Blazing Starr' of December 1618, very
little is known of Hariot, except that he lived at Sion while his patron
the Earl was still in the Tower, where he was probably frequently
visited by his man of science. The following letter, dated the 19th of
January 1619, to him at Sion from Sir Thomas Aylesbury is interesting as
showing the great interest taken in his old master by his ' loytering
scholar.' Many other letters of this stamp, breathing love and ardent
friendship, are found among the Hariot papers, from Sir William Lower,
Sir John Protheroe, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Dr Turner, and Sir Thomas
Aylesbury. Here is a sample:

     Sr, Though I have bene yet soe little a while att New
     Mar-kett, that I have not any thing of moment to ympart; yet I
     thinke it not amisse to write a bare salutacons, and let yo
     know, that in theise wearie journeys I am often times
     comforted wth the remembraunce of yor kind love and paynes
     bestowed on yor loytering scholar, whose little credit in the
     way of learning is all-waits underpropped wt the name of soe
     worthie a Maister.

     The Comet being spent, the talke of it still runnes current
     here; The Kings ma before mycumming spake w' one of Cambridge
     called Olarentia, (a name able to beget beleefe of some
     extraordinarie qualities) but what satisfaction he gave, I
     cannot yet learne; here are papers out of Spayne about it, yea
     and fro Roome, wc I will endevor to gett, and meane yt yo
     shall partake of the newes as tyme serves.

     Cura ut valeas et me ames, who am ever trulie and unfaynedlyr
     yors att Commaund. THO: AYLESBURIE.

     Newmarkett. 19, Jan. 1618/1619

     _Addressed:_ To my right woorthie frend Mr. THOMAS HARRIOT

     att Syon, theise, fro Newmarkett.

Between 1615 and 1620 there are evidences of Hariot's failing health. He
was greatly troubled with a cancerous ulcer on the lip. How early this
began is not apparent. In 1610 his friend Lower cautions him to be
careful of his health. There is in the British Museum among the Hariot
papers the drafts of three beautiful letters in Latin written from Sion
in 1615 and 1616 to a friend of distinction, name not mentioned, who had
been recently appointed to some medical office at court, in which he
describes himself and his disease.

These letters show great resignation and Christian fortitude. He seemed
to be getting better in 1616, and expressed himself as somewhat hopeful.
The progress of the cancer and other troubles cannot now probably be
traced, but he is found in the summer of 1621 lodging with his old
friend Thomas Buckner, in Threadneedle Street, near the Royal Exchange,
in the parish of St Christopher. Buckner had been one of Raleigh's '
First Colonie ' to Virginia in 1585 with Hariot, and Hariot, now in
1621, had come up from Sion probably for medical advice near the
hospital. On the 2gth of June he made or executed his Will, and died
three days after at Buckner's, on the and of July 1621. He was buried
the next day, according to the wish expressed in his will, in the old
parish church of St Christopher in Threadneedle Street.

                      Sifte viator, leviter preme,
                   Iacet hic juxta, Quod mortale fuit,
                                  C. V.
                             THOMÆ HARRIOTT.
                   Hic fuit Doftiffimus ille Harriotus
                       de Syon ad Flumen Thamefin,
                           Patria & educatione
                               Oxonienfis,
                       QVM omnes fcientias Caluit,
                        Qui in omnibus excelluit,
                Mathematicis, Philofophicis, Theologicis.
                   Veritatis indagator ftudiofiffimus,
                    Dei Trini-uniui cultor piiffimus,
                      Sexagenarius, aut eo circiter,
                    Mortalitati valedixit, Non vitæ,
                     Anno Christi M.DC.XXI. Iulii 2.

Shortly after there was erected to his memory in the chancel, at the
expense, it is understood, of his noble friend the Earl of
Northumberland, a fine marble monument, bearing the above neat and
appropriate inscription.

St Christopher's, a very old church, with its records (still preserved)
extending back in an almost unbroken series to 1488, passed through many
vicissitudes before itwas finally swallowed up by the leviathan of the
world's commerce. The site of it is now occupied by the south-west
cornerof the Bank of England on Princes Street, to the left of the
entrance, nearly opposite the Mansion House. The church was restored and
redecorated the year of Hariot's death, and again twelve years later,
but was burnt in the great fire of 1666. Hariot's monument perished with
it, but the inscription had been preserved by Stow. The church was
rebuilt on the same foundation by Sir Christopher Wren in 1680.

About a century ago the church, with the whole parish of St Christopher
(called then St Christopher-le-stocks because near the stocks standing
at the east end of Cheapside), together with a large portion of two
other parishes, St Margaret's and St Bartholomew's, was purchased by the
Old Lady of Threadneedle Street for the site of the new Bank of England.
Thus one great bank of this modern metropolis covers a large part of
three parishes of old London.

The whole area of the Bank, however, was not given up to mammon, though
still here men most do congregate, and worshippers most do worship. One
small consecrated spot, enough perhaps to leaven and memorize the whole
site, was respected, and not built over. It was the churchyard of St
Christopher. This ' God's acre' the architect and the governors have
dedicated to Beauty, Art, and Nature. The little ' Garden of the Bank of
England,' the loveliest spot in all London at this day, measuring about
twenty-four by thirty-two yards, was just a hundred years ago the little
churchyard of St Christopher, where still repose the bones of THOMAS
HARIOT.

Virginia, which once comprehended the present United States from South
to North, has been called the monument to Sir Walter Raleigh. So the
Bank of England, built round the churchyard of St Christopher, may be
called the monument to Thomas Hariot.

The present year, 1879, is just three centuries since Hariot went forth,
a youth of twenty, from the University of Oxford. We have briefly told
his story. England is all the richer for his life, and the world itself
acknowledges the wealth of his science and the worth of his philosophy.
The Bank of England is built round his bones, but it cannot cover his
memory.

                    Stay, traveller, tread lightly ;
                   Near this spot lies what was mortal
                       of that most celebrated man
                             THOMAS HARRIOT.
                     He was the very learned Harriot
                           of Sion on Thames ;
                          by birth and education
              an Oxonian, Who cultivated all the sciences,
                          and excelled in all,
              In Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, Theology.
           A most studious investigator of truth, A most pious
                      worshipper of the Triune God,
                  At the age of sixty, or thereabouts,
               He bade farewell to mortality, not to life,
                            July 2d A.D. 1621.

He lived, died, and was forgotten in the parish of St Christopher.
Henceforward, whenever Englishmen and Americans, merchants and scholars,
rich and poor, men of genius and men of money, enter this little'
Garden,' let them read there in English what Henry Percy originally set
up in Latin, the above inscription.

An impression has gone abroad, traceable chiefly to Aubrey and to
Anthony à Wood, that Hariot was unsound in religious principles and
matters of belief; that he was, in fact, not only a Deist himself, but
that he exerted a baleful influence over Raleigh and his History as well
as over the Earl of Northumberland. Not to misstate this utterly
unfounded imputation, the very words of Wood, as first printed in his
Athenæ in 1691, and never since modified, are here given in full: ' But
notwithstanding his great skill in mathematics, he had strange thoughts
of the scripture, and always undervalued the old story of the creation
of the world, and could never believe that trite position, _Ex nihilo
nihil fit._ He made a _Philosophical Theology,_ wherein he cast off the
OLD TESTAMENT, so that consequently the New would have no foundation. He
wasaDeist, and his doctrine he did impart to the said Count [the Earl]
and to Sir Walt. Raleigh when he was compiling the _History of the
World,_ and would controvert the matter with eminent divines of those
times; who therefore having no good opinion of him, did look on the
manner of his death as a judgment upon him for those matters, and for
nullifying the scripture.'

It is needless to say that in all our investigations into the life,
actions, and character of this eminent philosopher and Christian, from
the time when, as a young man in 1585, he took delight in reading the
Bible to the Indians of Virginia, down to the time that he made his
remarkable will in 1621, not one word has been found in cor-roboration
of these statements; but, on the contrary, many passages have appeared
to contradict and disprove them. Let any one notice the numerous
citations of the various books of the Bible in Raleigh's History, and he
will surely fail to discover any evidence of Raleigh's being a Deist, or
that Hariot had taught him to undervalue the scripture.

It is not necessary here to say more in this connection than to quote
the following passage from one of the Latin letters in 1616 referred to
above by Hariot to the eminent physician who had just received a high
medical appointment at Court, describing himself and his terrible
affliction [a cancer on the lip]. The passage is given in English, but
the original Latin may be seen in the British Museum (Add. 6789). It
seems to have been written on purpose to refute such slanders. He writes
:

     Think of me as your sincere friend. Your interests are
     involved as well as mine. My recovery will be your triumph,
     but through the Almighty who is the Author of all good things.
     As I have now and then said, I believe these three points. I
     believe in God Almighty; I believe that Medicine was ordained
     by him ; I trust the Physician as his minister. My faith is
     sure, my hope firm. I wait however with patience for
     everything in its own time according to His Providence. We
     must act earnestly, fight boldly, but in His name, and we
     shall conquer. Sic transit gloria mundi, omnia transibunt, nos
     ibimus, ibitis, ibunt. So passes away the glory of this world,
     all things shall pass away, we shall pass away, you will pass
     away, they will pass away.

There is unfortunately no portrait known of Hariot, and we can form no
idea of his personal appearance; but, fortunately, the drafts of the
three Latin letters to his eminent friend at Court, alluded to above,
fully describe his terrible disease and other bodily infirmities in 1615
and 1616, and give us some notion of himself and his personal habits.
His regular physician was Dr Turner, and his apothecary Mr May-orne,
both employed also by Sir Walter.

Dr Alexander Read, in his ' Chirurgicall Lectures of Tumors and Vlcers
Delivered in the Chirurgeans Hall, 1632-34. London. 1638,' 4°, says in
Treatise 2, Lecture 26, page 307:

     Cancerous ulcers also feize upon this part [lips]. This grief
     haftened the end of that famous Mathematician, Mr. Hariot,
     with whom I was acquainted but a fhorttime before his death :
     whom at one time, together with Mr. Hughes, who wrote of the
     Globes, Mr. Warner, and Mr. Torperley, the Noble Earl of
     Northumberland, the favourer of all good learning, and Mecænas
     of learned men, maintained while he was in the Tower for their
     worth and various literature

A great deal of misconception has hitherto prevailed respecting Hariot's
great printed work on Algebra. His reputation as a mathematician has
been permitted to hinge chiefly upon it, very much to his disadvantage.
A brief bibliographical statement of facts will probably present the
matter in a new light. But first let the book be described as it lies
before us and has been described by many others since the days of
Professor Wallis, nearly two hundred years ago. The Title is as follows
: 'Artis Analyticæ / Praxis / Ad æquationes Algebraicas nouæ, expeditæ,
& generali / methodo, resoluendas : / Tractatus/ E posthumis THOMÆ
HARRIOTI Philosophi ac Mathematici ce- / leberrimi sche-diasmatis summæ
fide & diligentia / descriptus:/ Et/Illvstrissimo Domino/Dom.
HenricoPercio,/ Northvmbriæ Comiti,/Qui hæc primò, sub Patronatus &
Munificentiæ suæ auspicjss / ad proprios vsus elucubrata, in communem
Mathematicorum / vtilitatem, denuò reuisenda, describenda, & publicanda
/ mandauit, meritissimi Honoris ergò / Nuncupatus. / Londini / Apud
Robertvm Barker, Typographum / Regium : Et Hæred. Io. Billii. /Anno
1631. / _Title, reverse blank;_ Prefatio 4 pages; Text 180 pages, and
Errata 1 page (Bbb) followed by a blank page, folio. A very handsomely
printed book. In the British Museum, 529 m 8, is Charles the First's
copy in old calf, gilt edges, with the royal arms on the sides. In the
Preface the editors (Aylesbury and Prothero aided by Warner)say:

     Artis Analyticæ, cuius caufa hîc agitur, port eruditum illud
     Græcorum fæculum antiquitatæ iamdiù & incultæ iacentis,
     rcftitutionem _Francifcus Viete,_ Gallus, vir clariflimus, &
     ob infignem in fcientijs Mathematicis peritiam, Gallicæ gentis
     decus, primus fingulari confilio & intentato ante hâc conamine
     aggreffus eft; atque ingenuam hanc animi fui intentionem per
     varios tractatus, quos in argumenti huius elaboratione
     eleganter & acutè confcripfit, pofteris teftatem rcliquit. Dùm
     verò ille veteris Analytices reftitutionem, quam fibi
     propofuit, feriò molitus eft, non tàm eam reftitutam, quàm
     proprijs inuentionibus actam & exornatam, tanquam nouam &
     fuam, nobis tradidifle videtur. Quod generali conceptu
     enuntiatum paulo fufius explicandum eft; vt, oftenfo eo quod
     primùm à _Vieta_ in inftituto fuo promouendo actum eft, quid
     pofteà ab authore noftro doctifiimo _Thomâ Harrioto,_ qui
     ilium certamine ifto Analytico fequntus eft, praeftitum fit,
     meliùs innotefcere possit. [Which done into English is
     substantially as follows]

     Francis Vieta, a Frenchman, a most distinguished man, and on
     account of his remarkable skill in Mathematical Science the
     honour of the French nation, first of all with singular genius
     and with industry hitherto unattempted undertook the
     restoration of the analytic art, of which subject we are here
     treating, which after the learned age of the Greeks for a long
     time had become antiquated and remained uncultivated : and by
     various treatises which he eloquently and ingeniously wrote in
     the working out of this line of argument, left a record to
     posterity of this noble design of his mind. But while he
     seriously laboured at the restoration of the old Analysis,
     which he had proposed to himself, he seems not so much to have
     transmitted to us a restoration of that science, as a new and
     original method, worked out and illustrated by his own
     discoveries. This, having been enunciated in general terms,
     must be explained a little more at length ; so that having
     shown what was first effected by Vieta in promoting his
     design, it may be more clear, what was afterwards performed by
     our very learned author Thomas Harriot, who followed him in
     these analytical investigations.

And at the end of the volume, on page 180, is the following explanatory
note :

                        AD MATHIMATICIS STUDIOSOS.

        'Ex omnibus _Thoma Harrioti_ fcriptis Mathematicis,quòd
     opus hoc Analyticum primum in publicum emiflum fit, haud
     inconfulto factum eft. Nam, quùm reliqua eius opera,
     multiplici inuentorum nouitate excellentia, eodem omnino quo
     tractatus ifte (Logiftices fpeciofsæ exemplis omnimodis totus
     compofitus) ftilo Logiftico, hactenùs inufitato, confcripta
     fint, eâ certè ratione fit, vt prodromus hic tractatus, vltra
     proprium ipfius inæftimabilem vfum, reliquis _Harrioti_
     fcriptis, de quorum editione iam ferio cogitatur, pro
     neceffario preparamento fiue introductorio opportunè inferuire
     poffit. De quâ quidem accefforiâ operis huius vtilitate rerum
     Mathematicarum ftudiofos paucis his præmonuiffe operæprecium
     efle duximus.' [Which being interpreted reads as follows in
     English]

                       TO STUDENTS OF MATHEMATICS.

     It is not without good reason that, of all Thomas Harriot's
     Mathematical writings, this on Analysis has been published
     first. For whereas all his remaining works, remarkable for
     their manifold novelties of discovery, are written precisely
     in the same, hitherto unusual, logical style as this treatise
     (which consists entirely of varied specimens of beautiful
     reasoning); this was certainly done that this preliminary
     treatise, besides its own inestimable utility, might suitably
     serve as a necessary preparation or introduction to the study
     of Harriot's remaining works, the publication of which is now
     under serious consideration. Of this accessory use of this
     treatise we have thought it worth while to remind mathematical
     students in these brief remarks.

From this it appears that Hariot's system of Analytics or Algebra was
based on that of his friend and correspondent Francois Vieta, as Vieta's
was avowedly based on that of the ancients. There appears to have been
no attempt whatever on the part of the Englishman to appropriate the
honors of the Frenchman, as many foreign writers have charged. Full
credit was given by Hariot and his friends to the distinguished French
mathematician.

But Hariot's modifications, improvements, and simplifications were so
distinct and marked that from the first, and long before publication,
they were called among his students and correspondents ' Hariot's
Method,' meaning thereby only Hariot's peculiarities, without reference
to the great merits of Vieta's restoration, modification, adaptation,
and improvement of the old analyses from the times of the Greeks.

Vieta's' Canon Mathematicus' was published at Paris in 1579, and was
reissued in London with a new title in 1589 as his ' Opera Mathematica.'
But this work does not contain the Algebra. That was first published in
1591 under the following title :

'Francisci Vietæ/InArtem Analyticam/Isagoge/Seorfim excuffa ab Opere
reftitutæ Mathematicæ/Analyfeos, seu, Algebraicâ nouâ. / Tvronis,/ Apud
Iametivm Mettayer Typographium Regium. / Anno 1591.' / folio. A
Supplement appeared in 1593. Seven years later there came out under the
auspices of Ghetaldi, a young Italian nobleman of mathematical tastes,
who had been studying in Paris, the following :-' De Nvmerosa Potestatvm
/ Ad Exegefum / Resolvtione. / Ex Opere reftitutæ Mathematicæ Analyfeos,
/ feu, Algebrà nouà / Francisci Vietæ. / Parisiis, / Excudebat David le
Clerc. / 1600.' / folio. On the last page of this book is an interesting
letter from Marino Ghetaldi to his preceptor Michele Coignetto, dated at
Paris the I5th of February 1600.

These three thin folio volumes of great rarity are models of typographic
beauty. They manifestly served as the model for printing Hariot's
Algebra in 1631. The set here described (the three bound in one volume),
Prince Henry's own copies, bearing his arms and the Prince of Wales'
feathers, is preserved in the British Museum, press-marked 530, m. 10.

Thus Vieta's method appears to have been given to the world in three
instalments between 1591 and 1600, while the author himself died in
1603. It was probably in reference to one or both of these works that
Lower gently reproached Hariot for having allowed himself to be
anticipated in the public announcement of his discoveries in Algebra by
Vieta. It has already been seen, on page 101 above, what Torperley, the
friend of Vieta, wrote of his two masters in 1602, and also, on page
121, what Lower wrote to Hariot in 1610.

One is forced, therefore, to the conclusion that by 1600, if not some
time before, Hariot had completed his method in Algebra, and distributed
his well known problems to his admiring scholars. It has also been seen
how, from 1603 to the day of his death, he was occupied in many other
absorbing matters connected with Raleigh and Percy. Yet he may have
felt, as Lower expressed it, that when he surveyed his storehouse of
inventions this one of Algebra might seem in ' comparison of manie
others smal or of no value.' The matter is introduced here mainly
because certain foreign writers,rebutting Wallis's patriotic claims in
behalf of Hariot, have not only accused Hariot of appropriating Vieta's
rights, but they even describe the distinguished English mathematician
as working on the ' Cartesian Method.' While the truth appears to be
that Hariot's method in Algebra, though not published for more than
thirty years after its invention, must date from a time when Descartes
was scarcely four years old.

On the other hand, on looking into Descartes' great and original work on
geometry, first published in 1637, six years after Hariot's Algebra
first saw the light in print, one is not disposed to accuse the great
philosopher of plagiarism because in working out his problems of great
novelty in reference to geometrical curves he employed any systems of
notation and calculation in algebra (Hariot's among the others) that
happened to be before the world. The point or essence of Descartes' work
was geometry and not algebra. Therefore, in climbing to his loft, he was
perfectly justified in using the ladder which Hariot had left, as it was
then in general use, and was only an incidental aid in his independent
calculations, especially as the fame of his great mathematical brother
was well established, and he had been already sixteen years in St
Christopher's. Vieta therefore had manifestly no just reason to
complain, and Descartes stands acquitted.

The history of Hariot's _Praxis_ has attracted a great deal of attention
for more than two centuries and has long been obscured by many
misconceptions and erroneous statements. In the first place it has been
always said from the days of Collins that it was edited by Walter
Warner, and Wood adds that Warner was to have his pension continued by
Algernon Percy, for that scientific labor. There is evidence that
Warner, though employed on the work by Sir Thomas Aylesbury, was not the
sole editor. See Aylesbury's Letter to the Earl on page 189.

The book led to a great deal of international or patriotic controversy,
and with great injustice to Hariot was treated by the English advocates
as his masterpiece in science. Wallis in 1685 in his History of Algebra,
after much correspondence with Collins and others on the subject between
1667 and 1676, became Hariot's English champion. The controversy
respecting the Methods of Hariot and of Descartes became as warm as that
respecting the discoveries of Leibnitz and of Newton.

Wallis ranked Oughtred's _Clavis_ and Hariot's _Praxis_ very high, and
because both were first printed in 1631, treated them as productions or
inventions of that year, whereas Hariot's method, as we have seen, had
been long practically before his disciples; and was, ten years after the
author's death, given to the world avowedly as an' accessory' only, or
preliminary treatise, that it 'might suitably serve as a necessary
preparation or introduction to the study of Hariot's remaining works,
the publication of which is now under serious consideration.'
Unfortunately this excellent scheme fell through, probably in
consequence of the death of the Earl of Northumberland, and perhaps
partly because of the death of Nathaniel Torporley who had long been
engaged in ' penning the doctrine' of Hariot's mathematical papers. They
both died in 1632, shortly after the publication of the Praxis. Wallis's
charge had a basis of truth, but it was narrow and petty. As an
Algebraist he seems to have lost sight of the main point, that
Descartes' great work was on Geometry and not on Algebra, and that
Hariot's method, though first printed in 1631, was almost as old as
Descartes himself. Montucla the French mathematician, near the close of
the last century, in his History of Mathematics, summed up the
controversy raised by Wallis including the minor one raised by Dr Zach
in 1785, clearing Descartes of Wallis's charges and relegating Hariot to
the respectability of a second-rate mathematician. If Montucla's verdict
be based on mathematical reasoning as loose and slipshod as is his
statement of the historical points of the case, to say nothing of his
utter ignorance of Hariot's biography and true position as an English
man of science, one feels justified in rejecting it as worthless : as
one also is compelled to do the vapid conclusions drawn from Montucla
which have since found their way into many recent biographical
dictionaries and into many pretentious articles in learned encyclopædias
respecting Hariot and his works. The truth seems to be that Hariot was
unlucky and fell into oblivion accidentally. He was a man of immense
industry and great mental power, but perhaps careless of his scientific
and literary reputation. As has been seen, he always had many irons in
the fire, and was overtaken by death in the prime of life, leaving, as
his will shows, many things unfinished, and none of his papers in a
state ready for publication. He was surrounded by the best of friends,
but time and opportunity, as so often happens in the affairs of busy
men, worked against him, and he was well nigh consigned to forgetfulness.

However, after a half century's slumber, when the great fire of London
had destroyed his monument, and too late many scholars were minded to
attempt the recovery and preservation of memorials of the past, John
Collins the mathematician began soundings in the pool of oblivion for
Hariot and his papers. He and his correspondents fished up a great deal
of truth and history, but so mixed with error and conjecture that the
results, though interesting, are misleading.

In the ' Correspondence of Scientific Men of the Seventeenth Century,
Edited by Professor S.J. Rigaud, 2 volumes, Oxford 1841,' 8°, are found
the following instructive and amusing passages :

     As for Geysius, he published an Algebra and Stereometria
     divers years before the first edition of the Clavis [of
     Oughtred, 1631] was extant in Mr. Harriot's method, out of
     which Alsted took what he published of algebra in his
     Encylopasdia printed in 1630, the year before the Clavis was
     first extant (see Christmannus and Raymarus). Mr. Harriot's
     method is now more used than Oughtred's, and himself in the
     esteem of Dr. Wallis not beneath Des Cartes. Dr. Hakewill, in
     his Apology, tells you Harriot was the first that squared the
     area of a spherical triangle; and I can tell you, by the
     perusal of some papers of Torporley's it appears that Harriot
     could make the sign of any arch at demand, and the converse,
     and apply a table of sines to solve all equations, and treated
     largely of figurate arithmetic. His papers fell into the hands
     of Sir Thomas Aylesbury, father to the Lord Chancellor's lady,
     where I hope they still are, unless they had the hard fate to
     be lent out, before the fire, and be burned, as some have said.

     _Collins to Wallis, no date, circa_ 1670, _vol. ii, page_ 478.

     As to Harriot, he was so learned, saith Dr. Pell, that had he
     published all he knew in algebra, he would have left little of
     the chief mysteries of that art unhandled. His papers fell
     into the hands of Sir Thomas Aylesbury, who was father to the
     late Lord Chancellor's [Clarendon] Lady,by which means they
     fell into the Lord Chancellor's hands, to whom application was
     made by the members of the Royal Society to obtain them: his
     lordship (then in the height of his dignity and employments)
     gave order for a search to be made, and in result the answer
     was, they could not be found. I am afraid the search was but
     perfunctory, and that, if his lordship (now at leisure) were
     solicited for them, he might write to his son the Lord
     Cornbury to make a diligent search for them. One Mr.
     Protheroe, in Wales, was executor to Mr. Harriot, and from him
     the Lord Vaughan, the Earl of Carbery's son, received more
     than a quire of Mr. Harriot's Analytics. The Lord Brounker has
     about two sheets of Harriot de Motu et Collisione Corporum,
     and more of his I know not of: there is nothing of Harriot's
     extant but that piece which Mons. Garibal hath.

     _Collint to Vernon, not dated but circa_ 1671, _vol. i, page_
     153.

Upon this passage Professor Rigaud makes the following note, written at
Oxford in 1841:

     Harriot's will is not to be found, but Camden says that he
     left his property to Viscount Lisle and Sir Thomas Aylesbury.
     Lord Lisle's share of the papers appear to have been given up
     to his father-in-law, Henry earl of Northumberland, who had
     been Harriot's munificent patron, and they descended with the
     family property to the E. of Egremont, by whom a large portion
     has been given to the British Museum, and the remainder are
     still preserved at Petworth. Sir Thomas Aylesbury's share
     became the property of his son-in-law Lord Chancellor
     Clarendon, to whom the Royal Society applied, but, as it
     appears, without obtaining them. (See Birch, Hist. Royal
     Society, vol. ii, pp. 120, 116, 309.)-_Vol. i, page_ 153.

Here seems to be the germ of Professor Wallis's charge of plagiarism
against Descartes, written to Collins twelve years before it appeared in
thefirst editionof his History of Algebra in English in 1685. It
subsequently took a wider range, and was strenuously defended by Wallis
when opposed:

     That which I most valued in his [Des Cartes] method, and which
     pleased me best, was the way of bringing over the whole
     equations to one side, making it equal to nothing, and thereby
     forming his compound equations by the multiplication of
     simples, from thence also determining the number of roots,
     real or imaginary, in each. This artifice, on which all the
     rest of his doctrine is grounded, was that which most made me
     to set a value on him, presuming it had been properly his own;
     but afterwards I perceived that he had it from Hariot, whose
     Algebra was published after his death in the year 1631, six
     years before Des Cartes' Geometry in French in the year 1637 :
     and yet Des Cartes makes no mention at all of Harriot, whom he
     follows in designing his species by small letters, and the
     power: of them by the number of dimensions, without the
     characters of _j, c, qq, &c._

     _Walla to Collins, Oxford,_ 12 _April_ 1673, _vol, ii, page_
     573.

     And had I but known of any precedent, (as since in Harriot I
     find one, and I think but one √_-dddddd,)_ I should not
     have scrupled to follow it; but I was then too young an
     algebraist to innovate without example. Since that time I have
     been more venturous, and I find now that others do not scruple
     to use it as well as I. [Just what Descartes did. He '
     innovated' prior to 1637, when he took Hariot's well
     recognized notation in algebra to work out his problems in
     geometry for which Hariot himself would have thanked him.]

     _Wallis to Collins, May 6,_ 1673, _vol. ii, page_ 578.

     One Torporley, long since, left a manuscript treatise in Latin
     in Sion College, wherein is a much more copious table of
     figurate numbers, which I have caused to be transcribed, with
     what he says de combinationibus, to send to Mr. Strode.

On this passage, extracted from a letter from Collins to Baker, dated
the 19th of August, 1676, Professor Rigaud has the following note,
written in 1841, vol. ii, page 5 :

Nath. Torporley left his manuscripts to Sion College, where he spent the
latter years of his life ; but the greater part of them was destroyed by
the fire of London. Reading, in his catalogue of the library, mentions
only one, " Corrector Analyticus," which is an attack on Warner for the
manner in which he had edited Harriot's " Artis Analyticæ Praxis." This
is a short tract, and incomplete. There is, however, another volume, A.
37-39, entitled, "Algebraica, Tabulæ Sinuum,&c." in which Torporley's
hand may be certainly recognized. Wood, in the list of his works, speaks
of "Congestor opus Mathematicam,- imperfect." A perfect copy of this
treatise is in Lord Maccles-field's possession, and probably once
belonged to Collins.

Perhaps the best comment that one can make on the wild and extraordinary
statements contained in the above extracts is to ask the reader to read
over Hariot's Will,given entire on pages 193-203, and especially this
_Item_ respecting his Mathematical and other Writings, and the Rev.
Nathaniel Torporley, from which it will appear that all his valued
papers were bequeathed with great care to the Earl of Northumberland, to
be deposited in his library in a trunk with lock and key, after they had
been looked over and perused, by Mr Torporley, and (the waste papers
having been weeded out) the whole arranged by him ' to the end that
_after hee doth vnderstand them_ he may make use in penning such
doctrine that belongs unto them for publique use.' This, of course, was
to be done under the supervision of the four Executors, who were persons
of no less distinction than Sir Robert Sidney Knight Viscount Lisle,
John Protheroe Esquire, Thomas Aylesbury Esquire, and Thomas Buckner
Mercer.

     ITEM I ordayne and Constitute the aforesaid Nathaniel
     Thorperley first to be Overseer of my Mathematical Writings to
     be received of my Executors to peruse and order and to
     separate the Chiefe of them from my waste papers, to the end
     that after hee doth vnderstand them hee may make use in
     penninge such doctrine that belongs vnto them for publique
     vses as it shall be thought Convenient by my Executors and him
     selfe. And if it happen that some manner of Notacions or
     writings of the said papers shall not be understood by him
     then my desire is that it will please him to confer with Mr
     Warner or Mr Hughes Attendants on the afore said Earle
     Concerning the aforesaid double. And if hee be not resolued by
     either of them That then hee Conferre with ihe aforesaid John
     Protheroe Esquier or the aforesaid Thomas Alesbury Esquior. (I
     hopeing that some or other of the aforesaid fower last
     nominated can resolve him). And when hee hath had the use of
     the said papers soe longe as my Executors and hee have agreed
     for the use afore said That then he deliver them againe unto
     my Executors to be putt into a Convenient Truncke with a locke
     and key and to be placed in my Lord of Northumberlandes
     Library and the key thereof to be delivered into his
     Lordshipps hands. And if at anie tyme after my Executors or
     the afore said Nathaniell Thorperley shall agayne desire the
     use of some or all of the said Mathematicall papers That then
     it will please the said Earle to lett anie of the aforesaid to
     have them for theire use soe long as shall be thought
     Convenient, and afterwards to be restored agayne unto the
     Truncke in the afore said Earles Library. Secondly my will and
     desire is that the said Nathaniell Thorperley be alsoe
     Overseere of other written bookes and papers as my Executors
     and hee shall thincke Convenient.

This will, of extraordinary interest, has fallen to our lot to exhume,
after many antiquaries and scholars had long sought it in vain. It was
recently discovered in the Archdeaconry Court of London, just the place
where one would least expect to find it. One has only to read the
document to read the character of the man-good, learned,affectionate,
charitable and just. He was carried off by a terrible disease, away from
home, but among friends. He left his affairs and fame in loving hands.
His will was proved on the 4th day after his death by two of the
Executors, Sir Thomas Aylesbury and Mr Buckner, with the right reserved
to the other two to act subsequently. It is found by papers in the
British Museum that Sir John Protheroe did act, for there is a very long
list of manuscripts, copied from Protheroe's list of papers delivered to
Mr Torporley, which served as a receipt for them, and which was returned
with the papers.

Mr Torporley then, it is manifest, had in hand the papers and returned
them, but it is not apparent what amount of labor he bestowed upon them.
They do not appear to be properly arranged, nor have the waste papers
been weeded out. From Protheroe's list and other circumstances it is
likely that nothing has been destroyed, except perhaps the Raleigh
accounts and the Irish papers in the ' canvas baggs.' The papers were at
Sion, and were placed in a trunk and delivered to the Earl, who left the
Tower only sixteen days after Hariot's death. They subsequently found
their way to Petworth, another seat of the Earl, where the trunk and
half of the papers still remain, in the possession of the Earl of
Leconsfield, a branch of the Northumberland family. They are briefly
described in this manner by Mr Alfred J. Horwood in the Sixth Report of
the Historical Manuscript Commission for 1877, page 319, folio.

     A black leather box containing several hundred leaves of
     figures and calculations by Hariot.
     A large bundle of Hariot's papers. They are arranged in
     packets by Professor Rigaud. Spots on the Sun. Comets of 1607
     and 1618. The Moon. Jupiter's Satellites. Projectiles, Centre
     of Gravity, Reflection of bodies. Triangles. Snell's
     Eratosthenes Batavus. Geometry. Calendar. Conic Sections. De
     Stella Martis. Drawings of Constellations, papers on Chemistry
     and Miscellaneous Calculations. Collections from Observations
     of Hannelius, Warner, Copernicus, Tycho Brahe. On the vernal
     and autumnal equinoxes, the solstices, orbit of the Earth,
     length of the year, &c. Algebra.

A similar collection, but not yet arranged, catalogued, numbered or
bound, is carefully preserved in the Manuscript Department of the
British Museum (Additional, 6782-6789), in eight thick Solander cases,
probably as much in bulk as the Petworth papers. They were presented to
the Museum by the Earl of Egremont in 1810. Why the two collections were
separated does not appear. The Museum papers contain much that is waste,
but much also that is of importance equal probably to those at Petworth.
Mr Torporley was in effect appointed by Hariot his literary and
scientific editor under the direction of the Executors. No papers were
left ready for publication. It must have required great study and labor
to master them sufficiently to pen for public use such doctrine or
science as belonged to them. Torporley lived in Shropshire, but a few
years after Hariot's death he retired from his rectorship and removed to
London,taking rooms in 1630 at Sion College in London Wall, when that
institution was first founded. It contained then as now a library for
the use of the Clergy, and a few suites of apartments for those who
desired to reside on the premises. It never was a College or place of
instruction, but a sort of guild or Clergyman's Club. At this time Mr
Torporley was about seventy years old. He died in his chambers at Sion
College in April 1632, and was buried on the 17th of that month in the
Church of St Alphage, close by. In a nuncupative will spoken the 14th
ofApril, a copy of which is before the writer, he left his books and
manuscripts to the Sion Col ege Library. A complete list of about 170
books and several manuscripts is preserved in the ' Donors' Book.' A few
of the books are said to have been destroyed by the fire of London, but
probably none of the manuscripts were lost.

Torporley's manuscripts, as has been stated, have often been referred
to, and sometimes copied, but their true history and character is
explained by Hariot'sWill. There are really but two manuscripts relating
to Hariot. The more important one comprises 116 closely-written folio
leaves, or 232 pages, all in Torporley's handwriting. It bears no title
or designation. Hence various writers who have seen it, from Collins,
Wood, and Dr Zach, have given it different names, such as, _'Ephemeris
Chysometria,' 'Congestor opus Matbematicum,'_ etc. but it appears to be
nothing more nor less than Torporley's attempt to pen out such doctrine
as he found in Hariot's papers. The leaves are numbered, 1 to 16
containing a Treatise on Hariot's Theory of Numbers. Leaves 17 to 25 are
tables of the divisors of odd numbers up to 20,300. On the verso of leaf
25 the Theory of Numbers is resumed, extending to the recto of 27. On
the verso of leaf 27 begins the treatise on the properties of Triangles
and ends on leaf 34. Leaves 35 to 55 comprise examples of Algebraical
processes, and leaves 56 to 116 contain Tables (probably tabulæ sinuum
?) up to 180°. On the second leaf the Author speaks of himself as
working out, or working on Hariot's principles, and also as making use
of the writings of Vieta. He adds:

     ' And since it is our principal design to explain the
     improvement in this science[the Properties of Numbers and
     Triangles] discovered by our friend Thomas Hariot; but he
     neither completely reformed it (which indeed was not
     necessary) nor gave a full account of it, but only
     strengthened it where it was defective, and by treating in his
     own way the points of the science which were heretofore more
     difficult, rendered them clear and easy.'

This manuscript was probably intended for another printed volume of
Hariot's mathematical works, but owing to the deaths about the same
time, 1632, of the venerable editor and the noble patron this work never
bore a definite name and never saw the light of the press.

                          CORRECTOR ANALYTICUS
                              Artis pofthumx
                              THOMÆ HARIOTI
                      Vt Mathematici eximij, perraro
              Vt Philofophi Audentes, frequentius errantis
                      Vt Hominis evanidi, infigniter
                                    Ad
              Fidedigniorem refutationem Philopfeudofophiæ
                  Atomifticæ;, per cum Reducis, et præ
                          cæteris eius Portentis
                                  feriò
                      corripiendæ, anathematyzandæq
                 Compendiu Antimonitorfi, et Speciminale
                         exanthorati ia Senioris
                              Na: Torporley.
                                    Vt
                      Noverit Arbiter Caveat Emptor.
                              non bene Ripæ
             Creditur, ipfe Aries etiam nunc Vellera ficcat.
                       _Virgil, Ecl._ iii. 94,95,]

This Second Manuscript is a pretentious but small affair. It was
manifestly written at Sion College after the _Praxis_ appeared in 1631.
It is only the preface or the opening of a growl of envy or
disappointment. It shows clearly that Torporley himself was not the
editor of the Algebra or Praxis. The above is the pedantic title-page,
given line for line and verbatim.

The manuscript is in small quarto, and exclusive of the title (which,
indeed, is the nub of the achievement) contains only nine pages,
breaking off abruptly in the middle of a sentence. He criticises the
editors of Hariot's Algebra, the executors Aylesbury and Protheroe,
aided by Warner, who were all eminent mathematicians. He speaks of the
administrators or editors as if more than one, and does not mention
Warner, or lead us to believe that he was sole editor. Only a small
portion of this projected criticism seems ever to have been written. It
appears to have been begun in senile peevishness, containing only a few
prefatory remarks and discussing some algebraical questions with the
fancied errors of the editors. No mention is made of the'Atomic
Theory,'as promised on the title-page, which is here done into English,
and is as follows:-

                        THE ANALYTICAL CORRECTOR
                  of the posthumous scientific writings
                            of THOMAS HARRIOT.
            As an excellent Mathematician one who very seldom
                                  erred
            As a bold Philosopher one who occasionally erred,
                  As a frail Man one who notably erred
                                   For
        the more trustworthy refutation of the pseudo-philosophic
              atomic theory, revived by him and, outside his
                   other strange notions, deserving of
                        reprehension and anathema.
            A Compendious Warning with specimens by the aged
                      and retired-from-active-life
                              Na: Torporley.
                                 So that
                           The critic may know
                          The buyer may beware.
                  It is not safe to trust to the bank,
              The bell-wether himself is drying his fleece.

The ' Corrector Analyticus' may be found printed in full (but without
the quaint titles) in 'The Historical Society of Science. A Collection
of Letters illustrative of Science, edited by J. O. Halliwell,' London,
1841, 8°, Appendix, pages 109-116. ForTorporley's curious paper entitled
' A Synopsis of the Controversie of Atoms,' see Brit. Mus. Mss, Birch
4458, 2.

Mr Torporley informs us, and the papers appear to bear him out in the
statement, that Hariot wrote memoranda, problems, etc. on loose pieces
of paper, and then arranged them in sets fastened together according to
the subjects treated of. He adds, ' First then let me speak of Hariot's
method, of which frequent mention will have to be made in the following
pages; so that the reader may understand why some things are stated and
some passed over: here I cannot but complain, that I find it a serious
defect that his Commentators have so completely transformed it [the
Praxis] that they not only do not retain his orderbut not evenhis
language.' Again he writes, ' But not even those well-thought-out and
necessary to be known matters, which have been delivered to us, have
been handed down to posterity by his administrators with the fidelity
and accuracy promised.' The suspicion is raised that Torporley's age and
dilatoriness compelled the accomplished executors to take the editorial
matter in hand themselves and hinc iliae lacrymæ.

On the back of the above title-page is another attempt of the same sort
as follows, showing that this deed of pedantry was committed at Sion
College:

                                CORRECTOR
                                  sive
                            Notæ in Analyticam
                        Novam, Novatam, Posthuma
                                quatenus
                     Fallacem, Defectivam, Extrariam
                                   cum
                     Apodictica refutatione Atomorum
                      Somnij, præ cæteris Novatorum
                        portentis corripiendi Ana-
                              thematizandiq
                       Ex Collegio Sion Londinenfi
                    perfuncti Senis Artemq reponentis
                                    NT
                       Extremu hoc munus morientis
                                habetor :
 Σĸηρον προς κ
              41;ντρονλ α
        κτρον λακτ
                      43;ζειν
                              [Greek Text]
                              nee bene Ripæ
              Creditur ipse Aries etia nunc Vellera ficcat.

There are one or two unimportant papers among the Torperley manuscripts
that bear marks of having belonged to the Hariot papers, and there is a
manuscript by Warner, entitled, 'Certayne Definitions of the
Planisphere.' Any one curious in the history of Torperley may find in
the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1636, page 364, how his
property was purloined by Mr Spencer, the first Librarian of Sion
College. He was sued by Mistress Payne the administratrix and was
compelled to disgorge _£4.0_ in money, eleven diamond rings, eight gold
rings, two bracelets, etc. Then Archbishop Laud took away Spencer's
librarianship, and let him drop.

Mr William Spence of Greenock published in Nov. 1814, a work entitled, '
Outlines of a Theory of Algebraical Equations deduced from the
Principles of Harriott, and extended to the Fluxional or differential
Calculus. By William Spence. London, for the Author, by Davis and
Dickson, 1814, 8°, _iv and 80 pages._ Privately printed, intended '
exclusively for the perusal of those gentlemen to whom it is addressed.'
He says in his prefatory note that-

     ' As the principles are drawn from that theory of equations,
     by which Harriott has so far advanced the science of algebra.'
     The author says, page I,' Until the publication of Harriot's
     _Artis Analytica Praxis,_ no extended theory of equations was
     given. Harriot considered algebraical equations merely as
     analytical expressions, detached wholly from the operations by
     which they might be individually produced ; and, carrying all
     the terms over to one side, he assumed the hypothesis, that,
     as in that state the equation was equal to nothing, it could
     always be reduced to as many simple factors as there were
     units in the index of its highest power.'

Between 1606 and 1609 a very interesting and historically instructive
correspondence took place between Kepler and Hariot upon several
important scientific subjects. Five of the letters are given in full in
'Joannis Keppleri Alio-rumque Epistolæ Mutuæ. [Frankfort] 1718,' folio,
to which the reader is referred, but a brief abstract of them may not be
out of place here. The letters are numbered from 222 to 226 and fill
pages 373 to 382. The correspondence was begun by Kepler:

            _Letter_ 122, _dated Prague,_ 11 _October,_ 1606,
                            _from John Kepler_

                           _to Thomas Hariot,_

     Kepler had heard of Hariot's acquirements in Natural
     Philosophy from his friend John Eriksen. Would be glad to know
     Hariot's views as to the origin and essential differences of
     colours; also on the question of refraction of rays of light;
     and the causes of the Rainbow; and of haloes round the sun.

               _Letter_ 223, _dated London,_ 11 _December,
                                1606,from_

                     _Thomas Hariot to John Kepler,_

     Had received with pleasure Kepler's letter; but should not be
     able to answer it at length, being in indifferent health, so
     that it was not easy to write or even carefully to reflect.
     Sends a table of the results of experiments on equal bulks of
     various liquids and transparent solids (thirteen in number,
     including spring, rain, and salt water; Spanish and Rhenish
     wine; vinegar; spirits of wine; oils and glass). The angle of
     incidence is 30° in each case; also the specific gravity of
     each substance is given. Then he discusses the reason why
     refraction takes place. Promises to write on the Rainbow; but
     will merely say at present that it is to be explained by the
     reflection on the concave superficies and the refraction at
     the convex superficies of each separate drop.

           _Letter_ 224 _is from John Kepler to Thomas Hariot,
                  dated at Prague,_ 11 _August,_ 1607.

     Thanks Hariot for his table, which supplies matter for serious
     consideration. Asks questions as to how he defines the angles
     of incidence and refraction; and goes on to discuss the
     reasons of refraction. Agrees with Hariot as to his views
     about the Rainbow; but will be very glad to receive his
     treatises on Colours and the Rainbow.

           _Letter_ 225 _is from Thomas Hariot to John Kepler,
                             dated at Syon,_

     _near London,_ 13 _July_ (o.s.), 1608.

     The departure of Eriksen and other matters do not allow
     leisure to write at length. The turpentine (oleum terebinth
     inum) was not the same as that experimented on by Kepler but a
     purer and lighter article (Sp. grav. '87). The angle of
     incidence is understood as defined by Alhazen and Vitellio
     [first published 1572]. Points out some errors in Vitellio's
     second table of refractions. As to the causes of refraction,
     Hariot believes in the theory of the vacuum; ' where we still
     stick in the mud '. Hopes God (Deum optimum maximum) will soon
     put an end to this. Wishes for Kepler's meteorological records
     for the last two years, and will send his own notes in return.
     Gilbert, author of a work on the magnet, had recently died,
     leaving in his brother's hands a book entitled ' De Globo et
     Mundo nostro sub lunari Philosophia nova contra Peripateticos,
     lib. 5." [A treatise, in five books, on Natural Philosophy, in
     answer to the Peripatetics.] The book is likely to be
     published before the end of the year. Hariot had read some
     chapters; and saw that Gilbert defends the doctrine of a
     vacuum. Not to leave a vacuum on this page (says Hariot), it
     is remarkable that though gold is both heavy and opaque, when
     beaten out into gold-leaf the light of a candle can be seen
     through it, though it appears of a green colour.

            _Letter 226, from John Kepler to Thomas Hariot, it
                               dated from_

     _Prague, September,_ 1609.

     Excuses himself for not having replied sooner; having been
     very busy; but would not lose the present opportunity of
     writing. Discusses the questions of refraction and the vacuum.
     Commentaries on Mars entitled 'Astronomia Nova [Greek Text] or
     Physica Cælestis,' have been published at Frankfort; has not a
     copy by him. Regrets to hear of the death of Gilbert. Hopes
     his work on Magnetism will also be published; and that Erikson
     will bring a copy with him. Promises to send a copy of his own
     meteorological observations; and hopes to receive Hariot's.

These studies in optics and this correspondence with the learned Kepler
indicate Hariot's great advancement in natural philosophy as early as
1606 to 1609 and give an earnest of his inventive genius and scientific
enterprise with his telescope in the astronomical discoveries which
immediately followed in 1609 to 1613. Before awarding all the prizes for
discoveries and inventions in mathematics, philosophy and natural
science to claimants throughout the wide Republic of Letters, let modest
Hariot be heard and examined. Let his papers and all his credentials be
laid out before the high court of science, not in the light of today,
but contemporaneously with those of Tycho, Kepler, Galileo, Snell, Vieta
and Descartes. Hariot himself has claimed nothing, but Justice and
Historical Truth are bound to assign him a niche appropriate to his
merits.

To show that Hariot, like his friends Hakluyt and Purchas, was alive to
everything geographical as well as mathematical going on, the following
is given from the original manuscript among the Hariot papers in the
British Museum (Add. 6789):

           Three reasons to prove that there is a passage from
                   the North' west into the South-sea.
     1. The tydes in Port Nelson (where Sr. Tho : Button did
     winter, were constantly, 15, or, 18, foote ; wc is not found
     in any Bay Throughout the world but in such seas as lie open
     att both ends to the mayne Ocean.
     2. Every strong Westerne winde did bring into the Harbor where
     he wintered, soe much water, that the Neap-tydes were equall
     to the Spring-tydes, notwtstanding yt the harbor was open only
     to ye E.N.E.
     3. In comming out of the harbor, shaping his course directly
     North, about, 60, degrees, he found a stronge race of a tyde,
     set-ting dueEast and West, wc in probabilitie could be noe
     other thing, than the tyde comming from the West, and
     retourning from the East,

Among the manuscripts in the handwriting of Hariot in the British Museum
(Add. 6789) are these samples of ingenious trifling. No evidence is
forthcoming that he was ever a married man, but that he occasionally let
himself down from pure mathematics and high philosophy and amused
himself with anagrams is plain enough. Here are a few specimens on his
own name.

                       ANAGRAMS ON THOMAS HARIOTUS


                  Tu homo artis has   traho hosti mufa

                  Homo has vt artis   O trahit hos mufa

                  Homo hasta vtris    oh, os trahit mufa

                  vitus               oho trahit mifas

                  rutis               oho, trahis mutis

                  Humo astra hosti    oho, fum Charitas.

If the pertingent Reader still craves more evidence of the extent of
Hariot's friendships, and the universality of his acquirements, let him
read the following pithy, quaint, and beautiful tribute paid to him by
blind Old Homer's Chapman in 1616. It is found in the Preface to the
Reader in the first complete edition of Homer'sworks translated by
George Chapman, London [1616], fo.

     No coference had with any one liuing in al the noueltiet I
     prefume I haue found. Only fome one or two places I haue
     fhewed to my worthy and moft learned friend, M. Harriots, for
     his cenfure how much mine owne weighed: whofe iudgement and
     knowledge in all kinds, I know to be incomparable, and
     bottomlefle ; yea, to be admired as much, as his moft blameles
     life, and the right facred expence of his time, is to be
     honoured and reuerenced. Which affirmation of his cleare
     vnmatchednefle in all manner of learning; I make in contempt
     of that naftie objection often thruft vpon me ; that he that
     will iudge, muft know more then he of whom he iudgeth ; for fo
     a man fhould know neither God nor himfelf. Another right
     learned, honeft, and entirely loued friend of mine, M. Robert
     Hews, I muft needs put into my confest conference touching
     Homer, though very little more than that I had with M.
     Harriots. Which two, I proteft, are all, and preferred to all.

It remains to say two words more about Baron Zach's' discovery' of the
Hariot papers at Petworth in 1784. This remarkable story has been told
many times, in many books, and in many languages. It has found its way
into many modern dictionaries and grave encyclopædias, but it always
appears with an unsatisfactory and suspicious flavor. Dr Zach's '
discovery' is found cropping up all over the continent, and everywhere
is made paramount to Hariot's papers, while Oxford is blamed for not
giving the young German his dues!

It seems that Dr Zach, a young man, was in England with Count Bruhl, who
had married the dowager Lady Egremont. He thus had easy access to the
old Percy Library at Petworth, in Sussex, where was stored, as we have
seen by Hariot's will, the black trunk containing his mathematical
writings as bequeathed to the 9th Earl of Northumberland. In 1785 Dr
Zach announced with a truly scholastic flourish in Bode's Berlin
Ephemeris for 1788 his remarkable 'discovery ' of the papers of Thomas
Hariot previously known as an eminent Algebraist or Mathematician, but
now elevated to the rank also of a first-class English Astronomer. The
next year, 1786, is celebrated in the annals of English science from the
circumstance of Oxford's having accepted a proposition from Dr Zach to
publish his account of Hariot and his writings. The Royal Academy of
Brussels in 1788 printed in its Memoirs Dr Zach's paper on the planet
Uranus, with a long note relative to the discovery at Petworth.

The Berlin paper immediately upon publication was translated into
English and extensively circulated in this country, conducing, it is
suspected, more to the renown of Dr Zach than to that of Hariot. In 1793
Bode's Jahrbuch gave from the pen of Dr Zach an account of the Comets of
1607 and 1618, with Hariot's Observations thereon. But these
observations were given with so many errors and misreadings, as shown by
Professor Rigaud, that they were soon pronounced worthless, to the
discredit of Hariot rather than of his eminent editor. But matters came
to a crisis in 1794, nine years after the grand flourish of the first
announcement at Berlin. Dr Zach sent to Oxford for publication his
abstract of certain of the scientific papers, and the Earl of Egremont
intrusted to the University Dr Zach's selection of the original papers.
Zach's abstracts were merely sufficient to identify himself with the
works of Hariot, but he had performed no real editorial labours, and had
not 'pen'd the doctrine ' contained in them. Here were years of useful
work to be done which the University dreamed not of, so the whole matter
was referred to Professors Robertson and Powell, who both reported
adversely in 1798, or before. In 1799 all the Hariot papers were
returned to Petworth.

In the mean time the full translation of Dr Zach's account of his '
discovery,' with some curious additions, found its way into Dr Hutton's
Dictionary of Mathematics, under Hariot, 1796, 2 volumes in quarto. This
publication gave an air of solemn record and history to the
transactions, insomuch that Oxford began to be blamed for withholding
from the press Dr Zach's great work. Oxford preserved a becoming
silence. In 1803 Dr Zach published at Gotha in his Monatliche
Correspondenz a fragment of that remarkable letter from the Earl of
Northumberland to Hariot (which letter we have shown to be Lower's, see
p. 120). This publication, together with the reprint of the original
Berlin paper by Zach in the second edition of Hutton's Dictionary in
1815 without alteration, seemed to bring the matter to a point. Oxford
was obliged to rise and explain.

The whole question was inquired into. Professor Robertson's original
report was brought out and sent to Dr David Brewster, who printed it in
his Edinburgh Philosophical Journal for 1822, volume vi, page 314, in an
article on the Hariot papers. In the meanwhile, in 1810, that portion of
the Hariot papers that did not go to Oxford was presented to the British
Museum by the Earl of Egremont. The division of the papers (on what
principle it is difficult to guess) was unquestionably Dr Zach's. The
value is no doubt much depreciated by the separation. Under all these
circumstances no one can wonder at the Oxford decision, or that the
papers were deemed not worthy of publication. Yet under other
circumstances it is almost certain that the two collections when worked
together will yield valuable materials for the life of Hariot and the
history and progress of English science, discovery, and invention. To
Professor S. F. Rigaud is due the credit for the most part of working
out the crooked and entangled history of the Zachean fiasco, which has
apparently depreciated the real value of these papers. Professor
Rigaud's papers may be seen in the Royal Institution Journal, 1831,
volume ii, pages 267-271, in the Proceedings of the Royal Society, iii,
125, and in the Appx to Bradley's Works. Now to pick up a few dropped
stitches. Notices of Hariot by Camden, Aubrey, Hakewill, and others are
omitted from press of matter. Gabriel Harvey in 1593, in his' Pierces
Supererogation,' page 190, exclaims ' and what profounde Mathematician
like Digges, Hariot, or Dee esteemeth not the pregnant Mechanician ?'
MrJ.O.Halliwell's Collection of Letters referred to on page 174, though
falling late under our eye, is most acceptable and thankfully used.
Several letters of Sir William Lower are printed from the originals in
the British Museum. And so is John Bulkley's dedication to Hariot of his
work on the Quadrature of the Circle, dated Kal. Martii, 1591, the
original manuscript of which is in Sion College. There is also an
interesting letter from Hariot to the Earl dated Sion June 13, 1619,
respecting the doctrine of reflections as communicated to Warner and
Hues for the use of the Earl. But the most important letter is the
following on page 71 from Sir Thomas Aylesbury, one of Hariot's
executors, to the Earl of Northumberland, respecting some remuneration
for the extra services of Warner in assisting him in passing Hariot's '
Artis Analyticæ Praxis ' through the press :

     Rt. Ho. May it plese your löp. July 5, 1631.

     I presumed heretofore to moue your löp on the behalf of Mr. W.
     for some consideration to be had of his extraordinary expense
     in attending the publication of Mr. H. book after the copy was
     finished. The same humble request I am induced to renew by
     reson of his present wants occasioned by that attendance.

     For his literary labour and paines taken in forming the work
     and fitting it for the publik view, he looks for no other
     reward then your löps acceptance therof as an honest discharge
     of his duty. But his long attendance through vnexpected
     difficulties in seeking to get the book freely printed, and
     after that was vndertaken the friuolous delaies of the
     printers and slow preceding of the presse, wch no intreties of
     his or myne could remedy, drew him to a gretter expence then
     his meanes would here, including both your löps pencion and
     the arbitrary help of his frends. It is this extraordinary
     expense, wch he cannot recouer wch makes both him and me for
     him appele to your Löps goodnei and bounty for some tollerable
     mitigation thereof.

     I purpose God willing to set forth other peeces of Mr. H.
     wherein by reson of my owne incombrances I must of necessitie
     desire the help of Mr. W. rather then of any other, whereto I
     find him redy enough because it tends to your löps service,
     and may the more freely trouble him, yf he receive some little
     encouragement from your löp towards the repairing of the
     detrement that lies still vpon him by his last imploiment. But
     for the future my intention it to haue the impression at my
     owne charge, and not depend on the curtesy of those
     mechaniks,making account that wch may seeme to be saued by the
     other way will not countervaile the trouble and tedious
     prolongation of the busines. But the copies being made perfect
     and faire written for the presse they shall be sufficiently
     bound to deliuer the books perfectly clen out of theire hands,
     and by this meanes the trouble and charge of attending the
     presse will be saued. Therfore my Lo. what you do now will be
     but for this once, and in such proportion as shall best like
     you to favour the humble motion of him who is

     Allway most redy at your Löps commaund _ .

     _Endorsed in the handwriting of Warner,_

     Sr Th. A. letters about my busines.

     [B. M. Birch, 4396, 87.]

Notwithstanding the plain initials T. A. Mr Halliwell erroneously
attributes this letter to Torporley, who had been in his grave three
months. The handwriting is not Torporley's but Warner's. The Earl died
on the 5th of November following. T. A. unquestionably stands for Sir
Thomas Aylesbury, who, as executor and good friend, had the matter in
hand. Indeed Warner's endorsement settles the question of authorship.

Six shillings and eight pence were paid for Hariot's knell, and £4 were
paid as his legacy to the parish for the poor, according to memoranda
supplied by Mr Edwin Freshfleld from the Records of St Christopher's.
See Will, page 200.

Hariot had a lease from Raleigh of' Pinford grounds,' at Sherburne, for
fifty-eight years, but the King wanted it for Carr, so of course the
title was found defective.

In conclusion, before laying down the pen with which has been exhumed
and set up on a new pedestal one of England's worthiest of her many
forgotten Worthies, let the holder crave the indulgence of the reader
for the illogical, wordy and mixed style of this essay. He is perfectly
aware of these shortcomings, but puts in the plea that while groping in
the past as if blindfolded he has been decoyed on step by step by the
unexpected recovery of new materials after the others were in type, so
that as often as he had finished his labor of love new facts have turned
up which he had not the heart to reject. So he has incorporated them one
after another as best he could. The results are more inartistic and
crude than he could have wished, but he hesitates not on that account to
invite lovers of and believers in the Truth of History to the banquet he
has prepared.

A well-dined Reader is not likely, the writer thinks, to quarrel with
his dessert because he has to pick out, with some little patience, the
dainty meats of the nuts he has to arrange and crack for himself.
Repetition, and perhaps some contradiction, are acknowledged. But
meandering thoughts and ill-digested narratives, though tedious, are not
criminal. When these new materials have dried in the noon-day sun for a
year and a day, the writer then, or at the expiration of the Horatian
period, may bring them back to his anvil to be re-hammered. May they
then prove as true as they now seem new, is the wish of the admirer of
Thomas Hariot, the first historian of Virginia, the friend of Sir Walter
Raleigh, the companion of Henry Percy, and the Benefactor of Mankind.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE WILL of THOMAS HARIOT

Recorded in the Archdeaconry Court of London

IN THE NAME OF

GOD Amen ye nine and twentieth daie of june, in the yeare of or Lord God
1621 And in ye yeares of the reigne of or Soueraigne Lord James by the
Grace of God of England Scotland Fraunce & Ireland Kinge Defender of the
Faythe & (that is to saie) of England Fraunce & Ireland the nineteenth
And of Scotland the fower & fiftieth I THOMAS HARRIOT of Syon in the
County of Midd Gentleman being troubled in my bodie wth infirmities. But
of pfecte minde & memorie Laude & prayse be giuen to Almightie God for
the same doe make & ordayne this my last will and testamt. In manner and
forme following (viz) First & principally I Comitte my Soule in to the
hands of Almighty God my maker and of his sonne Jesus Christe my
Redeemer of whose merritts by his grace wrought in mee by the holy
Ghoste I doubte not but that I am made ptaker, to thend that I may
enioye the Kingdome of heaven ppared for the electe. Item my will is
that if I die in Londn that my bodie bee interred in the same pishe
Churche of the house where I lye the we" I comitte to the discrecon of
my Executors hereafter named, Excepte taking the advise and direccon of
the right honorable my very good Lord the EARLE OF NORTHUMBERLAND if it
bee his pleasure to haue me buryed at Ilseworth in ye County of Midd And
if it be the pleasure of God that I die at Syon I doe ordayne that my
buriall bee at ye said Churche of Ilseworth w'out question Item I will &
bequeath vnto the aforesaid Earle One wooden Boxe full or neere full of
drawne Mappes standing nowe at the Northeast windowe of that Roome wch
is Called the plor at my house in Syon, And if it pleaseth his Lorpp to
haue anie other Mappes or Chartes drawne by hand or printed Or anie
Bookes or other thinges that I haue I desire my Extors that hee may haue
them according to his pleasure at reasonable rates excepte my
Mathematicall papers in anie other sorte then is here after menconed
Excepting alsoe some other thinges giuen away in Legacies hereafter
alsoe specified Item I bequeath vnto the right honorable Sr ROBERT
SYDNEY KNIGHT VICOUNT LISLE, One Boxe of papers being nowe vppon the
table in my Library at Syon, conteyning fiue quires of paper, more or
lesse wch were written by the last Lord Harrington, and Coppyed out of
some of my Mathematicall papers for his instrucon Alsoe I doe
acknowledge that I haue two newe greate globes wch haue Cous of Leather
the wch I borrowed of the said LORD LISLE And my will is that they bee
restored vnto him againe Item I giue vnto JOHN PROTHEROE of Hawkesbrooke
in the Countie of Carmarthen Esquier One furnace wth his apputnnce out
of the North Clossett of my Library at Syon. Item I giue vnto NATHANIELL
THORPERLEYof Salwarpe in the Countie of Worcester Clarke One other
furnace wth his apputnnce out of the same Clossett. Item I glue vnto my
servaunte CHRISTOPHER TOOKE one other furnace wth his apputennce out of
the same Clossett Alsoe I glue to him an other furnace out of the South
Clossett of my said Lybrarie Item I give and bequeath vnto Mris BUCKNER
wife vnto THOMAS BUCKNER Mercer at whose house being in St Christophers
pishe I nowe lye, and hereafter nominated one of my Executors the some
of fiffteene poundes towards the repacons of some damages that I haue
made, or for other vses as shee shall thincke Convenient' Item I giue
vnto Mr JOHN BUCKNER theire eldest sonne the some of fiue poundes Item I
giue & bequeath vnto my Cozen THOMAS YATES my sisters sonne fifty
poundes towardes the paiemt. of his debte and not otherwise, But if his
debt doe fall out to be lesse then fifty poundes then the residue to
remayne to himselfe Item to JOHN HARRIOTT Late servaunte to Mr Doleman
of Shawe neere Newbury ín Barkeshire and being the sonne of my vnckle
John Harriotte but nowe married and dwelling in Churche peene about a
Myle westward from the said Shawe, I doe giue and bequeath fifty poundes
Item I giue and bequeath vnto CHRISTOPHER TOOKE my foresaid servaunte
one hundred poundes. Item I giue & bequeath vnto myservaunte JOHN
SHELLER fiue poundes more then the forty shillinges wch I haue of his in
Custodie,being money given vnto him at sevall tymes by my frends wch in
all is seauen poundes to bee imployed for his vse according to the
discrecon of my Executors for ye placing of him wth an other Master Item
I giue and bequeath to JOANE my servaunte fiue poundes more then her
wages. Item I giue and bequeath vnto my svaunte JANE wch serveth vnder
the said JONE fortie shillinges more then her wages wch wages is twenty
shillinges by yeare Item I giue and bequeath to my auncient svaunte
CHRISTOPHER KELLETT a Lymning paynter dwelling neare PettyFraunce in
Westminster fiue poundes Item to my aincient servaunte JOANE wife to
Paule Chapman dwelling in Brayneford end I bequeath fortie shillinges.
Item I giue vnto the aforesaid EARLE OF NORTHUMBERLAND my two pspectiue
trunckes wherewth I vse espetially to see Venus horned like the Moone
and the Spout in the Sonne The glasses of wch trunckes I desire to haue
remooved into two other of the fayrest trunckes by my said servaunte
CHRISTOPHER TOOKE Item I bequeath vnto euyone of my Executors
hereafterwards to be named, One pspectiue truncke a peece of the best
glasses, and ye fayrest trunckes, as my said servaunte Can best fitt to
theire liking Item I giue vnto my said servaunte CHRISTOPHER TOOKE the
residue of my Cases of pspectiue trunckes wth the other glasses of his
owne making fitted for pspectiue trunckes (excepting two great longe
trunckes Consisting of many ptes wch I giue vnto the said EARLE OF
NORTHUMBERLAND to remayne in his Library for such vses as they may be
put vnto, Alsoe I bequeath the dishes of iron Called by the spectacle
makers tooles to grinde spectacles, and other pspectiue glasses for
trunckes vnto my foresaid servaunte CHRISTOPHER TOOKE, Item Concerninge
my debts, I doe acknowledg that at this psente I doe owe moneyes to
Monseir Mayornes a Potycarie More to Mr Wheately a Potticary dwelling
neare the Stockes at the East end of Cheapeside Item to my Brewer
dwelling at Braynford end Item to Mr John Bill Staconer for Bookes The
some of the debte to all fower before meneoned I thincke and Judge not
to bee much more or lesse then forty poundes. Item I doe acknowledge to
owe vnto Mr Christopher Ingram keeper of the house of Syon for the
aforesaid EARLE OF NORTHUMBERLAND Three thousand sixe hundred of Billett
wch I desire to be repayed vnto him Item I doe acknowledge that I haue
some written Coppies to the number of twelue or fowerteene (more or
lesse) lent vnto me by Thomas Allen of Gloster Hall in Oxford M` of
Artes vnto whome I desire my Executors hereafter named to restore them
safely according to the noate that hee shall deliu of them (I doubting
whether I haue anie true noate of them my selfe) Item I make Constitute
and ordayne theise fowre following my Executors Namely the aforesaid Sr
ROBERT SIDNEY KNIGHT VISCOUNT LYSLE (if his Lopp may take soe many
paynes in my behalfe) Also JOHN PROTHEROE of Hawkesbrooke in the County
of Carmarthen Esquio` Alsoe THOMAS ALESBURY of Westminster Esquior
Lastly THOMAS BUCKNER Mercer dwelling in St Xpofers pishe in Lond not
farre from ye Royall Exchainge vnto wch Executors I giue full power &
aucty to vse theire owne discrecons in paying theire Charges in my
behalfe out of the rest of my good And if my Bookes wth other goods doe
in value Come to more then I haue afore supposed First I desire them to
bestowe soe much vppon ye poore not exceeding twenty poundes as they
shall thincke Convenient somee pte whereof I giue vnto the poore of the
hospitall in Christes Churche in Lond, Some pte vnto the said pishe of
St Xpofors where I nowe lye, and some pte wch I would haue the greater)
vnto the poore of the píshe of Isleworth neere Syon in the Countie of
Midd Secondly out of the said residue of my good, my will is, That the
said Executors take some pte thereof for theire owne vses according to
theire discretions Lastly my will and desire is that they bestowe the
value of the rest vppon Sr Thomas Bodleyes Library in Oxford, or imploy
it to such Charitable & pious vses as they shall thincke best Item my
will and desire is that Robert Hughes gentleman and nowe attendant vppon
th'afore said EARLE OF NORTHUMBERLAND for matters of Learning bee an
ouseer at the prizing of my Bookes, and some other thinges as my
Executors and hee shall agree vnto Item I ordayne and Constitute the
aforesaid NATHANIELL THORPERLEY first to be Ouseer of my Mathematicall
Writinges to be receiued of my Executors to pvse and order and to sepate
the Cheife of them from my waste papers, to the end that after hee doth
vnderstand them hee may make vse in penninge such doctrine that belonges
vnto them for publique vses as it shall be thought Convenient by my
Executors and him selfe And if it happen that some manner of Notacons or
writinges of the said papers shall not be vnderstood by him then my
desire is that it will please him to Conferre wth Mr Warner or Mr Hughes
Attendants on the aforesaid Earle Concerning the aforesaid doubte. And
if hee be not resolued by either of them That then hee Conferre wth the
aforesaid JOHN PROTHEROE Esquior or the aforesaid THOMAS ALESBURY
Esquior. (I hoping that some or other of the aforesaid fower last
nominated can resolue him) And when hee hath had the vse of the said
papers see longe as my Executors and hee have agreed for the vse afore
said That then he deliu them againe vnto my Executors to be putt into a
Convenient Truncke with a locke & key and to be placed in my Lord of
Northumberlandes Library and the key thereof to be delifted into his
Lordpps hands And if at anie tyme after my Executors or the afore said
NATHANIELL THORPERLEY shall agayne desire the vse of some or all of the
said Mathematicall paps That then it will please the said Earle to lett
anie of the aforesaid to haue them for theire vse soe long as shall be
thought Convenient, and afterwards to be restored agayne vnto the
Truncke in the afore said Earle's Library Secondly my will & desire is
that the said NATHANIELL THORPERLEY be alsoe Ouseere of other written
bookes & papers as my Executors and hee shall thincke Convenient. Item
Whereas I haue diuers waste papers (of wch some are in a Canvas bagge)
of my Accompte to Sr Walter Rawley for all wch I haue discharges or
acquitances lying in some boxes or other my desire is that they may bee
all burnte. Alsoe there is an other Canvas bagge of papers concerning
Irishe Accompt (the psons whome they Concerne are dead many yeares since
in the raigne of queene Elizabeth wch I desire alsoe may be burnte as
likewise many Idle paps and Cancelled Deedes wch are good for noe vse
Item I revoake all former wills by mee heretofore made saue onely this
my pnte last will and Testament wch I will shalbe in all thinges
effectually and truely pformed according to the tenor and true meaning
of the same In witnes whereof I the afore said THOMAS HARRIOTT haue to
this my psent last will & Testament put my hand & scale yeouen the daie
and yeare first aboue written    THO : HARRIOTTS.

Sealed a published and deliued by ye wthin named THOMAS HARRIOTT for and
as his last will & Testamt the daie & yeares wthin written in the pfice
of vs IMMANUELL BOWRNE WILL: FUTTER, Scr: & THO : ALFORD Svte to the
said scr

Probatum fuit hfnoi Testum sexto die mensis Julij Anno Dni 1621. Coram
venli viro RICHARDO CLARKE legum Dcore Surto Dni Offitis &c . jurio
THOME AILESBURIE et THOME BUCKNER duorum Extorum &c quibus &c de bene &c
saluo jure &c Resrvata tamen ptate similem Comissionem faciendi Dno
ROBERTO SIDNEY militi et JOHANNI PROTHERO armigero alteris Extoribus &c
Cum venerint eandem in debita Juris forma petituri. Pro Inveno ANDREE
prox &c. Concordat cum Originali fca exaicoe pnos HEN: DURHAM Norium
Pubcm RA: BYRDE

[From the certified copy filed in the Probate Registry in Somerset
House, which has been collated with the copy registered, Arch. Lond.
1618-1626/7, Folio 71. The differences in spelling, punctuation etc. are
numerous but unimportant.]

         END





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