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diff --git a/old/51514-0.txt b/old/51514-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 17d4ead..0000000 --- a/old/51514-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,38563 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Historians' History of the World in -Twenty-Five Volumes, Volume 1, by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Historians' History of the World in Twenty-Five Volumes, Volume 1 - Prolegomena; Egypt, Mesopotamia - -Author: Various - -Editor: Henry Smith Williams - -Release Date: March 20, 2016 [EBook #51514] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORIANS' HISTORY OF WORLD, VOL 1 *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - -Transcriber’s Note: As a result of editorial shortcomings in the original, -some reference letters in the text don’t have matching entries in the -reference-lists, and vice versa. - - - - - -THE HISTORIANS’ HISTORY OF THE WORLD - -[Illustration: RAWLINSON] - - - - - THE HISTORIANS’ - HISTORY - OF THE WORLD - - A comprehensive narrative of the rise and development of nations - as recorded by over two thousand of the great writers of all ages: - edited, with the assistance of a distinguished board of advisers - and contributors, by - - HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, LL.D. - - [Illustration] - - IN TWENTY-FIVE VOLUMES - - VOLUME I--PROLEGOMENA; EGYPT, MESOPOTAMIA - - The Outlook Company - New York - - The History Association - London - - 1905 - - COPYRIGHT, 1904, - BY HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS. - - _All rights reserved._ - - Press of J. J. Little & Co. - New York, U. S. A. - - - - -Contributors, and Editorial Revisers. - - - Prof. Adolf Erman, University of Berlin. - Prof. Joseph Halévy, College of France. - Prof. Thomas K. Cheyne, Oxford University. - Prof. Andrew C. McLaughlin, University of Michigan. - Prof. David H. Müller, University of Vienna. - Prof. Alfred Rambaud, University of Paris. - Capt. F. Brinkley, Tokio. - Prof. Eduard Meyer, University of Berlin. - Dr. James T. Shotwell, Columbia University. - Prof. Theodor Nöldeke, University of Strasburg. - Prof. Albert B. Hart, Harvard University. - Dr. Paul Brönnle, Royal Asiatic Society. - Dr. James Gairdner, C.B., London. - Prof. Ulrich von Wilamowitz Möllendorff, University of Berlin. - Prof. H. Marczali, University of Budapest. - Dr. G. W. Botsford, Columbia University. - Prof. Julius Wellhausen, University of Göttingen. - Prof. Franz R. von Krones, University of Graz. - Prof. Wilhelm Soltau, Zabern University. - Prof. R. W. Rogers, Drew Theological Seminary. - Prof. A. Vambéry, University of Budapest. - Prof. Otto Hirschfeld, University of Berlin. - Dr. Frederick Robertson Jones, Bryn Mawr College. - Baron Bernardo di San Severino Quaranta, London. - Dr. John P. Peters, New York. - Prof. Adolph Harnack, University of Berlin. - Dr. S. Rappoport, School of Oriental Languages, Paris. - Prof. Hermann Diels, University of Berlin. - Prof. C. W. C. Oman, Oxford University. - Prof. W. L. Fleming, University of West Virginia. - Prof. I. Goldziher, University of Vienna. - Prof. R. Koser, University of Berlin. - - - - -KEY TO THE AUTHORITIES. - - -The Historians’ History of the World is in one sense of the word a -compilation, but it is a compilation of unique character. The main -bulk of the work is made up of direct quotations from authorities, -cited with scrupulous exactness; but so novel is our method of handling -this material that the casual reader might scan chapter after chapter -without suspecting that the whole is not the work of a single writer. -Yet every quotation, whatever its length, is explicitly credited to -its source, and the reader who wishes to know the names of the authors -and works quoted may constantly satisfy his curiosity without the -slightest difficulty. The key to identification of authorities is found -in the unobtrusive reference letters (called by the printer “superior -letters”), such as [b], [c], [d], which are scattered through the text. -These reference letters refer in each case to a “Brief Reference-List” -at the end of the book, where, chapter by chapter, author and work are -named. Should any work be quoted more than once in a chapter, the same -reference letter is used to identify that work in each case. - -The reference letters are used in two ways: they are either (1) placed -at the end of a sentence, in which case they designate an actual -quotation, or (2) they are placed against the name of an author, in -which case they designate an authority cited but not necessarily -quoted. Each reference letter at the end of a sentence refers to all -the matter that precedes it back to the last similarly placed reference -letter. The quotation thus designated may be of any length,--a few -sentences or many pages. This quotation may contain reference letters -of the second type just explained, but, if so, these may be altogether -disregarded in determining the limits of the quotation; the context -will make it clear that there is no change of authorship. On the other -hand, however continuous the narrative may seem, a reference letter at -the end of a sentence must always be understood to divide one quotation -from another. - -All this may seem a trifle complex as told here, but it will be found -admirably simple and effective in practice. The reader has but to -make the experiment, to find that he can trace the authorship of -every line of the work without the slightest difficulty. It may be -well to add, however, that the reference letter [a] is reserved for -editorial matter, and that, very exceptionally, this letter is used in -combination with another letter, as [ab], [ac], [ad], to give credit -for matter that has been editorially adapted, but not quoted verbatim. -It is perhaps hardly necessary to explain that direct quotations, -such as go to make up the bulk of our work, are often given in an -abbreviated form through the omission of matter that is redundant or, -for any reason, inadmissible. The necessity for such change is obvious, -since otherwise the varied materials could not possibly be made to -harmonise or to meet the needs of our space. But, beyond this, no -liberty whatever is taken with matter presented as a direct quotation. -Where editorial modification is thought necessary, the use of reference -letters makes such modification feasible without introducing the -slightest ambiguity. We repeat that every line of the work is ascribed -to its proper source with the utmost fidelity. Any matter not otherwise -accredited--as, for example, various introductions, chronologies, -bibliographies, and the like--will be understood to be editorial. -Brackets also indicate editorial matter. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - VOLUME I - - - PART I. PROLEGOMENA - - - BOOK I. HISTORY, HISTORIANS, AND THE WRITING OF HISTORIES - - PAGE - - CHAPTER I - - SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS 1 - - The oriental period, 2. The classical historians, 3. The - mediæval and modern histories, 4. - - CHAPTER II - - MATERIALS FOR THE WRITING OF HISTORY 5 - - CHAPTER III - - THE METHODS OF THE HISTORIANS 9 - - CHAPTER IV - - WORLD HISTORIES 13 - - CHAPTER V - - THE PRESENT HISTORY 22 - - - BOOK II. A GLIMPSE INTO THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD - - CHAPTER I - - INTRODUCTORY 32 - - CHAPTER II - - COSMOGONY--ANCIENT AND MODERN IDEAS AS TO THE ORIGIN - OF THE WORLD 33 - - CHAPTER III - - COSMOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY--ANCIENT AND MODERN IDEAS 38 - - CHAPTER IV - - THE ANTIQUITY OF THE EARTH AND OF MAN 40 - - CHAPTER V - - THE RACES OF MAN AND THE ARYAN QUESTION 43 - - CHAPTER VI - - ON PREHISTORIC CULTURE 45 - - Language, 44. Clothing and housing of prehistoric man, 46. - The use of fire, 46. Implements of peace and war, 47. The - domestication of animals, 47. Agriculture, 48. Government, 49. - The arts of painting, sculpture, and decorative architecture, - 50. The art of writing, 50. - - - PART II. EGYPT - - INTRODUCTORY ESSAY. EGYPT AS A WORLD INFLUENCE. - By Dr. Adolf Erman 57 - - EGYPTIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE (4400-332 B.C.) 65 - - CHAPTER I - - THE EGYPTIAN RACE AND ITS ORIGIN 77 - - The country and its inhabitants, 81. Prehistoric Egypt, 88. - - CHAPTER II - - THE OLD MEMPHIS KINGDOM (_ca._ 4400-2700 B.C.) 90 - - The first dynasty, 90. The second dynasty, 92. The third - dynasty, 92. The pyramid dynasty, 93. A modern account of the - pyramids, 95. The builders of the pyramids, 98. The beautiful - Nitocris, 104. - - CHAPTER III - - THE OLD THEBAN KINGDOM (_ca._ 2700-1635 B.C.) 106 - - The eleventh dynasty, 106. The voyage to Punt, 108. The - twelfth dynasty, 110. Monuments of the twelfth dynasty; a - classical view, 113. The ruins of Karnak, 115. The fall of the - Theban kingdom, 117. The foreign rule, 118. The Hyksos rule; - the seventeenth dynasty, 121. - - CHAPTER IV - - THE RESTORATION (_ca._ 1635-1365 B.C.) 126 - - Eighteenth dynasty, 126. The Hyksos expulsion: Aahmes and his - successors, 127. Tehutimes II; Queen Hatshepsu, 133. Triumphs - of Tehutimes III; his successors, 136. - - CHAPTER V - - THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY (_ca._ 1365-1285 B.C.) 141 - - King Seti, 142. Ramses (II) the Great, 144. The war-poem of - Pentaur, 148. The kingdom of the Kheta and the nineteenth - dynasty, 150. Death of Ramses II, 153. - - CHAPTER VI - - THE FINDING OF THE ROYAL MUMMIES 155 - - How came these monarchs here? 157. - - CHAPTER VII - - THE PERIOD OF DECAY (NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH DYNASTIES: - _ca._ 1285-655 B.C.) 162 - - Meneptah, 162. From Setnekht to Ramses VIII and Meri-Amen - Meri-Tmu, 166. The sorrows of a soldier, 170. Egypt under the - dominion of mercenaries, 171. The Ethiopian conquest, 174. - Table of contemporaneous dynasties, 179. - - CHAPTER VIII - - THE CLOSING SCENES (TWENTY-SIXTH TO THIRTY-FIRST DYNASTIES: - 655-322 B.C.) 180 - - Psamthek, 180. The good king Sabach (Shabak) and Psammetichus, - 184. The restoration in Egypt, 185. The Persian conquest and - the end of Egyptian autonomy, 188. The atrocities of Cambyses, - 191. - - CHAPTER IX - - MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE EGYPTIANS 196 - - The position of the king, 198. Weapons of war, 202. Battle - methods, 205. Social customs, 208. The Egyptians as seen by - Herodotus, 212. Homes of the people, 216. - - CHAPTER X - - THE EGYPTIAN RELIGION 219 - - Religious festivals and offerings, 222. Gifts and riches of - temples, 225. Diodorus on animal worship, 228. A modern account - of the worship of Apis, the sacred bull, 232. The methods of - embalming the dead, 236. - - CHAPTER XI - - EGYPTIAN CULTURE 240 - - The hieroglyphics, 249. “By what characters, pictures, and - images the learned Egyptians expressed the mysteries of their - mindes,” 250. The riddle of the sphinx, 251. Literature, 257. - The Castaway: a tale of the twelfth dynasty, 260. - - CHAPTER XII - - CONCLUDING SUMMARY OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY 263 - - APPENDIX A - - CLASSICAL TRADITIONS 267 - - Another ancient account of the Nile, 273. A Greek view of the - origins of Egyptian history, 278. - - APPENDIX B - - THE PROBLEM OF EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY 287 - - Manetho’s table of the Egyptian dynasties, 291. - - BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 293 - - A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY 295 - - - PART III. MESOPOTAMIA - - INTRODUCTORY ESSAY. THE RELATIONS OF BABYLONIA WITH OTHER - SEMITIC COUNTRIES. By Joseph Halévy 309 - - MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE (6000-538 B.C.) 318 - - CHAPTER I - - LAND AND PEOPLE 337 - - The land, 338. Original peoples of Babylon: the Sumerians, - 342. The Semitic Babylonians, 344. The original home of the - Babylonian Semite, 347. - - CHAPTER II - - OLD BABYLONIAN HISTORY (_ca._ 4500-745 B.C.) 349 - - The beginnings of history, 351. The rulers of Shirpurla, - 351. Kings of Kish and Gishban, 356. The first dynasty of Ur, - 359. Kings of Agade, 360. The kings of Ur, 363. Accession of a - south Arabian dynasty, 363. The Kassite dynasty, 364. Assyrian - conquest of Babylon, 364. - - CHAPTER III - - THE RISE OF ASSYRIA (_ca._ 3000-726 B.C.) 366 - - Land and people, 369. Assyrian capitals: Asshur and Nineveh, - 371. The rise of Assyria, 372. The first great Assyrian - conqueror, 377. The reign and cruelty of Asshurnazirpal, 380. - Shalmaneser II and his successors, 387. Tiglathpileser III, - 391. Shalmaneser IV, 395. - - CHAPTER IV - - FOUR GENERATIONS OF ASSYRIAN GREATNESS (722-626 B.C.) 397 - - Sennacherib, 403. Esarhaddon and Asshurbanapal, 416. - Esarhaddon’s reign, 419. Asshurbanapal’s early years, 425. The - Brothers’ War, 431. The last wars of Asshurbanapal, 434. - - CHAPTER V - - THE DECLINE AND FALL OF ASSYRIA (626-606 B.C.) 438 - - Last years and fall of the Assyrian Empire, 440. - - CHAPTER VI - - RENASCENCE AND FALL OF BABYLON (555-538 B.C.) 446 - - Contemporary chronology, 448. Nabopolassar and Nebuchadrezzar, - 449. The followers of Nebuchadrezzar, 453. The reign of - Nabonidus, 455. - - CHAPTER VII - - MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA 460 - - War methods, 460. Our sources, 461. Assyrian war costumes and - war methods, 468. The arts of peace in Babylonia-Assyria, - 472. Babylon and its customs described by an eye-witness, - 473. A later classical account of Babylon, 479. The commerce - of the Babylonians, 484. Ships among the Assyrians, 491. - Laws of the Babylonians and Assyrians, 494. Sale of a slave, - 496. Sale of a house, 497. The code of Khammurabi, 498. The - discovery of the code, 498. Miscellaneous regulations, 501. - Regulations concerning slaves, 502. Provisions concerning - robbery, 502. Concerning leases and tillage, 503. Concerning - canals, 504. Commerce, debt, 504. Domestic legislation, - divorce, inheritance, 505. Laws concerning adoption, 509. Laws - of recompense, 509. Regulations concerning physicians and - veterinary surgeons, 510. Illegal branding of slaves, 510. - Regulations concerning builders, 511. Regulations concerning - shipping, 511. Regulations concerning the hiring of animals, - farming, wages, etc., 511. Regulations concerning the buying of - slaves, 513. - - CHAPTER VIII - - THE RELIGION OF THE BABYLONIANS AND ASSYRIANS 515 - - The Assyrian story of the creation, 520. The Babylonian - religion, 521. The epic of Gilgamish, 525. Ishtar’s descent - into Hades, 530. - - CHAPTER IX - - BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN CULTURE 534 - - Literature and science, 536. Epistolary literature, 539. Art, - 543. Assyrian art, 552. Assyrian sculpture and the evolution - of art, 558. A classical estimate of Chaldean philosophy and - astrology, 563. The Babylonian year, 565. The Babylonian day - and its division into hours, 566. Assyrian science, 567. - - APPENDIX A - - CLASSICAL TRADITIONS 571 - - The Creation and the Flood, described by Polyhistor, 573. - Other classical fragments: of the Chaldean kings, 575. Of the - Chaldean kings and the deluge, 576. Of the tower of Babel, 577. - Of Abraham, 577. Of Nabonassar, 577. Of the destruction of the - Jewish Temple, 577. Of Nebuchadrezzar, 577. Of the Chaldean - kings after Nebuchadrezzar, 578. Of the feast of Sacea, 579. - A fragment of Megasthenes concerning Nebuchadrezzar, 579. - Ninus and Semiramis, 580. Semiramis builds a great city, 584. - Semiramis begins a career of conquest, 588. Semiramis invades - India, 589. Another view of Semiramis, 593. Reign of Ninyas to - Sardanapalus, 594. The destruction of Nineveh, 598. - - APPENDIX B - - EXCAVATIONS IN MESOPOTAMIA AND THEIR RESULTS 600 - - The ruins of Nineveh and M. Botta’s first discovery, 600. - Layard’s discoveries at Nineveh, 604. Later discoveries in - Babylonia and Assyria, 610. The results of the excavations, - 612. Treasures from Nineveh, 613. The library of a king of - Nineveh, 618. How the Assyrian books were read, 623. - - BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 627 - - A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY 629 - - - - -PART I. PROLEGOMENA - - - - -BOOK I. HISTORY, HISTORIANS, AND THE WRITING OF HISTORIES - - - - -CHAPTER I - -SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS - - -Broadly speaking, the historians of all recorded ages seem to have had -the same general aims. They appear always to seek either to glorify -something or somebody, or to entertain and instruct their readers. The -observed variety in historical compositions arises not from difference -in general motive, but from varying interpretations of the relative -status of these objects, and from differing judgments as to the manner -of thing likely to produce these ends, combined, of course, with -varying skill in literary composition, and varying degrees of freedom -of action. - -As to freedom of selective judgment, the earliest historians whose -records are known to us exercised practically none at all. Their task -was to glorify the particular monarch who commanded them to write. -The records of a Ramses, a Sennacherib, or a Darius tell only of the -successful campaigns, in which the opponent is so much as mentioned -only in contrast with the prowess of the victor. - -With these earliest historians, therefore, the ends of historical -composition were met in the simplest way, by reciting the deeds, -real or alleged, of a king, as Ramses, Sennacherib, or David; or of -the gods, as Osiris, or Ishtar, or Yahveh. As to entertainment and -instruction, the reader was expected to be overawed by the recital of -mighty deeds, and to draw the conclusion that it would be well for him -to do homage to the glorified monarch, human or divine. - -A little later, in what may be termed the classical period, the -historians had attained to a somewhat freer position and wider vision, -and they sought to glorify heroes who were neither gods nor kings, -but the representatives of the people in a more popular sense. Thus -the _Iliad_ dwells upon the achievements of Achilles and Ajax and -Hector rather than upon the deeds of Menelaus and Priam, the opposing -kings. Hitherto the deeds of all these heroes would simply have -been transferred to the credit of the king. Now the individual of -lesser rank is to have a hearing. Moreover, the state itself is now -considered apart from its particular ruler. The histories of Herodotus, -of Xenophon, of Thucydides, of Polybius, in effect make for the -glorification, not of individuals, but of peoples. - -This shift from the purely egoistic to the altruistic standpoint -marks a long step. The writer now has much more clearly in view the -idea of entertaining, without frightening, his reader; and he thinks -to instruct in matters pertaining to good citizenship and communal -morality rather than in deference to kings and gods. In so doing the -historian marks the progress of civilisation of the Greek and early -Roman periods. - -In the mediæval time there is a strong reaction. To frighten becomes -again a method of attacking the consciousness; to glorify the gods and -heroes a chief aim. As was the case in the Egyptian and Persian and -Indian periods of degeneration, the early monotheism has given way to -polytheism. Hagiology largely takes the place of secular history. A -constantly growing company of saints demands attention and veneration. -To glorify these, to show the futility of all human action that does -not make for such glorification, became again an aim of the historian. -But this influence is by no means altogether dominant; and, though -there is no such list of historians worthy to be remembered as existed -in the classical period, yet such names appear as those of Einhard, -the biographer of Charlemagne; De Joinville, the panegyrist of Saint -Louis; Villani, Froissart, and Monstrelet, the chroniclers; and Comines, -Machiavelli, and Guicciardini. - -In the modern period the gods have been more or less disbanded, the -heroes modified, even the kings subordinated. We hear much talk of the -“philosophy” of history, even of the “science” of history. Common sense -and the critical spirit are supposed to hold sway everywhere. Yet, -after all, it would be too much to suppose that any historian even of -the most modern school has written entirely without prejudice of race, -of station, or of religion. And in any event the same ideals, generally -stated, are before the historian of to-day that have actuated his -predecessors--to glorify something or somebody, though it be, perhaps, -a principle and not a person; and to entertain and instruct his readers. - - -_The Oriental Period_ - -The earliest historians whose writings have come down to us are the -authors of the records on the monuments of Egypt and of Mesopotamia. We -shall see later on that these records, made in languages a knowledge -of which has only been recovered in the past century, are full of -historical interest because of the facts they narrate, and the insight -they give us into the life of their times. For the moment, however, -we are only concerned with the method of their construction. They are -parts of records dating from many centuries before the beginning of the -Christian era. Their authors are utterly unknown by name. The narrative -is, indeed, in some cases, couched in the first person, but it is not -to be supposed from this that the alleged writer--who, of course, is -the king whose deeds are glorified--is the actual composer of the -narrative. The actual scribes, mere adjuncts of the royal _ménage_, -never dreamed of putting their own names on record beside those of -their royal masters. Yet their work has preserved to future generations -the names of kings that otherwise would have been absolutely forgotten. -For example, Tehutimes III of Egypt and Asshurbanapal of Assyria, two -of the most powerful monarchs of antiquity, had ceased to be remembered -even by name several centuries before the dawn of our era, and for two -thousand years no human being knew that such persons had ever existed. -Yet now, thanks to the monuments, their deeds are almost as fully known -to us as the deeds of an Alexander or a Cæsar. - -There is, indeed, one regard in which these most ancient historical -records have an advantage over more recent works. They were for the -most part graven in stone or stamped in clay that was burned to -stonelike hardness, and they have come down to us with the assurances -of authenticity which must always be lacking in many compositions of -more recent periods. The Babylonian and Assyrian records lay buried -with the ruins of cities whose very location had been forgotten for -ages. The most recent of these records had been seen by no human eye -for more than two thousand years. Their unnamed authors seem thus to -speak to us directly across the centuries. However these earliest of -historians may have dreamed of immortality for their work, they can -hardly have hoped to speak to eager audiences in regions far beyond the -limits of their world, twenty-five centuries after the very nation to -which they belonged had vanished from the earth, and the language in -which they wrote had ceased to be known to men. Yet that unique glory -was reserved for them. - - -_The Classical Historians_ - -It requires but a glance at the historians of the classical period to -see how altered is the point of view from which they write. Here we -have no longer men commanded by a monarch, or impelled by religious -fervour to glorify a single person or epoch or country to the utter -exclusion of everything else. We have bounded from insularity of view -to universality. Even the Homeric legends deal with the events of two -continents and of several countries. Herodotus and Diodorus make the -writing of their histories a life-work. They travel from one country -to another, and familiarise themselves with their subject as much as -possible at first hand. They mingle with the scholars of many lands, -and listen to their recitals of the annals of their respective peoples. -They weigh and consider, though in a quite different mental balance -from that which an historian uses in our day. They spend thirty, forty, -years in composing their books. From them, then, we have, not simple -chronicles of a single event, but universal histories. These are in -many ways different from the universal histories of our own time; but -in their frank, human way of looking out upon the world, they have -a charm that is quite their own. In their interest for the general -reader, they have perhaps never been excelled. And in their citation -of fact and fable they become a storehouse upon which succeeding -generations of historians have drawn to this day. - -There are other historians of the period no less remarkable, some of -them even superior, from some points of view, to these masters. The -names of Thucydides, Xenophon, Polybius among the Greeks, of Tacitus, -Livy, Cæsar among the Romans, to go no farther, are as familiar to -every cultivated mind of our own day as the names of Gibbon, Macaulay, -or Bancroft. Several of these were men who participated in the events -they described, and, confining themselves to limited periods, treated -these periods in such masterly fashion, with such breadth of view and -discriminating judgment, that their verdicts have weight with all -succeeding generations of historians. Thucydides, writing in the fifth -century B.C., is regarded, even in our critical age, as a matchless -writer of history. An oft-repeated tale relates that Macaulay despaired -of ever equalling him, though feeling that he might hope to duplicate -the work of any other historian. Polybius and Tacitus are mentioned -with respect by the most exacting investigators. Clearly, then, this -was a culminating epoch in the writing of histories. - - -_The Mediæval and Modern Histories_ - -We have seen that in the classical period the brief space of half a -dozen generations saw a cluster of great histories written. No such -intellectual activity in this direction marked the mediæval period. Now -for the space of more than a thousand years there was no work produced -that could bear a moment’s comparison with the great productions of -the earlier periods. One theme was now dominant in the Western world, -and the intellects that might have produced histories of broad scope -under other circumstances contented themselves with harping on the one -string. So we have ecclesiastical records in place of histories. - -In due time the reaction came, but it was long before the influence -of the dominant spirit was made subordinate to a saner view. Indeed, -scarcely before our own generation, since the classical period, have -historians been able to cast a clear and unbiased glance across the -entire field of history. - -Toward the middle of the eighteenth century a school of secular -historians with broad views and high aims again arose. Now once more -men sought to write world histories not dominated by a single idea. The -first great exponents of the movement were Gibbon and Hume in England, -Schlozzer and Müller in Germany. They have had a host of followers, of -whom the greater number have been Germans. - -The attitude of these modern writers is philosophical; they are -disposed to recognise in the bald facts of human existence an -importance commensurate solely with the lessons they can teach for -the betterment of humanity. In this modern view, each fact must be -correlated with a multitude of other facts before its true significance -can be perceived. Events are, in this view, meaningless unless we know -something of the human motives that led to their enactment. The task -of the historian is to search for causes, to endeavour to build up -from the lessons of history a true philosophy of living. It is really -no different a task, as already pointed out, from that which such -ancient writers as Polybius had very prominently in view; but there is -an emphasis upon this phase of the subject in our time that it did not -generally receive in the earlier age. In other words, the philosophy -of history of our time is a more conscious philosophy. For a century -past the phrase, “philosophy of history,” has been current, and it has -been the custom for men who were not primarily historians to discourse -on the subject. Latterly, following again the current of the times, we -have come to speak even of the “science” of history; indeed, in Germany -in particular, history to-day claims unchallenged position as a true -science. The word “science” is a very flexible term, yet there are -those who deny that it may be properly applied, as yet at any rate, to -our aggregation of knowledge of historical facts. The question resolves -itself into a matter of definition, the solution of which is not -particularly important. - -The essential thing is that the modern historical investigator is -fully actuated by the spirit of scientific accuracy and impartiality. -And since impartiality depends very largely upon breadth of view, -it results rather curiously that the minute investigations of the -specialist make indirectly for the comprehensive view of the World -Historian. Professor Freeman well expressed the idea when he said: - -“My position is that in all our studies of history and language--and -the study of language, besides all that it is in other ways, is one -most important branch of the study of history--we must cast away all -distinctions of ‘ancient’ and ‘modern,’ of ‘dead’ and ‘living,’ and -must boldly grapple with the great fact of the unity of history. As -man is the same in all ages, the history of man is one in all ages. -No language, no period of history, can be understood in its fullness; -none can be clothed with its highest interest and its highest profit, -if it be looked at wholly in itself, without reference to its bearing -on those other languages, those other periods of history, which join -with it to make up the great whole of human, or at least of Aryan and -European, being.” - -Such a position as this, assumed by one of the most minute searchers -among modern historians, is highly interesting as illustrative of a -reactionary tendency which will probably characterise the historical -work of the near future. Hair-splitting analysis having been carried -to its limits of refinement, there will probably come a reaction in -the direction of a more comprehensive study of historical events -in their wider relations. The work of the specialist, after all, -is really important only when it furnishes material for wider -generalisations. All minute workers in the fields of biology, geology, -and the allied sciences, in the first half of the nineteenth century -were unconsciously gathering material which, interesting in itself, -became of real importance chiefly in so far as it ultimately aided in -elucidating the great generalisation of Darwin. Perhaps the minute -historians of to-day are in similar position. - -The special worker, imbued with enthusiasm for his subject, is apt -to forget the real insignificance of his labours. Entire epochs are -dominated by the idea of microscopic research, and the workers even -come to suppose that microscopic analysis is in itself an end; whereas, -rightly considered, it is only the means to an end. We are just passing -through such an epoch as regards historical investigation. But, as just -suggested, it seems probable that we are approaching a new epoch when -the work of the specialist will be subordinated to its true purpose, -while at the same time proving its real value as a means to the proper -end of historical studies--the comprehension of the world-historical -relations of events. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -MATERIALS FOR THE WRITING OF HISTORY - - -It is obvious that the materials for the writing of history consist -for the most part of written records. It is true that all manner of -monuments, including the ruins of buried cities, remains of ancient -walls and highways, and all other traces of a former civilisation, -must be allotted their share as records to guide the investigator in -his attempt to reconstruct past conditions. But for anything like a -definite presentation of the events of by-gone days, it is absolutely -essential, as Sir George Cornewall Lewis pointed out in great detail, -to have access to contemporary written records, either at first hand, -or through the medium of copyists, in case the original records -themselves have been destroyed. Lewis reached the conclusion, as the -result of his exhaustive examination of the credibility of early Roman -history, that a tradition of a past event is hardly transmitted orally -from generation to generation with anything like accuracy of detail for -more than a century. - -Theoretically, then, no accurate history could ever be constructed of -events covering a longer period than about four generations before -the introduction of writing. In actual practice the scope of the -strictly historic view of man’s progress is confined to very much -narrower limits than this, for the simple reason that the earliest -written records that might otherwise serve to give us glimpses of -remote history have very rarely been preserved. The destruction of -ancient inscriptions with the lapse of centuries has led to a great -deal of difference of opinion as to the time when the art of writing -was introduced among various nations. In reference to the Greeks -in particular, the dispute has been ardently waged, many scholars -contending that the art of writing was little practised in Greece until -the sixth century B.C. - -Later discoveries, in particular a knowledge of the inscription on the -statue of Ramses at Abu Simbel, have made it clear that the earlier -estimates were much too conservative, and it now seems probable that -the Greeks had been acquainted with the art of writing for several, or -perhaps many, centuries before the one previously fixed upon. It is -not to be supposed, however, that the practice of the art of writing -was universal in that early day. On the other hand, it was doubtless -very exceptional indeed for the average individual to be able to write, -and such difficulties as the lack of writing material stood in the way -of composition until a relatively late period. But whether the art -of writing was much or little practised in the early days does not -greatly matter so far as the present-day historian is concerned, since -practically all specimens of early writing in Greece disappeared in the -course of succeeding ages. No fragment of any book proper, no scrap of -parchment or papyrus, no single waxen tablet, from the soil of classic -Greece has been preserved to us. - -The Greek authors are known to us only through the efforts of -successive generations of copyists; and, with the exception of a -comparatively small number of Egyptian papyri, there is almost nothing -in existence representing the literature of classical Greece that is -older than the middle ages. There are, to be sure, considerable numbers -of monumental inscriptions dating from classical times. These have the -highest interest for the archæologist, but in the aggregate they give -but meagre glimpses into the history of antiquity. If we were dependent -upon these records for all that we know of Greek history, the entire -story of that people might be told, as far as we could ever hope to -learn it, in a few pages. - -The case is somewhat different with Egypt and with Mesopotamia, -since the climate of the former and the resistant character of the -writing materials employed by the latter have permitted the modern -world to receive direct messages that, under other circumstances, -must inevitably have been lost. But even here the historical records -are neither so abundant nor so comprehensive in their scope as might -have been hoped. History-writing, in anything like a comprehensive -meaning of the words, is a relatively modern art. The nearest approach -to it among the nations of remote antiquity got no farther than the -recording of the personal deeds of individual kings. Such records, -indeed, are excellent materials for history, but they hardly constitute -history by themselves. The entire lists of Egyptian inscriptions, so -far as known, suffice merely to give glimpses of Egyptian history; -and if the Mesopotamian records are, in this regard, somewhat more -satisfactory, it is only in reference to a comparatively brief -period of later Assyrian history that they can be said to have -anything like comprehensiveness. As to the other nations of Oriental -antiquity,--Indians, Persians, Syrians, the inhabitants of Asia -Minor,--the entire sum of the monumental records that have been -transmitted to us amounts to nothing more than a scattered series of -vague suggestions. - -In the classical world Rome is but little better off than Greece in -this regard. As to both these countries, we depend for our knowledge -almost exclusively upon the works of historians of a relatively late -period. Before Herodotus, who lived in the fifth century B.C., there -is almost no consecutive history proper of Greece; and despite all the -efforts of archæologists, records of Roman progress scarcely suffice to -push back the prehistoric veil beyond the time of the banishment of the -kings. Indeed, even for a century or two after this event transpired, -the would-be historian finds himself still on very treacherous ground. -The reason for this is that there were no contemporary historians in -Rome in this early period; and until such contemporary chroniclers -appear, no secure record of history is possible. - -Once it became the fashion to write chronicles of events, the custom -rapidly spread and took a fixed hold upon the people. From the day of -Herodotus there was no dearth of Greek historians, and after Polybius -there is an unbroken series of Roman chroniclers. - -Had all the writings of these various workers been preserved to us, we -should have abundant material for reconstructing the history of the -entire later classical epoch in much detail; but, unfortunately, the -historian worked with perishable materials. An individual papyrus or -parchment roll could hardly be expected on the average to be preserved -for more than a few generations, and unless copies had been made of it -in the meantime, the record that it contained must inevitably be lost. -Such has been the fate of the great mass of historical writings, no -less than of productions in other fields of literature. - -Many of the fragments of ancient writers have come down to us through -rather curious channels. In the later age of Rome it became the -fashion to make anthologies and compilations, and it is through such -collections that the majority of classical authors are known. One of -the most curious of these anthologies is that made by Athenæus about -the beginning of the third century A.D. This author called his work -_Deipnosophistæ_, or the _Feast of the Learned_. He attempted to give -it a somewhat artistic form, making it ostensibly a dialogue in which -the sayings of a company of diners were related to a friend who was not -present at the banquet. The diners were supposed to have introduced -quotations from the classical writers, so that the book is chiefly -made up of such quotations. The work has not come down to us quite in -its entirety, but, even so, no fewer than eight hundred authors and -twenty-five hundred different works are represented in the anthology. -Of these authors about seven hundred are known exclusively through the -excerpts of Athenæus. - -Two or three centuries later another Greek named Stobæus compiled a set -of extracts from the Greek writers of all accessible periods prior to -his own. The number of authors quoted in this anthology is more than -five hundred, and here again the major part of them are quite unknown -to us except through this single source. Yet another collection of -excerpts was made in the latter part of the ninth century by Photius, -patriarch of Constantinople, who made excerpts from about 280 authors -with whose works he had familiarised himself through miscellaneous -reading. In addition to these works of individual compilers there -were two or three anthologies compiled in the Byzantine period, -including an important collection of fragments of the Greek poets which -is still extant under the title of _The Greek Anthology_, and the -elaborate set of encyclopædias made under the direction of Constantine -Porphyrogenitus. But for such collections as these, supplemented by -the biographical notices of such workers as Suidas, and by fragments -that have come to us through a few other channels, it would scarcely -have been conceived that so many authors had written in the entire -period of Grecian activity, since only a fraction of this number are -represented by complete works that have come down to us. Such facts as -these give an inkling as to the mental activity of the old-time author, -while pointing a useful lesson as to the perishability of human works. -In this age of easy multiplying of books through printing, one is prone -to forget how precarious must have been the existence of a manuscript -of the elder day. It was a long, laborious task to produce an edition -of a single copy of any extended work, and each successive duplication -was precisely as slow and as difficult as the first. Under these -circumstances no doubt a very considerable proportion of books were -never duplicated at all, and the circulation of a very large additional -number most likely was limited to two or three copies. It was only -works which were early recognised as having an unusual intrinsic -interest or value that stood any reasonable chance of being copied -often enough to insure preservation through many succeeding generations. - -As one considers the field of extant manuscripts, one is led naturally -to reflect on the quality of work that was likely thus to insure -perpetuity, and the more we consider the subject, limiting the view -for our present purpose to historical compositions, the more clear -it becomes that the one prime quality that gave a lease of life to -the composition of an author was the quality of human interest. In -other words, such historical compositions as were works of art, -rather than such as depended upon other merits, were the ones which -successive generations of copyists reproduced, and which ultimately -were enabled to pass the final ordeal imposed by the monks of the -middle ages, who made palimpsests of many an author deserving a better -fate. The upshot of this process of the survival of the fittest was -that all Greek would-be historians prior to Herodotus were allowed -to sink into oblivion, causing Herodotus himself to stand out as -apparently the absolute creator of a new art. In point of fact, could -we know the whole truth, it would doubtless appear that there was no -real revolution of method effected by the writings of Herodotus. He -surpassed all of his predecessors in such a measure that the future -copyist saw no necessity for preserving any work but the one, since -this one practically covered the field of all the rest. It is, perhaps, -an ill method of phrasing, to say that these copyists saw no reason -for preserving those earlier manuscripts. There was no thought in -their minds of the preservation of one book and the destruction of -another; they merely copied the work which interested them, or which -they believed would interest the book-buying public. The disappearance -of the works not copied was a mere negative result, about which no one -directly concerned himself. - -The proof of the value of the work of Herodotus is found in the fact -that it has come down to us entire in numerous copies, something -that can be said of only three or four other considerable historical -compositions of the entire classical period; two others of this select -company being Thucydides and Xenophon, both of whom were contemporaries -of Herodotus, though considerably younger, and therefore, properly -enough, counted as belonging to the next generation. Of the other Greek -historians, the biographical works of Plutarch, the works of Strabo -and Pausanius, which are geographical rather than strictly historical, -and the _Life of Alexander the Great_ by Arrian, are the sole ones of -the large number undoubtedly written that have come down to us intact. -A survey of the Roman historians furnishes an even more striking -illustration, for here no one of the great historical works has been -preserved in its entirety. Livy’s monumental work is entire as to the -earlier books, which treat of the mythical and half-mythical period of -Roman development; but the parts of it that treated of later Roman -history, concerning which the author could have spoken, and probably -did speak, with first-hand knowledge, are almost entirely lost. In -other words, the copyists of the middle ages preserved the least -valuable portion of Livy, doubtless because they found the hero tales -of mythical Rome more interesting than the matter-of-fact recitals of -the events of the later republic and the early empire. We can hardly -suppose that Livy detailed the events of the later period with less -art than characterised his earlier work, but different conditions were -imposed upon him. He had now to deal with much fuller records than -hitherto, and no doubt he treated many subjects that seemed important -to him, simply because they were near at hand, but which another -generation found tiresome and not worth the trouble of copying. Thus -we see emphasised again the salient point that the interesting story -rather than the important historical narrative proved itself most fit -for preservation in the estimate of posterity. - -Of the other great historians of Rome, Tacitus, Dionysius, Dion -Cassius, Polybius, have all fared rather worse than Livy, although -a few briefer masterpieces, like the two histories of Sallust and -the _Gallic Wars_ of Cæsar, and such biographies as the “Lives” of -Suetonius and Cornelius Nepos, were able to fight their way through the -middle ages and gain the safe shelter of the printing-press without -material loss. - -But perhaps the most suggestive example of all is furnished by the -brief world history of Justin, which, if not quite entire, has been -preserved as to its main structure in various manuscripts. This work is -an artistic epitome of a large, and in its day authoritative, history -of the world, written by Trogus Pompeius. Justin, when a student in -Rome in the day of the early Cæsars, was led to make an epitome of -this work, seemingly as proof to his friends in the provinces that -he was not wasting his time. He did his task so well that future -generations saw no reason to trouble themselves with the prolixities of -the original work, but were content to copy and re-copy the epitome, -pointing the moral that brevity, next to artistic excellence, is the -surest road to permanent remembrance for the historian,--a lesson which -many modern writers have overlooked to their disadvantage. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE METHODS OF THE HISTORIANS - - -It is a curious fact, a seeming paradox, that the first two great -histories ever written--the histories, namely, of Herodotus and -Thucydides--should stand out pre-eminently as types of two utterly -different methods of historical writing. Herodotus, “the Father of -History,” wrote with the obvious intention to entertain. There is no -great logicality of sequence in his use of materials; he simply rambles -on from one subject to another with little regard for chronology, but -with the obvious intention everywhere to tell all the good stories -that he has learned in the course of his journeyings. It would be -going much too far to say that there is no method in his collocation -of materials, but what method he has is quite generally overshadowed -and obscured in the course of presentation. Thus, for example, he is -writing the history of the Persian wars, and he has reached that time -in the history of Persia when Cambyses comes to the throne and prepares -to invade Egypt. The mention of Egypt gives him, as it were, the cue -for an utterly new discourse, which he elaborates to the extent of an -entire book, detailing all that he has learned of Egypt itself, its -history, its people, and their manners and customs, without, for the -most part, referring in any way whatever to Cambyses. He returns to the -Persian king ultimately, to be sure, and takes up his story regardless -of the digression, and seemingly quite oblivious of any incongruity -in the fact of having introduced very much more extraneous matter -in reference to Egypt than the entire subject matter proper of the -Persian Empire. The method of Herodotus was justified by the results. -There is every reason to believe that he was enormously popular in his -own time,--as popularity went in those days,--and he has held that -popularity throughout all succeeding generations. But it has been said -of him often enough that this work is hardly a history in the narrower -sense of the word; it is a pleasing collection of tales, in which no -very close attempt is made to discriminate between fact and fiction, -the prime motive being to entertain the reader. As such, the work of -Herodotus stands at the head of a class which has been represented by -here and there a striking example throughout all succeeding times. - -Xenophon’s _Anabasis_, detailing the story of Cyrus the Younger and his -ten thousand Greek allies, is essentially a history of the same type. -It differs radically, to be sure, from Herodotus, in that it holds with -the closest consistency to a single narrative, scarcely giving the -barest glimpses into any other field than that directly connected with -the story of the ten thousand. But it is like Herodotus in the prime -essential that its motive is to entertain the reader by the citation of -the incidents of a venturesome enterprise. Xenophon does indeed pause -at the beginning of the second book long enough to pronounce a eulogy -upon the character of Cyrus,--a eulogy that is distinctly the biased -estimate of a friend, rather than the calm judgment of a critical -historian. But this aside, Xenophon, philosopher though he is, concerns -himself not at all with the philosophy of the subject in hand. He quite -ignores the immoral features of the rebellion of Cyrus against his -brother. Indeed, it seems never to occur to him that this fratricidal -enterprise has any reprehensible features, or could be considered in -any light other than that of a commendable proceeding of which a throne -was the legitimate goal. Doubtless the very fact of this banishment -of the philosophical from the work of Xenophon has been one source -of its great popularity, for, as every one knows, Xenophon shares -with Herodotus the credit of being the most widely read of classical -authors. It would be quite aside from the present purpose to emphasise -the opinion that the intrinsic merit of Xenophon’s work does not fully -justify this popularity. It suffices here to note the fact that this -famous work of the successor of Herodotus belongs essentially to the -same class with the work of the master himself. - -Of the Roman historians doubtless the one most similar to Herodotus in -general aim was Livy. The author of the most famous history of Rome -does not indeed make any such excursions into the history of outlying -nations, as did Herodotus, but he details the history of his own -people with an eye always to the literary, rather than to the strictly -historical, side; transmitting to us in their best form that series -of beautiful legends with which all succeeding generations have been -obliged to content themselves in lieu of history proper. There is -little of philosophical thought, little of search for motives, in such -history-writing as this. It is essentially the art of the story-teller -applied to the facts and fables of history. - -Returning now to Thucydides, we have illustrated, as has been said, -an utterly different plan and motive. Thucydides does indeed tell -the story of the Peloponnesian War; tells it, moreover, with such -wealth of detail as no other historian of antiquity exceeded, and few -approached. But in addition to narrating the plain facts, Thucydides -searches always for the motives. He gives us an insight into the causes -of events as he conceives them. He is obviously thinking more of this -phase of the subject than of the mere recital of the facts themselves. -It is the philosophy of history, rather than the story of history, that -appeals to him, and that he wishes to make patent to the reader. - -Only two or three other writers of the entire classical period whose -works have come down to us followed Thucydides with any considerable -measure of success in this attempt to write history philosophically; -the two most prominent exponents of this method being the Greek -Polybius, who told the story of Rome’s rise to world power, and -Tacitus, the famous author of the _Roman Annals_ and of the earliest -history of the German people. These three examples--Thucydides, -Polybius, and Tacitus--stand out at once in refutation of a claim -which might otherwise be made that philosophical, or, if one prefers, -didactic, historical composition is essentially a modern product. -But for these exceptions one might be disposed to make a sweeping -generalisation to the effect that the old-time history was a collection -of tales intended to entertain the reader, and that the strictly modern -historical method aims at instruction rather than at entertainment. -Such generalisations, however, assuming, as they do, that the entire -trend of human thought has fundamentally changed within historical -times, are sure to be faulty. Quite possibly it may be true to say -that the earliest historians tended as a class to write entertaining -narratives rather than philosophical histories; and to say, on the -other hand, that nineteenth century historians as a class have reversed -the order of motives: but it must not be forgotten that our judgment -here is based upon a mere fragment of the entire output of ancient -historians. We have already noticed, in another connection, that -the names of some hundreds of Greek writers have been preserved to -us solely through a single anthological collection or two; and now, -speaking of the historical works, it must be remembered that a vast -number of these have perished altogether. Whole companies of historians -are known to us only by name, and there is every reason to suppose -that considerable other companies that once existed and wrote works -of greater or less importance have not left us even this memento. The -scattered fragments of Greek historical works that have come down to -us, dissociated from any considerable part of their original context, -fill three large volumes of the famous Didot collection of Greek -classics, as edited by K. O. Müller; some hundreds of authors being -represented. - -We have noted that all the predecessors of Herodotus were blotted out, -chiefly, perhaps, by the excellence of the work of Herodotus himself. -Similarly the entire histories of Alexander the Great, written by -his associates and contemporaries and his successors of the ensuing -century, have without exception perished utterly. - -Doubtless the excellence of the work of Arrian, which summarised and -attempted to harmonise the contents of the more important preceding -histories of Alexander, was responsible for the final elimination of -the latter. One can hardly refer too often to that intellectual gantlet -of the middle ages, which all classical literature was called upon to -pass, and from which only here and there a work emerged. It is almost -pathetic to consider the number of works that made their way heroically -almost through this gantlet, only to succumb just before achieving the -goal. One knows, for example, that there was a work of Theopompus on -later Grecian affairs, in fifty odd books, which was extant in the -ninth century, as proved by the summary of its contents made then by -a monk, but of which no single line is in existence to-day. Even the -works that have come down to us in a less fragmentary condition have -not usually been preserved entire in any single manuscript, but, as -presented to us now, are patched together from various fragments, -preserved often in widely separated collections. The explanation -is that the copying of a manuscript of great length was a somewhat -heroic task, and that hence the copyist would often content himself -with excerpting a single book from a work which he would gladly have -reproduced entire but for the labour involved. - -The point of all this in our present connection is that we know the -historians of antiquity very imperfectly, and that hence we are almost -sure to misjudge them as a class when we attempt generalisations -concerning them. In the very nature of the case, the historian who -told a good story in a pleasing style stood a far better chance of -being perpetuated through the efforts of copyists, than did the -philosophical historian, however profound, who put forward his theories -at the expense of the narrative proper. Making all due allowance for -this, however, it can hardly be in doubt that the last century and a -half has seen a remarkable development of the scientific spirit in -its application to the work of the historian, and that the average -historical work of the nineteenth century is philosophically on a far -higher plane than the average historical work of antiquity. If we -were to attempt to characterise the most recent phases of historical -composition, we should, perhaps, not go far afield in saying that in -regard to history-writing, as in regard to many other subjects, this -is pre-eminently the age of specialists. In recent years no historical -work could hope for any large measure of recognition among historians, -unless it were based upon personal investigation of the most remote -sources bearing upon the period that could be made accessible. The -recent period has been pre-eminently a time of the searching out -of obscure or forgotten records; the unburying of old letters and -state papers; the delving into hitherto neglected archives; and the -critical analysis of the conflicting statements of alleged authorities -previously accessible. - -The work began prominently--if any intellectual movement may properly -be said to have an explicit beginning--with Gibbon and Niebuhr; it was -continued by Grote and Mommsen and George Cornewall Lewis and Clinton, -and the host of more recent workers, whose specific labours will claim -our attention as we proceed. Naturally enough, since each generation -of specialists builds upon the labours of all preceding generations, -the work has become more and more minute and hair-splitting with each -succeeding decade. Gibbon, specialist though he was, covered a period -of a thousand years of European history, and left scarcely anything -untouched that falls properly within that period. Niebuhr specialised -on the few centuries of early Roman history, but his comprehensive view -reached out also to Greece and to the Orient, and he was accounted -a master over the whole range of ancient history. Mommsen’s efforts -have followed the Roman Republic and Empire throughout the length -and breadth of its wide domains, and over the whole period of its -existence, as well as into all the ramifications of its political, -commercial, and social life. - -But there has been a tendency among most recent workers to confine -their attention to a narrower field. Macaulay’s _History of England_ -attempts the really detailed history of only about seventeen years. -Carlyle devotes six large volumes to the _History of Frederick the -Great_, and such authorities as Freeman and Stubbs and Gardiner -and Gairdner gave years of patient research to the investigation of -single periods of English history. The obvious result of all this -minute and laborious effort is the piling up of a mass of more or less -incoördinate details as to the crude facts of history, which only -the specialist in each particular field can hope to master, and the -remoter bearings of which in their relations to world history are not -always clearly appreciable. It is rarely given to the same mind to have -a taste or a capacity at once for minute research and for broad and -accurate generalisation. Therefore much of the work of the specialist, -admirable in its kind, must still be regarded rather as crude material -than as a finished product. It is the work of the world historian to -attempt to mass this crude material, to visualise it in its relations -to other similar masses, and to build with it a unified structure of -history, in which each portion shall appear in its proper relations to -all the rest. - -Let us turn for a moment to the work of the world historians of the -past, and glance at the results of their various efforts to weld the -individual history of men and of nations into a comprehensive history -of mankind. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -WORLD HISTORIES - - -No historian worthy of the name can narrate the events even of a -limited period without at least an inferential reference to the -world-historic import of these events. Just in proportion as one fails -to take a sweeping general view, the force of his facts is weakened; -any narrow period of history, on which the attention is fixed, assumes, -for the time being, a disproportionate interest, and is necessarily -seen quite out of perspective. It is only when the limited period -is considered in reference to other periods that it can be made to -assume anything like its proper status. Something of this has been -understood by all writers from the earliest times, and accordingly -we find that very few of the ancient authors failed to take at least -a sweeping view of contemporaneous events, even when detailing -specifically the incidents of a restricted period; and often, as in -the case of Herodotus, the space devoted to the history of events -not strictly cognate to the main story is quite out of proportion to -that reserved for the main story itself. Thus in a certain sense the -history of Herodotus is a world history, inasmuch as it deals more or -less comprehensively with practically all nations known to the Greeks -of that time. Thucydides, as we have seen, confines himself much more -closely to a precise text; yet even he devotes an introductory book to -a summary of the past history of the Greeks as a preparation for the -full understanding of the Peloponnesian War. - -But, after all, a somewhat sharp distinction should be drawn between -histories such as these, which ostensibly describe the incidents of -a particular period, and more comprehensive treatises, which set the -explicit task of dealing with the history of all nations in all times. - -Of the works of this latter class,--World Histories proper,--the oldest -one that has come down to us is at the same time probably the most -comprehensive in scope, and the most extensive in point of matter, of -any that was written in ancient times. This is the so-called Historical -Library of Diodorus the Sicilian. Diodorus was a Greek, a native of -Sicily, who lived during the time of Julius Cæsar and of Augustus. He -set himself the explicit task of writing a comprehensive history of -the world, and he devoted thirty years to the accomplishment of this -task. This history, as originally written, comprised forty books, which -treated of the entire history of mankind from the earliest times to the -age of Augustus. Diodorus recognised the vagueness of early chronology, -and he made no attempt to estimate the exact age of the world, but he -computes the time covered by what he considers the historic period -proper, in the following terms: - -“According to Apollodorus, we have accounted fourscore years from -the Trojan War to the return of Heraclides: from thence to the first -olympiad, three hundred and twenty-eight years, computing the times -from the Lacedæmonian kings: from the first olympiad to the beginning -of the Gallic War (where our history ends) are seven hundred and thirty -years: so that our whole work (comprehended in forty books) is an -history which takes in the affairs of eleven hundred and thirty-eight -years, besides those times that preceded the Trojan War.” - -In his preface Diodorus further explains the exact scope of his work -and the precise division in the books in the following words: - -“Our first six books comprehend the affairs and mythologies of the ages -before the Trojan War, of which the three first contain the barbarian, -and the next following almost all the Grecian antiquities. In the -eleven next after these, we have given an account of what has been -done in every place from the time of the Trojan War till the death of -Alexander. In the three and twenty books following, we have set forth -all other things and affairs, till the beginning of the war the Romans -made upon the Gauls; at which time Julius Cæsar, the emperor (who upon -the account of his great achievements was surnamed Divus), having -subdued the warlike nations of the Gauls, enlarged the Roman Empire, as -far as to the British Isles; whose first acts fall in with the first -year of the hundred and eightieth olympiad, when Herodes was chief -magistrate at Athens. But as to the limitations of times contained -in the work, we have not bound those things that happened before the -Trojan War within any certain limits, because we could not find any -foundation whereon to rely with any certainty.” - -Of these forty books only fifteen have come down to us intact, namely, -the first five, which carry down the history only to the Trojan wars, -and books eleven to twenty, which cover the period from the invasion -of Greece by Xerxes to the subjugation of Greece by the Romans. The -remaining books are represented by considerable fragments, which, -however, even in the aggregate, are insignificant in bulk as compared -with the fifteen books that are preserved entire. - -Considering the time when it was written, this work of Diodorus was -really an extraordinary production, though there has been a tendency on -the part of the modern critic to dwell rather upon its defects than its -merits. It has indeed become quite the fashion to speak of Diodorus as -a weak-minded, prejudiced person, who gathered together materials for -history from all sources indiscriminately, and gave them to the world, -true and false together, quite unsifted by criticism. Such an estimate, -however, does Diodorus a very great injustice, as the briefest perusal -of his work must suffice to demonstrate. Indeed, it is perhaps not -saying too much to assert that one would be nearer the truth were he to -accept an estimate by Pliny, who affirms that Diodorus was the first -of the Greeks who wrote seriously and avoided trifles. That Diodorus -did write seriously, his work clearly testifies; that he largely -avoided trifles, is shown by the mass of matter which he crowded into -a comparatively small space; and that he was far from using his -materials without exercising selective judgment, should be evident to -any one who scans these materials themselves. It is quite true that he -made many mistakes. He sometimes accepted as fact what was only fable, -his chronologies are not always secure, his narratives of events not -always photographically accurate. But consider the task he had set -himself. He was endeavouring to write a history of the entire world so -far as known in his day and generation, including within the scope of -his narrative all the leading events of all the nations of the globe as -known in that day. No man can perform such a task, even in this day of -multiplied records and edited authorities, without making mistakes. - -Whoever attempts to write history philosophically is brought, sooner or -later, face to face with the fact that all historical records are woven -through and through with fiction. To separate the threads of truth -from the threads of fable is the task of critical judgment. It will be -perfectly clear to any one who considers the case, that in making such -selection the historian of any generation must be biased and influenced -by the prejudices and preconceptions of his time. From such prejudices -and preconceptions Diodorus was, of course, not free. He looked out -upon the world with eyes of the first century B.C., not with eyes of -the twentieth century A.D. That century, no less than this,--perhaps -not more than this,--was an age of faith and superstition; but the -faith of that time was not the faith of this time; the superstitions of -the Greek and Roman were not our superstitions. They were a credulous -people; we are a credulous people: but the exact type of their -credulity differed in many ways from the type of our credulity. - -In judging Diodorus, then, one must judge him as a Roman of the first -century B.C., not as a European of the twentieth century A.D. And if -we bear this in mind, we shall find, after scanning his pages, that -Diodorus was by no means marked among his fellows by simple credulity -of the unquestioning type which accepts whatever is told it without -subjecting it to criticism. Diodorus, to be sure, tells us fabulous -tales as to the origin of the world and the creation of its various -peoples; but he explicitly forewarns us that he tells these tales, not -as matters of his own belief, but in order to make an historical record -of the opinions current among the different nations themselves as to -their own origin. - -These tales seem to us fabulous, grotesque, absurd; but we have no -reason to doubt that many of them seemed equally mythical to Diodorus -himself; and modern criticism should not forget that there is one other -myth tale of the creation of the world and the origin of a particular -race, which, had Diodorus known it, he would doubtless have narrated -with the rest, and viewed with the same scepticism which he shows -towards the others, as being fabulous, grotesque, and absurd, but which -would have been accepted by the critics of all Christendom, in every -age prior to our own, as the authentic historical record of the actual -creation of the earth, and as the true account of its chosen people. - -In a word, modern criticism should bear in mind, when reproaching -Diodorus and others like him for their credulity, that the accepted -faith of nineteenth-century Europe would have seemed to Diodorus as -absurd and fabulous and mythical as any tale which he has to tell us -can seem to the twentieth-century critic. - -And as to the mistakes of Diodorus in the more strictly historical -portions of his narrative, these also must be viewed with a certain -toleration by every candid critic when he reflects upon the vast -preponderance of those cases in which the records of Diodorus are -worthy of the fullest credence. In considering these matters, it is -very easy, indeed, to generate myths that befog our view of the true -status of an ancient author. Thus, for example, it was once traditional -to regard Thucydides as the most candid, just, and impartial historian -who has ever lived; but it can hardly be in doubt that the real reason -why this estimate has grown up about the name of Thucydides is the fact -that, as Professor Mahaffy points out, Thucydides is the sole authority -for the history of most of the period of which he treats. It has even -been admitted by Müller that in the early portion of the first chapter -of Thucydides, where he treats on Grecian history in general, and up -to the Peloponnesian War, he does not manifest the same impartiality -which distinguishes him in the later portions of his narrative. But -it is precisely in this earlier chapter that Thucydides deals with -events that are recorded by other historians. It is here, and for the -most part here alone, that his story can be checked by data from other -authors. Could we similarly check the story of the Peloponnesian War -in general, it can hardly be in doubt that we should come across at -least some discrepancies which would have tended materially to modify -the almost idolatrous estimate of Thucydides that came to be, and long -continued to be, unquestionably associated with his name. - -Making the application of this thought to Diodorus, it is evident at -once that the historian of a limited period of antiquity lays himself -open to no such range of comparison as he who undertakes to write the -history of the entire world. In the very nature of the case, such a -writer pits himself against the whole company of specialists; and, -after all, it is hardly surprising, should it be susceptible of proof, -that in several, or all, fields there are specialists whose accuracy -excels the accuracy of Diodorus in each particular field. Surely the -comprehensiveness of his task must count for something in the estimate, -and, when all this is taken into consideration, it may fairly be -repeated that the general estimate of modern criticism has done but -scant justice to the author of the first attempt ever made to write a -complete and comprehensive history of the world. - -Moreover, it must not be forgotten that in his use of authorities -Diodorus sometimes showed a selective judgment that is entitled to the -fullest praise. A notable instance is found in his treatment of that -period of Grecian history following the Peloponnesian War, when the -Spartans and the Thebans were contending for supremacy. It was treated -by Xenophon in his _Hellenica_, and as Xenophon was actual witness of -many of the events which he describes, the presumption would be that -his authority for the period might be considered incontestable. But -in point of fact, Xenophon, philosopher though he was and pupil of -Socrates, was not above the influence of personal prejudice. He was a -friend of Agesilaus, and his admiration for that hero, as well as his -fondness for the Spartans in general, prejudiced his narrative to such -an extent that he did very scant justice to the merits of the great -Epaminondas. Indeed, were we to trust to Xenophon alone, the world -never would have had in later times anything like a just appreciation -of the merits of the great Theban, and since Xenophon’s account of this -period is the only contemporary one that has been preserved, it was a -rare chance, indeed, that preserved to posterity a just appreciation of -the greatest of the Thebans, whom some critics are wont to consider the -greatest of all the Greeks; and it is Diodorus whom we must thank for -doing this historic justice to a great man whose merits might otherwise -have been obscured by the personal prejudice of a contemporary -historian. - -Diodorus, in treating this period, chose as his authority, not -Xenophon, but Aphorus. Just how he came to this decision is not known; -it suffices that the decision was a good one. None but a prejudiced -critic can doubt that in many other cases his judgment was equally -perspicuous in selecting among divergent accounts the one of greatest -verisimilitude. - -A part of the relative neglect which has fallen to the lot of Diodorus -may be ascribed to the manner of his handling. He threw his work into -the form of annals, in which a chronological idea was predominant. -He gives the history of a nation in a given year, and then turns -aside to other nations, to follow the fortunes of each in turn over -the same period. Necessarily, under such a treatment, the whole plan -lacks continuity. One must break from one subject to another, must -turn from Assyria to Egypt, from Greece to Rome, in order to follow -the story through constantly broken chapters. Naturally, under such -treatment, the reader’s interest flags. From a popular standpoint, such -a treatment is clearly a mistake. - -The plan of Herodotus, which took up the story of each nation, and -carried it through a long period uninterruptedly, has many advantages; -is infinitely more artistic. It is chiefly due to this treatment, -rather than the actual phrasing of his story, that Herodotus has gained -so much more universal fame than Diodorus; for in those parts of his -history in which he does attempt a continuous narrative, Diodorus shows -much skill as a story-teller. In the earlier portion of his work, that -portion which, fortunately, has in the main been preserved to us, when -dealing with what he regards as the fabulous history of the nations -prior to the establishment of a fixed chronology, his narrative runs on -continuously, suggesting in many ways that of the Father of History. -It was so with his treatment of early Egypt, and with his even more -interesting history of ancient Assyria. These parts alone of his work -serve to make him one of the most important authors of antiquity whose -writings have been preserved to us, and we shall have occasion to draw -largely upon him for the history of this period. - -What has just been said about the attitude of modern critics toward -Diodorus must not be taken to imply that this earliest of great world -historians has, on the whole, failed of an appreciative audience. The -facts of the case amply refute such a supposition as this. An author -writes to be read, and in the last resort the only valid criterion as -to the value of his work is found in the preservation or neglect of -that work by successive generations of readers. - -Tested by this standard, very few of the ancient writers have obtained -such a measure of appreciation as has been accorded to Diodorus. -Something like three-fourths of what he wrote has been lost, it is -true; but in fairly estimating the import of this, one must consider -the bulk of what remains. The briefest comparison supplies us with -some very interesting data. It appears that, of the entire series of -the predecessors of Diodorus, no single historian has left us anything -like a comparable bulk of extant matter. Only one predecessor in any -field of literature, namely, Aristotle, greatly exceeds him in this -regard, and a single other writer, Plato, about equals him. Turning to -the contemporaries of Diodorus and to his successors in the use of the -Greek language, a similar result is shown. A single writer exceeds him -in output. This is Plutarch, the biographer and philosopher rather than -historian proper. No other Greek writer in any field equals Diodorus, -though two historians, Dion Cassius and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, are -within hailing distance. When one reflects on the actual labour implied -by the preservation of any manuscript throughout the long generations -of the middle ages, these data speak volumes for the aggregate judgment -passed upon the work of Diodorus by posterity. Of the long list of -Greek historians,--a list mounting far into the hundreds, as proved -by fragmentary remains,--only three as ancient as Diodorus have fared -better than he, these three being Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon. -But the entire bulk of the works of these three writers does not so -very greatly exceed the bulk of the extant writings of Diodorus. The -works of Herodotus and Thucydides together do not comprise more matter -than is contained in books eleven to twenty of Diodorus, which are -preserved _en bloc_. - -It would, of course, be absurd to imply that the mere bulk of the -manuscripts preserved before the age of printing is a test of the -value of an ancient author’s work; but, on the other hand, bearing in -mind always the labour employed in the production of a single copy -of a large work, it would be equally absurd to deny that the bulk of -manuscripts has a certain bearing upon the value of the matter which -they preserve. No doubt many a scribe would be deterred from starting -out to copy manuscript by the great bulk of the work, and where he -had no great preference, would be influenced by this alone to choose -a smaller book. Again, doubtless many a scribe wearied of his task in -the case of the more ponderous works, and gave it up after copying a -few books. This common-sense explanation no doubt accounts for the -fact that quite generally the earlier books rather than the later ones -of works that have come down to us in a fragmentary condition are -the ones preserved. Had Herodotus and Thucydides written forty books -instead of eight or nine, it is very unlikely that even their genius -would have sufficed to preserve the entire number. The case of Livy, -whose work, despite the beauty of its style, has come down to us so -sadly mutilated, sufficiently sustains this supposition. It is nothing -against the merit of Diodorus, then, to reflect that half his work is -lost; the wonder is rather that so much of it has been preserved. - -We have dwelt thus at length upon the work of Diodorus because it -is a work that may be taken as in many ways representative of world -histories in general. Certainly it was by far the greatest world -history produced in antiquity, of the exact merits of which we have -any present means of judging. Indeed, there is only one other world -history that has come down to us, and this, the work of Justin, is in -itself only an abridgment of the writing of another author, Trogus -Pompeius. Considering when it was written, this work of Trogus, if we -may judge from the abridgment, was an admirable production, and the -abridgment itself is of great value in throwing light on some periods -that otherwise are not well covered by extant documents. As a whole, -however, it is a compendium of history rather than a comprehensive -work like that of Diodorus. Of the works of the other world historians -of antiquity it is impossible to speak with any measure of certainty. -Polybius accredited Aphorus with being the only man who had written -a world history before his day. It is known that Aphorus lived in -the fifth century B.C., and that he was a fellow-pupil of another -historian, Theopompus, in the famous school of Isocrates at Athens; -but his work is only known to us through inadequate fragments and the -indirect quotations of other authors. The same is true of the works of -Theopompus just referred to, and of Timæus, another Greek whose writing -had something of world historic comprehensiveness. But, even had these -works been preserved, it may well be doubted whether any one of them -would compare favourably with the great history of Diodorus, which must -stand out for all time as the greatest illustration of the writing of -world history in antiquity. - -Diodorus, as we have seen, brought his work down to the time of the -Gallic wars of Cæsar. There are references in his writing which imply -that he lived well into the time of Augustus. He probably died not long -before the beginning of the Christian era. - -No Greek of later time and no Roman of any period produced a work -that supplanted the history of Diodorus, though most of the Byzantine -historians produced chronicles, many of which had more or less aspect -of world history in epitome. Several of these have been preserved, but -no one thinks of comparing them with the work of the older writer. The -chronological work of Eusebius, however, deserves a word of special -mention. It was a mere epitome of world history, but a relatively -comprehensive one, and one which, through the loss of more pretentious -works, has come to be of great value to the modern historian. It was -written originally in Greek, but the most important copy of it that -has come down to us is, curiously enough, an Armenian translation. -It is the Latin translation of this Armenian manuscript that is the -work usually referred to by modern historians in speaking of Eusebius. -The encyclopædia of history compiled for Constantine Porphyrogenitus, -to which reference has already been made, must also be mentioned as -a world history of real importance. It was based almost exclusively -upon Greek authors, who were quoted at length, with such abbreviations -or modifications as were made necessary in adjusting the various -texts to one another. As a means of preserving the work of numerous -important Greek historians this collection had the utmost value, but, -unfortunately, it has come down to us in a much mutilated condition. -During the Byzantine period the minds of would-be historians of the -Western world were so occupied with ecclesiastical quarrels and the -chronicles of local princes, that no one thought of world histories in -the broader sense. We should be thankful that here and there a monk -had interest and energy enough to copy the ancient authors, and thus -in part to preserve them. Considering the intellectual atmosphere of -the time, the wonder is, not that so many of the pagan authors were -lost, but rather that any of them were preserved. Yet there were -occasional gleams of light, even in the so-called dark age. Such a one -of peculiar interest to the English reader is found in the fact that -King Alfred translated into Anglo-Saxon the compendious world history -of Orosius, a work that otherwise would be but little known to fame, -but which, thanks to its brevity of treatment, and to this very unusual -distinction of translation into a “barbaric tongue,” no doubt served -a most excellent purpose in giving to the Anglo-Saxons of the ninth -century a glimpse of the events of ancient times. - -The best guide to the historic point of view of the generations that -ushered in what we are accustomed to think of as the modern period -is furnished by the _History of the World_ which Sir Walter Raleigh -wrote toward the close of his life, late in the sixteenth century. -Raleigh was not an historian from choice, but was led to his task as a -diversion during the time of his imprisonment. The work as far as he -completed it is in five books, the titles of which are instructive. -First book, “In treating of the First Ages of the World, from the -Creation to Abraham.” Second book, “Of the Times from the Birth of -Abraham to the Destruction of the Temple of Solomon.” Third book, “From -the Destruction of Jerusalem to the Time of Philip of Macedon.” Fourth -book, “From the Reign of Philip of Macedon to the Establishing of that -Kingdom in the Race of Antigonus.” Fifth book, “From the Settled Rule -of Alexander’s Successors in the East, until the Romans (prevailing -over all) made Conquest of Asia and Macedon.” - -It will appear that Raleigh did not carry his history beyond the -early Roman period, yet, even so, it is a very bulky book, comprising -more than eight hundred enormous quarto pages, an actual bulk far -exceeding the extant portions of Diodorus. Raleigh very generally names -his authorities in the margin, but even had he failed to do so, it -would be easy to understand the sources on which he must have drawn. -Obviously he depended largely upon the Bible for the early history of -mankind, and for the rest he had access, no doubt, to the dozen or -so of classical authors whose names we have had occasion to mention -again and again. Naturally enough, the pages of Raleigh seem archaic -to the modern reader, yet passages are not wanting which show the -shrewd practical insight of the courtier and statesman. As a whole, the -work had sufficient interest to be reprinted in 1687, a century after -the author’s death. Indeed, until this time there was practically no -world history in the field in competition with Raleigh’s that had been -written since classical times. It is a curious commentary on the life -of the post-classical times and of the middle ages that between the -work of Diodorus, written just before the beginning of the Christian -era, and the work altogether similar in scope of Sir Walter Raleigh, -written sixteen hundred years later, there was no world history -produced that is strictly comparable to either. Nor did the seventeenth -century produce any marked change in the situation as regards the -literature of world history. - -The true renaissance of history writing came with the eighteenth -century. About 1730 an English publisher was led to notice the paucity -of recent literature in this field, and to project a universal history -of the widest scope. Such men as Archibald Bower, John Campbell, -William Guthrie, George Sale, George Psalmanazar, and John Swinton -were associated in the undertaking, and in the course of the following -twenty years a long series of volumes dealing with all phases of -universal history, except, curiously enough, the history of Great -Britain, was brought to a close. A subsequent edition, modified and -improved as regards the earlier volumes, and supplemented with an -account of English history, was published toward the close of the -eighteenth century, the editor being the famous Dr. Tobias Smollett. -This work, the first important history of the world produced in modern -times, excited great interest. It is odd to reflect in the light of -more recent events that the work was translated into various European -languages, including German. The production of this work was a notable -achievement, but the various parts of the work had widely different -degrees of merit. A competent German critic, writing about the middle -of the nineteenth century, conceded that the parts of the universal -history referring to antiquity were fairly well done, but noted that -the treatment of the middle ages was superficial, and the treatment of -modern history even worse. - -Inasmuch as the history of antiquity has been very largely -reconstructed within the past fifty years, it will be obvious that the -universal history in question cannot now be regarded with other than an -antiquarian interest. Nevertheless, it contains numberless descriptive -passages, which are as historically accurate and as interesting to-day -as they were when written. - -The impulse to historical composition, of which this universal history -is a monumental proof, found expression a little later in the great -histories of Hume and Robertson and Gibbon. Thanks to these writers, -England was easily in advance of all other countries at the close of -the eighteenth century in the matter of historical composition. Indeed, -as to world histories she was first, without a second. Early in the -nineteenth century, however, a great world history was produced in -Germany. This was the work of Schlosser. In its earliest form this -work was completed in 1824; it was a strictly technical production. -But about twenty years later a pupil of Schlosser, under the direction -of the author himself, elaborated a popular edition of the world -history, which soon had an enormous circulation in Germany, and which -in recurring editions still finds a multitude of readers. This work -of Schlosser’s would probably have been translated into English were -it not that the field had been preoccupied by another great universal -history. This was the work which Dr. Lardner edited, and which began -to appear in 1830, about a century after the inauguration of that -first universal history in English to which we have just referred. Dr. -Lardner’s work, like its English predecessor, was produced by a company -of specialists; but it differed from the other in that each volume -or set of volumes dealing with a period or country was written by a -specialist whose authorship was acknowledged on the title-page, whereas -the previous work had been altogether anonymous. In other words, it -was essentially a collection of monographs, each by a more or less -distinguished authority, which, in the aggregate, constituted a history -of the world. The work as a whole comprised a large number of volumes. -Needless to say the component parts were of varying merit; but as a -whole the work was an excellent one, and many of the volumes still have -value, though necessarily much of their contents is antiquated. - -The production of the popular edition of Schlosser’s world history -in Germany marked an epoch in this class of literature. Almost -contemporaneously with this production several other world histories -saw the light in Germany, and from that day to this world histories -have come from the German press in unbroken succession. These are -varied in scope, from the marvellously compressed and beautifully -philosophical work of Rottock in four small volumes, published about -1830, to the gigantic Oncken series, which is just completed. In this -list of German world histories the works of Bekker, of Leo, and of -Weiss hold conspicuous places, in addition to those just named. But -perhaps the most notable of all is the world history of Dr. George -Weber. This work of Dr. Weber occupied the author during the best years -of his life. It is in eighteen volumes, and occupied about twenty years -in passing through the press. We shall have occasion to refer more at -length to Dr. Weber’s work in another place, as well as to quote from -it frequently. Suffice it here that Dr. Weber may justly be called the -Diodorus of modern times, his work being certainly the most complete -and comprehensive exposition of world history that has ever issued from -a single pen. - -One other world history of German origin must be mentioned as holding -a place beside that of Weber. This is the work of Ranke. It is very -different in plan from Weber’s, in some ways more philosophical, and -often less detailed in its narrative of events. The author, recognised -as almost the greatest of German historians, began the work late in -life, and brought to bear upon it perhaps as full an equipment of -historical knowledge in divers fields as any single man has ever -attained. Unfortunately, he did not live to complete his work, which, -as it stands, comes only to the close of the middle ages, and which, -therefore, cannot be compared in its entirety with the completed work -of Weber. - -The most recent of all the great German world histories, the Oncken -series, just referred to, is a work built essentially upon the plan of -Dr. Lardner’s series of the early part of the century. Each volume of -the Oncken series is written virtually as an independent work by an -authority, and there is no close bond between the various component -parts of the structure, though doubtless an attempt was made on the -part of the editor to have the various authors conform somewhat to the -same scheme of treatment. The work comprises about fifty very large -octavo volumes, being therefore the bulkiest, as it is the most recent, -of world histories. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE PRESENT HISTORY - - -It is a singular fact that since the publication of Dr. Lardner’s -series in the first half of the nineteenth century, no satisfactory -attempt has been made to bring the entire story of the world’s history -to the attention of the English reader in a single work. While the -presses of Germany have sent out their never ending stream of world -histories, the English-speaking world has remained utterly inactive, -so that until now there has been no work in English less than half a -century old that could pretend to compete with any one of the numerous -German productions. Buckle’s work would, to some extent, have supplied -the deficit had he lived to complete it, yet even his effort was aimed -rather at philosophical generalisations regarding human evolution, than -at a narrative of historical events. - -If we attempt to explain this paucity of literature in so fascinating -a field as that of world history, the solution is not far to seek: -it is found in the very magnitude of the task. This is the age of -specialists, and just in proportion as one appreciates the full meaning -of special knowledge of any subject in its modern interpretation, -must he feel the hopelessness of attempting to gain more than a -general knowledge in a variety of fields. Yet something approaching -the knowledge of the specialist should be brought to bear upon each -period of history by any one who attempts to write a comprehensive -history of the world. It is an appreciation of this fact that has -led to the production of such a symposium as the Oncken series, just -referred to, and contrariwise, it is the appreciation of the same -fact that has led to the relative neglect of so admirable a work as -that of Weber. The modern critic is disposed to feel that the writing -of a really comprehensive world history in this age is a task beyond -the capacity of any single man. When one considers the vast amount -of research work in hitherto unexplored fields that is being carried -on in every department of history, it becomes patent that no single -mind can hope to cope at first hand with the ever increasing flood -of special literature. In almost every department of history special -bibliographies have been published of late years which are utterly -bewildering, even to the specialist, in the wealth of material which -they reveal. - -To cite but a single instance, the bibliography of early English -history, down to about the year 1485, as recently collated by Professor -Gross, comprises a large volume of small type. It would be the work -of a lifetime for any specialist to deal, even in a cursory way, with -each and every one of the works cited in this list; yet this is only -one little corner of the field which the world historian must cover. -Obviously, then, the world historian, if he attempt personally to -construct a narrative of the entire subject, must content himself with -a more or less superficial glance at each field; his reading may indeed -be wide, but it cannot by any possibility be exhaustive. Moreover, in -the nature of the case, he must often read merely to gather material -for the day’s task of writing, and no matter what his memory, he -will inevitably forget the greater part of the multitudinous details -that he has dealt with. In the case of a man of such wide scholarship -and such tenacity of purpose as Dr. Weber, it must be freely admitted -that a view of the entire range of world history may be attained, -which it would be rank injustice to pronounce really superficial. -Yet even such a worker as Weber must have depended very largely upon -second-hand epitomes for his facts. He cannot have read at first hand -more than a fraction of the authors upon whom he is obliged explicitly -or inferentially to pass judgment. In a word, great as is the value -of works of the class of which Weber’s is the finest example, such -works must, in the very nature of the case, be content to be ranked -as more or less successful compilations, lacking the authority which -the modern critic is unwilling to vouchsafe to anything but strictly -original work,--original work, that is, in the sense of work based upon -a first-hand examination of the most remote authorities, the only sense -in which the word “original” can properly be applied to any form of -historical composition. - -If we turn from world histories of the one-man type to those produced -by a symposium of specialists, we are met with a quite different, but -none the less insistent, series of inherent defects. - -In the first place, the intrinsic defect of the one-man treatment is -not altogether overcome, since specialism has nowadays been carried -to such a stage that few men feel altogether at home outside a -comparatively limited period, even of the history of a single nation. -If, then, one man is asked to write the entire history of, let us say, -the Greeks, he necessarily passes over ground that his special studies -have not covered uniformly, and in certain periods he must feel himself -more or less in the position of the general historian. It would, of -course, be possible to meet this objection by having a sufficient -number of writers, so that each limited period should be covered by a -true specialist; but the great difficulty in such a scheme as this is -the entire lack of harmony of view that must pertain to such a work. - -A glance at the Oncken series will convince any one how very difficult -it is to attain even approximately to a true perspective of world -history under the symposial plan. Thus one finds in this series, to -cite but a single illustration of disproportionate treatment, that -various relatively insignificant periods of modern German history are -allowed to fill bulky volumes where a true perspective would have -relegated them to mere chapters. It is only from a very prejudiced -modern standpoint that the history of Frederick II can be thought -worth greater space than the entire history of the Greek world. Where -such inconsistencies are permitted there is a danger that the alleged -world history will become rather the history of a single nation in -its relations to other nations, past and present, than an impartial -presentation of the history of nations as a whole. - -In the present work an attempt has been made to avoid the pitfalls -of one-man treatment on the one hand, and of ill-adjusted specialist -treatment on the other. We have made sure of presenting special -knowledge by drawing upon the specialists of every field, and letting -them present their information in their own words; but, at the same -time, we have attempted to avoid the prejudiced view from which the -specialist is least of all men free, by presenting the counter views -of various students wherever there is failure of agreement among those -best competent to judge. - -The authorities on whom historial compositions are necessarily based, -and who in other works are merely cited by name, or at most by volume -and page reference, are here quoted in detail in their own words -wherever practicable, always with full credit to the author, and with -exact reference to the work from which the excerpt is taken. Such -authorities are quoted, not merely from histories in English, but from -the entire range of historical writings of all ages. It is hoped that -few important names are overlooked. The aggregate number of different -works thus quoted (not merely cited) will be about one thousand. These -quotations vary in length from illuminative paragraphs to excerpts -of many pages, averaging perhaps about two thousand words each. Some -fifteen hundred of such extensive quotations are made from foreign -languages, and by far the greater number of these have been translated -from the originals expressly for the present work, thus representing -matter never before accessible to the reader of English. The languages -represented in this list of important historical works of foreign -origin include practically all the tongues of civilised nations, -ancient and modern,--Egyptian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Arabic, Syriac, -Persian, Chinese, Japanese, and the entire range of European languages -from Greek, Latin, and Russian to Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, French, -Dutch, German, and Scandinavian. From all of these the original words -of the various authors have been translated into the most literal -English consistent with our idiom. It is speaking well within bounds to -assert that seldom before has so varied an exposition of cosmopolitan -thought been collected in a single work. - -But these excerpts are not given as random references crowded -into footnotes or appendices; they are woven into the text of the -consecutive story of world history so that they themselves constitute -the bulk of that story. Thus the history of Germany is mainly told in -the words of German writers, that of France in the words of French -historians. To avoid the prejudiced national view of history, however, -the story of a nation thus told by the native historian is always -subject to the corrective views of foreigners. Thus we gain both the -sympathetic and the critical points of view. When the authorities are -not agreed as to any important fact of history, or where there are -important differences of opinion in estimating the influence of a great -event or the real status of a famous character, reliance is not placed -upon the estimate of a single historian, but counterviews are quoted, -even though they may be directly contradictory, each, of course, being -ascribed to its proper source. - -To give unity to these various views and to weld the entire mass of -matter into a consistent and comprehensive history of the world, -original editorial passages are everywhere freely introduced as a -part of the main narrative, forming indeed the warp of the whole, and -serving to elucidate and harmonise the views of the authorities quoted. -A feature of the original editorial matter is that it comprises, first -and last, critical estimates of the work of important historians -of every age, informing the reader as to the status--even to the -particular prejudice and bias--of the authority he is asked to consult. -Thus the novice is everywhere placed somewhat on a par with the special -student in his estimate of the authorities. Where conflicting views -are quoted of nominally equal authority, the reader is given data on -which to base an intelligent personal opinion as to the probabilities. -Moreover, elaborate additional bibliographies of works that may -advantageously be consulted are everywhere given, and these in the -aggregate constitute such a critical bibliography of the entire range -of historical compositions as cannot fail to interest even the general -reader. - -Our method of introducing critical bibliography, and the critical -selection of the excerpts themselves, make it feasible to introduce -quotations, not only from the latest authority in any field, but -also from the great historians of the past. Thus in the case of -ancient history, the classical authorities themselves are drawn upon -wherever available,--Herodotus for the Persian wars, Thucydides for -the Peloponnesian wars, Xenophon for later Greek history, Sallust, -Cæsar, Livy, Dionysius, Dion Cassius, Tacitus, Ammianus, and the -rest for Roman history; and so on indefinitely. Herodotus describes -the battle of Thermopylæ; Arrian tells of the glories of Alexander; -Dionysius relates the story of Virginia; Polybius shows us Hannibal -crossing the Alps; Appian pictures the fall of Carthage; Josephus the -fall of Jerusalem; Zosimus the fall of Palmyra. In this way a mass -of first-hand matter, much of it hitherto absolutely inaccessible to -the reader of English, and much more only to be found in rare and -costly editions, is put within the reach of the least scholarly. -But--what is most essential--such matter as this is not merely given by -itself unsupported. It is supplemented by the verdicts of the latest -investigators in the various fields covered. Thus, to cite but a -single instance, in the history of early Greece, not merely Herodotus, -Thucydides, Diodorus, Pausanias, and other ancient authorities are -quoted, but the long range of modern students as well, from Mitford, -Thirlwall, and Grote to Curtius, Bezold, Busolt, Geddes, Schliemann, -Mahaffy, Bury, and in general the latest investigators in the field of -classical archæology. - -Thanks to this system of checking ancient accounts with editorial -criticism and other recent expert evidence, it is even practicable to -avail ourselves sometimes of the writings of men who are not primarily -historians, but who wrote, as so many other great authors have done, -most important incidental essays on historical subjects; thus matter in -the highest degree picturesque and interesting is often presented in -a manner which the technical historian, however great his scientific -authority, is seldom able to imitate. - -Another peculiar merit of this system is that it enables us to preserve -specimens of the work of a large coterie of historians, whose influence -was great and whose writings were formerly standard, but whose books, -as a whole, have been superseded by more recent works. Some of the -classical authors are cases in point. A few of these are indeed read -by students in colleges everywhere, but the great bulk of them are as -utterly unknown to the average reader as if they had never existed. Who -reads Pausanias, or Diodorus, or Polybius, or Appian, or Dion Cassius, -or Dionysius, or Ælianus, or Arrian, or Quintus Curtius, or Zosimus? -Yet these men are the only original authorities left us in many fields -of ancient history. Their works are the sources which moderns can do -little more than paraphrase in writing of those times. Surely, then, -it is worth while to go to these authors themselves and hear their -story at first hand, applying to it the corrective judgment of later -criticism, rather than to depend upon the mere paraphrase of some -modern compiler. - -Much the same argument applies to parts of the work of once famous -historians of more recent times: such historians as Hume, Mitford, -Thirlwall, and a host of others. Their work, as a whole, can no longer -be commended to the student who is to confine himself to a single -authority, for in many parts their writings have been superseded; yet -there are other parts of their work that are to-day as valuable as when -they were written, and it seems regrettable that a great name should -drop from public recognition merely because the sweep of progress has -dethroned it from supremacy. It is inevitable that the present should -always loom large before mankind, and that egotism should stamp with -peculiar force the importance of the Recent. “Each generation abandons -the ideas of its predecessors like stranded ships,” says Emerson. Yet -it must not be forgotten that posterity often plays strange tricks with -reputations. Herodotus was held up to ridicule some centuries after -his death by a “False Plutarch,” who is only known now because of his -attack upon the master historian, while the work criticised, though for -some generations looked on with suspicion, is as fully appreciated, -after more than two thousand years, as it can have been in the day when -it was written. - -Similarly, the judgments of our own age of specialism may be reversed -by posterity; and in any event it would be regrettable if a once -important historical work should be quite forgotten. Yet such a fate -threatens work of every grade. Müller’s collection of the fragments of -Greek historians gives mere bits from the writings of more than five -hundred authors about whom nothing is known--not even the exact age in -which they lived--beyond the fact that they wrote works of which these -fragments are the only mementoes. Could any page of manuscript of any -one of these authors be recovered, it would to-day be considered worth -many times its weight in gold. - -Precisely the same process of decay is gradually removing the evidences -of the historical labours of the writers of recent generations even -now. The multiplication of books by the printing-press makes the -process a trifle slower, perhaps; but it is no less sure. A goodly -number of works that were famous half a century ago are now absolutely -inaccessible to the would-be purchaser: the great book markets of -Paris, Berlin, and London cannot secure or supply them. A few copies -of these works are still extant in private collections and public -libraries, but the fate of these is assured. Libraries are constructed -to be burned. Some day a lick of flame will wipe out the last copy -of any work issued only in a single edition, and the author will -become thenceforth merely a name and a memory; or if, perchance, some -latter-day Suidas or Stobæus has quoted a sentence from him, such -sentence will be treasured in catalogues of fragments of eighteenth and -nineteenth century historians. For many such an author, the present -work may perform the function of Suidas or Stobæus, for a long list of -these obsolescent writers will be found represented in our pages,--not -always preserved for their antiquarian interest indeed, but quoted in -regard to events concerning which their authority is still standard, -and because it is believed that, in the cases selected, their treatment -has not been excelled by any more recent performance; sometimes, on -the other hand,--but more rarely,--quoted because of the quaintness of -their diction, because of the archaic cast of thought through which -they reflect the spirit of their times, or because of their sheer -whimsicality. - -But while emphasising the catholicity of taste that judges matter on -its own merits, excluding nothing simply because it is old, it must be -emphasised also that in the main such selection leads to the inclusion -of a preponderance of recent matter. Each generation builds upon the -shoulders of the last, and the work, as a whole, is progressive. So we -go not merely to the latest books, but also to the recent numbers of -periodicals, the publications of learned societies and the like. And -to put the cap-sheaf to modernity, the greatest living experts in each -field have contributed original essays and characterisations expounding -the latest developments. These contributions, in which master workers -summarise the results of years of investigation, will be found not the -least valuable part of our work. - -Most that has been said thus far has tended to emphasise the variorum -or anthological features of our work. But it must be evident that -there is another and quite different point of view from which our -historical structure may be considered. This point of view regards -our history not as a compilation--an anthology--but as an altogether -new and original work. A moment’s consideration will show how fully -justified we are in referring to this aspect of the subject. For it -is obvious to the least attentive consideration that the intrinsic -materials which make up the story of history might be never so -abundant, never so valuable, without in the least presupposing that -the history composed of them will be an artistic or valuable work; any -more than an abundant supply of bricks, marble, and mortar necessarily -determines the building of a beautiful edifice. The materials are, -indeed, prerequisites; but an intelligent manipulation of the materials -is at least equally essential. There must be an architect to plan the -structure as a whole, and artists and artisans to select and manipulate -the materials in accordance with the plan, or the result will be, not -an edifice, but a brick-heap. - -Since, then, we have dwelt at some length upon the fundamental -materials of our historical structure, it is necessary that we should -be equally explicit regarding the shaping of the architectural -design--to hold to our figure--in accordance with which the materials -have been first selected, and secondly amalgamated with other -materials;--each stone not only selected of proper quality and size, -but chiselled and polished to fit its proper niche. - -The simile of an architect constructing a building, cheap and trite -as it is, cannot well be dispensed with if we are to give the reader -a vivid picture of our method of construction. It must be understood -that whether our result be good or bad, there is nothing fortuitous, -nothing haphazard about it. We did not start groping blindly for -material, hoping to see an artistic structure form itself out of -chaos. Our entire plan was as fully preconceived as the plan of any -other architect. First, the kind of structure was determined on: in -other words the scope of our subject,--world history; the entire sweep -of important human events from the earliest times to the present -day. Secondly, the approximate size of the projected structure was -determined--its ground surface, its height, its total mass; or, -speaking in the terminology of our specific structure, the number of -volumes, the size of each volume, the total mass or number of pages -involved. - -Next the proportions of the structure, the number of floors and of -rooms to each floor; the relative size and dimensions of the various -departments; or, in book terms, the proportionate number of volumes -or pages to be given to each important department of history: so many -volumes to the Old Orient; so many to the Classical World; so many to -the Middle Ages; so many to the important divisions of modern history. - -All this, let it be repeated, was accurately predetermined before a -single block of material was explicitly selected for the building. -It does not follow that absolutely no changes have ever been made -in the original plan--no architect perhaps ever made a building of -which this was quite true; but it is true that the original plan was -so carefully thought out, so well considered, that the changes are -utterly insignificant in comparison with the unmodified portions of the -structure. This point should be emphasised and clearly borne in mind, -because upon it depends a large measure of our confidence that we have -produced a structure not without artistic and correct proportions. -It was the predetermination of the proportions, and this alone, that -could control the enthusiasm of unrestrained specialism, and keep to -anything like a true historical perspective. Over and over again it has -been proved that the special worker, when he came to focus upon a given -period, was in the position of a microscopist, viewing his wonderfully -interesting microcosm. All the rest of the world shut out for the -moment, the little circle of the microscopic field, which may be in -reality one hundredth of an inch in diameter, looms before the view at -an angle which literally makes it seem to eclipse the world itself. - -And so the historical delver, when he finds himself in the midst -of the literature on any period whatever--be it a mere historical -mole-hill--finds himself surrounded by a heap of literary bricks -which shuts out the very mountain ranges of history from his vision. -At once he demands--feels that he must have--space for his magnified -mole-hill; and it is only the predetermined editorial restrictions that -keep him from filling entire volumes with fascinating stories about -some petty kingdom which, from the world-historical standpoint, is -entitled to pages only. It is a conservative estimate of the facts to -assert that there is no period of our history for which ten times the -amount of material has not been garnered than could possibly be used -in _extenso_. The chart of the architect has lain always open upon the -editorial desk, and rule and compass have been ever ready to restrain -and check the over-enthusiasm of the worker whose zeal would otherwise -lead him to present megaliths where the specification called for, and -the plan permitted, only tiny bricks. - -As to whether the plans of the architect were intrinsically good; -whether the specification called for bricks where bricks were logically -needed, and for megaliths in their proper place--these are questions -that will not be entered on here. But a word may be permitted as to -the ruling motives which have dominated the conception, and which, it -is hoped, have never been lost sight of. These ruling motives are two: -first, the hope of attaining a high standard of historical accuracy -in the most critical acceptance of the term; secondly, the desire to -retain as much as possible of human interest in the broadest and best -sense of the words. To attain the first of these ends it is necessary -to be free from prejudice, to have unflagging zeal in collecting -testimony, to have scientific and critical acumen in weighing evidence; -to attain the second end it is essential that kindred faculties -should be applied not to the facts of history but to the literary -presentations of these facts, that the good and true story may not be -spoiled in the telling. - -The desire to be free from all prejudice in the judgment of historical -facts is, then, the key-note of all our philosophy of historical -criticism; and the desire to retain interest--human interest--is the -key-note of our philosophy of historical composition. - -To attain either end, what perhaps is most required is catholicity of -sympathies. There must be no race prejudice, no national prejudice. -There must be no attempt to blacken or whiten historical characters, -in correspondence with the personal bias. There must be no special -pleading for or against any form of government, any racial propensity, -or any individual deed. In a word, there must be freedom from prejudice -in every field,--except indeed that prejudice in favour of the broad -principles of right, regarding which all civilised nations of every -age have been in virtual agreement. But the deeds, the motives, the -superstitions of all times and of all races must be viewed, so far -as such a thing is possible, through the same clear atmosphere of -impartiality. As between Egyptian, Assyrian, Hebrew, Hindoo, Persian, -Mongul--he who would produce a world history of truly catholic scope -should have no inherent prejudice or preconception. - -Equally must there be freedom from prejudice regarding various classes -of ideas. “Whatever concerns mankind is of interest to me,” must be the -editorial motto. Some persons are interested only in military events, -in battles, treaties, and the like; others care only for constitutional -and governmental affairs; yet others think most of literature and of -art, or of science. But the editorial spirit of a world history should -show a catholicity of taste that is receptive of each and all of these. -Xerxes at Thermopylæ, and Æschylus writing his tragedy “The Persians”; -Alexander mourning for Hephæstion, and Phidias building the Parthenon; -Augustus Cæsar disputing the mastery of the world with Antony, and -Dionysius telling of the myths of early Rome; Richard of the lion heart -prosecuting a crusade, and Dante vitalising the Italian language; each -and all of these and kindred topics up and down the scroll of history -should equally, each in proportion to its relative influence, excite -the sympathetic attention of the historian. With the same zeal he -should tell of the alleged iniquities of a Messalina or a Catherine -de’ Medici and of the noble self-abnegation of a Cornelia; of the -self-seeking of a Cæsar and of the self-abnegation of a Cincinnatus or -a St. Louis. With sound common-sense for a guide, he should strive to -avoid on the one hand the over-credulity of the untrained mind, and on -the other the dogmatic scepticism that so often perverts the judgment -of the specialist. - -But what then, it may be asked, of the moral of our story--of our -drama? Shall we be content to present the bare facts, and leave their -philosophical interpretation to chance? To this it may be replied, -that in the minds of most of us a profound philosophical idea is one -that accords with our own preconception;--other views are superficial, -perverse, or obviously mistaken. Hence a wise interpreter of history -will be extremely chary of putting forward his own more or less -dogmatic interpretations of the events he relates. It does not follow -that no opinion can ever be expressed; indeed, a tacit expression -of opinion is implied in the selection of almost every excerpt. But -witnesses from all sides must be given an impartial hearing in any case -where a clear balance of evidence is not attainable; and where the -evidence is demonstrative it must be presented with all fairness, and -without reservation or innuendo, regardless of its apparent bearing. - -Fortunately the study of world history in itself tends to make for -precisely such impartiality. He who has attentively followed the story -of the rise and fall of nations will have learned that human nature is -everywhere at its foundation much the same; that no race, no nation, -no individual even is ideally good or totally bad; that the Past has -always been a Golden Age for the pessimist, the Future always utopian -for the dreamer, and that a broad optimism regarding the Present--a -belief that on the whole the conditions of any given time are about -as good as the character of the time permits--is, perhaps, the safest -philosophy of living. - -In the main, then, we may rest content with the conviction that, -however unobtrusive our philosophy, the great lessons of history -will not fail to make themselves felt by any attentive reader of -these pages. We greatly mistake the purport of the story if it does -not on the whole make for broader views, for truer humanitarianism, -for higher morals, personal and communal;--in a word, for better -citizenship in the fullest and broadest meaning of the term. Indeed, -to attain the plane of the best citizenship, historical studies are -absolutely essential. No one can have a competent judgment regarding -the affairs of his own country without such studies; no one is a fair -judge of the political principles of the party he supports or of the -one that he opposes, who has not prepared himself by a study of the -political systems of the past. “Had I begun earlier and spent thirty -years in reading history,” said Schiller, “I should be far different -and a far better man than I am.” Echoing these words, we may say that -the outlook for every constitutional government would be brighter if -every youth and every man who exercises or is about to exercise the -responsibilities of a voter, and every woman whose advice aids or -stimulates a father, brother, husband, or son towards the performance -of his civic duties, could spend not thirty years, let us say, but -as many weeks in studying the history of nations. Little fear that -the student who has got such a start as this would willingly stop -there. He would have gained enough of insight to be keenly interested, -and it would require no urging to send him on; for the panorama of -history, once we gain a little insight into it as it unfolds before -us its never ending variety of scenes, can hardly be viewed otherwise -than with unflagging interest; unless indeed the view is befogged -by the atmosphere through which it is presented. To prevent such -befogging,--to present the story through a clear medium,--requires only -that the narrative shall be true to the facts in its presentation of -topics of real importance. This is what we had in mind when we said -that interest--human interest--is the key-note of our philosophy of -historical composition. It is the editorial conviction that attention, -based upon interest, is the foundation of mental development. A -literary work that lacks interest, might, indeed, subserve a useful -purpose, but the scope of its influence is curtailed from the outset -if the reader must go to it as a task and not as to a recreation. -Interest breaks down the barriers between work and play. Interest fixes -attention, and fixed attention is the basis of memorising. - -Let it freely be asserted, then, that in the selection of material -for our work the principle acted on has been that, other things being -equal, the best account of any historical event is the most picturesque -and entertaining account,--for what, after all, does picturesqueness -imply, except an approach to the vivid reproduction of the actualities? -Written words are intended to be read, and any writer who, like -Polybius, despises the literary graces must expect to be despised in -turn, or, at least, neglected. Properly presented, the narrative of -history should have all the breathless interest of a novel,--for what -is so fascinating as a true story from human life? In the present work -an attempt is made to raise history towards the level of fiction in -point of interest, without sacrificing anything of scientific accuracy. -No account is given here merely because it is picturesque, to the -exclusion of a truer narrative; but the preference is always given -to the graphic story as against the dull, where the two have equal -authority as to matters of fact. Further to enhance the vividness of -presentation, pictures are everywhere introduced. There are thousands -of these pictures in the aggregate, drawn from the most varied sources, -and constituting, it is believed, one of the most remarkable series of -historical illustrations ever collected. - -All in all, then, one might describe our intention as the desire to -dramatise the story of history,--for, again, what is dramatisation but -the mimicry of life? Our various books and sections are the settings -for the acts and scenes of the play, and it is hoped that, with the -aid of the introductions by way of proem, and the pictures to aid the -eye, the characters are made to move across the stage before the reader -with something like the vividness of living actors. One cannot quite -dare promise that there shall be no dull scenes, but it is hoped that, -in the main, the play will be found to move lightly on, as with words -spoken “trippingly upon the tongue.” - -In particular, it is hoped that our dramatisation of history will -present the events of the long play in something like a true -perspective, the large events looming large in our story, the lesser -ones forced into the background. As an aid to this treatment, tables of -chronology are everywhere introduced before the curtain rises, if it -be permissible to hold to our metaphor. These are virtually the lists -of dramatis personæ. Even the minor characters will be named here, -though they act only as chorus, or prate a few lines in the play where -the chief personages will dominate the situation as they dominated -it in real life, and as they dominate it in the memory of posterity. -Alexander, Cæsar, Charlemagne, Napoleon--such figures will loom large -in our drama of history; yet it will never be forgotten that the play -is not a monologue. The minor actors will be given a fair hearing from -first to last. - -It follows from this that the main story of our history has to do with -the deeds of men of action. But here at the very outset an important -question may be raised: do the deeds of men of action then, after all, -constitute the great events of history? An affirmative answer may be -given with much confidence. Great men of action carve out the contour -of history. High culture can only rise from soil fertilised by material -prosperity. The swords of Leonidas, Themistocles, and Pausanias must -prune the tree of civilisation before the flower of Periclesian culture -can bloom at Athens. There are no names like Livy, Horace, Ovid, and -Virgil in the annals of Rome before the conquests and the carnage of -Marius, Sulla, and Cæsar. But let us hasten to add that the deeds -of men of action can never be rightly understood unless they are -considered in relation to the intellectual and social surroundings in -which these men of action moved. In other words, the civilisation and -culture of each succeeding period cannot be ignored. It will be found -to be as fully treated here in all its phases as the limitations of -space permit. It furnishes the atmosphere everywhere for our picture, -or, if you prefer, the setting for our stage. - -In a word, then, our work becomes, if its intent has been realised in -actuality, a Comprehensive History of Human Progress in all departments -of action and of thought, told dramatically and picturesquely, yet -authoritatively, in the words of the great historical writers of every -age. Recurring to our metaphor, it is the book of a veritable Drama of -History; our unity of action being Historic Truth; our unity of time, -the Age of Man; our stage, the World. - - - - -BOOK II. A GLIMPSE INTO THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD - - - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTORY - - -A complete world history should, properly speaking, begin with the -creation of the world as man’s habitat, and should trace every step -of human progress from the time when man first appeared on the globe. -Unfortunately, the knowledge of to-day does not permit us to follow -this theoretical obligation. We now know that the gaps in the history -of human evolution as accessible to us to-day, vastly exceed the -recorded chapters; that, in short, the period with which history proper -has, at present, to content itself, is a mere moment in comparison -with the vast reaches of time which, in recognition of our ignorance, -we term “prehistoric.” But this recognition of limitations of our -knowledge is a quite recent growth--no older, indeed, than a half -century. Prior to 1859 the people of Christendom rested secure in the -supposition that the chronology of man’s history was fully known, -from the very year of his creation. One has but to turn to the first -chapter of Genesis to find in the margin the date 4004 B.C., recorded -with all confidence as the year of man’s first appearance on the globe. -One finds there, too, a brief but comprehensive account of the manner -of his appearance, as well as of the creation of the earth itself, -his abiding-place. Until about half a century ago, as has just been -said, the peoples of our portion of the globe rested secure in the -supposition that this record and this date were a part of our definite -knowledge of man’s history. Therefore, one finds the writers of general -histories of the earlier days of the nineteenth century beginning their -accounts with the creation of man, B.C. 4004, and coming on down to -date with a full and seemingly secure chronology. - -Our knowledge of the world and of man’s history has come on by leaps -and bounds since then, with the curious result that to-day no one -thinks of making any reference to the exact date of the beginnings -of human history,--unless, indeed, it be to remark that it probably -reaches back some hundreds of thousands of years. The historian can -speak of dates anterior to 4004 B.C., to be sure. The Egyptologist is -disposed to date the building of the Pyramids a full thousand years -earlier than that. And the Assyriologist is learning to speak of the -state of civilisation in Chaldea some 6000 or 7000 years B.C. with a -certain measure of confidence. But he no longer thinks of these dates -as standing anywhere near the beginning of history. He knows that man -in that age, in the centres of progress, had attained a high stage -of civilisation, and he feels sure that there were some thousands of -centuries of earlier time, during which man was slowly climbing through -savagery and barbarism, of which we have only the most fragmentary -record. He does not pretend to know anything, except by inference, -of the “dawnings of civilisation.” Whichever way he turns in the -centres of progress, such as China, Egypt, Chaldea, India, he finds the -earliest accessible records, covering at best a period of only eight -or ten thousand years, giving evidence of a civilisation already far -advanced. Of the exact origin of any one of the civilisations with -which he deals he knows absolutely nothing. “The Creation of Man,” with -its fixed chronology, is a chapter that has vanished from our modern -histories. - -Nevertheless, it is important to a correct understanding of the -development of human thought, as well as of personal interest, to bear -in mind the attitude of our predecessors in the field of historical -writing, regarding this ever interesting problem of cosmogony. It was -not alone the ancient Hebrews who thought that they had solved the -problem. Indeed, as we shall see, the Hebrews were rather the purveyors -than the originators of the story of cosmogony which they made current; -and every other nation, when it had reached a certain stage of mental -evolution, appears to have originated or borrowed a set of chronicles -which, as adapted to the use of each nation, explained the creation of -the earth and its human inhabitants in a way very flattering to the -self-love of the nation giving the recital. No one to-day takes any -of these recitals seriously, as a matter of course; but, on the other -hand, they possess an abiding interest as historical documents. If for -nothing else, they have interest as illustrating the advance of human -knowledge during the comparatively brief period since these strange -recitals found currency. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -COSMOGONY--ANCIENT AND MODERN IDEAS AS TO THE ORIGIN OF THE WORLD - - -No thinking man in any age can have failed to wonder about the origin -of the world. The answers that the ancients gave to this ever present -question were various, but they all had one quality in common, namely, -extreme vagueness. Even after men had attained a relatively high stage -of civilisation, their ideas of the natural phenomena about them were -so endued with superstition, and so hedged about with ignorance as to -the real causes, that their explanations of cause and effect in the -natural world belong to the domain of poetry rather than to that of -science. If this applies to such phenomena as wind and clouds and rain -and lightning, the manifestations of which are constantly observed, -it naturally applies with ten-fold force to the great mystery of the -origin of things. Yet the human mind, childlike in the simplicity of -its questionings, demands always an answer, and accepts the answer, if -pronounced with a certain authority, in a spirit of childlike faith. -The great poets and prophets of every nation of antiquity had supplied, -each in his kind, the answers to the riddle of cosmogony, and many of -these alleged solutions have come down to us to give us an insight into -the mentality of their time. It is worth while to quote two or three -of these in brief epitome, if for nothing else, to show their similar -trend, and to emphasise their universal trait of vagueness. - -Here is the cosmogonic scheme of the Phoenicians as transmitted to us -by Sanchoniathon: - -“At the beginning of all things was a dark and windy air, or a breeze -of thick air and a turbid Chaos resembling Erebus; and that these were -unbounded, and for a long series of ages had no limit. But when this -wind became enamoured of its own first principles (the Chaos), and an -intimate union took place, that connection was called Pothos; and this -was the beginning of the creation of all things. But it (the Chaos) -knew not its own production; and from its embrace with the wind was -generated Mot; which some call mud, but others the putrefaction of a -watery mixture. And from this sprung all the seed of the creation, and -the generation of the universe. - -“And there were certain animals without sensation, from which -intelligent animals were produced, and these were called Zophasemin, -that is, beholders of the heavens; and they were formed in the shape -of an egg: and from Mot shone forth the sun, and the moon, and the -less and the greater stars. And when the air began to send forth life, -by its fiery influence on the sea and earth, winds were produced and -clouds, and very great defluxions and torrents of the heavenly waters. -And when they were thus separated, and carried out of their proper -places by the heat of the sun, and all met again in the air, and were -dashed against each other, thunder and lightnings were the result: and -at the sound of the thunder, the before-mentioned intelligent animals -were aroused, and startled by the noise, and moved upon the earth and -in the sea, male and female.” - -This creation scheme of the Phœnicians has a peculiar interest for the -Western world, because of the intimate relations that existed between -the Phœnicians and the Jews. For a similar reason the ideas of the -Babylonians and the Assyrians, as recorded on the so-called creation -tablets exhumed at Nineveh, have fascinated the Bible scholars. - -Trending still further to the East, one finds with the Hindus a -slightly different cast of thought couched in a no less poetic diction. -Thus in one of the sacred books, Brahma, the Eternal Worker, is -represented as creating the earth while seeing his own reflection in -the ocean of sweat that had fallen from his brow (Réclus). - -The Chinese scheme of cosmogony is presented in the form of alleged -answers to questions, by Confucius. Here is a characteristic excerpt as -translated by M’Clatchie: - -“At the beginning of Heaven and Earth, before chaos was divided, I -think there were only two things, Fire and Water; and the sediment of -the water formed the Earth. When we ascend a height and look down, the -host of hills resemble the waves of the sea in appearance; the Water -just flowed like this: I know not at what period it coagulated. At -first it was very soft, but afterward it coagulated and became hard. -One asked whether it resembled sand thrown up by the tide? He replied, -Just so: the coarsest sediment of the Water became the Earth, and the -most pure portion of the Fire became Wind, Thunder, Lightning, Sun, and -Stars. - -“Being asked: From the commencement of Heaven and Earth to the present -time is not 10,000 years; I know not how it was before that time? He -replied, Before that there was another clear opening (_i.e._ another -Heaven and Earth) like the present one. Being further asked whether -Heaven and Earth can perish altogether, he replied, They cannot: but, -when mankind totally degenerate, then the whole shall return to Chaos, -and Men and things shall all cease to exist; and then the World shall -begin again. Some one asked how the first Man was generated; and he -replied by the transmutation of the Air; the subtle portions of the -Light and Darkness and the Five Elements united and produced his form. -The Buddhists call this transmuting and generating. At present things -are transmuted and generated in abundance like lice. - -“Before Chaos was divided the Light-Dark Air was mixed up and dark, -and when it divided, the centre formed an enormous and most brilliant -opening, and the two E were established. Shaou Kang-tsee considers -129,600 years to be a Yuen (Kalpa); then, before this period of 129,600 -years there was another opening and spreading out of the World; and -before that again, there was another like the present; so that, Motion -and Rest, Light and Darkness, have no beginning. As little things -shadow forth great things, this may be illustrated by the revolutions -of Day and Night. What Woo-Fung says about the Great Cessation of -the entire Air, the vast and boundless agitation of all things, the -whole expanse of waters changing position, the mountains bursting -asunder, the channels being obliterated, Men and things all coming to -an end, and the ancient vestiges all destroyed--all this refers to the -utter destruction of the world by Deluge. We frequently see, on lofty -mountains, the shells of the sea-snail and pearl-oyster, as it were -generated in the middle of stones; these stones were (part of) the -soil of the former world. The sea-snail and pearl-oyster belong to the -water; so that that which was below changed and became high; that which -was soft changed and became hard. This is a deep subject, and should be -investigated. - -“Being asked whether the multitude of things existed before Heaven and -Earth divided, he replied: There was merely the idea of each thing. -Heaven and Earth generate all things, and throughout all time, ancient -and modern, cannot be separated from all things.” - -It should be remarked as illustrating the difficulties of translating -the thought of one language into the words of another, that Mr. F. H. -Balfour questions certain of Canon M’Clatchie’s renderings. Thus a -sentence which M’Clatchie interprets, “In the entire universe where -there is no fate there is no air, and where there is no air there is no -fate,” Mr. Balfour would read instead of “fate” “mind,” and instead of -“air” “matter,” the sentence becoming, “In the entire universe where -there is no mind there is no matter, and where there is no matter there -is no mind.” Such divergent renderings as this are to be expected in -the case of any Oriental language. It will not be forgotten how George -Smith, one of the first great interpreters of the Assyrian tablets, -read the Hebrew story of the Garden of Eden in the vague phrasing of -the cuneiform document, where, as Menant quickly demonstrated, the -writer of the document had composed a quite different story. This -“reading into Homer that which Homer never knew” is much too familiar a -subject to require further elucidation; but it is peculiarly desirable -to bear it in mind in dealing with the philosophical and religious -notions of any alien people. - -Turning from the Orient, it is of interest to interrogate the Greek -writers as to the creation schemes that were current in classical -times. In the histories of Greece and Rome, we shall have occasion -to examine these somewhat more in detail. For the present purpose, -perhaps, an excerpt from Diodorus, who wrote with a full knowledge both -of Greek and Roman ideas at about the beginning of our era, will be -sufficiently illuminative. - -Diodorus begins his history of the World with a brief account of the -current notions as to the creation. He says: “Of the origin, therefore, -of men there are two opinions amongst the most famous and authentic -naturalists and historians. Some of these are of opinion that the -world had neither beginning nor ever shall have end, and likewise say -that mankind was from eternity and there never was a time when he -first began to be. Others, on the contrary, conceive both the world -to be made, and to be corruptible, and that there was a certain time -when men had first a being; for, whereas all things at the first were -jumbled together, heaven and earth were in one mass and had one and -the same form. But afterward they say when corporeal beings appeared -one after another, the world at length presented itself in the order -we now see, and that the air was in continual agitation, whose fiery -parts ascended together to the highest place, its nature ‘by reason of -its levity’ trending always upward, for which reason both the sun and -that vast number of stars are contained within that orb; that the gross -and earthy matter clotted together by moisture, by reason of its weight -sunk down below into which place by continually whirling about. The sea -was made of the humid, and the muddy earth of the more solid, as yet -very soft, which by degrees at first was made crusty by the heat of -the sun, and then, after the face of the earth was parched, and, as it -were, fermented, the moisture afterward in many places bubbled up, as -may be seen in standing ponds and marshy places, when, after the earth -has been pierced with cold, the air grows hot on a sudden without a -gradual alteration, and whereas moisture generates creatures from heat, -things so generated by being enrapt in the dewy mists of the night grew -and increased, and in the day solidified and were made hard by the heat -of the sun, and thus the forms of all sorts of living creatures were -brought forth into the light, and those that had most heat mounted -aloft, and were fowls and birds of the air, but those that had more of -earth were numbered in the order of creeping things and other creatures -altogether suited to the earth. Then those beasts that were naturally -watery and moist, called fishes, presently hastened to the place -natural to them; and when the earth afterward became more dry and solid -by the heat of the sun and the drying winds, it had not power at length -to produce any more of the greater living creatures. And Euripides, the -pupil of Anaxagoras, seems to be of the same opinion concerning the -first generation of all things, for in his _Menilippe_ he has these -verses: - - “‘A mass confused - Heaven and Earth once were - Of one form; but after separation - Then men, trees, beasts of the earth with fowls of the air - First sprang up in a generation.’ - -“But if this power of the earth to produce living creatures at the -first origin of all things seem incredible to any, the Egyptians -bring testimonies of this energy of the earth by the same things done -there at this day; for they say that about Thebes in Egypt, after the -overflowing of the river Nile, the earth thereby being covered by mud -and slime, many places putrefy by the heat of the sun, and thence are -bred multitudes of mice. It is certain, therefore, that out of the -earth when it is hardened, and the air changed from its dew and natural -temperament, animals are generated, by which means it came to pass that -in the first beginning of all things various living creatures proceeded -from the earth. And these are the opinions touching the original of all -things.” - -It would be difficult to say to what extent this Greek conception of -creation had its origin in, or was influenced by, Oriental conception. -Certainly the resemblance between this description and the Mosaic -accounts, as contained in the first two chapters of Genesis, is -noteworthy. Quite probably the ideas of both Hebrews and Greeks had -been moulded to some extent in the pattern of Egyptian thought. Be -that as it may, it was the scheme of cosmogony expressed in the Hebrew -legends that was to become dominant in post-classical times, and to -rule unchallenged in the Western world for more than a thousand years. -Indeed, this estimate of the time of real supremacy of the Hebrew -thought is much too low; for that thought, though challenged as to -some of its features by the science of the Renaissance which ushered -in the period of modern history, was none the less to retain its hold -upon the thoughts of men, but little abated in force, for another half -millennium. - -Not till well toward the close of the eighteenth century was an attempt -made to substitute a scientific guess at the riddle of creation for -the old poetic ones, and yet another century elapsed before the new -explanations availed fully to supplant the old ones. It was Laplace, -the great French mathematician, who elaborated toward the close of the -eighteenth century a so-called nebular hypothesis, which may fairly -be considered the first measurably scientific attempt ever made to -explain the origin of the world. The hypothesis conceives that, at -a time indefinitely remote, the entire solar system and space far -beyond it was filled with a “fire mist,” consisting of the material -in a gaseous state which now forms the sun and planets. This gaseous -body, contracting through loss of heat, and rotating on its axis, left -behind from time to time, successive rings of its own substance, that, -consolidating, became the planets; the remaining core of substance -contracting finally to constitute the body that we call the sun. - -Nineteenth century science elaborated, without essentially modifying, -this nebular hypothesis. Elaborate attempts have been made by Dr. Croll -and by Sir Norman Lockyer to explain the origin of the “fire mist” -itself, from which per hypothesis our solar system and an infinity of -like stellar systems were formed. The meteoritic hypothesis of Lockyer -supposes that the primeval fire mist was due to the collision of swarms -of meteors; Croll’s theory postulates the smashing together of dark -stars: but the two theories are essentially identical in their main -thought, which is, that previously solidified bodies of the universe -are made gaseous through mutual impact, thus affording material for -the operation of those changes outlined in the nebular hypothesis of -Laplace. True or false, this hypothesis stands to-day as the expression -of the profoundest cosmogonic scientific guess that modern thought has -been able to substitute for the poetic guesses of antiquity. - -As to the creation of the living things on the globe, including man, -the Oriental idea, which amounted to no explanation at all, but was -rather the hiding of utter ignorance behind a screen of positive -assertion, has been supplanted in the latter part of the nineteenth -century by the scientific explanations of the evolutionists. The theory -of evolution, as first formulated in anything like scientific terms, -about the close of the eighteenth century, by the elder Darwin, the -poet Goethe, and the French philosophical zoölogist Lamarck, and as -given such amazing fertility by Darwin’s Theory of Natural Selection -in 1859, has taken full possession of the field as an explanation of -the development of man through a series of lower organisms. But it -must not be forgotten that this theory, with all of its revolutionary -implications, does not as yet explain in clear scientific terms the -origin of that lowliest organism which is the first in its series -of living beings. It is for the science of the future to take this -remaining step. Meantime, the developmental theory of to-day suffices -to substitute in precise terms a scientific explanation of the origin -of man for the vagaries of the old-time dreamers; and the more daring -thinkers feel that the gap between the inorganic world and the lowest -of man’s ancestors is not an impassable barrier to the application of a -theory of universal evolution. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -COSMOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY--ANCIENT AND MODERN IDEAS - - -The vague notions of the ancients as to the origin of the world were -inseparably linked with their restricted notions as to the present -status of the world itself. - -It is curious to reflect how small a portion of the habitable globe -was the theatre of all those human activities, the record of which -constitutes ancient history. Egypt, Mesopotamia, Syria, Greece, and -Italy taken as a whole constitute but a small patch of territory -encircling the Mediterranean Sea. Persia and India, stretching away -to the East, lay vaguely at the confines of the world as conceived -even in relatively late classical times. From a very early day, -doubtless, there had been intercommunication between India and the -West. Nevertheless, the conquest of Alexander was regarded as extending -into regions hitherto utterly unknown, and as opening up a new world -to Greek thought. Similarly two centuries later, Cæsar’s invasion of -Britain brought regions to the attention of the geographer concerning -which only the vaguest notions had been current. - -Spain had long been known through the explorations and commercial -enterprises of the Phœnicians and Greeks, and when it became a part -of Roman territory, it was as familiarly known as Gaul or Britain. -But these bounds, India on the east, Britain at the north, Spain in -the west, and Upper Egypt toward the equator were the limits of the -known world as understood by the classical mind. The vague traditions -probably based on fact, as recorded by Herodotus, that a company of -Phœnicians had sailed out of the Red Sea and gone by water about all -the southern continent, to reappear from the west by way of the pillars -of Hercules--or present Gibraltar,--served to give support to the -theory that all the continental mass was encompassed in a universal -sea, rather than to extend geographical knowledge in any precise sense. - -Considering, then, the limitations of ancient geographical knowledge, -it is wonderful how clear, precise, and correct an idea as to the -shape, and even in a general way, as to the size, of the earth were -attained by the classical geographers. To be sure, the Oriental -thinkers applied the same poetical conceptions to cosmology that -dominated them in other fields. The Hindu conceived the world as -resting on the back of a mammoth elephant, which stood in turn on the -back of a tortoise, and was transported thus across a boundless sea -of milk. Greek mythology gives us the familiar picture of a human -giant, Atlas, supporting the world. But such poetic conceptions as -these, whatever their force may once have been with the Greeks, had -been supplanted before the close of the classical epoch by ideas of a -strictly scientific nature. - -Not long after the beginning of the Christian era there lived a -Greek named Strabo, whose status as a truly scientific geographer is -gladly acknowledged to-day. Strabo’s remarks on cosmology may well be -quoted here as showing the heights to which the science of geography -had attained among the Greeks. Making due allowance for the changed -phraseology of another age, these are such things as might be said by a -geographer of to-day, yet they were written over two thousand years ago: - -“We have treated these subjects at length in the first Book of the -Geography. At present we shall make a few remarks on the operations -of nature and of Providence conjointly. On the operations of nature, -that all things converge to a point, namely, the centre of the whole, -and assume a spherical shape around it. The earth is the densest body -and nearer the centre than all others: the less dense and next to it -is water: but both land and water are spheres, the first solid, the -second hollow, containing this earth within it. On the operations of -Providence, that it has exercised a will, is disposed to variety, and -is the artificer of innumerable works. In the first rank, as greatly -surpassing all the rest is the generation of animals, of which the most -excellent are gods and man, for whose sake the rest were formed. To -the gods Providence assigned heaven; and the earth to men: the extreme -parts of the world; for the extreme parts of the sphere are the centre -and the circumference. But since water encompasses the earth, and man -is not an aquatic, but a land animal, living in the air, and requiring -much light, Providence formed many eminences and cavities in the earth, -so that these cavities should receive the whole or a great part of -the water which covers the land beneath it; and that the eminences -should rise and conceal the water beneath them, except as much as was -necessary for the use of the human race and the animals and plants -about it. - -“But as all things are in constant motion, and undergo great changes -(for it is not possible that such things of such a nature, so numerous -and vast, could be otherwise regulated in the world), we must not -suppose the earth or the water always to continue in this state, so as -to retain perpetually the same bulk, without increase or diminution, -or that each preserves the same fixed place, particularly as the -reciprocal change of one into the other is most consonant to nature -from their proximity; but that much of the land is changed into water, -and a great portion of water becomes land, just as we observe great -differences in the earth itself. For one kind of earth crumbles easily, -another is solid and rocky, and contains iron; and so of others. There -is also a variety in the quality of water; for some waters are saline, -others sweet and potable, others medicinal, and either salutary or -noxious; others cold or hot. Is it therefore surprising that some parts -of the earth which are now inhabited should formerly have been occupied -by sea, and that what are now seas should formerly have been inhabited -land? So also fountains once existing have failed and others have burst -forth; and similarly in the case of rivers and lakes; again, mountains -and plains have been converted reciprocally one into the other. On this -subject I have spoken before at length, and now let this be said: - -“Geometry and astronomy, as we before remarked, seem absolutely -indispensable in this science. This in fact is evident, that without -some such assistance, it would be impossible to be accurately -acquainted with the configuration of the earth; its climate, -dimensions, and the like information. - -“As the size of the earth has been demonstrated by other writers, -we shall here take for granted and receive as accurate what they -have advanced. We shall also assume that the earth is spheroidal, -that its surface is likewise spheroidal, and above all, that bodies -have a tendency toward its centre, which later point is clear to the -perception of the most average understanding. However, we may show -summarily that the earth is spheroidal, from the consideration that -all things however distant tend to its centre, and that everybody is -attracted toward its centre of gravity; this is more distinctly proved -from observations of the sea and sky, for here the evidence of the -senses, and common observation is alone requisite. The convexity of -the sea is a further proof of this to those who have sailed; for they -cannot perceive lights at a distance when placed at the same level as -their eyes, but if raised on high, they at once become perceptible to -vision, though at the same time farther removed. So, when the eye is -raised, it sees what before was utterly imperceptible. Homer speaks of -this when he says: - -“‘Lifted up on the vast wave he quickly beheld afar.’ Sailors, as -they approach their destination, behold the shore continually raising -itself to their view; and objects which had at first seemed low, begin -to elevate themselves. Our gnomons, also, are, among other things, -evidence of the revolution of the heavenly bodies; and common sense at -once shows us, that if the depth of the earth were infinite, such a -revolution could not take place.” - -It is astounding in the light of present-day knowledge to reflect -that such correct and scientific views as to the form of the earth -were subordinated, and, at last, almost entirely supplanted, by the -curiously faulty conceptions of the Oriental dreamers. A chance phrase -of the Hebrew writings refers to the corners of the earth, and this -sufficed to promulgate a false conception of cosmology, which dominated -the world for a millennium. The old Greek conception never quite died -out, as the faith of Columbus showed, but it was so crushed beneath -the weight of ecclesiastical authority, that it maintained existence -only with here and there a nonconformist to the ideas of his time; and -when Columbus and Magellan had demonstrated the falsity of the Oriental -conception, and Copernicus and Galileo had further revolutionised the -Hebrew conception, the advocates of the false view fought tooth and -nail for a conception which had come to be intimately associated with -those religious tenets which, to them, were more sacred than life -itself. - -Truth prevailed in the end, of course; but it was not till well into -the nineteenth century that the chief supporters of the old Hebrew -cosmology officially abandoned their position, and admitted that the -world is round, and is not the centre of the universe. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE ANTIQUITY OF THE EARTH AND OF MAN - - -Generally speaking, the old-time nations rejoiced in their alleged -antiquity. Notions as to exact chronology for long periods of time -were practically non-existent. A full sense of the value of chronology -as the foundation stone of history was only acquired in relatively -modern times. The figures that the ancients used in referring to their -national existence were very sweeping, and suffered from the same -defects of vagueness that characterise their other thoughts. - -Herodotus, basing his belief on what he learned in Egypt, ascribed to -the Egyptians a national existence of thirteen thousand years. Diodorus -extends this period to twenty-three thousand, and some other reports -current in classical times increase the figures by yet another ten -thousand. Even this is a meagre period compared with the claims made by -the Babylonians, who number the years of their own nation in hundreds -of thousands; and it is said that the Chinese, in computing their own -history, do not stop short of millions of years. - -The Babylonians were the astronomers of antiquity, and doubtless -the less scientific Greeks regarded their knowledge of the stars -as something quite occult, and were ready to believe almost any -chronological statement that the Babylonians put forward. The Romans, -indeed, practical people that they always were in the day of their -prime, were disposed to look with more of scepticism upon such -claims. Cicero announces himself as distinctly sceptical regarding -the allegation that the Babylonian records extend over a period of -two hundred and seventy thousand years. His scepticism, however, was -probably based rather upon a shrewd common-sense estimate of human -affairs than upon any preconception as to the antiquity of man. In a -word, the ancients as a class had no fear of time, and most of them -had no religious or other preconception that limited their estimate -as to the age of a nation or the exact age of the world itself. The -latter-day Hebrew was an exception to this rule. He came at last to -look upon the vague historical records of his people as sacred books, -inspired in their every word, and detailing among other things the -exact genealogy of the leaders of his race from the creation to his -own time. It is not, indeed, probable that the ancient Hebrew made -any great point of the exact period of time compassed by his records, -since, as has been said, questions of exact chronology entered but -little into the thoughts of man in that day; but in a more recent time -students of Hebrew records have attempted to ascertain the exact age -of the earth and the exact period of human existence by aggregating -the various disconnected records of the Hebrew scriptures, long after -the modern historical method had been applied acutely to all other -accessible writings of antiquity. - -These writings of the Hebrews were held to constitute a class apart, -and were looked to as having an authenticity not to be claimed by any -other ancient documents; and while no two scholars of authority, making -independent computations, were ever able to agree as to the exact facts -connoted by the Hebrew chronology, yet none the less, each prominent -investigator clung with full faith to his own estimate, and several of -them found schools of followers who battled as eagerly as the masters -themselves for the exact dates they believed to be represented by the -vague Hebrew estimates. Generally speaking, these estimates ascribe the -creation of the world and of man to a period about four thousand years -before the Christian era; the year of the Deluge, which was supposed to -have engulfed all the inhabitants of the earth except a single family, -being variously estimated between the years 3200 and 2300 B.C. That -some such figures as these represented the truth regarding a period -of man’s residence here on the earth came to be accepted throughout -Christendom as an article of faith, to question which was a rank heresy. - -The larger figures which the Greeks, Egyptians, Mesopotamians and other -nations had employed came to be regarded as absurd guesses, which it -were a sacrilege to countenance now that the truth was known; and yet, -as every one nowadays knows, these larger figures, vague guesses though -they were, approach much nearer to the actual truth than the restricted -numbers that supplanted them. - -The changed point of view with which the modern historian regards the -ancient chronology has been attained through a process of scientific -development extending over about a century. A truer knowledge of the -cosmic scheme did not bring with it as a necessary counterpart the -correct conception as to the length of time that this scheme had been -in operation. - -Laplace, in formulating his nebular hypothesis, had nothing definite to -say as to the length of time required for its development, and there -was nothing in his computation to throw any light whatever upon the -antiquity of the earth as a habitable sphere. - -Cuvier, the great contemporary of Laplace, no doubt accepted the -nebular hypothesis as a valid explanation of the origin of the world, -but he held to the conception of about six thousand years for the -age of man as rigidly as did any Middle Age monk. Cuvier was the -first to demonstrate that certain fossil skeletons belonged to no -existing species of animal. In other words, he believed that races of -great beasts had once inhabited the earth, but no longer have living -representatives. This, however, did not suggest to him that the earth -had long been peopled, but only went to show, as he believed, that -a great catastrophe, as the universal flood was supposed to have -been, had actually taken place. It remained for Charles Lyell, the -famous English geologist, working along the lines first suggested by -another great Englishman, James Hutton, to prove that the successive -populations of the earth, whose remains are found in fossil beds, had -lived for enormous periods of time, and had supplanted one another on -the earth, not through any sudden catastrophe, but by slow processes of -the natural development and decay of different kinds of beings. - -Following the demonstrations of Lyell there came about a sudden change -of belief among geologists as to the age of the earth, until, in our -day, the period during which the earth has been inhabited by one kind -of creature and another is computed, not by specific thousands, but by -vague hundreds of thousands or even millions of years. - -The last refuge for champions of the old chronology was found in the -claim that man himself had been but about six thousand years upon the -earth, whatever might be true of his non-human forerunners. But even -this claim had presently to be abandoned when the researches of the -palæontologists had been directed to the subject of fossil man. - -The researches of Schmerling, of Boucher de Perth, of Lyell himself, -and of a host of later workers demonstrated that fossil remains of man -were found commingled in embedded strata and in cave bottoms under -conditions that demonstrated their extreme antiquity; and in the course -of the quarter century after 1865, in which year Lyell had published -his epoch-marking work on the antiquity of man, the new idea had made -a complete conquest, until now no one any more thinks of disputing -the extreme antiquity of man than he thinks of questioning the great -age of the earth itself. To be sure, no one pretends any longer to -put a precise date upon man’s first appearance. The new figures take -on something of the vagueness that characterise the estimates of the -Babylonians; but it is accepted as clearly proven that the racial -age of man is at least to be numbered in tens of thousands of years. -The only clues at present accessible that tend to give anything like -definiteness to the computations are the researches of Egyptologists -and Assyriologists. - -In Egypt remains are found, as we shall see, which carry the history -of civilisation back to something like 5000 B.C., and in Mesopotamia -the latest finds are believed to extend the record by yet another two -thousand years. Man then existed in a state of high civilisation at a -period antedating the Christian era by about twice the length of time -formerly admitted for the age of earth itself. - -How much more ancient the remains of barbaric man, as preserved in -the oldest caves, may be, it would be but vague guess work and serve -no useful purpose, to attempt to estimate. History proper, as usually -conceived, is concerned only with the doings of civilised man; and, -indeed, in one sense, such a restricted view is absolutely forced -upon the historian, for it is only civilised man who is able to -produce records that are preserved through the ages in such manner as -to tell a connected story to after generations. The arrow-heads and -charred sticks of the stone age of man are indeed proofs that this -man existed, and that he led his certain manner of life, some clear -intimations as to which are given by these mementoes; but they point -to no path by which we may hope to follow the precise history of those -succeeding generations by which the man of the stone age was connected -with, for example, the builder of the Egyptian Pyramids. We can, -indeed, trace in general terms the course of human progress. We know -that from using rough stone implements chipped into shape, man came -finally to acquire the art of polishing stones by friction, thus making -more finished implements. We know that later on he learned to smelt -metals, marvellous achievement that it was; and when this had been -accomplished, we may suppose that he pretty rapidly developed cognate -arts that led to higher civilisation. - -Reasoning from this knowledge, we speak of the palæolithic or rough -stone age, of the neolithic or polished stone age, of the age of -bronze, and finally of the age of iron, as representing great epochs -in human progress. But it is only in the vaguest terms that we can -connect one of these ages with another, and any attempt at a definite -chronology in relation to them utterly fails us. This would not so -much matter if we were sure in any given case that we were tracing the -history of the same individual race through the successive periods; -but, in point of fact, no such unity of race can be predicated. There -is every reason to believe that each and every race that ever attained -to higher civilisation passed through these various stages, but the -familiar examples of the American Indians, who were in the rough -stone age when their continent was discovered by Columbus, and of the -African and Australian races, who, even now, have advanced no farther, -illustrate the fact that different races have passed through these -various stages of development in widely separated periods of time, and -take away all certainty from any attempts to compute exact chronologies. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE RACES OF MAN AND THE ARYAN QUESTION - - -The question of races of mankind is one that has given rise to great -diversity of opinion among scientists and students of ethnology, and it -may as well be admitted at the outset that no very definite conclusions -have as yet been arrived at. One set of ethnologists have been disposed -to look to physical characters as the basis of a classification; others -have been guided more by language. In the earlier stages of the inquiry -the Biblical traditions have entered into the case with prejudicial -effect, and with the advances of science this subject as a whole has -seemed to grow more confused rather than clearer. For a time there -was a certain unanimity in regarding the Egyptians and their allies -as Hamites, the Babylonians, Hebrews, Phœnicians, and their allies as -Semites, and in bringing all other non-Aryan races into a conglomerate -class under the title of Turanians. Latterly, however, the artificial -character of such a classification as this has been more and more -apparent, and a growing belief tends to consider all the peoples -grouped about the Mediterranean as forming a single race, including -within that race, as is apparent, members of the old races of Hamites, -Semites, and Aryans. Yet another classification would group the peoples -of the earth according to their several stages of civilisation. But, -without attempting a complete enumeration of all the various systems -that have been suggested, one may summarise them all by repeating that -there is no complete uniformity of classification accepted by all -authoritative students of the subject. - -Here as elsewhere, however, there is a tendency for old systems and old -names to maintain their hold, and notwithstanding the disavowals of -the most recent schools of ethnology, the classification into Hamites, -Semites, Aryans, and Turanians is doubtless the one that has still -the widest vogue. In particular the Aryan race, to which all modern -European races belong, has seemed more and more to make good its claims -to recognition. Thanks to the relatively new science of comparative -philology, it has been shown, and has now come to be familiarly -understood, that the languages of the Hindu and the Persian in the -far East are based upon the same principles of phonation as the Greek -and Latin and their daughter languages, and the language of the great -Teutonic race. - -It is this affinity of languages that is the one defining feature of -the Aryan race. Since historical studies have made it more and more -plain that a nation in its wanderings, whether as a conquering or a -conquered people, may adopt the language of another nation, it has -become clear that a classification of mankind based on ethnic features -would have no necessary correspondence with a classification based upon -language. The philologists, therefore, who cling to the word “Aryan,” -or to the idea which it connotes, have latterly been disposed to urge, -as for example Professor Max Müller does in the most strenuous terms, -that in contending for an Aryan race they refer solely to a set of -people speaking the Aryan language, quite regardless of the physical -affinities of these people. And it is in this sense of the word, and -this alone, that the dark-skinned race of India is to be considered -brother to the fair-skinned Scandinavian; that, in short, all the -nations of modern Europe and the classical nations of antiquity are to -be jumbled together in an arbitrary union with the people of far-off -Persia and India. - -While this classification establishing an Aryan race on the basis -of language has the support of all philologists, and, indeed, is -susceptible of the readiest verification, there is a growing tendency -to frown upon the use of the word “Aryan” itself. The word came into -vogue at a time when it was supposed on all hands that the original -home of the people to whom it was applied was Central Asia; that this -was the cradle of the Aryan race was long accepted quite as a matter of -course--hence the general acceptance of the name. But, in the course of -the last century, the supposed fact of the Asiatic origin of the Aryans -has been placed in dispute, and there is a seemingly growing school of -students, who, basing their claims on the evidence of philology, are -disposed to believe that the cradle of this race--if race it be--was -not Central Asia, but perhaps Western or Northwestern Europe. We must -not pause to discuss the evidence for this new view here; suffice it -that the evidence seems highly suggestive, if not conclusive. - -To many philologists, including some who still hold that the -probabilities favour an Asiatic origin of the race, it now seems -advisable to adopt a name of less doubtful import, and of late it has -become quite usual to substitute for the word “Aryan” the compound -word “Indo-European,” or, what is perhaps better, “Indo-Germanic.” -Such a word, it is clear, summarises the fact that the Indians in the -far East and the Germanic race in the far West have a language that -is fundamentally the same, without connoting any theory whatever as -to the origin or other relations of these widely scattered peoples. -The name thus has an undoubted scientific status that makes it -attractive, but nevertheless it is too cumbersome to be accepted at -once as a substitute for the word “Aryan” in ordinary usage. Nor, -indeed does there seem to be any good reason why such substitution -should be made. Words very generally come in the course of time to -have an application which their original derivation would not at all -justify, and there is no more reason for ruling out the word “Aryan,” -even should it be proven absolutely that Asia was not the original -cradle of the Indo-Germanic race, than there would be for discarding -a very large number of words of Greek and Latin derivation that are -familiarly employed in the various modern European languages. Indeed, -it may be taken for granted that the generality of people to whom the -word “Aryan” is familiar have no such preconception aroused in their -minds by the word as it conveys to the mind of special scholars, and -in any event where a distinct disavowal is made of any ethnological -preconceptions in connection with the word, one is surely justified for -convenience sake in continuing to use the word “Aryan” as a synonym for -the more complicated term “Indo-Germanic.” - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -ON PREHISTORIC CULTURE - - -It has been said that history proper is usually regarded as having -to do solely with the deeds of civilised man, but in point of fact -the scope of history as written at the present day necessarily falls -far short of comprehending the entire history of civilisation. Before -the dawn of recorded history man had evolved to a stage in which -the greater number of the greatest arts had been attained. That is -to say, he was possessed of articulate language. He had learned -to clothe and to house himself. He knew the use of fire. He could -manufacture implements of war and of peace. He had surrounded himself -with domesticated animals. He added to his food supply by practising -agriculture. He had established systems of government. He knew how -to embellish his surroundings by the practice of painting and of -decorative architecture, and last, and perhaps greatest, he had -invented the art of writing, and carried it far toward perfection. - -With the development of these arts history proper is not concerned, but -this is not because the development of these arts would not constitute -true history if its course were known, but simply because of our entire -ignorance of all details of the subject. - -In order to gain a clearer idea, however, of the status of human -culture at the dawn of history proper, it may be worth while to -glance in the most cursory way at each of the great inventions and -developments upon which the entire structure of civilisation depends. - -_First. Language._ - -Perhaps the greatest single step ever made in the history of man’s -upward progress was taken when the practice of articulate speech -began. It would be contrary to all that we know of human evolution to -suppose that this development was a sudden one, or that it transformed -a non-human into a human species at a sudden vault. It is well known -that many of the lower animals are able to communicate with one another -in a way that implies at least a vague form of speech, and it has -been questioned whether the higher species of apes do not actually -articulate in a way strictly comparable to the vocalisation of man. Be -that as it may, the clear fact remains that one species of animal did -at a very remote time in the past develop the power of vocalisation in -the direction of articulate speech to a degree that in course of time -broadened the gap between that species and all others, till it became -an impassable chasm. - -Without language of an explicit kind not even the rudiments of -civilisation would be possible. No one perhaps ever epitomised the -value of articulate speech in a single phrase more tellingly than -does Herder when he says: “The lyre of Amphion has not built cities. -No magic wand has transformed deserts into gardens. Language has done -it,--that great source of sociality.” - -Obviously, then, could we know the history of the evolution of -articulate speech it would be one of the very greatest chapters in -all human records; but it is equally obvious that we can never hope -to know that history except inferentially. When the dawn of history -proper came, man had so long practised speaking that he had developed -countless languages so widely divergent from one another that they are -easily classified into several great types. From the study of these -languages the philologist draws more or less valid inferences as to -the later stages of linguistic growth and development. But he gains -no inklings whatever as to any of those earlier developments which -constituted the origin or the creation of language. - -_Second. Clothing and Housing of Prehistoric Man._ - -Nothing is more surprising to the student of antiquity than to find -at what seems the very beginning of civilisation such monuments as -the Pyramids and the great sculptures of Egypt and Mesopotamia. But a -moment’s reflection makes it clear that man must have learned to house -himself, as well as to clothe himself, before he can have started on -that tour of conquest of the world which was so far advanced before -the dawn of history. Doubtless the original home of man must have been -in a tropical or subtropical climate, and he cannot well have left -these pampering regions until he had made a considerable development, -almost the first step of which required that he should gain the means -of protecting himself from the cold. The idea of such protection once -acquired, its elaboration was but a question of time. It is amazing -to observe how closely, both as regards attire and building, man had -approximated to the modern standards at the time when he first produced -monumental or other records that have come down to us. - -_Third. The Use of Fire._ - -Quite as fundamental as the matter of housing and clothing, and even -more marvellous, considered as an invention, was the recognition of -the uses of fire, and the development of the methods of producing fire -at will. It is conceivable that some individual man at a relatively -early stage of human progress developed and elaborated this idea, -becoming the actual inventor of fire as applied to human uses. If such -was really the case, no greater inventor ever lived. But the wildest -flight of speculative imagination does not suffice to suggest where or -when this man may have lived. It cannot well be doubted, however, that -the use of fire must have been well known to the earliest generations -of men that attempted to wander far from the tropics. Clothed, housed, -and provided with fire, man was able to undertake the conquest of all -regions, but without fire he dare not have braved the winters even of -the middle latitudes, to say nothing of Arctic regions. - -No doubt the earliest method of producing fire practically employed was -by friction of dry sticks, much after the manner still in use among -certain savage tribes. Obviously the flint and steel, which for so many -thousands of years was to be the sole practical means of producing fire -among the civilised races, could not have come into vogue until the -age of iron. The lucifer match, which was finally to banish flint and -steel, was an invention of the nineteenth century. - -_Fourth. Implements of Peace and War._ - -A gigantic bound was made when man first learned to use a club -habitually, and doubtless the transition from a club to a mechanically -pointed spear constituted a journey as long and as hard as the -evolution from the spear to the modern repeating rifle. But before the -dawn of history there had been evolved from the club the battle-axe of -metal, and from the crude spear the metal-pointed javelin, the arrow, -the sword, and the dagger; the bow, too, of which the arrow was the -complement, had long been perfected, and from it had evolved various -other implements of warfare, culminating in the gigantic battering-ram. - -Of implements of a more pacific character, boats of various types -furnished means of transportation on the water, and wagons with wheel -and axle, acting on precisely the same principle which is still -employed, had been perfected, both of these being used in certain -of their types for purposes of war as well as in the arts of peace. -Manufacture included necessarily the making of materials for clothing -from an early stage, and this had advanced from the crude art of -dressing skins to the weaving of woollen fabrics and fine linens that -would bear comparison with the products of the modern loom. Stones -were shaped and bricks made as materials for building. The principle -of the pulley was well understood as an aid to human strength; and the -potter’s wheel, with which various household utensils were shaped, -was absurdly like the ones that are still used for a like purpose. In -all of these arts of manufacture, indeed, a degree of perfection had -been attained upon which there was to be singularly little advance for -some thousands of years. It was not until well toward the close of the -eighteenth century that the series of great mechanical advances began -with the application of steam to the propulsion of machinery, which has -revolutionised manufacture and for the first time made a radical change -from the systems of transportation that were in vogue before the dawn -of history; and it was only a few centuries earlier that the invention -of gunpowder metamorphosed the methods of warfare that had been in -vogue for a like period. - -_Fifth. The Domestication of Animals._ - -It is not difficult, if one considers the matter attentively, -to imagine how revolutionary must have been the effect of the -domestication of animals. Primitive man can at first have had no idea -of the possible utility of the animals about him, except as objects of -pursuit; but doubtless at a very early stage it became customary for -children to tame, or attempt to tame, such animals as wolves, foxes, -and cats of various tribes when taken young, much as children of -to-day enjoy doing the same thing. This more readily led to the early -domestication or half-domestication of such animals as that species of -wolf from which the various races of dogs sprang. It is held that the -dog was the first animal to become truly domesticated. Obviously this -animal could be of advantage to man in the chase, even in very early -stages of human evolution; and it is quite possible that a long series -of generations may have elapsed before any animal was added to the list -of man’s companions. But the great step was taken when herbivorous -animals, useful not for the chase, but as supplying milk and flesh for -food, were made tributary to the use of man. From that day man was -no longer a mere hunter and fisher; he became a herdsman, and in the -fact of entering upon a pastoral life, he had placed his foot firmly -on the first rung of the ladder of civilisation. An obvious change -became necessary in the life of pastoral people. They could still -remain nomads, to be sure, but their wanderings were restricted by a -new factor. They must go where food could be found for their herds. -Moreover, economic features of vast importance were introduced in the -fact that the herds of a people became a natural prey of less civilised -peoples of the same region. It became necessary, therefore, to make -provision for the protection of the herds, and in so doing an increased -feeling of communal unity was necessarily engendered. Hitherto we may -suppose that a single family might live by itself without greatly -encountering interference from other families. So long as game was -abundant, and equally open to the pursuit of all, there would seem -to be no reason why one family should systematically interfere with -another, except in individual instances where quarrels of a strictly -personal nature had arisen. But the pastoral life introduced an -element of contention that must necessarily have led to the perpetual -danger of warfare, and concomitantly to the growing necessity for such -aggregate action on the part of numerous families as constituted the -essentials of a primitive government. It is curious to reflect on these -two opposite results that must have grown almost directly from the -introduction of the custom of domesticating food animals. On the one -hand, the growth of the spirit of war between tribes; on the other, the -development of the spirit of tribal unity, the germs of nationality. - -Much thought has been given by naturalists to the exact origin of the -various races of domesticated animals. Speaking in general terms, -it may be said that Asia is the great original home of domesticated -animals as a class. Possibly the dog may be the descendant of some -European wolf, and he had perhaps become the companion of man before -that great hypothetical eastward migration of the Aryans took place, -which the modern ethnologist believes to have preceded the Asiatic -settlement of that race. The cat also may not unlikely be a descendant -of the European wild cat, but the sheep, the cow, the donkey, and -the horse, as well as the barnyard fowl, are almost unquestionably -of Asiatic origin. Of these the horse was probably the last to be -domesticated, since we find that the Egyptians did not employ this -animal until a relatively late stage of the historic period, namely, -about the twentieth century B.C. This does not mean that the horse was -unknown to the Asiatic nations until so late a period, but it suggests -a relatively recent use of this animal as compared, for example, with -the use of cattle, which had been introduced into Egypt before the -beginning of the historic period. No animal of importance and only one -bird--the turkey--has been added to the list of domesticated creatures -since the dawn of history. - -_Sixth. Agriculture._ - -The studies of the philologists make it certain that long periods -of time elapsed after man had entered on a pastoral life before he -became an agriculturist. The proof of this is found, for example, in -the fact that the Greeks and Romans use words obviously of the same -derivation for the names of various domesticated animals, while a -similar uniformity does not pertain to their names for cultivated -cereals or for implements of agriculture. Theoretical considerations of -the probable state of pastoral man would lead to the same conclusion, -for the gap between the wandering habits of the owners of flocks, whose -chief care was to find pasture, and the fixed abode of an agricultural -people, is indeed a wide one. To be sure, the earliest agriculturist -may not have been a strictly permanent resident of any particular -district; he might migrate like the bird with the seasons, and change -the region of his abode utterly from year to year, but he must in -the nature of the case have remained in one place for several months -together, that is to say, from sowing to harvest time; and to people -of nomadic instincts this interference with their desires might be -extremely irksome, to say nothing of the work involved in cultivating -the soil. But once the advantages of producing a vegetable food supply, -according to a preconceived plan, instead of depending upon the -precarious supply of nature, were fully understood and appreciated, -another great forward movement had been made in the direction of -ultimate civilisation. Incidentally it may be added that another -incentive had been given one tribe to prey upon another, and conversely -another motive for strengthening the bonds of tribal unity. - -Agricultural plants, like domesticated animals, are practically all of -Asiatic origin. There are, however, three important exceptions, namely, -maize among cereals and the two varieties of potato, all of which -are indigenous to the Western hemisphere, and hence were necessarily -unknown to the civilised nations of antiquity. With these exceptions -all the important agricultural plants had been known and cultivated for -numberless generations before the opening of the historic period. - -_Seventh. Government._ - -We have just seen how the introduction of domesticated animals -and agricultural plants must have influenced the communal habits -of primitive man in the direction of the establishment of local -government. There are reasons to believe that, prior to taking these -steps, the most advanced form of human settlement was the tribe or -clan consisting of the members of a single family. The unit of this -settlement was the single family itself with a man at its head, who -was at once provider, protector, and master. As the various members of -a family held together in obedience to the gregarious instinct, which -man shares with the greater number of animals, it was natural that some -one member of the clan should be looked to as the leader of the whole. -In the ordinary course of events, such leader would be the oldest -man, the founder of the original family; but there must have been a -constant tendency for younger men of pronounced ability to aspire to -the leadership, and to wrest from the patriarch his right of mastery. - -Such mastery, however, whether held by right of age, or of superior -capacity, must have been in the early day very restricted in scope, -for of necessity primitive man depended largely on his own individual -efforts both for securing food, and for protection of himself and his -immediate family against enemies, and under such circumstances an -independence of character must have been developed that implies an -unwillingness to submit to the autocratic authority of another. Only -when the pastoral and agricultural phases of civilisation had become -fully established, would communities assume such numerical proportions -as to bring the question of leadership of the clan into perpetual -prominence; and no doubt a very long series of internal strifes and -revolutionary dissensions must have preceded the final recognition of -the fact that no large community of people can aspire to anything like -integrity without the clear recognition of some centralised authority. -Under the conditions incident to the early stages of civilisation, -where man was subject to the marauding raids of enemies, it was but -natural that this centralised authority should be conceded to some -man whose recognised prowess in warfare had aroused the respect -and admiration of his fellows. Thus arose the system of monarchial -government, which we find fully established everywhere among the -nations of antiquity when they first emerge out of the obscuration -of the prehistoric period. The slow steps of progress by which the -rights of the individual came to strike an evener balance, as against -the all-absorbing usurpations of the monarch and a small coterie of -his adherents, constitute one of the chief elements of the story of -history that is to be unfolded in our pages. But when the story opens, -there is no intimation of this reaction. The monarch is all dominant; -his individual subjects seem the mere puppets of his will. - -_Eighth. The Arts of Painting, Sculpture, and Decorative Architecture._ - -The graven fragments of ivory and of reindeer horn, found in the cave -deposits of the stone age, give ample proof that man early developed -the desire and the capacity for drawing. Doubtless there was a more -or less steady advance upon this art of the cave-dweller throughout -succeeding generations, though the records of such progress are for the -most part lost. The monuments of Egypt and of Mesopotamia, however, -have been preserved to us in sufficient completeness to prove that the -graphic arts had reached a really high stage of development before the -close of the prehistoric period. It is but fair to add, however, that -in this direction the changes of the earlier centuries of the historic -period were far greater than were the changes in the practical arts. - -As early as the ninth century B.C. the Assyrians had developed the -art of sculpture in bas-relief in a way that constituted a marvellous -advance upon anything that may reasonably be believed to have been -performed by prehistoric man, and only three centuries later came the -culminating period of Greek art, which marked the stage of almost -revolutionary progress. - -_Ninth. The Art of Writing._ - -One other art remains to be mentioned even in the most cursory survey. -This is the latest, and in some respects the greatest of them all--the -art of writing. In one sense this art is only a development of the -art of drawing, but it is a development that has such momentous -consequences that it may well be considered as distinct. Moreover, it -led to results so important for the historian, and so directly in line -of all our future studies, that we shall do well to examine it somewhat -more in detail. - -All the various phases of prehistoric culture at which we have just -glanced have left reminiscences, more or less vague in character, -for the guidance of students of later ages; but the materials for -history proper only began to be accumulated after man had learned to -give tangible expression to his thoughts in written words. No doubt -the first steps toward this accomplishment were taken at a very early -day. We have seen that the cave-dweller even made graphic though -crude pictures, including hunting scenes, that are in effect the same -in intent, and up to a certain point the same in result, as if the -features of the event were described in words. Doubtless there was no -generation after the stone age in which men did not resort, more or -less, to the graphic delineation of ideas. - -The familiar story that Herodotus tells of the message sent by the -Scythians to Darius is significant. It will be recalled that the -Scythian messenger brought the body of a bird, a mouse, and a frog, -together with a bundle of five arrows. Interrogated as to the meaning -of this strange gift, the messenger replied that his instructions -were to present the objects and retire. Darius and his officers were -much puzzled to interpret the message, Darius himself being disposed -to regard it as an admission on the part of the Scythians that they -conceded him lord of their territory, the land, water, and air; but -one of the officers of the great king gave a different interpretation, -which was presently accepted as the correct one. As he read the message -it implied that unless the Persians could learn to fly through the air -like birds, or to burrow through the earth like a mouse, or to dive -through the water like a frog, they should not be able to escape the -arrows of the Scythians. Miss Amelia B. Edwards, in her delightful -book on Egypt, has hazarded some conjectures as to the exact way in -which the bird and mouse and frog and arrows were presented to Darius. -She believes that they were fastened to a piece of bark, or perhaps to -a fragment of hide, in fixed position, so that they became virtually -hieroglyphics. The question is interesting, but of no vital importance, -since the exact manner of presentation would not in any way alter the -intent, but would only bear upon the readiness of its interpretation. -The real point of interest lies in the fact of this transmission of -ideas by symbols, which constitutes the essence of the art of writing. - -It may be presumed that crude methods of sending messages, not unlike -this of the Scythians, were practised more or less independently, -and with greater or less degrees of elaboration, by barbaric and -half-civilised tribes everywhere. The familiar case of the American -Indians, who were wont to send a belt of wampum and an arrow as a -declaration of war, is an illustration in point. The gap between such -a presentation of tangible objects and the use of crude pictures -to replace the objects themselves would not seem, from a civilised -standpoint, to be a very wide one. Yet no doubt it was an enormously -difficult gap to cross. Granted the idea, any one could string together -the frog, the bird, the mouse, and the arrows, but only here and -there a man would possess the artistic skill requisite to make fairly -recognisable pictures of these objects. It is true that the cave man of -a vastly earlier period had developed a capacity to draw the outlines -of such animals as the reindeer and the mammoth with astonishing -verisimilitude. Professor Sayce has drawn the conclusion from this -that the average man dwelling in the caves of France at that remote -epoch could draw as well as the average Frenchman of to-day; but a -moment’s consideration will make it clear that the facts in hand by -no means warrant so sweeping a conclusion. There is nothing to show, -nor is there any reason to believe, that the cave-dweller pictures -that have come down to us are the work of average men of that period. -On the contrary, it is much more likely that they were the work, not -of average men, but of the artistic geniuses of their day,--of the -Michelangelos, Raphaels, or if you prefer, the Landseers, the Bonheurs, -and Corots of their time. - -There is no more reason to suppose that the average cave dweller could -have drawn the reindeer hunting scene or the famous picture of the -mammoth, than that the average Frenchman of to-day could have painted -the _Horse Fair_. There is no reason then to suppose that the average -Scythian could have made himself equally intelligible to Darius by -drawing pictures instead of sending actual objects, though quite -possibly there were some men among the Scythian hordes who could have -done so. The idea of such pictorial ideographs had seemingly not yet -come to the Scythians, but that idea had been attained many centuries -before by other people of a higher plane of civilisation. At least four -thousand years before the age of Darius, the Babylonians, over whose -descendants the Persian king was to rule, had invented or developed -a picture-writing and elaborated it until it was able to convey, -not merely vague generalities, but exquisite shades of meaning. The -Egyptians, too, at a period probably at least as remote, had developed -what seems an independent system of picture-writing, and brought it to -an astonishing degree of perfection. - -At least three other systems of picture-writing in elaborated forms are -recognised, namely, that used by the Hittites in Western Asia, that of -the Chinese, and that of the Mexican Indians in America. No dates can -be fixed as to when these were introduced, neither is it possible to -demonstrate the entire independence of the various systems; but all -of them were developed in prehistoric periods. There seems no reason -to doubt that in each case the picture-writing consisted originally -of the mere graphic presentation of an object as representing an idea -connected with that object itself, precisely as if the Scythians -had drawn pictures of the mouse, the bird, the frog, and the arrows -in order to convey the message to Darius. Doubtless periods of -incalculable length elapsed after the use of such ideograms as this had -come into vogue before the next great step was taken, which consisted -in using a picture, not merely to represent some idea associated with -the object depicted, but to represent a sound. Probably the first steps -of this development came about through the attempt to depict the names -of men. Since the name of a man is often a combination of syllables, -having no independent significance, it was obviously difficult to -represent that name in a picture record, and yet, in the nature of the -case, the name of the man might often constitute the most important -part of the record. Sooner or later the difficulty was met, as the -Egyptian hieroglyphics prove to us, by adopting a system of phonetics, -in which a certain picture stands for the sound of each syllable of the -name. The pictures selected for such syllabic use were usually chosen -because the name of the object presented by the picture began with the -sound in question. Such a syllabary having been introduced, its obvious -utility led presently to its application, not merely to the spelling of -proper names, but to general purposes of writing. - -One other step remained, namely, to make that final analysis of -sounds which reduces the multitude of syllables to about twenty-five -elementary sounds, and to recognise that, by supplying a symbol for -each one of these sounds, the entire cumbersome structure of ideographs -and syllables might be dispensed with. The Egyptians made this analysis -before the dawn of history, and had provided themselves with an -alphabet; but strangely enough they had not given up, nor did they ever -relinquish in subsequent times, the system of ideographs and syllabics -that mark the stages of evolution of the alphabet. The Babylonians at -the beginning of their historic period had developed a most elaborate -system of syllables, but their writing had not reached the alphabet -stage. - -The introduction of the alphabet to the exclusion of the cruder methods -was a feat accomplished within the historic period by the Phœnicians, -some details of which we shall have occasion to examine later on. This -feat is justly regarded as one of the greatest accomplishments of the -entire historic period. But that estimate must not blind us to the fact -that the Egyptians and Babylonians, and probably also the Chinese, were -in possession of their fully elaborated systems of writing long before -the very beginnings of that historic period of which we are all along -speaking. Indeed, as has been said, true history could not begin until -individual human deeds began to be recorded in written words. - - - - - PART II - - THE HISTORY OF EGYPT - - BASED CHIEFLY UPON THE FOLLOWING AUTHORITIES - - H. C. BRUGSCH, E. A. WALLIS BUDGE, C. K. J. BUNSEN, J. F. CHABAS, - ADOLF ERMAN, K. R. LEPSIUS, A. E. MARIETTE, G. C. C. MASPERO, - EDUARD MEYER, W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, J. GARDNER WILKINSON - - TOGETHER WITH A CHARACTERISATION OF - - EGYPT AS A WORLD INFLUENCE - - BY - - ADOLF ERMAN - - WITH ADDITIONAL CITATIONS FROM - - CLAUDIUS ÆLIANUS, WM. BELOE, THE HOLY BIBLE, J. B. BIOT, SAMUEL - BIRCH, J. F. CHAMPOLLION, DIODORUS SICULUS, GEORG EBERS, AMELIA - B. EDWARDS, ROBERT HARTMANN, A. H. L. HEEREN, HERODOTUS, FLAVIUS - JOSEPHUS, H. LARCHER, J. P. MAHAFFY, MANETHO, AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS, - JOHN MAUNDEVILLE, MELA POMPONIUS, L. MÉNARD, PAUSANIAS, PETRONIUS, - PLINY, PLUTARCH, R. POCOCKE, PETER LE PAGE RENOUF, I. ROSELLINI, E. - DE ROUGÉ, C. SAVARY, F. VON SCHLEGEL, G. SERGI, SOLINUS, STRABO, - ISAAC TAYLOR, THE TURIN PAPYRUS AND THE DYNASTIC LISTS OF KARNAK, - ABYDOS, AND SAQQARAH, A. WIEDEMANN, HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, AND - THOMAS YOUNG - - COPYRIGHT, 1904, - - BY HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS. - - _All rights reserved._ - - - - -EGYPT - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - INTRODUCTORY ESSAY. EGYPT AS A WORLD INFLUENCE. - BY DR. ADOLF ERMAN 57 - - EGYPTIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE 65 - - CHAPTER I. THE EGYPTIAN RACE AND ITS ORIGIN 77 - - CHAPTER II. THE OLD MEMPHIS KINGDOM 90 - - CHAPTER III. THE OLD THEBAN KINGDOM 106 - - CHAPTER IV. THE RESTORATION 126 - - CHAPTER V. THE XIXTH DYNASTY 141 - - CHAPTER VI. THE FINDING OF THE ROYAL MUMMIES 155 - - CHAPTER VII. THE PERIOD OF DECAY 162 - - CHAPTER VIII. THE CLOSING SCENES 180 - - CHAPTER IX. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE EGYPTIANS 196 - - CHAPTER X. THE EGYPTIAN RELIGION 219 - - CHAPTER XI. EGYPTIAN CULTURE 240 - - CHAPTER XII. CONCLUDING SUMMARY OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY 263 - - APPENDIX A. CLASSICAL TRADITIONS 267 - - APPENDIX B. THE PROBLEM OF EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY 287 - - BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 293 - - A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY 295 - -[Illustration: ANCIENT AND MODERN EGYPT] - - - - -EGYPT AS A WORLD INFLUENCE - -A CHARACTERISATION OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY - -WRITTEN SPECIALLY FOR THE PRESENT WORK - -BY DR. ADOLF ERMAN - -Professor of Egyptology in the University of Berlin; Director of -the Berlin Egyptian Museum; Member of the Royal Prussian Academy of -Sciences, Berlin, etc. - - -The countries that laid the foundation of our civilisation are not -of those through which traffic passes on its way from land to land. -Neither Babylon nor Egypt lies on one of the natural highways of the -world; they lie hidden, encircled by mountains or deserts, and the seas -that wash their shores are such as the ordinary seafarer avoids rather -than frequents. - -But this very seclusion, which to us, with our modern ideas, seems -a thing prejudicial to culture, did its part toward furthering the -development of mankind in these ancient lands; it assured to their -inhabitants a less troublous life than otherwise falls to the lot of -nations under primitive conditions. Egypt, more particularly, had no -determined adversary, nor any that could meet her on equal terms close -at hand. To west of her stretched a desert, leading by interminable -wanderings to sparsely populated lands. On the east the desert was less -wide indeed, but beyond it lay the Red Sea, and he who crossed it did -but reach another desert, the Arabian waste. Southward for hundreds of -miles stretched the barren land of Nubia, where even the waterway of -the Nile withholds its wonted service, so that the races of the Sudan -are likewise shut off from Egypt. And even the route from Palestine to -the Nile, which we are apt to think of as so short and easy, involved a -march of several days through waterless desert and marshy ground. These -neighbour countries, barren as they are, were certainly inhabited, but -the dwellers there were poor nomads; they might conquer Egypt now and -again, but they could not permanently injure her civilisation. - -Thus the people which dwelt in Egypt could enjoy undisturbed all the -good things their country had to bestow. For in this singular river -valley it was easier for men to live and thrive than in most other -countries of the world. Not that the life was such as is led in those -tropic lands where the fruits of earth simply drop into the mouth, and -the human race grows enervated in a pleasant indolence; the dweller -in Egypt had to cultivate his fields, to tend his cattle, but if he -did so he was bounteously repaid for his labour. Every year the river -fertilised his fields that they might bring forth barley and spelt -and fodder for his oxen. He became a settled husbandman, a grave -and diligent man, who was spared the disquiet and hardships endured -by the nomadic tribes. Hence in this place there early developed a -civilisation which far surpassed that of other nations, and with -which only that of far-off Babylonia, where somewhat similar local -conditions obtained, could in any degree vie. And this civilisation, -and the national characteristics of the Egyptian nation which went -hand in hand with it, were so strong that they could weather even a -grievous storm. For long ago, in the remote antiquity which lies far -beyond all tradition, Egypt was once overtaken by the same calamity -which was destined to befall her twice within historic times--she was -conquered by Arab Bedouins, who lorded it over the country so long -that the Egyptians adopted their language, though they altered and -adapted it curiously in the process. This transplantation of an Asiatic -language to African soil is the lasting, but likewise the only, trace -left by this primeval invasion; in all other respects the conquerors -were merged into the Egyptian people, to whom they, as barbarians, had -nothing to offer. There is nothing in the ideas and reminiscences of -later Egyptians to indicate that a Bedouin element had been absorbed -into the race; in spite of their language the aspect they present -to us is that of the true children of their singular country, a -people to whom the desert and its inhabitants are something alien and -incomprehensible. It is the same scene, _mutatis mutandis_, that was -enacted in the full light of history at the rise of Islam; then, too, -the unwarlike land was subdued by the swift onset of the Bedouins, who -also imposed their language on it in the days of their rule; and yet -the Egyptian people remains ever the same, and the people who speak -Arabic to-day in the valley of the Nile have little in common with the -Arabs of the desert. - -Long before the period at which our historical knowledge begins, these -Egyptian husbandmen had laid the foundations of their civilisation. -They still went unclad and delighted to paint their bodies with green -pigment; their ruler still wore a lion’s tail at his girdle and a -strange savage-looking top-knot on his head; his sceptre was still -a staff such as may be cut from the tree; but these staves already -ruled a wide domain full of townships large and small. And in each -of these there were already nobles, responsible to the king for the -government thereof, looking with reverence toward his “great house,” -and paying him tribute of their corn and cattle. And in the midst of -the clay huts in every place stood a large hut, with wattled walls, -the entrance adorned with poles; no other than the sanctuary of their -god. Already they carved his image in wood and carried it round the -town at festivals. Manifold are the accomplishments which the Egyptians -have acquired by this time. They fashion the flint of the desert into -knives and weapons of the utmost perfection of workmanship, they make -cords, mats, and skiffs out of the rushes from the marsh-land, they -are acquainted with the art of manufacturing tiles and earthen vessels -from the clay of the soil. They carve in wood and ivory, and their -carvings have already a peculiar character wholly their own. Moreover, -they have prepared the way for the greatest of their achievements and -have learned to record their ideas by drawing small pictures; the -character is still for the most part pictographic, but even now certain -particular pictures are used to denote sounds. - -On this primitive period of the Egyptian nation we can only gaze -from afar; we do not meet it face to face until the time when the -two kingdoms, into which the country had hitherto been divided, were -united for the first time by King Menes; this may have taken place -after the middle of the fourth millennium. The union must have given -a strong impulse to the life of the nation, and but a few generations -after the days of King Menes the monuments that have come down to us -exhibit most of the features characteristic of Egyptian civilisation in -the later centuries. The might of Egypt waxes apace; a few centuries -more--at the period we are in the habit of speaking of as the Old -Kingdom--and its development has progressed so far that nothing now -seems beyond its strength. The gigantic buildings of the IVth Dynasty, -whose great pyramids defy the tooth of time, bear witness to this. How -proudly self-conscious must the race have been which strove thus to -set up for itself a perpetual memorial! And if this passion for the -huge is relinquished in succeeding centuries, it is merely a token of -the further development of the nation; it has wearied of the colossal -scale, and turns its attention to a greater refinement of life, the -grace of which still looks forth upon us from the monuments of the Vth -Dynasty. - -Thus, even under the Old Kingdom, Egypt is a country in a high state -of civilisation; a centralised government, a high level of technical -skill, a religion in exuberant development, an art that has reached -its zenith, a literature that strives upward to its culminating -point,--this it is that we see displayed in its monuments. It is an -early blossom, put forth by the human race at a time when other nations -were yet wrapped in their winter sleep. In ancient Babylonia alone, -where conditions equally favourable prevailed, the nation of the -Sumerians reached a similar height. Any one who will compare these two -ancient civilisations of Babylonia and Egypt cannot fail to see that -they present many similarities of custom; thus in both the seal is -rolled upon the clay, and both date their years according to certain -events. The idea that some connection subsisted between them, and that -then, as in later times, the products of both countries were dispersed -by commerce through the world about them, is one that suggests itself -spontaneously. But substantial evidence in support of this conjecture -is still lacking and will probably ever remain so. - -The great age of the Old Kingdom ends in a collapse, the body politic -breaks up into its component parts, and the level of civilisation in -the provinces sinks rapidly. But it rises again no less rapidly, when, -at the close of the third millennium B.C., Egypt is once more united -under a single sovereign. - -The Middle Kingdom, as we customarily call this epoch, is a second -season of efflorescence; indeed, it is the time upon which the -Egyptians of succeeding generations looked back as the classic period -of their literature; and many centuries later, boys at school were -still patiently copying out the wise lessons which the first king of -the period imparted to his son, or the adventures of his contemporary, -Sinuhe, and thereby learning the elegance of style in which the -Egyptians of the Middle Kingdom were such adepts. This, moreover, is -the epoch in which, so far as we know, the Egyptian arms were first -carried to remoter lands; at this time Nubia became an Egyptian -province, and the gold of its desert thenceforth belonged to the -Pharaohs. The memory of this extension of the sway of Egypt survived -among the Egyptians of later days, embodied in the semi-mythical figure -of the great King Sesostris. When legend reports that this monarch -likewise subjugated distant lands to the north, we have now no means -of judging how much truth there may be in the tale. But this we can -see, that at that time Egypt maintained commercial relations with the -countries of the Mediterranean; for their dainty vases are found in -Egyptian rubbish heaps of the period, and may have been imported into -the Nile valley then, as later, as vessels for containing delicate -foreign oils. - -These palmy days of the second period of Egyptian history lasted for -barely two hundred years, and then a time of political decadence -again set in, and Egypt for some centuries passes almost out of -sight. One thing only do we know of its fortunes during this interval, -namely, that it once more fell a prey to barbarian conquerors. The -Hyksos--presumably a Bedouin tribe from the Syrio-Arabian desert--long -reigned in Egypt as its lords. But the sway of these barbarians was -naturally lax, and while the foreign great king abode in his camp on -the Delta, Egyptian princes ruled as his vassals in the great cities of -Egypt. And when, as was inevitable, the might of the barbarians waned, -the might of these dynasts increased, till one of them, who ruled in -the little city of Thebes in distant Upper Egypt, rose to such a height -of power as to gain the mastery, not only over the other princes, but -ultimately over the Hyksos themselves. About the year 1600 B.C. we find -Egypt free once more, and under the sceptre of this same upper Egyptian -line which has rendered the names of Thebes, its city, and Amen, its -god, forever famous. The New Kingdom, the greatest age that the Nile -Valley ever saw, has dawned. - -The power of the kingdom waxed apace beyond its borders. Tehutimes I -and his son, the indefatigable warrior, Tehutimes III, subdued a region -that extended northward to northern Syria and southward to the Sudan; -Egypt became the neighbour of the kingdom of Mitani [or Mitanni] on -the Euphrates, of the rising power of Assyria, of ancient Babylonia. -The two ancient civilisations which had been developing for thousands -of years in Mesopotamia and the valley of the Nile were thus brought -into direct contact, and we shall hardly be wrong in saying that during -these centuries a great part of the civilised world whose heirs we are, -met together in a common life. A brisk trade must have developed as a -result of this new relation of country to country. The countries of -the Mediterranean, where the so-called Mycenæan civilisation was then -in its prime, had their part in it, as is proved by the discovery of -numerous Mycenæan vessels in the tombs and ruins of the New Kingdom, -and no less by the productions of Egyptian technical art which have -been brought to light from the seats of Mycenæan civilisation. - -The effect of these altered relations upon Egypt is easy to see. Vast -wealth pours into the country and enables the Pharaohs to erect the -gigantic fabric of the Theban temples. But at the very time when the -spirit of ancient Egypt finds its most splendid transfiguration in -these buildings, it begins to suffer loss and change. The old simple -garb no longer beseems the lords of so great an empire; it must give -place to a costlier. The antiquated literary language handed down -from days of old is gradually superseded by the vulgar tongue. And if -the Egyptians had up to this time looked proudly down upon all other -nations as wretched barbarians, they must have found this narrow-minded -view untenable when once they had met face to face the equally ancient -civilisation of Babylonia and the vigorous growth of Syrian and -Mediterranean cultures. The sons of Egypt’s Asiatic vassals attend her -king, their daughters sit in his harem; Syrian mercenaries form one -regiment of his bodyguard, foreign captives work on the edifices he -builds. His officers, military and civil, have all made some stay on -Asiatic soil, and his “letter-scribe” can read and write the cuneiform -characters of Babylonia. The commerce which led foreign merchants to -Egypt must have acted no less powerfully; they brought in silverware, -wood of various kinds, horses and oxen, wine, beer, oil, and unguents, -and carried away in return the manifold products of Egyptian industry -and Egyptian crafts. In the long result not only does their traditional -fear of foreigners pass away, but Asiatic fashions actually come into -vogue among cultured Egyptians. They coquet with foreign Canaanitish -phrases, and think it permissible to offer up prayer to Baal [Bel] -Astarte, and other gods of alien peoples. Asiatic singing-girls set -the lyre of their native land in place of the old Egyptian harp, and -many an intellectual possession may have migrated into Egypt with their -songs. - -It is far harder to gauge in detail the effect of Egyptian supremacy -on Asia and Europe. We can see from the discoveries made in these -countries what a quantity of small Egyptian wares in glass and -faience, silver and bronze, was exported during this period, and we -may further conclude that this was the time when the industrial art -of Syrio-Phœnicia acquired its Egyptianised style. Similarly we may -conjecture that it was then that our civilisation adopted all those -things which were undoubtedly invented or perfected on Egyptian soil, -and which we meet with even in the very oldest Greek and Etruscan -times--the forms of household furniture, of columns, statues, weapons, -seals, and many other things which still play their part in our daily -life, though we are all unconscious of their Egyptian origin. At that -period, when Egypt held the first place in Asia and Europe, a stream of -Egyptian influence must have flowed out upon the whole world--a stream -of which we still can guess the force only from these traces it has -left. - -As for the most precious lore that other nations might have learned -from the Egyptians, we have no information concerning it whatever; -though it is certain that their intellectual riches, their religion -and poetry, their medical and arithmetical skill, can have been no -less widely spread abroad than these productions of their technical -dexterity. If, for example, our religion tells us of an immortality of -the soul more excellent than the melancholy existence of the shades, -the conception is one first met with in ancient Egypt; and Egyptian, -likewise, is the idea that the fate of the dead is determined by -the life led upon earth. These conceptions come to us by way of the -Jewish religion. But may not the Jews have obtained them from Egypt, -the land that bore its dead so heedfully in mind? The silent paths -by which such thoughts pass from nation to nation are, it is true, -beyond all showing. Or, if much in the gnomic poetry of the Hebrews -reminds us strikingly of the abundant proverbial literature of Egypt, -the idea of seeking its origin in the Nile Valley is one that occurs -almost spontaneously. Here, too, of course, we have no proof to offer; -connections of the kind can be no more than guessed at. - -Thus the first part of the New Kingdom, or what we are in the habit -of calling the XVIIIth Dynasty, is one of those periods which are -pre-eminent as having advanced the progress of the world. To Egypt -herself this co-operation with other nations might have brought a new -and loftier development, had she been able really to assimilate the -influx of new ideas. But of this the old nation was no longer capable; -it had not vigour enough to shake off the ballast wherewith its -thousands of years of existence had laden it. - -About 1400 B.C. one of the Pharaohs--it was Amenhotep IV--did indeed -make a serious attempt to break with custom and tradition and adapt -the faith and thought of his people to the new conditions. He tried to -create a new religion, in which only one god should be worshipped--the -Sun, a divinity which could be equally adored by all peoples within his -kingdom. And it sounds strangely un-Egyptian when the hymns to this new -god insist that all men, Syrians, Ethiopians, and Egyptians, are alike -dear to him; he has made them to differ in colour and speech, and has -placed them in different lands, but he takes thought for all alike. - -But this attempt of the fourth Amenhotep came to naught, and the spirit -of ancient Egypt triumphed over the abominable heretic. And with this -triumph the fate of Egypt was sealed. True, in the next century, under -the Sethos and the Ramses she enjoyed a period of external splendour, -to which the great temples of Karnak, Luxor, and Medinet Habu still -testify. But it was an illusory glory. Egypt was outworn and exhausted; -she could no longer maintain her political ascendency, her might falls -to pitiable ruin while younger and more vigorous nations in anterior -Asia take the place that once was hers. And therewith begins the long -and mournful death struggle of the Egyptian nation. The chief authority -passes from the hands of the kings to those of the priests, from them -to the commanders of the Syrian mercenaries; and then Egypt falls a -prey to the Ethiopian barbarians, with whom the Assyrians next dispute -it. For five long centuries the wretched nation is whelmed beneath -these miseries, and yet, so far as we can see, they work no change in -it; it is, in truth, exhausted utterly. - -Once more, after the fall of the Assyrian empire, the political -situation changes in Egypt’s favour, and Psamthek I and his successors -won back wealth and power for her. But the aged nation had no longer -the skill to take wise advantage of propitious fortune; it had no -thoughts of its own, nor could it find fitting form for its new -splendour. The Egyptians rested content with imitating in whimsical -fashion, in all things, the Old Kingdom, the earliest period of their -national glory, and the contemporaries of Neku and Apries [Uah-ab-Ra] -took pleasure in feigning themselves the subjects of Cheops, in bearing -the titles of his court, and writing in a language and orthography -which had been in use two thousand years before. Learned antiquarianism -is the distinguishing feature of this latest Egyptian development. - -The end of the sixth century brought fresh calamities upon the land. -Cambyses conquered it, and it became a Persian province. And although, -after many a vain attempt at revolt, it shook off the foreign yoke for -awhile, about 400 B.C., yet in a few decades it again fell into the -hands of the Persians. Since those days Egypt has never had a ruler of -her own blood; she has been the hapless spoil of any who chose to take -her. - -Alexander the Great was the first to whom the country fell, and at his -death it became the heritage of his general, Ptolemy. In his family it -was handed down, to become at length a province of the Roman Empire -in the year 30 B.C. Throughout its length and breadth there is but -one spot that thrives during this period, the new port of Alexandria, -founded by the great king in the barren west of the Delta; this becomes -a metropolis of the Greek world, and its merchants and manufacturers -extend their trade by land and sea to every quarter. But this same -Alexandria was ever something of an alien in Egypt, and the rest of -the country took no part in the busy life that ran its round there; -it grew corn and flax and wine and supplied them to the Roman world, -it throve, but less for its own profit than that of the empire. Greek -culture made its way but slowly there, and even in the great cities -of the interior the Greek language and the Greek religion were never -strong enough to displace the native idiom and the old faith. They -influenced it by degrees, much as the European culture of to-day -influences the ancient civilisation of the far East, but even as the -Chinese remain Chinese in spite of railroads and the telegraph, so the -Egyptians of the Græco-Roman period clung tenaciously to their own -ways. They held fast all points of the national customs they only half -understood; above all, they held to their ancient faith. And yet by -that time the religion of Egypt was as degenerate and debased as it -could possibly be. As is apt to be the case with antiquated beliefs, -its mere singularities had flourished at the expense of its wholesome -side; cats, snakes, and crocodiles had now become the most sacred -of beings in the eyes of the vulgar, and every kind of superstition -was rampant. The depositaries of this religion were the members of a -stereotyped hierarchy that had long lost touch with the outer world; -they worshipped their gods according to the old tradition, used the -ample wealth of the temples to build them new shrines in the old style, -and enjoyed their fat benefices under the benevolent protection of the -foreign government. - -Thus the Egypt of this later day had long been empty of all vital -force; it continued to exist, but only because the aged nation had lost -the power of adapting itself to the new world. And yet this decrepit -Egyptian character, with its dead religion, cast a singular spell over -the sated spirit of the Roman world. The worship of Isis and Serapis -spread far and wide; everywhere Egyptian sorcerers found a willing -public for their superstitions. Roman tourists visited the ancient -land, gazed in amazement at its wonders, while at home the nobles built -themselves villas in the Egyptian style and adorned them with statues -from Memphis. Even the most highly educated looked upon Egypt as a holy -land, where everything was full of mystery and marvel, and piety and -the true worship of the gods had their dwelling place from of old. And -even after the fashionable predilection for things Egyptian had passed -away, this notion of the mysterious and sacred land of Egypt remained -fixed in men’s minds, and was handed on from generation to generation. -Whenever ancient Egypt is mentioned in later days it suggests ideas -of mystery, symbolism, and esoteric wisdom. And so anything to which -it is desired to lend an air of mystery claims derivation preferably -from Egypt, the secret lodges of the eighteenth century no less -than the spiritualists and quacks of our own day. Ancient Egypt has -acquired this reputation, and though, now that we know it better, we -perceive that it is but little in accordance with her true character, -all our researches will not be able to dispel the illusion of two -thousand years. In the future, as in the past, the feeling with which -the multitude regards the remains of Egyptian antiquity will be one -of awestruck reverence. Nevertheless, another feeling would be more -appropriate, a feeling of grateful acknowledgment and veneration, -such as one of a later generation might feel for the ancestor who had -founded his family and endowed it with a large part of its wealth. For -though we are seldom able to say with certainty of any one thing in our -possession that it is a legacy we have inherited from the Egyptians, -yet no one who seriously turns his attention to such subjects can now -doubt that a great part of our heritage comes from them. In all the -implements which are about us nowadays, in every art and craft which we -practise now, a large and important element has descended to us from -the Egyptians. And it is no less certain that we owe to them many ideas -and opinions of which we can no longer trace the origin, and which have -long come to seem to us the natural property of our own minds. - -This legacy of ideas, no less than of technical dexterity and artistic -form, which the Egyptians have bequeathed to us, constitutes the -service they have done to the human race. They cannot vie with the -Greeks in intellectual gifts, and they never possessed the force that -determines the course of history; but they were able to develop their -capabilities earlier than other nations, and thus secured for the world -the substantial groundwork of civilisation. - -Thirty centuries have passed since ancient Egypt accomplished this, her -real mission for the world; since then she has hardly done more than -till her soil in its service. Silently her existence has flowed on, -and all the catastrophes which have befallen her since Roman times have -not been able to stir her to fresh vigour. Christianity spread in Egypt -early, but the philosophic labours accomplished there in connection -with it are the work of the educated Hellenistic classes, not of the -Egyptians proper. What these last added to Christianity, the anchoretic -and monastic life, cannot be counted among its advantages. And when, in -the fifth century, the Egyptians broke away from the Catholic Church, -the barbarian element to which the nation succumbed thenceforward -finally triumphed. The tie that had bound the Egyptians to European -civilisation was severed, and the Arab conquest had only to set the -seal to this divorce. - -This same Arab conquest, which, in the course of centuries, went so -far as to rob the ancient nation of its ancient language, and imposed -a new faith upon the great majority of its inhabitants, was powerless -to inspire it with new life. Outwardly Egypt has become Arab, but the -Egyptians had but a very small share in the intellectual life of the -Arab Middle Ages, a share probably not much larger than that which they -had taken in Alexandrian culture. - -Once again, in our own days, the opportunity of rousing itself afresh -is offered to the Egyptian nation. It is once more linked with Europe, -and its prosperity has advanced with astounding rapidity. From all -sides new influences stream in upon the ancient people, and we would -fain indulge in the hope that now at length it might awake to new -life. But, unhappily, this hope has but little prospect of fulfilment, -and all things will but run again the course they ran long ago in -Græco-Roman days. The foreigner will prosper in Egypt and invest it -with a tinge of his own civilisation, the work of European civilisation -will inspire an Egyptian here and there with a profound sympathy. But -the nation itself will remain untouched, it will rise up no more, it -has lived itself out and its intellectual capabilities are exhausted. -In time to come, the Egyptian nation will probably do no more for the -human race than diligently provide it with cotton and onions, as it -does to-day. - - - - -EGYPTIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE - -A PRELIMINARY SURVEY COMPRISING A CURSORY VIEW OF THE SOURCES OF -EGYPTIAN HISTORY, THE SWEEP OF EVENTS, AND A TABLE OF CHRONOLOGY - - -Until somewhat recently it has been customary to think of Egyptian -history as constituting a single uniform period. Before our generation -it was quite impossible for any one to realise the extreme length of -time which this history involves; or if a certain few did realise it, -a consensus of opinion among the many forbade the acceptance of their -estimate. Now, however, limitations of time are no longer a bugbear to -the historian, and we are coming to realise the full import of the fact -that when one speaks of historic Egypt he is referring to an epoch at -least four thousand years in extent. Prior to the nineteenth century -discoveries, the historian had only the most meagre supply of material -dealing with any epoch prior to that age of the Trojan War which -marked the extreme limits of the historic view in Greece; but now we -understand that the men who built the Pyramids in Egypt were at least -as far removed from Homer as Homer is removed from us: and it is but -the expression of an historical platitude to say that a vast stretch of -Egyptian history must lie back of the Pyramids; for no one any longer -supposes that a people recently emerged from barbarism could have -created such structures. - -Throughout classical times very little was known of the history of -Egypt, except what was contained in the fragmentary remains of Manetho -and the more lengthy descriptions of Herodotus and Diodorus. There were -other references, of course, but for anything like a comprehensive -knowledge of the history of the country it would have been necessary to -understand the Egyptian language and decipher the hieroglyphics; and no -person throughout classical times had such understanding. - -There were practically no additions to the world’s knowledge of ancient -Egyptian history from classical times till about the beginning of -the nineteenth century. The stimulus to the new knowledge that was -then acquired came about chiefly through the Egyptian expedition of -Napoleon. The French expedition included various scientists who made a -concerted effort to study the antiquities, and to transport as many of -them as might be to Paris. In the latter regard the expedition failed, -as in some more important particulars, through the interference of the -British, with the result that some of the most important antiquities, -including the since famous Rosetta stone, found their way to the -British Museum. A large amount of material, however, was transported -to Paris, and gave occupation to the savants of France for about a -generation before the final publication of results in a monumental work. - -But before this publication, thanks to the efforts of Thomas Young -in England, and Champollion in France, the hieroglyphics had been -deciphered, and at last the almost inexhaustible word treasures of -Egypt were made available as witnesses for history. Very naturally, a -large number of explorers entered the field, and from that day till -this there has been no dearth of Egyptologists either in the field of -exploration or of interpretation. Prominent among these in the first -half of the century were the pupils of Champollion, the Italians, -Rossellini and Salvolini. But the most important work, perhaps, was -done by the German, Lepsius, who came to be recognised as the foremost -Egyptologist of his time, and whose _Denkmäler aus Aegypten und -Aethiopien_ is still one of the most monumental works on the subject. -In England, Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson took up the study of Egyptian life -in particular, and deduced from the inscriptions of the monuments and -from the pictures a comprehensive understanding of Egyptian manners -and customs. The various workers at the British Museum, beginning -with Birch and continuing with Renouf and with E. A. Wallis Budge, -have added an ever increasing complement to our knowledge of Egyptian -archæology. - -The country of Champollion has been ably represented in more recent -time by Mariette and Maspero; while in Germany, Dümichen, Meyer, and -Wiedemann have worked and written exhaustively, the former with special -reference to archæology, the two latter with reference to history. But -no one else perhaps has given quite such attention to the language of -old Egypt as Professor Adolf Erman. The field that Wilkinson occupied -earlier in the century has also been entered by Professor Erman, -and the most recent and authoritative studies of Egyptian manners -and customs are those that he has deduced from the papyri and the -monumental inscriptions. Wilkinson depended largely upon pictorial -representations for his information, but Erman has been able to go -beyond these to the subtler and sometimes more illuminative written -records. - -As to the early history of Egypt, no one else has made such exhaustive -studies as Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, whose publications cover -a wide range, from the most technical to the relatively popular. For -a strictly popular presentation of the subject, however, the works -of George Ebers, of Baron Bunsen, and of Amelia B. Edwards should be -consulted, together with the books of Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson and the -works of Professor Adolf Erman. - -A more comprehensive account of these writers and their labours, -together with reasonably complete bibliographies of the entire subject, -will be found at the close of the history of Egypt. The character of -the materials with which the Egyptologists have worked in creating a -new history of one of the oldest civilisations, will be revealed as we -proceed. - -The Egyptians of history are probably a fusion of an indigenous -white race of northeastern Africa and an intruding people of Asiatic -origin. In the Archaic period independent kings ruled in the Delta -region (Kings of the Red Crown) and in Upper Egypt (Kings of the White -Crown). Under King Menes the two crowns were probably first united, -and the Dynastic period begins. According to Egyptian traditions the -pre-dynastic ages were filled with dynasties of gods and demigods, -who were perhaps primeval chiefs or tribal leaders. Monuments of the -pre-dynastic period are earthenware vases, jars, sculptured ivory -objects, and flint implements. - -The dynasties which formed the foundation of all classifications of -Egyptian history are based upon the lists of the Egyptian priest -Manetho, who wrote a history of Egypt in the time of the Ptolemies. -The original work of Manetho has not come down to us, and it is quite -impossible to restore it _in extenso_ from the fragmentary excerpts -that are preserved. The writings of Josephus and of Eusebius are our -chief sources for Manetho’s lists, but Josephus copied the lists only -in part, and Eusebius seemingly knew them only at second or third -hand, when, it is suspected, they had been somewhat perverted in the -interests of Hebrew chronology. Nevertheless, the dynasties of Manetho -as we now know them probably do not very radically differ from the -original lists. Beyond question these are based upon authentic Egyptian -documents, but there is a good deal of confusion and much difference -of opinion among Egyptologists, as to whether some of the dynasties -were not contemporaneous; and for many periods the lists are only -provisional. - -It is notable, however, that the somewhat recent discoveries of -original Egyptian lists, such as the so-called Turin Papyrus and the -dynastic lists of Karnak and Abydos, tend to corroborate the lists of -Manetho, and show that he was an historian of very great merit. It is -convenient also to regard the grand divisions of Egyptian history noted -by Manetho, namely, the Old Memphis Kingdom, comprising the first ten -dynasties; the Middle Kingdom or Old Theban Kingdom, comprising the -XIth to the XVIIth Dynasties; and the New Theban Kingdom, comprising -the remaining dynasties.[1] - -As to the dates employed in the following chronology, a word of -explanation is necessary. Neither Manetho’s lists nor any other -available sources enable us at present to supply exact dates for the -earlier periods of Egyptian history with any precision. Authorities -differ as to the early period to the extent of more than three thousand -years. Thus Champollion gives the date 5867 B.C. for the beginning of -the Ist Dynasty, while Wilkinson supplies for the same event the date -2320 B.C. Later authorities are pretty fully agreed that such a date -as that of Wilkinson is much too recent. Meyer fixes upon 3180 B.C. as -the minimum date, and no doubt he would very willingly admit that the -probable date is much more remote. For our present purpose it has been -thought well to adopt an intermediate date, as in some sense striking -an average among divergent opinions. The dates of Brugsch, which agree -rather closely with those of Mariette and Petrie, have in the main been -followed here, with certain modifications made necessary by recent -discoveries, chiefly with reference to synchronism with known dates -of the Assyrian empire and other countries. It will be understood, -therefore, that all the earlier dates of this chronology are accepted -as merely approximative, the approximation becoming closer and closer -as we come down the centuries. At the middle of the XVIIIth Dynasty -the dates cannot be more than twenty years out of the way, while from -the XXIInd onward the probable error is very small indeed, vanishing -entirely with the accession of Psamthek I of the XXVIth Dynasty. - -[Illustration: THE TEMPLE AT KARNAK] - -For present purposes it is undesirable to give a complete list of the -names of Egyptian kings. Fuller details as to monarchs and events will -be given elsewhere in our text. But the purposes of our preliminary -view are better subserved by confining attention to the more important -Pharaohs, and to the principal events that give picturesqueness and -interest to Egyptian history. - -We take up now the synoptical view of the successive dynasties. Such -a survey will, it is believed, furnish the reader with the best -possible preparation for the full comprehension of the more detailed -presentation that is to follow. - - -THE OLD MEMPHIS KINGDOM - - -IST DYNASTY, 4400-4133 B.C. - - 4400 B.C. Accession of =Menes=. Ist Dynasty founded. Tradition ascribes - to him the foundation of Memphis, the capital of the Old Memphite - Kingdom, whither it was moved from This or Thinis; and states that - he was killed by a hippopotamus in a campaign against the Libyans. - - _Monument._--A tomb discovered by De Morgan (1897) is believed to - be that of King Menes, or of his wife Nit-hotep. - - 4366 =Teta.=--Second king, said to have written a work on anatomy. - - _Monument._--A papyrus bought in Thebes by Ebers refers to a - pomatum made for Teta’s mother, Shesh. - - 4266 =Hesepti= (=Semti=).--Fifth king. Several passages in the Book - of the Dead refer to him. King Senta of the IInd Dynasty owned a - medical work which once belonged to Semti. - - _Monument._--His tomb has been discovered by Amélineau at Abydos. - It contained among other things an ebony tablet representing the - king dancing before Osiris. (Now in the British Museum.) - - 4233 =Merbapen.=--Sixth king. - - _Monument._--Tomb at Abydos, discovered by Amélineau. - - 4200 =Semen-Ptah= (=Semsu=).--Seventh king. Manetho says: “In his - reign a terrible pestilence afflicted Egypt.” - - -IIND DYNASTY, 4133-3900 B.C. - - 4133 =Neter-b’au.=--First king. Manetho says: “During his reign a - chasm opened near Bubastis and many persons perished.” - - _Monument._--Tomb discovered by Amélineau in 1897 at Abydos. - - 4100 =Ka-ka-u.=--Second (?) king; establishes or expands the - worship of Apis; also of Mnevis and the Mendesian goat. - - 4066 =Ba-en-neter.=--Third (?) king; establishes the right of - female succession. - - -IIIRD DYNASTY, 3900-3766 B.C. - - 3900 =Neb-ka.=--First or third king. According to Manetho a revolt - of the Libyans in which they submitted “on account of an unexpected - increase in the moon,” took place in this reign. - - 3866 =Zeser= (=T´er-sa=).--Second or fourth king. Builder of the - Step Pyramid of Saqqarah. Dr. Budge says of this: “It is certainly - the oldest of all the large buildings which have successfully - resisted the action of wind and weather, and destruction by the - hand of man.” - - _Monuments._--The Step Pyramid; the Great Sphinx of Gizeh. - - Rapid development of civilisation during the first three dynasties. - - -IVTH DYNASTY, 3766-3566 B.C. - - 3766 =Sneferu.=--First king. He wars against the robber-like tribes - of the desert. He is said, on a monument of the XIIth Dynasty, to - have founded Egyptian dominion in the peninsula of Sinai, which - he conquered for its mineral wealth. - - _Monuments._--A number of carved stones, a bas-relief at Wady - Magharah showing him smiting an enemy. - - 3733 =Khufu= or =Cheops=.--Builder of the Great Pyramid, Khut--“The - Horizon.” - - 3666 =Khaf-Ra.=--Builder of the pyramid Ur,--“The Great.” - - 3633 =Men-kau-Ra.=--Builder of the pyramid Her,--“The Supreme.” He - enlarges it after it is built. He afterward builds another pyramid - at Abu Roash, and was probably buried there. - - A peaceful dynasty. Brilliant age of art and literature. - - -VTH DYNASTY, 3566-3300 B.C. - - 3566 A new house from Elephantine “of priestly character” founded - by =Us-kaf=. - - 3533 =Sahu-Ra.=--One of the most renowned rulers of the Old Memphis - Kingdom. Wars in Sinai. - - _Monument._--Pyramid Khaba, at Abusir. - - 3433 =Usen-en-Ra.=--First Pharaoh to adopt a second cartouche with - his private name, An. He holds the rule over the peninsula of Sinai. - - _Monuments._--The pyramid Menasu; a victory tablet at Wady - Magharah; two statues, etc. - - 3366 =Tat-ka-Ra= (=Assa=).--He continues to wage war with even - greater activity in the peninsula of Sinai. - - _Monuments._--The oldest papyri of authentic date belong to this - reign. They are: “The Papyrus of Accounts” found at Saqqarah and - the “Proverbs of Ptah-hotep.” - - Ptah-hotep was probably the uncle and tutor of the king, under - whose patronage the work was given to the world. - - 3333 Close of dynasty and first period of Egyptian history with - King =Unas=. - - _Monument._--Pyramid Nefer-asu, at Saqqarah. - - No great monuments in this dynasty. An age of decline. The art of - building shows a great falling off from that of the IVth Dynasty. - Methods are careless; decoration becomes formal, coarse, and flat. - - _Monument of Vth Dynasty._--The Palermo stele, containing, among - others, names of some of the pre-dynastic kings of Lower Egypt. - - -VITH DYNASTY, 3300-3000 B.C. - - 3300 A new line of vigorous Memphite kings founded by =Teta=. - - _Monument._--Pyramid Tat-asu at Saqqarah, one of the first and - worst despoiled by plunderers. - - 3233 =Pepi Ist.=--Most important ruler of this dynasty. He has - left more monuments than any other ruler before the XIIth - Dynasty. Great and successful wars against the Aamu and Herusha, - inhabiting the desert east of the Delta. War against the people - of Terebah, a country of doubtful location, probably in western - Asia. - - _Monuments._--The long inscription on the tomb of Una, Pepi’s - general, is our source of the history of this reign. Pyramid - Men-nefer, at Saqqarah; the red granite sphinx of Tanis; - statuettes, etc. - - 3066 Queen =Men-ka-Ra=.--The Nitocris of Herodotus. The early - part of this dynasty is characterised by foreign conquest and - exploration, but toward the end internal troubles have brought - the kingdom to a state of disorganisation. Architecture rapidly - declines. - - -VIITH, VIIITH, IXTH, AND XTH DYNASTIES, 3000-2700 B.C. - - 3000-2700 A long era of confusion. Rapid decay of the Memphite - power in the VIIth and VIIIth Dynasties, while that of Thebes - is rising. The Delta invaded and occupied by Syrian tribes, - which drive the capital from Memphis south to Heracleopolis. - A great wall is built across the Isthmus of Suez to keep the - invaders out. Dynasties IX and X at Heracleopolis in constant - conflict with the Theban princes, in which the latter gradually - attain their independence and establish the XIth (First Theban) - Dynasty. For about a century the Xth and XIth Dynasties probably - reign contemporaneously. - - _Monuments._--Mainly scarabs. - - -THE OLD THEBAN (MIDDLE) KINGDOM - - -XITH DYNASTY, 2700-2466 B.C. - - 2700 Beginning of the Old Theban (Middle) Kingdom. =Antef I= (?), - first of nine (?) kings. They are all buried at the foot of the - Western Mountain of the Theban Necropolis. - - _Monument._--The coarsely carved coffin of Antef I, rudely - painted in red, blue, and yellow. (Now in the Louvre.) - - 2600 =Mentuhotep II= (=Neb-taui-Ra=). - - _Monuments._--A tablet at Konosso relating his conquest of - thirteen tribes; inscriptions in the quarries of Hammamat. - - 2550 =Metuhotep III.=--The greatest king of the dynasty, judging - from the number of his monuments. A patron of art. His worship - continues till a late day. - - _Monuments._--Pyramid Khut-asu, at Thebes; sandstone tablet at - Silsilis; tablets at Assuan; a temple at Thebes. - - 2500 =Sankh-ka-Ra.=--Last king of dynasty. The first voyage to Punt - and Ophir under the leadership of Hannu takes place in his reign. - - _Monuments._--Inscriptions at Hammamat recording the voyage to - Punt; a statue found at Saqqarah. - - -XIITH DYNASTY, 2466-2250 B.C. - - 2466 The power of Thebes is now firmly established, and the country - enters upon a period of greatness with =Amenemhat I=, the first - king, who shows remarkable vigour. Expedition against the - Libyans, Herusha, Mazau, and Sati (Asiatics). - - _Monuments._--The great temple of Amen at Thebes; statues; - inscriptions; the papyrus containing the famous “Instructions to - his Son”; and the memoirs of Sineh (Sinehat or Sinhue). - - 2446 =Usertsen I.=--Took charge of foreign campaigns in his - father’s reign. Asserts his power in the Sinaitic peninsula. - Warlike expedition to Nubia as related on the Tomb of Ameni. - Enlarges temple at Karnak. Order re-established in the land. - - _Monuments._--Obelisk of Heliopolis; a portrait bust and - statues; the tomb of Ameni. - - 2400 =Amenemhat II.=--Works the mines of Sarbut-el-Khadem. Manetho - says he was slain by his chamberlains. - - 2370 =Usertsen II.= - - _Monuments._--A curious and unusual temple at Illahun; a bust of - Queen Nefert; the tomb of Khnum-hotep with historical records. - - 2340 =Usertsen III.=--A famous name. The conqueror of Ethiopia - after many campaigns. He makes the conquest secure by fixing - the frontier of Egypt above the Second Cataract and building - the fortresses of Semneh and Kummeh. Afterward revered as the - founder of Ethiopia. - - _Monuments._--A papyrus containing a long hymn to the king; - statues; pyramid at Dahshur; tomb of Princess Set-hathor, which - contained some remarkable jewellery. - - 2305 =Amenemhat III.=--Constructs Lake Mœris as a storage reservoir - for the Nile overflow. Also the Labyrinth palace. These are his - _monuments_. - - 2265 =Amenemhat IV.=--The dynasty begins to decline. - - 2255 Queen =Sebek-neferu-Ra=, sister of Amenemhat IV. - - The XIIth Dynasty a great age for art and literature. Immense - activity in building. The literary style is the model for future - ages. Valuable historic records on the tombs. - - -THE XIIITH, XIVTH, XVTH, XVITH, AND XVIITH DYNASTIES, 2250-1635 B.C. - - 2250-1635 A period the length of which is unknown, and which has - been variously estimated at from four hundred to nearly a - thousand years. (See Chapter III, pages 120, 121.) The XIIIth - Dynasty reigns at Thebes, and =Sebekhotep I= is its first king. - Before its close the Hyksos invaders have gained rapidly in - power, and the new dynasty (XIVth) is driven to Xoïs in the - western Delta. The Hyksos establish their rule, and the later - kings of the XIVth are probably provincial governors with a - short tenure of office, retained by the Hyksos for purposes - of internal government. The XVth Dynasty is that of the great - Hyksos kings, =Salatis=, =Bnon=, =Apachnan=, =Aphobis=, =Annas=, - =Asseth=, and marks the climax of their power. Their principal - towns are Ha-Uar (Avaris), Pelusium, and Tanis. They adopt the - customs, language, and writings of the Egyptians. Their chief - god is Sutekh, “the Great Set,” to whom they build a great - temple at Tanis. The XVth Dynasty is in part contemporaneous - with the XIVth and XVIth Egyptian; in the latter the provincial - governors gradually have their tenure of power lengthened. The - XVIIth is of both Hyksos and Egyptians, in which the former - begin to lose their power. - - _Monuments._--Many statues, inscriptions, implements of war, etc. - - 1800 A new house from the south gradually regains Egypt from the - Hyksos. Its principal kings are named =Seqenen Ra=. =Seqenen Ra - III= marries Aah-hotep, a princess of pure Egyptian blood. By - the time her son by a former marriage, Aahmes I, comes to the - throne, the Hyksos have been driven and confined to the district - around Avaris, where they prepare to make a final stand. - - 1730 Descent of the Hebrews into Egypt. - - -THE NEW THEBAN KINGDOM - -XVIIITH DYNASTY, 1635-1365 B.C. - - 1635 =Aahmes I.=--Founds the New Theban Kingdom. Defeats and drives - the Hyksos from Avaris; pursues them into Asia. Campaign - against Nubia, whose people again need repelling. Rebuilds - temples in the principal cities. Thebes embellished. Marries - Nefert-ari. - - _Monuments._--Coffins and mummies of the king and queen; - statues; jewellery from coffin of Aah-hotep. - - 1610 =Amenhotep I.=--Campaign against Cush and Libya. Historical - records on the tomb of Admiral Aahmes. - - _Monuments._--His coffin and mummy; temple at Thebes; statues. - - 1590 =Tehutimes I.=--Penetrates into Asia as far as the Euphrates. - Campaign in Libya. - - _Monuments._--Coffin and mummy; obelisks, pylons, and pillars at - Karnak; many statues, etc.; tomb of Admiral Aahmes. - - 1565 =Tehutimes II.= - - _Monuments._--Coffin and mummy; part of temples of - Deir-el-Bahari and Medinet Habu; statues. - - 1552 Queen =Hatshepsu=, a reign of peaceful enterprise. Mining - industries developed, also potteries and glass works. Sends - expedition of discovery to Punt. - - _Monuments._--The Great Temple of Deir-el-Bahari; statues; - a sculptured account of the voyage to Punt; furniture; a - draughtboard and draughtmen, etc. - - 1530 =Tehutimes III.=--Begins his independent reign. The Great - Conqueror of Egyptian history. Southern Syria had rebelled some - time before and, 1529, he begins operations at Zaru. Second year - of independent reign, battle of Megiddo in campaign against the - Ruthennu. In the following years campaigns in Syria, fifteen in - all; cities reduced and the Kharu, Zahi, Ruthennu, Kheta and - Naharaina made tributary. Great activity in temple building. - The influence of Syrian culture now begins to be felt in Egypt. - Art and manners lose their distinctive characteristics, and a - decline sets in. - - _Monuments._--Coffin and mummy; obelisks; part of temple at - Karnak, etc.; numerous statues and relics of all kinds, and very - full annals. - - 1500 =Amenhotep II.=--Campaign in Asia to check revolt among his - vassals. - - _Monuments._--Portrait statues; obelisks and columns at Karnak. - - 1470 =Tehutimes IV.=--Continues work of keeping together the empire - of Tehutimes III. Marries a Mitannian princess. - - _Monuments._--Statues, scarabs, fine private tombs. - - 1455 =Amenhotep III.=--With the exception of one campaign in - fifth year in Egypt, rests secure in his supremacy abroad. - Trade and art are developed at home. Close relations between - Egypt and Syria. Marries Thi, perhaps of Syrian origin (mother - of Amenhotep IV), also Gilukhipa (or Kirgipa), daughter of the - king of Mitanni (Naharain). He becomes the ally of the king of - Mitanni. He also seems to have married a daughter of the king of - Kardunyash (Babylon). - - _Monuments._--Very numerous. The Avenue of Sphinxes between - Karnak and Luxor; temple of Mentu at Karnak; great temple of - Luxor; the famous colossi of the Nile; tomb of Amenhotep the - architect and administrator, etc. - - 1420 =Amenhotep IV= (=Khun-aten=).--Early in this reign the king - and court renounce the national religion, and substitute a - strictly monotheistic worship of Aten, the sun’s disk,--a - conception that tallies marvellously with modern knowledge of - the sun as a source of power and energy. The whole movement - shows an intellectual stride of tremendous proportions. In the - hymns of the new sun-god we seem to have the first trace of - the idea of the brotherhood of man. War is no longer glorified. - The king changes his name to Khun-aten (“Splendour of the Sun’s - disk”), and builds a new capital. - - _Monuments._--Palace and tomb at Tel-el-Amarna; temple of Aten; - statues, including one perfect statuette now in the Louvre; the - great hymn to Aten. To this and the former reign belongs the - correspondence in the Babylonian language and the cuneiform - character. These tablets were discovered at Tel-el-Amarna, - whither Amenhotep IV carried them from Thebes. They deal - principally with the relations of the kings of Egypt with - those of Babylonia and Assyria, concerning the marriages of - Mesopotamian princesses, etc.; troubles and loss of power in - northern Syria and Palestine. - - 1400 =Saa-nekht.= - - 1390 =Tut-ankh-Amen.= - - 1380 =Ai.= - - 1368 =Hor-em-heb.=--Suppresses the solar religion; reconquers - Ethiopia. - - _Monuments._--His private tomb; numerous steles, etc. - - The XVIIIth Dynasty is a period in which the progress of the - world pre-eminently advanced. - - -XIXTH DYNASTY, 1365-1235 B.C. - - 1365 =Ramses I.=--The power of the Kheta begins to make itself felt. - - 1355 =Seti I.=--Wars with the Shasu, Kharu, and Kheta. Capture of - Kadesh and defeat of the Kheta. Wars with the Libyans. Patron of - art. - - _Monuments._--Hall of Columns at Karnak; temple of Osiris at - Abydos; the Memnonum at Gurnah; the Tablet of Abydos. - - 1345 =Ramses II=, the Great.--The Pharaoh of the Oppression. A - noted builder. Fierce war with the Kheta and their allies - breaks out (year V). Battle of Kadesh. Continual warfare and - victories in the land of Canaan. Treaty of peace with the Kheta. - Subjugates small tribes of Ethiopia and Libya. Semitic influence - is felt in the customs and language. - - _Monuments._--Northern court of temple of Ptah at Memphis. - New temples at Abydos and Memphis. Temples and statues at - Abu Simbel--on the knee of one of the statues, some Greek - mercenaries of Psamthek I cut an inscription in archaic Greek. - It is the most ancient piece of non-Semitic alphabetical writing - extant. The Ramesseum; the poem of Pentaur; treaty with the - Kheta, etc.; the Tablet of Saqqarah. - - 1285 =Meneptah.=--The Libyans and their allies invade Egypt and are - repulsed. Battle of Proposis (year V). The Pharaoh of the Exodus - (_circa_ 1270). To this king belonged the papyrus containing the - “Tale of the Two Brothers.” - - 1250 =Seti II.=--A troubled reign at Pa-Ramessu, worried by a - claimant to the throne, =Amenmes=, who reigned as rival king, - probably at Thebes. - - _Monuments._--Fine sepulchre and a small temple. - - -XXTH DYNASTY, 1235-1075 B.C. - - 1235 =Set-nekht.=--Succeeds his father Seti II. Siptah-Meneptah - succeeds his father Amenmes, as rival king. The kingdom is now - practically in a state of anarchy. The power rests chiefly with - the nomarchs, and one of them, Arisu, a Phœnician, becomes - their leader and seizes the throne. Set-nekht drives him out and - restores the monarchy. - - 1225 =Ramses III= (sometimes reckoned as the founder of the XXth - Dynasty).--Succeeds to a united Egypt but a disorganised empire. - The provinces have ceased to pay tribute. The king begins a - reconquest of foreign territory. Defeats Libyans in the west - (year V) and the great confederation of tribes in the east (year - VIII). A land and sea war. Great naval battle near Pelusium. - Second campaign against Libyans (year XI). Eastern provinces and - tributary states recovered. The harem conspiracy. Later years - peaceful. Mining and trade encouraged. The last of the great - kings of Egypt. - - _Monuments._--The Turin and Harris papyri; effigies of conquered - kings; temples, etc.; the account of the harem conspiracy. - - 1195-1075 The successors of Ramses III have short reigns. There - were some military expeditions but no great wars. The kingdom - is maintained, but the power of the high priests comes more - and more into prominence, until in the reign of =Ramses IX= it - begins to exceed that of the Pharaohs. The structure of the - kingdom begins rapidly to decay. =Ramses XIII=, last king of - dynasty. - - -XXIST DYNASTY, 1075-945 B.C. - - 1075 =Her-Hor.=--High priest of Amen of Thebes, attains to royal - power. The Ramessides are banished. - - A new house arises at Tanis. Its chief, Se-Amen, soon overthrows - the dominion of the high priests, and Her-Hor’s son (=Piankhi=) - and grandson (=Painet´em I=) have uncontrolled power as high - priests only in the neighbourhood of Thebes. The land is - governed simultaneously by the Tanites and the high priests. - The Ramessides attempt to regain the throne in the Thebaid. - The Tanites crush this rebellion, and Men-kheper-Ra, one of - the family, is made high priest at Thebes. Solomon marries the - daughter of the Tanite king, probably =Pasebkhanu II=. The - army has since the time of Seti I been composed chiefly of - Libyan mercenaries, out of which a separate class has now been - developed. The chief authority gradually passes from the Tanites - and high priests to the commanders of these mercenaries, and one - of them, Shashanq of Bubastis, by some means gains the crown of - Egypt. The high priests and their adherents retire to Ethiopia - and found a new kingdom whose capital is at Napata. - - -XXIIND DYNASTY, 945-750 B.C. - - 945 =Shashanq I.=--Rules at Bubastis. The high-priesthood of Amen - is given to princes of the reigning family. - - _Monuments._--The hall of the Bubastites at Karnak; inscriptions, - etc. - - 925 Shashanq invades Judah, captures and sacks Jerusalem. - - 920-750 Under Shashanq’s successors, the high places in the - government and army are filled with members of the royal family, - who found princedoms for themselves, and the Pharaoh becomes - a nominal ruler. Egypt is a land of petty kings, into which - condition of affairs the kings of Ethiopia (Napata) now intrude. - - -XXIIIRD AND XXIVTH DYNASTIES, 750-728 B.C. - - 800 In the reign of =Shashanq III=, Thebes falls into the hands - of the Ethiopians. Their conquests gradually extend to Hermopolis - under their king, =Piankhi=. At the same time Tefnekht, Prince - of Saïs, subjects the western Delta and Memphis, comes in contact - with Piankhi, but ends by giving the Ethiopian his allegiance. - Piankhi’s power over Egypt not complete, for the XXIIIrd Dynasty - of three kings (=Uasarken III= among them) seems to have ruled - in the Delta, probably at Bubastis, and is succeeded by the - XXIVth Dynasty, composed of Tefnekht’s son, =Bakenranf=, who is - conquered by Piankhi’s grandson, Shabak. - - _Monuments._--The memorial stele of Piankhi, with account of his - reign. - - -XXVTH DYNASTY, 728-655 B.C. - - 728 =Shabak.=--Ethiopian rule over Egypt complete. He puts his - sister Ameniritis and her husband to rule over Egypt. A uniform - and strict dominion is not practised; the local princes still - retain their power. Shabak advises Hoshea of Israel to withhold - tribute from Shalmaneser IV. First connection of Egypt with the - Sargonides. - - 717 =Shabatak.= - - 704 =Tirhaqa.=--Joins Syrian coalition against the Assyrians. - - 701 The Assyrian king, Sennacherib, invades Palestine. Tirhaqa - hastens to Hezekiah’s assistance. Sennacherib compelled by - pestilence to retire. 673, The Assyrian monarch, Esarhaddon, - marches as far as the Egyptian frontier, but withdraws. 670, - Esarhaddon appears again, and captures and destroys Memphis. - Tirhaqa flees to Nubia. The whole country surrenders to - Esarhaddon, who reorganises the government with a native prince - over each nome. Neku of Saïs is the chief one. 668, Esarhaddon - abdicates. Tirhaqa attempts to win back the country; retakes - Memphis. 667, Asshurbanapal sends an army and defeats Egyptians. - Conspiracy of several Egyptian princes to restore Tirhaqa. They - are taken and punished. 664, Tirhaqa dies; =Tanut-Amen=, his - stepson (son of Shabak), succeeds. Is beaten by Assyrians at - Kipkip. Thebes is sacked. End of Ethiopian rule. - - 664-655 The country is ruled by petty princes. In the Delta there - are twelve of these who form the Dodecarchy. Psamthek of Saïs - becomes the leader. He throws off the Assyrian yoke with the help - of Carian and Ionian mercenaries, and declares himself Pharaoh. - - -XXVITH DYNASTY, 655-527 B.C. - - 655 (Sometimes dated from 666-4)--=Psamthek I= makes his rule - legitimate by marrying an Ethiopian princess, Shepenapet. - Invasion of Syria. Capture of Ashdod after a long siege. - Commercial treaties with the Greeks. Two hundred thousand of his - Egyptian and Libyan soldiers desert to Ethiopia through jealousy - of the mercenaries. He restores Thebes. - - 610 =Neku II.=--Endeavours to reconstruct the canal between Nile - and Red Sea, attempted by Seti I. and Ramses II. By his orders - Phœnician navigators circumnavigate Africa. Attempts to recover - Egypt’s rule in the east, and marches into Syria. 608, Encounters - Josiah at Megiddo. The king of Israel is slain in the battle. - Neku marches toward the Euphrates. 605, Defeat of Neku by - Nebuchadrezzar at Carchemish. End of Egyptian rule in Egypt. - - 594 =Psamthek II.=--Makes an expedition against the king of - Ethiopia. - - 589 =Uah-ab-Ra.=--Allies himself with Zedekiah and king of Phœnicia - against Nebuchadrezzar, who afterward invades Egypt. The - coalition is unsuccessful, but his fleet helps Tyre to hold out - for thirteen years. Goes to war with the Greeks of Cyrene, and - is defeated. His troops fear he will destroy and replace them by - mercenaries; they revolt and choose Aahmes, an officer, to be - king. - - 570 =Aahmes II.=--Defeats Uah-ab-Ra and strangles him; marries - the daughter of Psamthek II, to legitimise his pretensions. He - encourages commercial relations with Greeks. Allies himself with - Crœsus against Cyrus of Persia. Cambyses attacks Egypt on death - of Cyrus. - - 526 =Psamthek III.=--In his second year he was defeated by Cambyses - at Pelusium and Memphis. Egypt a Persian province, 525-405 B.C. - - -XXVIITH DYNASTY, 525-405 B.C. - - 525 The Persian Cambyses tolerates the religion, maintains temples, - and does all he can to conciliate the people. Leaves Egypt in - charge of the first satrap Aryandes. Cambyses, in his rage, after - an unsuccessful expedition against Napata, orders destruction of - temples, etc. - - 521 Darius I.--Works hard to conciliate the people. - - 488 Egyptians revolt and expel Persians. Set up a native ruler, - =Khabbosh=, who holds out for three years. - - 485 The Persian Xerxes I.--Reconquers Egypt and appoints Achæmenes, - his brother, governor. - - 464 Artaxerxes I. - - 460 Inarus, King of Libya, aids Egyptians to rise against Persia. - Battle of Papramis. Memphis captured, but Persians regain - supremacy. - - 424 Xerxes II. Darius II. Continued endeavours of Egyptians to - throw off Persian yoke. - - -XXVIIITH DYNASTY, 405-399 B.C. - - 405 =Amen-Rut.=--A native prince in revolt against Persia, on death - of Darius II becomes practically independent. At his death the - government passes to the prince of Mendes. - - -XXIXTH DYNASTY, 399-378 B.C. - - 399 =Nia-faa-urut I.= 393 =Haker.= 380 =Psa-mut.=--Ally themselves - with enemies of Persia. - - 379 =Nia-faa-urut II.= - - -XXXTH DYNASTY, 378-340 B.C. - - 378 =Nectanebo I.=--Defeats Persians and Greeks at Mendes. This - victory secures peace for some years. Revival of art. - - 364 =Tachus.=--Wars with Persia. - - 361 =Nectanebo II.=--The Persians again invade Egypt, at first - unsuccessfully. - - -XXXIST DYNASTY, 340-332 B.C. - - 340 Ochus (Artaxerxes III).--Defeats Nectanebo at Pelusium. - Nectanebo flees to Napata. Ochus proves a cruel governor. - - 332 Alexander the Great appears at Pelusium. The Persians surrender - without a struggle. Beginning of Greek dominion. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[1] [For a full discussion of Egyptian chronology, see Appendix B.] - - - - -CHAPTER I. THE EGYPTIAN RACE AND ITS ORIGIN - - Egypt is a long Contree; but it is streyt, that is to seye narrow; - for thei may not enlargen it toward the Desert, for defaute of - Watre. And the Contree is sett along upon the Ryvere of Nyle; be - als much as that Ryvere may serve be Flodes or otherwise that - whanne it flowethe it may spreden abrood thorghe the Contree; so is - the Contree large of Lengthe. For there it reyneth not but litylle - in the Contree; and for that Cause, they have no Watre, but zif - it be of that Flood of that Ryvere. And for als moche as it ne - reyeneth not in that Contree, but the Eyr is alwey pure and clear, - therefor in that Contree ben the gode Astronomyeres; for thei fynde - there no Cloudes to letten hem.--_The voyage and travile of Sir - John Maundeville, Kt._ - - -Two theories as to the origin of the Egyptians have been prominent, -the one supposing that they came originally from Asia, the other that -their racial cradle lay in the upper regions of the Nile, particularly -in Ethiopia. Even to-day there is no agreement among Egyptologists as -to which of these theories is correct. Among the earlier students of -the subject, Heeren was prominent in pointing out an alleged analogy -between the form of skull of the Egyptian and that of the Indian races. -He believed in the Indian origin of the Egyptians. - -One of the most recent authorities, Professor Flinders Petrie, inclines -to the opinion that the Egyptians were of common origin with the -Phœnicians, and that they came into the Nile region from the land -of Punt, across the Red Sea. Professor Maspero, on the other hand, -inclines to the belief in the African origin of the race; and the -latest important anthropological theory, as propounded by Professor -Sergi, contends for the Ethiopic origin of the entire Mediterranean -race, of which the Egyptians are a part. According to this theory, a -race whose primitive seat of residence was in the upper regions of the -Nile spread gradually to the north, finally invading Asia by way of -the Isthmus of Suez, and crossing to the peninsulas of southern Europe -by way of Crete and Cyprus and Sicily, and perhaps also, after a long -journey to the west along the Mediterranean coast of Africa, by way of -the Straits of Gibraltar. - -The true scientific status of the matter amounts merely to a confession -of almost entire ignorance. The theory of Sergi, just referred to, -finds a certain support in the data of cranial measurements, but it -would be going much beyond warrantable conclusions to affirm anything -like certainty for the inferences drawn from all the observations -as yet available. The historian is obliged, therefore, to fall back -upon the simple fact that for a good many thousands of years before -the Christian era, a race of people of unknown origin inhabited the -Nile Valley, and had attained a very high state of civilisation. -Whatever the origin of this people, and however diversified the racial -elements of which it was composed, the climatic conditions of Egypt -had long since imposed upon the entire population an influence that -welded all the diverse elements into a single racial mould, so that, -as Professor Maspero points out, at the very dawn of Egyptian history -the inhabitants of the entire land of Egypt constituted a single race, -speaking one language and showing very little diversity of culture. - -[Illustration: MUMMY OF THE PRE-DYNASTIC PERIOD DISCOVERED RECENTLY IN -EGYPT - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -It is one of the standing surprises for the student of antiquity that -the most massive structures ever built by man should be found in Egypt, -dating from a period so remote as to be almost prehistoric. One finds -it hard to avoid the feeling that there was a race sprung suddenly to a -very high plane of civilisation, as if by a sheer leap from barbarism; -but, of course, no modern student of the subject considers the matter -in this light. It is uniformly accepted that a vast period of time lies -back of the Pyramids, in which the Egyptians were slowly working their -way upward. Professor Maspero estimates that for at least eight or ten -thousand years the people had inhabited this land, all along developing -their peculiar civilisation. Of course such an estimate makes no claim -to historical accuracy; it is only a general conclusion based upon what -seems a reasonable rate of progress. - -The recent explorations in Egypt have endeavoured to penetrate the -mysteries of what has hitherto been the prehistoric period, and these -efforts have met with a certain measure of success. In the Fayum, -Professor Petrie has made excavations that revealed the remains of -a much earlier period than that of the first dynasties hitherto -recognised. Among other interesting relics, sarcophagi were found -containing mummified bodies in a marvellous state of preservation. One -of these now exhibited at the British Museum in London shows the body -of a man of full proportions lying on his side with knees folded up -against his body. Unlike the mummies of the later Egyptian period, this -ancient effigy has no wrappings of any kind, but so remarkable are the -results of the processes of embalming to which it has been subjected, -that the form of the various members, and the features even, have been -preserved with marvellously little shrinkage or distortion. The skin is -indeed dry and dark, yet its resemblance to the skin of a living person -of a dark-hued race is so striking that one can hardly realise, in -looking at it, that the corpse before him is the body of a person who -lived perhaps eight or ten thousand years ago. - -As to other remains found by the later explorations, among the most -interesting and suggestive are flint implements chipped in the manner -characteristic of the Palæolithic or rough stone age. We are guarded, -however, against drawing too sweeping inferences from these antiquities -by Professor Petrie’s assurance that the Egyptians continued to use -such chipped flint implements throughout the period from the IVth -to the Xth Dynasty. It has been doubted whether any of these stone -implements can be regarded as of strictly prehistoric origin, or -whether, indeed, any of the antiquities discovered in Egypt evidence an -uncivilised stage of racial history. The latest opinion, however, is -that the makers of the pottery and flint implements were the aborigines -of the country, who were displaced by the invasion of the Egyptians of -history. - -The most important excavations of the last eight or ten years, carried -on by Amélineau, Petrie, and De Morgan have had for their object the -collection of remains of this pre-dynastic era. - -We are not likely to hear more of the contention that the archaic -objects found at Naqada and other places were the work of a “New Race” -of invaders that had intruded somewhere in those dark ages between the -VIth and XIth Dynasties, for this long and bitter controversy is now -replaced by a state of complete agreement among the authorities that -the people who could lay claim to the pottery and flint objects were -the aborigines, living in Egypt when the Egyptians of history invaded -the country. - -In their possession of the country these aborigines were ousted by the -race which gradually loomed upon the historic horizon and to whom it -has long been the custom to assign Menes as the first king, treating -the preceding periods as the time of the gods and demigods, to whose -rule tradition assigns an epoch which varies from 1000 to nearly 40,000 -years. But the indications are that within a few years there will be -much light thrown on the period preceding King Menes. Just why this -king should have been placed at the head of the Ist Dynasty now seems -quite clear. He was the first “Lord of the Two Lands”--the united Upper -and Lower Egypt. - -It must be recognised by any one who would gain a clear idea of -national existence, that the character of a race is enormously -influenced by the physical and climatic features of its environment. -There have been differences of opinion among students of the subject as -to the amount of change that may be effected by altered surroundings. -But whoever considers the matter in the light of modern ideas, can -hardly be much in doubt as to the answer to any question thus raised. - -If it be admitted that all the races of mankind sprang originally -from a single source,--an hypothesis upon which students of the most -diverse habits of thought are agreed,--then in the last analysis it -would appear that we must look to such environing conditions as soil -and climate for the causes of all the differences that are observed -among the different races of the earth to-day. The man inhabiting -equatorial regions has a dark skin and certain well-marked traits of -character, simply because his ancestors for almost endless generations -have been subjected to the influences of a tropical climate; and the -light-skinned inhabitant of northern Europe owes his antagonistic -characteristics to the widely different climatic conditions of high -latitudes. And what is true of these extreme instances, is no less true -of all intermediate races. - -In a word, then, the Egyptian would not have been the individual that -we know, had he not lived in the valley of the Nile. The Mesopotamian -required the environment of the Tigris and Euphrates to develop his -typical characteristics, and similarly with the Greek and Roman, and -with the members of every other race. - -But, in accepting this view, one must not be blinded to the fact -that the changes wrought by environment in the character of a race, -are of necessity extremely slow. The peculiar traits that give -racial distinction to any company of people have not been attained -except through many generations of slow alteration; and such is the -conservative power of heredity that the characteristics thus slowly -stamped upon a race are well-nigh indelible. How pertinacious is their -hold is best illustrated in the case of the modern Jews, who retain -their racial identity though scattered in all regions of the globe. -With this illustration in mind, it cannot be matter for surprise that -any race that remains in the same environment, and as a rule does -not mingle with other races, shall have retained the same essential -characteristics throughout the historic period. That such is really the -historic fact regarding any particular race of antiquity, might not at -first sight be obvious. It might seem, for example, that the modern -Egyptian, who plays so insignificant a part in the world-history of -the nineteenth century, must be a very different person indeed from -his ancient progenitor, who maintained for many centuries the dominant -civilisation of the world. - -But it must not be forgotten that national standards are relative; in -other words, that the status of a people depends, not alone upon the -plane of civilisation of that people itself, but quite as much upon the -relative plane of civilisation of its neighbours. When the Egyptians -sank from power, it was not so much that they lost their inherent -capacity for progress, as that other nations outstripped them in the -race, and came presently to dominate and subjugate them, and thus to -stamp out their ambition. In support of this view, note the fact that -the Egyptians again and again, at intervals of many centuries, were -able to rouse themselves from a lethargy imposed by their conquerors, -and to regain for a time their old position of supremacy. But the -best tangible illustration of the fixity of the character of a race -is furnished by the modern historians, who have at the same time most -profoundly studied the ancient conditions as recorded on the monuments, -and, while doing so, have been brought in contact with the present -inhabitants of the Nile Valley. - -No other scholars of the present generation have made more profound -investigations than Professor Petrie and Professor Erman, both of whom -have been led to comment on the extraordinary similarity of manner and -custom and inherent characteristics between the ancient and the modern -Egyptians. Here is Professor Erman’s[g] verdict: - -“The people who inhabited ancient Egypt still survive in their -descendants, the modern Egyptians. The vicissitudes of history have -changed both language and religion, but invasions and conquests have -not been able to alter the features of this ancient people. The -hundreds and thousands of Greeks and Arabs who have settled in the -country seem to have been absorbed into it; they have modified the -race in the great towns, where their numbers were considerable, but in -the open country they scarcely produced any effect. The modern fellah -resembles his forefather of four thousand years ago, except that -he speaks Arabic, and has become a Mohammedan. In a modern Egyptian -village, figures meet one that might have walked out of the pictures -in an ancient Egyptian tomb. We must not deny that this resemblance is -partly due to another reason besides the continuance of the old race. -Each country and condition of life stamps the inhabitants with certain -characteristics. The nomad of the desert has the same features, whether -he wanders through the Sahara or the interior of Arabia; and the Copt, -who has maintained his religion through centuries of oppression, -might be mistaken at first sight for a Polish Jew, who has suffered -in the same way. The Egyptian soil, therefore, with its ever constant -conditions of life, has always stamped the population of the Nile -Valley with the same seal. - -“As a nation the Egyptians appear to have been intelligent, practical, -and very energetic, but lacking poetical imagination; this is exactly -what we should expect from peasants living in this country of toilsome -agriculture. ‘In his youth the Egyptian peasant is wonderfully docile, -sensible, and active; in his riper years, owing to want and care, and -the continual work of drawing water, he loses the cheerfulness and -elasticity of mind which made him appear so amiable and promising.’ -This picture of a race, cheerful by nature, but losing the happy -temperament and becoming selfish and hardened, represents also the -ancient people.” - -But, however freely it may be admitted that soil and climate put their -seal upon a race, opinions will always differ as to just how the racial -characteristics are to be interpreted. In the case of all Oriental -nations the European mind has found such interpretation peculiarly -difficult. The Egyptians are no exception to this rule, as we shall -see.[a] - - -THE COUNTRY AND ITS INHABITANTS - -The whole of North Africa is covered by a great desert, bordered only -on the northwest by a considerable arable district, which at present -forms the states of Morocco, Algiers, and Tunis. Except for this, if -we set aside a single strip of coast land in the country between the -two Syrtes (Tripolis, Leptis) and in Cyrenaica (Bengari), this whole -territory is totally destitute of all higher civilisation. It forms -the natural frontier of the Mediterranean world, beyond which not -even ancient civilisation ever penetrated. The interior of Africa was -practically unknown to the Greek and Roman world. - -The formidable desert land, embracing more than three million square -miles, contains a series of depressed levels in which springs are -harboured, and vegetation, especially the date-palm, thrives. These -are the oases. Here, and here only, are permanent human settlements -possible. At the same time the oases form stations in the wearisome -and difficult way through the desert, where the trader who wants to -acquire goods in the countries on the other side is exposed not only -to the dangers that threaten him from want of water, loss of his way, -and sand-storms, but also to the attacks of vagrant robber hordes that -traverse the desert in nomadic confusion. - -East of the great desert, at a distance of a few days’ journey from the -Arabian Gulf, lies a straggling fruitful valley, which in some sense -may be regarded as an oasis of colossal dimensions. This is Egypt, the -valley of the Lower Nile. On both sides it is bounded by desert land. -On the west rises the plateau of the Libyan Desert, flat, absolutely -barren, covered with impenetrable sand-banks. On the east a rocky -highland of solid quartz and chalk rises in a gradual slope, at the -back of which the crystalline masses of the so-called Arabian Mountains -ascend to a height of about six thousand feet. In geological structure -the two territorial districts are entirely different, but, although -it is true that nomadic hordes can, at a pinch, keep body and soul -together in the eastern desert, and that they are not entirely cut off -from vegetation, from springs and cisterns in which the rainwater is -gathered up from storm and tempest, civilisation is as much sealed to -them as it is to the Libyan waste, through which it is impossible to -penetrate, and which is habitable only in the oases. - -Between the two deserts, occupying a breadth of from fifteen to -thirty-three miles, lies the depression forming the valley of Egypt. -It forms the bed which the river has dug for itself in the soft -chalky soil with untiring activity. Formerly, thousands of years -ago,--thousands indeterminate,--it poured through the country in -riotous cascades, the traces of which are still clearly recognisable -in many spots. Gradually the river cleaned out the whole bed and -established a regular surface level. When the historical period begins, -the creative career of the river has already long been completed; -from this time forward, the Nile flows in manifold curves and with -numerous tributaries through the wrinkled valley, which it floods -to a considerable degree only in midsummer, when the Ethiopian snow -melts and seeks an outlet. The fertile land extends precisely as far -as the waters of the Nile penetrate, or are guided by the hand of man -in the flood season; a sharp line of demarcation separates the black -fertile land formed of the muddy deposit left by the river, from -the gray-yellow of the bordering desert. The breadth of the fertile -territory is variable; on an average it covers eight, rarely more than -ten, miles. Only at the mouth of the Nile it expands to the wide marsh -lands of the Delta, intersected by numerous swamps and lakes. - -[Illustration: STATUE OF THE GODDESS SEKHET - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -Also on the south the border-land of Egypt has a sharp natural line -of demarcation. A little above the 24th degree of latitude, at Gebel -Silsilis, the sandstone plateau joins right on the river, higher up -covering the whole of Nubia. The narrow neck of river at Gebel Silsilis -is the southern boundary of fertile Egypt. A significant saga rising -from the Arabian name of the mountain range (Silsilis means “the -chain”) tells how once upon a time the stream was cut off by a chain -that connected the opposite mountains. About eight miles higher up, -at Assuan (Syene) a mountain range of granite and syenite opposes the -course of the river like a cross-rail. True, the river has broken -through the hard stone, but it has not had the power to rub it away, -as it has done with the chalk-stone of Egypt; in numerous rapids it -forces a passage between neighbouring rocks and innumerable islands -raised from its bed. Without doubt, however, the torrent has continued -to make its bed deeper here also. We know from old Egyptian accounts of -the Nile levels that about four thousand years ago, at the time of the -XIIth Dynasty, the Nile at the fortresses of Semneh and Kumneh, above -the second cataract, must have been at least eight metres higher than -it is at the present day. This can be explained only by supposing that, -since then, the river must have burrowed an equivalent depth in the -rocks of the cataract district. - -This “First Cataract,” which makes real navigation very nearly an -impossibility,--a vessel can be steered through the rapids only with -considerable difficulty and danger,--has always formed the southern -boundary of Egypt. Above it, the Nile flows in a great curve through -the Nubian sandstone plateau. At numerous places its way is blocked -by hard stone material, through which it digs a bed in cataracts. The -river valley has throughout no more than a breadth of from five to nine -miles. The fertile land, which at the time of the old empire was pretty -thickly wooded, confines itself, where it does not cease altogether, -to a narrow seam on the banks, so that the inhabitants, in order to -leave as little as possible of it unutilised, formed their villages -on the barren, unfruitful heights above it. The whole stretch of 1000 -miles from Khartum to the first cataract contains at the present day -only 1125 square miles of laid-out land. South of the Tropic only, the -country on the Red Sea is gradually becoming capable of fertilisation; -for the most part, here it bears the character of the Steppes. Also -in the Nile, therefore, Egypt is almost totally shut off from Africa. -The campaign of the English against the Mahdi has again given us a -vigorous picture of how wearisome and difficult is the connection here; -of the dangers that a tropical sun, a deficiency of habitations, and -the difficulties of communication offer to a small army that tries to -advance here. - -[Illustration: STATUE OF MENEPTAH II, XIXTH DYNASTY - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -Egypt is the narrowest country in the world; embracing an expanse of -570 miles in length, it does not contain more than 12,000 square miles -of fertile land, that is to say, it is not larger than the kingdom of -Belgium. It is necessary to keep this fact clearly in view, especially -as the maps accessible may only too easily convey quite a false -impression, because they include the desert land within the boundary -line of Egypt, and as a rule do not distinguish it by any sign from -the fertile land. The ancient indigenous conception is in complete -accordance with the geographical character of the land. Egypt, or -Kamit, as the country is termed in the indigenous language (the name -certainly signifies “the dark country”), is only the fertile valley of -the Nile. Here only do the Egyptians dwell. The oases in the west and -the “red country” (Tasherit) in the east, _i.e._ the naked, reddish, -glimmering plateaus of the Arabian Desert, are reckoned as foreign -with consistent regularity, and they are not inhabited by Egyptians. -The true state of affairs is quite accurately portrayed in the oracle -which decreed, “Egypt is all the country watered by the Nile, and -Egyptians are all those who dwell below the town Elephantine and drink -Nile water.” - -Herodotus defines Egypt accurately as a “bequest of the river”; to -the river alone it owes its fertility and its well-being. But for the -flowing river, the sand of the Libyan Desert would cover that whole -wrinkled valley, which, with the aid of the river, has become one of -the most fertile and most thickly populated countries on the earth. - -At the time in which our historical information begins, we find the -Lower Nile Valley inhabited by a race which, after the precedent of the -Greeks, we call Egyptians. Whence the word comes, we know not; we can -only say that Aigyptos in the first instance denotes the river--almost -without exception in the _Odyssey_ it is thus. The word was then -transferred to the country and its inhabitants, and the river received -the name of Neilos (Nile), the origin of which is equally obscure. An -indigenous name of the population did not exist; the Egyptians denoted -themselves, in distinction from foreigners, simply as “men” (rometu). -Their country, as we have already mentioned, they called Kamit, “Black -Country”; the river was named Ha-pi. Semitic people called Egypt, we -know not why, Mior or Musr (Hebrew Mizraim, the termination being a -very common one with the names of localities). In its Arabian form, -Masr, this word, at the present day, has become the indigenous name -of the country and of its capital, which we call Cairo. From the name -Egyptians, on the contrary, was developed the modern denotation of the -Christian successors of the old indigenous population, the Copts. - -Controversy has been abundant and vigorous with regard to the -ethnographical place of the Egyptians. While philologists and -historians assume a relation with the neighbouring Asiatic races, -separating the Egyptians by a sharp line of distinction from the negro -race, ethnologists and biologists, Robert Hartmann pre-eminent amongst -them, have defined them as genuine children of Africa who stood in -indisputable physical relation with the races of the interior of the -continent. And certainly in the type of the modern Egyptian there are -points of contact with the typical negro, and we shall not here dispute -the validity of the possible contention that a gradual transition from -the Egyptians to the negroes of the Sudan can be demonstrated, and that -in the Nile Valley we never are confronted with an acute ethnological -contrast. - -We should note, however, that an acute contradiction in races is -nowhere on earth perceptible. Everywhere may be found members to bridge -over the gap, and the classification which we so much need does not -ever start with the intermediate stages, but with the extremes in which -the racial type finds its purest illustration. - -Moreover, the type of the modern Egyptian cannot straightway determine -the question as to the origin of the ancient Egyptian population, -even if we do not take into account the difficult problem of how far -climate and soil exercise a moderating influence upon a race. The -inhabitants of the Lower Nile Valley at the time of the New Kingdom, -and from that time forward in the whole course of history, have mingled -so extensively with pure African blood, that it would have been a -miracle if no assimilation had taken place. It is an undoubted fact -that the Turks belong to the peoples resembling the Mongolians; but -who will put the modern Osman in the same line with the Chinaman, or -fail to recognise the assimilation to the Armenian, Persian, Semitic, -Greek type? The same is true, for example, of the Magyars. A strictly -analogous state of things is found in Egypt. It has been proved that, -in the skull-formation of the modern Egyptian, the influence of the -African element is more clearly discernible than in the days of the -ancients. Moreover, a careful comparison leads to the conclusion that -in ancient, as in modern Egypt, there are two coexistent types: one -resembling the Nubian more closely, who is naturally more strongly -represented in Upper Egypt than in Memphis and Cairo; and one sharply -distinguished from him whom we may define as the pure Egyptian. Midway -between these two stands a hybrid form, represented in numerous -examples and sufficiently accounted for by the intermixture of the two -races. - -While the Nubian type is closer akin to the pure negro type and is -indigenous in Africa, we must regard the purely Egyptian type as -foreign to this continent; this directs us toward the assumption that -the most ancient home of the Egyptian is to be sought in Asia. The -Egyptians have depicted themselves, times out of number, on monuments, -and enable us clearly enough to recognise their type. - -For the most part, they are powerful, close-knit figures, frequently -with vigorous features. Not infrequently, as Erman has sagaciously -suggested, the heads have a “clever, witty expression just like what -we are accustomed to meet with in cunning old peasants.” We have a -recurrence of the same trait in several early Roman portraits. Side -by side with this we have finely cut features: for instance, we are -reminded of the almost effeminate expression in the head of Ramses II. -The Egyptian type is altogether different from the negro type; the -structure of the nose, for instance, is delicate for the most part, and -there is no trace of prognathismus, or the protrusion of the lower part -of the face. - -On the monuments the colour of the skin in male Egyptians, who in -ancient days went totally naked but for a loin cloth, is a red-brown. -On the other hand, the women, who were clad in a long robe and were not -equally exposed to the effects of air and sun, are painted in a lighter -brown or yellow. In quite similar fashion the Greeks of old represented -men on their vases as red and women as white. We should not forget that -the art of depicting the finer shades of colours in paint had not yet -been learnt. - -Just as the Egyptians are distinguished from the population of -the interior of Africa, so they have their nearest kinsmen in the -inhabitants of the northern zone of the continent. West of them, on -the coast lands on the Mediterranean as well as in the oases of the -desert, dwell races which are comprehended by Egyptians under the term -Thuhen. Following the precedent of the Greeks, we have transferred to -all of them the name of the Libyans, that race which was settled in the -territory of Cyrene, where the Greeks first learned of their existence. -In Egyptian memorials we find them again under the name of Rebu (we -should observe here, once for all, that neither Egyptian speech nor -Egyptian writing has an L, and so in foreign words every R may be -read as an L). The name Rebu, as the Greek form of the name tells us, -was pronounced Lebu [Libu]. To the east of these Libyans proper, in -the desert plateau of the country of Marmarica, dwell the Tuhennu, -who spread as far as the borders of Egypt, and even also settled in -the western portion of the Delta. Further westward, presumably in -the neighbourhood of the Syrtes, we find the Mashauasha. The Greeks, -especially Herodotus, have preserved for us a great number of other -names. All these tribes, to which the dwellers in the oases also -belong, are most closely related to one another, and form, together -with the inhabitants of western North Africa, the Numidians and the -Moors, a great group of nations, which we denote by the term Libyan -or Moorish, or in modern terminology the group of Berber nations. -The Libyans are light in colour; on the Egyptian monuments they are -represented by a white-gray skin tint. - -In the Moors the old type is to some extent still preserved. They -are warlike, brave tribes, not without talent. But none of them, -it is true, developed a high civilisation, although they adopted -certain elements of civilisation from the Egyptians, and later on, in -Mauretania, from the Carthaginians. According to the representations -on the monuments, the custom of tattooing their arms and legs ruled -amongst them; among the engraved signs we also meet with the symbol of -Nit, the patron goddess of Saïs, whose population would appear to have -consisted chiefly of Libyans. - -As in the west, Libyans and Moors, to judge from their language, are -connected with the Egyptians, so this is true in the south of a great -number of tribes east of the Nile Valley. These are the ancestors -of the modern Bedia tribes (_i.e._ of the Ababde, the Bischarin, -and others, dwelling in the deserts and steppes east of the Upper -Nile Valley), and of their relations the Falaschas, the Gallas, the -Somali. Among them the country and people of Cush attained particular -pre-eminence in antiquity; they were the southeastern neighbours of the -Egyptians, who had their original settlements in the wastes and steppes -of the mountain country east of the Nile. In the course of history they -press forward against the negroes of the Nile Valley, the ancestors of -the modern Nubians, and finally establish here a powerful empire. - -The Hebrews and the Assyrians are accustomed to call this country Cush, -and we too are in the habit of using this name Cushite instead of -Egyptian. The Greeks call them Ethiopians. In the Christian era this -name was adopted by a people living much farther south, the Semitic -inhabitants of the great highlands of Habesh (Abyssinia), and this -people and its language (Ge-ez) are therefore to-day called Ethiopian. -But care must be taken not to transfer this term of modern usage in its -modern significance to the circumstances of antiquity. The Ethiopia of -antiquity is geographically about coterminous with modern Nubia. - -A still more bewildering confusion has been engendered by the term -Cushites. In the Old Testament, in the review of the races taking -their departure from Noah, the name Cush has been transferred to -Babylonia (Gen. x. 8; possibly also in the story of the Fall, ii. 13). -This is to be explained by the fact that the robber mountain horde of -the Kossæans, or, as they called themselves, the Kasshu, maintained -supremacy for centuries in Babylonia; this name was identified by the -Hebrew narrator with that denoting the African tribe. Recent experts -have derived the most illusory consequences from this misunderstanding. -In consequence of it the Cushites have become for them an -Asiatic-African aboriginal people of wide extent, appearing everywhere -and never at home; and wherever we encounter riddles in the matter -handed down to us, or a bold combination has to be made possible, these -Cushites are trotted out, only to sink again into nothingness as soon -as they have done their work. Conceptions of this character have found -their way into ethnographical, philological, and historical works of -high merit. - -From the abortion that has grown out of the amalgamation of the -Babylonian robber and warrior hordes with an African tribe, originally -of quite a low grade of cultivation and the scantiest mental -endowment, has been manufactured a people to whom the beginning of -all civilisation has been referred, to whose inspiration the great -monuments of Egypt, as of Babylonia, are supposed to owe their origin, -but whose personality ceases to be tangible anywhere from the moment -that positive historical evidence begins. - -In the face of this we must again dwell on the fact that the Kossæans -and the Cushites have not the slenderest historical connection with -each other. The latter is a very real people that gradually absorbed a -certain degree of external civilisation from the Egyptians. - -With these East African nationalities on the one side, and the Libyans -and Moors on the other, the Egyptians form a great group of nations -whose languages are closely related to one another, and whom one may -designate as North Africans. The North African languages again, in -their grammatical structure as well as in their vocabulary, reveal a -kindred spirit, however distant, with that in the language of their -eastern Asiatic neighbours, the Semites, _i.e._ the inhabitants of -Arabia, Syria, Assyria, and Babylonia. Especially in the most ancient -form of Egyptian handed down to us, in the language of the time of -the Pyramids, are we everywhere confronted with this kindred spirit. -It is impossible to resist the conclusion that there was a time when -the forefathers of the Egyptians and of the rest of the North Africans -enjoyed a community of speech with the Semites. - -Such being the case, we are inclined to conclude that the North -Africans belong to the so-called Caucasian race of men, and that -they reached their later domicile in prehistoric times, after their -detachment from the Semites. - -If this assumption can claim for itself a high degree of probability, -we have not advanced a very great deal toward the understanding of the -historical development of Egypt. For these wanderings and migrations -belong in any case to times remote--ay, very remote--from all -historical evidence, and they provide us with no new disclosures from -any direction as to the character and the development of the Egyptians. -A further inference has been expressed that the immigrants into Egypt -found it occupied by an indigenous population, which they subdued, and -that from this population came the bondmen whom we find in ancient -Egypt, while the immigrants went to make the lords and the aristocracy. - -Possibly this assumption is just; in support of it we may cite the -agreement subsisting between the nature of the Egyptian animal worship -and the religious conceptions of several of the African peoples. But we -must never lose sight of the fact that the Egyptians themselves have no -knowledge of any such theory. - -If an immigration and an amalgamation of peoples took place, at the -time of the Pyramids it had already long been buried in oblivion; the -Egyptians regard themselves as autocthonous, and--with the exception -of a part of the population in the lower lands of Nubia, Libya, and -Asia--as a single nation, within which there can be no question of a -clash of mental conceptions, and within which the proud and the humble, -the lord and the bondman, have nothing to distinguish them externally. - -Historical presentation demands that we should treat the Egyptians -throughout as one people, whatever may be the number of different -tribes that settled in the Nile Valley in prehistoric time.[b] - -The earliest stage of man that is known in Egypt is the Palæolithic; -this was contemporary with a rainy climate, which enabled at least -some vegetation to grow on the high desert, for the great bulk of the -worked flints are found five to fifteen hundred feet above the Nile, on -a tableland which is now entirely barren desert. Water-worn palæoliths -are found in the beds of the stream courses, now entirely dried up, and -flaked flints of a rather later style occur in the deep beds of Nile -gravels, which are twenty or thirty feet above the highest level of the -present river. This type of work, however, lasted on to the age of the -existing conditions, for perfectly sharp and fresh palæoliths are found -on the desert as low down as the present high Nile. - - -PREHISTORIC EGYPT - -The date of the change of climate is roughly shown by the depth of -the Nile deposits. It is well known by a scale extending over about -three thousand years, that in different parts of Egypt the rise of -the Nile bed has been on an average about four inches per century, -owing to the annual deposits of mud during the inundation. And in -various borings that have been made, the depth of the Nile mud is only -about twenty-five or thirty feet. Hence an age of about eight or nine -thousand years for the cultivable land may be taken as a minimum, -probably to be somewhat extended by slighter deposit in the earlier -time. - -The continuous history extends to about 5000 B.C., and the prehistoric -age of continuous culture known to us covers probably two thousand -years more; hence our continuous knowledge probably extends back to -about 7000 B.C., or to about the time when the change of climate -took place. At that time we find a race of European type starting -on a continuous career, but with remains of a steatopygous race, of -“Bushman” (Koranna) type known and represented in modelled figures. We -can hardly avoid the conclusion that this steatopygous race was that -of Palæolithic man in Egypt, especially as that equivalence is also -known in the French cave remains. It is noticeable that all the figures -known of this race--in France, Malta, and Egypt--are women, suggesting -that the men were exterminated by the newer people, but the women were -kept as slaves, and hence were familiar to the pioneers of the European -race. These Palæolithic women were broadly built, with deep lumbar -curve, great masses of fat on the hips and thighs, with hair along the -lower jaw and over most of the body. - -The fresh race which entered Egypt was of European type--slender, -fair-skinned, with long, wavy brown hair. The skull was closely like -that of the ancient and modern Algerians of the interior; and as one -of the earliest classes of their pottery is similar in material and -decoration to the present Kabyle pottery, we may consider them a branch -of Algerians. They seem to have entered the country as soon as the Nile -deposits rendered it habitable by an agricultural people. They already -made well-formed pottery by hand, knew copper as a rarity, and were -clad in goatskins. Entering a fertile country, and mixing probably -with the earlier race, they made rapid advance in all their products, -and in a few generations they had an able civilisation. Their work in -flint was fine and bold, with more delicate handiwork than that of any -other people except their descendants; their stone vases were cut in -the hardest materials with exquisite regularity; their carving of ivory -and slate was better than anything which followed for over a thousand -years; and they had a large number of signs in use, which were probably -the first stages of our alphabet. - -After some centuries of this culture a change appears, at the same -point of time in every kind of work. A difference of people seems -probable, but no great change of race, as the type is unaltered. The -later people show some Eastern affinities; and it seems as if a part -of the earlier Libyan people had entered Syria or North Arabia and had -afterward flowed back through Egypt, modified by their Semitic contact. -It is perhaps to this influx that the Semitic element in the Egyptian -language is due. - -This later prehistoric people brought in new kinds of pottery and more -commerce, which provided gold, silver, and various foreign stones; -they also elaborated the art of flint-working to its highest pitch of -regularity and beauty, and they generally extended the use of copper, -and developed the principal tools to full size. But they show even -less artistic feeling than the earlier branch, for all figure-carving -quickly decayed, both in ivory and in stone. The use of amulets was -brought in, and also forehead pendants of shell. And the signs which -were already in use almost entirely disappeared. - -This prehistoric civilisation was much decayed when it was overcome -by a new influx of people, who founded the dynastic rule. These came -apparently from the Red Sea, as they entered Egypt in the reign of -Coptos, and not either from the north or from the Upper Nile. They -were a highly artistic people, as the earliest works attributable to -them--the Min sculptures at Coptos--show better drawing than any work -by the older inhabitants; and they rapidly advanced in art to the -noble works of the Ist Dynasty. They also brought in the hieroglyphic -system, which was developed along with their art. It seems probable -that they came up from the Land of Punt, at the south of the Red Sea, -and they may have been a branch of the Punic race in its migration -from the Persian Gulf round by sea to the Mediterranean. They rapidly -subdued the various tribes which were in Egypt, and at least five -different types of man are shown on the monuments of their earliest -kings.[d] Of these there were two distinct lines, the kings of Upper -and the kings of Lower Egypt. The Palermo stone gives us the names of -seven independent kings of Lower Egypt who ruled before the time of -Menes--Seker, Tesau, Tau, Thesh, Neheb, Uat´-nar, and Mekha, while -within the past few years the names of three pre-dynastic kings of -Upper Egypt have been revealed--Te, Re, and Ka. To discover when and -where these early monarchs reigned is probably the most interesting and -important problem engaging the Egyptologist to-day.[a] - - - - -CHAPTER II. THE OLD MEMPHIS KINGDOM - - -THE FIRST DYNASTY - -_Thinites_ - - ========================================================================= - | | | | | | Years in - | | Turin | | | | Manetho - | Manetho | Papyrus | Abydos | Saqqarah | Monuments +-----+------ - | | | | | |Afr. |Euseb. - -+----------+------------+-----------+----------+-----------+-----+------ - 1|Menes |Mena |Mena | |Menes | 62 | 60 - 2|Athothis |Atu |Teta | |Teta | 57 | 27 - 3|Kenkenes | |Ateth | | | 31 | 39 - 4|Uenephes |…a |Ata | | | 23 | 42 - 5|Usaphaïdes|Hesep-ti |Hesep-ti | |Hesep-ti | 20 | 20 - 6|Miebidos |Mer-ba-pen |Mer-ba-pa |Mer-ba-pen| | 26 | 26 - 7|Semempses |Men-sa-nefer|Sem-en-Ptah| |Sem-en-Ptah| 18 | 18 - 8|Bieneches |…buhu |Kebh |Keb-hu | | 26 | 26 - +-----+------ - Total 253 (L. 263) 252 or 253 (L. 258) - ========================================================================= - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4400-4133 B.C.]] - -The first human king who, according to Greek authors as well as -according to the Egyptian lists of kings, ruled over the Nile Valley -was Menes, called Mena in Egyptian. His family came from Teni, a -spot in Middle Egypt, the Greek This [or Thinis] in Abydos, a place -which formed a certain religious centre of the kingdom down to a late -period. Menes himself, it is true, soon quitted the place and built his -residence on another more favourably situated spot, the place where the -fruitful plains of the Delta began. This new capital is Memphis, the -city that flourished down to the latest periods of Egyptian history as -a royal residence and a commercial centre. The foundation of the place -is to-day exposed to the flooding of the Nile; this was already the -case in ancient days, and the king was forced to protect the ground -from this danger by a powerful dam. The dike which he constructed is in -the neighbourhood of the place called Cocheiche. And this dike to this -day secures the whole province of Gizeh from the floods. - -This danger of flooding is less to be apprehended from the Nile itself -than from the natural canal, called Bahr Yusuf [“River of Joseph”], -which skirts the Libyan Desert. Thus the topographical conditions of -this place have hardly varied at all from the time of Menes. The ruined -site of ancient Memphis is now traced by only a few monuments, and the -excavations here have been very unproductive, while even in the days -of the Arabs the remnants of the town aroused the highest admiration -in Arabian authors. At all events the name has remained, and to this -day the great mound at Mitraheni is called Tel-el-Monf, the mound of -Monf. The ancient Egyptian name was Men-nefer, “the good place,” the -sacred name Ha-kha-Ptah, “the house of the divine person of Ptah,” just -as Ptah has remained for all time the chief god of the city. From this -name, with but little right, it has been sought to derive the Greek -name of the country of Egypt. - -The acts, which for the rest are ascribed to Menes, are just those with -which the first prince of a country is usually accredited. According -to the Greeks he founded in Memphis the great temple of Ptah, the very -first temple in Egypt; he regulated the service in the temple and the -honouring of the god; he further was responsible for the introduction -of the cult of Apis. Finally, he even discovered the alphabet, -according to Anticlides, fifteen years (it would probably be more -reasonable to read it 15,000) before Phoroneus, the architect of Argos. - -Diodorus obliges us with the additional information that King Menes -once was pursued by his own dogs, that he fled into Lake Mœris and was -carried to the opposite shore on the back of a crocodile. In gratitude -for, and in memory of, his marvellous deliverance he founded, so goes -the tale, the town of Crocodilopolis, and introduced the veneration of -crocodiles, to whom he surrendered the use of the lake. For himself he -raised here a memorial pyramid and founded the famous Labyrinth. As -for his character, according to the legend, he was a luxurious prince, -who discovered the art of dressing a meal, and taught his subjects to -eat in a reclining posture. In conflict with this is the account of -Manetho, which depicts him as the first warrior-prince, and makes him -fight the Libyans. According to Manetho he met his death through being -swallowed by a hippopotamus. According to a widely spread but quite -unauthentic story, he had in earlier life lost his only son Maneros, -and the nation had composed a dirge on the subject entitled “Maneros,” -of which text and melody are supposed to have survived for long. - -Down to a late period Menes was honoured as a god in Egypt. In this -capacity he appears on the Tablet of Abydos as the first of the kings; -his statue is carried round in a procession in the Ramesseum, and even -in the time of the Ptolemies, a priest of the statues of Nectanebo -I, by the name of Un-nefer, was entrusted with his worship. His name -lasted in Egypt even longer than his worship; it was borne by one of -the most important Coptic saints, who lived at the beginning of the -fourth century and to whom a church in old Cairo is yet dedicated. - -Teta: Styled Athothis I by Eratosthenes, he is supposed to have ruled -for fifty-nine years. According to Manetho, he constructed the royal -castle of Memphis and wrote a work on anatomy, being particularly -occupied with medicine. The latter supposition is rendered more -complete to a certain extent by the account, due to the Ebers papyrus, -that a method for making the hair grow described accurately therein, -was supposed to have been discovered by our king’s mother, Shesh. For -the rest we have no information of his period, except that in the reign -of the son of Menes a double-headed crane revealed itself; this was -supposed to be a sign of long prosperity for Egypt. We may possibly -explain this legend from the circumstance that the names of the two -successors of Menes are formed with the names of the crane-headed or -ibis-headed god, Tehuti. - -Ata: A great plague broke out in his reign. - -Hesep-ti: [Within the past few years the correct reading of this name -has been shown to be Sem-ti. His Horus name is Ten.] - -Sem-en-ptah: [This name is also read Semsu.] According to Manetho there -was a great pestilence in this reign. - - -THE SECOND DYNASTY - -_Thinites_ - - ========================================================================= - | | | | | | Years in - | | Turin | | | | Manetho - | Manetho | Papyrus | Abydos | Saqqarah | Monuments +-----+------ - | | | | | |Afr. |Euseb. - -+-----------+----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----+------ - 1|Boethos |…ba-u |Be-t´a-u |Neter-ba-u | | 38 | - 2|Chaiechos |…ka-u |Ka-ka-u |Ka-ka-u | | 29 | 29 - 3|Binothris |…neter-en |Ba-neter-en|Ba-neter-en| | 47 | 47 - 4|Tlas | |Uat´nes |Uat´nes | | 17 | - 5|Sethenes |Senta | Senta |Sent |Sent | 41 | - 6|Chaires |…ka | | |Per-ab-sen?| 17 | - 7|Nefercheres| | |Nefer-ka-Ra| | 25 | - 8|Sesochris | | | | | 48 | - 9|Cheneres | | | | | 30 | - +-----+------ - Total 302 - ========================================================================= - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4135-3766 B.C.]] - -[There is a king whose Horus name is read Hotep-Sekhemui, and who is -placed by some authorities early in the IInd Dynasty, but as yet we do -not even know his name as king of United Egypt.] Ka-ka-u. [Under this -king the worship of the Apis bulls was instituted.] Baneter-en. This is -the Biophis of Eusebius. Of high importance for the whole of Egyptian -history is the observation of Manetho that this king declared female -succession to be legitimate. In the course of the history of Egypt -we shall indeed frequently have occasion to note what immense weight -this people attached to female succession, and how it is this which in -innumerable instances gives the colour of legitimacy to the assumption -of the throne by a sovereign or a dynasty. John of Antioch makes the -Nile flow with honey for eleven days in the reign of Binothris, while -Manetho postpones this miracle until the reign of Nefercheres.[d] - - -THE THIRD DYNASTY - -_Memphites_ - - ========================================================================= - | | | | | | Years in - | | Turin | | | | Manetho - | Manetho | Papyrus | Abydos | Saqqarah |Monuments+----+------ - | | | | | |Afr.|Euseb. - -+-----------+------------+-----------+------------+---------+----+------ - 1|Necherophes|Seker-nefer-| |Seker-nefer-| | 28 | - | | ka | | ka | | | - 2|Tosorthros |…t´efa | |T´efa | | 29 | - 3|Tyreïs |T´at´ai |T´at´ai |Bebi | | 7 | - 4|Mesochris |Neb-ka |Neb-ka | |Neb-ka-Ra| 17 | - 5|Soüphis |T´er |T´er-sa |T´er |T´er | 16 | - 6|Tosertasis |T´er-teta |Teta |T´er-teta | | 19 | - 7|Aches | | | | | 42 | - 8|Sephuris | |Set´es |Ra-neb-ka? | | 30 | - 9|Cherpheres |Huni |Ra-nefer-ka|Huni |Huni | 26 | - +----+------ - NOTE.--T´ is to be pronounced tch or z. Total 214 - ========================================================================= - -Unfortunately we cannot as yet positively identify Necherophes on the -tablets and monuments. A new arrangement, and one that has much in -its favour, is to connect him with Neb-ka or Neb-ka-Ra (No. 4, in -Wiedemann’s table). This would join Seker-nefer-ka with Sesochris (No. -8, IInd Dynasty) with the additional support that “ochris” is plainly -the Greek equivalent of “Seker”; and T´efa with Cheneres, although -the latter assumption is admittedly the merest guesswork. This brings -T´er-sa (or Zeser, as it is more often spelled) opposite Tosorthros. -We know that Zeser built the step-pyramid of Saqqarah and Manetho -says that Tosorthros “built a house of hewn stones.” He is the most -important sovereign of the dynasty. Manetho further credits him with -bringing the art of writing to perfection; he is also supposed to have -been a physician, and for this reason the divine Æsculapius of the -Greeks. From Tosertasis to the end of the dynasty there are differences -of opinion in regard to order or identification, and consequently we -are still at sea with regard to Tyreïs, Mesochris, and Soüphis. - - -THE PYRAMID DYNASTY - -[Illustration] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3766 B.C.]] - -The IVth Dynasty has a peculiar and unique interest for the casual -observer of Egyptian history, because it was the time when the -world-famous pyramids were erected, the pyramids which were accounted -among the wonders of the world in classical antiquity, and the name -of which has stood almost as a synonym of Egypt for all succeeding -generations. If one were to list the wonders of the world in our day, -the legitimate number would swell far beyond the classical estimate -of seven; but it may be doubted if among them all there would be any -more justly accounted wonderful than these same pyramids. Even if -constructed to-day, they would be accounted marvellous structures; and, -dating as they do from remotest antiquity, when the devices of the -modern mechanic were yet undreamed of, they seem almost miraculous. -Nothing that any other land can show at all rivals or duplicates them; -they are unique, like Egypt herself. - -What adds to the unique interest of the pyramids is the fact that we -know almost nothing of their builders, except what these structures -themselves relate. The pyramids epitomise the history of an epoch. -They are the standing witness that Egypt in that epoch was inhabited -by a highly civilised people. But practically all that we know of this -people is that they were the builders of the pyramids. Even that is -much, however, and we shall advantageously dwell at length upon these -monuments, viewing them from as many standpoints as possible--through -the eyes of Diodorus on the one hand, and of the most recent European -explorers on the other.[a] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3733-3633 B.C.]] - -Diodorus, voicing the traditions of his time, gives the following -entertaining account of these marvels:[2] - -“Chemmis [Khufu or Cheops], the Eighth King from Remphis, was of -Memphis, and reign’d Fifty Years. He built the greatest of the Three -Pyramids, which were accounted amongst the Seven Wonders of the -World. They stand towards Lybia a Hundred and Twenty Furlongs from -Memphis, and Five and Forty from Nile. The Greatness of these Works, -and the excessive Labour of the Workmen seen in them, do even strike -the Beholders with Admiration and Astonishment. The greatest being -Four-square, took up on every Square Seven Hundred Foot of Ground in -the Basis, and above Six Hundred Foot in height, spiring up narrower -by little and little, till it come up to the Point, the Top of which -was Six Cubits Square. It’s built of solid Marble throughout, of rough -Work, but of perpetual Duration: For though it be now a Thousand Years -since it was built (some say above Three Thousand and Four Hundred) yet -the Stones are as firmly joynted, and the whole Building as intire and -without the least decay, as they were at the first laying and Erection. -The Stone, they say, was brought a long way off, out of Arabia, and -that the Work was rais’d by making Mounts of Earth; Cranes and other -Engines being not known at that time. And that which is most to be -admir’d at, is to see such a Foundation so imprudently laid, as it -seems to be, in a Sandy Place, where there’s not the least Sign of any -Earth cast up, nor Marks where any Stone was cut and polish’d; so that -the whole Pile seems to be rear’d all at once, and fixt in the midst -of Heaps of Sand by some God, and not built by degrees by the Hands of -Men. Some of the Egyptians tell wonderful things, and invent strange -Fables concerning these Works, affirming that the Mounts were made of -Salt and Salt-Peter, and that they were melted by the Inundation of -the River, and being so dissolv’d, everything was washt away but the -Building itself. But this is not the Truth of the thing; but the great -Multitude of Hands that rais’d the Mounts, the same carry’d back the -Earth to the Place whence they dug it, for they say there were Three -Hundred and Sixty Thousand Men imploy’d in this Work, and the Whole was -scarce compleated in Twenty Years time. - -“When this King was dead, his Brother Cephres [Khaf-Ra] succeeded him, -and reign’d Six and Fifty Years: Some say it was not his Brother, but -his Son Chabryis that came to the Crown: But all agree in this, that -the Successor, in imitation of his Predecessor, erected another Pyramid -like to the former, both in Structure and Artificial Workmanship, but -not near so large, every square of the Basis being only a Furlong in -Breadth. - -“Upon the greater Pyramid was inscrib’d the value of the Herbs and -Onions that were spent upon the Labourers during the Works, which -amounted to above Sixteen Hundred Talents. - -“There’s nothing writ upon the lesser: The Entrance and Ascent is only -on one side, cut by steps into the main Stone. Although the Kings -design’d these Two for their Sepulchers, yet it hapen’d that neither -of them were there buri’d. For the People, being incens’d at them by -reason of the Toyl and Labour they were put to, and the cruelty and -oppression of their Kings, threatened to drag their Carkasses out of -their Graves, and pull them by piece-meal, and cast them to the Dogs; -and therefore both of them upon their Beds commanded their Servants to -bury them in some obscure place. - -“After him reign’d Mycerinus [Mencheres] (otherwise call’d Cherinus) -the Son of him who built the first Pyramid. This Prince began a Third, -but died before it was finish’d; every square of the Basis was Three -Hundred Foot. The Walls for fifteen Stories high were Black Marble -like that of Thebes, the rest was of the same Stone with the other -Pyramids. Though the other Pyramids went beyond this in greatness, -yet this far excell’d the rest in the Curiosity of the Structure and -the largeness of the Stones. On that side of the Pyramid towards the -North, was inscrib’d the Name of the Founder Mecerinus. This King, they -say, detesting the severity of the former Kings, carried himself all -his Days gently and graciously towards all his Subjects, and did all -that possibly he could to gain their Love and Good Will towards him; -besides other things, he expended vast Sums of Money upon the Oracles -and Worship of the Gods; and bestowing large Gifts upon honest Men whom -he judg’d to be injur’d, and to be hardly dealt with in the Courts of -Justice. - -“There are other Pyramids, every Square of which are Two Hundred Foot -in the Basis; and in all things like unto the other, except in bigness. -It’s said that these Three last Kings built them for their Wives. - -“It is not in the least doubted, but that these Pyramids far excel all -the other Works throughout all Egypt, not only in the Greatness and -Costs of the Building, but in the Excellency of the Workmanship: For -the Architects (they say) are much more to be admir’d than the Kings -themselves that were at the Cost. For those perform’d all by their own -Ingenuity, but these did nothing but by the Wealth handed to them by -descent from their Predecessors, and by the Toyl and Labour of other -Men.”[e] - - -A MODERN ACCOUNT OF THE PYRAMIDS - -The Egyptians of the Theban period were compelled to form their -opinions of the Pharaohs of the Memphite dynasties in the same way -as we do, less by the positive evidence of their acts than by the -size and number of their monuments: they measured the magnificence of -Cheops [Khufu] by the dimensions of his pyramid, and all nations having -followed this example, Cheops has continued to be one of the three or -four names of former times which sound familiar to our ears. The hills -of Gizeh in his time terminated in a bare, wind-swept tableland. A few -solitary mastabas were scattered here and there on its surface, similar -to those whose ruins still crown the hill of Dahshur. - -The Sphinx, buried even in ancient times to its shoulders, raised its -head halfway down the eastern slope, at its southern angle; beside him -the temple of Osiris, lord of the Necropolis, was fast disappearing -under the sand; and still farther back, old abandoned tombs honeycombed -the rock. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3733 B.C.]] - -Cheops [Khufu] chose a site for his pyramid on the northern edge of the -plateau, whence a view of the city of the White Wall, at the same time -of the holy city of Heliopolis, could be obtained. A small mound which -commanded this prospect was roughly squared, and incorporated into the -masonry; the rest of the site was levelled to receive the first course -of stones. - -The pyramid when completed had a height of 476 feet on a base 764 feet -square; but the decaying influence of time has reduced these dimensions -to 450 and 730 feet respectively. It possessed, up to the Arab -conquest, its polished facing, coloured by age, and so subtly jointed -that one would have said that it was a single slab from top to bottom. -The work of facing the pyramid began at the top; that of the point was -first placed in position, then the courses were successively covered -until the bottom was reached. - -In the interior every device had been employed to conceal the exact -position of the sarcophagus, and to discourage the excavators whom -chance or persistent search might have put upon the right track. Their -first difficulty would be to discover the entrance under the limestone -casing. It lay hidden almost in the middle of the northern face, on -the level of the eighteenth course, at about forty-five feet above the -ground. A movable flagstone, working on a stone pivot, disguised it so -effectively that no one except the priests and custodians could have -distinguished this stone from its neighbours. When it was tilted up, -a yawning passage was revealed, three and a half feet in height, with -a breadth of four feet. The passage is an inclined plane, extending -partly through the masonry and partly through the solid rock for a -distance of 318 feet; it passes through an unfinished chamber and ends -in cul-de-sac 59 feet farther on. - -The Great Pyramid was called Khut, “the Horizon,” in which Khufu had -to be swallowed up, as his father, the Sun, was engulfed every evening -in the horizon of the west. It contained only the chambers of the -deceased, without a word of inscription, and we should not know to whom -it belonged, if the masons, during its construction, had not daubed -here and there in red paint among their private marks the name of the -king and the date of his reign. Worship was rendered to this Pharaoh -in a temple constructed a little in front of the eastern side of the -pyramid, but of which nothing remains but a mass of ruins. - -Pharaoh had no need to wait until he was mummified before he became a -god; religious rites in his honour were established on his ascension; -and many of the individuals who made up his court attached themselves -to his double long before his double had become disembodied. They -served him faithfully during their life, to repose finally in his -shadow in the little pyramids and mastabas which clustered around him. -Of Dadef-Ra (or Tatf-Ra), his immediate successor, we can probably say -that he reigned eight years. - -[This is according to the Abydos and Saqqarah lists, but his -chronological position is still uncertain. The inscription of -Mertitefs, one of Sneferu’s queens, mentions that she was later a -favourite of Khufu, and even in her old age, of Khaf-Ra. This, if -true, would leave no space for Dadef-Ra between these reigns, so he -was either a co-regent or successor. In the XXVIth Dynasty his priests -give, in several instances, the succession as Khufu, Khaf-Ra, Dadef-Ra. -Professor Petrie identifies him with the Rhatoises of Manetho, and so -makes him the third successor of Khufu, but Professor Maspero, in his -reading “Dadef-Ra,” distinctly dissents from any such recognition. It -is possible that this king is the same person as the Prince Hortotef, -son of Khufu, who, as the hero of a famous tale, is one of the -best-known characters of early Egyptian literature.] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3666-3600 B.C.]] - -But Khaf-Ra (or Khephren), the next son, who succeeded to the throne, -erected temples and a gigantic pyramid, like his father. He placed it -some 394 feet to the southwest of that of Cheops (Khufu); and called -it Ur, “the Great.” It is, however, smaller than its neighbour, and -attains a height of only 443 feet, but at a distance the difference in -height disappears, and many travellers have thus been led to attribute -the same elevation to the two. - -The internal arrangements of the pyramid are of the simplest character; -they consist of a granite-built passage carefully concealed in the -north face, running at first at an angle of 25°, and then horizontally, -until stopped by a granite barrier at a point which indicates a change -of direction; a second passage, which begins on the outside, at a -distance of some yards in advance of the base of the pyramid, and -proceeds, after passing through an unfinished chamber, to rejoin the -first; finally, a chamber hollowed in the rock, but surmounted by a -pointed roof of fine limestone slabs. The sarcophagus was of granite, -and, like that of Khufu, bore neither the name of a king nor the -representation of a god. - -Of Khaf-Ra’s sons, Men-kau-Ra (the Mycerinus of the Greeks), who -was his successor, could scarcely dream of excelling his father and -grandfather; his pyramid, “the Supreme” (Her), barely attained an -elevation of 216 feet, and was exceeded in height by those which were -built at a later date. Up to one-fourth of its height it was faced with -syenite, and the remainder, up to the summit, with limestone. For lack -of time, doubtless, the dressing of the granite was not completed, -but the limestone received all the polish it was capable of taking. -The enclosing wall was extended to the north so as to meet, and be of -one width with, that of the Second Pyramid. The temple was connected -with the plain by a long and almost straight causeway, which ran for -the greater part of its course upon an embankment raised above the -neighbouring ground. - -The arrangement of the interior of the pyramid is somewhat complicated, -and bears witness to changes brought about unexpectedly in the course -of construction. The original central mass probably did not exceed 180 -feet in breadth at the base, with a vertical height of 154 feet. It -contained a sloping passage cut into the hill itself, and an oblong -low-roofed cell devoid of ornament. The main bulk of the work had been -already completed, and the casing not yet begun, when it was decided to -modify the proportions of the whole. Men-kau-Ra was not, it appears, -the eldest son and appointed heir of Khaf-Ra; while still a mere prince -he was preparing for himself a pyramid similar to those which lie near -“the Horizon,” when the deaths of his father and brother called him to -the throne. - -What was sufficient for him as a child, was no longer suitable for him -as a Pharaoh; the mass of the structure was increased to its present -dimensions, and a new inclined passage was effected in it, at the -end of which a hall panelled with granite gave access to a kind of -antechamber. The latter communicated by a horizontal corridor with the -first vault, which was deepened for the occasion; the old entrance, now -no longer of use, was roughly filled up. - -Men-kau-Ra did not find his last resting-place in this upper level -of the interior of the pyramid: a narrow passage, hidden behind the -slabbing of the second chamber, descended into a secret crypt, lined -with granite and covered with a barrel-vaulted roof. The sarcophagus -was a single block of blue-black basalt, polished, and carved into the -form of a house, with a façade having three doors and three openings -in the form of windows, the whole framed in a rounded moulding and -surmounted by a projecting cornice such as we are accustomed to see on -the temples. The mummy-case of cedar-wood had a man’s head, and was -shaped to the form of the human body; it was neither painted nor gilt, -but an inscription in two columns, cut on its front, contained the name -of the Pharaoh, and a prayer on his behalf. - -The example given by Khufu, Khaf-Ra, and Men-kau-Ra was by no means -lost in later times. From the beginning of the IVth to the end of -the XIVth Dynasty--during more than fifteen hundred years--the -construction of pyramids was a common state affair, provided for by the -administration. - -Not only did the Pharaohs build them for themselves, but the princes -and princesses belonging to the family of the Pharaohs constructed -theirs, each one according to his resources; three of these secondary -mausoleums are ranged opposite the eastern side of “the Horizon,” three -opposite the southern face of “the Supreme,” and everywhere else--near -Abusir, at Saqqarah, at Dahshur, or in the Fayum--the majority of the -royal pyramids attracted around them a more or less numerous cortège of -pyramids of princely foundation often debased in shape and faulty in -proportion.[f] - - -THE BUILDERS OF THE PYRAMIDS - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3766-3566 B.C.]] - -Sneferu is the first ruler of Egypt of whose deeds we know something. A -relief with an inscription in Wady Magharah on the peninsula of Sinai -represents him as slaying the robber-like tribes of the desert, the -Mentu, with a club. According to the inscriptions of the XIIth Dynasty -in Sarbut-el-Hadim, it appears that he was considered as founder of the -Egyptian dominion in the peninsula of Sinai. His memory was honoured -for many years; his worship was often mentioned, and in literary -works his bountiful reign was also called to mind. He was probably -buried in the Great Pyramid, which has the appearance of terraces, at -Medum, the opening of which was begun a short while ago. In one of the -neighbouring tombs a statue was found of its architect, Henka, and -probably the remaining tombs at Medum belong to this epoch. - -Sneferu’s successor Khufu, the Cheops of Herodotus, was the builder of -the largest pyramid. The construction of temples was also attributed -to him (the temple of the “Lady of the Pyramids,” Isis, in Gizeh, and -the planning of the temple of Denderah), and the town of Menat Khufu -bears his name. He also fought in the peninsula of Sinai. In front of -the immense sepulchre of the king, his wives or other relatives are -buried in three small pyramids, and around them in mastabas the nobles -of his court. What the Greeks relate concerning the oppression of -Egypt by Khufu and Khaf-Ra and of their ungodliness, whilst Men-kau-Ra -as the builder of the small Pyramid is looked on as a righteous and -just ruler, are their own words which they place in the mouth of the -Egyptians; such a conception is remote from the truth, and the picture -which we gain from the tombs of the period is throughout bright and -cheerful. Certainly every contemporary was proud of having taken part -in this giant construction. - -After the short reign of Tatf-Ra followed Khaf-Ra, the builder of -the second pyramid of Gizeh, to which time probably dates back the -enigmatically immense construction of granite and alabaster to the -south of the Great Sphinx; the fragments of nine statues of the king -were found in it. His next followers were Men-kau-Ra, the Mycerinus of -Herodotus, the builder of the third pyramid at Gizeh, and Shepses-ka-f, -of whom we learn something definite through the biography of -Ptah-Shepses, buried in Saqqarah. He had formerly been brought up at -the court of Men-kau-Ra with the children of the king; he grew up under -Shepses-ka-f, who gave him his eldest daughter to wife, loaded him with -honours, and appointed him as secretary to all constructions which he -planned to build. - -The circumstance, that there is no mention of warlike expeditions -either in this biography or in other monuments of this epoch, but that -peaceful undertakings, journeys, and festivals, and above all, the -constructions of the king, are continually quoted, is an important sign -of the character of the times. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3566-3300 B.C.]] - -Manetho now makes three kings follow for thirty-eight years, who are -nowhere mentioned in the inscriptions, and then begins a new dynasty -(the Vth), with Usercheres, which sprang from Elephantine. But in the -monuments it is stated that Shepses-ka-f was immediately followed by -Uskaf (or User-ka-f) [Usercheres]. At the most, only short interregnums -can have intervened, and Prince Sechem-ka-Ra lived under five kings, -Khaf-Ra, Men-kau-Ra, Shepses-ka-f, Uskaf, and Sahu-Ra, whose reigns -occupied about a century. It is very probable that a new family came to -the throne either in a peaceful or violent manner; in the Turin papyrus -the portion which probably contained Uskaf’s reign has completely -fallen out. - -We learn very little of Uskaf or Usercheres. His successor Sahu-Ra, on -the contrary, is one of the most renowned rulers of the time. He also -fought in Wady Magharah. The next kings cannot be placed in their order -with certainty. The Turin papyrus allows eight reigns, mostly short, -to follow, and at the fifth introduces a gap; the lists of Abydos -and Saqqarah have only given us three names. Only Nefer-ar-ka-Ra and -especially An, the first king who gave himself a title (User-en-Ra), -were at all important. Then followed Men-kau-hor (reign of eight -years), Assa, with the name of Tat-ka-Ra (twenty-eight years), and Unas -(thirty years), of whom the first and second, like An, left monuments -commemorative of their victories on the peninsula of Sinai. - -[Illustration: DRAWINGS OF EGYPTIAN BIRDS - -(From the monuments)] - -The first epoch of Egyptian history closes with the reign of Unas. -Almost three hundred years had passed since Sneferu had built up his -pyramid and celebrated his victory in Wady Magharah. Throughout the -whole period Memphis was the central point of the kingdom, and its -necropolis almost the only source of our instruction. After the death -of Unas--it is not known whether he died in peace or was overthrown by -a revolution--a new race ascended the throne and the centre of Egyptian -life begins gradually to shift itself. The Turin papyrus rightly makes -the first principal division here, and gives the sum of all the reigns -from Menes to Unas; but the figures are unfortunately lost to us. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3866-3300 B.C.]] - -Here follows a table of kings in which the lists of Manetho for the -IIIrd, IVth, and Vth Dynasties are compared with the lists of the Turin -papyrus, the Abydos tablet, the Saqqarah tablet, and the wall list -of Karnak.[b] It will be recalled that these lists, taken together, -furnish us with the chief information at present accessible as to -the true sequence of the early Egyptian rulers. Notwithstanding its -somewhat forbidding appearance at first glance, this tablet will repay -careful study. It illustrates the way in which the different lists -must be pieced together in an attempt to form a complete record. It -shows, also, how widely the Hellenised names of Manetho’s list differ -from the Egyptian originals; suggesting the extent to which surmise -must sometimes enter into identification. Indeed, it would be hard to -tell which were the greater misfortune: the disappearance of Manetho’s -history, or the accident by which the Turin papyrus was broken into -scores of little pieces only to be restored in an unscientific and -almost worthless condition by Seyffarth.[a] - - ========================================+================================ - Turin Papyrus [P.], Abydos Tablet [A.], | Manetho - Saqqarah Tablet [S.] Karnak [K.] | - ----------------------------------------+-------------------------------- - 1. Zeser, P. A. S. |Dyn. III--2 Tosorthros 29 years - Gap in dynasty 19 years | 6 Tosertasis 19 years - 2. Zeser Teta, P. A. S. 6 years | - 3. Set´es, A.; Neb-ka-Ra, S. 6 years | - 4. Nefer-ka-Ra, A.; Huni, S. 24 years | - 5. Sneferu, A. S. K. 24 years |Dyn. IV--1 Soris 29 years - 6. Khufu, A. S. 23 years | 2 Suphis 63 years - 7. Tatf-Ra, A. S. 8 years | - 8. Khaf-Ra, A. S. ? years | 3 Suphis 66 years - 9. Men-kau-Ra, A. S. ? years | 4 Mencheres 63 years - 10. Shepses-ka-f, A. S. ? years | 5 Rhatoises 25 years - | 6 Bicheris 22 years - | 7 Sebercheres 7 years - | 8 Tamphthis 9 years - 11. [Us-ka-f, A. S.] [missing] | Dyn. V--1 Usercheres 28 years - 12. [A. S. K.] Sahu-Ra 18-38 years | 2 Sephres 13 years - Here belong: | - 13.{Kakaa, A.; and Monum. 4 years | - 14.{Nefer-Ra, A. 2 years | - 15.{Nefer-ar-ka-Ra, S.; and | - { Monum. 7 years | 3 Nephercheres 20 years - 16.{Shepses-ka-Ra, S. 12 years | 4 Sisires 7 years - 17.{Nefer-kha-Ra, S. ? years}| 5 Cheres 20 years - { Gap in Dynasty}| - 18.{Akau-hor, Monum. 7 years}| - 19.{and perhaps Ahtes ? years}| - 20. [User-en-Ra, An. A. K.] 10-30 years}| 6 Rhathures 44 years - 21. Men-kau-hor, P. A. S. 8 years | 7 Mencheres 9 years - 22. Tat-ka-Ra, Assa., | - P. A. S. K. 28 years| 8 Tancheres 44 years - 23. Unas, P. A. S. 30 years| 9 Onnos 33 years - | - ------------ | - Total of seventeen reigns, 236-276 years| - ----------------------------------------+-------------------------------- - To these must be added six reigns; the |Totals give 277 years for - duration of which is unknown. | Dyn. IV, 248 for Dyn. V, - | differing from the sums of - | the single reigns. - ========================================+================================ - -If we allow fifteen years for each of the six missing reigns, we -get for the period from Zeser to Unas about 350 years. For the -something like nineteen kings of the Turin Papyrus from Menes to Zeser -(exclusive) there falls, then, about 350 years, from Menes to Sneferu -(exclusive) therefore, about 350, from Sneferu to Unas about 300, which -agrees very well with the indications on the monuments. (According to -the most reliable of the reported figures of Manetho the first three -dynasties lasted 769 years, the IVth and Vth 525 years.)[b] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3566-3300 B.C.]] - -Very recent discoveries have thrown a certain amount of light on the -obscurities of the Vth Dynasty, particularly with reference to the -kings Nos. 13-19 bracketed in the above table. The latest research has -developed: - -(1) That Kakaa (No. 13) must be only another, and probably personal, -name of either Nefer-ar-ka-Ra or Shepses-ka-Ra, probably of the -former. - -(2) That the Akau-hor of a few monuments is probably the personal name -of Nefer-kha-Ra (Saqqarah tablet); now read Nefer-f-Ra. - -We may also now reject the Nefer-Ra (No. 14) and the Ahtes (No. 19) and -consider the Vth Dynasty, beginning with Uskaf and ending with Unas to -consist of nine kings, and to have lasted about two hundred and twenty -years. - -[Illustration: INTERIOR OF THE TEMPLE AT ABU-SIMBEL] - -Various monuments have come down to us from the Vth Dynasty, including -inscriptions on steles and tablets, an alabaster vase, a polished ink -slab and scarabs. Among the most interesting remains of the period is -a papyrus roll found in 1893 at Saqqarah near the Step Pyramid. This -papyrus contains an account of the reign of King Tat-ka-Ra or Assa, and -it is believed to be the oldest fragment of manuscript in existence. A -much more famous papyrus roll, the so-called Prisse Papyrus--sometimes -called the oldest book in the world--now in the Bibliothèque Nationale -in Paris, is believed to be a copy of an original written in the time -of Assa. The Prisse Papyrus itself dates from the XIIth Dynasty. It was -written by one Ptah-hotep, spoken of in the book itself as “Son of the -King, of his body,” which phrase may mean that the author was actually -the son of the king (Brugsch) or, that he was really a relative of the -monarch, perhaps his uncle (Petrie). The document itself has a peculiar -interest aside from its age. It is the philosophical moralising of an -old man who, plaintively lamenting the infirmities of age, casts a -regretful glance on by-gone times; yet whose view on the whole is wise -and optimistic. “It does the heart good and rejoices the mind,” says -Brugsch, “to follow that old harangue which preserves the intimate -thought of the age of the prince, embracing the whole course of human -existence in simple, childish words. Here is a noble lesson on the true -greatness of man, for throughout he breathes a spirit of human purity -which finds the only true greatness in a modest mind.” - -Professor Mahaffy, speaking in a somewhat similar vein, calls attention -to the fact that the morals, the aspirations, and the unsolved social -problems of the remote time in which Ptah-hotep wrote bear a singular -resemblance to those of to-day, pointing the moral that humanity has -not greatly changed in essentials during the intervening five or six -thousand years. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3300-3166 B.C.]] - -After the Vth Dynasty, which was regarded by the author of the Turin -Papyrus as closing an epoch, there is a period of five hundred years -or more during which relatively little is known of Egyptian history. -According to the lists of Manetho, this period saw the rise and fall of -various dynasties which, vaguely as they are known, have passed into -traditional history as Dynasties VI to X. The Turin Papyrus and the -lists of Abydos, Saqqarah, and Karnak supply us with various names, -mostly unsuggestive of the names of Manetho. There are, however, two -or three exceptions to this, notably the king named third in Manetho’s -VIth Dynasty, Philos, who is believed to represent the monarch named -on all the other lists as Meri-Ra, or, as he is more generally known, -Pepi, the latter being his family name. This monarch, who probably -lived about 3200 B.C., was the Ramses II of his epoch. He has left -us more monuments than any other ruler before the XIIth Dynasty. -These include a pyramid at Saqqarah, rock inscriptions in steles -at Elephantine and elsewhere, statuettes, canopic jars, cylinders, -and scarabs. The most notable of all the monuments ascribed to him -is the Red Sphinx of Tanis, now in the Louvre in Paris, which, if -really his,--the matter is still not quite decided among the best -authorities,--is the oldest sphinx known. If authentic, the face of -this sphinx probably furnishes a representation of Pepi which is -doubtless the most ancient portrait in existence. - -A great builder and monument-maker, he was a great conqueror as well, -waging successful wars against the Aamu and Herusha, who inhabited the -desert east of the Delta. He even extended his conquests against “the -land of the Terehbah,” which, it has been surmised, may be Syria; or -which may possibly have been even farther to the north: the similarity -of names suggests that the people referred to may have been the -Tibareni, one of the smaller peoples of Asia Minor. In any event, the -warlike expedition against this unknown people was made in ships. - -The most interesting thing about King Pepi remains to be told. This -is the manner in which records of his deeds have come down to us. The -various monuments left by the king himself contain scant reference to -his accomplishments. The inscription that enables us to gain glimpses -of the life of the greatest monarch of his epoch is not the inscription -of the monarch himself, but of one of his servants. This officer of -the king bore the name of Una. He was of unknown origin, and there -is no reason to suppose that he was of royal blood; but he attained -to the highest distinction. He had come to be, according to the -inscription over his tomb, “Crown bearer of the Majesty (of the King), -Superintendent of the storehouse, and Registrar (Sacred Scribe) of the -docks” for King Teta, the predecessor of King Pepi. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3166-3033 B.C.]] - -On the death of his master, Una appears to have passed into the service -of the next incumbent, Pepi, as “Chief of the coffer of the Majesty -(of the King) with the rank of Companion, Scribe, Priest of the place -of his pyramid.” “His Majesty was satisfied with me (beyond all) his -servants,” declares Una. “(He gave me also) to hear all things. I was -alone with the Royal Scribe, and officer of all the secrets. The King -was satisfied with me more than any of his chiefs, of his family, of -his servants.” - -The inscription then goes on to detail the services rendered by Una -to Pepi, and his son Mer-en-Ra as well. He fully earned all of his -titles and honours. He would seem to have been in charge, not merely -of household affairs, building operations, the moving of monuments -and the like, but to have been commander-in-chief of the armies, and -the efficient agent of Pepi in his conquests at home and abroad, as -he says: “ He sent me five times, to subdue the land of Herusha to -subdue their revolt by this force. His Majesty was pleased at it beyond -everything Saying, have revolted the Negroes of this tribe of the land -of Khetam, safely to Takhisa; I sailed again in boats with this force. -I subdued this country from the extreme frontier on the North of the -land of Herusha. Then was ordered this army on the road. They subdued -them also smiting all opponents there. The place was thrown under my -sandals. The King of Upper and Lower Egypt Mer-en-Ra the Divine Lord -the ever living gave me to be a Duke, Governor of the South ascending -from Abu to the North of the nome Letopolis. I very much pleased His -Majesty, I greatly pleased His Majesty to the Satisfaction of His -Majesty.” - -One of the most interesting passages in the inscription of Una is -that in which he gives details of the transportation of the pyramid -Kha-nefer of Mer-en-Ra, making for it “a boat of burthen in the little -dock 60 cubits in length and thirty in its breadth, put together in 17 -days in the month of Epiphi.” There was not water enough in the river -to tow the pyramid safely, but the inscription continues: “It was done -by me forthwith before the god (King). His Majesty the Divine Lord -ordered and sent me to excavate four docks in the South for three boats -of burthen, four transports in the small basin of the land of Uauat. -Then the rulers of the countries of Araret, Aam, and Ma, supplied -the wood for them. It was made in about a year at the time of the -inundation loaded with very much granite for the Kha-nefer pyramid of -Mer-en-Ra.” (Birch’s[g] translation.) - -Aside from its intrinsic interest, this inscription of Una has a -peculiar historical importance as illustrating a phase of life in Egypt -that we shall not see duplicated among the Semitic nations of Asia; the -fact, namely, that a mere subject of the king could leave a permanent -record of his deeds. In Babylonia and Assyria it is the monarch always -who speaks from the inscriptions; the name of a subject is never -mentioned. It is not so very often, even in Egypt, that the name of -a subject is heard, but the fact that this sometimes occurs marks a -distinct difference between the character of the Egyptian and Asiatic -civilisations. - -[Illustration: AN EGYPTIAN HIGH PRIEST - -(Based on the monuments)] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3066-3033 B.C.]] - -One other monarch of the VIth Dynasty has gained traditional fame; -this time through the pages of Herodotus. This is the Queen Nitocris. -Herodotus, to be sure, gives us no clew as to the age when this female -monarch ruled, but the name appears in the lists of Manetho. Herodotus -was attracted by the picturesque story told him in reference to -Nitocris by the Egyptian priests. He asserts that of the names of three -hundred and thirty sovereigns, successors of Menes, recited to him from -a book by the Egyptian priests, only one was a female native of the -country. He continues: “The female was called Nitocris, which was also -the name of the Babylonian princess. They affirm that the Egyptians -having slain her brother, who was their sovereign, she was appointed -his successor; and that afterwards, to avenge his death, she destroyed -by artifice a great number of Egyptians. By her orders a large -subterraneous apartment was constructed professedly for festivals, but -in reality for a different purpose. She invited to this place a great -number of those Egyptians whom she knew to be the principal instruments -of her brother’s death, and then by a private canal introduced the -river amongst them. They added, that to avoid the indignation of the -people, she suffocated herself in an apartment filled with ashes.” -(Herodotus, II, 99.) - -The Turin papyrus gives the name of Nit-aqert as one of the Pharaohs -of the VIth Dynasty, so it would appear that Herodotus was writing of -an actual personage, whether or not the story that he tells was well -founded. Manetho says of Nitocris that she governed twelve years, “the -noblest and most beautiful woman of that period, fair, and at the same -time the builder of the Third Pyramid.” Brugsch, commenting upon this, -says: “It is difficult to discover the historical foundation for the -tale of Herodotus, and we would only say that it must indicate that -about the time of Queen Nitocris, internecine murders and dissensions -began in the kingdom, awakened by the poisonous envy of the pretenders -to the throne.” As to Manetho’s assertion that Nitocris built the -Third Pyramid, it has been explained by Perring that the Third Pyramid -was transformed and enlarged at a later date. It is suggested that -“Queen Nitocris took possession of Men-kau-Ra’s tomb, left the king’s -sarcophagus in a lower vault, and placed her own in the chamber in -front. If we are to be guided by the ruined fragments of bluish basalt -which lie on the spot, she had the surface of the monument faced with -that costly decoration of highly polished granite, which afterward -served inventive Greek story-tellers with a foundation for the tale -of Rhodopis, the hetaira, who reduced her friends to beggary that she -might obtain vast sums of money for the building of the pyramid.” - - -THE BEAUTIFUL NITOCRIS - -Various romances have become associated with traditions in reference -to Nitocris. She was credited with supernatural witchery, and it was -said that after her death her naked spirit haunted the pyramid she was -alleged to have built, and that by the magic of her mere smile she -drove her lovers mad. The story of her revenge upon the men who, in a -riot, had killed her brother the king, is given by Herodotus as above. -The brother she avenged was Menthesouphis, whom Meyer places at some -distance from her in the line. Round this same Nitocris gathered other -legends, among them the original of our Cinderella story. According -to this version, Nitocris was originally a courtesan named Rhodopis -(“Rosy-cheeked”--a translation into Greek of the name Nitocris). Once -when she was bathing in the river, an eagle stole one of her little -gilded sandals, and flying away let it fall into the lap of the king, -who was holding a court of justice in the open air. He was so taken -with the beauty of the tiny shoe that he had a search made for the -woman whom it fitted, and made her his queen. - -Beyond the historical narratives of Una, and the traditions about -Nitocris, only shreds of knowledge are forthcoming regarding the -monarchs of the long epoch with which we are dealing. The epoch as a -whole is well characterised in the words of Brugsch:[a] - -A profound darkness falls over Egyptian history after the time of -Ne-fer-ka-Ra, shrouding even the faintest traces of the existence -of kings whose empty names the tablets of Abydos and Saqqarah have -preserved to us, names without deeds, sounds without meaning, like -the inscriptions on the tombs of unknown, obscure men. Unless we are -deceived, we may here picture a state split up into petty kingdoms and -scourged by civil war and regicide, from whose _haq_ or princes no -saviour arose to strike down the refractory with the strong arm, grasp -with a firm hand the loosened rein, and once more establish a central -government.[h] - -In a few words may be added certain more or less inchoate details as to -the few monarchs of the VIth to Xth Dynasties upon whose history the -most recent research has thrown some rays of light. - -As for the VIth Dynasty, the most modern attempts at disentanglement -place a Mer-en-Ra II and a Neter-ka-Ra after Nefer-ka-Ra; Mer-en-Ra II -to correspond with the Menthesuphis of Manetho as distinct from the -Methusuphis [Mer-en-Ra I] of the same historian. The Neter-ka-Ra occurs -only on the Abydos Tablet, and is followed by Men-ka-Ra, which is also -found nowhere else. But there is some reason to believe that the bearer -of this name is identical with the Nit-aqert of the Turin papyrus and -the Nitocris of Manetho, and in this connection the confusion between -Men-kau-Ra and Nitocris is susceptible of another and perhaps better -explanation than that offered by Perring; for although the Third -Pyramid has been enlarged, the manner of its enlargement shows that -it was done in the age of the Pyramid builders and not so late as the -end of the VIth Dynasty. Therefore it is better to accept M. Maspero’s -theory of the alterations as given in a preceding page; while the -similarity of the names Men-kau-Ra and Men-ka-Ra will show how Manetho -was led into the error of assigning the building of the Third Gizeh -Pyramid to Queen Nitocris. - -[Illustration: A SOLDIER OF ANCIENT EGYPT] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3033-2700 B.C.]] - -The VIIth and VIIIth Dynasties fell through causes of disintegration -and decay. The capital was transferred to Heracleopolis, presumably -because of the intrusion of an outside people into the Delta. - -Some authorities assign the dislodgment of the native dynasty to -a perplexing line of foreign kings whose position still defies -definition; but Professor Petrie writing in 1901 says: “The group of -foreign kings, mainly known by scarabs and cylinders, Khyan, Samqan, -Anthar, Yaqebar, Shesha, and Uazed, are probably of the XVth-XVIth -Dynasties, though some connections place them shortly before the XIIth -Dynasty.” All we yet know of the intrusion is concisely stated by -Eduard Meyer: “We may with some certainty assume that strange Syrian -races attacked Egypt and probably ruled the land or part of it for a -while.” - -Two legitimate kings of the IXth or Xth Dynasty now stand out -prominently; Ab-meri-Ra (Kheti) who may be the Achthoes of Manetho, -the first of his recorded IXth Dynasty, and Ka-meri-Ra. But the most -interesting historical information of this period is from three tombs -of the princes of Assiut; Kheti I, Tefa-ba, and Kheti II. - -The Thebans had now practically obtained their independence, and -certain circumstances indicate that the beginning of the XIth Dynasty -was contemporary with the Xth. Such a state of affairs will explain the -singular fact that Manetho assigns only forty-three years to the XIth -Dynasty. For it is held that he ignored contemporaneous dynasties, and -therefore may have rejected about one hundred and twenty years, during -which period he does not recognise the XIth Dynasty as legitimate.[a] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[2] [Here and in subsequent excerpts from Diodorus we use a -seventeenth-century translation.] - - - - -CHAPTER III. THE OLD THEBAN KINGDOM - - Egypt is the monumental land of the earth, as the Egyptians are the - monumental people of history.--BARON BUNSEN. - - -The history of civilisation is very largely the history of a few great -cities. - -There has been no great people without its great metropolis. The -overthrow of such a city, as in the case of Nineveh, or Babylon, or -Tyre, or Sardis, often meant the subjugation or destruction of a -nation. And the mere transfer of supremacy from one city to another -within the same country meant the beginning of a new era. It was so in -Egypt when the centre of authority shifted from Memphis to Thebes. By -common consent, historians mark the period in which Thebes became the -home of the ruling monarch, and hence the capital of Egypt, as a new -era in Egyptian history. This new era is commonly designated the Old -Theban Kingdom, or the Middle Kingdom. - -This era of the Theban supremacy was by no means a homogeneous epoch. -It saw many dynasties established and overthrown; it even witnessed -the conquest of the country by a strange horde from the east, a horde -spoken of as the Shepherd invaders, whose leaders, seated upon the -throne of Egypt for some generations, have passed into history as the -Hyksos or Shepherd kings. These outsiders held the power so long, -indeed, that they may very well have felt entitled to call themselves -Egyptians. The later generations had as good claim to that name as, -for example, any Caucasian has to call himself an American. Yet when -the Hyksos kings were finally overthrown, the feat seems to have been -regarded as the expulsion of intruders, and the verdict of posterity is -that the governmental power passed back to its rightful possessors. It -would be difficult, however, to say how much the ethnic status of the -race may have been modified by the influence of these many generations -of outsiders. Be that as it may, the Egyptians who expelled the -Hyksos kings and established anew the “native” dynasties were in some -respects a very different people from the Egyptians whom the Hyksos -had overthrown. But before expanding this point we had best follow the -fortunes of the Old Theban Kingdom itself. - - -THE ELEVENTH DYNASTY - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2700-2500 B.C.]] - -For the XIth Dynasty we have as yet no good list; the total number -of kings even is unknown, but the best authorities agree that there -were probably about nine. But since this dynasty undoubtedly ruled at -Thebes simultaneously with the Xth at Heracleopolis, whence it had -been driven from Memphis, the question as to just which Theban prince -so far overcame the legitimate government in the struggle that had been -long going on, as to be acknowledged the ruler of Egypt, will probably -never reach solution. Professor Petrie begins with Antef I and follows -him with Mentuhotep I, Antef II, Antef III, Mentuhotep II, Antef IV, -and then Nub-kheper-Ra (or Antef V). Concerning the latter and his -two successors, there is no question; we emerge once more into the -daylight. After Nub-kheper-Ra comes Neb-kher-Ra whose other name was -Mentuhotep, and we designate him as the third of his name. He stands -fifty-seventh on the Abydos list.[a] - -The princely line from which the commanding figure of King Mentuhotep -III stood forth to the healing of the reunited kingdom was of Theban -origin. The feeble ancestors of his race bore alternately the names -of Antef and Mentuhotep. They had set up their regal dwelling in that -city of Thebes which afterward became of such world-wide importance, -and their tombs (simple, homely tiled pyramids) lay at the foot of -the “Western Mountain” of the Theban necropolis. Here a few ruins of -ancient date indicate the names of the rulers. It was here too that, -more than twenty years ago, two quite modest sarcophagi belonging to -these Pharaohs were brought to light by some Arabs in search of gold, -and unconscious of what a treasure they had found. - -In that part of the city of the dead which nowadays goes among the -inhabitants by the name of Assassif, those sarcophagi were found, only -lightly covered with sand and rubble and one of them containing the -embalmed body of a king, his head adorned with a royal circlet. The -cover of the casket was richly gilded, and the sacred symbols which -decked the central strip soon revealed the name of Pharaoh Antef in the -royal cartouche. - -In the year 1854, when Brugsch for the first time stayed on the banks -of the Nile, he had the unhoped-for good fortune to stumble, in a -lumber room in the house of the Greek consul, across the coffin of a -second Antef, which was notably distinguished from the first by his -cognomen of “the Great.” The coffin is now preserved in the Louvre, a -precious and valuable relic of the ancient kingdom of the Pharaohs. - -The black rocks of the island of Konosso, near Osiris’s favoured -island of Philæ above the First Cataract, preserve the memory of the -Mentuhotep (II) who bore the royal name of Neb-taui-Ra, “Sun of the -Lord of the Country.” A sculpture chiselled in the hard stone shows the -Pharaoh as the conqueror of thirteen peoples, and as the devout servant -of his original progenitor Khem or Amsu, the famous god of Coptos. The -place of this name (Qobt it was actually called among the Egyptians) -had at that time a great reputation. - -This Mentuhotep also appears perpetuated on the wall in the rocky -valley, together with his mother, Ama. He had, so his inscription -distinctly says, caused a deep well, ten cubits in diameter, to be sunk -in the waterless, desolate waste, in order to provide reviving draughts -of fresh water for all pilgrims with their beasts of burden and all men -whom the king had commissioned to quarry stone in the hot valley. - -Another inscription, dated the 15th of Paophi in the second year of the -reign of our Mentuhotep, next commemorates the god Khem, “the Lord of -the Peoples of this Wilderness,” then renders homage to other heavenly -beings, and informs us how it was marvellously contrived to convey the -gigantic blocks of stone Nileward to serve for the future housing of -the royal corpse. A high dignitary, Amenemhat by name, and appointed -to superintend all works of the kind for Pharaoh, received an express -order to forward the heavy load of the sarcophagus and its cover from -the mountains to the ruler’s eternal resting-place. - -Long was the way and hard the labour of the task, for the mighty mass -of hewn stone measured eight cubits in length, whilst the proportion of -this to the breadth and height was as four to two. When rich offerings -had been made to the gods, three thousand strong men succeeded in -moving the gigantic weight of stone from its place, and in rolling it -down the valley to the river. - -We have less information respecting the other Mentuhotep, whose pyramid -bears the name of Khu-asu, “the most shining place.” A tombstone found -in the carefully explored valley of Abydos commemorates the priest who -presented the offerings of the dead to the departed king at the pyramid. - -The list of kings closes with Sankh-ka-Ra, the fifty-eighth of the -long series of Abydos. The rock valley of Hammamat commemorates him in -an inscription of the highest value. From Coptos the way led through -waterless deserts toward the coast of the Red Sea, and was much -frequented by merchants, who, for the sake of profit, ventured life and -limb, and after painful wanderings on desert paths trusted themselves -in the harbour to frail vessels, that they might steer for the southern -regions of the farther coasts and bring valuable goods, principally -costly spices full of sweet savours, back from the land of Punt to -their native country and the temples of the gods. - - -THE VOYAGE TO PUNT - -Under the name of Punt, the ancient inhabitants of Kamit understood a -distant country, washed by the great sea, full of valleys and hills, -rich in ebony and other valuable woods, in incense, balsam, precious -metals and stones; rich also in animals, for there are camelopards, -cheetahs, panthers, dog-headed apes, and long-tailed monkeys. Winged -creatures with strange feathers flew up to the boughs of wonderful -trees, especially of the incense tree and the cocoanut palm. Such was -the conception of the Egyptian Ophir, doubtless the coast of the modern -Somaliland, which lies in view of Arabia, though divided from it by the -sea. - -According to the old dim legend, the land of Punt was the primeval -dwelling of the gods. From Punt the heavenly beings had, headed by -Amen, Horus, and Hathor, passed into the Nile Valley. The passage of -the gods had consecrated the coast lands, which the waters of the Red -Sea washed as far as Punt and whose very name “God’s land” (Ta-neter) -recalls the legend. Amen is called Haq, that is, “King of Punt,” Hathor -similarly, “Lady and Ruler of Punt,” while Hor was spoken of as “the -holy morning star which rises westward from the land of Punt.” To this -same country belongs that idol of Bes, the ancient figure of the deity -in the land of Punt, who in frequent wanderings obtained a footing, not -only in Egypt, but in Arabia and other countries of Asia, as far as the -Greek islands. The deformed figure of Bes, with its grinning visage, is -none other than the benevolent Dionysus [Bacchus], who, pilgrimaging -through the world, dispenses gentle manners, peace, and cheerfulness to -the nations with a lavish hand. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2500 B.C.]] - -It was under Sankh-ka-Ra that the first Ophir-voyage to Punt and Ophir -was accomplished. According to the words of the inscription, everything -which might be serviceable to the expedition was wisely arranged -before-hand, and Pharaoh selected as its leader and guide the noble -Hannu, who gives the following account of it: - -“I was despatched to conduct the ships toward the land of Punt, to -fetch Pharaoh sweet-smelling spices, which the princes of the red -country collect with the fear and anxiety which he inspires in all -peoples. And I started from the city of Coptos.”--“And his majesty gave -the order that the armed men who were to accompany me should come from -the southern land of the Thebaïd.” - -After a defaced portion in the inscription, which was fairly long, and -of which enough had been preserved to show that in the course of the -story there was some account of how the armed force was provided for -offence and defence against the enemy, and how the king’s officers, -with stone-cutters and other work-people, accompanied the train, Hannu -continues: - -“And I journeyed thence with a host of three thousand men, and came -through the place of the red hamlet, and through a cultivated land. I -had skins prepared and barrows to convey the water-jars to the number -of twenty. And every one of my people carried a burden daily … and -another adjusted the load. And I had a reservoir dug twelve rods in -length in a wood, and two basins at a place called Atahet, one of them -a rod and twenty cubits, and the other a rod and thirty cubits. And I -made another in Ateb, ten cubits by ten each way, that it might hold -water a cubit deep. Thereafter I came to the harbour town of Seba (?), -and I had cargo vessels built to bring commodities of every kind. And -I made a great sacrifice of oxen, cows, and goats. And when I returned -from Seba (?) I had fulfilled the king’s command, for I brought him all -kinds of commodities, which I had found in the harbours of the sacred -country. And I descended into the street of Uak and Rohan, and took -with me valuable stones for the statues of the houses of God. The like -has never been since there were kings, and such things were never done -by any blood relations of the king who were sent to those places since -the time (the rule) of the sun-god Ra. And I did thus for the king on -account of the great favour he cherished for me.” - -M. Chabas, who first rendered this important inscription and its -contents intelligible, has joined to his translation some valuable -remarks concerning the direction of the desert road from Coptos to -the Red Sea. By this means we may satisfy ourselves that already in -those remote times, the ancient Egyptians had opened a road by which -to establish communication with the land of Punt, and to transport its -products--rare and costly commodities--to the valley of the Nile. - -In his description of the journey, Hannu speaks of five principal -camps, at which the wanderers rested, and men and animals (then only -donkeys, the only beast of burden referred to, at least at this period) -fortified themselves for the toilsome journey in the enjoyment of the -fresh drinking-water. It is, moreover, this same road which, even in -the time of the Ptolemies and Romans, led from Coptos in the direction -of the sunrise, to the harbour of Leukos Limen (now Kosseir), on the -Red Sea, the great highway and commercial route of the merchants of all -countries, who carried on a trade in the wondrous products of Arabia -and India, the bridge of nations which once connected Asia and Europe. - -Although, in view of the most recent discoveries, we must no longer -regard Punt and the oft referred to “sacred country” as the exclusive -designation of the southern and western coasts of Arabia itself, still -nothing is more probable than that, already in the reign of King -Sankh-ka-Ra, five and twenty centuries before the beginning of our era, -the Egyptians had some knowledge of the coasts of Yemen and of the -Hadramaut on the opposite side of the sea, which lay in sight of the -incense-bearing mountains of Punt and of the sacred country. Here, -in these regions, should, as it seems to us, that mysterious place be -sought which, in remotely prehistoric times, sent forth the restless -Cushite nations oversea from Arabia, like swarms of locusts, to plant -themselves on the highly favoured coasts of Punt and the “sacred -country,” and to extend their wanderings further inland in a westerly -and northerly direction.[b] - - -THE TWELFTH DYNASTY - -It is hard to keep in mind the long sweep of these meagre Egyptian -chronicles, but it must not be forgotten that we are handling dynasties -of long duration and not single reigns. - -[Illustration] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2466 B.C.]] - -It was not without a struggle that the XIIth Dynasty was established, -and the first years of the reign of the Theban king Amenemhat were -harassed by the conspiracies and plots of those who contested his claim -to the throne. - -In the _Instructions_ to his son, Usertsen I, the king says: “When -night came I took an hour of ease. I stretched myself on the soft -couch in my palace and sought repose, my spirit had nearly succumbed -to sleep, when lo! they gathered themselves together in arms against -me, and I became as weak as a serpent of the field. Then I arose to -fight with my own hands, and I found I had but to strike to conquer. -If I attacked an armed foe, he fled before me, and I had no reverse of -fortune.” And it was to this force of character that the king owed his -success. “Never in my life have I given way,” he continues, “either in -a grasshopper plague or in conspiracies set afoot in the palace, or -when, taking advantage of my youth, they banded together against me.” - -The south of Memphis was the final scene of struggle against the new -dynasty, but after the surrender of the fortified town of Titui, the -whole of Egypt surrendered to the sway of Amenemhat, who now devoted -himself to the reparation of the evils of war and to expeditions -against the Libyans, Nubians, and Asiatics, whose invasions were so -ruinous to the country. “I caused the mourner,” says the king in the -same _Instructions_, “to mourn no longer, and his lamentation was no -longer heard. Perpetual fighting was no more seen, whereas, before my -coming, they fought together as bulls who think not of the past, whilst -the welfare of the wise and unwise was equally ignored. I have had the -land tilled as far as Abu [Elephantine]. I have spread joy as far as -Adhu [the Delta]. I am the creator of the three kinds of grain, I am -the friend of Nopu [the god of grain]. In answer to my prayer the Nile -has inundated the fields; nobody hungers or thirsts under my sway, -for my orders have been obeyed. All that I said was a fresh source -of love; I have overthrown the lion and killed the crocodile. I have -conquered the Uauat, I have taken the Mazau captive, and I have forced -the Sati [Asiatics] to follow me like harriers.” - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2466-2370 B.C.]] - -In Nubia the king had the gold mines reopened which had been abandoned -since the time of Pepi. - -As Amenemhat was not young when he ascended the throne, he began to -feel the effects of age after reigning nineteen years, and this led to -his making his son, Usertsen I, co-regent with himself with all the -titles and prerogatives of royalty. “I raised thee from a subject,” -he writes in the _Instructions_, “I granted thee the free use of thy -arms that thou mightest be feared on that account. As for me, I arrayed -myself in the fine stuffs of my palace so as to look like one of the -flowers of my garden. I perfumed myself as freely as if the essences -were drawn like water from the cisterns.” - -At the end of some years the king took so little active part in the -government, that his name was often omitted in the monuments beside -that of his son; but he still gave wise counsels from the palace -where he lived in retirement. To the wisdom of his advice much of the -prosperity of Egypt was due, and such a reputation for ruling did the -old king acquire, that in a treatise, composed by a contemporary, on -the art of governing, the writer represents him rising like a god and -addressing his son: “Thou reignest over two worlds, thou dost govern -three regions. Act better than thy predecessors, maintain harmony -between thy subjects and thyself lest they succumb to fear; sit not -by thyself in their midst, do not take to thy heart and treat as thy -brother only him that is rich and of high degree, neither accord thy -friendship to newcomers whose devotion is not proved.” - -[Illustration: AMENEMHAT WORSHIPPED AS A GOD BY A SUBJUGATED PRINCE] - -In support of his _Instructions_ the old king gives a résumé of his -life, of which some extracts have been already given. Although only -three pages long, this little work became quite a classic, and kept -its place a thousand years, for at the time of the XIXth Dynasty, it -was still copied in the schools and studied as an exercise of style by -young scribes. - -Nothing is more illustrative of the state of Egypt and the neighbouring -countries at this period than certain passages from the memoirs of -an adventurer named Sineh. Arrived at the court of a little Asiatic -chief, who asks for an account of the power of the Egyptian sovereign, -and who was surprised at hearing that a death had taken place in -the palace of Amenemhat without his knowledge, the traveller gives a -poetical panegyric of the king and his son: “My exile into that country -was arranged by God, for Egypt is under the control of a master, who -is called ‘the benevolent god’; and the terror of him extends to all -the surrounding nations, as the power of the goddess Sekhet extends -over the earth in the season of sickness. I told him my thoughts and -he replied, ‘We grant thee immunity.’ His son, Usertsen, entered the -palace, for he manages his father’s business; he is an incomparable -god, he has never had his equal, he is a counsellor wise in his -designs, benevolent in his decrees, who goes and comes at his will. He -conquers foreign states and reports his conquests to his father, who -remains in the palace. He is a brave man, who rules by the sword, his -courage is unequalled; when he sees barbarians, he rushes forward and -scatters the predatory hordes. He is the hurler of javelins who makes -the hand of the enemy feeble, those whom he strikes never more lift -the lance. He is formidable in shattering skulls, and has never been -overcome. He is a swift runner who kills the fugitive, and no one can -overtake him. He is alert and ready. He is a lion who strikes with his -claws, nor ever lets go from his grip; he is a heart girded in armour -at the sight of the hosts, and leaves nothing standing behind him; he -is a valiant man rushing forward at the sight of battle. He seizes his -buckler, he bounds forward and kills without a second blow. Nobody can -withstand his arrow; before he bends his bow, the barbarians flee in -front of him like hares, for the great goddess has commanded him to -slay those who ignore her name, and when he attacks, he spares not. -All are laid low. He is a wonderful friend, who knows how to win love; -his country loves him more than herself, and rejoices in him more than -in a god; and both men and women are prompt to render him homage. -He is king; he has commanded ever since he was born; the nation has -multiplied under him, the unique being of a divine essence by whom this -land rejoices to be governed. He has enlarged the frontiers of the -South, whilst not coveting the region of the North. He has subjugated -the Asiatics and conquered the Nemashatu.” - -[Illustration: USERTSEN I - -(From a statue)] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2370-2250 B.C.]] - -The co-regency of Usertsen I with Amenemhat I, instituted ten years -before the king’s death, led to Usertsen’s being accepted as successor -to his father without any opposition. And following his parent’s -example, this king (after forty-two years) appointed his son, Amenemhat -II, to be co-regent with himself; and he, thirty-two years later, did -the same with Usertsen II; Amenemhat III and Amenemhat IV also reigned -a long time together. The only reigns in which there is no proof of -co-regency are those of Usertsen III and Queen Sebek-neferu-Ra (the -Schemiophris of Manetho), who was the last of the dynasty, which had -lasted 213 years, 1 month, and 27 days. - -The history of the XIIth Egyptian dynasty is certainly given with -greater accuracy and completeness than that of any of the others. In -spite of the deficiencies in the biographies of the eight monarchs, -and the accounts of their wars, we have an uninterrupted survey of the -development of their policy, and even after the lapse of four thousand -years and more, we can form a fair idea of the Egypt of the period. As -engineers, soldiers, friends of art, and patrons of agriculture, they -were indefatigable in their work of aggrandising the country. With the -enlargement of the boundaries of the kingdom, the hordes of barbarians -on the frontiers were dispersed, Nubia was conquered; the valley of the -Middle Nile, from the First Cataract to the Fourth, was colonised; the -supply of water was more equalised by the creation of Lake Mœris and -a system of canals; and towns like Heliopolis, Thebes, Tanis, and a -hundred others of less repute, were adorned with fine buildings. Egypt, -in fact, at this time, was in a most prosperous state, and if later -she obtained more renown by her Asiatic wars and distant conquests, -the period of this dynasty, when each generation of Pharaohs followed -in the other’s steps of good administration, was the most happy and -peaceful of all. - -The two scenes of warfare of the Pharaohs at this period were Syria -on the east of the Delta, and Nubia, properly so called, on the south -of Elephantine. One would have thought that the large tracts of sand, -separating the Syrians from Egypt, would have prevented any incursions -from that quarter. But the nomadic tribes made such inroads on that -district that a series of fortresses had to be built from the Red -Sea to the Nile, to protect the entrance of the Wady Tumilat from -the hordes; and this wall, begun by Amenemhat and continued by his -successors, marked the extreme limit, at that time, of the empire of -the Pharaohs in this direction. Beyond stretched the desert, a world -almost unknown to the Egyptians at that time. - -Of the people of Syria and Palestine they had only vague ideas brought -thither by the caravans or brought to the ports in the Mediterranean -by sailors who had been there. Sometimes, however, a party of -emigrants, or even whole tribes, driven from their country by misery or -revolutions, would arrive and settle in Egypt. One of the bas-reliefs -of the tomb of Khnumhotep depicts the arrival of such a party. It -represents thirty-seven men, women, and children, brought before the -governor of the nome of Mah, to whom they present a sort of greenish -paint, called moszmit, and two boxes. They are armed like Egyptians -with bows, javelins, axes, and clubs; one of them plays, as he walks, -on an instrument resembling an old Greek lyre in shape. The cut of -their dress, the brilliancy and good taste of the fringed and patterned -materials, the elegance of most of the things they have with them, -testify to an advanced stage of civilisation, albeit inferior to that -of Egypt. Asia already supplied Egypt with slaves, perfumes, cedar -wood, and cedar essences, enamelled precious stones, lapis-lazuli, and -the embroidered and dyed stuffs of which Chaldea retained the monopoly -until the time of the Romans.[c] - -The monuments of this great period provoked wonder among the ancients, -and the old traveller and historian Herodotus thus describes the -marvels of Egypt:[a] - - -MONUMENTS OF THE TWELFTH DYNASTY: A CLASSICAL VIEW - -It was the resolution of all the princes to leave behind them a common -monument of their fame:--With this view, beyond the Lake Mœris, near -the City of Crocodiles, they constructed a labyrinth, which exceeds, -I can truly say, all that has been said of it; whoever will take -the trouble to compare them, will find all the works of Greece much -inferior to this, both in regard to the workmanship and expense. The -temples of Ephesus and Samos may justly claim admiration, and the -Pyramids may individually be compared to many of the magnificent -structures of Greece, but even these are inferior to the Labyrinth. It -is composed of twelve courts, all of which are covered; their entrances -are opposite to each other, six to the north and six to the south; one -wall encloses the whole; the apartments are of two kinds, there are -fifteen hundred above the surface of the ground, and as many beneath, -in all three thousand. Of the former I speak from my own knowledge and -observation; of the latter, from the information I received. - -The Egyptians who had the care of the subterraneous apartments would -not suffer me to see them, and the reason they alleged was, that in -these were preserved the sacred crocodiles, and the bodies of the kings -who constructed the labyrinth: of these therefore I presume not to -speak; but the upper apartments I myself examined, and I pronounce them -among the greatest efforts of human industry and art. - -The almost infinite number of winding passages through the different -courts, excited my warmest admiration: from spacious halls I passed -through smaller apartments, and from them again to large and -magnificent courts, almost without end. The ceilings and walls are all -of marble, the latter richly adorned with the finest sculpture; around -each court are pillars of the whitest and most polished marble: at the -point where the labyrinth terminates, stands a pyramid one hundred and -sixty cubits high, having large figures of animals engraved on its -outside, and the entrance to it is by a subterraneous path. - -Wonderful as this labyrinth is, the Lake Mœris, near which it stands, -is still more extraordinary: the circumference of this is three -thousand six hundred stadia, or sixty schæni, which is the length of -Egypt about the coast. This lake stretches itself from north to south, -and in its deepest parts is two hundred cubits; it is entirely the -produce of human industry, which indeed the work itself testifies, for -in its centre may be seen two pyramids, each of which is two hundred -cubits above and as many beneath the water: upon the summit of each -is a colossal statue of marble, in a sitting attitude. The precise -altitude of these pyramids is consequently four hundred cubits; these -four hundred cubits, or one hundred orgyiæ, are adapted to a stadium of -six hundred feet; an orgyia is six feet, or four cubits, for a foot is -four palms, and a cubit six. - -The waters of the lake are not supplied by springs; the ground which it -occupies is of itself remarkably dry, but it communicates by a secret -channel with the Nile; for six months the lake empties itself into the -Nile, and the remaining six the Nile supplies the lake. During the six -months in which the waters of the lake ebb, the fishery which is here -carried on furnishes the royal treasury with a talent of silver every -day; but as soon as the Nile begins to pour its waters into the lake, -it produces no more than twenty minæ. - -[The silver which the fishery of this lake produced was, says Larcher, -appropriated to find the queen with clothes and perfume.] - -The inhabitants affirm of this lake, that it has a subterraneous -passage inclining inland towards the west, to the mountains above -Memphis, where it discharges itself into the Libyan sands. I was -anxious to know what became of the earth, which must somewhere have -necessarily been heaped up in digging this lake; as my search after it -was fruitless, I made inquiries concerning it of those who lived nearer -the lake. I was the more willing to believe them, when they told me -where it was carried, as I had before heard of a similar expedient used -at Nineveh, an Assyrian city. Some robbers, who were solicitous to get -possession of the immense treasures of Sardanapalus, King of Nineveh, -which were deposited in subterraneous apartments, began from the place -where they lived to dig under ground, in a direction towards them. -Having taken the most accurate measurement, they continued their mine -to the palace of the king; as night approached they regularly emptied -the earth into the Tigris, which flows near Nineveh, and at length -accomplished their purpose. A plan entirely similar was executed in -Egypt, except that the work was here carried on not by night but by -day; the Egyptians threw the earth into the Nile, as they dug it from -the trench; thus it was regularly dispersed, and this, as they told me, -was the process of the lake’s formation.[d] - -Thus Herodotus explains what he but faintly understood; his translator -William Beloe has added the following commentary:[a] - -Herodotus, Diodorus, and Pomponius Mela differ but little in opinion -concerning its extent. The design of it was probably to hinder the Nile -from overflowing the country too much, which was effected by drawing -off such a quantity of water, when it was apprehended that there might -be an inundation sufficient to hurt the land. [The regulation of the -Nile floods has been accomplished in the latter part of the nineteenth -century, by dams elsewhere described.] The water, Pococke observes, is -of a disagreeable muddy taste, and almost as salt as the sea, which -quality it probably contracts from the nitre that is in the earth, and -the salt which is every year left in the mud. The circumference of the -lake at present is no more than fifty leagues. Larcher says we must -distinguish betwixt the lake itself, and the canal of communication -from the Nile; that the former was the work of nature, the latter of -art. This canal, a most stupendous effort of art, is still entire; it -is called Bahr Yusuf, the canal of Joseph. According to Savary it is -forty leagues in length. - -There were two other canals with sluices at their mouths, from the lake -to the river, which were alternately shut and opened when the Nile -increased or decreased. This work united every advantage, and supplied -the deficiencies of a low inundation, by retaining water which would -uselessly have been expended in the sea. It was still more beneficial -when the increase of the Nile was too great, by receiving that -superfluity which would have prevented seed-time. Were the canal of -Joseph cleansed, the ancient mounds repaired, and the sluices restored, -this lake might again serve the same purposes. The pyramids described -by Herodotus no longer exist, neither are they mentioned by Strabo. - -When it is considered that this was the work of an individual, and that -its object was the advantage and comfort of a numerous people, it must -be agreed, with M. Savary, that the king who constructed it performed a -far more glorious work than either the Pyramids or the Labyrinth.[e] - -The Sphinx itself is hardly more distinctly Egyptian than the ruins -of Karnak, a solemn memorial of Old Thebes. The famed Egyptologist, -Lepsius, visited the region and described the impression the ruins made -on him as follows:[a] - - -THE RUINS OF KARNAK - -The river here divides the broad valley into two unequal parts. On the -west side it approaches close to the precipitous Libyan range, which -there projects; on the eastern side it bounds a wide fruitful plain, -extending as far as Medamut, a spot situated on the border of the -Arabian Desert, several hours distant. On this side stood the actual -town of Thebes, which seems to have been chiefly grouped round the two -great temples of Karnak and Luxor, situated above half an hour apart. -Karnak lies more to the north, and farther removed from the Nile; Luxor -is now actually washed by the waves of the river, and may even formerly -have been the harbour of the city. The west side of the river contained -the necropolis of Thebes, and all the temples which stood here referred -more or less to the worship of the dead; indeed, all the inhabitants of -this part, which was afterwards comprehended by the Greeks under the -name of Memnonia, seem to have been principally occupied with the care -of the dead and their tombs. The former extent of the Memnonia may be -now distinguished by Gurnah and Medinet Habu, places situated at the -northern and southern extremities. - -A survey of the Theban monuments naturally begins with the ruins of -Karnak. Here stood the great royal temple of the hundred-gated Thebes, -which was dedicated to Amen-Ra, the King of the Gods, and to the -peculiar local god of the city of Amen, so called after him (No-Amen, -Diospolis). Ap, along with the feminine article Tap, from which the -Greeks made Thebe, was the name of one particular sanctuary of Amen. -It is also often employed in hieroglyphics in the singular, or still -more frequently in plural (Napu), as the name of the town; for which -reason the Greeks naturally, without changing the article along with -it, generally used the plural θῆβαι. The whole history of the Egyptian -monarchy, after the city of Amen was raised to be one of the two royal -residences in the land, is connected with this temple. All dynasties -emulated in the glory of having contributed their share to the -enlargement, embellishment, or restoration of this national sanctuary. - -It was founded by their first king, the mighty Usertsen I, under the -Old Theban Royal Dynasty (XIIth of Manetho), between 2400 and 2300 -B.C., and even now exhibits some ruins in the centre of the building -from that period bearing the name of this king. During the dynasties -immediately succeeding, which for several centuries groaned under the -yoke of the victorious hereditary enemy, this sanctuary no doubt was -also deserted, and nothing has been preserved which belonged to that -period. But after the first king of the XVIIIth Dynasty, Aahmes, in the -seventeenth century B.C., had succeeded in his first war against the -Hyksos, his two successors, Amenhotep I and Tehutimes I, built round -the remains of the most ancient sanctuary a magnificent temple, with a -great many chambers round the cella, and with a broad court, and pylons -appertaining to it, in front of which Tehutimes I erected two obelisks. -Two other pylons, with contiguous court walls, were built by the same -king, at a right angle with the temple in the direction of Luxor. - -Tehutimes III and his sister enlarged this temple to the back by a -hall resting on fifty-six columns, besides many other chambers, which -surrounded it on three sides, and were encircled by one common outer -wall. The succeeding kings partly closed the temple more perfectly in -front, partly built new independent temples near it, and also placed -two more large pylons towards the southwest, in front of those erected -by Tehutimes I, so that now four lofty pylons formed the magnificent -entrance to the principal temple on this side. - -But a far more splendid enlargement of the temple was executed in -the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries B.C. by the great Pharaohs -of the XIXth Dynasty; for Seti I, the father of Ramses Meri-Amen, -added in the original axis of the temple the most magnificent hall -of pillars that was ever seen in Egypt or elsewhere. The stone roof, -supported by 134 columns, covers a space of 164 feet in depth, and -320 feet in breadth. Each of the twelve central columns is 36 feet -in circumference, and 66 feet high beneath the architrave; the other -columns, 40 feet high, are 27 feet in circumference. - -It is impossible to describe the overwhelming impression which is -experienced upon entering for the first time into this forest of -columns, and wandering from one range into the other, between the lofty -figures of gods and kings on every side represented on them, projecting -sometimes entirely, sometimes only in part. Every surface is covered -with various sculptures, now in relief, now sunk, which were, however, -only completed under the successors of the builder; most of them, -indeed, by his son Ramses Meri-Amen. In front of this hypostyle hall -was placed, at a later period, a great hypæthral court, 270 by 320 feet -in extent, decorated on the sides only with colonnades, and entered by -a magnificent pylon. - -The principal part of the temple terminated here, comprising a length -of 1170 feet, not including the row of sphinxes in front of its -external pylon, nor the peculiar sanctuary which was placed by Ramses -Meri-Amen directly beside the wall farthest back in the temple, and -with the same axis, but turned in such a manner that its entrance was -on the opposite side. Including these enlargements, the entire length -must have amounted to nearly 2000 feet, reckoning to the most southern -gate of the external wall, which surrounded the whole space, which -was of nearly equal breadth. The later dynasties, who now found the -principal temples completed on all sides, but who also were desirous -of contributing their share to the embellishment of this centre of -the Theban worship, began partly to erect separate small temples on -the large level space which was surrounded by the above-mentioned -enclosure-wall, partly to extend these temples also externally.[f] - -In almost unfailing sequence decline follows glory; and now, having -seen the ruined monuments of the Theban Kingdom, we may turn to -consider the ruin of her power.[a] - - -THE FALL OF THE THEBAN KINGDOM - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2250-1635 B.C.]] - -The new family (XIIIth Dynasty) which ascended the throne with -Sebekhotep I, seems, from numerous similarities of name, to have been -connected with the previous dynasty; for instance, two of its rulers -took the prename of Amenemhat I, and their surname, generally supposed -to have been derived from the god’s name Sebek, is linked to the name -of the last queen, Sebek-neferu-Ra. - -Sebekhotep I appears only once in the monuments, in a measurement -of the height of the Nile at Kummeh in the first year of his reign; -besides him only the sixth of his successors, with the remarkable name -of Amenie-Antef-Amenemhat are on the two altar tablets of the Theban -Amen. - -Evidently none of these reigns was of long duration; usurpations and -probably also revolts of the nomarchs shook the kingdom, as at the end -of the VIth dynasty. - -The Turin papyrus has an incision at Ranseneb, the eleventh or twelfth -successor of Sebekhotep I. Most of the rulers of the next family (about -fifteen in number) are known to us only by single monuments, and we see -that they still rule the united kingdoms of Usertsen III, from Tanis -to Semneh, albeit in a stormy fashion. Certainly one must not estimate -the accounts of their power and brilliancy too highly, as has been the -case lately. They have left us only short inscriptions and statues, -some of which are masterpieces of work, and albeit the former are of -short reigns and very circumscribed, they are full of significance. The -fact that the sixth king bore the name of Mermesha (_i.e._ General) -shows that he was an usurper. We have two colossal statues of this -ruler, found in Tanis. The tenth king, Neferhotep, was the son of a -private person, brought perhaps by marriage near to the throne, and -we find the name of this ruler here and there on temple buildings at -Karnak and Abydos; and finally the five reigns, of which we know the -duration are only very short; all these are points which cast a clear -light on the condition of Egypt at the time. - -The above-named Neferhotep, who reigned eleven years, seems to have -been the most powerful ruler of the period; this great ruler appears -with his family in inscriptions in the district of the First Cataract -(Assuan, Konosso, Sehel) and in the temple of Karnak, also in a -large and very interesting inscription at Abydos, and the museum of -Bologna has a statue of him, as well as of his second son, Sebekhotep -V (Kha-nefer-Ra). The elder, Sehathor, died after a reign of a few -months. There was a colossal granite statue of Sebekhotep V found -at Tanis, another far in the Nubian country on the island of Arqo, -far above the Second Cataract, and the Louvre has two more. There is -frequent mention of him at Karnak. The three last rulers of this house -are of no great importance. Far less is known of the next rulers than -of the above. Their names, probably about a hundred, are divided into -dynasties and fill nearly five divisions of the Turin papyrus. Where -we have dates, there are, on the whole, about twenty-two, more or less -recognisable; they show that the reigns were of short duration, a few -months, one or two years, and, far more rarely, three or four years. -There is only one case of a longer reign, and that was in the case of -the first ruler of the new house, Mer-nefer-Ra Ai, who reigned thirteen -years, eight months, and eighteen days. - -It follows that only a very few of these kings are known to us through -the monuments, and the majority only by insignificant memorials. Their -names appear only occasionally in the stone quarries at Hammamat, or -in Karnak and Abydos, or they have statues, which are far inferior to -those of the preceding epoch. - -And yet we have from this, as well as from the preceding epoch, a line -of graves and tomb steles in Abydos, as well as numerous rock tombs in -El-Kab (Eleithyia), and probably also the great rock graves of Assiut -(Lycopolis), which attest the position and power of the high priests -of Anubis and the governors of the nome. They are as important for -this period as the graves of Beni-Hasan are for the XIIth Dynasty, but -unfortunately they are in a much worse condition, and much poorer in -historical information. - - -THE FOREIGN RULE - -The facts above mentioned clearly show that the Egypt of this period -was governed under conditions similar to those existing in the Roman -Empire in the third century after Christ. - -In fact, as a fuller light is thrown upon Egyptian history, there seems -to have been a whole line of dynasties, evidently local, coexistent -with the chief king at Thebes. If Neferhotep and Sebekhotep V still -reigned over Egypt from Nubia to Tanis, the Delta was lost under their -successors. It is not an improbable theory of Stern’s that Manetho’s -XIVth Dynasty of seventy-six kings from Xoïs (Sakha), in the western -Delta, included Libyan foreign rulers who occupied the Delta. - -But the chief invaders of this time were an Asiatic race who made a -violent attack on the power of the Pharaohs at Thebes. They were the -Mentu, or, as they are now called, the Mentu of Satet, that is “the -barbarous Asiatic country.” They were called the Shepherds or Hyksos by -their contemporaries and by Manetho. - -Of what race the Hyksos were, is not known. Some points in the account -show that we have here to do with an invasion of Bedouin races, one of -those frequent raids upon cultivated land by nomads of the desert. - -Among the latest opinions on the subject is one that ascribes to the -Hyksos a partly Semitic and partly Turanian origin, and accounts for -their settling in Egypt by their being crowded out of western Asia in -the numerous race conflicts of which that part of the world was the -arena. The expelled people could find no resting-place among the wild -hordes of Syria, and moved on to the peaceful and fertile valley of the -Nile. - -It is certain that Semitic and Canaanitish, not Arabic, elements -penetrated to Egypt under the Hyksos. The Egyptian language was -subsequently sprinkled with Canaanitish words; the specifically -Canaanitish divinities Baal Astarte (in the feminine form), Anit, -Reshpu, etc., were afterwards extensively worshipped in the eastern -Delta, and in the whole of Egypt. In the next centuries we find -Canaanitish proper names everywhere. - -More accurate information on the invasion of the Hyksos is wanting. It -is certain that they settled in Lower Egypt, where they founded a state -which they ruled according to the Egyptian fashion. Their chief seats -were Avaris (Ha-Uar), the border fortress built or enlarged by them, -which is Pelusium, or a place a little to the south; and Tanis, the -powerful capital of the eastern Delta, ornamented by numerous buildings -of the XIIth Dynasty and the real residence of the Hyksos kings. - -It seems, moreover, certain that Memphis, and even the Fayum, -remained in their hands; but Upper Egypt was at most conquered only -temporarily. Here ruled, during this epoch, the kings mentioned in the -five divisions of the Turin papyrus, and their successors, perhaps as -tributary vassals, since they occasionally bear the title of Haq, that -is, Prince. - -King Meneptah, the son of the great Ramses, speaks of this time as “the -epoch of the kings of Lower Egypt, since this land Qem was in their -(power), and the accursed foe (Aad, the Plague) ruled at the time when -the kings of Upper Egypt (were powerless).” - -It is very possible that the Hyksos pillaged Egypt in their conquests, -but Manetho’s assertion that they systematically destroyed the temples -and monuments is contradicted by the following facts. The chief god -they worshipped was Sutekh, or Set with the surname of “the Golden,” -by which the Sun-Baal is understood. They built him a great temple -in Tanis, and his cult was followed in the eastern Delta until later -times. He was also called “Lord of Avaris” at this time. - -The Egyptian gods were, however, retained; the kings called themselves -“sons of Ra” and, like the Egyptian rulers, they chiefly begin their -throne names with “Ra.” Egyptian culture was generally adopted by the -foreigners. - -The fact that we have a mathematical handbook under the rule of a -Hyksos king, written “according to old copies,” and that we have a -scribe’s palette, presented by the same king to the scribe Atu, shows -that writing was in vogue under their rule. The monuments ascribed to -them, particularly the sphinxes with kings’ heads, found at Tanis, a -group of two men before an altar with fish, the piece of a statue -from Mit-Fares in the Fayum, differ widely from the Egyptian type -in features and apparel, but the work is evidently that of Egyptian -artists, and most carefully executed. - -The length of the rule of the Hyksos is as unknown to us as the number -of their kings. Manetho makes two dynasties (Dynasties XV and XVI) -rule, which, according to Josephus, reigned 511 years altogether over -the whole of Egypt, whilst the tables of Africanus give 284 to the XVth -(an evident misquotation of Josephus 260) and 518 to the XVIth. For -the XVIIth Dynasty, according to Africanus, 43 Shepherds and 43 Theban -kings ruled for 151 years; and this is the era of the struggle for -freedom, which ended with the expulsion of the Hyksos. It is impossible -for these figures to be correct, but there is no means of getting at -the historical truth, even approximately. It can be said, however, -that according to the monuments there is no gap of five hundred or -more years between the end of the XIIIth Dynasty and the beginning of -the New Kingdom. The pedigrees of the nomarchs and nobles of El-Kab -(Eileithyia) give names after a few generations, which are undoubtedly -contemporaneous with the XIIIth and XIVth Dynasties. - -The monuments of the first rulers of the New Kingdom in Thebes show -the closest connection with the more ancient Theban, and strikingly so -with those of the XIth Dynasty. There is, certainly between the time of -Amenemhat and Sebekhotep and the New Kingdom, no distinctive break in -culture and art similar to that between the Old Kingdom of Memphis and -the XIIth Dynasty. - -Manetho’s figures have evidently to be very considerably reduced. Some -of the short-lived rulers of the Egyptian dynasties must be regarded -as contemporaneous with the Hyksos kings and connected directly with -the first rulers of the New Kingdom who undertook the struggle for -emancipation. - -If we allow 150 years for the first kings of the XIII Dynasty,--and -dates are inevitable,--about four hundred years would be reckoned from -the end of the XIIth Dynasty to the expulsion of the Hyksos under -Aahmes. Moreover, we also know that a Hyksos king, Nub, reigned four -hundred years before Ramses II.[g] - -It will be clear to the reader, from the account just given, that the -period of the XIIIth-XVIIth Dynasties is one of which we have very -little knowledge. Not only is the Turin papyrus here much broken, but -the intrusion of the Hyksos has greatly confused the knowledge we -have indirectly from Manetho through Josephus, Africanus, Eusebius, -and others. Petrie has made a careful study of the subject, and his -conclusions are, in brief, as follows: - -1. The Hyksos were not contemporaneous with the 453 years of the -XIIIth Dynasty. - -2. There is a period of about 100 years during the XIVth Egyptian -Dynasty during which the Hyksos gradually came into power, and - -3. The XVth Dynasty mentioned by Africanus and Eusebius represents -the 260 years of the great Hyksos kings, while Africanus has included -this period again in his XVIth Dynasty of 518 years. On the other hand, -the XVIth Dynasty mentioned by Eusebius is the Egyptian XVIth of 190 -years, in which the native rulers persisted, but were ruled and almost -eclipsed by the invaders. - -4. The XVIIth Dynasty of both Africanus and Eusebius (it will be -remembered that Josephus dealt only with the Hyksos and neglected the -contemporary Egyptian sovereigns) is a joint dynasty of Hyksos and -Egyptians. The number of its kings is quite unknown, and its period -witnessed the struggle of the two races which culminated in the triumph -of Aahmes I (XVIIIth Dynasty) and the restoration of the old race. - -The following table, compiled from Petrie,[h] and keeping his dates, -will show the situation as viewed by this eminent authority: - - ========================================================================= - Date| | |Date| | - B.C.|Egyptian Dynasty| Years |B.C.| Hyksos Dynasty |Years - ----+----------------+---------+----+------------------------------+----- - 2565|XIII, (60 kings)| | | | - 2112| | 453 |2112|14 years before Hyksos came to| - | | | | power. | - | | |2098| | - | | | | | - |XIV, (76 kings) | 184} | |Unknown period of 100 years} | - | | } | | during which Hyksos } | - | | } | | harried Egyptians. } | - | | } |1998| } | - 1928| | }525 | |XV, (6 great Hyksos) 260 } |511 - |XVI, (8 kings) | 190} | | years. } | - 1738| | } |1738| } | - |XVII, (? kings) | 151} | |XVII, (? kings) 151 years. } | - 1587| | } |1587| } | - ========================================================================= - - -THE HYKSOS RULE; THE SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2000-1635 B.C.]] - -It has been most fortunate for our study of antiquity that Josephus’[i] -account of the early history of his people was received by the Greeks -with doubt and denial. In an impassioned answer to his critics the -great Jewish historian has preserved the only account we possess of the -appearance and fortunes of the Hyksos in Egypt, although of course he -is wrong in his theory that these people were Hebrews. - -He quotes from Manetho[j]: “There was a king of ours whose name -was Timæus.” (The identity of this king has never been determined -with certainty. It may have been Amenemhat IV (XIIth Dynasty) or Ra -Amenemhat, the third king of the XIIIth.) “Under him it came to pass, -I know not how, that God was averse to us, and there came, after a -surprising manner, men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and -had boldness enough to make an expedition into our country, and with -ease subdued it by force, yet without our hazarding a battle with them.” - -It is possible that this campaign of unresisted conquest was -accomplished with the aid of factors hitherto unknown on the African -continent: the war chariot and the horse.[a] - -“So when they had gotten those that governed us under their power, -they afterwards burnt down our cities and demolished the temples of -the gods, and used all the inhabitants after a most barbarous manner. -At length they made one of themselves king, whose name was Salatis; he -lived also at Memphis and made both the upper and lower regions pay -tribute, and left garrisons in places that were the most proper for -them. He chiefly aimed to secure the eastern parts, as foreseeing that -the Assyrians, who had then the greatest power, would be desirous of -that kingdom and invade them; and as he found in the Saïte [Sethroite] -nome, a city very proper for his purpose, and which lay upon the -Bubastic channel, called Avaris; this he rebuilt and made very strong -by walls, and by a most numerous garrison of two hundred and forty -thousand armed men to keep it. Thither Salatis came in summer-time, -partly to gather his corn, and pay his soldiers their wages, and -partly to exercise his armed men and thereby to terrify foreigners. -When this man had reigned thirteen years, after him reigned another, -whose name was Beon [or Bnon], for forty-four years, and after him -reigned another, called Apachnas, thirty-six years and seven months; -after him Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then Ianias fifty years -and one month, after all these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two -months. And these six were the first rulers among them, who were all -along making war with the Egyptians, and were very desirous gradually -to destroy them to the very roots. This whole nation was called -Hyksos, _i.e._ Shepherd kings. These people and their descendants kept -possession of Egypt 511 years. - -“And after this the kings of the Thebaïd and of the other parts of -Egypt made an insurrection against the Shepherds, and a terrible and -long war was made between them. - -“Under a king whose name was Alisphragmuthosis, the Shepherds were -subdued, and were indeed driven out of other parts of Egypt, but were -shut up in a place that contained ten thousand acres; this place was -named Avaris. - -“The Shepherds built a wall around all this place, which was a large -and strong wall, and this in order to keep all their possessions and -their prey within a place of strength, but that Thummosis, the son of -Alisphragmuthosis made an attempt to take them by force and by siege, -with four hundred and eighty thousand men to lie round about them; -but that upon his despair of taking the place by that siege, they -came to an agreement with them, that they should leave Egypt and go -without any harm to be done them, whithersoever they would; and after -this agreement was made, they went away with their whole families and -effects, not fewer in number than two hundred and forty thousand, and -took their journey from Egypt, through the wilderness, for Syria; but -as they were in fear of the Assyrians, who had then the dominion over -Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judah, and -that large enough to contain this great number of men, and called it -Hierosolyma (Jerusalem).”[i] - -[Illustration: CAPTIVES BEFORE THE PHARAOH] - -The modern historian is brought face to face with the fact that for -the period of the XIIIth to the XVIIIth Dynasties there is even less -material and information than for that other “dark age” extending from -the VIIth to the XIth. The main facts of our knowledge concerning the -XIIIth Dynasty have been given in the preceding chapter. The Hyksos -were settled in the land but had not yet come to power. The Pharaohs -were still in full possession of Upper and Lower Egypt. - -This cannot have been the case with the XIVth, which Manetho tells -us had its capital at Xoïs (Sakha, a town on the western side of the -central Delta), from which it would seem probable that the invaders -drove the ruling house to the west instead of southward, up the Nile, -perhaps because the broad river and its wide marsh-land were found -to be the best means of defence against a people acquainted hitherto -with only small and insignificant streams. The Turin papyrus gives -eighty-five names for this dynasty; Manetho’s figure is seventy-six, -and of only two of them are there even the slightest remains. For the -184 years this dynasty is said to have ruled, the average length of -reign is therefore only 2½ years. How may we explain this? There seems -to be little doubt that the untrammelled rule of this dynasty lasted -but a few years, perhaps less than twenty. By degrees the Hyksos chiefs -attained influence and power, until, as Professor Petrie says, the -native kings “were merely the puppets of the Hyksos power, the heads -of the native administration which was maintained for taxing purposes; -like the last emperors of Rome, whose reigns also average two years and -a half, or like the Coptic administration of Egypt, maintained during -the supremacy of Islam in Egypt as being the only practical way of -working the country. Later on, when the Hyksos had established a firm -hold on all the land and had a strong rule of their own, these native -viceroys were permitted a longer tenure of power, and formed the XVIth -Dynasty contemporary with the great Hyksos kings.” - -[Illustration: COSTUME OF A SOLDIER OF PHARAOH] - -The first Hyksos kings seem, from the very beginning, to have -appreciated fully that it was better to exploit the country than to -devastate it, and to this end they retained the temple scribes and -other officials of the native rulers. The influence of the organised -government soon bore effect. - -All the pomp and circumstance of Pharaoh’s court were revived; the new -sovereigns had become civilised, and they managed, by adopting the -titles of the Amenemhats and Usertsens, to legitimise themselves as -descendants of Horus and “sons of Ra.” The local religions were not -interfered with, but the chief object of their worship was Baal, “the -lord of all, a cruel and savage warrior,” and from his great similarity -to Set, “the brother and enemy of Osiris,” Baal and Set soon became -identified, and Set was now called Sutekh, “the Great Set.” - -The six great Hyksos kings--those mentioned in the Josephus-Manetho -account--may be considered as composing the XVth Dynasty. Their rule -of nearly 260 years marked the zenith of Hyksos power. There was as yet -no sign of rebellion amongst the conquered people. - -But when we come to the so-called XVIIth Dynasty the years are no -longer tranquil and authority undisputed. As stated in the preceding -chapter, it is the better plan to regard this dynasty as a joint one -of Shepherds and Egyptians, for its rise is wholly lost to sight under -the Hyksos power. We know that the Hyksos Apophis (Apepa I) ruled the -whole land, for his name is found far in the south; but in the days of -his namesake Apophis (Apepa II), some three hundred years later, Thebes -was practically independent. The compilers of the lists make mention of -unsuccessful attempts at rebellion on the part of the Theban vassals, -for some time before Apepa II, but this ruler had to meet a decisive -revolt under Seqenen-Ra-Taa I, who was _haq_ (prince or regent) over -the South. There is no information as to the cause of the outbreak or -its consequences, but the tale of “Apepa and Seqenen-Ra,” so popular -with readers five hundred years later, asserts that the cause of the -quarrel was a religious one, since Thebes refused to worship no other -gods but Sutekh. Seqenen-Ra would seem to have been the descendant -of a branch of the royal Egyptian line, settled in the far south to -escape the Hyksos oppression, and which, intermarrying with Ethiopian -blood, had become possessed of the characteristics of the dark Berber -race. With the decay of the Hyksos power, these people gradually worked -their way northward from Nubia, and began the re-winning of the land -for the ancient line of Pharaohs. For eighty years after the death of -Assis we have no names of these Berbers, but finally Seqenen-Ra I, in -the days of Apepa II, declared himself “Son of the Sun and King of -the Two Egypts,” and the princes of the Saïd made common cause with -him. Now the native rulers of the XVIIth Dynasty free themselves from -any confusion with the Hyksos, and the strife has become a serious -one. A second Seqenen-Ra, bearing the same family name Taa, followed -the first, and then a third, whose wife Aah-hotep is one of the great -queens of Egyptian history, further celebrated as the mother of the -honoured Nefert-ari. Aah-hotep in all probability was married before, -to an Egyptian and not a Berber husband, and by him was the mother of -an elder Aahmes, who died prematurely, and his three brothers, Kames, -Sekhent-neb-Ra, and a second Aahmes, the Amasis of the Greeks, who -founded the XVIIIth Dynasty. - -[Illustration: EGYPTIAN GYMNASTS - -(From the monuments)] - -Professor Maspero, one of the greatest authorities for this period of -Egyptian history, holds to the belief that Seqenen-Ra-Taa III was the -sole husband of Aah-hotep, and consequently the father of Aahmes, his -brothers, and Nefert-ari. Dr. Petrie, however, one of the most recent -of investigators, says: “Aahmes is always (except once) shown of the -same colour as other Egyptians, while Nefert-ari is almost always -coloured black. And any symbolic reason invented to account for such -colouring applies equally to her brother, who is nevertheless not -black. As Nefert-ari was especially venerated as the ancestress of the -dynasty, we must suppose that she was in the unbroken female line of -descent, in which the royal succession appears to have been reckoned, -and hence her black colour is more likely to have come through her -father. The only conclusion, if these points should be established, is -that the Queen Aah-hotep had two husbands; the one black (the father -of Nefert-ari), the celebrated Seqenen-Ra, who was of Berber type; the -other an Egyptian, the father of Aahmes and his elder brothers.” - -There is little known of Aah-hotep’s origin beyond that she was of -pure royal descent, but there are documents which attest to her very -long and eventful life. In the tenth year of Amenhotep I she was still -active and must have been nearly ninety years old; and if a stele found -at Iufi is to be credited, she was alive, and about a hundred, under -her great-grandson Tehutimes I. - -Aah-hotep would have had every right to rule as sovereign, but she -willingly gave over the power to her sons. When she died her body was -embalmed with special care, and a beautifully gilded mummy-case was -made for her. Within this coffin was placed the jewelry, presents from -husband and sons, which until recently has been the most famous find -of its kind. Most of the trinkets are for feminine use: bracelets, -solid and hollow gold ankle rings, others of gold beads, lapis lazuli, -cornelian, and green feldspar, a fan with a gold inlaid handle, a -mirror of gilt bronze with handle of ebony, etc. - -This wonderful woman in the course of her long life must have witnessed -the whole drama of the restoration. Born when the heel of the Hyksos -was still felt in the land, she closed her eyes, not only with her -country free and her family firmly seated on the throne, but with the -Syrian fatherland of the hated usurpers under heavy tribute, the fruits -of the conquests of her own descendants to the third generation. - -Kames and Sekhnet-neb-Ra quickly succeeded Seqenen-Ra III. The struggle -against the Shepherd kings was kept up, and when Aahmes found himself -Pharaoh, nearly the whole of the country was free, and only the -provinces about Ha-Uar (Avaris) remained to the Hyksos; but here they -were prepared to make a desperate stand.[a] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. THE RESTORATION - -[XVIIITH DYNASTY: _ca._ 1635-1365 B.C.] - - Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories, goodly races of horse, - chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like--all - this is but a sheep in a lion’s skin, except the breed and - disposition of the people be stout and warlike.--BACON. - - -It has just been shown that the leading dynasties of the Theban -kingdom, before the invasion of the Hyksos, had essentially a pacific -character. Their epoch was a period of social, literary and artistic -activity, such as usually comes to a nation only at the apex of its -career, or as it is passing into its decline. It was so here. Egypt -as a nation was soon overthrown; an outside people invaded the sacred -precincts, so jealously guarded hitherto from even peaceful intrusion, -usurped the power, and for some centuries dominated the original -inhabitants. These invaders, as we have seen, were of a more primitive -type of civilisation than the Egyptians. Their reign was a time of -apparently retrograde evolution, marked to after generations by no -lasting monuments such as made earlier generations famous. - -Yet it may be questioned whether, on the whole, the influence of these -semi-barbarians upon the cultured but somewhat degenerate stock of -the ancient civilisation, may not have been in the highest degree -beneficial. - -Everywhere in history we shall see that the virile stock is the stock -which is not weakened by too many generations of that luxury which -seems to be the necessary associate of higher culture. We shall see -also that a mixed race is always at a premium. A nation which shuts -itself off from contact with other nations is in the condition of a -finely inbred race of domesticated animals. The racial peculiarities -may be greatly developed, certain finer traits of mind and body may be -highly intensified. But in the full rounding out of aggregate powers of -mind and body, there is a deviation that amounts to degeneration. And -when this weakened stock comes into competition with some cruder but -sturdier race, the issue is not in doubt; the fate awaits it that befel -the Egyptians at the hands of the “barbaric” Hyksos invaders. - -But a degenerate or perverted stock often shows marvellous powers of -recuperation under influence of changed conditions, and an infusion -of fresh blood grafted on such a stock can work wonders. It is said -that the highly developed greyhound was useless as a hunting dog till -crossed with a strain of bulldog--an infusion of blood which, while -not marring the distinctive physical peculiarities of the hound, yet -quite sufficed to supply the lacking stamina and courage. It may be -questioned whether precisely such a vitalising influence as this may -not have come to the Egyptians through the Hyksos invasion. It is -hardly to be supposed that the invaders remained for centuries in Egypt -in sufficient numbers to maintain absolute political control without -having some ethnic influence; and if this be admitted, it is hardly in -doubt, physiologically speaking, that such influence, in this closely -inbred race, would be beneficial. It might graft the bulldog spirit of -the Hyksos upon the greyhound-spirited Egyptian nation. But whether -or not this be the explanation of the change that now came over the -national spirit, it was surely a bulldog nation that now emerged from -the Hyksos thraldom and started out upon a world-conquest. In tracing -the course of events in this new epoch we see Egypt approaching the -apex of its power. - - -THE HYKSOS EXPULSION: AAHMES AND HIS SUCCESSORS - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1635-1610 B.C.]] - -Aahmes must have been between twenty-five and thirty years of age -when, as survivor of his elder brothers, he came to the throne. He had -married Nefert-ari, his sister or half-sister, as the case may be, who -may previously have been an inmate of his brothers’ harems as well; and -her own royal rights, joined to his own, established a legal claim for -Aahmes to the kingdom such as few Pharaohs have possessed. - -His mummy shows him to have been of medium height, with well-developed -neck and chest. The head is small, the forehead low and narrow, the -cheek bones project, and the hair is thick and wavy. He was undoubtedly -a strong, active, warlike man, which qualities won him success in his -wars. - -From what we know now of the condition of the struggle against the -Hyksos, at the time of the accession of Aahmes,--that their rule had -been limited to the district around Avaris,--no doubt the credit due -to this king for finally expelling them has been greatly exaggerated. -Yet, concentrated and strongly intrenched as they were in the fortress -of Ha-Uar, they were by no means insignificant adversaries. From their -position, made the more inaccessible by the marsh-lands and rivers of -the Delta, and by the neighbouring desert, there was always danger of -an attempt upon Memphis, and Aahmes is the one who removed this last -menace to the re-established kingdom, and made his dominion over the -whole country secure. Therefore the official chroniclers had every -reason to begin a new dynasty with the accession of this great king. - -For the actual expulsion of the Hyksos we have two accounts: that of -Manetho transcribed by Josephus and quoted in the preceding chapter, -and that of the doughty namesake of the king, Aahmes-si-Abana (son of -Abana), as recorded on his tomb at El-Kab. - -The Manetho version runs that Aahmes (Alisphragmuthosis) shut the -Shepherds up in Avaris, whence they were finally ejected and driven -into Syria by his grandson, Tehutimes I. This, however, is a mistake, -and the Egyptian historian has undoubtedly confused the taking of -Avaris with the Syrian wars of Tehutimes. Aahmes-si-Abana makes no -mention of Tehutimes taking Avaris.[a] - -His account, therefore, is the more accurate and complete. This is the -tale on his tomb: - -“The dead Admiral Aahmes, son of Abana. He speaks thus: ‘I say to you, -all men; and I make known to you the rewards and honours that have -fallen to my lot. I was presented with golden gifts eight times before -the whole land, and with many slaves, male and female; likewise I was -given much land. The title of “the Brave” which I gained shall never -perish in this land.’ - -“He speaks further: ‘I saw the light in the city of Nekheb [El-Kab]. -My father was a captain of King Seqenen-Ra; Baba son of Roant was his -name. Then I took his place on the ship called _The Calf_, in the days -of King Neb-pehthet-Ra [Aahmes]. I was young and had no wife and I wore -the _semt_ cloth and the _shennu_ [garments of youth]. But as soon as I -had taken a house, I was placed on the ship _The North_ because of my -valour, and I had to attend the sovereign--life, health, strength be -his--on foot when he rode forth in his chariot. - -“‘The town of Ha-Uar [Avaris] was besieged, and I showed my -worth in the presence of his Majesty. I was promoted to the ship -_Kha-em-men-nefer_ [Accession in Memphis]. They fought in the Pazekthu -canal, near Avaris. I fought hand to hand, and I carried off a hand. -The king’s herald saw this, and the golden collar of bravery was given -me. They fought a second time at this place and again I captured a -hand; a second golden gift was given me. - -“‘They fought at Ta-kemt, south of the city. There I took a living -prisoner. I plunged into the water--I led him through the water so as -to keep away from the road to the town. This was made known to the -herald of the king; I received the golden gift once more. - -“‘They took Ha-Uar; I carried away from thence one man and three women; -his Majesty gave them to me as slaves.’”[b] - -[Illustration: EGYPTIAN INFANTRY] - -In the time of the Ptolemies, tradition had it that King Aahmes -appeared before Avaris with an army of four hundred and eighty thousand -men, that there was a long siege, which was finally ended by the king -treating with the besieged and permitting them to depart peacefully, -with their wives, children, and possessions, into Syria. But the truth -is, that Aahmes had a well organised and equipped army of fifteen to -twenty thousand men, and that the town was taken on the second attack. -The enemy left their last strongholds in haste and retreated into the -bordering provinces of Syria. For some reason--they may have threatened -him from some new vantage point, or he may have wished to deal a final -crushing blow--Aahmes determined to cross the frontier, which he did in -the fifth year of his reign. It was the first time in centuries that -the king of Egypt had set foot in Asia, and even now he barely crossed -the threshold.[a] - -Admiral Aahmes continues his narrative: - -“They besieged the town of Sharhana [Sherohan], in the year V, and his -Majesty took it. I carried off from thence two women and one hand, and -the golden collar of valour was given me. And my captives were given me -for slaves.” - -After the capture of Sherohan, Aahmes went on to the border provinces -of Zahi (Phœnicia) and then turned back. The fall of the Palestine town -crushed the Hyksos’ last hope of recovering their Egyptian domain. The -majority of their race had not fled with the army, but had remained -with other tribes that had followed them into Egypt--the Israelites -among them--to accept whatever lot was meted out by the new conquerors. -The yoke was not imposed equally throughout the land. Those living in -the Delta regions were reduced to slavery, and all that part of the -country was well fortified to resist the Bedouin. - -Aahmes returned to Africa only to find his presence needed in the -South. The land of Nubia, tributary to the lords of Thebes, had been -somewhat neglected during the long struggle which the Pharaoh had just -successfully terminated. The southern races had failed to assimilate -the gift of culture and civilisation thrust upon them by the rulers of -the XIIth and XIIIth Dynasties, and kept to their own customs while the -temples erected by Usertsen and Amenemhat crumbled and vanished. From -out this disordered state developed a serious invasion from the Sudan. -Hostile tribes--which ones, we know not--descended the Nile, outraging -the people and desecrating the sanctuaries. Aahmes hastened to meet -them. - -“His Majesty went south,” runs the record of Aahmes the admiral, “to -Khent-en-nefer to destroy the Anu Khenti, and his Majesty made great -havoc among them. I captured two live men and three hands; once more -I was given the gold of valour, and my two captives were given to me -for slaves. Then his Majesty came down the river; his heart swelled -with his brave and victorious deeds; he had conquered the people of the -South and of the North.” - -The triumph of the return was dimmed by disquieting news from the -North. The remains of the Hyksos race had taken advantage of Aahmes’ -absence in the South to break out in rebellion. There seem to have been -two outbursts. One by the Aata, probably a branch of the Hyksos, which -marched southward and was destroyed by Aahmes at Tentoa, the other by a -powerful faction under a certain Teta-an. Aahmes-si-Abana tells of his -fate: - -“Then came that enemy named Teta-an; he had brought wicked rebels -together. But his Majesty slaughtered him and his slaves even to -extinction.”[b] - -Thus was stamped out the last spark of Asiatic resistance. There are -no more records of expeditions undertaken in this Pharaoh’s reign--at -least none in which he took part. - -From the crushing of Teta-an, about the sixth year, to the -twenty-second, the monuments are silent; and when again they speak -we find a peaceful and not a warlike monarch. It is a law of human -progress that an age of military success is followed by a revival of -art and building activity. At the end of Aahmes’ reign--he ruled about -twenty-five years--this condition prevailed throughout the kingdom. -The principal temples of the land were restored or rebuilt. The reward -of the gods for their divine aid in the deliverance of Egypt was thus -bestowed. A tenth of all the booty of victory was devoted to the needs -of the religious cult. Sculptors and painters, for whom there had been -centuries of little or no employment, recovered their skill in the -revived demand for their services, and, indeed, a new school, with -new ideas and methods, came into existence under the great impetus to -culture. In the twenty-second year the quarries of Turah were reopened -that building stone might be obtained for the temples of Ptah at -Memphis and Amen at Thebes, although nothing was done to the latter -until a later reign. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1610-1590 B.C.]] - -Aahmes died when he was between fifty and sixty. They buried the great -Pharaoh in a modest place he had prepared for himself in the necropolis -of Drah-abu’l-Neggah. His worship continued for nearly a thousand -years, and of him--and still more of Queen Nefert-ari--there exist more -instances of adoration than of any other ruler. - -Aahmes left a numerous progeny, and six or seven of his children had -Nefert-ari for mother. The eldest seems to have been named Sapair, but -he died when young, and it is probable that a Se-Amen was the second -son and that he too never reached maturity. But whether Amenhotep I -was the second or third of Aahmes’ male issue, the kingship devolved -upon him. As he was still in his minority, the queen mother assumed -the reins of government. Nefert-ari had been no idle inmate of her -husband’s harem, and she now asserted her many titles to authority, -some of which had precedence over those of her husband and son. -There is nothing known of her joint rule with Amenhotep, but it was -undoubtedly a prosperous one. She was worshipped after death as a -divinity, on a plane, indeed, with the great Theban triad, Amen, -Khonsu, and Mut, for all the rights of the royal line descended -through her. Her sons, Sapair and Amenhotep, her daughters, Set-amen, -Set-kames, and Merit-amen, also shared in the worship. - -[Illustration: WAR CHARIOT OF THE PHARAOH] - -Amenhotep does not seem to have been ambitious for foreign conquest. -His campaigns were confined to Africa. The chief chronicle of his reign -is again that tomb at El-Kab whereon Aahmes, son of Abana, recorded his -exploits. The brave admiral was now nearly fifty years of age. - -“It fell to me,” he relates, “to carry King Zeser-ka-Ra [Amenhotep I] -on his voyage to Cush, where he went to extend the frontiers of Egypt. -His majesty smote these Anu Khenti [Nubians] from the midst of his -troops. - -“Behold, I led our soldiers and I fought with all my strength. The -king saw my bravery, as I captured two hands and brought them to his -Majesty. In two days I bore his Majesty back to Egypt from the upper -land. And I was given the golden gift and two female slaves, and I was -raised to the dignity of ‘Warrior of the King.’” - -The Nubian campaign was a short and unimportant one. A more important -one was directed against the Amukehaka, who apparently were a portion -of the Libyan race of the Tuhennu. These people had for centuries been -restless and given trouble to the Pharaohs, but the strength of the New -Kingdom was now entirely able to cope with them. Notwithstanding these -few campaigns, the reign of Amenhotep I is to be characterised as one -of peace and internal prosperity. He merely attained in the South and -West that security his father had brought about in the North. Commerce, -agriculture, and town life flourished, and indeed he well deserved the -veneration which for centuries was accorded him in the Theban capital -and where he is represented as Osiris. The coffin and mummy of this -king were among Professor Maspero’s wonderful find at Deir-el-Bahari. -He thus tells of it: “Long garlands of faded flowers deck the mummy -from head to foot. A wasp attracted by their scent must have settled -upon them at the moment of burial, and become imprisoned by the lid; -the insect has been completely preserved from corruption by the balsams -of the embalmer, and its gauzy wings have passed uncrumpled through the -long centuries.” - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1590-1565 B.C.]] - -Amenhotep married his own sister, Aah-hotep II, and among their -children was a princess, Aahmes. The Pharaoh had also, by a concubine, -Sensenb, a son, Tehutimes, who was married to his half-sister Aahmes. -Tehutimes was probably a little younger than his wife. Aahmes, from her -pure royal descent, had far more claim to the throne than her husband -and brother, but for some reason she yielded her rights, and Tehutimes -was crowned at Thebes the 21st of Phamenoth, the third month. If he -had been co-regent with his father, it must have been for a short -time only. The new king was a tall, broad-shouldered, well-knit man, -possessed of great powers of endurance. His full round face is marked -with a long nose and square chin, and his thick lips wear a smiling but -firm expression. - -The beginnings of a new spirit, which was destined to break up the -isolation of the kingdoms of antiquity, were stirring in this monarch’s -soul. With his own country in practical subjection, there came that -inevitable desire to intrude into other lands. We have seen how the -Pharaohs had always shown a certain timidity about passing the Isthmus -of Suez, and how Aahmes, well equipped for foreign conquest as he was, -had hastened home after he had once driven the fleeing Hyksos across -the border. His was no spirit of world conquest; but with Tehutimes -the case was different, although certain domestic troubles kept him -for the time at home. The neighbouring land of Syria, with its large -and wealthy towns, growing richer every day through a well-organised -commerce on land and sea, had previously been invaded by the Chaldeans -and was now under their undisputed sway; and when this same spirit was -once aroused in the fresh and vigorous kingdom of the restoration, -what was more natural than that its cupidity should turn in this same -direction? But some difficulties at home for the time being prevented, -Tehutimes I had to repress outbreaks in the vicinity of the Second and -Third Cataracts. - -The story of Aahmes, now nearly seventy years of age, relates: - -“It fell to me to carry the king Aa-kheper-ka-Ra [Tehutimes I] on his -voyage to Khent-en-nefer for the purpose of punishing the rebels among -the tribes and of quelling the marauders from the hills. On his ships -I showed valour, and I was raised to be an admiral of the marines. -Their people were carried off alive and captives. His Majesty returned -down the river; all the lands were now under his rule. That vile king -of the Anu of Khenti was held head down when the king landed at Thebes.” - -It would be valuable and interesting to know what impression the -strange land of Syria, with its wide, irregular plains, its high, -snow-topped mountains, its walled towns perched in difficult positions -in inaccessible places, its people different in customs and with a -civilisation not below their own, made upon the Theban legions when at -last they found themselves in Palestine. But of what they thought and -felt, they have left no word. The lines with which Aahmes of El-Kab -closes the record of this long life--he must have been over ninety when -he died--goes no more into detail than the rest of his account. - -“After this, his Majesty--life, health, and strength be his--went to -Ruthen to take satisfaction upon the countries. His Majesty arrived at -Naharain [Upper Mesopotamia]; he found the enemy that conspired against -him. His Majesty made great destruction among them; an immense number -of live captives was carried off from the victories. - -“Behold, I was at the head of our soldiers. His Majesty saw my bravery -as I captured a chariot, its horses and those who were in it. I took -them to his Majesty and was once more given the collar of gold for -valour. I have grown up and reached old age; my honours are many. I -shall rest in my tomb which I myself have made.” - -Tehutimes in his first campaign went far beyond his grandfather, and -his route--Gaza to Megiddo, to Kadesh, to Carchemish--became in later -times that followed by the Egyptians whenever they descended upon the -Euphrates. Of the fortunes of his progress we have not the slightest -information, except as Aahmes tells us, he met the enemy in Naharain. -The opposing army was under the command of the king of Mitanni, or -perhaps one of the captains of the Kossæan king of Babylon, and all -the petty princes of the northern provinces served in it with their -troops to repel the new invader. But the victory was Tehutimes’. No -doubt his army was superior to that of his opponents. Its organisation -and training had steadily improved since the days of Aahmes, for it -was constantly called into service against the tribes of Ethiopia and -Libya. The Syrians were wanting neither in efficiency nor bravery, but -their country was much disorganised and their number of fighting men by -no means so great as their enemy’s. Therefore they could not command -such a force as the Egyptians mustered against them. - -Tehutimes erected a stele on the Euphrates to mark the limits of his -dominion, and then turned back, richly laden, to Thebes. The later -Pharaohs, whenever they invaded Asia, pursued similar methods--a -sudden advance diagonally to the northeast, routing and dispersing -any opposing force, spreading destruction on every hand, then a quick -return to the fatherland, before the approaching winter would put an -end to all action. - -But Tehutimes’ success in his first expedition was so decisive, so -overwhelming, that he never found it necessary again to cross the -Isthmus. Southern Syria made no murmur against the burden laid upon -it, although the North, it is true, soon slipped from the Pharaoh’s -grasp, if indeed he ever had his grip upon it. A strong garrison was -left at Gaza, and the king returned to his still rebellious subjects -in Ethiopia and Nubia. Two or three rebellions were easily silenced. -On these expeditions Tehutimes passed through the old canal built by -Usertsen III, and on the rocks that border it have been found many -interesting inscriptions relating to the trip. One at Assuan reads, -“Year III, Pakhons 20, his Majesty passed this canal in force and -power in his campaign to crush Ethiopia, the vile”; on another there -is cut, “His Majesty came to Cush to crush the vile”; and on a third, -“His Majesty commanded to clear this canal, after he found it filled -with stones so that no boat could pass up it. He passed up it, his -heart filled with joy.” The king now placed the affairs of his southern -lands in the hands of a viceroy, who is called “Royal Son of Cush,” -and must, therefore, have had the blood of Ra in his veins. Likewise -the king made extensive provisions for fortifications. He restored the -fortresses of Semneh and Kummeh to the efficiency they possessed in -the great days of the XIIth Dynasty, and he built a brickwork citadel -to command the Nile on the island of Tombos, near the Third Cataract. -All these precautions enabled Tehutimes I to live out the remainder -of a reign of about twenty-five years in complete peace. The strange -circumstance of his later years and the problems of his successor are -well recounted in Maspero’s monumental work on “The Struggle of the -Nations” and his history of the ancient oriental peoples.[a] - -The position of Tehutimes I was, indeed, a curious one; although _de -facto_ absolute in power, his children by Queen Aahmes took precedence -of him, for by her mother’s descent she had a better right to the crown -than her husband, and legally the king should have retired in favour -of his sons as soon as they were old enough to reign. [According to -Petrie, these two were children of Amenhotep I by Queen Aah-hotep and -consequently brothers of Queen Aahmes.] The eldest of them, Uazmes, -died early. The second, Amenmes, lived at least to attain adolescence: -he was allowed to share the crown with his father from the fourth year -of the latter’s reign, and he also held a military command in the -Delta, but before long he also died, and Tehutimes I was left with -only one son--a Tehutimes like himself--to succeed him. The mother of -this prince was a certain Mut-nefert, half-sister to the king on his -father’s side, who enjoyed such a high rank in the royal family that -her husband allowed her to be portrayed in royal dress; her pedigree on -the mother’s side, however, was not so distinguished, and precluded her -son from being recognised as heir-apparent; hence the occupation of the -“seat of Horus” reverted once more to a woman, Hatshepsitu, the eldest -daughter of Aahmes. - - -TEHUTIMES II; QUEEN HATSHEPSU - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1565-1530 B.C.]] - -Hatshepsitu herself was not, however, of purely divine descent. Her -paternal ancestor, Sensenb, had not been a scion of the royal house, -and this flaw in her pedigree threatened to mar, in her case, the -sanctity of the solar blood. According to Egyptian belief, this defect -of birth could be remedied only by a miracle, and the ancestral god, -becoming incarnate in the earthly father at the moment of conception -had to condescend to infuse fresh virtue into his race in this manner. -The inscriptions with which Hatshepsitu decorated her chapel relate -how, on that fateful night, Amen descended upon Aahmes in a flood of -perfume and light. The queen received him favourably, and the divine -spouse on leaving her announced to her the approaching birth of a -daughter, in whom his valour and strength should be manifested once -more here below. - -The sequel of the story is displayed in a series of pictures. The -protecting divinities who preside over the birth of children conduct -the queen to her couch, and the sorrowful resignation depicted on her -face, together with the languid grace of her whole figure, display in -this portrait of her a finished work of art. The child enters the world -amid shouts of joy, and the propitious genii who nourish both her and -her double, constitute themselves her nurses. At the appointed time, -her earthly father summons the great nobles to a solemn festival, and -presents to them his daughter, who is to reign with him over Egypt and -the world. - -From henceforth Hatshepsitu adopts every possible device to conceal -her sex. She changes the termination of her name, and calls herself -Hatshepsu, the “Chief of the Nobles,” in lieu of Hatshepsitu, the -“Chief of the Favourites.” She becomes the King Maat-ka-Ra, and on the -occasion of all public ceremonies she appears in male costume. - -[Illustration: HEAD-DRESS OF AN EGYPTIAN QUEEN] - -We see her represented on Theban monuments with uncovered shoulders, -devoid of breasts, wearing the short loin-cloth and the keffieh, while -the diadem rests on her closely cut hair, and the false beard depends -from her chin. She retained, however, the feminine pronoun in speaking -of herself, and also an epithet, inserted in her cartouche, which -declared her to be the betrothed of Amen--_Khnem Amen_. Her father -united her while still young to her brother Tehutimes, who appears -to have been her junior, and this fact doubtless explains the very -subordinate part which he plays beside the queen. When Tehutimes I -died, Egyptian etiquette demanded that a man should be at the head of -affairs, and this youth succeeded his father in office: but Hatshepsu, -while relinquishing the semblance of power and the externals of pomp -to her husband, kept the direction of the state entirely in her own -hands. The portraits of her which have been preserved represent her as -having refined features, with a proud and energetic expression. The -oval of the face is elongated, the cheeks a little hollow, and the -eyes deep set under the arch of the brow, while the lips are thin and -tightly closed. She governed with so firm a hand that neither Egypt -nor its foreign vassals dared to make any serious attempt to withdraw -themselves from her authority. One raid, in which several prisoners -were taken, punished a rising of the Shasu in central Syria, while -the usual expeditions maintained order among the peoples of Ethiopia, -and quenched any attempt which they might make to revolt. When in the -second year of his reign the news was brought to Tehutimes II that the -inhabitants of the Upper Nile had ceased to observe the conditions -which his father had imposed upon them, he “became furious as a -panther,” and assembling his troops, set out for war without further -delay. The presence of the king with the army filled the rebels with -dismay, and a campaign of a few weeks put an end to their attempt at -rebelling. Tehutimes II carried on the works begun by his father, but -did not long survive him. The mask on his coffin represents him with -a smiling and amiable countenance, and with the fine pathetic eyes -which show his descent from the Pharaohs of the XIIth Dynasty. By his -marriage with Hatshepsu, Tehutimes left daughters only, but he had -one son, also a Tehutimes,[3] by a woman of low birth, perhaps merely -a slave, whose name was Aset. Hatshepsu proclaimed this child her -successor, for his youth and humble parentage could not excite her -jealousy. She betrothed him to her one surviving daughter, Hatshepsitu -II, and having thus settled the succession in the main line, she -continued to rule alone in the name of her nephew who was still a -minor, as she had done formerly in the case of her half-brother. - -Her reign was a prosperous one, but whether the flourishing condition -of things was owing to the ability of her political administration -or to her fortunate choice of ministers, we are unable to tell. She -pressed forward the work of building with great activity, under the -direction of her architect Senmut, not only at Deir-el-Bahari, but at -Karnak, and indeed everywhere in Thebes. The plans of the building had -been arranged under Tehutimes I, and their execution had been carried -out so quickly that in many cases the queen had merely to see to the -sculptural ornamentation on the all-but-completed walls. This work, -however, afforded her sufficient excuse, according to Egyptian custom, -to attribute the whole structure to herself, and the opinion she had -of her own powers is exhibited with great naïveté in her inscriptions. -[A famous incident of her reign was the sending out of an expedition -across the Red Sea in quest of incense.] - -[Illustration: TEHUTIMES II] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1530-1520 B.C.]] - -When Tehutimes III approached manhood, his aunt, the queen, instead of -abdicating in his favour, associated him with herself more frequently -in the external acts of government. She was forced to yield him -precedence in those religious ceremonies which could be performed by -a man only, such as the dedication of one of the city gates of Ombos, -and the foundation and marking out of a temple at Medinet Habu; but -for the most part she obliged him to remain in the background and take -a secondary place beside her. We are unable to determine the precise -moment when this dual sovereignty came to an end. It was still existent -in the XVIth year of the reign, but it had ceased before the XXIInd -year. Death alone could take the sceptre from the hands that held it, -and Tehutimes had to curb his impatience for many a long day before -becoming the real master of Egypt. He was about twenty-five years of -age[4] when this event took place, and he immediately revenged himself -for the long repression he had undergone, by endeavouring to destroy -the very remembrance of her whom he regarded as a usurper. Every -portrait of her that he could deface without exposing himself to being -accused of sacrilege, was cut away, and he substituted for her name -either that of Tehutimes I or of Tehutimes II. A complete political -change was effected both at home and abroad from the first day of his -accession to power. Hatshepsu had been averse to war. During the whole -of her reign there had not been a single campaign undertaken beyond the -Isthmus of Suez, and by the end of her life she had lost nearly all -that her father had gained in Syria; the people of Kharu [Phœnicia] had -shaken off the yoke, probably at the instigation of the king of the -Amorites, and nothing remained to Egypt of the Asiatic province but -Gaza, Sharhana, and the neighbouring villages.[c] - -One of the first acts of Tehutimes III as sole king, was to lead an -expedition against Syria, where the constant revolts had weakened the -power of Egypt. He arrived at Gaza on the 3rd (or 4th) of the month of -Pakhons. There he celebrated the anniversary of his coronation, and the -twenty-third year of his reign. He then proceeded by gentle marches -to Ihem, twenty miles to the north of Gaza, where he learned from his -envoys, that the king of Kadesh had intrenched himself at Megiddo, with -a contingent of the rebels. - - -TRIUMPHS OF TEHUTIMES III; HIS SUCCESSORS - -Fear of the danger of the mountain defiles near Aluna made some of the -officers wish to turn back and go by the Ziftha road. But Tehutimes -indignantly rejected their counsel, saying: - -“By my life, by the love that Ra has for me, by the favour bestowed on -me by my father Amen, my Majesty will take this road of Aluna, whether -it please you to take any of the other routes suggested, or whether it -please you to follow me. For would not these vile enemies, detested by -Ra, say: ‘If Pharaoh is going by another route, he is going for fear of -us’?” - -Then the Pharaoh’s generals replied: “Thy father Amen protects thee; we -will follow whithersoever thou leadest, as servants follow their lord.” - -Three days’ rapid march brought the army, without any mishap, to the -town of Aluna, close to a torrent called the Qina, a little to the -south of Megiddo, and there it encamped for the night in the face of -the enemy with the watchwords: - -“Keep a good heart: courage! watch well! Be alert in the camp!” - -Dawn found the Egyptian army ranged for battle; the right wing was -directed towards the River Qina, while the left extended into the plain -towards the northwest of Megiddo. After a sharp encounter, the Syrians -were seized by a panic, and abandoning their horses and chariots on the -battle-field, they fled back to Megiddo; but fear of the enemy kept the -gates closed, and among those drawn up to the ramparts, by ropes let -down by the townspeople, was the lord of Kadesh himself. - -“If it had pleased God not to let the soldiers of his Majesty be -employed in carrying off the spoils of his vile enemies, they could -then have taken Megiddo,”--it says in the account of the campaign. The -cupidity of the conquerors saved the lives of the vanquished, for, -although they took possession on the field of battle of 2132 horses, -994 chariots, and all the booty left behind by the Asiatics, they took -only 140 prisoners and killed only 83. - -In the evening, when the victorious army marched by Tehutimes III with -the spoils, the king exclaimed: - -“Had you taken Megiddo, it would have been a very great favour granted -me by my father this day; for as all the chiefs of the country are -within the walls, it would be like taking a thousand cities to take -Megiddo.” - -However, the place, being soon besieged, capitulated in a few days. -With its fall, the campaign ended; and the chiefs of Syria and -Mesopotamia hastened to take the oath of allegiance and to pay tribute -to Egypt. - -Three successive campaigns, from the year XXIV to the year XXVIII of -this reign, completed the subjugation of Syria and southern Phœnicia. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1520-1503 B.C.]] - -In the year XXIX, Tehutimes proceeded to Naharain, the territory -between the rivers Orontes and Euphrates, and the districts on the west -of Khilibu were sacked to the glory of the god of Thebes, whose coffers -were soon filled with the gold, silver, and treasures of the Hittite -princes. - -As the king was returning to Egypt with “a joyful heart,” he suddenly -bethought him that the Zahi, rich in wine, oil and corn, and beyond -the line of military routes, would be a wealthy and easy prey. So he -turned to the east, and made a raid on the district of Aradus, which -the Egyptians robbed of cattle and produce. - -The following year the Thebans returned again, and the towns of Kadesh, -Semyra, Aradus, and Arathu, on the shores of Lake Nisrana, fell one -after the other. The sons of their chiefs were kept as hostages. The -campaign lasted till XXXI; and the king celebrated his victory by -putting up two steles near Carchemish, one on the east of the river, -and the other near the stele erected by his father, or grandfather, -Tehutimes I, nearly half a century before. - -Then he conquered Ni[5] and received tribute from its prince. The -sojourn of Tehutimes III in this town was signalised by the performance -of the royal duty of killing wild beasts; and the king is reported to -have hunted and killed more than one hundred and twenty elephants. - -All the tribes of Syria had to submit to the powerful yoke of the -Egyptians, and the chiefs of the Libanu, the Kheta [Hittites] and the -king of Singara took the oath of allegiance. - -Nevertheless there was a revolt under the king of Naharain in XXXVII, -which was quelled by a great battle not far from Aluna. In XLI the -seat of war was in Cœle-Syria; and the king of Kadesh refusing to do -homage to Pharaoh, a deadly struggle took place under the ramparts of -the city. The besieged tried the ruse of letting a mare loose among the -chariots of Tehutimes; but Amenemheb, an officer of the guard, leaped -to the ground, disembowelled the animal with a thrust of his sword, -and cutting off its tail, presented it to the king; and the same brave -officer, at the head of a picked body of men, succeeded in making a -breach and forcing an entrance into the town. - -Hardly a year passed without a skirmish with the Uauatu in Ethiopia. -But the tribes, having trembled so long before the Pharaohs, fled at -the first sign of attack. The Egyptians had only to take possession of -the flocks and herds, or any booty left in the deserted villages, and -the campaign of the commander was a series of easy victories, which -were celebrated with triumph on their return home. - -The success of Tehutimes III in his campaigns increased the size and -wealth of the kingdom and gave ground for his being accorded the name -of “the Great”; and it is not surprising to see that his deeds formed -the subject of poetic panegyrics of the period, inscribed on the Temple -of Karnak: - -“I am come,” said the god Amen to him, “to permit thee to crush the -princes of Zahi; I cast them at thy feet in their districts; I make -them see thy Majesty as a lord of light, when thou shinest before them -in my likeness. - -“I am come to let thee crush the barbarians of Asia, to take captive -the chiefs of Ruthen. I will make them see thy Majesty decked with -warlike apparel, when thou wieldest thy arms upon the chariot. - -“I am come to let thee crush the land of the East; Kefa (Phœnicia) and -Asebi (Cyprus) are in fear of thee; I make them see thy Majesty like a -young bull, firm of heart and irresistible with thy horns. - -“I am come to let thee crush the people who reside in their ports. And -the regions of Mathen tremble before thee. I make them see thy Majesty -like the hippopotamus, lord of terror and unapproachable upon the -waters. - -“I am come to let thee crush the people who reside in their islands. -Those who live on the bosom of the sea are within reach of thy roaring. -I make them see thy Majesty as an avenger on the back of his victim. - -“I am come to let thee crush the Tuhennu. The isles of the Uthent are -at thy disposal. I make them see thy Majesty like that of a furious -lion, that strews the valley with corpses. - -“I am come to let thee crush the maritime countries, so that the girdle -of the oceans is in thy hand. I make them see that thy Majesty, as the -king of birds, sees everything with one glance. - -“I am come to let thee crush the lords of the sands who live in the -lagunes; to let thee lead the dwellers upon the sand into captivity. -I make them see thy Majesty like a jackal of the South, a king of -runners, a scourer of the two regions. - -“I am come to let thee crush the barbarians of Nubia. As far as the -land of Shat, all is in thy hand. I make them see thy Majesty like unto -thy two brothers, Hor and Set, whose arms I have united to secure thy -power.” - -So much success appealed to the imagination of the people, and -Tehutimes III was soon regarded as a hero of romance, as were Khufu and -Usertsen I. Only one of the legends circulated for centuries after his -death is still extant. - -The prince of Joppa revolted and took the field against the Egyptians. -The Pharaoh, unable at that time to leave his country, sent Thutii, one -of his bravest generals, to quell the insurrection. The town was soon -taken. - -Tehutimes died on the last day of Phamenoth in the year LIV of his -reign, and was buried at Thebes. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1503-1455 B.C.]] - -Amenhotep II succeeded his father Tehutimes III. - -The Syrians thought that the coming of a new king of Egypt meant a -time for casting off the yoke of the Pharaohs. But they soon saw their -mistake. Amenhotep laid waste the districts of the upper Jordan, and -“like a terrible lion which puts a country to flight,” on Tybi 26th -he crossed the Arseth to reconnoitre the passes of Anato. When “some -Asiatics appeared on horseback to bar his approach, he seized their -weapons of war, and his prowess equalled the mysterious power of Set, -for the barbarians fled the glance.” - -On the 10th Epiphi he took Ni without striking a blow. The inhabitants, -men and women, were on the walls to do honour to his Majesty. Other -places, like Akerith, underwent long siege, before surrendering. But -the insurrection was entirely quelled by the year III, and in the -course of the campaign the Pharaoh captured seven chiefs of the country -of Thakhis. Six of them were solemnly sacrificed to Amen, their hands -and heads being exposed on the walls of the temple of Karnak. The -seventh was treated in the same way at Napata, as an example to the -Ethiopian princes and to make them respect the authority of Pharaoh. - -An insurrection of the tribes in the desert, and the oases on the -east of Egypt, was quelled by Amenemheb, who had the same post under -Amenhotep as he had under Tehutimes III. - -Tehutimes IV, son of Amenhotep, was the next king of Egypt, and his -successful campaigns confirmed his power in Syria and Ethiopia. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1455-1400 B.C.]] - -Under Amenhotep III, who succeeded Tehutimes IV, the boundaries of -Egyptian domination were fixed at the Euphrates on the north, and on -the south by the land of the Gallas. - -The Syrians were now completely under the Egyptian yoke, and willingly -sent their daughters to the royal harem; the old-time wars had -developed into occasional raids for the acquisition of slaves or -workmen for the building operations in the valley of the Nile. - -The last kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty were distinguished by the name of -“heretic kings,” for as they resented the increasing sacerdotal power -of the cult of Amen they established opposition cults. Tehutimes IV -discarded the Great Sphinx and restored the old cult of Horemkhu (“The -Sun in the Two Horizons”). Amenhotep III brought to Thebes the religion -of Aten, the solar disk, and in the year X of his reign inaugurated a -festival at Karnak in honour of the new religion. And Amenhotep IV, to -free himself from the power of the high priest at Thebes, determined to -have a new capital for his kingdom, in which Aten should be the supreme -god. The religion of Aten was probably the most ancient form of the -religions of Ra. The disk, before which protestations were made, was -not only the shining and visible form of the divinity, it was the god -himself. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1420-1365 B.C.]] - -Amenhotep III married a wife of foreign origin and religion, Thi. He -had by her a son who succeeded him under the name of Amenhotep IV. -The figure of Amenhotep IV, as made known to us by the monuments, -exhibits those peculiar and strange characteristics which mutilation -impresses upon the face, chest, and abdomen of eunuchs. On the other -hand, we know that at an early age he married Queen Nefert-Thi and had -by her seven daughters. It is therefore probable that if he really -did experience the misfortune of which his features seem to bear the -evidence, it happened during the wars of Amenhotep III and among the -black people of the South. The custom of mutilating prisoners and -wounded is, among these people, as old as the world. Amenhotep IV -doubtless imbibed religious ideas from his mother, for he manifested -a great horror of the cult of Amen and gave his homage to the solar -divinities, chiefly to the disk itself. - -But the fear of arousing his subjects to revolt restrained him at -first from too openly avowing his heresy. He contented himself with -changing his name, which contained that of Amen, for that of Khun-aten, -“Splendour of the Sun’s disk,” and continued to worship his father -Amenhotep and the god Amen himself. Later, his religious fanaticism -got the better of his prudence. The cult of Amen was forbidden and his -name erased wherever it could be reached. The pure-blooded Egyptians -came under suspicion on account of their religion and disappeared from -the king’s entourage, giving place to Asiatic personages who resembled -Pharaoh and were deprived like him of their virility. - -Thebes, so full of monuments consecrated to the fallen god, lost its -rank of capital. - -Khun-aten built a new capital at a place in Middle Egypt which to-day -bears the name of Tel-el-Amarna, and which he called Khut-aten, where -there was nothing to recall the old religion. - -The sun was the principal god of the old religion; all the ancient -solar divinities, Ra-Horemkhu, Hor, were recognised and respected. -Monuments show us the god in the form of a disk whose rays descend -toward the earth, each ray terminating in a hand holding the ansated -cross--the emblem of life. The disk is called Aten. Wherever the king -goes, the solar disk accompanies him and sheds its benediction upon him. - -But with all the attention he paid to religion, Khun-aten was, like his -ancestors, a great builder and conqueror. Ethiopia, Thebes, and Memphis -were fields of his activity, and he continued to exercise sovereign -authority in Syria as well as in Africa. - -At his death the crown passed to Prince Ai, his foster-brother, and -husband of his eldest daughter Tai. The new king, without renouncing -the religion of sun-worship, suspended the persecutions which had -the cult of Amen for their object and restored the religion of the -ancient national divinities. For successors he had his brothers-in-law -Tut-ankh-Amen, and later Saa-nekht, whose reign, although short, seems -to have been prosperous. Tut-ankh-Amen, at least, is represented as an -all-powerful Pharaoh, to whom foreign peoples give trembling homage. -[According to Brugsch and Wiedemann and Petrie the order of these kings -is Saa-nekht, Tut-ankh-Amen, and Ai--the reverse of the order here -given.] - -But after them civil and religious wars desolated Egypt; the throne was -occupied by ephemeral kings whose names even are unknown to us. [The -kings formerly reputed to belong to the end of this dynasty are now, -as Professor Petrie remarks, “not of historical substance, but only -linguistic questions.” It has been well established that the names in -question are either errors or “Ptolemaic bungles,” and they are now -assigned to monarchs of this and other dynasties.] - -King Hor-em-heb re-established peace, suppressed the solar religion, -destroyed Khun-aten’s monuments, and everywhere restored the ancient -cult. Outside the country he reconquered Ethiopia, which for the -time being had been lost, and made the land of Punt tributary, but -risked no expeditions into Syria. The conquests of the Tehutimes and -the Amenhoteps, so dearly obtained in this direction, had been lost -during the religious wars. The petty local princes had ceased to pay -tribute: and to reduce them anew, a whole generation of conquerors was -necessary.[a] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[3] [Whether Tehutimes I or Tehutimes II was the father of Tehutimes -III is still in doubt, but Maspero and Petrie incline to the belief -that it was Tehutimes II.] - -[4] [Petrie says he was about thirty-one years old.] - -[5] [A town in the land of Naharain that sometimes has been confounded -with Nineveh.] - - - - -CHAPTER V. THE XIXTH DYNASTY - -[_ca._ 1365-1225 B.C.] - - Ye men of Egypt, ye have heard your king! - I go, and I return not. But the will - Of the great Gods is plain: and ye must bring - Ill deeds, ill passions, zealous to fulfil - Their pleasure, to their feet; and reap their praise, - The praise of Gods, rich boon! and length of days.--MATTHEW ARNOLD. - - -We come now to the period when Egypt reached the apex of its power; -when a series of great conquering monarchs made the name of Egypt -known and feared far beyond the confines of the Nile. Of these great -monarchs the name of one in particular was stamped upon the traditions -of Asiatic peoples and has passed into popular knowledge. This was -Ramses II, known to the Hebrews, and through them to the western world, -as the Pharaoh of the Oppression. Great as this monarch was, little was -known of him beyond the prejudiced recitals of the Hebrews, until our -own time, when the decipherment of the monuments has brought to light -the record of many of his warlike deeds. These records, like all such -narratives, are highly coloured and told from the standpoint of the -conqueror himself; but, with due allowance for exaggeration, they may -no doubt be accepted as accounts of actual events. - -A peculiar interest attaches to the name of Ramses II in addition -to the never failing fascination of the great conqueror. We shall -therefore have occasion to review his deeds in detail as told by -the poet laureate of the day, and to consider various authoritative -estimates, both ancient and modern, that have been passed upon this -greatest hero of Egyptian history.[a] First Maspero: - -Hor-em-heb, whose origin is unknown [there seems no reason to deny -that he was the famous general whose tomb has been discovered at -Saqqarah], nullified the efforts of Amenhotep and the other heretic -kings to lessen the power of Thebes and its god, for he re-established -the cult of Amen in all its splendour, had the temple of Aten pulled -down, and the materials used to erect one of the triumphal entries, -leading into the sanctuary of Karnak; the names of the heretic kings -were effaced, and their monuments utterly destroyed. The new king had -much to do to repair the disasters of the preceding years; at home all -the governmental machinery was out of order, and abroad, the countries -under the Egyptian yoke had ceased to pay tribute. Hor-em-heb put -down brigandage, he punished untrustworthy employers by death, and he -restored to the temples the properties which had been taken from them. -He imposed a tribute on the distant country of Punt, he made raids on -the tribes of the Upper Nile, and boasted of having subjugated the same -countries as Tehutimes III. We have no exact account of his conquests -except from his monuments, but they were numerous, and his reign seems -to have been glorious, prosperous, and long. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1365-1355 B.C.]] - -It is not known when the sceptre passed into the hand of Ramses I -nor how he was related to his predecessor. [Whether he were the son, -son-in-law, or brother of Hor-em-heb, has never been determined.] He -had, however, been in the service of Ai, one of the last of the heretic -kings, and also of Hor-em-heb, so it was at a somewhat advanced age -that he ascended the throne of the Pharaohs. An expedition in the year -II against Ethiopia, a short campaign against the Kheta [Hittites], -were the chief events of his reign. He died six or seven years after -his accession and left his son Seti (the Sethosis of Greek tradition), -as his successor. - - -KING SETI - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1355-1345 B.C.]] - -Seti at once announced himself abroad as a conqueror in the following -words: - -“His Majesty has just heard that the vile tribes of Shasu have -rebelled. The chiefs of their tribes, assembled at one spot, have been -filled with blindness of heart and violence so that each one destroys -his neighbour.” - -Seti pushed right away toward the East across the desert, watered here -and there with ponds or springs, each protected by a fortress or at -least a tower--“The fortress of the Lion,” “The tower of Seti I,” “The -well of Seti I,” etc. Wherever the enemy appeared he was easily routed, -his trees destroyed; his harvests pitilessly cut. Going on from station -to station, the Egyptians arrived at the two forts of Ribatha [the -Rehoboth of the Bible] and Canaan. The latter, favourably situated by -a little lake upon one of the last of the Amorite hills, commanded the -entrance of one of the richest ports of southern Syria. It submitted at -the first onslaught, so the whole of the rich valley was pillaged by -the Egyptians. - -This first success entailed greater ones; and Seti, going northward, -arrived at the port of Lebanon, where he obliged the people to cut -down their trees and send them to Egypt for the buildings he had -commenced in honour of Amen. From thence he repaired to the valley of -the Orontes, there to attack the Kheta [Hittites]; and a victory gained -over these traditional enemies of Egypt, formed a happy conclusion to -the campaign.[6] - -The Pharaoh’s return was one perpetual triumph from the time he -appeared on the frontier, where he was welcomed by the priests, until -he arrived at Thebes and offered his prisoners to Amen. And Egypt -thought that the great days of Tehutimes and Amenhotep had returned. - -Unfortunately, however, these triumphs were not so real as they -appeared. Southern Syria, crushed by the passage of armies, had -abandoned all ideas of any native resistance and surrendered almost -without a blow. The Phœnicians considered that a voluntary tribute was -less expensive than a war against the Pharaohs, and they amply consoled -themselves for the diminution of their liberty by getting hold of the -maritime commerce of the Delta. - -But on the north the Kheta [Hittites] were more formidable than ever. -Free, during the time of the heretic kings, from the perpetual fear -of an Egyptian invasion, they not only extended their supremacy over -the whole of Naharain, from Carchemish to Kadesh, but they crossed -the Taurus, and penetrated into Asia Minor. It is not known how far -they carried their dominion, but it seems it did not extend beyond the -plain of Cilicia and Catania. Anyhow they entered into direct relations -with the people of the southern and eastern parts of the peninsula, -the Lycians, the Masu, the Dardanians, and the dwellers of Ilion and -Pidasa. Supported by such allies, and sometimes aided by companies -of their soldiers, the Kheta were a military power, quite equal to -withstanding the Egyptians and waging war against them. Seti saw the -position of affairs as soon as he attacked them, and although doubtless -he took Kadesh, and the greater number of the Amorite towns on the -Orontes without much trouble, the tenacity of the Kheta, always ready -to fly to arms in spite of defeats, finally exhausted his patience. - -Tired of war, he concluded an alliance with King Maro-sar, son of -Shapalul, which lasted until his death. The dominion of the Pharaohs -did not extend beyond the Orontes. So, being limited to southern Syria -and Phœnicia, it gained in solidarity what it lost in extent. It seems -that Seti I instead of simply exacting a tribute, imposed Egyptian -governors on some of the conquered peoples, and in some places, like -Gaza and Megiddo, stationed permanent garrisons. - -The reign of Seti I undeniably marked a brilliant epoch in the history -of Egypt. The treasure looted in Syria contributed to some of the -most perfect Egyptian monuments, such as the mausoleum at Abydos and -the hypostyle hall at Karnak, the tomb of the king. Seti was assisted -in these works by his son Ramses. During his father’s lifetime Seti -had married the princess Tui of the old royal family, probably the -daughter of Hor-em-heb, and granddaughter of Amenhotep III, so that -his son Ramses was, from the hour of his birth, considered by the -loyalist Egyptians as the only legitimate king. His father, therefore, -to prevent a rebellion, was obliged to make him co-regent when he -was quite a little boy, although he was not at first taken much into -account by either Seti or his ministers. - -At ten years of age Ramses is said to have made war in Syria, and, -according to Greek tradition, in Arabia. And it was on his return from -these campaigns, that, ripened by age and experience, he began to take -an active part in the internal government of the kingdom and to claim -his royal prerogative. And henceforth we see his increasing personal -valour transform him from an obscure prince into a king, a “master of -the two worlds.” - -Seti, now old, and worn out with the exploits of his youth, gradually -conceded all power to his son, and lived in retirement in his palace -for the rest of his days, the object of divine honours. - -Certain pictures of the temple of Abydos show him seated on a throne -amid the gods. He holds the club in one hand and in the other a complex -sceptre, combining the different symbols of life and death. Isis is at -his side, and the lesser gods sit behind the all-powerful couple, to -whom Ramses addresses his prayer. It is a premature apotheosis of which -the conception does honour to the regent, but it leaves no doubt of the -real state of the kings in their old age. They were worshipped as gods, -but they did not reign. Seti was no exception to this common rule; he -was worshipped, but he did not reign. - -Peace was threatened by an unforeseen danger. The people of Asia Minor -had hitherto been beyond the sphere of action of Egypt; but now several -races, such as the Shardana and Tyrseni, whose names were new to the -ears of the Egyptians, landed on the coast of Africa, and joined with -the Libyans. Ramses II defeated them, and the prisoners that he took -were incorporated in the Royal Guard; and the others returned to Asia -Minor, with such a recollection of their defeat, that Egypt was secure -from their invasion for nearly a century. Peace assured in the North, -Ramses repaired to Ethiopia, where he spent the last years of his -father’s reign in making raids on the nomadic tribes on the banks of -the Upper Nile. - -On the news of the death of his father, Ramses left Ethiopia and -entered on his duties as sole king at Thebes. He was then at the height -of his fortune, and had several sons old enough to fight under his -banner. The first years of his reign were not disturbed by any war -of importance: in the year II there was a short expedition against -the Amorites, and in the year IV there was one to the banks of the -Nahr-el-Kelb near Beyrut. The Kheta [Hittites], faithful to the -alliance made with Seti, did not try to excite a rebellion; and the -people of Canaan, kept in check by the Egyptian garrisons, remained -quiet. - - -RAMSES II, THE GREAT - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1340 B.C.]] - -So all went well till the year IV, when a terrible rebellion broke out. -The king of the Kheta (Mau-than-ar, son of Maro-sar) was assassinated -and succeeded by his brother, Kheta-sar, who convoked his vassals and -allies, and broke with Egypt. Naharain, and its capital Carchemish, -Arathu and southern Phœnicia, Kadesh and the country of Amaour, Kati -and the Lycians, joined the coalition, and the hope of pillaging the -Egyptian provinces of Syria, if not Egypt herself, made Ilion, Pidasa, -Kerkesh, the Masu, and Dardanians also join the Kheta against Sesostris -[Ramses]. - -[Illustration: BUST OF RAMSES II - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -Trojan bands crossed the whole length of the peninsula and encamped in -the valley of the Orontes, three hundred miles from their country. The -army brought into the field by Ramses shows how easily nations were -displaced at that time, for it was composed of Libyans, Mashauasha of -Libya, Masu and Shardana, the fruit of the victorious repulsion of the -invasion a few years before. - -The Pharaoh established the basis of his operations on the frontier of -Egypt and the Arabian Desert in the town he had recently founded under -the name of Pa-Ramessu-Anekhtu (“the city of Ramses, the Conqueror”). -He traversed Canaan, still under his sway, and quickly bore down upon -the southern countries, only stopping at Shabatun, a Syrian village, -rather to the southwest of Kadesh, and in view of the town. During a -halt of some days he surveyed the district, and tried to discover the -position of the enemy, having only vague ideas on the subject. But the -allies, on the contrary, fully informed by their scouts, who mostly -belonged to the nomadic tribes of Shasu, were conversant with all -their movements; and the king of the Kheta, their chief, conceived and -carried out a clever manœuvre, which would have completely destroyed -the Egyptian army, had it not been for the personal bravery of the -Pharaoh. - -One day when Ramses had advanced a little to the south of Shabatun, two -Bedouins came and said to him: - -“Our brothers who are the chiefs of the tribes, allied with the vile -chief of the Kheta, send us to tell your Majesty that we wish to serve -your Majesty; we are leaving the vile chief of the Kheta, and know that -he is in the district of Khilibu at the north of the town of Tunep, -where he has retreated from fear of the Pharaoh.” - -The king was deceived by this report, which bore the trace of truth, -and feeling safe from a surprise by the supposed distance of the enemy -(Khilibu being forty miles to the north of Kadesh), he advanced without -misgiving, at the head of his household chariotry, whilst the bulk of -the army, including the legions of Amen, Ra, Ptah, and Sutekh, followed -him from a distance. - -Whilst he was thus dividing his forces, the allies, represented by -the traitors as far off, were secretly assembling on the northeast of -Kadesh and preparing to attack the flank of the Egyptian army on its -march to Khilibu. Their number was considerable to judge from the fact -that, on the day of the battle, the king of Khilibu alone commanded -eighteen thousand picked men; and, besides a well-trained infantry, -they had two thousand five hundred chariots, each carrying three men. - -During these operations the scouts brought into the general’s camp -two other spies they had taken; and the king seems then to have had -his suspicions aroused, for he ordered them to be well beaten, so as -to make them confess. They then confessed that they had been sent to -watch the manœuvres of the Egyptian army, and stated that the allies, -assembled at Kadesh, were only waiting for a favourable opportunity -to appear. Ramses then called a council of war, and explained their -critical position. The officers excused themselves on the plea of the -imprudence of the governors of the provinces, who had neglected to -reconnoitre every day the position of the enemy, and they despatched an -express messenger to bring up the body of the army to the aid of its -chief. - -Whilst the council was still sitting, the enemy approached, and when -the king of the Kheta brought his forces to the south of Kadesh, he -attacked the Ra legion, and so cut the Egyptian army in two. - -The Pharaoh then in person charged at the head of his household -chariotry, and eight times he broke the ranks of the encircling army, -rallied his troops, and sustained the shock the rest of the day. -Toward evening the Kheta, losing the advantage they had gained in the -morning, beat a retreat before the Egyptian army, now in line; and at -the approach of night the battle was suspended until the following day, -when the allies were completely routed. - -The equerry of the Kheta prince, Garbatusa, the general of his -infantry and chariots, the chief of the eunuchs, and Khalupsaru, the -writer of the annals of the sovereign for posterity, perished on the -battle-field. Many corps of the Syrian army cast themselves into the -Orontes to try to swim across it. Mazraima, the brother of the (Khetan) -king, succeeded in reaching the other bank, but the lord of the country -of Nison was drowned. The king of Khilibu was dragged half dead from -the water; and pictures of the battle represent him being held head -downward to disgorge the water he had swallowed. The conquered army -would no doubt have been utterly destroyed, had not a sortie of the -garrison of Kadesh arrested the progress of the Egyptians and allowed -the fugitives to return to the town. The following day the Khetan king -asked for and obtained peace. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1340-1324 B.C.]] - -But all hopes that this brilliant victory would terminate the war were -disappointed. For the country of Canaan and the neighbouring provinces -attacked the rear-guard of the victorious army, and the king of the -Kheta, profiting by this diversion, broke the peace. The whole of -Syria, from the banks of the Euphrates to the Nile, rose in arms. And -although there were no more great battles, the next fifteen years were -filled with a series of sieges and attacks; and hostilities broke out -in one place as fast as peace was concluded in another. - -The year VIII saw the Egyptian army in Galilee, under the walls -of Merom. In the year XI Askalon was taken in spite of the heroic -resistance of the Canaanites. In another campaign the king penetrated -as far north as the environs of Tunep, and took two towns of the Kheta. -So the war went on from year to year, until the enemies of Ramses were -quite exhausted with their useless efforts, and the king of the Kheta -once more prayed for peace from the Egyptian sovereign, and it was -granted and sealed in the year XXI. - -The treaty was originally drawn up in the language of the Kheta, and -it was engraved on a sheet of silver which was solemnly offered to the -Pharaoh in his city. The articles of the treaty were essentially the -same as those drawn up between the kings of Kheta and Ramses I and Seti -I. It was stipulated that the peace between the two countries was to be -eternal: - -“If an enemy march into the countries under the sway of the great king -of Egypt and if he send to the king of the Kheta, saying: ‘Come, take -arms against them,’ the great king of Kheta will do as he is asked -by the great king of Egypt: the great king of Kheta will destroy his -enemies. And if the great king of Kheta does not wish to come himself, -he will send the archers and chariots of the country of Kheta to the -great king of Egypt to destroy his enemies.” - -And an analogous clause also assures the king of Kheta of the support -of the Egyptian arms. Then come special articles to protect the -commerce and industry of the united nations and to render surer the -course of justice. Every criminal trying to evade these laws by taking -refuge in the neighbouring country will be handed over to the officers -of his nation: every fugitive not a criminal, every subject taken away -by force, every workman who removes from one territory to another to -there take up his abode, will be sent back to his country, without his -expatriation being regarded as a crime. He who is thus expelled is not -to be punished by the destruction of his house, wife, or children, he -is not to be struck in the eyes or on the mouth, or on the feet, as -there is no criminal accusation against him. - -Equality and perfect reciprocity between the two countries, extradition -of criminals and refugees, are the principal conditions of this treaty, -which can be considered the most ancient monument of diplomatic science. - -The wars of Ramses II terminate with this alliance, but Greek -historians have made the Pharaoh, under the name of Sesostris, -penetrate and subdue the countries of Media, Persia, Bactriana, and -India, as far as the ocean, and even say he penetrated Europe as far as -Thrace, where his course was only checked by want of supplies. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1307-1285 B.C.]] - -From the year XXI to that of Ramses’ death the peace of the country was -not disturbed. The conditions were loyally observed, and the alliance -between the two sovereigns was soon cemented by a family bond, as -Ramses married the eldest daughter of the king of Kheta, and a few -years later invited his father-in-law to visit the valley of the Nile. -The lord of Kheta acquaints the king of Kati with this approaching -journey in these words: - -“Be prepared for we are going to Egypt, the word of the king has been -spoken; let us obey Sesostris [Ramses]. He gives the breath of life to -those he loves, so all the world loves him, and Kheta is in future one -with him.” - -In the year XXXIII the Syrian prince visited the city of Ramses, -probably Thebes; and he is represented on a stele, engraven for the -occasion, with his daughter and son-in-law. - -So Egypt at last found her most bitter enemies transformed into -faithful allies, and “the people of Kamit were henceforth one in heart -with those of Kheta, which had not been the case since the time of the -god Ra.” - -As this alliance was concluded, the king could now devote himself to -building monuments. According to the Greek historians, “he had a temple -built in each town to the principal god of the place.” - -Ramses was indeed a king of builders. During his long sixty-seven -years’ reign, he had time to complete the work of several generations, -and one can safely say that there is not a ruin in Egypt or Nubia -which does not bear his name. The great “speos” [cave-temple] of -Isambul perpetuated the memory of his campaigns against the negroes and -Syrians, and four colossal monoliths, twenty metres high, adorn the -entrance. At Thebes there was added to the temple of Amenhotep (Luxor) -a court with two pylons and two obelisks of granite, the finest of -which is on the Place de la Concorde in Paris. The temple of Gurnah, -founded by Seti in honour of Ramses I, was finished and consecrated. -The Ramesseum, known to the ancients by the name of Tomb of Osymandias, -gives a sculptured account of the campaign of the year V; and the hand -of Ramses II is seen in the necropolis of Abydos, as well as at Memphis -and Bubastis and in the quarries of Silsilis, as well as in the mines -of Sinai. - -The temple of Tanis, neglected by the sovereigns of the XVIIIth -Dynasty, was restored and enlarged; and the town which was in ruins, -was rebuilt. In many places the architects effaced on the statues -and temples the names of their royal builders, and substituted the -cartouches of Ramses II. The decoration of the hypostyle hall of Karnak -is certainly due to this king: Ramses I conceived the plan, Seti -commenced it, and Ramses II decorated it entirely. From the year III, -Ramses was also greatly interested in the working of the gold mines in -Nubia, and established a line of stations with cisterns and wells along -the road leading from the Nile to Gebel Ollaqi. Then he had the network -of canals, which water Lower Egypt, cleared, including the one between -the Nile and the Red Sea on the borders of the desert. He repaired the -walls and fortifications which protected Egypt from the Bedouins; and -as political necessity led him to reside on the west of the Delta, he -founded several towns on the frontier, the most important of which was -Ramses Anekhtu. - -The poets of the period have left us pompous descriptions of this city: -“It is situated,” they say, “between Syria and Egypt; it is full of -delicious provisions; it is like unto Hermonthis. Its length is that of -Memphis, the sun rises and sets there. All men leave their towns and -settle on its territory; the rivers of the sea pay homage in eels and -fish, and bring the fruit of their tides. The dwellers in the town are -in holiday attire every day; perfumed oil anoints their heads on new -wigs. They stand at their doors, their hands filled with bouquets, with -green boughs from the town of Pa-Hathor, with garlands from Pahir, at -the entrance gate of Pharaoh. Joy increases and dwells there without -end.” - -Poetry, we see, flourished at the time of Ramses, and the manuscripts -of the works have been preserved, but the names of the authors were not -added. - - -THE WAR-POEM OF PENTAUR - -[Illustration: STATUE OF RAMSES II - -(British Museum)] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1340 B.C.]] - -The most often quoted and the best-inspired poem is the Poem of -Pentaur, which describes the exploits of Ramses in the year V at the -battle of Kadesh. [Pentaur, or rather Pentauirit, is not the author, -but merely the transcriber of the copy now in the British Museum. -The author is not known.] We know the subject of the poem: the king, -surprised by the prince of the Kheta, is obliged to lead the charge at -the head of his household troops: - -“His Majesty now rises like his father Mentu. He seizes his arms, and -buckles on his cuirass like Baal in his time. Great horses bear on his -Majesty--‘Victory to Thebes’ was their name as they left the stables -of King Ramses, beloved of Amen. The king, having started, broke the -ranks of the vile Kheta. He was alone, nobody with him. Having advanced -in sight of those behind him, he was surrounded by two thousand five -hundred chariots; cut off from retreat by all the warriors of the -vile Kheta and by the numerous people with him from Arathu, Masa, and -Pidasa. Each of their chariots carried three men, and they were all -massed together. “‘No prince with me, no general, no officer of the -archers, no archers, or chariots. My soldiers have forsaken me, my -horsemen have fled, and not one remains to fight with me.’ Then his -Majesty said: - -“‘Where art thou, my father Amen? Does a father forget his son? Have -I done anything without thee? Have I not marched and halted according -to thy word? I have in no way disobeyed thy orders. He is very great, -the lord of Egypt who overthrows the barbarians on his way! What -are these Asiatics to thee? Amen enervates the impious. Have I not -presented thee with numberless gifts? I have filled thy sacred dwelling -with prisoners; I have built thee a temple which will last a million -years; I have given all my goods for thy stores; I have offered thee -the entire world to enrich thy domains. Truly a miserable fate is -reserved to those who oppose thy designs, and happiness to him who -knows thee, for thy acts come from a heart full of love. I invoke thee, -my father Amen! Here I am in the midst of a great and strange company, -all the nations are leagued against me, and I am alone, with no other -but thee. My numerous soldiers have abandoned me, none of my horsemen -regarded me when I called to them, they did not hearken to my voice. -But I believe that Amen is more to me than a million horsemen, than a -myriad brothers, or young sons all assembled together. The work of men -is naught. Amen will overrule them. I have accomplished these things -by the counsel of thy mouth, O Amen! and I have not transgressed thy -counsels: here I have given glory to thee to the ends of the earth.’” - -[Illustration: STATUES OF RAMSES II AT ABU-SIMBEL] - -The king is here represented alone, surrounded by the enemy and in -great danger, but his first impulse is to God; and before rushing into -the mêlée, he makes this long address to Amen, and help came to him: - -“The voice resounded to Hermonthis. Amen answers my cry; he gives me -his hand, I utter a cry of joy, he speaks behind me: - -“‘I hasten to thee, to thee Ramses Meri-Amen, I am with thee. It is I, -thy father; my hand is with thee and I am of more avail than hundreds -of thousands. I am the lord of strength, a lover of courage, I have -recognised a courageous heart and am satisfied my will will be done.’ - -“Like Mentu, I then cast my arrows to the right, I overthrew my -enemies. I am like Baal before them. The two thousand five hundred -chariots which surround me are dashed to pieces by my horsemen. Not -one of them has a hand to fight with, their hearts fail them, and fear -enfeebles their members. They cannot draw their arrows, nor have they -strength to wield their lances. I precipitate them into the water as -you would a crocodile, they are cast down on the top of each other. -I do not wish one to look behind nor to turn back. He who falls will -never regain his feet.” - -The effect produced by this outburst about God was very great, -especially on the Kheta, who seemed arrested by an invisible power when -on the point of victory, and hesitated in terror. Then they commanded -the chiefs in their cars, and the men versed in war to advance, so -that the company of the kings of Arathu, of Ilion, of Lycia, Dardania, -Carchemish, Kerkesh, Khilibu, numbering three thousand chariots, -proceed forward. - -“But all their efforts are useless. I dashed on them like Mentu, my -hands destroyed them in the space of an instant, I cut and I killed -amongst them, so that they said one to another: - -“‘This is not a man amongst us, it is Sutekh, the great warrior. It -is Baal in person. These are not the actions of a man that he does. -Alone, all alone, he repulses hundreds of thousands without chiefs, -and without soldiers. Let us hasten to fly before him, let us save our -lives, let us breathe again.’ - -“All who came to fight found their hands weakened, they could no longer -hold bows, or lance. Seeing that he had arrived at cross-roads the king -pursued them like a griffin.” - -It was only when the enemy is in retreat that he summons his soldiers, -not so much for their aid as to let them witness his valour: - -“Be firm, keep up your heart, O my soldiers! You see my victory and I -was alone. It is Amen who gave me strength; his hand is with me.” - -He encourages his shield-bearer Menna who is full of fear at the number -of the enemy, and rushes into the mêlée. - -“Six times I charged the enemy!” - -At last his army arrives toward evening and helps him. He assembles his -generals and overwhelms them with reproaches. - -“What will the whole world say, when it learns that you left me quite -alone? That not a charioteer nor any archers joined with me? I have -fought, I have repulsed millions of people alone. ‘Victory of Thebes,’ -and ‘Mut is satisfied’ were my glorious horses. It was with them that -I was alone amid terrifying enemies. I will see them fed myself every -day, when I am in my palace, for I had them when I was in the midst -of my enemies with the chief Menna, my shield bearer, and with the -officers of my horse who accompanied me, and are witnesses of the -battle; they were with me. I have returned after a victorious battle -and I have struck the assembled multitudes with my blade.” - -The skirmish of the first day was only the preliminary to a more -important engagement, and with what success to the Egyptians, and what -loss to the Asiatics, has already been told. The poet does not give -any details of this second affair. He describes it in a few lines -dedicated entirely to praise of the king. The subject, in fact, is not -the victory at Kadesh and the defeat of the Syrian armies, important -as these may be to the historian; but the poet sings the indomitable -courage of Ramses, his faith in the aid of the gods, the irresistible -strength of his arm. He wished to portray him surprised, abandoned, and -compensating for the faults of the generals by his bravery. All the -facts which could lessen the general impression or diminish the glory -of the royal bravery are put in the background. The household troops -are mentioned only once; of the second day of the battle there is but -an insufficient description. The king of the Kheta implores peace, -Ramses grants it, and returns in triumph to Thebes. - -“Come, our beloved son, O Ramses Meri-Amen! The gods have given him -infinite periods of eternity upon the double throne of his father Tmu, -and all the nations are put under his feet.”[b] - - -THE KINGDOM OF THE KHETA AND THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1345-1285 B.C.]] - -After the preceding eulogy by Maspero, it is well to read Eduard -Meyer’s more cynical account of the reign of the great Ramses. It will -enable us the better to preserve a mental balance. It should not, -however, lead us to forget that we are in the presence of one of the -great epochs of civilisation; for all such great epochs have had their -iconoclasts as well as their adulators.[a] - -Ramses II exaggerated his own praises in inscriptions, saying that, -already in the womb, he had been acknowledged king and that his father -had handed him over the government when he was yet a child. This is -correct in so far as he was solemnly proclaimed successor to the throne -in his early youth, and probably raised to be co-regent by Seti toward -the end of his reign; as crown-prince he accompanied his father in the -wars against the Libyans. - -In the fifth year the king directed his second campaign against the -Kheta. The king of Kheta had summoned all his allies and tribes -dependent on him, and a formidable army was gathered together in the -neighbourhood of Kadesh. He almost succeeded in destroying, in an -ambush, the advance-guard, in which Ramses was present. The mass of -the army which had been called together in haste did not reach the -battle-field in time, and it was only the personal courage of the king, -who boasts of having fought against thousands alone when all deserted -him, that gained the victory for the Egyptians. The enemy were driven -into the Orontes, and suffered heavy losses; the king of Khilibu was -almost drowned. Ramses II boasts again and again of this victory; he -had the fight represented and poetically extolled in Luxor, in Karnak, -in the Ramesseum built in the west town for the worship of the dead, -and in Nubia in the temple of Abu Simbel. Nevertheless, it was only a -brave personal feat and no great military success. - -We hear nothing of the conquest of Kadesh, and when Ramses asserts -“that the king of Kheta turned his hands to worship him,” this refers -to passing negotiations or to an armistice, for we see that the war -continued uninterruptedly. - -We have only very incomplete information concerning the continuance of -the war. Only once more do we find the king penetrating far toward the -north: in the province of Tunep in the land of Naharain he personally -fought against the Kheta. How he arrived so far north, we do not know. - -It is clear that the Egyptians were being more and more driven back, -and finally completely lamed. Doubtless the king of Kheta could boast -of numerous victories. On the other hand, it was only boasting when -Ramses gave long lists of conquered people and towns in his temple -inscriptions, in which, so as to equal Tehutimes III, he had to -include the names of Asshur and Sangara, Mannus and Karak (Cilicia), -with which the king scarcely came into contact. It can at once be seen -that it is no historical document. - -When and on what conditions peace was concluded is not known, and -tradition does not relate what part of Syria the Egyptians maintained. -At any rate Palestine remained essentially Egyptian. It would appear -that it was agreed that South Syria should be relinquished to Egypt, -and that the Kheta should retain a free hand in the North. - -[Illustration: BRINGING TRIBUTE TO RAMSES II] - -By this agreement, there was maintained between the two states -a lasting peace which soon ripened into a close union. In the -twenty-first year of Ramses II King Kheta-sar proposed one of those -everlasting treaties to the Pharaoh, in which both states guaranteed -their own integrity, formed an alliance for protection against every -outside enemy, and mutually bound themselves to watch over all exiles -who might seek refuge with them, and to surrender all deserters and -emigrants. The treaty held good for a long time; thirteen years later -Kheta-sar visited the ruler of Egypt and gave him his daughter to wife. -Then took place what, as the god Ptah says to Ramses, “was unheard of -even from the days of Ra until thine own.” It is evident that under -such circumstances the relations of culture between Egypt and Syria -must have been active and manifold. - -The powerful influence which Egypt had exercised over the East has -already been depicted in connection with this; and, for example, when -we find that the characteristics of an Egyptian legend recorded under -the successor of Ramses are taken up by the Hebrews and transferred to -the hero of their race, Joseph, this is only one feature more added to -the many we know. - -But in Egypt we also find the worship of Syrian divinities spreading -more and more--at the same time Set-Sutekh, the powerful patron god of -the stranger who gave the enemy victory, was greatly respected. - -Syrian names are considerably met with, and, above all, the language -is most strikingly influenced by the Canaanite. In many documents -Semitic words were almost used to the same extent as French in German -literature of the eighteenth century. - -After having concluded the treaty with Kheta-sar, Ramses II ruled over -Egypt for forty-six years more in peace. - -This epoch, the time of Seti I and Ramses II, has rightly been called -the prime of the New Theban Kingdom. The martial successes in its first -half, the peaceful and well-ordered relations of the ensuing time, -made the universal development of the land’s resources feasible to the -government, and assured the subjects a comfortable enjoyment of life, -such as the Egyptians of old loved. - -Of no other period of Egypt do we possess so many monuments--temples, -tombs, dedications, and inscriptions concerning victories--and so many -literary remains. But nowhere does the typical character which adheres -to the new Egyptian appear more prominently than here. - -The type is supreme over all, and there is no question of individuality -anywhere. It is in vain that we seek for a new thought or an original -turn in the temple inscriptions, in the hymns on the king written -on the face of the rocks or on papyrus, and in the appeals to the -divinities. Frequently all tangible import is wanting. Everything is -a copy and is carefully worked out from a fixed model; it has often -been remarked how greatly the historical value of the reports has -suffered through this. In value they are far below those of the time of -Tehutimes III. - -The administration of the land in the new kingdom does not differ much -from that of the former one. The king appears to us surrounded by the -entire fulness of divine glory; in the official reports his counsellors -are only assembled so as to marvel at his superhuman wisdom, or else to -be reproached for their want of foresight. - -The further we advance into the history of Egypt, the more does the -self-conceit and absurdity of the glorification of the king increase; -under the reign of Ramses II one often gets the impression that he -considered himself a superhuman being standing in direct communication -with the gods. Like Amenhotep III, we often find him in the Nubian -temples too, worshipping his own person, which is seated between Amen -and Mut, or Khnem and Anuqat. The intention may have been to raise the -reigning king--as formerly Usertsen III--to be territorial god of the -subjected Cushites. - -The residence of Ramses II was generally at Tanis, which he had newly -constructed and adorned with numerous monuments, and which now received -the name of “the town of Ramses.” The writers of the time are never -tired of praising the glories of this city, which was a seaport as well -as an important emporium. On account of its numerous relations with -Syria, it is only natural that the centre of gravity of the kingdom -should have been transferred here, and that many new foundations should -have originated on the eastern frontier of Egypt. The frontier defences -of Egypt proper against the tribes of the desert, were always kept up -and sharply watched. As formerly, Thebes remained the real capital -of the land; next to it, Memphis asserted its long-inherited right -as the oldest residence and as dwelling-place of Ptah, the Father of -the Divinities. The numerous private monuments bear witness to the -well-being of the land more than the buildings, as also, to a certain -degree, do the rhetorical descriptions of the writers. - -Numerous admirable experiments in sculpture have come down to us, -above all the likeness of Ramses II preserved in Turin. The marvellous -and careful work of the relief in the temple of Seti I at Abydos has -already been mentioned; a certain grandeur must not be denied to the -composition of the great war picture which represents the events of the -Kheta war in the year V of Ramses II,--the mustering of the troops, the -life in camp, the advance of the enemy, and the battle of Kadesh. The -king had the picture carried out in coloured relief three times, in -the Ramesseum, in Luxor, and in Abu Simbel. Besides these, there are -also numerous examples of every kind of art-work, even to the simplest -steles, often very roughly worked. - -Some things have come to us of the literature of the times; chiefly -the poem which Ramses II had composed and written on the walls of the -temples to commemorate his battle with the Kheta. It is a work which, -in spite of its official character, is not wanting in life and poetry. - -There are also many narratives, such as the celebrated tale of the two -brothers, written under Meneptah. Above all, there are the numerous -epistles, rhetorical studies, descriptions of the power of the king -and his works, the praise of learning, hymns, moral exhortations, also -unmeaning letters which evidently served as models for real letters -and reports. Besides these collections, we have also many authentic -letters, reports, acts, etc., which give us much information concerning -the life and doings of the Egyptians in the thirteenth century B.C. - -If we cast an eye on the religious life, we clearly recognise that -we are here dealing with an epoch in which heretic endeavours are -completely suppressed, and orthodoxy asserts its unconditional sway. -The religious literature of the time became characterised fairly early. -At every turn we meet with the formulas of the victorious esoteric -doctrine. The numerous temples show the increase of the power of the -priests. All natural relations were restrained and stifled by religion. -War was carried on by order, and in the name of, Amen, so as to -increase his subjects and to bring him in rich booty. The inscriptions -relate very little concerning the actions of the kings, but a great -deal concerning the conversations which they had with the deities, and -how they “cast all lands at their feet.” The eldest son of Ramses II, -Khamuas, became high priest of Ptah in Memphis, and carefully looked -after the worship of the sacred Apis: he caused the celebrated tombs of -Apis, the Serapeum of Memphis, to be built. By those who came after, he -was looked on as a great philosopher and magician. - -It is known to us that, as a long established custom, the officials -as a rule held one or more priesthoods besides their state office; -naturally, higher education and, above all, instruction in writing and -learning, were entirely in the hands of the priests. We meet with the -enervating effects of these conditions throughout the whole course of -Egyptian history. - -When the intellectual life becomes torpid, physical strength also -disappears. Since everything that constitutes nationality is converted -into outer forms, a nation loses even the vitality and power necessary -to maintain an independent existence.[c] - - -DEATH OF RAMSES II - -Thus, somewhat frigidly, Eduard Meyer has summed up the achievements of -the great Ramses. The words of Brugsch make a good epilogue. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1285 B.C.]] - -Ramses II enjoyed a long reign. The monuments expressly testify to -a reign of sixty-seven years’ duration, of which, apparently, more -than half should be reckoned to his rule conjointly with his father. -The jubilee celebration of his thirtieth year as (sole?) Pharaoh gave -occasion for great festivities throughout the country, of which the -inscriptions in Silsilis, El-Kab, Biggeh, Sehel, and even on several -scarabs, make frequent mention. The prince and high priest of Memphis, -Khamuas, journeyed through the chief cities of the country in this -connection, that he might have the great and joyful festival in honour -of his father prepared in a worthy fashion by the different governors. -The anniversary of the festival was calculated according to a fixed -cycle, and apparently fell when the lunar and solar years coincided at -short intervals of three or four years. It was observed as a solemn -feast. - -Great in the field, active in works of peace, Ramses appears to -have also tasted heaven’s richest blessings in his family life. The -outer surface of the front of the temple of Abydos reveals to us the -portraits and the names, now only partially preserved, of 119 children -(59 sons and 60 daughters), which besides the lawful consorts known -to us, the favourite wife Isinefer, mother of Khamaus, the queens -Nefert-ari, Meri-mut, and the daughter of the king of Kheta, implies a -large number of inferior wives. - -It is scarcely probable that the great Ramses departed this life -leaving his earthly kingdom in a peaceful condition. Already in his old -age a numerous progeny of sons and grandsons were disputing over their -father’s inheritance. The seed of periods of storm and unrest was laid. -According to historical tradition these bearings were confirmed in the -most striking manner by subsequent events. - -The body of Pharaoh was consigned to its death chamber in the rocky -valley of Biban-el-Moluk. In spite of the large number of his children, -Seti’s grateful son had left no offspring behind him who would have -prepared a tomb for his father worthy of his deeds and of his name; a -tomb which might if only in some degree have approached the dignity of -Seti’s noble funeral vaults. The tomb of Ramses is an insignificant, -rather tasteless erection, seldom visited by travellers to the Nile -Valley, who probably scarcely suspect that the great Sesostris of Greek -story has found his last resting-place in this modest place. This -Pharaoh might have repeated of himself at his death, as formerly in his -struggle against the Kheta he said, “I stood alone; none other was with -me.”[d] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[6] [The Hittites, now identified with the Kheta, are treated more -fully in a special chapter in Vol. II.] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. THE FINDING OF THE ROYAL MUMMIES - - -Nothing in modern discovery has more vividly and suddenly brought the -ancient world home to the world of to-day than the finding of the -actual bodies, the very flesh and blood of the Pharaohs marvellously -preserved to us by the embalmer’s venerable art. The discovery has -bridged the chasm between the Ancient and the New as a midnight flash -of lightning from the clouds to the earth. - -As so often happens, what had foiled the eager search of the patient -scholar, had not eluded the cupidity of the thief. The appearance of -royal mummies and priceless manuscripts on the open market filled the -explorers with both chagrin and zeal. M. Maspero tells of the various -wiles by which influential politicians of the Orient concealed their -rich treasure-sources, and of the almost endless difficulties overcome -by the European explorers before the thieves could be first deprived of -their influence with the authorities, and then of their discoveries. -These latter the scholars wished to examine and study where found, and -then distribute them among museums for the benefit of other scholars -and for public enlightenment. The real discoverers, the Arabs, were -after loot alone, and mingled ruthlessness, lies, misrepresentations, -and all manner of duplicity with their thrift. It is not here fitting -to tell the story of the fight between scholarship and commerce; but -the account of the revelation of the treasure-chamber itself is as -appropriate as it is thrilling.[a] - -[Illustration: MUMMY AND INNER CASE] - -On Wednesday, the 6th of July, 1879, Messrs. Emil Brugsch and Ahmad -Effendi Kamal were conducted by Muhammed Ahmed Abd-er-Rassul to the -entrance of the funeral vault itself. - -The Egyptian engineer who long ago hollowed out the secret chamber had -made his arrangements in the most ingenious fashion. Never was secret -chamber better disguised. The chain of hills which at the spot divides -the Biban-el-Moluk from the Theban plain, forms, between the Assassif -and the Valley of the Queens, a series of natural amphitheatres, of -which the best known was, up to the present, that on which stands -the monument of Deir-el-Bahari. In the wall of rocks which separates -Deir-el-Bahari from the succeeding amphitheatres, just behind the knoll -of Sheikh Abd-el-Gurnah, about two hundred feet above the level of the -cultivated lands, a pit was dug forty feet in depth by six in breadth. -At the bottom of the pit, in the western side, was cut the entrance -of a corridor four and a half feet wide by nearly three in height. -After running a length of about twenty-five feet, it turns abruptly to -the north, and extends to a distance of two hundred feet, not always -keeping to the same dimensions; in certain parts it is about six and a -half feet wide, in others little more than four. Near the centre five -or six roughly hewn steps indicate a sensible change in the level, -and on the right hand a sort of unfinished niche shows that there had -been an idea of once more changing the direction of the gallery. The -latter at last emerges into a kind of irregular, oblong chamber, about -twenty-five feet in length. - -The first object which struck the eye of Herr Brugsch, when he reached -the bottom of the pit, was a white and yellow coffin, with the name of -Nesi-Khonsu. It was in the corridor, about two feet from the entrance; -a little further was a coffin whose form recalled the style of the -XVIIth Dynasty; then Queen TiuHathor Hont-tui, then Seti I. Alongside -the coffins and strewing the ground, were boxes of funeral statuettes, -canopic vases,[7] bronze libation vases, and right at the back, in the -angle formed by the corridor as it turns north, the funeral canopy of -Queen Isiem-kheb, folded and crumpled like a worthless object which -some priest in a hurry to get away had thrown carelessly in a corner. -All along the great corridor was the same confusion and disorder; it -was necessary to crawl along without knowing where hands and knees were -being placed. - -[Illustration: MUMMY IN ITS WRAPPINGS] - -The coffins and mummies, hastily scanned by the light of a candle, -bore historic names--Amenhotep I, Tehutimes II, in the niche near -the staircase, Aahmes I, and his son Se-Amen, Seqenen-Ra, Queens -Aah-hotep, Aahmes, Nefert-ari, and others. In the chamber at the end, -the confusion was at its height, but the predominance of the style -proper to the XXth Dynasty was recognised at a glance. The report of -Muhammed Ahmad Abd-er-Rassul, which had at first appeared exaggerated, -was scarcely more than the attenuated expression of the truth: where I -had expected to come on one or two obscure, petty kings, the Arabs had -unearthed a whole hypogee of Pharaohs. - -And what Pharaohs! perhaps the most illustrious in the history of -Egypt--Tehutimes III and Seti I, Aahmes the liberator and Ramses II the -conqueror! - -Two hours sufficed for this first examination, and then the work of -removal began. Three hundred Arabs were speedily collected by the -efforts of the mudir’s people, and set about the work. The museum’s -boat, hastily summoned, had not yet arrived; but reis Muhammed, one -of the pilots on whom reliance could be placed, was on the spot. -He descended to the bottom of the pit and undertook to extract its -contents. Messrs. Brugsch and Ahmad Effendi Kamal received the objects -as they were brought above ground, carried them to the foot of the -hill, and ranged them side by side without relaxing their vigilance -for a moment. Forty-eight hours of energetic labour sufficed to exhume -everything; but the task was only half finished. - -The convoy had to be conducted across the plain of Thebes and beyond -the river as far as Luxor; several of the coffins, raised with great -difficulty by twelve or sixteen men, took seven or eight hours to go -from the mountain to the bank, and it will be easily imagined what this -journey must have been like in the dust and heat of July. - -At last, on the evening of the 11th, mummies and coffins were all -at Luxor, duly enveloped in mats and canvases. Three days after, -the museum’s steamer arrived; it only remained to load it, and it -immediately started again for Bulaq with its freight of kings. - -Then a singular thing happened, for from Luxor to Kuft, along either -bank of the Nile, the fellah women followed the boat with dishevelled -hair and uttering loud cries, and the men fired rifle-shots as they do -at funerals. - - -HOW CAME THESE MONARCHS HERE? - -And now a question arises. The greater number of the kings and princes -of the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties, had each his tomb, which exists -to-day or whose site we learn from ancient documents; Amenhotep I at -Drah-abu’l-Neggah, Seti I and Ramses II at the Biban-el-Moluk, and -others elsewhere. How is it that their corpses were hidden away between -Deir-el-Bahari and Sheikh Abd-el-Gurnah, huddled together with the -corpses of the high priests of Amen? The Egyptians themselves have -taken pains to furnish us with the materials for the answer. Several -of the mummies or coffins which we possess, bear, written in ink by -the hand of contemporary scribes, the date, the circumstances, and -sometimes the reason of the transfer. These are veritable official -reports, whose testimony on the subject is unimpeachable. - -The three mummies of the XIXth Dynasty had a common fate. The coffins -of Seti I and Ramses II bear three inscriptions, which are identical, -or nearly so, and which date from three different periods: what is left -of the coffin of Ramses II bears the remains of a hieratic text[8] -analogous to the second inscription of the text of Seti I. - -The two most ancient of these inscriptions mention Her-Hor. The first -is conceived in these terms: “The year VI, of the 2nd month of Shaït -the VII, the day of the expedition made by Her-Hor the … of the first -Prophet of Amen Ra, king of the gods, to restore the funeral pomp of -King Men-maat-Ra L. H. S. [life, health, strength] Son of the Sun, Seti -Meneptah, through the inspector,” a name which is not very legible, as -is also the case with those of his companions. The inscription which -had been placed on the coffin of Ramses II has been rubbed out, and -then written over. As it now reads, it suffices to show that it, like -the preceding, was of the year VI and of the 2nd month of the season -of Shaït, the VII; that the expedition had been undertaken by order of -Her-Hor, and that its object was to ascertain the condition of the body -of Ramses II. This interpretation of the date does not fail, however, -to involve some difficulties. The name of Her-Hor is not surrounded -with the cartouche; and we may, if we choose, conclude from this fact -that the mention of the year VI refers to the reign of the Ramesside -whom Her-Hor succeeded on the throne. On the other hand, the comparison -of this inscription with the following ones appears to me to prove -that the date, year VI, should probably be placed to the count of the -priest-king. - -Indeed, no hesitation is possible in regard to the second inscription. -It presents itself under two forms, of which one is found only on the -coffin of Seti I, whilst the other is afforded us by the two coffins of -Ramses I and Ramses II. The inscription of Seti I is conceived in these -terms: “In the year XVI, of the 4th month of the season Pirt, the VII, -under King Se-Amen, the day of the exhuming of the King Men-maat-Ra -Seti Meri-en-Ptah L. H. S., from his tomb to bring him into the tomb of -the lady An … of the great dwelling, by the prophet of Amen-Ra, king -of the gods, the third prophet of Khonsumois Neferhotep, chief scribe -of the monument of the temple of Amen-Ra, king of the gods, servant of -the temple of Ramses II in the temple of Amen, Nesipkhashuti, son of -Beken-Khonsu. The superior of the funeral hall had said in the presence -(of the king) what was the condition (of the mummies) and that they had -suffered no damage in being taken from the tomb where they were, and -transported to the tomb of the lady An … of the great dwelling where -King Amenhotep rests in peace.” - -The inscription of Ramses II differs from the preceding only in the -opening words: “In the year XVI, of the 4th month of Pirt, the VII, the -day of the exhuming of King User-maat-Ra-sotep-en-Ra, the great god -of the tomb of King Men-maat-Ra, Seti Miptah.” The rest is similar in -every point to the text of Seti I. - -The inscription of Ramses I is much mutilated; but what has been -preserved permits us to restore a formula at the commencement, which is -intermediary between the formula of Seti I and that of Ramses II. “(The -year XVI, of the 4th month of Pirt, the VII, under) King Se-Amen, (day -of) the exhuming of (the King Men-pehtet-Ra L. H. S.) from the (tomb of -King Men-maat-Ra) Seti Miptah (to bring it into this tomb) of the lady -An … of the (great) dwelling (where the King Amen) hotep (rests) in -peace, etc.” - -The three bodies, carried at different periods to Seti’s hypogee, were -taken thence all three in one day. This identity in time explains why, -in the second part of each inscription, the scribe has always made use -of the plural number to express the condition of the mummy: he placed -on each of the coffins the formula which applied to all three. - -The other coffins of the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties bear no -inscriptions, but I have no doubt that at about the same time they were -the object of frequent visits. One certain fact seems to me to result -from the reports: by the close of the XXth Dynasty the bodies of Seti -I, Ramses I, Ramses II, and Tehutimes I were no longer in their own -tombs, and not yet in the hidden chamber where they were discovered: -they were carried from place to place and their funerary appointments -restored at fairly short intervals. What was the motive for so often -taking the trouble to verify this condition? - -The documents which have come down to us from the last kings of the -XXth Dynasty give us some idea of an epoch of decadence. Egypt, -exhausted by six centuries of conquest, no longer possessed the -strength necessary to retain her dominion over the provinces in Syria, -and was losing with them the best part of her revenue. The great towns -of the Delta--Memphis, Tanis, Saïs--standing on the natural highway -of Asiatic commerce, did not suffer greatly from this political -diminution of the country; but Thebes, which was situated in the -interior, at a distance from the great commercial routes, and had owed -the prosperity she enjoyed to conquest alone, grew poorer and rapidly -declined. Constructive works were for the most part suspended for want -of supplies; and the labouring population, ill-paid from the royal -treasure, began to feel the pangs of hunger. Hence proceeded strikes -and daily disorders, which the overseers of the workshops recorded in -their note-books; and then pillage and theft. - -[Illustration: QUEEN NUBKHAS] - -Bands were organised, in which civil employees, officers, workmen, even -women, figure indiscriminately, and these set to work to exploit the -necropolis. They forced the doors of the tombs, that they might carry -off the objects of value, the jewels, furniture, and gorgeous arms -which the piety of relatives had deposited with the corpses. - -Soon, not content with attacking private individuals, they ventured -to lay their hands upon the kings. The government of Ramses made vain -attempts to stop their depredations. An inquiry, opened in the XVIth -year of Ramses IX, informs us that the king’s commissioners found one -royal tomb violated for every ten that they were authorised to visit. -It is curious that one of the hypogees examined belonged to a prince -whose mummy we found in the secret chamber of Deir-el-Bahari, namely -Amenhotep I; it was still intact. - -The report of the opening of the tomb of Sebekhotep [VI] tells us in -what the booty of the thieves consisted: “We opened the coffins of the -king and his wife, Queen Nubkhas, as well as the funeral caskets in -which they lay. We found the august mummy of the king, and beside it -his sword, as well as a considerable number of talismans, and ornaments -of gold about his neck. The head was covered with gold, and gold was -scattered all over the mummy: the coffins were plated with gold and -silver within and without, and incrusted with all kinds of stones. We -took the gold which we found on the mummy, as well as the talisman and -the ornaments of the neck and the gold of the coffins. We likewise took -all we could find on the royal spouse, then we burned their funeral -caskets and we robbed them of their furniture, which consisted of vases -of gold or silver and of bronze, and we divided them among us in eight -portions.” One might fancy he was reading the description of that mummy -of Queen Aah-hop, whose jewels now form an ornament of the museum at -Bulaq. - -Let us now examine the condition of the coffins and mummies found at -Deir-el-Bahari. Seqenen-Ra, Aahmes and his son Se-Amen, Nefert-ari, -and Aah-hotep are certainly in their original coffins, as is proved by -the style and the absence of inscriptions indicating a restoration. -Amenhotep I and Tehutimes II appear to have retained only the covers -of their original coffins; the case is of wood, very roughly shaped, -and in order to introduce the mummy of Tehutimes II, it has been -found necessary to reduce the thickness of the sides at the level of -the shoulders. The inscriptions assert that the wrappings have been -renewed: this may have been as much because they were worn out in the -natural course of things as because of the violence of human hands, and -the restoration does not in itself prove that the mummy has suffered by -thieves. But do not the two false mummies of Princess Meshent-themhu -and the Princess Set-Amen furnish us with proof of a violation -analogous to that to which King Sebekhotep and his wife Nubkhas were -subjected? - -The robbers, after breaking open Sebekhotep’s coffin, had dispersed -the bones of the king, and the tomb was empty. Something similar must -certainly have occurred in the case of the Princess Meshent-themhu. -The coffin was broken open, and the inscription which it bore, inlaid -with blue enamel, partly disappeared; for it was necessary, as I have -shown above, to restore it roughly in ink. As for the bones, they had -disappeared: probably the thieves, fearing they might be disturbed in -their sacrilegious work, made haste to carry off the mummy with them; -then abandoned it, once it had been despoiled, in some place where no -one thought of looking for it. On the other hand, religion did not -allow that the disembodied soul could enjoy a full existence in the -other world if the body it had owned during its earthly life should -completely disappear. - -In default of the real body, the commissioners charged to inspect and -restore the tombs adopted the plan of manufacturing the semblances -of bodies for Seti and Meshent-themhu. A fragment of broken coffin -simulated the bust of Meshent-themhu, a bundle of rags the head, -another bundle of rags the feet, and the whole, duly encased in -wrappings, was deposited in the coffin, which was more or less -carefully restored. Was the soul satisfied at recognising the -counterfeit body? - -For my part I am very glad to have discovered, thanks to that pious -fraud, the principal, if not the only, reason for the collection of so -many royal mummies in one place. - -It was to save the dead Pharaohs from thieves that it was decided to -hide them away. It was hoped that a pit, thirty-eight yards deep, -followed by a narrow corridor of two hundred and fifty feet, would -protect them from profanation; and experience has proved that the -reckoning was not so far out, since centuries rolled away from the -day that they were deposited there, before that on which the Arabs of -Sheikh Abd-el-Gurnah discovered the hiding-place. - -Some Egyptologists will, at first sight, be amazed at the rude -character of this supposed tomb, and will object that it is a far -cry from a chamber without ornament and roughly hollowed out of the -rock, to the magnificent hypogees of Biban-el-Moluk. I answer that the -difference between the tombs is not greater than the difference between -the kings. Amenhotep III, Ramses II, even Ramses V and Her-Hor, reigned -over all Egypt, over Ethiopia, over at least a part of Syria, and had -command of the men and money needful to hew out and decorate immense -syringes.[9] - -Painet´-em II and the people of his family possessed only the poorest -region of Egypt and Nubia: it was as much as they could do to secure -their mummies the same burial as that of the wealthier men of their -time. No more special monuments for each of the dead, but one common -vault for all; no more immense sarcophagi in hard stone, but mere -coffins in polished wood, sometimes stolen from earlier kings or -private persons. There is nothing which more clearly marks the -decadence of Thebes than this increasing poverty of the last Theban -kings.[b] - -[Illustration: FEMALE HEAD-DRESS, ANCIENT EGYPT] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[7] [Vases with tops of human forms or divinities, used to hold the -entrails of embalmed bodies.] - -[8] [Hieratic writing is a modified form of hieroglyphics.] - -[9] [Syringes (plural of syrinx) are narrow and deep rock -tunnel-tombs.] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. THE PERIOD OF DECAY - -[XIXTH-XXVTH DYNASTIES: _ca._ 1285-655 B.C.] - - And the Lord shall smite Egypt; he shall smite and heal it: and - they shall return even to the Lord, and he shall be intreated of - them, and shall heal them. - - In that day shall there be a highway out of Egypt to Assyria, and - the Assyrian shall come into Egypt and the Egyptian into Assyria, - and the Egyptians shall serve with the Assyrians.--_Isaiah_ xix. - 22, 23. - - * * * * * - - So shall the king of Assyria lead away the Egyptians prisoners, and - the Ethiopians captives, young and old, naked and barefoot, even - with their buttocks uncovered, to the shame of Egypt.--_Isaiah_ xx. - 4. - - -After the summit, the inevitable decline. The first of world powers -under the Ramessides, Egypt again becomes degenerate, and, after -some five hundred years of reanimation, passes into the power of the -priests, who in turn are supplanted by invading hosts, this time -from Ethiopia. Then the Assyrian conquerors, taking their turn at -world-domination, invade Egypt along the route which Tehutimes and -Ramses had followed of old in invading Assyria. Dismembered Egypt -falls an easy prey to Esarhaddon. It revolts under Asshurbanapal again -and again, and is as often reconquered. But a mixed population of -Ethiopians and Assyrians again gives a certain measure of new vitality -to the old body, and, the destruction of the Assyrian empire having rid -the Egyptians of one of their enemies, they were presently able, under -Psamthek I (Psammetichus), to overthrow the Ethiopian “usurpers,” and -establish once more a “native” dynasty. - -For about three-quarters of a century Egypt retained autonomy, and -even struggled back to a shadow of its old-time power, illustrating -once again the vitality that resides in an old stock. Then the final -_coup_ was given by Cambyses the Persian; and the last contest was -over. Taken by themselves, these long-drawn-out struggles of a dying -nation--extending over half a thousand years--are full of interest; but -in the comparative scale they are unimportant. We have seen the great -nation at its flood-tide of power, and we need not dwell at very great -length upon the time of its ebbing fortunes; for other nations, off to -the east, have now taken the place of Egypt as the world-centres, and -are beckoning attention.[a] - - -MENEPTAH - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1285-1250 B.C.]] - -The disappearance of the old hero, Ramses II, did not produce many -changes in the condition of affairs in Egypt. Meneptah from this -time forth possessed as Pharaoh the power which he had previously -wielded as regent. He was now no longer young. Born somewhere about -the beginning of the reign of Ramses II, he was now sixty, possibly -seventy, years old; thus an old man succeeded another old man at -a moment when Egypt must have needed more than ever an active and -vigorous ruler. The danger to the country did not on this occasion rise -from the side of Asia, for the relations of the Pharaoh with his Kharu -[Phœnician] subjects continued friendly, and, during a famine which -desolated Syria, he sent wheat to his Hittite allies. - -The nations, however, to the north and east, in Libya and in the -Mediterranean islands, had for some time past been in a restless -condition, which boded little good to the empires of the Old World. The -Tamahu, some of them tributaries from the XIIth, and others from the -first years of the XVIIIth Dynasty, had always been troublesome, but -never really dangerous neighbours. From time to time it was necessary -to send light troops against them, who, sailing along the coast or -following the caravan routes, would enter their territory, force them -from their retreats, destroy their palm groves, carry off their cattle, -and place garrisons in the principal oases--even in Siwa itself. For -more than a century, however, it would seem that more active and -numerically stronger populations had entered upon the stage. A current -of invasion, having its origin in the region of the Atlas, or possibly -even in Europe, was setting toward the Nile, forcing before it the -scattered tribes of the Sudan. - -[Illustration: TEMPLE ON THE ISLAND OF PHILÆ] - -Who were these invaders? Were they connected with the race which had -planted its dolmens over the plains of the Maghreb? Whatever the answer -to this question may be, we know that a certain number of Berber -tribes--the Libu and Mashauasha--who had occupied a middle position -between Egypt and the people behind them, and who had only irregular -communications with the Nile Valley, were now pushed to the front and -forced to descend upon it. - -The Libu might very well have gained the mastery over the other -inhabitants of the desert at this period, who had become enfeebled -by the frequent defeats which they had sustained at the hands of the -Egyptians. At the moment when Meneptah ascended the throne, their king, -Marajui, son of Did, ruled over immense territory. - -A great kingdom had risen capable of disturbing Egyptian control. The -danger was serious. The Hittites, separated from the Nile by the broad -breadth of Phœnicia, could not directly threaten any of the Egyptian -cities: but the Libyans, lords of the desert, were in contact with -the Delta, and could in a few days fall upon any point in the valley -they chose. Meneptah, therefore, hastened to resist the assault of the -Westerners, as his father had formerly done that of the Easterners; -and, strange as it may seem, he found among the troops of his new -enemies some of the adversaries with whom the Egyptians had fought -under the walls of Kadesh sixty years before. The Shardana, Lycians, -and others, having left the coasts of the Delta and the Phœnician -seaports, owing to the vigilant watch kept by the Egyptians over their -waters, had betaken themselves to the Libyan littoral, where they -met with a favourable reception. Whether they had settled in some -places, and formed there those colonies of which a Greek tradition of -a more recent age speaks, we cannot say. They certainly followed the -occupation of mercenary soldiers, and many of them hired out their -services to the native princes, while others were enrolled among the -troops of the king of Kheta or of the Pharaoh himself. Marajui brought -with him Achæans, [Aqauasha], Shardana, Turisha, Shakalisha, and -Lycians in considerable numbers when he resolved to begin the strife. - -This was not one of those conventional little wars which aimed at -nothing further than the imposition of the payment of a tribute upon -the conquered, or the conquest of one of their provinces. Marajui -had nothing less in view than the transport of his whole people into -the Nile Valley, to settle permanently there as the Hyksos had done -before him. He set out on his march toward the end of the fourth year -of the Pharaoh’s reign, or the beginning of his fifth, surrounded by -the élite of his troops, “the first choice from among all the soldiers -and all the heroes in each land.” The announcement of their approach -spread terror among the Egyptians. The peace which they enjoyed for -fifty years had cooled their warlike ardour, and the machinery of their -military organisation had become somewhat rusty. The standing army had -almost melted away; the regiments of archers and charioteers were no -longer effective, and the neglected fortresses were not strong enough -to protect the frontier. - -As a consequence, the oases of Farafrah and of the Natron lakes fell -into the hands of the enemy at the first attack, and the western -provinces of the Delta became the possession of the invader before any -steps could be taken for their defence. Memphis, which realised the -imminent danger, broke out into open murmurs against the negligent -rulers who had given no heed to the country’s ramparts, and had -allowed the garrisons of its fortresses to dwindle away. Fortunately -Syria remained quiet. The Kheta, in return for the aid afforded them -by Meneptah during the famine, observed a friendly attitude, and the -Pharaoh was thus enabled to withdraw the troops from his Asiatic -provinces. He could with perfect security take the necessary measures -for insuring “Heliopolis, the city of Tmu,” against surprise, “for -arming Memphis, the citadel of Ptah-Tanen, and for restoring all things -which were in disorder; he fortified Pa-Bailos (Bilbeis), in the -neighbourhood of the Shakana canal, on a branch of that of Heliopolis;” -and he rapidly concentrated his forces behind these quickly organised -lines. Marajui, however, continued to advance; in the early months of -the summer he had crossed the Canopic branch of the Nile, and was now -about to encamp not far from the town of Pa-Arshop (Proposis). - -The Pharaoh did not stir from his position. Marajui had, in the -meantime, arranged his attack for the 1st of Epiphi, at the rising of -the sun: it did not take place however until the 3rd. “The archers of -his Majesty made havoc of the barbarians for six hours; they were cut -off by the edge of the sword.” - -When Marajui saw the carnage, “his heart failed him; he betook -himself to flight as fast as his feet could bear him to save his -life, so successfully that his bow and arrows remained behind him in -his precipitation, as well as everything else he had upon him.” His -treasure, his arms, his wife, together with the cattle which he had -brought with him for his use, became the prey of the conqueror; “he -tore out the feathers from his head-dress, and took flight with such of -those wretched Libyans as escaped the massacre, but the officers who -had the care of his Majesty’s team of horses followed in their steps” -and put most of them to the sword. Marajui succeeded, however, in -escaping in the darkness, and regained his own country without water or -provisions, and almost without escort. The conquering troops returned -to the camp laden with booty, and driving before them asses carrying, -as bloody tokens of victory, quantities of hands and phalli cut from -the dead bodies of the slain. The bodies of six generals and of 6359 -Libyan soldiers were found upon the field of battle, together with 222 -Shakalisha, 724 Turisha, and some hundreds of Shardana and Aqauasha -[Achæans]; several thousands of prisoners passed in procession before -the Pharaoh, and were distributed among such of his soldiers as had -distinguished themselves. - -[Illustration: EGYPTIAN SOLDIER WITH CAPTURED HAND] - -Meneptah lived for some time after this memorable year V, and the -number of monuments which belong to this period shows that he reigned -in peace. We can see that he carried out works in the same places as -his father before him--at Tanis as well as Thebes, in Nubia as well -as in the Delta. He worked the sandstone quarries for his building -materials, and continued the custom of celebrating the feasts of the -Inundation, at Silsilis. One at least of the steles which he set up on -the occasion of these feasts is really a chapel, with its architraves -and columns, and still excites the admiration of the traveller on -account both of its form and of its picturesque appearance. The last -years of his life were troubled by the intrigues of princes who aspired -to the throne, and by the ambition of the ministers to whom he was -obliged to delegate his authority. One of the latter, a man of Semite -origin, named Ben-Azana, of Zor-bisana, who had assumed the appellation -of his first patron Ramses-uparna-Ra, appears to have acted for him as -regent. [Chronological reasons demand that we place the Exodus of the -Hebrews from Egypt in the reign of this Pharaoh.] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1250-1235 B.C.]] - -Meneptah was succeeded, apparently, by one of his sons, called Seti, -after his great-grandfather. Seti II had doubtless reached middle -age at the time of his accession, but his portraits represent him, -nevertheless, with the face and figure of a young man. The expression -in these is gentle, refined, haughty, and somewhat melancholy. It -is the type of Seti I and Ramses II, but enfeebled and, as it were, -saddened. An inscription of his second year attributes to him victories -in Asia, but others of the same period indicate the existence of -disturbances similar to those which had troubled the last years of his -father. Seti died, it would seem, without having time to finish his -tomb. We do not know whether he left any legitimate children, but two -sovereigns succeeded him who were not directly connected with him, but -were probably the grandsons of the Amenmes and the Siptah, whom we meet -with among the children of Ramses. - -The first of these was also called Amenmes, and he held sway -for several years over the whole of Egypt, and over its foreign -possessions. The second, who was named Siptah-Meneptah, ascended “the -throne of his father,” thanks to the devotion of his minister, Bi, but -in a greater degree to his marriage with a certain princess called -Ta-user. He maintained himself in this position for at least six years, -during which he made an expedition into Ethiopia, and received in -audience at Thebes messengers from all foreign nations. He kept up so -zealously the appearance of universal dominion that to judge from his -inscriptions he must have been the equal of the most powerful of his -predecessors at Thebes. Egypt, nevertheless, was proceeding at a quick -pace toward its downfall. No sooner had this monarch disappeared than -it began to break up. - -As in the case of the Egyptians of the Greek period, we can see only -through a fog what took place after the deaths of Meneptah and Seti II. -We know only for certain that the chiefs of the nomes were in perpetual -strife with each other, and that a foreign power was dominant in the -country as in the time of Apophis. The days of the kingdom would have -been numbered if a deliverer had not promptly made his appearance. -The direct line of Ramses II was extinct, but his innumerable sons by -innumerable concubines had left a posterity out of which some at least -might have the requisite ability and zeal, if not to save the empire, -at least to lengthen its duration, and once more give to Thebes days of -glorious prosperity. - -Egypt had set out some five centuries before this for the conquest -of the world, and fortune had at first smiled upon her enterprise. -Tehutimes I, Tehutimes III, and the several Pharaohs bearing the name -of Amenhotep, had marched with their armies from the upper waters of -the Nile to the banks of the Euphrates, and no power had been able to -withstand them. New nations, however, soon rose up to oppose her, and -the Hittites in Asia and the Libyans of the Sudan together curbed her -ambition. Neither the triumphs of Ramses II nor the victory of Meneptah -had been able to restore her prestige, or the lands of which her rivals -had robbed her beyond her ancient frontier. Now her own territory -itself was threatened, and her own well-being was in question; she was -compelled to consider, not how to rule other tribes, great or small, -but how to keep her own possessions intact and independent; in short, -her very existence was at stake.[b] - - -FROM SETNEKHT TO RAMSES VIII AND MERI-AMEN MERI-TMU - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1230-1220 B.C.]] - -In the midst of the unsettled state of affairs a new dynasty arose -under the leadership of Setnekht, a descendant of Ramses II and -governor of Thebes, who with some difficulty succeeded in quelling -the rebels and subjugating the Syrian Arisu. “He was like the gods -Kheper and Sutekh in his energy, repairing the state of disorder of -the whole country, killing the barbarians who were in the Delta, and -purifying the great realm of Egypt. He was regent of the two countries -on the throne of Tmu (the chief god of Heliopolis) devoting himself -so well to the reorganisation of what had been upset, that each one -found a brother in every one of those from whom they had been so long -separated; and re-establishing the temples and sacrifices so well that -the traditional homage was rendered to the divine cycles.” - -His son, Ramses III, who had been his co-regent, was the last of the -great sovereigns of Egypt. His ambition during the thirty-two years -of his reign was to follow in the steps of his namesake, Ramses the -Great, in re-establishing the integrity of the empire abroad, and -the prosperity of the country at home. But in spite of his father’s -successful warfare, the Syrian provinces were lost, and the frontiers -encroached upon. On the east, the Bedouins attacked the fortified -ports of the Delta, and the mining colonies of Sinai; on the west, -the nations of Libya had invaded the Nile. Led by their chiefs Did -(probably the son of Marajui, the contemporary of Meneptah), Mashaknu, -Zamar, and Zautmar, the Tuhennu, the Tamahu, the Kahaka, and their -neighbours, left the sandy plains of the desert and conquered the -Mareotic nome or district of the Saïd, at the mouth of the Nile, as far -as the great arm of the river, in short all the western part of the -Delta from the town of Karbria on the west to the outskirts of Memphis -on the south. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1220-1195 B.C.]] - -After repulsing the Bedouins, Ramses III turned his arms against -the Libyans in the year V and completely conquered them. “They were -as terrified as goats attacked by a bull, that tramples with his -foot, strikes with his horns, and makes the mountains tremble in his -rush upon those that approach him.” The raids of the barbarians had -exasperated the Egyptians, they gave no quarter; the Libyans fled in -disorder, and some of their tribes, lingering in the Delta, were taken -off and incorporated in the auxiliary army. - -[Illustration: MUMMY OF RAMSES III] - -Scarcely was this trouble over when Ramses attacked Syria. Whilst Egypt -was being ruined with civil wars, her old enemy, the Kheta, made her -lose the rest of her empire. The nations of Asia Minor, continually -pushed forward by the arrival of new races, had left their homes and -penetrated into the distant regions of Syria and Egypt, attracted by -reports of the riches of those countries; the Danau, the Tyrians, -the Shakalisha, the Teucrians, who had succeeded the Dardani in the -hegemony of the Trojan nations, and the Lycians and the Philistines -joined the confederation. Those on the ships attacked the coasts, -and the others crossed Syria and laid siege to the fortresses of the -isthmus. With forces increased by the people they subjugated on the -way, they penetrated Cilicia, forced the Kati and Kheta [Hittites] -to follow them, picked up the contingent of Carchemish, Arathu, and -Kadesh, and after staying some time in the environs of this town in the -country of the Amorites, pushed straight on to Egypt. - -But prompt as this action had been, Ramses was quite prepared to meet -it. After having armed the mouth of the Nile and the places of the -Delta, he started to oppose the enemy. The encounter of the two armies -and the two fleets took place in the year VIII between Raphia and -Pelusium under the walls of the castle, called the Tower of Ramses III. - -“The mouth of the river was like a mighty wall of ships and vessels of -every kind, filled from prow to poop with brave armed men. The infantry -soldiers, the picked men of the army of Egypt, were there like roaring -lions on the mountains; the charioteers, chosen from the swiftest of -heroes, were led by every kind of experienced officers; the horses -trembled in every limb and longed to trample nations under foot. - -“As for me,” says Ramses, “I was like Mentu, the warlike. I rose -before them and they saw the work of my hands. I, the King Ramses, I -have acted like a hero, who knows his valour and who stretches his arm -over his people in the day of the struggle. Those who have violated -frontiers will no longer cultivate the land, the time for their souls -to pass into eternity is fixed. Those who were upon the shore were -prostrated on the banks of the water, massacred as in a charnel house. -I destroyed their vessels, and their goods were swallowed up by the -waters.” - -Prompt as this victory was, it did not conclude the wars of Ramses III. -The Libyans, the old allies of the maritime races, would gladly have -joined against Egypt in the year VIII; and if they did not do so, it -was doubtless because they had not had time to repair their losses. -As soon as they were ready, they reappeared upon the scene, and in -the year XI the chief Kapur and his son Mashashal led the Mashauasha -[Maxyes], the Sabita, the Kaikasha and other less important tribes, -aided by the people of Tyre and Lycia, to the invasion of the Delta. - -“For the second time their hearts told them that they would pass their -lives in the nomes of Egypt, and that they would till the valleys and -plains like their own land.” - -But the attempt did not meet with success. “Death came upon them in -Egypt for they had run with their own feet to the furnace, which -consumes corruption, to the fire of the bravery of the king which -descends like Baal from the heights of the skies! All his members -are imbued with victorious strength. With his right hand he seizes -multitudes; his left extends like arrows over those before him to -destroy them; his sword-blade is as sharp as that of his father, Mentu. -Kapur, who had come to demand homage, blinded by fear, cast his arms -from him and his troops did likewise: he raised a supplicating cry to -Heaven and his son supported his arms. But lo, there stood by him the -god, who knew his most secret thoughts. - -“His Majesty fell upon their heads like a mountain of granite, he -crushed them and watered the earth with their blood, their army and -their soldiers were massacred … they were taken, they were struck, -their arms were tied, and like birds, imprisoned in the hold of a ship, -they were in the power of his Majesty. The king was like Mentu, his -victorious feet trampled on the heads of the enemy; the chiefs who -opposed him were struck and held by the wrists.” - -So the Libyans were careful henceforth not to disturb the peace of -Egypt. - -The victories of these twelve years healed the wounds of the preceding -period. A voyage of the fleet along the coasts made the ancient Syrian -provinces return to their allegiance and the allied nations of the -Kheta [Hittites], of Carchemish and of the Kati, seeing the subjugation -of the maritime people, soon followed suit. A second maritime -expedition was directed against Arabia. - -“I equipped vessels and galleys, armed with numerous sailors and -workmen. The captains of the maritime auxiliary forces were there -with overseers and managers to provision the ships with the countless -products of Egypt. There were tens of thousands of every kind passing -through the great sea of Kati. They arrived at the country of the Punt -without any misadventure, and prepared to load the galleys and vessels -with the products of Tonutir, with all the mysterious wonders of the -country, and with considerable quantities of the perfumes of Punt. -Their sons, the chiefs of the Tonutir came themselves to Egypt bringing -tribute; they came safe and sound to the country of Coptos and landed -in the country with their riches. They brought them in caravans of -asses and men, and embarked them on the river at the port of Coptos.” - -Other expeditions to the peninsula of Sinai restored the mining -districts to the possession of Pharaoh. So the Egyptian empire was -reconstituted as it was in the preceding century in the time of Ramses -II. The Shardana, Tyrians, Lycians, and Trojans no longer landed _en -masse_ on the coasts of Africa. - -The tide of Asiatic emigration now turned from the valley of the -Nile, which had been its direction for the last one hundred and fifty -years, towards the west, and inundated Italy, at the same time that -the Phœnician colonists arrived there. The Tyrians took the land at -the north of the mouth of the Tiber, the Shardana occupied the large -island, which later was called Sardinia, and soon nothing remained of -them in Egypt but the recollection of their raids and the legendary -recital of their migrations from the shores of the Archipelago to the -coasts of the western Mediterranean. - -The Philistines were the only people of the confederation allowed to -settle in Syria, and they took root along the southern coast between -Joppa and the river of Egypt, in the districts hitherto peopled by the -Canaanites, and there they primarily lived under the yoke of Pharaoh. -On the other frontier of the Delta, a Libyan tribe, called Mashauasha, -likewise obtained a concession of territory, and the Mashauasha -soldiers raised in Libya, from that portion of the tribe encamped on -the bank of the Nile, formed a picked corps, the Ma, the leaders of -which played a great part in the internal history of Egypt. - -Herodotus relates that on the return of Sesostris (the name given by -that historian to Ramses II) he was nearly killed by treachery. His -brother, to whom he had intrusted the government during his absence, -invited him and his children to a great feast; then he surrounded the -house with wood and gave orders for it to be set alight. The king, -learning this, immediately consulted with his wife, who was with him, -and she advised him to take two of their six children and lay them on -the burning wood, so that they could use their bodies as a bridge by -which to pass over. Sesostris did this, and thus burned two of his -children, and the others were saved with the parents. - -The monuments have proved that the Sesostris of this legend of -Herodotus is not Ramses II but his namesake, Ramses III. One of -the brothers of the king mentioned in official documents under the -pseudonym of Pen-ta-ur conspired against him with a large number of -courtiers and ladies of the harem, with the object of killing Pharaoh -and putting his brother in his place. The plot was discovered, the -conspirators cited before the tribunals and condemned, some to death -and others to perpetual imprisonment. - -The last years of the reign of Ramses III were passed in peace. He -built at Thebes, in memory of his wars, the great palace of Medinet -Habu; he enlarged Karnak and restored Luxor. The details of these pious -works in the Delta have been preserved in a manuscript at the library -of Heliopolis, the great Harris papyrus. - -One sees by this document that Egypt not only regained her foreign -empire, but her commercial and industrial activity. The prosperous days -of Tehutimes III and Ramses II seemed to have returned. - -Nevertheless, the decadence was at hand. Egypt, exhausted by four -centuries of perpetual warfare, became more and more incapable of -serious effort. The population decimated by recruiting, inefficiently -replaced by the incessant introduction of foreign elements, had -lost the patience and enthusiasm of early times. The upper classes, -accustomed to comfort and riches, now only cared for the civil -professions, and thought lightly of what was military. - - -THE SORROWS OF A SOLDIER - -“Why do you say that an infantry officer is happier than a scribe?” -asked a scribe of his pupil. “Let me describe to you the lot of an -infantry officer, and the extent of his miseries. He is taken when -quite a child and shut up in a barrack; a cutting sore forms on his -stomach; a wearing pain is in his eye; an open wound is on his two -eyebrows; his head is split and covered with matter. In short, he is -beaten like a roll of papyrus, he is bruised by the pressure of arms. -Come and let me tell you of his marches towards Syria and his campaigns -in distant countries. His bread and his water are on his shoulder like -an ass’s burden, and make the nape of his neck like that of an ass. The -joints of his spine are broken; he drinks putrid water, then returns -to his watch. If he reaches the enemy, he trembles like a goose, for -he has no valour. If he end by returning to Egypt, he is like a tick -consumed by the worm. If he be ill, what alleviation does he have? He -is taken away on an ass; his clothes are carried off by robbers; his -domestics flee from him. That is the foot-soldier, and the cavalry one -is not much better treated. The scribe Amenonopit says to the scribe -Penbisit: ‘When this written communication reaches thee, apply yourself -to becoming a scribe, and you will rise in the world. Come, let me tell -you of the fatiguing duties of a chariot officer: - -“‘When he is placed at school by his father and mother, he has to give -away two of his slaves. After he dons his uniform, he goes to choose -his horses in the stable. In the presence of his Majesty, he takes the -good steeds and with shouts of joy wishes to bring them to the town at -a gallop. But the horses will not go without a stick. Then, as he does -not know what fate awaits him, he bequeaths all his goods to his father -and mother. He goes off then with a chariot, but its pole weighs more -than twice the weight of the chariot. So when he wishes to gallop with -this chariot, he is forced to get down and pull it. He does so, falls -on to a reptile, slips into the brushwood, his legs are bitten by the -reptile, his heel is pierced by the bite, his misery is extreme. He -lies on the ground and receives a hundred blows.’” - -And these lines were written in the reign of Ramses II to the sound -of songs of triumph, when the populace were full of enthusiasm -for victory, and followed the triumphal chariot of Pharaoh with -acclamations of delight. The first intoxication over, the lower -classes, exhausted by centuries of incessant warfare, crushed under -the weight of tributes and taxes, lapsed into their normal depression, -the literature turned the sufferings of the soldiers into ridicule. -This weariness of success, this disgust for the bloody, dearly bought -victories, explains some obscure points in the history of Egypt, and -casts great light on the rapid fall of the edifice so laboriously -raised by the princes of the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties. The Egypt of -Tehutimes III wished for war; the Egypt of Ramses III wished for peace -at any price. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1195-945 B.C.]] - -This was especially seen to be the case in the course of the XXth -Dynasty. In the year XXXII, Ramses, tired of government, called his -son Ramses IV to share it. He died two years later, and Ramses IV, -after a reign of not more than three or four years, was followed by a -distant relation who was Ramses V. Then came the four sons of Ramses -III: Ramses VI, Ramses VII, Ramses VIII, and Meri-Amen Meri-Tmu, who -succeeded each other rapidly on the throne. These Ramses made some -expeditions here and there, but never great wars. They passed their -days in peace abroad, and peace at home, and if it be true that people -are happy who have no history, Egypt was very happy under their rule. - -No more constant struggles, no more distant marches to the mountains -of Cilicia and to the plains of the Upper Nile. Syria continued to pay -tribute for some time; for if Egypt, exhausted by victory, had scarcely -the strength to enforce obedience, Syria was exhausted with defeat, and -had no more strength to revolt. But there was this difference between -the two countries, the one bordered on old age and never revived, while -the other soon rallied from its reverses. The kingdom of Egypt died of -exhaustion in full prosperity.[c] - - -EGYPT UNDER THE DOMINION OF MERCENARIES - -The first sign of weakness in an empire seems to be scented. Egypt, -decaying within, attracted speedy attention from the ambitious, who -turned greedy eyes towards her hoarded wealth. - -After the death of Ramses III, Egypt had ceased to exercise any -influence upon Syria. A time of increasing inaction and stagnation -had set in for Egypt, which at last led to Her-Hor, the Theban high -priest, being placed upon the throne. How long Her-Hor ruled over -Egypt, we know not, but we see that his son Piankhi and his grandson -Painet´em I did not have royal power but only succeeded their father as -high priests, and, as such, had uncontrolled power in Thebes and its -environs. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1000 B.C.]] - -Another ruling house of foreign (Libyan) origin arose at this time in -Tanis. King Se-Amen (according to Manetho, Smendes) was its chief. His -name is seen on the walls of a temple at Tanis, and upon an obelisk of -Heliopolis. He also reigned over Thebes. In the sixteenth year of his -reign he had the mummies of Ramses I, Seti I, and Ramses II examined -and put in another tomb. He evidently overthrew the dominion of the -Theban high priests and forced them to recognise his power. - -Thereupon Painet´em I added the title of provost (of Thebes) and -commander-in-chief of the South and North, to his dignity of high -priest, evidently taking, with the Tanitic kings, a position similar -to that of Her-Hor with Ramses XII. Se-Amen’s son, Pasebkhanu (Greek, -Psousennes), seems to have gone a step farther; he overcame the party -of the Theban priests, and gave the office of chief priest to one of -his sons, who, like the grandson of Her-Hor, had, or took, the name -of Painet´em II. A few short reigns, among which were those of the -Amenemapt, also recognised in Thebes, seem to have followed that of -Pasebkhanu I; and then Painet´em ascended the throne. - -As “high priest of Amen” at Thebes, and commander-in-chief, he invested -his sons Masaherta and Men-kheper-Ra and then Painet´em (III), the -son of the latter, with power; and Hor-Pasebkhanu II seems to have -succeeded him in Tanis. The rule of the Tanites seems to have lasted -about 120 years (from about 1060 to 943 B.C.). - -The kingdom, or at all events the part of the country governed by the -priests of Amen, was certainly not well organised, for we have several -accounts of embezzlements of the properties of the temple of Amen by -the stewards and scribes, of the robbing of graves, etc. The constant -necessity of removing the mummies of the early kings in the west part -of Thebes from their magnificent tombs into secret caves, shows the -weakness of the government. - -Moreover, the great state trials were conducted on a very simple -system. The question Guilty or Not Guilty was put to the statue of -Amen, which gave its verdict by the mouth of an oracle. - -One sees how perfectly realised is the idea of God’s rule in practice. -Doubtless the theory was at this time evolved in Thebes, later in -Ethiopia, that the king was not only obliged to consult the oracle in -all his acts, but also that he was appointed and could be deposed by -the oracle. - -[Illustration: AN EGYPTIAN PRIEST - -(From a statue in the Louvre)] - -The title of commander-in-chief borne by the Theban priests, seems to -distinguish them as commanders of the soldiers taken from the Egyptian -peasants in contradistinction to the mercenaries which, since Seti I, -composed the chief part of the army. This force was partially furnished -by those domiciled in the country, and partially by fresh supplies from -Libya. - -There was thus formed in the country an exclusive set similar to the -Mamelukes, which held the fate of the country in its hand, and which -bequeathed the martial profession from father to son. - -These mercenaries were classed together under the name of Ma, derived -from the contraction of the Libyan name Mashauasha. We soon see from -the surnames of the warriors that the Libyans attained ascendance over -them; and although the repeated attacks of the Libyans on Egypt were -successfully repulsed, they were now in fact rulers of the country. - -It is noteworthy that the corps of the Shardana, so often mentioned in -more ancient times, is no more spoken of; it must have been absorbed -in the mass of the other soldiers. But the name of Mashau has been -retained, and in Coptic _matoei_ is still a common name for soldier. -One can easily understand that they had frequent opportunities of -gaining wealth and land; and the kings granted them exemption from the -land tax. At their head stood the “dukes of the Ma,” the grand-duke -of the Ma having the chief command. But many of such generalissimi may -have had equal rank. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 945-800 B.C.]] - -Buiu-uaua, a Libyan, came to Egypt about Her-Hor’s time. His family -attained great importance; his fifth descendant, Naromath [Nimrod] -was made “grand-duke of the Ma and Generalissimo” sometime under King -Painet´em. After his death his son Shashanq succeeded him as commander -of the army. An inscription at Abydos shows in what honour he was held, -how the king looked after his father’s grave, questioned the oracle at -Thebes on his behalf, and prayed God for the victory of the general. -It is conceivable that Shashanq ended by trying to gain the crown for -himself, 943 (?) B.C. - -By peaceable or violent means he was the successor of Hor-Pasebkhanu -II, the last Tanite, whose daughter Ka-Ra-maat he married to his son -Uasarken, to give support to his dynasty. According to the ruling -custom of the Tanites he made Auputh, another of his sons, high priest -of Amen and commander-in-chief of all the military forces. By the -inscriptions he seems to have been co-regent with his father. - -Under the subsequent rulers it remained a custom for one of the king’s -sons to be endowed with the highest priestly power in Thebes, and also -the priesthood of Ptah at Memphis was given to a branch of the royal -family, and the other princes were priests as well as generals. - -Moreover, Shashanq seems to have brought forward the descendants of -the Ramses, for we find a Ramses prince occupying a high military post -under him. - -The history of the Hebrews shows that the Pharaohs of the XXIst Dynasty -were not in a condition to take part in Asiatic affairs. It was early -in Solomon’s reign that the king of the period, probably Pasebkhanu -II, entered into relations with the Israelitish state, took Gaza for -Solomon and gave it to his daughter as a dowry, and also gave refuge to -political fugitives like Jeroboam and Hadad of Edom to leave a loophole -for intervention. - -The separation of Judah from Israel and the subsequent long civil war -offered an opportunity to renew the expeditions into Syria. So Shashanq -repaired to Syria in the fifth year of the reign of Rehoboam. The -scanty remains of the annals of the Hebrew kings only report that he -carried off the treasures of the temple and palace at Jerusalem; that -is, the golden shields which Solomon had hung up there. The long list -of the conquered places upon a wall of the temple of Karnak shows that -Israelitish strongholds were likewise conquered and plundered. - -The Pharaoh hardly met with any great resistance anywhere. The -inscription of his victory contains, according to the fashion of the -time, only religious phrases instead of an account of the war. The -expedition was nothing more than a predatory raid for booty; it had -no political consequences, and it is quite a mistake to think it was -undertaken in the interest of Jeroboam against the king of Judah. - -The increase of the Egyptian power, consequent on the accession to the -throne of the new dynasty, was of short duration. The successors of -Shashanq I--Uasarken I, Takeleth I, Uasarken II, Shashanq II, Takeleth -II--are only mentioned by name on the monuments. In Thebes they -enlarged the entrance hall of the temple of Amen, begun by Shashanq I. -We find further traces of them at Bubastis, the cradle of the dynasty, -at Memphis, and elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 800-735 B.C.]] - -The state gradually fell into complete decay under them. The chief -generals of the Ma, perhaps partially belonging to the branch lines of -the house, founded their own princedoms and shook off the Bubastites. -Shashanq III, the successor of Takeleth II, is the last whose name we -find in Thebes, where a long and very mutilated inscription of the -twenty-ninth year of his reign speaks of gifts which he brought to -Amen. Then it seems as if the southern portion of the country was taken -by the Ethiopians. - -Shashanq III reigned fifty-two years altogether. Then came his son -Pamai, who reigned at least two years, and his grandson Shashanq IV, -who reigned at least thirty-seven years, until about 735 B.C. We -only know of these kings by their being mentioned on several of the -monuments to the honour of the Apis bulls which died in their reigns. -So their supremacy must at least have been recognised for a time in -Memphis. But their dominion must have been limited to the province of -Busiris. King Piankhi of Ethiopia mentions in his great inscription a -grand-duke of the Ma, Shashanq of Busiris, and his successor Pamai, -who, presumably, were identical with Shashanq III and Pamai. At the -time of this conqueror, about 775 B.C., we find near them a king -Nimrod of Hermopolis, a ruler Peftotbast of Heracleopolis Magna, who -bore the king’s ring, a king Auputh of the Delta cities Tentremu and -Ta-an, and a king Uasarken (III) of Bubastis. The latter probably -belongs to the Manethan XXIIIrd Dynasty which came from Tanis, and, -according to Africanus, ascended the throne about 823 B.C. Manetho -mentions Petasebast as its founder, and he was succeeded by Uasarken, -who is presumably the aforementioned Uasarken III. Manetho evidently -did not regard the last rulers of the XXIInd Dynasty as legitimate, so, -although they are mentioned, they are not included in the chronology. - -By the side of these “kings” there are, moreover, numerous princes -(_Ur_) of the Ma, designated in other cases as lords (_rpa_) or -nomarchs (_ha_). Independent rulers in the few provinces of the Delta, -in Athribis, Mendes, Sebennytus, Saïs, etc., and the provost of -Letopolis bore the title of high priest. - -These leading men came mostly from the leaders of the mercenaries, and -their possessions and power constantly tottered. It is very possible -that the single states formed a slack political confederation, and -it is probable that the descendants of the old ruling house were -recognised as the chief feudal lords, while those rulers who usurped -the title of king laid claim to complete independence. - - -THE ETHIOPIAN CONQUEST - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1000-775 B.C.]] - -At the time when a great conquering kingdom was forming itself on the -upper Tigris and began to lay hold on all sides around it, the power of -the Pharaohs in the Nile Valley completely went down. The kingdom of -Tehutimes III had been divided into a succession of small independent -principalities and was ruled by dynasties which had arisen from the -leaders of the mercenaries. On the other hand, in the upper valley of -the Nile, in the lands first joined to Egypt in the time of Usertsen -III and afterwards for five centuries by Tehutimes I, there arose the -powerful kingdom of Cush (Greek Æthiopia, now Nubia). Its capital -was Napata in the Gebel Barhal, “the sacred mountain,” at the foot -of which Amenhotep III had already founded a great sanctuary to the -Theban Amen. By its long connection with Egypt, Egyptian culture was -completely naturalised in Ethiopia. Egyptian was the official language, -the writing was in hieroglyphics, the styling of the kings was after -that of the Pharaohs. Above all, the Egyptian, and especially the -Theban, religion of Amen gained complete dominion in Cush. In the name -of Amen the kings went to battle; they were fully dependent on his -instructions and oracles; they carefully observed the laws on outer -cleanliness and on the food forbidden by religion. What had remained -theory in Egypt, became practice in Ethiopia; a long inscription -describes to us how the god himself immediately elects the king through -his oracle, and strikingly confirms the accounts of the Greeks. Whence -it followed that the priests could command the king in the name of the -god to put an end to his life, a prerogative which Ergamenes abolished -in the third century B.C. By these circumstances it can be seen why the -Egyptian priests described Ethiopia to the Greeks as the Promised Land. -From these circumstances it can also be supposed that the rise of the -kingdom of Napata was connected with the usurpation of the priests of -the Theban Amen at the time of the XXIst Dynasty, an assumption which -is confirmed by many of the kings having borne the name of Piankhi, -prominent in the family of Her-Hor. After that time there was no -question of the rule of the Pharaohs over Cush; so perhaps relatives of -the priests of Amen may have founded the Ethiopian town _circa_ 1000 -B.C. - -[Illustration: HEAD OF UASARKEN III - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -When the power of the XXIInd Dynasty became lamed, the kings of Napata -could extend their dominion to Upper Egypt. Probably about the end -of the reign of Shashanq III, 800 B.C., Thebes may have fallen into -their hands; in the first half of the eighth century the valley of the -Nile to the vicinity of Hermopolis was under the rule of the Ethiopian -king Piankhi. In his time the Prince Tefnekht of Saïs succeeded in -subjecting the west part of the Delta in Lower Egypt, in winning -Memphis, and in making all the numerous princes, kings, and small lords -of the middle and east Delta, “all princes of Lower Egypt who wear -the feather” (the sign of the warrior casts of the Ma), acknowledge -his supremacy. He did not adopt the title of king, probably because -he wished to violate as little as possible the relations of rank -which existed amongst the mercenary princes. From Memphis he went -south, subjected Crocodilopolis, Oxyrhynchus and others, besieged -Heracleopolis, the royal residence of Peftotbast, and compelled King -Nimrod of Hermopolis to submit. Then Piankhi stepped forward, called to -help by the adversaries of Tefnekht. His army conquered a hostile fleet -on the Nile, drove Tefnekht back at Heracleopolis, besieged Nimrod in -Hermopolis, and seized a number of small places. Then the king himself -appeared at the seat of war; he compelled Nimrod to capitulate, and -received rich presents from him. After the fall of Hermopolis, all -the small places subjected themselves, only Memphis had to be taken -by storm, after a plan of Tefnekht to relieve it had failed. Then -Piankhi advanced to the Delta; small princes hastened together before -him to swear allegiance and bring him rich gifts. Thus Tefnekht was no -longer strong enough to assert his position; Piankhi may also have had -misgivings as to waging a dangerous war in the west Delta. He contented -himself with Tefnekht’s taking the oath of allegiance in the presence -of the ambassador of the Ethiopian king and sending him presents after -being promised safety. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 775-704 B.C.]] - -The campaigns of Piankhi, which fell in the year XXI of his reign -(_circa_ 775 B.C.), do not seem to have resulted in a lasting -subjection of Egypt. If the vassal king Uasarken (III) of Bubastis -was the second ruler of the XXIIIrd Dynasty, the Ethiopians must by -that time have been expelled from Upper Egypt; for we meet with the -third ruler of this house, Psamus, in two small inscriptions in the -temple of Karnak. In the monuments Manetho lets him be succeeded by -an unauthenticated king, Zet. Then follows the XXIVth Dynasty, which, -according to him, only consists of the Saïte Bakenranf (probably -733-729 B.C.), who, according to the reliable Greek reports, was a son -of Tnephachthus, that is to say, of Tefnekht, Piankhi’s adversary. In -tradition he is praised as a wise prince and great legislator; from -the monuments we only know that in his sixth year, an Apis was placed -in the same sepulchral chamber with one that died under Shashanq IV; -according to this he probably succeeded the last title-bearing king -of the XXIInd Dynasty, but must already have reigned for some time -previously in Saïs. - -In Ethiopia, Piankhi (it is not known whether after one or more -interregnums) was followed by Kashta, who was married to Shepenapet, -a daughter of King Uasarken, probably Uasarken III of Bubastis. -His son Shabak repeated the expedition to Egypt, conquered -Bakenranf,--according to Manetho he burnt him alive,--and compelled the -local dynasties to acknowledge his supremacy (728 B.C.). He took the -title of a king of Egypt, but as real rulers of the land he established -his sister Ameniritis and her husband, Piankhi (II?). We often meet -with Shabak and his sister in the temples of Thebes, likewise in -Hammamat and elsewhere; an exquisite alabaster statue of the queen has -been found in Karnak. Greek tradition asserts that the Ethiopian king -reigned very mildly over Egypt, executions never took place, criminals -were made to build canals and dams. But a fixed and uniform dominion -was never practised by the Ethiopians over Egypt. As in the time of -Piankhi, the local dynasties remained in possession of their dominions, -and amongst them in all probability also the successors of Tefnekht and -Bakenranf in Saïs, the ancestors of the XXVIth Dynasty. - -Although in the year 725 (II Kings xvii. 4) and in 720 (Annals of -Sargon), Shabak is called “King of Egypt,” yet in 715 Sargon speaks of -the tribute of “Pharaoh, King of Egypt”; in 711 he mentions the same -together with the King of Melukhkha (i.e. Cush), and in Sennacherib’s -time the “Kings of Egypt” appear together with “the troops of the King -of Melukhkha.” - -Numerous battles for the possession of the Lower Nile occupied the -reigns of Shabak and his successors; it made it impossible for them to -take part in the affairs of Asia, no matter how much they desired done. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 704-672 B.C.]] - -Shabak of Cush and Egypt was succeeded in the year 716 (?) by Shabatakh -who, according to Manetho, was his son, and of whom only scattered -monuments have been preserved in Karnak and Memphis. But in the year -704 he was succeeded by a younger, more vigorous prince, Tirhaqa. The -latter appears not to have belonged to the royal family, but to have -acquired the throne by marriage with the wife of Shabak and to have -seized the government in the name of the latter’s son, Tanut-Amen; in -Karnak the two conjointly raised a temple to Osiris Ptah, and are here -both called kings in exactly the same terms. Tirhaqa was twenty years -old when he obtained the double crown. The numerous princes of the -Egyptian cities acknowledged his supremacy, and he was able to turn -his attention to renewing Shabak’s interference in Syria. A number -of Syrian princes were ready to join the liberator from the Assyrian -yoke, especially Elulæus of Tyre, Hezekiah of Judah, who, in the year -714, had succeeded Ahaz, and Zidqa of Askalon. King Padi of Ekron -remained faithful to the Assyrians, but his magnates revolted against -him and delivered him up to Hezekiah. It might have been hoped that -Sennacherib would be detained for a long time in Babylonia. We learn -that Merodach-baladan had opened negotiations with Hezekiah, so that a -great coalition against Assyria seems to have been planned. - -Yet this time also the Assyrians were able to forestall their -adversaries. Before their preparations were completed, in the beginning -of 701, Sennacherib appeared in Syria and turned first against Elulæus. -Sidon, Sarepta, Akko, and the other towns subject to him submitted, -and he himself fled to Cyprus. From Phœnicia, Sennacherib marched to -Philistia, having received in every way the homage of those vassals who -had remained loyal. Zidqa of Askalon was captured, his towns reduced, -and a new king set up. Then, the Great King further informs us, he -marched against Ekron, when the army of the King of Cush (Assyrian, -Melukhkha) and the princes of Egypt came to its assistance. At Altaku -he defeated this force, took that city and Timnath, reduced Ekron where -he punished the instigator of the rebellion, and restored King Padi, -who had been taken as a prisoner to Jerusalem. - -Trusting in Pharaoh and in Jehovah, Hezekiah persisted in resisting. -Meantime the army of Tirhaqa, King of Cush, marched up. Sennacherib -advanced against him and again demanded the surrender of Jerusalem. But -Hezekiah, trusting in Jehovah’s word as announced to him by the prophet -Isaiah, once more refused. In the night the Mal’ak-Yahveh (the angel -of the Lord) smites the Assyrian army, so that 185,000 men die, and -Sennacherib had to return to Nineveh. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 672-663 B.C.]] - -The Egyptians gave Herodotus a similar account: after the Ethiopian -Sabaco [Shabak], a former priest of Ptah, Sethos, who had been at -enmity with the warrior caste, ruled over Egypt. Now when Sennacherib, -“King of the Arabians and Assyrians,” made an expedition against Egypt, -the warriors refused to fight, and Sethos was in great distress. But -the gods sent field-mice against the hostile army which was encamped at -Pelusium, and the mice gnawed the bows and all the leather trappings of -the enemy, so that on the following day they could easily be defeated -by the Egyptian artisans and merchants that had been impressed into -service. - -We can never be completely clear as to what did happen, especially -so long as the position of the places mentioned is not positively -ascertained. This much is established, that although Sennacherib may -have exaggerated the importance of the victory at Altaku, he did not -suffer defeat at the hands of the Egyptians. For in that case Tirhaqa -would have followed up his victory--while, as a matter of fact, he -did not again interfere in Syria for the space of thirty years--and -the Egyptians would have spoken of a victory and not of a miracle. It -is much more likely that it was some natural visitation, presumably -a pestilence, which compelled Sennacherib to give up the invasion -of Egypt and raise the siege of Jerusalem. There was, however, no -further hope of aid from Egypt, so Hezekiah made his peace with the -Great King and sent to his capital the heavy contribution which could, -only with great difficulty, be raised by the little city. In spite of -the half compulsory retreat, the supremacy over Syria was secured; -during the next decades none of the petty states ventured to dream of -a revolt from the Assyrian. It was not till towards the end of his -reign, after 672 B.C., that Esarhaddon undertook a great campaign. -Again had rebellion broken out in Syria in reliance on Ethiopian -support: King Baal of Tyre had renounced his allegiance. Esarhaddon -determined to find some means of putting an end to the ever-recurring -danger. Tyre was blockaded anew, but the main army marched straight -on Egypt. The prince of the desert Arabs furnished camels, and the -toilsome march from Raphia to Pelusium was successfully accomplished. -We do not know whether Tirhaqa was in a position to offer resistance; -at all events Memphis was taken, and the Assyrian army penetrated as -far as Thebes. Tirhaqa had to retreat to Ethiopia, and the numerous -provincial princes of Egypt submitted, and were confirmed in possession -as tributary vassals. No less than twenty of them are mentioned as -being summoned to Thebes from the Delta and the towns of Upper Egypt. -The most powerful amongst them was Neku, the lord of Saïs and Memphis -(according to Manetho 671-664 B.C.), whose forefathers, Stephinates -and Nechepsos, had already risen in power in Saïs, and were probably -the direct successors of Tefnekht and Bocchoris (Bakenranf). At the -bidding of the Assyrian king, Neku had to change the name of Saïs into -Karbilmatati, “garden of the lord of the countries”; in the same way -his son Psamthek received the Assyrian name of Nabu-shezib-anni. From -this time Esarhaddon styles himself “King of the Kings of Misir (Lower -Egypt), Patoris (Upper Egypt), and Cush.” On the 12th of Airu (April), -668 B.C., Esarhaddon laid down the government. He set his illegitimate -son Shamash-shum-ukin over the Babylonian provinces as vice-king, while -Asshurbanapal inherited the crown of the Assyrian empire. The change of -rulers encouraged Tirhaqa to attempt to win back Egypt. Mentu-em-ha, -the governor of Thebes, hailed him as a deliverer. Memphis was also -won, and in Thebes restoration works were even taken in hand. But the -success was not a lasting one; an army despatched by Asshurbanapal beat -the Ethiopian troops, and Tirhaqa had to fly to Thebes but did not -manage to hold it (about 667 B.C.). It is true that several Egyptian -princes, Neku, Pakruru of Pisept, and Sharludari of Tanis (Pelusium), -now attempted to overthrow the rule of the foreigner and bring -back Tirhaqa: but the Assyrian generals anticipated them; Neku and -Sharludari were taken and the rebel towns severely punished. In Neku, -Asshurbanapal hoped to be able to win a firm support for his rule, -and presumably on information of warlike preparations in Ethiopia, he -released him from his captivity with rich presents and reinstated him -in his principality. - -[Sidenote: [663-655 B.C.]] - -In the year 664-663 Tirhaqa died; he was succeeded by his stepson -Tanut-Amen, who was already advanced in years. A dream which promised -him the double crown, induced him, so he states in an inscription, -to lead his army from Napata against Egypt in the very beginning of -his reign. At Thebes he encountered no resistance; before Memphis -the enemy’s troops were beaten and the town taken. In one of these -engagements Neku, the most powerful of the Assyrian vassals, probably -met his death: Herodotus relates that he was slain by the Ethiopian -king, and according to Manetho he died 663 B.C. On the other hand, the -attempt to conquer the towns of the Delta was unsuccessful: but some -of the vassals, including Pakruru of Pisept, presented themselves at -the court at Memphis. Tanut-Amen’s inscription tells only of the long -theological discourses which the king held before them, and how, after -having been well entertained, each returned to his own town. Silence -is preserved as to the sequel; from Asshurbanapal’s annals we learn -that the feeble prince, who was completely under the dominion of -theological fancies, evacuated the country before the Assyrian army, -without striking a blow, and returned to his own land. This terminated -the Ethiopian rule for all time (about 662 B.C.): Thebes fell again -into the hands of the Assyrians and rich booty was carried to Nineveh. -The memory of the retreat of the Ethiopians was preserved down to a -late period; the priests told Herodotus that Shabak, the representative -of the Ethiopian rule, had voluntarily evacuated Egypt after a reign of -fifty years, in consequence of a dream. It is true that they omitted to -mention that as a result of this the country fell into the hands of the -Assyrians. - -The following table will assist the reader in straightening out the -dynasties of this much confused period. - -TABLE OF CONTEMPORANEOUS DYNASTIES - - -----+------------------+-----------------+---------------+------------- - Dates| XXIInd Dynasty | XXIIIrd Dynasty |XXIVth Dynasty |XXVth Dynasty - -----+------------------+-----------------+---------------+------------- - B.C. |Bubastites |Tanites |Saïtes |Ethiopians - |(From monuments |(From Manetho) | | - |at Memphis) | | | - | | | | - 800 |1. Shashanq III | | | - |(52 years) | | | - |(Perhaps S-- of | | | - |Busiris, of | | | - |Piankhi Stele) |Petasebast | | - | | | | - 775 |2. Pamai (at least|Uasarken III |Tefnekht |Piankhi I - |2 years) |(King of Bubastis|(Prince of Saïs| - |(Perhaps P-- of |according to |according to | - |Busiris, of |Piankhi Stele) |Piankhi Stele) | - |Piankhi Stele) | | | - | | | | - |3. Shashanq IV (at|Psamus | | - |least 37 years) |(According to | |Kashta - |(About 771-735). |Theban monuments)| |(Husband of - | | |4. Bocchoris |Shepenapet, - 750 |Predecessor of |Zet |(of Manetho, or|daughter of - |Bocchoris |(Total duration |Bakenranf, from|King Uasarken - |(Bakenranf) |of this dynasty |the Memphis |[III?]) - | |according to |monuments) | - | |Africanus, |ruled, |5. Shabak - | |89 years. |according |(728-717 - | |823-735 B.C.) |to Africanus, 6|[Manetho]; - 725 | | |years, 734-726;|brother of - | | |according |Ameniritis, - | | |to Eusebius, |wife of - | | |44 years, |Piankhi II) - | | |772-729 [?]) | - | | | |6. Shabatakh - 700 |XXVIth Dynasty. | | |(716-705 - | | | |[Manetho]) - |Saïtes | | | - |(Figures according| | |7. Tirhaqa - |to Manetho) | | |(704-664; - | | | |only to 685 - | | | |[Manetho]) - | | | | - 675 |Stephinates, | | |Tanut-Amen - |684-687 | | |(664-663; - |Nechepsos, 677-672| | |reigned - |Neku I, 671-664 | | |12 years - | | | |[Manetho]) - |8. Psamthek I, | | | - |663-610 (Psamthek | | | - |I became king | | | - |of all Egypt | | | - |about 655) | | | - -----+------------------+-----------------+---------------+------------- - -The numbers 1, 2, etc., show the direct succession of the recognised -legitimate Pharaohs.[d] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. THE CLOSING SCENES - -[DYNASTIES XXVI-XXXI: 655-332 B.C.] - - And the sword shall come upon Egypt, and great pain shall be in - Ethiopia, when the slain shall fall in Egypt, and they shall take - away her multitude, and her foundations shall be broken down. They - also that uphold Egypt shall fall; and the pride of her power shall - come down: from the tower of Syene shall they fall in it by the - sword, saith the Lord God. And they shall be desolate in the midst - of the countries that are desolate, and her cities shall be in the - midst of the cities that are wasted.--_Ezekiel_ XXX. 4, 6, 7. - - -A great nation in its time of decline does not sink into utter -insignificance without making spasmodic efforts at recuperation. Such -efforts were made by Egypt in the XXVIth Dynasty, when there sat upon -the throne of Egypt several monarchs who recalled something of the -days of yore. Notable among these were Psamthek I (Psammetichus) and -Aahmes II, under whose beneficent rule Egypt was voluntarily opened -up to commerce with the outside world. These rulers built no lasting -monuments comparable to the Pyramids or the Labyrinth, and attempted -no conquests like those of Tehutimes and Ramses. But their reigns were -marked by a period of national prosperity such as had not been known in -Egypt for several centuries; and they were also notable because at this -time the first recorded observations that have come down to us were -made by foreigners regarding Egyptian history and the Egyptian people. -We shall, therefore, consider some details of this dynasty before -passing on to a brief consideration of the reign of the Persians in -Egypt and an even briefer analysis of the remaining dynasties. In this -sweeping view more than three hundred years are covered. During this -period the centres of world-historic influence are shifted from Assyria -to Babylonia; from Babylonia to Persia; and thence to Greece; but never -again does Egypt occupy her old position. Her reminiscent glory only -serves to make her the more coveted as a conqueror’s prize. But first -there is the bright spot of Psamthek’s reign.[a] - - -PSAMTHEK - -[Sidenote: [655-612 B.C.]] - -It was no longer the time of Tehutimes and Ramses. It was the turn of -Egypt to be enslaved, now by the “vile race of the Cushites,” now by -the “vile race of the Kheta.” The Egyptian monuments, which register -only victories, would not have sufficed to make known to us the history -of this troubled epoch; it is only since the Assyrian inscriptions have -been deciphered that we have been able to learn of the double conquest -of Egypt by Kings Esarhaddon and Asshurbanapal. - -The princes of the Delta received investiture from these Asiatic -conquerors, for whom they had perhaps less aversion than for the -Ethiopian kings. Twice, however, was Egypt reconquered by Tirhaqa and -by his successor, Tanut-Amen. But all these successive invasions had -broken the bond which attached the nomes to the national unity; all -that remained was an Egypt parcelled out like feudal Europe after the -invasion of the Northmen. - -The princes of the South continued to recognise the authority of the -Ethiopian Dynasty; those of the Delta, to the number of twelve, formed -a sort of federation which the Greek authors call the Dodecarchy. But -at the end of fifteen years, the prince of Saïs, Psamthek, became an -object of suspicion to his colleagues. Herodotus tells us the occasion. - -“At the very commencement of their reign, an oracle had foretold to -them that he amongst them who should make libations in the temple -of Hephaistos (Ptah) with a brazen cup, would have the empire of -all Egypt. Some time later, as they were on the point of making -libations, after having offered sacrifices in the temple, the high -priest presented them with cups of gold; but he made a mistake in the -number, and instead of twelve cups, he only brought eleven for the -twelve kings. Then Psammetichus [Psamthek], who happened to be in the -first rank, took his helmet, which was of bronze, and used it for the -libations. The other kings, reflecting on his action and on the oracle, -and recognising that he had not acted from premeditated design, thought -that it would be unjust to put him to death; but they despoiled him -of the greater part of his power, and relegated him to the marshes, -forbidding him to leave them or to keep up any correspondence with the -rest of Egypt. - -“Smarting under this outrage, and resolved to avenge himself on the -authors of his exile, he sent to Buto to consult the oracle of Leto, -the most veracious of the Egyptian oracles. Answer was returned that -he would be avenged by men of bronze, coming from the sea. At first -he could not persuade himself that men of bronze could come to his -aid; but a short time after, some Ionian and Carian pirates, being -obliged to put into Egypt, came on shore clothed in bronze armour. An -Egyptian ran to carry the news to Psammetichus, and as this Egyptian -had never seen men armed in such a manner, he told them that men of -bronze, coming from the sea, were pillaging the countryside. The king, -perceiving that the oracle was accomplished, made alliance with the -Ionians and Carians, and engaged them by large promises to take his -part. With these auxiliary troops and the Egyptians who had remained -faithful to him, he dethroned the eleven kings.” - -Upper Egypt submitted without resistance, and the names of the -Ethiopian kings were struck off the Theban monuments. They seem, -however, to have retained some partisans, for Psamthek espoused a wife -of their race, the means employed by each dynasty to legitimatise its -usurpation. He recompensed his auxiliaries by giving them territories -near the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile, and made them his guard of honour. -This was not an innovation; for a long time the kings of Egypt had been -wont to take foreigners into their pay, and there is no doubt that -there were in the native army many soldiers of Libyan or Ethiopian -race; but they were annoyed at the favour shown the newcomers, and -emigrated into Ethiopia to the number of two hundred thousand men. -Psamthek tried to detain them by appealing to their patriotism, but -they struck their lances on their shields and answered that so long as -they had arms they would find their own country wherever they chose to -establish themselves. - -This wholesale desertion was a benefit to Egypt, which it thus relieved -from military rule. Conquests lead to inevitable reprisals. Armies, -like all privileged classes, end by becoming corrupted, and then, -useless in the face of the enemy, they become a heavy burden and -an instrument of civil war. Psamthek had no reason to regret these -soldiers, who had been unable to repel foreign invasion. - -The labours of peace repaired the recent disasters; the temples were -rebuilt; the arts shone with a new brilliancy; the whole activity -of the nation was turned towards commerce and industry. Psamthek -inaugurated a new policy by opening the country to foreigners. - -“He received those who visited Egypt with hospitality,” says Diodorus; -“he was the first of the Egyptian kings to open markets to other -nations, and to give great security to navigators.” - -The Greeks, who had helped to conquer the throne, were particularly -favoured. Encouraged by the example of the Ionian and Carian -adventurers whose services he had paid so well, some Milesian colonists -anchored thirty ships at the entrance of the Bolbitinic mouth of -the Nile, and there founded a fortified trading establishment. To -facilitate commercial relations for the future, Psamthek confided -some Egyptian children to the Greeks established in Egypt, that they -might learn Greek, and thus arose those interpreters who formed a -distinct class in the towns of the Delta. It even appears, according -to Diodorus, that Psamthek had his own children taught Greek. The -intercourse of the Greeks with the Egyptians became from that time so -constant that from the reign of Psammetichus, says Herodotus, we know -with certainty all that passed in that country. - -The accession of Psamthek and the XXVIth Dynasty is fixed at the year -655 before the Christian era, and it is only from this period that we -have certain dates for the history of Egypt. The complete chronology -of the XXVIth Dynasty has been recovered in the monuments of the tomb -of Apis, discovered by Mariette Bey, in the excavation of the Serapeum -of Memphis, and now in the Louvre. This chronology differs somewhat -sensibly from that which it had been possible to draw up from Manetho’s -lists, so that we are, says De Rougé, obliged to distrust figures -preserved in those lists, which a few years ago were regarded as an -infallible criterion. An attempt has been made to restore to them the -credit they had lost as an instrument of chronology, by attaching to -them an undisputed synchronism. According to the calculation of M. -Biot, a rising of the star Sothis (Sirius), indicated at Thebes under -Ramses III, towards the commencement of the XXth Dynasty, would fall at -the beginning of the thirteenth century B.C. - -Psamthek had his reign dated from the death of Tirhaqa (664), without -taking the Dodecarchy into account, and this is doubtless the reason -why Herodotus gives him fifty-four years’ reign, although in reality -he reigned only forty-four. He had built the southern pylon of the -temple of Ptah at Memphis, and a peristyle court where the Apis bull -was fed. The walls were covered with bas-reliefs, and colossi, twelve -ells high, took the place of columns; these were probably caryatides -like those which are seen at Thebes and Abu Simbel. These structures -have disappeared, like all the other buildings of Memphis. The only -monuments of the reign of Psamthek which still exist are the twelve -columns, twenty-one metres (about sixty-nine feet) high, whose ruins -are seen in the first court of the temple of Karnak, where they formed -a double rank. One only of these columns is still upright. It is not -known whether they were raised to form the centre avenue of a hypostyle -hall like that of Seti, or whether they were intended to bear symbolic -images which served the Egyptians as military ensigns, such as the ram, -the ibis, the sparrow-hawk, the jackal, etc. - -Psamthek and his successors, though not residing at Thebes, restored -its monuments and repaired the disasters of the Assyrian invasion. In -the Louvre and the British Museum there are numerous sculptures of the -Saïtic epoch, which is one of the grand epochs of Egyptian art. - -In the reign of Psamthek, the Scythians, driving the Cimmerians before -them, had invaded Asia and were threatening Egypt. Psamthek preferred -to buy their retreat by a money payment, rather than expose the country -to the danger of invasion, and the barbarians retraced their steps -northward. But in order to protect Egypt on the northeast, it was -necessary to have a foothold in Palestine, and Psamthek therefore laid -siege to the town of Ashdod. - -[Illustration: EGYPTIAN BIRDS - -(From the monuments)] - -[Sidenote: [612-594 B.C.]] - -This siege, says Herodotus, lasted twenty-nine years, but perhaps, -as M. Maspero thinks, Herodotus’ interpreters meant to say that the -taking of Ashdod took place in the twenty-ninth year of Psamthek’s -reign. His son, Neku II, who succeeded him in 612, desiring to profit -by the changes which had supervened in Asia, and to re-establish the -dominion of Egypt, gave battle to the Jews and Syrians near Megiddo. -Josiah, king of Judah, was killed, his son Jehoahaz, whom the Jews had -proclaimed king, was dethroned by Neku, who put in his place Eliakim, -another son of Josiah, and remained master of all Syria. But he soon -found a redoubtable adversary in front of him, for the kingdom of -Babylon had succeeded to that of Nineveh. Beaten by Nebuchadrezzar at -Carchemish on the banks of the Euphrates, Neku lost all his conquests -and returned precipitately to Egypt. - -His name remains connected with an enterprise more important than his -military expeditions. Two kings of the XIXth Dynasty, Seti I and Ramses -II, had had a canal of communication dug between the eastern branch of -the Nile and the Red Sea. But whether it was that this canal had not -been finished, or that it was blocked up by the sands, Neku desired -to restore it. The canal began a little above Bubastis. According to -Herodotus, a hundred and twenty thousand workmen perished in digging -it, and Neku had it discontinued in consequence of an oracle, which -warned him that he was labouring for the barbarians; an oracle which -was accomplished, for the canal was finished by the Persians. In our -own day, when it was desired to open direct communication between the -Red Sea and the Mediterranean, the operations were begun with the -restoration of Neku’s canal, to supply fresh water for the workmen who -were digging the maritime canal. - -After abandoning his project, Neku conceived another which might have -had still more important consequences. He sent some Phœnician sailors -to make a voyage of circumnavigation round Africa.[b] - -“The Phœnicians,” says Herodotus,[e] “having embarked on the Erythræan -Sea, sailed into the Southern Sea. As the autumn was come they landed -on that part of Libya at which they found themselves, and sowed corn. -They then awaited the time of the harvest, and having gathered it again -took to the sea. Having voyaged thus for two years, in the third year -they doubled the pillars of Heracles and, returning to Egypt, related -what I do not believe, but which others may perhaps credit; that whilst -sailing round Libya they had the sun on their right.” - -Psamthek was well known to classic writers under the name Psammetichus. -The old historian Diodorus picturesquely tells of his accession. We -prefer to quote the old translation of Booth, 1700. - - -THE GOOD KING SABACH [SHABAK] AND PSAMMETICHUS - -[Sidenote: [728-612 B.C.]] - -“After a long time, one Sabach an Ethiopian came to the Throne, going -beyond all his Predecessors in his Worship of the Gods, and kindness -to his Subjects. Any Man may judge and have a clear Evidence of his -gentle Disposition in this, that when the Laws pronounced the severest -Judgment (I mean Sentence of Death) he chang’d the Punishment, and -made an Edict that the Condemn’d Persons should be kept to work in -the Towns in Chains, by whose Labour he rais’d many Mounts, and made -many Commodious Canals; conceiving by this means he should not only -moderate the severity of the Punishment, but instead of that which was -unprofitable, advance the publick Good, by the Service and Labours of -the Condemn’d. - -“A Man may likewise judge of his extraordinary Piety from his Dream, -and his Abdication of the Government; for the Tutelar God of Thebes, -seem’d to speak to him in his Sleep, and told him that he could not -long reign happily and prosperously in Egypt, except he cut all the -Priests in Pieces, when he pass’d through the midst of them with his -Guards and Servants; which Advice being often repeated, he at length -sent for the Priests from all parts, and told them that if he staid in -Egypt any longer, he found that he should displease God, who never at -any time before by Dreams or Visions commanded any such thing. And that -he would rather be gone and lose his Life, being pure and innocent, -than displease God, or enjoy the Crown of Egypt, by staining his Life -with the horrid Murder of the Innocent. - -“And so at length giving up the Kingdom into the Hands of the People, -he return’d into Ethiopia. Upon this there was an Anarchy for the space -of Two Years; but the People falling into Tumults and intestine Broyls -and Slaughters one of another, Twelve of the chief Nobility of the -Kingdom joyn’d in a Solemn Oath, and then calling a Senate at Memphis, -and making some Laws for the better directing and cementing of them -in mutual peace and fidelity, they took upon them the Regal Power and -Authority. - -“After they had govern’d the Kingdom very amicably for the space of -Fifteen Years, (according to the Agreement which they had mutually -sworn to observe) they apply’d themselves to the building of a -Sepulcher, where they might all lye together; that as in their -Life-time they had been equal in their Power and Authority, and had -always carried it with love and respect one towards another; so after -Death (being all bury’d together in one Place) they might continue the -Glory of their Names in one and the same Monument. - -“To this end they made it their business to excel all their -Predecessors in the greatness of their Works: For near the Lake of -Myris in Lybia, they built a Four-square Monument of Polish’d Marble, -every square a Furlong in length, for curious Carvings and other pieces -of Art, not to be equall’d by any that should come after them. When -you are enter’d within the Wall, there’s presented a stately Fabrick, -supported round with Pillars, Forty on every side: The Roof was of -one intire Stone, whereon was curiously carv’d Racks and Mangers for -Horses, and other excellent pieces of Workmanship, and painted and -adorn’d with divers sorts of Pictures and Images; where likewise -were portray’d the Resemblances of the Kings, the Temples, and the -Sacrifices in most beautiful Colours. And such was the Cost and -Stateliness of this Sepulcher, begun by these Kings, that (if they had -not been dethron’d before it was perfected) none ever after could have -exceeded them in the state and magnificence of their Works. But after -they had reign’d over Egypt Fifteen Years, all of them but one lost -their Sovereignty in the manner following. - -[Sidenote: [655-612 B.C.]] - -“Psammeticus Saïtes [Psamthek I], one of the Kings, whose Province -was upon the Sea Coasts, traffickt with all sorts of Merchants, and -especially with the Phenicians and Grecians; by this means inriching -his Province, by vending his own Commodities, and the importation of -those that came from Greece, he not only grew very wealthy, but gain’d -an interest in the Nations and Princes abroad; upon which account he -was envy’d by the rest of the Kings, who for that reason made War upon -him. Some antient Historians tell a Story, That these Princes were -told by the Oracle, That which of them should first pour Wine out of a -brazen Viol to the God ador’d at Memphis, should be sole Lord of all -Egypt. Whereupon Psammeticus when the Priest brought out of the Temple -Twelve Golden Viols, pluckt off his Helmet, and pour’d out a Wine -Offering from thence; which when his Collegues took notice of, they -forbore putting him to death, but depos’d him, and banish’d him into -the Fenns, bordering upon the Sea-Coasts.[10] - -“Whether therefore it were this, or Envy as is said before, that gave -Birth to this Dissention and Difference amongst them, it’s certain -Psammeticus hir’d Souldiers out of Arabia, Caria and Ionia, and in a -Field-Fight near the City Moniemphis, he got the day. Some of the Kings -of the other side were slain, and the rest fled into Africa, and were -not able further to contend for the Kingdom. - -“Psammeticus having now gain’d possession of the whole, built a Portico -to the East Gate of the Temple at Memphis, in honour of that God, and -incompass’d the Temple with a Wall, supporting it with Colosses of -Twelve Cubits high in the room of Pillars. He bestow’d likewise upon -his Mercenary Souldiers many large Rewards over and above their Pay -promis’d them.”[c] - -To return to later and less credulous historians, it will be well to -note a more authoritative account of this period. - - -THE RESTORATION IN EGYPT - -[Sidenote: [655-612 B.C.]] - -When Asshurbanapal again subjected the petty princes of Egypt, he had -favoured none so much as Neku I of Saïs. The latter had fallen in -battle against Tanut-Amen; his son Psamthek had sought refuge with -the Assyrians and had been brought back to his dominions by them. As -soon as circumstances allowed, he threw off the Assyrian yoke, as his -father had done before him. At the same time he took up the task begun -by Tefnekht, his predecessor and courageous ancestor, of suppressing -the petty princes and uniting Egypt. King Gyges of Lydia sent him -auxiliaries; they were the Carian and Ionian troops, which, according -to Herodotus, landed in Egypt one day and were employed by Psamthek -against his rivals. Soon the first mercenaries were followed by others; -they formed the backbone of the king’s army. - -[Illustration: EGYPTIAN MUMMY-CASE] - -What took place in the individual fights is not known; that is, we have -no knowledge of the battles with the Assyrians. But about the year 655 -the object was obtained, Egypt freed and united. So as to establish his -rule safely, the king married Shepenapet, daughter of Queen Ameniritis. - -The chief opponents of the new ruler were doubtless the mercenaries -organised as a warrior caste, the Ma, who had shared the land under -the Ethiopian and Assyrian supremacy. Herodotus relates that 240,000 -warriors “who stood to the left of the king” had wandered to Ethiopia, -under Psamthek, since for three years they were not relieved in the -garrisons; the king, who hastened after them, could not persuade them -to return. Although the recital is legendary with regard to the immense -number, the fact fits in clearly with the history of the times that a -considerable number of the warrior caste, who would not submit to the -new circumstances, should have left the land, been taken up by the king -of Napata and colonised the valley of the Upper Nile. - -It has already been mentioned that Psamthek, so as to protect himself -against the renewed invasion of the Assyrians, also turned to Asia. -As Aahmes I, after the expulsion of the Hyksos, invested Sherohan in -Palestine, so for twenty-nine years Psamthek took the field against -Ashdod, until he conquered the town. His power does not seem to have -extended farther south than the First Cataract. His grandson, Psamthek -II, first took the field against Ethiopia. To his time probably belong -the inscriptions which Greek, Carian, and Phœnician soldiers have -inscribed on the colossi of the temples of Abu Simbel in their mother -tongues. Southern Nubia did not remain long conquered. The three strong -border fortresses of Elephantine in the south, Daphne in the east, and -Marea in the west, essentially determine the limits of Egyptian power. - -The new state, in which, after some two hundred years of anarchy, -the kingdom of the Pharaohs was again established, was only partly -national. The dynasty was, as the name teaches, not of Egyptian -origin, but in all probability Libyan. The troops which the princes -of Saïs could raise were doubtless for the greater part Libyans, and -the particular characteristic was due to the mercenaries who had -come across the sea. In future days the Ionians and Carians who were -colonised in the “camps” between Bubastis and Pelusium, on that most -dangerous east border of the land, were the chief support of the -throne; under Uah-ab-Ra [Apries] their number increased to thirty -thousand men. - -[Sidenote: [612-596 B.C.]] - -Thus from the beginning the kings of the restoration, like the -Ptolemies, held a much freer position, which raised them far above -their predecessors. They, manifestly with intention, held Saïs as -residence, although Memphis was honoured as the oldest capital, and -structures were built on the ruins of ancient Thebes. With full -knowledge they carried on a considerable commerce. Psamthek’s son, Neku -II (612-596), began to build a canal from the Nile to the Red Sea; he -sent out a Phœnician fleet to circumnavigate Africa, which returned to -the Mediterranean three years after its departure from Suez. A fleet -was maintained on the Arabian as well as in the Mediterranean Sea. - -With the Greeks, who in earlier times came to Egypt only as pirates -or were driven there by storm, but now sought to draw all the coasts -of the Mediterranean into their commerce, active negotiations were -taken up. From trading with them arose the numerous caste of the -interpreters. Neku II sends oblations to Brandichæ; to his son, -Psamthek II, there came an embassy from Elis; the Egyptian divinities -begin to become known to the Greeks: whilst amongst Asiatics closely -related to the culture and customs of the Egyptians there reigned -active negotiation and a reciprocal influence, the Hellenes, of quite -other disposition and more active in commerce, remained strangers -to the Egyptians. They were met with suspicion, and restrictions -were laid upon them. Aahmes was the first to assign them a place in -Naucratis, south of Saïs, where they gained influence and property and -could organise themselves as an independent community, but the Greek -merchants were forbidden to navigate in any other branch of the Nile. - -Internally the XXVIth Dynasty in every sense bears the stamp of -restoration. The end of a formidable crisis had come, and the endeavour -was made to re-establish conditions as they were conceived to have been -of old--that is to say--to introduce the abstract ideal. - -Therefore the Egyptians held themselves more aloof from the strangers, -most carefully observing all laws as to cleanliness; the god of the -strangers and hostile powers, the till-now-honoured Set, was cast -out of the Pantheon, his name and image effaced everywhere: also the -divinities taken up from the Syrian neighbours, such as Astarte and -Anata, completely disappeared. In religion they turned back to the -oldest laws; the dead formulas of the tombs of the Pyramids were -revived, the worship of the early kings of Memphis, Sneferu, Khufu, -Sahu-Ra, was again taken up. - -The art of this period is throughout archaic, constituting a period of -efflorescence distinguished by excellence and neatness of the forms, -but wanting in all originality. In writing, the endeavour is made as -far as possible to imitate the old models. Naturally in this manner the -relative simplicity and naturalness of the olden times was not reached; -the heritage of a thousand years’ development, the endless magic -and formal ritual with its wearying system and its dead phrases, is -carefully preserved and ever increased. If, according to Greek reports, -the Egyptians believed in the transmigration of souls after death into -the body of another being, and that, after having gone through all the -animals of land and sea and air, they returned to human form after -three thousand years, this doctrine, which is nowhere to be found in -manuscripts left to us, may have arisen at this time from their view -of conditions after death and the consubstantiality of all life. That -Egypt which the Greeks learnt to know was a well-preserved mummy of -primitive times and served to impress them by its uniqueness and its -age, and individually to stimulate, but was no more in a position to -awaken a new life. - -In the social domain, if we can believe the reports of the Greeks, -the separation of classes was brought about. The priesthood was an -exclusive caste, and their dignity was hereditary; next to them come -the completely exclusive warrior class, consisting of the successors of -the Ma, divided into the Calasirians and Hermotybians. Priests as well -as warriors are exempt from taxes and in possession of a great part of -the agricultural land, which they hire out to peasants for large sums -of money. The remaining part of the soil is royal dominion. Far below -the privileged classes stands the mass of the people, the labourers, -manufacturers, merchants, finally the shepherds of the Delta, of -Semitic descent, and the inhabitants of the Delta living on fisheries -of the swamps, both of which are considered unclean in Egypt. In theory -the principle may also be set down here that every class forms a -decided caste; that this was not practically carried through is taught -us by the report of Herodotus, II, 147, that the Shepherd race, being -unclean, could marry only within itself. From which we may infer that -other castes were permitted to intermarry.[d] - - -THE PERSIAN CONQUEST AND THE END OF EGYPTIAN AUTONOMY - -[Sidenote: [596-572 B.C.]] - -With the XXVIth Dynasty the curtain was practically drawn for all time -on Egyptian autonomy. The recurrent struggle between Asia and Africa -was renewed with disastrous consequences to the people of the Nile. We -have here to do with the Persian conquest, and in particular with the -deeds of Cambyses. - -Neku reigned six years according to Manetho, sixteen according to -Herodotus, and this latter figure is confirmed by two steles at -Florence and Leyden. His son, Psamthek II, whom Herodotus calls Psammis -(596), reigned six years and died on his return from an expedition into -Ethiopia. It was probably during this expedition that some Greek and -Phœnician soldiers carved their names on the leg of one of the colossi -of Abu-Simbel. - -In the reign of Uah-ab-Ra, the Apries of the Greeks (591), Syria and -Palestine were the theatre of important events. The petty people of -these countries, threatened by the Chaldean power, tried to save their -independence by the help of Egypt. - -Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon, first turned his forces against -the kingdom of Judah, which succumbed in spite of Egypt’s tardy and -inefficient intervention. Jerusalem was taken, and the people led -away to captivity. The Jewish prophets, in their anger against Egypt, -announced for it the fate of Judah, and, if we are to believe Josephus, -these predictions were accomplished; for Nebuchadrezzar is said to have -defeated and killed Uah-ab-Ra and subdued Egypt. But Herodotus and -Diodorus say nothing of this defeat, and speak, on the contrary, of a -naval victory of Apries over the Phœnicians and Cypriotes. M. Renan’s -explorations have brought to light the ruins of a temple raised by the -Egyptians at Gebel, a fact which seems to indicate that they remained -masters of the country. - -Uah-ab-Ra undertook to subdue the Greek colony of Cyrene, and, as it -would not have been prudent to oppose his Greek auxiliaries to a people -of the same race, he employed only native troops on this expedition, -which was an unfortunate one. The Egyptian soldiers, believing he had -undertaken it solely in order to get rid of them, revolted. To appease -them, Uah-ab-Ra sent an officer named Aahmes, whose good nature pleased -the soldiers. As he was speaking to them, one of them put a helmet on -his head, and there was a cry that they ought to make him their king. -He did not wait to be persuaded, and immediately put himself at the -head of the rebels. - -Uah-ab-Ra, learning this, gave orders to one of those who remained -faithful to him to bring Aahmes to him, dead or alive. The envoy -received only a very coarse answer, and when he returned, the king had -his nose and ears cut off. The indignant Egyptians instantly went over -to Aahmes. Uah-ab-Ra at the head of his Carian and Ionian mercenaries, -to the number of thirty thousand, marched against the rebels, who -were far more numerous. He was beaten and led back, a prisoner, into -the palace which had been his. Aahmes at first treated him with -consideration, but the Egyptians insisted that he should be delivered -up to them, and strangled. He had reigned twenty years. Aahmes had -him buried in the tomb of his ancestors, and espoused a daughter of -Psamthek II in order to graft himself on the Saïtic Dynasty. - -[Sidenote: [572-525 B.C.]] - -Aahmes II, though he had become king by a reaction of the national -party against the foreigner, nevertheless showed himself still more -favourable to the Greeks than his predecessors had been. He permitted -them to establish themselves at Naucratis, on the Canopic branch of -the Nile, and to raise temples to their gods. One of these temples, -the Hellenion, was built at the public expense by the principal Greek -towns in Asia. Particular temples were consecrated to Apollo by the -Milesians, to Hera by the Samians, and to Zeus by the Æginians. -Aahmes sent his statue to several towns in Greece, and when the -temple of Delphi was destroyed by fire, he desired to contribute to -the subscription opened for its reconstruction, and offered a talent -of alum from Egypt. He entered into an alliance with the Cyrenæans, -and married one of the daughters of the country; he also allied -himself with Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, and with Crœsus, king of -the Lydians. He made no war except against the Cypriotes, whom he -subjected to a tribute. He chiefly occupied himself, as Psamthek had -done, in developing the trade of Egypt. Like him he erected monuments -at Saïs and Memphis, which are no longer in existence, but of which -Herodotus speaks with admiration. There is at the Louvre a monolithic -chapel in pink granite, which dates from the reign of Aahmes, and the -British Museum possesses the sarcophagus of one of his wives, Queen -Ankhnes, who long resided at Thebes. It is believed that the hypogees -of Assassif, near Gurnah, belong to the Saïtic epoch. There is one of -them which, in extent and richness, yields to none of the tombs of -Biban-el-Moluk. This is the tomb of a high priest who was at the same -time a royal functionary. - -Aahmes was nothing more than a soldier of fortune, and it appears that -the ceremonious etiquette of the ancient kings of Egypt wearied him. -When he had employed his morning in administering justice, he passed -the rest of the time at table with his friends. Certain courtiers -represented to him that he was compromising his dignity. He answered -that a bow-string could not always be stretched. At the beginning of -his reign the obscurity of his birth made him despised. Perceiving -this, he had melted a gold basin, in which he used to wash his feet, -made from it the golden statue of a god and offered it to the public -veneration. - -“Thus it was with me,” he said; “I was a plebeian, now I am your -king; render me, then, the honour and respect which are due me.” The -people understood the allegory, and ended by becoming attached to this -sensible man, who took his trade of king seriously. It was from him, -according to Herodotus, that the Athenians borrowed their famous law -against idleness. - -“He ordered each Egyptian to declare to the nomarch, every year, what -were his means of subsistence. He who did not comply with the law, or -could not prove that he lived by honest means, was punished with death. -Solon, the Athenian, borrowed this law from Egypt, and established it -in Athens, where it is still in force, because it is a wise one and no -fault can be found with it.” - -Herodotus says that Egypt was never happier or more flourishing than in -the reign of Aahmes, and that there were then in that country twenty -thousand well-peopled towns or villages. - -All this prosperity was to disappear in one day, for Egypt was about -to founder like Nineveh and Jerusalem and Sardis and Babylon, without -previous decay, in one of those sudden and overwhelming storms which -sweep monarchies away. - -A new empire had just arisen in Asia. Persia had absorbed Media and -subdued Chaldea and Asia Minor. Lydia had succumbed so quickly that -Aahmes had not been able to succour his ally, Crœsus. Cyrus, the -founder of the Persian Empire, left Egypt in peace, and she took good -care not to stir; but his son Cambyses felt the need of aggrandising -his states, and as in default of reasons wars never lack pretexts, here -is the one he gave, or which was perhaps invented as an afterthought. - -It was said that Cyrus had asked Aahmes to send him the best physician -for diseases of the eye, to be found in his dominion. This physician -wished to avenge himself on the king of Egypt, who had torn him from -the arms of his wife and children to send him into Persia. He persuaded -Cambyses to demand the daughter of Aahmes, counting on a refusal, -which would not fail to be considered as an insult. Aahmes knew well -that Cambyses would not make his daughter a queen, but a slave of -the harem; he sent a daughter of Uah-ab-Ra. The latter disclosed the -ruse to the king of Persia, and demanded of him to avenge her father, -whose murderer Aahmes had been. Cambyses flew into a violent rage and -resolved to carry war into Egypt. - -A desert that an army could not cross in less than three days’ march -protected Egypt on the side of Asia. Following the advice of Phanes, -a Greek officer and deserter from the Egyptian army, Cambyses secured -for himself the alliance of the Arab king, who stationed camels laden -with skins full of water, all along the route the Persians were to -follow. The town of Pelusium, which was the key of Egypt, was besieged -by Cambyses. Polyænus relates that he caused dogs, cats, and ibises to -be collected, and placed them in front of his army; the Egyptians dared -not fly their arrows for fear of hitting the sacred animals, and the -town was taken without resistance. Aahmes had just died, after a reign -of forty-four years (528). His son, Psamthek III, the Psammenitus of -Herodotus, came to meet the enemy. The Greek and Carian mercenaries in -the pay of the king of Egypt, learning the treason of Phanes, their -former chief, revenged themselves on his children. - -“They led them into the camp,” says Herodotus, “and, having placed a -mixing bowl between the two armies, they cut their throats under the -eyes of their father, mingled their blood with wine and water in the -bowl, and, when all the auxiliaries had drunk, rushed into battle.” - -It was fierce and bloody; many perished on either side; but at last the -Egyptians had the worst of it and fled in disorder to Memphis. Cambyses -summoned the town to surrender; the crowd destroyed the Mytilenean -vessel which carried the ambassadors, massacred those who manned it, -and dragged their limbs through the citadel. The town was taken, and -Psamthek brought before the conqueror. He had reigned only six months. - - -THE ATROCITIES OF CAMBYSES - -[Sidenote: [525 B.C.]] - -Cambyses treated him with the utmost severity, and had him led before -the town, together with some other Egyptians. - -“The king’s daughter,” says Herodotus, “was clad as a slave and sent, -pitcher in hand, in search of water, with several other young girls -of rank. They passed, weeping, in front of their captive fathers, who -groaned at their humiliation. Psammenitus [Psamthek III] saw them and -lowered his eyes towards the earth. Then Cambyses caused his son and -two thousand young men of the same age to pass before him, with cords -round their necks and bridles in their mouths. They were being led to -death to avenge the Mytileneans slain at Memphis, for the royal judges -had ordained that, for every man killed on that occasion, ten Egyptians -of the first families should be put to death. Psammenitus saw them -pass and recognised his son; but while the other Egyptians round him -wept and lamented themselves, he preserved the same countenance as at -the sight of his daughter. When the young men had passed, he perceived -an old man who generally ate at his table. This man, despoiled of his -goods, and reduced to live on charity, was imploring pity from the -soldiers and even from Psammenitus and the Egyptian captives brought -into the outskirts of the town. Psammenitus could not restrain his -tears; he beat himself on the head and called to his friend. Three -guards, deputed to watch him, made this known to Cambyses. He was -astonished and sent a messenger to Psammenitus, who questioned him thus: - -“‘Cambyses, thy master, demands wherefore, having neither wept or -groaned when thou sawest thy daughter treated as a slave and thy son -marching to execution, thou shouldst interest thyself in the lot of -this beggar who, from what we learn, is neither thy relative nor ally.’ - -“He answered, ‘Son of Cyrus, the misfortunes of my house are too great -to be wept; but the fate of a friend, once happy, and reduced to -begging in his old age, has seemed to me to deserve tears.’ - -“This answer was reported, and appeared a just one. The Egyptians say -that Crœsus, who had come into Egypt in the train of Cambyses, wept, -and the Persians who were present wept also. Even Cambyses felt some -pity. He ordered Psammenitus brought before him and his son to be -withdrawn from the number of those about to die. - -“Those sent to seek the child did not find him alive; he had been -the first struck. They made Psammenitus rise and conducted him into -the presence of Cambyses. He remained in the retinue and suffered no -violence. The government of Egypt would even have been restored to him -if he had not been suspected of exciting disturbances; for the Persians -are wont to honour the children of kings and to replace them on the -thrones lost by their fathers. But Psammenitus, having conspired, -received his reward. Convicted by Cambyses of having urged the -Egyptians to revolt, he drank bull’s blood and died of it on the spot. - -“From Memphis, Cambyses went on to Saïs, and as soon as he had reached -the tomb of Amasis [Aahmes] he ordered the corpse to be exhumed, to be -beaten with rods, to have the hair and beard torn out, to be pricked -with goads--in short, to be subjected to all sorts of outrages. The -executioners soon grew tired of maltreating a lifeless body, from which -they could break off nothing, as it was embalmed. Then Cambyses had it -burnt without any respect of holy things. Indeed the Persians believe -that fire is a god, and it is not permitted, either by their law or by -that of the Egyptians, to burn the dead. Thus Cambyses performed on -this occasion an act equally condemned by the laws of both peoples.” - -In violating the tomb of the man who had usurped the throne of Egypt, -Cambyses perhaps counted on rallying the legitimists, for he thus -presented himself as the avenger and heir of Uah-ab-Ra. From the -inscriptions on a statuette in the Vatican, it appears that, in the -early days of his conquest, he avoided giving offence to the religion -of the vanquished. He caused the great temple of Nit, where some -Persian troops had installed themselves, to be evacuated, and had it -repaired at his own expense. He even carried his zeal so far as to be -initiated into the mysteries of Osiris. But this apparent and wholly -political deference could not last long. - -[Illustration: DEATH OF PSAMMENITUS [PSAMTHEK III]] - -The religious symbols of the Egyptians, the external forms of their -worship, inspired profound aversion in the Persians, whose religion -greatly resembled the strict monotheism of the Semitic peoples. -This antipathy, which was only awaiting an opportunity to manifest -itself, blazed out after an unfortunate expedition of Cambyses against -Ethiopia. Instead of ascending the Nile as far as Napata, he had taken -the shorter route of the desert. - -The provisions gave out, and his soldiers were reduced to devouring -each other. He returned, having lost many men, and then learnt the -complete destruction of another army which he had sent against the -Ammonians and which had been entombed under whirlwinds of sand. He -was exasperated at this disaster, and, as the Egyptians naturally -attributed it to the vengeance of the gods, his fury turned against the -Egyptian religion. - -“From Assuan to Thebes and from Thebes to Memphis,” says Mariette, “he -marked his route by ruin: the temples were devastated, the tombs of the -kings were opened and pillaged.” The mummy of Queen Ankhnes, wife of -Aahmes, was torn from its sarcophagus in the depths of a funeral vault -behind the Ramesseum, and burned as that of Aahmes himself had been. -When this sarcophagus, which is now in London, was discovered by a -French officer, remains of charred bones were found in it, according to -Champollion Figéac, some of them preserving traces of gilding. - -“Cambyses having returned to Memphis,” says Herodotus, “the god Apis, -whom the Greeks call Epaphos, manifested himself to the Egyptians. As -soon as he had shown himself, they donned their richest clothing and -made great rejoicings. Cambyses, believing that they were rejoicing -at the ill-success of his arms, called the magistrates of Memphis -before him, and asked them why, having exhibited no joy the first time -that they saw him in their town, they were exhibiting so much of it -since his return and after he had lost part of his army. They told him -that their god, who was generally very long in appearing, had just -manifested himself, and that the Egyptians were accustomed to celebrate -this epiphany by public festivities. Cambyses, hearing this, said that -they lied, and punished them with death for liars. When they had been -killed he sent for the priests to come into his presence, and, having -received the same answer from them, he told them that if any god showed -himself familiarly to the Egyptians, he would not hide himself from -him, and he ordered them to bring Apis to him. The priests immediately -went in search of him. - -“This Apis, who is the same as Epaphos, is born of a cow which can bear -no further offspring. The Egyptians say that this cow conceives Apis -by lightning, which descends from heaven. These are the distinguishing -signs of the calf they call Apis: it is black, and bears a white square -on its forehead; it has the figure of an eagle on its back, on its -tongue that of a beetle, and the hairs of its tail are double. - -“As soon as the priest had brought Apis, Cambyses, like a maniac, -drew his sword to pierce its belly, but only struck its thigh. Then, -beginning to laugh, he said to the priests: - -“‘O blockheads, are there such gods, made of flesh and blood and -susceptible to the stroke of steel? This god is well worthy of the -Egyptians, but you shall have no cause to rejoice for having attempted -to laugh at our expense.’ - -“Thereupon he had them whipped by those deputed for that purpose, and -ordered such Egyptians as were found celebrating a festival to be -slain. Thus the festivities ceased and the priests were punished. Apis, -wounded in the thigh, languished, lying in the temple, and when he -was dead the priests buried him, unknown to Cambyses. As to him, who -was already wanting in good sense, he was from that time smitten with -madness, the Egyptians say, in punishment of his crime.” - -Among the funeral steles of the Apis, found by Mariette in the -excavations of the Serapeum at Memphis, and which are now in the -Egyptian Museum at the Louvre, are two connected with the facts -recounted by Herodotus: one, whose inscription is almost illegible, -contained the epitaph of the Apis who died in the reign of Cambyses, -and was born, as it seems, in the twenty-fifth year of Aahmes. We -possess, the catalogue says, his sarcophagus, sculptured by order of -Cambyses. The other is the epitaph of the bull who died in the fourth -year of Darius. - -“We think,” says M. de Rougé, “that this is the same Apis whom -Cambyses, in his fury, wounded when, on his return from the unfortunate -Ethiopian expedition, he found the Egyptians abandoning themselves to -the rejoicings which accompanied the festivities of the theophany of a -new Apis (in 518 B.C.).” If this be so, this Apis must have survived -his wound nearly five years. - -[Sidenote: [522-332 B.C.]] - -Darius wished to repair the mistakes of his predecessor, and tried to -conciliate the Egyptians. He put to death the satrap Aryandes, whose -tyranny was already provoking revolts, and, learning that the Apis had -just died, he joined in the public mourning and promised one hundred -talents of gold to whoever should find a new Apis. He visited the -great temple of Ptah and would have placed his statue there beside -that of Sesostris [Ramses II]. The priests told him that he had not -yet equalled the exploits of Sesostris, since he had not subdued the -Scythians. Darius was not offended at this exhibition of national -pride; he answered simply that if he lived as long as Sesostris he -would endeavour to equal him. He had a great temple of Amen, whose -ruins still exist, built in the oasis of Thebes. Finally, he finished -the canal of communication which Seti I and Neku II had wished to -establish between the Nile and the Red Sea. According to Diodorus, his -memory was venerated by the Egyptians, who placed him in the number of -their great legislators. - -The kings of Persia who form the XXVIIth Dynasty did not, however, -succeed in making themselves accepted by Egypt. They had not, like -the Shepherd kings, adopted her religion, her language, her writing, -and her manners, and therefore they were always foreigners to her. -Their dominion was rarely oppressive, and yet it was interrupted by -insurrections which always found a support in the Greek republics. - -After one hundred and twenty years, Egypt recovered her independence -under three native dynasties, the XXVIIIth, the XXIXth, and the XXXth. -But she lost it sixty-four years after, through the cowardice of her -king, who fled into Ethiopia without fighting, as Meneptah had fled -before the Unclean. Egypt was a second time conquered by the Persians, -and Ochus renewed the follies and pillaging of Cambyses (340 B.C.).[b] - -The XXVIIIth Dynasty is regarded as consisting of one king only, since -at his death the rule passed to the princes of Mendes. This king was -Amen-rut (Amyrtæus), 405-399 B.C., son of Pausiris and grandson of that -Amyrtæus who was the ally of Inarus of Libya. Amen-rut revolted against -Persia, and became independent on the death of Darius II. - -Nia-faa-rut I, prince of Mendes (399-393), succeeded Amen-rut. He and -his successors--Haker (393-380), Psamut (380), and Nia-faa-rut II -(379)--form the XXIXth Dynasty, and continued, by the alliances with -Persia’s enemies, to maintain the native rule of Egypt. - -This state of affairs continued under the XXXth Dynasty, which ruled -at Sebennytus. Under the first king, Nekht-Hor-heb (Nectanebo I), -the Persians, two hundred thousand strong, made a desperate attempt, -with the help of the Greek general Iphicrates and twenty thousand of -his countrymen, to invade the Delta, but Nectanebo defeated them near -Mendes. This victory secured peace and independence to Egypt for a term -of years, during which art and commerce revived. - -Tachus’ reign was short (364-361), and he had internal as well as -external troubles to deal with. He died an exile at the court of -Artaxerxes. Nekht-neb-ef (Nectanebo II), 361-340, brought his dynasty -and the empire of the Pharoahs, after a duration of over four thousand -years, to an end by succumbing to the Persians under Ochus (Artaxerxes -III).[a] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 322 B.C.]] - -It is not surprising that, after the eight years during which this -second Persian dynasty lasted, Alexander should have been received as -a liberator and proclaimed son of Amen, that is to say, legitimate -successor of the ancient kings of Egypt. The most able of his generals, -Ptolemy, son of Lagus, founded a dynasty which may, in spite of its -foreign origin, be considered as national as that of the Ramessides -or of the Saïtic kings. Greek influence did not make itself felt -outside Alexandria. The Lagides respected the religions and customs of -Egypt, which became the most important of the Greek kingdoms, while -still preserving her original civilisation. She even preserved it -under the Roman dominion; and if we did not read the inscriptions, we -could never guess that the temples of Esneh, of Edfu, of Denderah, -and of Philæ belong to the time of the Lagides, the Cæsars, and the -Antonines. Enfolded in the great Roman unity, Egypt did not regret her -independence. Alexandria was the second town of the world, the capital -of the East. The philosophic movement of which it was the seat entered -as an important factor into the elaboration of Christian dogma. But -the establishment of the new religion was the death-blow of old Egypt, -for a people is dead when it has denied its gods. The edicts of the -Christian emperors, ordering the destruction of the temples, dealt the -last blow to Egyptian art. Those monuments which were not entirely -destroyed were distorted to meet the needs of the new worship. - -Then came the Mussulman conquest, which waged further war against the -ruins. Finally, in our days, the introduction of Western civilisation -into Egypt has done the monuments more harm than all the rest. When the -viceroy wishes to build a barrack or a sugar factory, he takes stones -from the temples; it saves expense. - -Thus is accomplished the sad prediction of the Egyptian philosopher -whose works bear the name of Hermes Trismegistus: - -“O Egypt, Egypt, there shall remain of thy religion but vague stories -which posterity will refuse to believe, and words graven in stone -recounting thy piety. The Scythian, the Indian, or some other barbarous -neighbour shall dwell in Egypt. The Divinity shall reascend into the -heaven. And Egypt shall be a desert, widowed of men and gods.”[b] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[10] [Herodotus tells the story somewhat differently.] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE EGYPTIANS - - If I wished to characterise in one word the peculiar bearing and - ruling element of the Egyptian mind--however unsatisfactory in - other respects such general designations may be--I should say that - the intellectual eminence of that people was in its scientific - profundity--in an understanding that penetrated or sought to - penetrate by magic into all the depths and mysteries of nature, - even into their most hidden abyss. So thoroughly scientific was - the whole leaning and character of the Egyptian mind, that even - the architecture of this people had an astronomical import, even - far more than that of the other nations of early antiquity. I - have already had occasion to speak of the deep and mysterious - signification of their treatment of the dead. In all the natural - sciences, in mathematics, astronomy, and even in medicine, they - were the masters of the Greeks; and even the profoundest thinkers - among the latter, the Pythagoreans, and afterwards the great Plato - himself, derived from them the first elements of their doctrines, - or, caught at least the first outline of their mighty speculations. - Here, too, in the birthplace of hieroglyphics, was the chief seat - of the mysteries; and Egypt has at all times been the native - country of many true, as well as of many false, secrets.--SCHLEGEL. - - -Customs that differ from our own always seem strange customs. So the -Egyptians, viewed from a latter-day European or American standpoint, -seem a very strange people. And it being easy to generalise from -insufficient data, many notions regarding the Egyptians have become -current which appear not to represent that people as they really were. -The more the monuments are studied, and the closer we get to the real -life of the peoples of antiquity, the less strange these peoples appear. - -Indeed, when we come to appreciate their life as it really was, -it is surprising how “natural” and human it all appears. Certain -peculiarities there were, to be sure, with each people and with each -successive age; but in the broad view the peoples of the most remote -antiquity are best understood if we think of them as very similar -to ourselves in the general sweep of their feelings, desires, and -thoughts. Thus, for example, we have seen that the modern Egyptologist -has quite dispelled the notion, once prevalent, that the Egyptians were -a solemn, morose people, thinking only of the life to come. The truer -view, on the other hand, appears to be that they were a peculiarly -social, pleasure-loving people. The observance of certain religious -rites, which make such an impression upon us because they differ from -our own customs in this regard, doubtless did not appear to them to -have at all the significance we ascribe to them. - -Even in matters which seem to be most strikingly borne out by the -records of the monuments, it is easy to entertain a misconception -if one presses too closely the idea that the traits thus discovered -belong exclusively to a particular people. Thus in the matter of that -conservatism which is commonly spoken of as the predominant trait of -the national character of the Egyptians. Conservative they surely were. -But so is every other living creature that remains long in a single -unvarying habitat. The basis of civilisation is the conservatism which -leads each generation to cling fast to the customs it had inherited. -The history of customs, of language, of religions, in short of all -culture, shows how tenaciously every people, after a certain stage, has -held to the traditions of its past. - -It seems as if a people, like an individual species of animal, reaches -sooner or later a state of equilibrium in regard to its environment, -and will change no further, except as the environment changes. Now -in Egypt the physical environment appears to have changed but little -within historic times, and the geographical conditions were such that -the people there were afforded a high degree of isolation from outside -influences. Hence the observed slowness of change in the customs of -this “strange” people. - -Yet, even admitting all this, one must not, as we have suggested, -press the point of Egyptian conservatism too far. The most casual -glance along the line of their history shows many notable changes in -their radical customs from age to age, even in the relatively short -period open to our inspection. There were times when great pyramids and -temples were all the vogue; other times when they were quite ignored. - -Even the custom of embalming the dead, so striking a peculiarity, was -more or less subject to fluctuating fashions. - -One must bear in mind that the period of Egyptian history open to -our inspection, from the beginning of secure records till the final -overthrow and disappearance of old Egypt as a nation, was, according -to an average chronology, only about twenty-five hundred, or three -thousand years. Now it is an open question whether, for every Egyptian -idea or custom that remained even relatively fixed throughout this -period, one could not find current to-day among the most progressive -nations of the world an analogous idea or custom, that could prove at -least as long a pedigree. To cite but a single illustration, every -civilised nation on the globe to-day has its whole being as closely -bound up with religious observances as was the being of the Egyptian -commonwealth. And with a single exception the religious systems in -question have held sway over their subjects, substantially unchanged, -for a period as long as the entire sweep of Egyptian history under -consideration. Confucianism, Brahminism, Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, -Judaism,--each is hoary with the weight of something like thirty -centuries; each had its origin in an age of superstition which we -are prone to think far inferior to our own “enlightened” time; yet -each holds its millions of devotees as rigidly and as inexorably -as ever Egyptian was held by the cult of Osiris. Bearing this -single illustration in mind, we shall be able to view the Egyptian -“conservatism” more truly, as an example of a universal human trait, -rather than as the peculiarity of a “strange” people. - -Although we have emphasised the view that the Egyptians were very -much like other peoples in their fundamental traits of character and -habits, it must not be overlooked that there is a pretty sharp line of -demarcation to be drawn between the customs of Oriental and Western -nations, and that the Egyptians were essentially Orientals. - - -THE POSITION OF THE KING - -One of the most typical characteristics of the Oriental mind is a -deference to authority signalised in the ready acceptance of an -autocratic government. Doubtless it never occurred to any Egyptian that -he might do away with kings altogether. The conception of the king -as the head of the state was so deeply impressed on the mind of the -people, that the very possibility of a state without an autocratic head -could scarcely be conceived. - -But in reading of the extreme deference shown to the kings of Egypt, -one is likely to gain a misconception of their actual status. We -have been taught traditionally to regard the Egyptians as a meek, -peace-loving people, profoundly imbued with religious sentiments, and -accustomed to look upon their king as almost a god, and to pay him -divine honours. Such indeed was doubtless the fact as regards external -and tangible conditions, and no doubt the average Egyptian conceived -the kingly authority as something altogether sacred. But beneath the -surface of court life everywhere there is a counter current which the -monarch himself can never disregard, however little its existence is -recognised by the generality of his subjects. Professor Erman has -emphasised with great astuteness the effect of these hidden influences -upon the real life of the Egyptian monarch. He contends that the -conditions surrounding the Egyptian court were not different from -those about the thrones of other Oriental monarchs, and he points out -with great vividness the distinction between the theoretical and the -real position of the sovereign. Theoretically, the king is absolutely -supreme; his will is law, all the property is his; even the lives of -his subjects are at his mercy. But practically, the situation is quite -different. Old counsellors of the king’s father are at hand whose -bidding is obeyed by the clerks and officials; old rich families must -be pandered to; the generals of the troops have a real power that -must be respected; and the priests are an ever present restriction -upon royal authority. Then there are always relatives who aspire to -the throne. Among the large families of Oriental despots it is always -something of a lottery as to which child succeeds to power, and -there are sure to be mothers who feel that their offspring have been -slighted. The familiar stories of the mothers of Solomon and of Cyrus -the Younger illustrate the point. - -“Even the very potent rulers,” says Professor Erman, “were constantly -in dread of their own relatives, as was shown by the protocol of -a trial for high treason. The reign of Ramses III was certainly -brilliant; the country finally at peace, and the priesthood had been -won over by enormous gifts and by temple-building. The aspect of his -reign was as bright as could be. And yet there reigned also under him -the fearful powers that wrecked each of these dynasties, and it was -perhaps due only to a happy chance that he himself escaped. In his own -harem treason rose, headed by a distinguished woman of the name of Thi, -who was undoubtedly of royal blood, if indeed she were not either his -mother or his stepmother. Which prince had been chosen as pretender for -the crown, we do not know (a pseudonym is given in the papyrus), but -we see how far the matter had gone before discovery; twice the women -of the harem wrote to their mothers and brothers, ‘Arouse the people, -and bestir the hostile spirits to begin hostilities against the king.’ -One of the women wrote then to her brother, who commanded the troops -in Ethiopia, and definitely bade him come and fight the king. When one -sees how many high officials shared in the treason or knew of it, one -appreciates the danger overhanging such an oriental kingdom.” - -It will be well to bear this corrective view in mind in considering -the position of the Egyptian king as suggested by the monumental -inscriptions and pictures. But this view does not at all alter the fact -that the people at large were absolutely subservient to the idea of -kingship. Certain individuals might strive to overthrow any particular -monarch, but it was only that they might set up another. The idea of -doing away with monarchy itself never entered their heads. That idea -was born upon European soil, long after the power of ancient Egypt had -departed. - -It is an easy step from monarchs to armies and war methods, although -in Egypt the relationship was not so close and intimate as in the case -of many other nations. We have seen all along that the Egyptians were -not pre-eminently a warlike people, yet, first and last, war entered -very largely into their life history as with every other nation, and -there was one period under the New Kingdom when, as we have seen, -the Egyptians became a conquering people. As the chief monarch of -this epoch, Ramses II was greatly given to recording his own deeds in -monumental fashion, very full data are at hand for interpreting the war -methods of the people during this epoch. There is nothing particularly -unique about these methods. The Egyptian army consisted principally -of militia armed with bows and javelins. The cavalry, consisting of -companies of charioteers, was led by the king himself. Equestrianship -had not yet entered into warfare. In sieges, scaling-ladders and -battering-rams were used. The monuments show us that the soldiers -were drilled to the sound of bugles quite in the modern fashion. In a -word, there was nothing particularly to distinguish the war customs of -the Egyptians of the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties from those of other -nations of their time, and these methods, as we shall have occasion to -see, were not greatly improved upon until about a thousand years later, -when the Macedonian phalanx, as trained by Philip and Alexander along -lines first laid out by the great Theban Epaminondas, introduced a new -element into warfare.[a] - -The king was the representative of the deity, and his royal authority -was directly derived from the gods. He was the head of the religion and -of the state; he was the judge and law-giver; and he commanded the army -and led it to war. It was his right and his office to preside over the -sacrifices, and pour out libations to the gods; and, whenever he was -present, he had the privilege of being the officiating high priest. - -The sceptre was hereditary; but, in the event of a direct heir failing, -the claims for succession were determined by proximity of parentage, -or by right of marriage. The king was always either of the military or -priestly class, and the princes also belonged to one of them. - -The army or the priesthood were the two professions followed by all men -of rank, the navy not being an exclusive service; and the “long ships -of Sesostris” and other kings were commanded by generals and officers -taken from the army, as was the custom of the Turks, and some others -in modern Europe to a very recent time. The law, too, was in the hands -of the priests; so that there were only two professions. Most of the -kings, as might be expected, were of the military class, and during -the glorious days of Egyptian history, the younger princes generally -adopted the same profession. Many held offices also in the royal -household, some of the most honourable of which were fan-bearers on the -right of their father, royal scribes, superintendents of the granaries, -or of the land, and treasurers of the king; and they were generals of -the cavalry, archers, and other corps, or admirals of the fleet. - -Princes were distinguished by a badge hanging from the side of the -head, which inclosed, or represented, the lock of hair emblematic of -a “son”; in imitation of the youthful god “Horus, the son of Isis and -Osiris,” who was held forth as the model for all princes, and the type -of royal virtue. For though the Egyptians shaved the head, and wore -wigs or other coverings to the head, children were permitted to leave -certain locks of hair; and if the sons of kings, long before they -arrived at the age of manhood, had abandoned this youthful custom, -the badge was attached to their head-dress as a mark of their rank as -princes; or to show that they had not, during the lifetime of their -father, arrived at kinghood; on the same principle that a Spanish -prince, of whatever age, continues to be styled an “infant.” - -And it is a curious fact that this ancient people had already adopted -the principle, that the king “could do no wrong”: and while he was -exonerated from blame, every curse and evil were denounced against his -ministers, and those advisers who had given him injurious counsel. The -idea, too, of the king “never dying” was contained in their common -formula of “life having been given him forever.” - -Love and respect were not merely shown to the sovereign during his -lifetime, but were continued to his memory after his death; and the -manner in which his funeral obsequies were celebrated tended to show, -that, though their benefactor was no more, they retained a grateful -sense of his goodness, and admiration for his virtues. - -The Egyptians are said to have been divided into castes, similar to -those of India; but though a marked line of distinction was maintained -between the different ranks of society, they appear rather to have been -classes than castes, and a man did not necessarily follow the precise -occupation of his father. Sons, it is true, usually adopted the same -profession or trade as their parent, and the rank of each depended on -his occupation; but the children of a priest frequently chose the army -for their profession, and those of a military man could belong to the -priesthood. - -The priests and military men held the highest position in the country -after the family of the king, and from them were chosen his ministers -and confidential advisers, “the wise counsellors of Pharaoh,” and all -the principal officers of state. - -The priests consisted of various grades--as the chief priests, or -pontiffs; the prophets; judges; sacred scribes; the sphragistæ, who -examined the victims for sacrifice; the stolistæ, dressers, or keepers -of the sacred robes; the bearers of the shrines, banners, and other -holy emblems; the sacred sculptors, draughtsmen, and masons; the -embalmers; the keepers of sacred animals; and various officers employed -in the processions and other religious ceremonies; under whom were the -beadles, and inferior functionaries of the temple. There was also the -king’s own priest; and the royal scribes were chosen either from the -sacerdotal or the military class. Women were not excluded from certain -offices in the temple; they were priestesses of the gods, of the kings -and queens, and they had many employments connected with religion. - -The long duration of their system, and the feeling with which it was -regarded by the people, may also plead some excuse for it; and while -the function of judges and the administration of the laws gave them -unusual power, they had an apparent claim to those offices, from -having been the framers of the codes of morality, and of the laws they -superintended. Instead of setting themselves above the king, and making -him succumb to their power, like the unprincipled Ethiopian pontiffs, -they acknowledged him as the head of the religion and the state; nor -were they above the law; no one of them, nor even the king himself, -could govern according to his own arbitrary will; his conduct was -amenable to an ordeal of his subjects at his death, the people being -allowed to accuse him of misgovernment, and to prevent his being buried -in his tomb on the day of his funeral. - -But though the regulations of the priesthood may have suited the -Egyptians in early times, certain institutions being adapted to men in -particular states of society, they erred in encouraging a belief in -legends they knew to be untrue, instead of purifying and elevating the -religious views of the people, and committed the fault of considering -their unbending system perfect, and suited to all times. Abuses -therefore crept in; credulity, already shamefully encouraged, increased -to such an extent that it enslaved the mind, and paralysed men’s -reasoning powers; and the result was that the Egyptians gave way to the -grossest superstitions, which at length excited universal ridicule and -contempt. - -Next in rank to the priests were the military. To them was assigned -one of the three portions into which the land of Egypt was divided -by an edict of Sesostris [Ramses II], in order, says Diodorus, “that -those who exposed themselves to danger in the field might be more ready -to undergo the hazards of war, from the interest they felt in the -country as occupiers of the soil; for it would be absurd to commit the -safety of the community to those who possessed nothing which they were -interested in preserving.” Each soldier, whether on duty or no, was -allowed twelve aruræ of land (a little more than eight English acres), -free from all charge; and another important privilege was, that no -soldier could be cast into prison for debt; Bocchoris [Bakenranf] the -framer of this law, considering that it would be dangerous to allow the -civil power the right of arresting those who were the chief defence -of the state. They were instructed from their youth in the duties and -requirements of soldiers, and trained in all the exercises that fitted -them for an active career; and a sort of military school appears to -have been established for the purpose. - -Each man was obliged to provide himself with the necessary arms, -offensive and defensive, and everything requisite for a campaign; and -he was expected to hold himself in readiness for taking the field when -required, or for garrison duty. The principal garrisons were posted -in the fortified towns of Pelusium, Marea, Eileithyia, Heracleopolis, -Syene, Elephantine, and other intermediate places; and a large portion -of the army was frequently called upon, by the warlike monarchs, -to invade a foreign country, or to suppress those rebellions which -occasionally broke out in the conquered provinces. - -The whole military force, consisting of 410,000, was divided into two -corps, the Calasiries and Hermotybies. They furnished a body of men to -do the duty of royal guards, 1000 of each being annually selected for -that purpose; and each soldier had an additional allowance of “five -_minæ_ of bread, with two of beef, and four _arusters_ of wine,” as -daily rations, during the period of his service. - -The Calasiries (_Klashr_) were the most numerous, and amounted to -250,000 men, at the time that Egypt was most populous. They inhabited -the nomes of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennytus, -Athribis, Pharbæthus, Thmuis, Onuphis, Anysis, and the Isle of -Myecphoris, which was opposite Bubastis; and the Hermotybies, who lived -in those of Busiris, Saïs, Chemmis, Papremis, the Isle of Prosopitis, -and the half of Natho, made up the remaining 160,000. It was here -that they abode while retired from military service, and in these -nomes their farms or portions of land were situated, which tended to -encourage habits of industry, and keep up a taste for active employment. - -Besides the native corps they had mercenary troops, who were enrolled -either from the nations in alliance with the Egyptians, or from those -who had been conquered by them. They were divided into regiments, -sometimes disciplined in the same manner as the Egyptians, though -allowed to retain their arms and costume; but they were not on the same -footing as the native troops; they had no land, and merely received -pay, like other hire soldiers. Strabo speaks of them as mercenaries; -and the million of men he mentions must have included these foreign -auxiliaries. When formally enrolled in the army, they were considered a -part of it, and accompanied the victorious legions on their return from -foreign conquest; and they sometimes assisted in performing garrison -duty in Egypt, in the place of those Egyptian troops which were left to -guard the conquered provinces. - -The strength of the army consisted in archers, whose skill contributed -mainly to the success of the Egyptians, as of our own ancestors; and -their importance is shown by the Egyptian “soldier” being represented -as an archer kneeling, often preceded by the word _Klashr_, converted -by Herodotus into _Calasiris_. They fought either on foot or in -chariots, and may therefore be classed under the separate heads of a -mounted and unmounted corps; and they constituted a great part of both -wings. Several bodies of heavy infantry, divided into regiments, each -distinguished by its peculiar arms, formed the centre; and the cavalry -[in the later periods] covered and supported the foot. - - -WEAPONS OF WAR - -The offensive weapons of the Egyptians were the bow, spear, two species -of javelin, sling, a short and straight sword, dagger, knife, falchion -or _ensis falcatus_, axe or hatchet, battle-axe, pole-axe, mace or -club, and the _lisan_--a curved stick similar to that still in use -among the modern Ethiopians. Their defensive arms consisted of a helmet -of metal or a quilted head-piece; a cuirass, or coat of armour, made -of metal plates, or quilted with metal bands, and an ample shield. The -soldier’s chief defence was his shield, which, in length, was equal -to about half his height, and generally double its own breadth. It -was most commonly covered with bull’s hide having the hair outward, -sometimes strengthened by one or more rims of metal, and studded with -nails or metal pins, the inner part being a wooden frame. - -The Egyptian bow was a round piece of wood, from five to five and a -half feet in length, tapering to a point at both ends. Their arrows -varied from twenty-two to thirty-four inches in length; some were of -wood, others of reed; frequently tipped with a metal head; and winged -with three feathers, glued longitudinally, and at equal distances, upon -the other end of the shaft, as on our own arrows. Sometimes, instead of -the metal head, a piece of hard wood was inserted into the reed, which -terminated in a long tapering point. - -The spear, or pike, was of wood, between five and six feet in length, -with a metal head, into which the shaft was inserted and fixed with -nails. The head was of bronze or iron, often very large, and with a -double edge. The javelin, lighter and shorter than the spear, was also -of wood, and similarly armed with a strong two-edged metal head, of -an elongated diamond, or leaf shape, either flat or increasing in -thickness at the centre, and sometimes tapering to a very long point. - -The sling was a thong of leather, or string plaited; broad in the -middle, and having a loop at one end, by which it was fixed upon and -firmly held with the hand; the other extremity terminating in a lash, -which escaped from the finger as the stone was thrown. The Egyptian -sword was straight and short, from two and a half to three feet in -length, having generally a double edge, and tapering to a sharp point. -It was used for cut and thrust. They had also a dagger. - -The axe, or hatchet, was small and simple, seldom exceeding two, or two -and a half feet, in length: it had a single blade, and no instance is -met with of a double axe resembling the _bipennis_ of the Romans. The -blade of the battle-axe was, in form, not unlike the Parthian shield; -a segment of a circle, divided at the back into two smaller segments, -whose three points were fastened to the handle with metal pins. It -was of bronze, and sometimes (as the colour of those in the paintings -shows) of steel; and the length of the handle was equal to, or more -than double that of, the blade. The pole-axe was about three feet in -length, but apparently more difficult to wield than the preceding, -owing to the great weight of a metal ball to which the blade was fixed; -and required, like the mace, a powerful as well as a skilful arm. - -The mace was very similar to the pole-axe, without a blade. It was -of wood, bound with bronze, about two feet and a half in length, and -furnished with an angular piece of metal, projecting from the handle, -which may have been intended as a guard, though in many instances -they represent the hand placed above it, while the blow was given. In -ancient times, when the fate of a battle was frequently decided by -personal valour, the dexterous management of such arms was of great -importance; and a band of resolute veterans, headed by a gallant chief, -spread dismay among the ranks of an enemy. The curved stick, or club -(called _lisan_, “tongue”), was used by heavy and light-armed troops -as well as by archers; and if it does not appear a formidable arm, yet -the experience of modern times bears ample testimony to its efficacy in -close combat. - -The helmet was usually quilted; and though bronze helmets are said to -have been worn by the Egyptians, they generally adopted the former, -which being thick, and well padded, served as an excellent protection -to the head, without the inconvenience of metal in so hot a climate. -Some of them descended to the shoulder, others only a short distance -below the level of the ear, and the summit, terminating in an obtuse -point, was ornamented with two tassels. They were of a green, red, -or black colour; and a longer one, which fitted less closely to the -back of the head, was fringed at the lower edge with a broad border, -and in some instances consisted of two parts, or an upper and under -fold. Another, worn by the spearmen, and many corps of infantry and -charioteers, was also quilted, and descended to the shoulder with -a fringe; but it had no tassels, and, fitting close to the top of -the head, it widened towards the base, the front, which covered the -forehead, being made of a separate piece, attached to the other part. -There is no representation of an Egyptian helmet with a crest, but that -of the Shardana, once enemies and afterwards allies of the Pharaohs, -shows they were used long before the Trojan war. - -The outer surface of the corselet of mail, or coat of scale-armour, -consisted of about eleven horizontal rows of metal plates, well secured -by bronze pins; and at the hollow of the throat a narrower range -of plates was introduced, above which were two more, completing the -collar or covering of the neck. The breadth of each plate or scale was -little more than an inch, eleven or twelve of them sufficing to cover -the front of the body; and the sleeves, which were sometimes so short -as to extend less than halfway to the elbow, consisted of two rows -of similar plates. Many, indeed most, of the corselets were without -collars; in some the sleeves were rather longer, reaching nearly to -the elbow, and they were worn both by heavy infantry and bowmen. The -ordinary corselet may have been little less than two feet and a half -in length; it sometimes covered the thighs nearly to the knee; and in -order to prevent its pressing heavily upon the shoulder, they bound -their girdle over it, and tightened it at the waist. But the thighs, -and that part of the body below the girdle, were usually covered by a -kilt, or other robe, detached from the corselet; and many of the light -and heavy infantry were clad in a quilted vest of the same form as the -coat of armour, for which it was a substitute; and some wore corselets, -reaching only from the waist to the upper part of the breast, and -supported by straps over the shoulder, which were faced with bronze -plates. - -[Illustration: AN EGYPTIAN SOLDIER] - -Heavy-armed troops were furnished with a shield and spear; some with -a shield and mace; and others, though rarely, with a battle-axe, or a -pole-axe, and shield. They also carried a sword, falchion, curved stick -or _lisan_, simple mace, or hatchet; which may be looked upon as their -side-arms. The light troops had nearly the same weapons, but their -defensive armour was lighter; and the slingers and some others fought, -like the archers, without shields. - -The chariot corps constituted a very large and effective portion of -the Egyptian army. Each car contained two persons, like the _diphros_ -(δίφρος) of the Greeks. On some occasions it carried three, the -charioteer or driver and two chiefs; but this was rarely the case, -except in triumphal processions, when two of the princes accompanied -the king in their chariot, bearing the regal sceptre, or the -_flabella_, and required a third person to manage the reins. In the -field each had his own car, with a charioteer; and the insignia of his -office being attached behind him by a broad belt, his hands were free -for the use of the bow and other arms. The driver generally stood on -the off-side, in order to have the whip-hand free; and this interfered -less with the use of the bow than the Greek custom of driving on the -near-side; which last was adopted in Greece as being more convenient -for throwing the spear. When on an excursion for pleasure, or on a -visit to a friend, an Egyptian gentleman mounted alone, and drove -himself, footmen and other attendants running before and behind -the car; and sometimes an archer used his bow and acted as his own -charioteer. - -In the battle scenes of the Egyptian temples, the king is represented -alone in his car, unattended by any charioteer; with the reins fastened -round his body, while engaged in bending his bow against the enemy; -though it is possible that the driver was omitted, in order not to -interfere with the principal figure. The king had always a “second -chariot,” in order to provide against accidents; as Josiah is stated -to have had when defeated by Neku; and the same was in attendance on -state occasions. The cars of the whole chariot corps contained each two -warriors, comrades of equal rank; and the charioteer who accompanied a -chief was a person of confidence, as we see from the familiar manner -in which one of them is represented conversing with a son of the great -Ramses. - -In driving, the Egyptians used a whip, like the heroes and charioteers -of Homer; and this, or a short stick, was generally employed even -for beasts of burden, and for oxen at the plough, in preference to -the goad. The whip consisted of a smooth, round wooden handle, and a -single or double thong: it sometimes had a lash of leather, or string, -about two feet in length, either twisted or plaited; and a loop being -attached to the lower end, the archer was enabled to use the bow, while -it hung suspended from his wrist. - -When a hero encountered a hostile chief, he sometimes dismounted from -his car, and substituting for his bow and quiver the spear, battle-axe, -or falchion, he closed with him hand to hand, like the Greeks and -Trojans described by Homer; and the lifeless body of the foe being left -upon the field, was stripped of its arms by his companions. Sometimes -a wounded adversary, incapable of further resistance, having claimed -and obtained the mercy of the victor, was carried from the field in -his chariot; and the ordinary captives, who laid down their arms and -yielded to the Egyptians, were treated as prisoners of war, and were -sent bound to the rear under an escort, to be presented to the monarch, -and to grace his triumph, after the termination of the conflict. The -hands of the slain were then counted before him; and this return of the -enemy’s killed was duly registered, to commemorate his success, and the -glories of his reign. - -The Egyptian chariots had no seat; but the bottom part consisted of a -frame interlaced with thongs or rope, forming a species of network, in -order, by its elasticity, to render the motion of the carriage without -springs more easy: and this was also provided for by placing the wheels -as far back as possible, and resting much of the weight on the horses, -which supported the pole. That the chariot was of wood is sufficiently -proved by the sculptures, wherever workmen are seen employed in making -it; and the fact of their having more than three thousand years ago -already invented and commonly used a form of pole, only introduced into -our own country in the nineteenth century, is an instance of the truth -of Solomon’s assertion, “there is no new thing under the sun,” and -shows the skill of their workmen at that remote time. - - -BATTLE METHODS - -When an expedition was resolved upon against a foreign nation, each -province furnished its quotum of men. The troops were generally -commanded by the king in person; but in some instances a general was -appointed to that post, and intrusted with the sole conduct of the war. -A place of rendezvous was fixed, in early times generally at Thebes, -Memphis, or Pelusium; and the troops having assembled in the vicinity, -remained encamped there, awaiting the leader of the expedition. As -soon as he arrived, the necessary preparations were made; a sacrifice -was performed to the gods whose assistance was invoked in the -approaching conflict; and orders having been issued for their march, -a signal was given by sound of trumpet; the troops fell in, and with -a profound bow each soldier in the ranks saluted the royal general, -and prepared to follow him to the field. The march then commenced, as -Clemens and the sculptures inform us, to the sound of the drum; the -chariots led the van; and the king, mounted in his car of war, and -attended by his chief officers carrying _flabella_, took his post in -the centre, preceded and followed by bodies of infantry armed with -bows, spears, or other weapons, according to their respective corps. - -On commencing the attack in the open field, a signal was again made -by sound of trumpet. The archers drawn up in line first discharged -a shower of arrows on the enemy’s front, and a considerable mass of -chariots advanced to the charge; the heavy infantry, armed with spears -or clubs, and covered with their shields, moved forward at the same -time in close array, flanked by chariots and cavalry, and pressed -upon the centre and wings of the enemy, the archers still galling the -hostile columns with their arrows, and endeavouring to create disorder -in their ranks. - -Their mode of warfare was not like that of nations in their infancy, -or in a state of barbarism; and it is evident, from the number of -prisoners they took, that they spared the prostrate who asked for -quarter: and the representations of persons slaughtered by the -Egyptians, who have overtaken them, are intended to allude to what -happened in the heat of action, and not to any wanton cruelty on the -part of the victors. Indeed, in the naval fight of Ramses III, the -Egyptians, both in the ships and on the shore, are seen rescuing -the enemy, whose galley has been sunk, from a watery grave; and the -humanity of that people is strongly argued, whose artists deem it a -virtue worthy of being recorded among the glorious actions of their -countrymen. - -Those who sued for mercy and laid down their arms, were spared and -sent bound from the field; and the hands of the slain being cut off, -and placed in heaps before the king, immediately after the action, -were counted by the military secretaries in his presence, who thus -ascertained and reported to him the account of the enemy’s slain. -Sometimes their tongues, and occasionally other members, were laid -before him in the same manner; in all instances being intended as -authentic returns of the loss of the foe: for which the soldiers -received a proportionate reward, divided among the whole army, the -capture of prisoners probably claiming a higher premium, exclusively -enjoyed by the captor. - -The arms, horses, chariots, and booty, taken in the field or in camp, -were also collected, and the same officers wrote an account of them, -and presented it to the monarch. The booty was sometimes collected -in an open space, surrounded by a temporary wall, indicated in the -sculptures by the representation of shields placed erect, with a wicker -gate, on the inner and outer face of which a strong guard was posted, -the sentries walking to and fro with drawn swords. It was forbidden to -the Spartan soldier, when on guard, to have his shield, in order that, -being deprived of this defence, he might be more cautious not to fall -asleep; and the same appears to have been a custom of the Egyptians, -as the watch here on duty at the camp-gates are only armed with swords -and maces, though belonging to the heavy-armed corps, who, on other -occasions, were in the habit of carrying a shield. - -A system of regular fortification was adopted in the earliest times. -The form of the fortresses was quadrangular; the walls of crude brick -fifteen feet thick, and often fifty feet high, with square towers -at intervals along each face. But though some were kept up after the -accession of the XVIIIth Dynasty, the practice of fortifying towns -seems to have been discontinued, and fortresses or walled towns were -not then used, except on the edge of the desert, and on the frontiers -where large garrisons were required. To supply their place, the temples -were provided with lofty pyramidal stone towers, which, projecting -beyond the walls, enabled the besieged to command and rake them, while -the parapet-wall over the gateway shielded the soldiers who defended -the entrance; and the whole plan of an outer wall of circumvallation -was carried out by the large crude brick enclosure of the _temenos_, -within which the temple stood. Each temple was thus a detached fort, -and was thought as sufficient a protection for itself and for the town -as a continuous wall, which required a large garrison to defend it; and -neither Thebes nor Memphis, the two capitals, were walled cities. - -[Illustration: AN EGYPTIAN BOWMAN] - -The field encampment was either a square, or a parallelogram, with a -principal entrance in one of the faces; and near the centre were the -general’s tent, and those of the principal officers. The general’s -tent was sometimes surrounded by a double rampart or fosse, enclosing -two distinct areas, the outer one containing three tents, probably -of the next in command, or of the officers on the staff; and the -guards slept or watched in the open air. Other tents were pitched -outside these enclosures; and near the external circuit, a space was -set apart for feeding horses and beasts of burden, and another for -ranging the chariots and baggage. It was near the general’s tent, and -within the same area, that the altars of the gods, or whatever related -to religious matters, the standards, and the military chest, were -kept; and the sacred emblems were deposited beneath a canopy, with an -enclosure similar to that of the general’s tent. - -In attacking a fortified town, they advanced under cover of the arrows -of the bowmen; and either instantly applied the scaling-ladder to -the ramparts, or undertook the routine of a regular siege: in which -case, having advanced to the walls, they posted themselves under -cover of testudos, and shook and dislodged the stones of the parapet -with a species of battering-ram, directed and impelled by a body of -men expressly chosen for this service: but when the place held out -against these attacks, and neither a _coup de main_, the ladder, nor -the ram, was found to succeed, they used the testudo for concealing -and protecting the sappers, while they mined the place; and certainly, -of all people, the Egyptians were the most likely to have recourse to -this stratagem of war, from the great practice they had in underground -excavations, and in directing shafts through the solid rock.[b] - - -SOCIAL CUSTOMS - -The subject of manners and customs of the Egyptians has had a -peculiar fascination for almost all students of Egyptian history. It -is difficult to get away from the feeling that there is something -mysterious and occult about Egyptian life, and thousands of people have -gazed with mingled admiration and awe upon the monumental remains of -this people without caring in the least for the strange-sounding names -of the monarchs or for the details of their political history. - -From the time of the explorations of the French under Napoleon, -which led to the monumental publication edited by Champollion[c] -and his associates, some inklings of the Egyptian life passed into -common knowledge. Additional light was thrown upon the subject by the -publication of the elaborate “Denkmäler” of Lepsius.[h] But the first -full exposition of the social conditions of ancient Egypt was due to -the investigations of Wilkinson, who devoted the best years of his life -to the subject, and whose publications are still standard authority. -Wilkinson’s elaborate investigation of the monuments and his astute -inferences drawn from what he saw enabled him to produce a picture of -Egyptian life which the work of more recent investigators has seldom -supplanted as to essentials. - -Of the more recent Egyptologists few have failed to show an interest -in this phase of Egyptian history. Birch,[i] Maspero,[m] Mariette,[n] -Chabas,[f] Budge,[g] Petrie,[o] Renouf[d]--all have dealt with various -phases of Egyptian life. Amelia B. Edwards[e] popularised the knowledge -of the specialists in widely read publications, and Georg Ebers,[k] -himself a specialist of the highest standing, gave even wider currency -to the most interesting phases of the subject through the medium of -his novels. In recent years the field that Wilkinson made his own -has been invaded with great success by Professor Adolf Erman of the -Berlin University, the worthy successor of Lepsius. Professor Erman -has profited by the widest and most critical studies of the Egyptian -writings, and through this means he has been enabled to supplement the -work of Wilkinson in certain important directions, notably in reference -to questions of judicial procedure and the details of governmental -administration--subjects into which, unfortunately, a lack of space -does not permit us to enter fully here. In his work, _Aegypten und -Aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, Professor Erman has summarised the -sources to which the Egyptologist must go for information as to the -life of this people. The writings of the Hebrews, he tells us, have -come down to us so much re-edited in later times that they must be -accepted with caution as representing Egyptian life of an early period. - -The writings of the Greeks, chief among whom in this field is -Herodotus, are important as to certain features of the later Egyptian -life. Such things as a tourist sees who, “ignorant of the language, -travels for a few months in a foreign country,” Herodotus tells us; -but very naturally he is unable to supply us with adequate or reliable -information regarding those earlier periods of Egyptian history, which -have chief interest now because they represent the Egyptian in his time -of might and prosperity. - -For what we can hope to learn of these earlier times we must turn to -the Egyptian monuments themselves. These monumental remains are of four -types, namely: - -(1) The inscriptions on temple walls and on monuments. - -(2) The royal tombs. - -(3) Inscribed papyri representing the literature of the country, and - -(4) Papyri of another class representing letters, deeds, and other -business documents. - -As to the inscriptions, which form numerically so large a proportion -of the Egyptian mementos, and which, naturally enough, were first -attractive to the investigator, it may be said that as a whole they -are most disappointing since their “inscriptions and representations -refer almost solely to the worship of the gods, to sacrifices and -processions, or they give us bombastic hymns to the gods, or they may -perhaps contain the information that such and such a king built this -sanctuary of eternal stones for his father the god, who rewarded him -for this pious act by granting him a life of millions of years. If, as -an exception, we find an inscription telling us of the warlike feats -of a ruler, these are related in such official style and stereotyped -formula, that little can be gained towards the knowledge of Egyptian -life.” - -The tombs are much more satisfactory for the present purpose since they -contain representations of events in the home life of the deceased, and -also various implements, utensils, and trinkets such as he might have -used while living. But, unfortunately, it is only the early period of -Egyptian life that is depicted in this manner. Moreover, the relics -found in the tombs are sometimes misleading, since it apparently became -the custom to supply articles ready made for this purpose, rather than -to utilise objects of actual utility such as the deceased might really -have employed while living. - -The papyri which represent the literary remains of ancient Egypt are -much less illuminative than might be expected; the greater number -of them are magical or religious in character, the most conspicuous -example being the _Book of the Dead_, numberless recensions of which -are extant in whole or in part. These supply valuable glimpses of the -moral nature of the Egyptians and are of high value to the student -of religion and philosophy, but they naturally tell us little of the -everyday life of the people. - -Of the secular manuscripts the chief portion are school books, intended -to incite youthful students at once to virtue and to knowledge, -quite after the manner of the modern books, particularly of the last -generation. These also fail to give more than incidental glimpses into -the real life of the people. As to the value for this purpose of the -romances which make up so important a part of the literary remains of -the Egyptians, scarcely more can be said. They are romances in the -modern acceptance of the term. No school of realists had come to urge -the writer to go to contemporary nature for his models; hence, as Erman -aptly says, the country described in these writings “is not Egypt, but -Fairyland.” - -It is always surprising in studying the literature of a past time, to -note the facility with which the details of everyday life are omitted. -Such a writer as Herodotus tells many interesting things about the -manners and customs of Babylonians, Egyptians, Persians, Scythians -even, but he scarcely tells us a word except inferentially, or by way -of pointing a contrast, of the everyday life of his own people, the -Greeks themselves. Similarly the Egyptian writers, had they visited -Greece, would doubtless have had much to say of the strange customs of -that “barbaric people”; but it never occurs to them to enter into any -details as to the everyday life of their own race. - -The reason for this is sufficiently obvious. One writes chiefly for -a contemporary audience, and it would be tedious and absurd to fill -one’s pages with details regarding things that constitute part of the -most elementary knowledge of every reader. What Greek would have cared -to listen to Herodotus, had he chosen to fill his pages with prosy -dissertations upon the way in which his hearers and readers built their -houses, attired themselves, ate their meals, and pursued their everyday -vocations? Every line of such a disquisition would have been filled -with fascinating interest for posterity, but posterity was but little -in the mind of the writer himself. It is precisely the same with the -writings of to-day. - -If one will consider in this light the first novel that comes to -hand, he will be astonished to note how much is taken for granted, -and how little even the most realistic story would tell to a person -utterly ignorant of our manners and customs about the precise details -of our everyday life. Even the newspapers, which seem to thresh out -the veriest chaff of life, are mostly guiltless of specific reference -to any of those everyday commonplaces, the lack of which in ancient -writings fills us with such regret. It is not surprising then, though -none the less to be deplored, that the relatively abundant stores of -Egyptian literature give after all only an incomplete and imperfect -picture of the manners and customs of the people. - -To the remaining source of information--the papyri inscribed with -letters and business documents--the investigator is able to turn with -greater confidence. Here we see the people no longer posing consciously -for inspection, but acting their real life and expressing their true -sentiments. Just as the modern biographer feels that he is giving the -most intimate insight into the character of his subject when he quotes -from his personal letters, so these letters and allied documents of -the old Egyptians give us perhaps the clearest insight obtainable into -the true character of the people, and it is those who have studied -these documents most closely who have been most strongly impressed with -the similarity between the true characteristics of ancient and modern -peoples. What, for example, could seem more modern than the account of -the police investigation into the alleged robbery of the tombs of the -kings at Memphis, which was held in the time of Ramses IX, of the XXth -Dynasty, about the year 1100 B.C.? - -Professor Erman’s account, transcribed from the papyri, telling of -this investigation, reads for all the world like the police columns of -a modern newspaper. It appears that bands of thieves, tempted by the -rich spoils always buried with ancient kings, had attempted to force -their way into various pyramids where the bodies of these monarchs -reposed, and that in some cases they had been successful. Rumours of -this sacrilege coming to the attention of the governor of the city, the -investigation in question was set on foot, and the divergent opinions -expressed by the various authorities, the bickerings and jealousies -that are evidenced, and the net result in a verdict which leaves -us somewhat in doubt as to the real facts of the case,--all these -features have an aspect of modernity that is positively startling. -As an interesting sequel to this investigation it may be added that -the police were finally obliged to admit themselves no match for the -thieves, and that the authorities, despairing of being able to protect -the tombs of their ancestors, resorted finally to the strange expedient -of removing the royal effigies to a secret cave in the distant -mountain of Deir-el-Bahari. In this cave were placed the mummies of a -distinguished line of monarchs, including Amenhotep I, Tehutimes II, -Tehutimes III, and Seti I, and lastly the great Ramses II himself. - -The humiliating step was taken so secretly, and the hiding-place -was so carefully guarded from the knowledge of all but a few, that -apparently when these died the secret died with them. At any rate, the -resting-place of the greatest sovereigns of Egypt was quite unknown -for about three thousand years, and it was revealed by accident in -our own time. In the year 1881, as described in a preceding section, -the authorities entered the crypt which a company of fellahs had -discovered about ten years before, but the knowledge of which they had -kept secret. Perhaps only once before in the history of archæological -discovery had so startling a find been made, or one that aroused -such enthusiastic interest in the minds both of specialists and of -the general public as when these effigies of the great monarchs were -dragged from their tomb. It is only the recent dead to whom sacredness -attaches, and the archæologist has no scruples about making a museum -exhibit of forms that had once ruled a great people, and which their -immediate successors had reverenced as gods. - -It will appear from this brief analysis that the remains of Egyptian -writings give us in many ways an insight into the life of the people, -but that nevertheless our knowledge of that life is much more -restricted than could be wished. After the last line of extant writing -has been scrutinised and analysed, it still remains true that the chief -source of our information regarding the manners and customs of the -Egyptians is not to be found in written words but in graphic pictures. -Just as the illustrations of a modern magazine would tell posterity, if -preserved, far more about our everyday life, than could be gleaned from -the pages of text which they supplement, so the delineations of which -the Egyptians were so fond, perform a like service. It was chiefly -through study of these that Wilkinson was able to reconstruct the life -of the people, and it is still to these that the modern investigator -must turn. - -[Illustration: EGYPTIAN FIGURES - -(From the Monuments)] - -The manuscripts give us important hints and suggestions, and throw here -and there a ray of light into some dark corner, but the chief story is -told, not by hieroglyphic or hieratic scrolls, but by actual pictures. -These, as has been said, show us the people for a limited period, -pursuing the ordinary vocations of life. They show us that the Egyptian -gave heed to much the same manner of things that interest the modern. -With the aid of these pictures we are able to go with the Egyptian, not -merely into the fields and vineyards where he labours, but also into -the private dwellings, where we may attend him as he feasts, plays upon -musical instruments, dances, and indulges in various sports and games. - -We shall be forced to believe that he was very human; very like -ourselves in his aspirations and desires, even in his method of their -attempted realisation; and yet so strangely do the archaic forms of -those delineations impress themselves upon the mind, that we shall -never quite free ourselves of the impression that here we have to do -with the beings of another and very different world. - -Something of mystery, something of the occult, clings to the Egyptian, -however we may try to dispel the illusion. This power the residents of -contemporary Egypt had over the old Greek, and this power they still -retain. They work a spell upon the mind of whoever contemplates them, -which no reasoning can quite exorcise. We know and we believe that -these were ordinary mortals like ourselves; and yet, in spite of this -knowledge, we _feel_ that there was something quite different about -them. And this superstitious feeling perhaps lies at the foundation -of the mysterious charm that the Egyptians have exercised upon all -succeeding generations.[a] - - -THE EGYPTIANS AS SEEN BY HERODOTUS - -How the classical world regarded the Egyptians is made clear to us -through the pages of Herodotus, who speaks as an eye-witness. It is the -Egyptians of the later epoch of whom he speaks, to be sure; but his -comments would probably apply with little change to the customs of much -earlier periods. - -Those Egyptians who live in the cultivated parts of the country, are -of all whom I have seen the most ingenious, being attentive to the -improvement of the memory beyond the rest of mankind. To give some -idea of their mode of life: for three days successively in every month -they use purges, vomits, and clysters; this they do out of attention -to their health, being persuaded that the diseases of the body are -occasioned by the different elements received as food. Besides this, -we may venture to assert, that after the Africans there is no people -in health and constitution to be compared with the Egyptians. To this -advantage the climate, which is here subject to no variation, may -essentially contribute: changes of all kinds, and those in particular -of the seasons, promote and occasion the maladies of the body. To their -bread, which they make with spelt, they give the name of cyllestis; -they have no vines in the country, but they drink a liquor fermented -from barley; they live principally upon fish, either salted or dried in -the sun; they eat also quails, ducks, and some smaller birds, without -other preparation than first salting them; but they roast and boil -such other birds and fishes as they have, excepting those which are -preserved for sacred purposes. - -At the entertainments of the rich, just as the company is about to rise -from the repast, a small coffin is carried round, containing a perfect -representation of a dead body: it is in size sometimes of one but never -of more than two cubits, and as it is shown to the guests in rotation, -the bearer exclaims, “Cast your eyes on this figure, after death you -yourself will resemble it; drink then, and be happy.” Such are the -customs they observe at entertainments. - -They contentedly adhere to the customs of their ancestors, and -are averse to foreign manners. Among other things which claim our -approbation, they have a song, which is also used in Phœnicia, Cyprus, -and other places, where it is differently named. Of all the things -which astonished me in Egypt, nothing more perplexed me than my -curiosity to know whence the Egyptians learned this song, so entirely -resembling the Linus of the Greeks: it is of the remotest antiquity -among them, and they call it Maneros. They have a tradition that -Maneros was the only son of their first monarch; and that having -prematurely died, they instituted these melancholy strains in his -honour, constituting their first, and in earlier times, their only song. - -The Egyptians surpass all the Greeks, the Lacedæmonians excepted, in -the reverence which they pay to age: if a young person meet his senior, -he instantly aside to make way for him; if a senior enter an apartment, -the youth always rise from their seats; this ceremony is observed by -no other of the Greeks. When the Egyptians meet they do not speak, but -make a profound reverence, bowing with the hand down to the knee. - -Their habit, which they call calasiris, is made of linen, and fringed -at the bottom; over this they throw a kind of shawl made of white wool, -but in these vests of wool they are forbidden by their religion either -to be buried or to enter any sacred edifice; this is a peculiarity of -those ceremonies which are called Orphic and Pythagorean: whoever has -been initiated in these mysteries can never be interred in a vest of -wool, for which a sacred reason is assigned. - -Of the Egyptians it is further memorable that they first imagined what -month or day was to be consecrated to each deity; they also, from -observing the days of nativity, venture to predict the particular -circumstances of a man’s life and death: this is done by the poets -of Greece, but the Egyptians have certainly discovered more things -that are wonderful than all the rest of mankind. Whenever any prodigy -occurs, they commit the particulars to writing and mark the events -which follow it: if they afterward observe any similar incident, they -conclude that the result will be similar also. The art of divination -in Egypt is confined to certain of their deities. There are in this -country oracles of Hercules, of Apollo, of Minerva and Diana, of -Mars, and of Jupiter; but the oracle of Latona at Buto is held in -greater estimation than any of the rest: the oracular communication is -regulated by no fixed system, but is differently obtained in different -places. - -[Illustration: HEAD-RESTS FOR THE DEAD - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -The art of medicine in Egypt is thus exercised: one physician is -confined to one disease; there are of course a great number who -practise this art; some attend to disorders of the eyes; others to -those of the head; some take care of the teeth, others are conversant -with all diseases of the bowels; whilst many attend to the cure of -maladies which are less conspicuous. - -With respect to their funerals and ceremonies of mourning; whenever -a man of any importance dies, the females of his family, disfiguring -their heads and faces with dirt, leave the corpse in the house and -run publicly about, accompanied by their female relations, with their -garments in disorder, their breasts exposed, and beating themselves -severely: the men on their parts do the same, after which the body is -carried to the embalmers. - -If an Egyptian or a foreigner be found, either destroyed by a crocodile -or drowned in the water, the city nearest which the body is discovered, -is obliged to embalm and pay it every respectful attention, and -afterward deposit it in some consecrated place: no friend or relation -is suffered to interfere; the whole process is conducted by the priests -of the Nile, who bury it themselves with a respect to which a lifeless -corpse would hardly seem entitled. - -To the customs of Greece they express aversion, and, to say the truth, -to those of all other nations. This remark applies, with only one -exception, to every part of Egypt. Chemmis is a place of considerable -note in the Thebaid, it is near Neapolis, and remarkable for a temple -of Perseus the son of Danæ. This temple is of a square figure, and -surrounded with palm trees. The vestibule, which is very spacious, -is constructed of stone, and on the summit are placed two large -marble statues. Within the consecrated enclosure stand the shrine and -statue of Perseus, who, as the inhabitants affirm, often appears in -the country and the temple. They sometimes find one of his sandals, -which are of the length of two cubits, and whenever this happens, -fertility reigns throughout Egypt. Public games, after the manner of -the Greeks, are celebrated in his honour. Upon this occasion they have -every variety of gymnastic exercise. The rewards of the conquerors are -cattle, vests, and skins. I was once induced to inquire why Perseus -made his appearance to them alone, and why they were distinguished -from the rest of Egypt by the celebration of gymnastic exercises. They -informed me in return, that Perseus was a native of their country, as -were also Danaus and Lynceus, who made a voyage into Greece, and from -whom, in regular succession, they related that Perseus was descended. -This hero visited Egypt for the purpose, as the Greeks also affirm, of -carrying from Africa the Gorgon’s head. Happening to come among them, -he saw and was known to his relations. The name of Chemmis he had -previously known from his mother, and he himself instituted the games -which they continued to celebrate. - -These which I have described are the manners of those Egyptians who -live in the higher parts of the country. They who inhabit the marshy -grounds differ in no material instance. - -Like the Greeks, they confine themselves to one wife. To procure -themselves the means of sustenance more easily, they make use of the -following expedient: when the waters have risen to their extremest -height, and all their fields are overflowed, there appears above the -surface an immense quantity of plants of the lily species, which the -Egyptians call the lotus: having cut down these, they dry them in -the sun. The seed of the flower, which resembles that of the poppy, -they bake and make into a kind of bread; they also eat the root of -this plant, which is round, of an agreeable flavour, and about the -size of an apple. There is a second species of the lotus, which grows -in the Nile, and which is not unlike a rose. The fruit, which grows -from the bottom of the root, is like a wasp’s nest: it is found to -contain a number of kernels of the size of an olive-stone, which are -very grateful, either fresh or dried. Of the byblus, which is an -annual plant, after taking it from a marshy place, where it grows, -they cut off the tops, and apply them to various uses. They eat or -sell what remains, which is nearly a cubit in length. To make this a -still greater delicacy, there are many who previously roast it. With a -considerable part of this people fish constitutes the principal article -of food; they dry it in the sun, and eat it without other preparation. - -The inhabitants in the marshy grounds make use of an oil, which they -term the kiki, expressed from the Sillicyprian plant. In Greece this -plant springs spontaneously without any cultivation, but the Egyptians -sow it on the banks of the river, and of the canals; it there produces -fruit in great abundance, but of a very strong odour: when gathered, -they obtain from it, either by friction or pressure, an unctuous -liquid, which diffuses an offensive smell, but for burning it is equal -in quality to the oil of olives. - -The Egyptians are provided with a remedy against gnats, of which there -are a surprising number. As the wind will not suffer these insects to -rise far from the ground, the inhabitants of the higher part of the -country usually sleep in turrets. They who live in the marshy grounds -use this substitute: each person has a net, with which they fish by -day, and which they render useful by night. They cover their beds with -their nets, and sleep securely beneath them. If they slept in their -common habits, or under linen, the gnats would not fail to torment -them, which they do not even attempt through a net. - -[Illustration: FOWLERS CATCHING GEESE; AND POULTERERS - -(Wilkinson)] - -Their vessels of burden are constructed of a species of thorn, which -resembles the lotos of Cyrene, and which distils a gum. From this thorn -they cut planks, about two cubits square: after disposing these in -the form of bricks, and securing them strongly together, they place -from side to side benches for the rowers. They do not use timber -artificially carved, but bend the planks together with the bark of the -byblus made into ropes. They have one rudder, which goes through the -keel of the vessel; their mast is made of the same thorn, and the sails -are formed from the byblus. These vessels are haled along by land, for -unless the wind be very favourable they can make no way against the -stream. When they go with the current, they throw from the head of the -vessel a hurdle made of tamarisk, fastened together with reeds; they -have also a perforated stone of the weight of two talents; this is let -fall at the stern, secured by a rope. The name of this kind of bark -is baris, which the above hurdle, impelled by the tide, draws swiftly -along. The stone at the stern regulates its motion. They have immense -numbers of these vessels, and some of them of the burden of many -thousand talents. - -During the inundation of the Nile, the cities only are left -conspicuous, appearing above the waters like the islands of the Ægean -Sea. As long as the flood continues, vessels do not confine themselves -to the channel of the river, but traverse the fields and the plains. -They who then go from Naucratis to Memphis, pass by the pyramids; this, -however, is not the usual course, which lies through the point of the -Delta, and the city of Cercasorus. If from the sea and the town of -Canopus, the traveller desires to go by the plains to Naucratis, he -must pass by Anthilla and Archandros. - -Of these places Anthilla is the most considerable: whoever may be -sovereign of Egypt, it is assigned perpetually as part of the revenues -of the queen, and appropriated to the particular purpose of providing -her with sandals; this has been observed ever since Egypt was tributary -to Persia. I should suppose that the other city derives its name from -Archander, the son of Pthius, son-in-law of Danaus, and grandson of -Achæus. There may probably have been some other Archander, for the name -is certainly not Egyptian.[j] - -[Illustration: PERSONS COMING TO BE REGISTERED - -(Wilkinson)] - -So much for the customs of the Egyptians as Herodotus saw them. -Abandoning now the contemporary point of view, let us seek a modern -interpretation. - - -HOMES OF THE PEOPLE - -Of the various institutions of the ancient Egyptians, says the greatest -interpreter of Egyptian customs, none are more interesting than those -which relate to their social life; and when we consider the condition -of other countries in the early ages when they flourished, from the -tenth to the twentieth century before our era, we may look with respect -on the advancement they had then made in civilisation, and acknowledge -the benefits they conferred upon mankind during their career. For, -like other people, they have had their part in the great scheme of the -world’s development, and their share of usefulness in the destined -progress of the human race; for countries, like individuals, have -certain qualities given them, which, differing from those of their -predecessors and contemporaries, are intended in due season to perform -their requisite duties. The interest felt in the Egyptians is from -their having led the way, or having been the first people we know of -who made any great progress, in the arts and manners of civilisation; -which, for the period when they lived, was very creditable, and far -beyond that of other kingdoms of the world. Nor can we fail to remark -the difference between them and their Asiatic rivals, the Assyrians, -who, even at a much later period, had the great defects of Asiatic -cruelty--flaying alive, impaling, and torturing their prisoners; as the -Persians, Turks, and other Orientals have done to the present century; -the reproach of which cannot be extended to the ancient Egyptians. -Being the dominant race of that age, they necessarily had an influence -on others with whom they came in contact; and it is by these means -that civilisation is advanced through its various stages; each people -striving to improve on the lessons derived from a neighbour whose -institutions they appreciate, or consider beneficial to themselves. -It was thus that the active mind of the talented Greeks sought and -improved on the lessons derived from other countries, especially from -Egypt; and though the latter, at the late period of the seventh century -B.C., had lost its greatness and the prestige of superiority among the -nations of the world, it was still the seat of learning and the resort -of studious philosophers; and the abuses consequent on the fall of an -empire had not yet brought about the demoralisation of after times. - -In the treatment of women they seem to have been very far advanced -beyond other wealthy communities of the same era, having usages very -similar to those of modern Europe; and such was the respect shown to -women that precedence was given to them over men, and the wives and -daughters of kings succeeded to the throne like the male branches of -the royal family. Nor was this privilege rescinded, even though it -had more than once entailed upon them the troubles of a contested -succession: foreign kings often having claimed a right to the throne -through marriage with an Egyptian princess. It was not a mere -influence that they possessed, which women often acquire in the most -arbitrary Eastern communities; nor a political importance accorded to -a particular individual, like that of the Sultana Valideh, the Queen -Mother, at Constantinople; it was a right acknowledged by law, both in -private and public life. - -As in all warm climates, the poorer classes of Egyptians lived much -in the open air; and the houses of the rich were constructed to be -cool throughout the summer; currents of refreshing air being made to -circulate freely through them by the judicious arrangement of the -passages and courts. - -[Illustration: ANCIENT EGYPTIAN COMBS - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -The houses were built of crude brick, stuccoed and painted with all the -combination of bright colour, in which the Egyptians delighted; and a -highly decorated mansion had numerous courts, and architectural details -derived from the temples. Poor people were satisfied with very simple -tenements; their wants being easily supplied, both as to lodging and -food; and their house consisted of four walls, with a flat roof of palm -branches laid across a split date tree as a beam, and covered with mats -plastered over with a thick coating of mud. It had one door, and a few -small windows closed by wooden shutters. As it scarcely ever rained, -the mud roof was not washed into the sitting-room; and this cottage -rather answered as a shelter from the sun, and as a closet for their -goods, than for the ordinary purpose of a house in other countries. -Indeed, at night the owners slept on the roof, during the greater part -of the year; and as most of their work was done out of doors, they -might easily be persuaded that a house was far less necessary for them -than a tomb. - -In their plans the houses of towns, like the villas in the country, -varied according to the caprice of the builders. The ground plan, in -some of the former, consisted of a number of chambers on three sides -of a court, which was often planted with trees. Others consisted of -two rows of rooms on either side of a long passage, with an entrance -court from the street; and others were laid out in chambers round a -central area, similar to the Roman _impluvium_, and paved with stone, -or containing a few trees, a tank, or a fountain, in its centre. -Sometimes, though rarely, a flight of steps led to the front door from -the street. - -Houses of small size were often connected together, and formed the -continuous sides of streets; and a courtyard was common to several -dwellings. Others of a humbler kind consisted merely of rooms opening -on a narrow passage, or directly on the street. These had only a -basement story, or ground floor; and few houses exceeded two stories -above it. They mostly consisted of one upper floor; and though Diodorus -speaks of the lofty houses in Thebes four and five stories high, -the paintings show that few had three, and the largest seldom four, -including as he does the basement story.[b] - -[Illustration: SERVANT PRESENTING A LOTUS FLOWER TO A GUEST] - - - - -[Illustration: CAT MUMMIES - -(Now in the British Museum)] - - - - -CHAPTER X. THE EGYPTIAN RELIGION - - This country is so thickly peopled with divinities that it is - easier to find a god than a man.--PETRONIUS. - - -Few things are so hard to understand as the religion of an alien race. -Indeed, we have but too many illustrations before us constantly that -even among the same people, and where ideas are based upon the same -authorities, a great divergence of opinion is possible. It is little -to be expected, then, that any people should fully understand the -religious faith of another people. To add to the difficulty, all the -great religions are of Oriental origin and date from a pre-scientific -era. Now the essential characteristic both of Oriental and of -non-scientific thinking is its vagueness. The Arabic historian, even -of the present day, loves to indulge in absurd flights of rhetoric. -He sprinkles his pages with grotesque metaphors; he uses the most -hyperbolic exaggerations; nor is he particular to avoid the most -glaring contradictions; and over it all he throws the veil of hazy -mysticism. - -If this be true of the Oriental style of composition when applied to -staid matter-of-fact recitals, certainly one could expect nothing -more definite when the theme is religion. It is no matter for -surprise, then, that the sacred books of all great religions are -couched in phraseology well calculated to befog the mind of any one -who approaches them in any other spirit than that of preconceived -faith. This applies no more and no less to the Egyptian than to all -other Oriental religions. On the other hand, the data supplied us for -the interpretation of the Egyptian faith are far more abundant than -are accessible in the case of most other of the great religions of -antiquity. - -Despite the confusion and vagueness and seeming contradiction that -pertain to the Egyptian records, it is probably true that a reasonably -correct idea may be formed, at least in general terms, of the evolution -and development, no less than of the final status, of the faith which -was dominant with the people of the Nile for at least three thousand -years. Certainly at least a rough outline of the development of that -faith is accessible, and it is the more worthy of presentation because -it may be taken at the same time as illustrative of the probable -evolution of the faith of other peoples. - -The most obvious and striking fact that appeals to the investigator of -the Egyptian religion is that enormous numbers of gods hold sway: Ra, -Horus, Osiris, Isis, Tmu, Amen, Set,--the list extends itself almost -endlessly. Moreover, there is no little confusion as to the precise -status of the various gods thus named. To casual inspection it would -seem as if the Egyptian of the later time had no very clear idea -himself as to how many gods were really included in the hierarchy, or -as to the precise identity of the more important ones. And, indeed, -such was probably the fact. - -The only rational explanation of this confusion appears to be the -alleged fact that in an early prehistoric day the various communities -of Egypt, not yet consolidated under a single government, had each -its own special deity. This local deity, presiding jealously over the -interests of its own people, came naturally to have greater or less -importance in proportion to the growth or decay of the community over -which it presided. Moreover, there must have been a constant tendency, -through a shifting of portions of the population from one community to -another, to confuse the attributes of the various gods even from the -earliest time; since the person who removed from one village to another -could not well be expected quite to forget the local god who had -formerly been the chief object of his worship. Then as one community -or another became dominant after the government was centralised, -there must have been a tendency in successive ages to emphasise the -importance of one local god or another. - -Thus it is clear that in the time of the New Kingdom, when Thebes -became the capital and chief centre of the empire, Amen, the local god -of Thebes, came to assume an importance hitherto denied him. At last -it was even customary to identify Amen with Ra, the greatest god of -all, or king of the gods, and the compound name, Amen-Ra, came into -use. Various other names were compounded through a similar confusion of -attributes, chiefly perhaps through the natural tendency to identify -one’s local god with a god of more widely recognised authority. A -moment’s reflection makes it clear that the tendency of all this was -towards the recognition of a most important central god, who, to a -certain extent, ruled over and controlled the hierarchy of the lesser -deities. But indeed, it seems clear that from the earliest times -the existence of such a supremely powerful god had been everywhere -recognised. - -It may be doubted even whether it is possible for any religion worthy -of the name to fail of an analysis leading to this result. The human -mind naturally reaches back from effect to cause, and while it cannot -quite clearly grasp the idea of an ultimate single cause, yet neither -can it escape the analysis that leads to that idea. - -In this view it might be contended that the Egyptian religion, and -indeed, every other religion, is monotheistic; certainly its trend -was towards monotheism, and certainly this conception best accords -with the natural cast of the Oriental mind. It is natural to attempt -to visualise, in the spiritual world, a state of things not widely -different from the conditions of the actual world, and a people who -had no higher conception of the body politic than the thought of an -autocracy presided over by a single supreme monarch, would have been -strangely untrue to their psychological prejudices had they failed to -conceive a like state of things existing in the hierarchy of the gods. - -Side by side with this tendency towards monotheism, however, exists -always the counter tendency towards a multiplication of deities. The -founding of a new city or colony would imply, sooner or later, the -creation of a god to preside over the new community. If at first an old -god were transplanted for the purpose, local jealousy would be sure -to demand a deity whose sole interests in the local community could -be expected. Again, the deification of kings and perhaps the other -departed notables must of necessity lead to a perpetual enhancement of -the list of gods. But this multiplicity of minor deities must not be -supposed to be necessarily antagonistic to the essential monotheistic -idea in the case of the Egyptian, any more than the multiplication of -saints affects the status of the Christian religion. - -Over and above all other gods, from first to last, there seems always -to have been a conception of Ra, the Uncreated, the autocrat of the -heavens. Horus the sun-god, who fought each day in the interest -of mankind against the malicious demon Set, or Sutekh, and who was -overcome each night only to revive again and renew the combat with each -succeeding morning, was a god of great and widely recognised power. -Yet it appears that he was not quite identified, as has sometimes been -supposed, with the supreme god Ra. To the latter attached a certain -intangibility, a certain vagueness inconsistent with the obvious visual -reality of the sun-god, or with the being of any other god whose -qualities could be explicitly defined. In the very nature of the case -the conception of Ra was vague. He represented the last analysis of -thought, from which the mind recoils dazed and acknowledging itself -baffled. - -While we can hardly doubt that this must have been the status of the -supreme god Ra in the minds of the most philosophical thinkers of -Egypt, yet it is no less certain that there was a constant tendency to -associate the qualities of various other gods with the qualities of -the supreme deity; in other words, to elevate a lesser deity to the -kingship of the gods, somewhat as an important subject might now and -again be elevated to the earthly kingship. - -The most tangible effort in this direction was made late in the -XVIIIth Dynasty by Amenhotep IV, who came afterwards to be known as -Khun-aten, “the splendour of the sun-disk,” and whom later generations -characterised as the heretic king. This monarch strove to subordinate, -if not indeed to eliminate, all the hosts of minor gods by instituting -the kingship of the sun-god alone as the supreme, perhaps as the only, -deity. The effort was not successful, and the reaction that followed -left the old religion more firmly fixed than ever, in its previous -beliefs and observances. None the less, the attempt has great historic -interest, partly because it shows that the idea of essential monotheism -underlying a superficial plurality of gods was current in Egypt, and -even attained official recognition at just about the time of the -Egyptian captivity of the Children of Israel. It is aside from the -present purpose to inquire to what extent the ideas of the latter may -have been influenced by this strong current of Egyptian thought. - -It has just been said that the reaction against the sun-worship heresy -left the old faith more firmly established than before. Never again -was a prominent and conspicuous effort made to depart from the ancient -faith. Whatever details of variation may have been introduced, the -religion as a whole remained unchanged throughout the remaining course -of Egyptian history. But this fixity again, far from being peculiar to -the Egyptians, is but the history of every great theological system. -The very fulcrum of such a system is the reliance upon the authority -of the past. The abiding support of a traditional faith is that -conservatism which lies at the foundation of all civilisation, and -indeed, paradoxical though it seems, of all progress. The conservative, -his eye fixed on the past, plants himself firmly in the path of -progress, crying “Halt!” to every innovation. Yet during the time of a -nation’s vitality this attempted damming up of the stream of progress -results in, at most, a temporary stasis, since now and again the -stress of new ideas suffices to burst the bonds. But there may come a -time when the vitality of a nation is sapped, and when the power of -conservatism may avail against all progressive movements. - -Such a time came in Egypt at just about the era when the nations of -Persia and of Greece were preparing to take hand in the world combat, -and from that time on traditional theology, as represented by the -priestcraft, was dominant in Egypt, and the once potent civilisation -of the Nile Valley ceased to hold its own. The records that outside -nations have given us of Egyptian conditions date solely from this -later period, and must therefore always be taken with certain -reservations. Nevertheless, as regards the more tangible things which -they describe, they perhaps are not greatly different from what they -would have been if written a thousand years earlier. They tell us -of great pyramids that were the tombs of kings, of strange customs -of mummifying the dead, and of the worship of animals, so crass in -character as to be almost inconceivable to the modern mind. The -pyramids, to be sure, dated from an ancient epoch; moreover, they -still stand, defiant of time, to testify to the truth of the Greek -recitals. The mummies have been preserved in countless numbers, and -if animal worship died out with the incoming of a new religion after -the Macedonian invasion, there is no reason to doubt the substantial -accuracy, as regards mere externals, of the accounts of it which the -Greeks preserve to us. - -We shall do well, then, to turn to the pages of Herodotus and Diodorus -for a description of the external observances practised by the -Egyptians, remembering always that this is the testimony of alien, -even though sympathetic, witnesses, but scarcely doubting that it -is testimony at least as unprejudiced as any that a modern would-be -interpreter can draw from the monumental records. - -The aggregate impression which one gathers, from even a casual -consideration of the subject, is that the religion of the Egyptians, -despite its very striking peculiarities of external observances, -differed singularly little from the other great religions in its -essentials. It was polytheistic, but with an underlying conception -of monotheism. Its chief observances implied an abiding faith in the -immortality of the soul. Its fundamental teachings were essentially -moral according to the best light of the time. And if, as viewed by an -outsider, it seemed to develop a grotesque ritual and a jumble of vague -theistic conceptions, in these regards, also, it can hardly claim to be -unique among Oriental religions.[a] - - -RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS AND OFFERINGS - -Herodotus gives an interesting description of certain religious -observances as practised in his day. He says: - -The priests of the gods, who in other places wear their hair long, in -Egypt wear it short. It is elsewhere customary, in cases of death, for -those who are most nearly related, to cut off their hair in testimony -of sorrow; but the Egyptians, who at other times have their heads -closely shorn, suffer the hair on this occasion to grow. Other nations -will not suffer animals to approach the place of their repast; but -in Egypt they live promiscuously with the people. Wheat and barley -are common articles of food in other countries; but in Egypt they are -thought mean and disgraceful; the diet here consists principally of -spelt, a kind of corn which some call zea. Their dough they knead with -their feet; whilst in the removal of mud and dung, they do not scruple -to use their hands. Male children, except in those places which have -borrowed the custom from hence, are left in other nations as nature -formed them; in Egypt they are circumcised. The men have two vests, -the women only one. In opposition to the customs of other nations, the -Egyptians fix the ropes to their sails on the inside. The Greeks, when -they write or reckon with counters, go from the left to the right, -the Egyptians from right to left; notwithstanding which they persist -in affirming that the Greeks write to the left, but they themselves -always to the right. They have two sorts of letters, one of which is -appropriated to sacred subjects, the other used on common occasions -[the hieroglyphic and hieratic characters]. - -Their veneration of their deities is superstitious to an extreme: -one of their customs is to drink out of brazen goblets, which it is -the universal practice among them to cleanse every day. They are so -regardful of neatness, that they wear only linen, and that always newly -washed; and it is from the idea of cleanliness, which they regard much -beyond comeliness, that they use circumcision. Their priests every -third day shave every part of their bodies, to prevent vermin or any -species of impurity from adhering to those who are engaged in the -service of the gods: the priesthood is also confined to one particular -mode of dress; they have one vest of linen and their shoes are made -of the byblus [papyrus]; they wash themselves in cold water twice in -the course of the day, and as often in the night; it would indeed be -difficult to enumerate their religious ceremonies, all of which they -practise with superstitious exactness. The sacred ministers possess -in return many and great advantages: they are not obliged to consume -any part of their domestic property; each has a portion of the sacred -viands ready dressed, assigned him, besides a large and daily allowance -of beef and of geese; they have also wine, but are not permitted to -feed on fish. - -Beans are sown in no part of Egypt, neither will the inhabitants -eat them, either boiled or raw; the priests will not even look at -this pulse, esteeming it exceedingly unclean. Every god has several -attendant priests, and one of superior dignity, who presides over the -rest; when any one dies he is succeeded by his son. - -They esteem bulls as sacred to Epaphus, which previously to sacrifice, -are thus carefully examined: if they can but discover a single black -hair in his body, he is deemed impure; for this purpose a priest is -particularly appointed, who examines the animal as it stands, and as -reclined on its back: its tongue is also drawn out, and he observes -whether it be free from those blemishes which are specified in their -sacred books, and of which I shall speak hereafter. The tail also -undergoes examination, every hair of which must grow in its natural -and proper form: if in all these instances the bull appears to be -unblemished, the priest fastens the byblus round his horns; he then -applies a preparation of earth, which receives the impression of his -seal, and the animal is led away; this seal is of so great importance, -that to sacrifice a beast which has it not, is deemed a capital offence. - -I proceed to describe their mode of sacrifice: Having led the animal -destined and marked for the purpose, to the altar, they kindle a fire; -a libation of wine is poured upon the altar; the god is solemnly -invoked, and the victim then is killed; they afterwards cut off his -head, and take the skin from the carcass; upon the head they heap many -imprecations: such as have a market-place at hand carry it there, and -sell it to the Grecian traders; if they have not this opportunity, -they throw it into the river. They devote the head, by wishing that -whatever evil menaces those who sacrifice, or Egypt in general, it -may fall upon that head.[11] This ceremony respecting the head of the -animal, and this mode of pouring a libation of wine upon the altar, is -indiscriminately observed by all the Egyptians: in consequence of the -above, no Egyptian will on any account eat of the head of a beast. As -to the examination of the victims, and their ceremony of burning them, -they have different methods, as their different occasions of sacrifice -require. - -Of that goddess whom they esteem the first of their deities, and in -whose honour their greatest festival is celebrated, I shall now make -more particular mention. After the previous ceremony of prayers, -they sacrifice an ox; they then strip off the skin, and take out the -intestines, leaving the fat and the paunch; they afterwards cut off -the legs, the shoulders, the neck, and the extremities of the loin; -the rest of the body is stuffed with fine bread, honey, raisins, figs, -frankincense, and various aromatics; after this process they burn it, -pouring upon the flame a large quantity of oil: whilst the victim is -burning, the spectators flagellate themselves, having fasted before -the ceremony; the whole is completed by their feasting on the residue -of the sacrifice. All the Egyptians sacrifice bulls without blemish, -and calves; the females are sacred to Isis, and may not be used for -this purpose. This divinity is represented under the form of a woman, -and, as the Greeks paint Io, with horns upon her head; for this reason -the Egyptians venerate cows far beyond all other cattle. Neither will -any man or woman among them kiss a Grecian, nor use a knife, or spit, -or any domestic utensil belonging to a Greek, nor will they eat even -the flesh of such beasts as by their law are pure, if it has been cut -with a Grecian knife. If any of these cattle die, they thus dispose of -their carcasses: the females are thrown into the river, the males they -bury in the vicinity of the city, and by way of mark, one and sometimes -both of the horns are left projecting from the ground: they remain -thus a stated time, and till they begin to putrefy, when a vessel -appointed for this particular purpose is dispatched from Prosopitis, -an island of the Delta, nine schæni in extent, and containing several -cities. Atarbechis, one of these cities, in which is a temple of -Venus, provides the vessels for this purpose, which are sent to the -different parts of Egypt: these collect and transport the bones of the -animals, which are all buried in one appointed place. This law and -custom extends to whatever cattle may happen to die, as the Egyptians -themselves put none to death. - -Those who worship in the temple of the Theban Jupiter, or belong to the -district of Thebes, abstain from sheep, and sacrifice goats. The same -deities receive in Egypt different forms of worship; the ceremonies of -Isis and of Osiris, who they say is no other than the Grecian Bacchus, -are alone unvaried; in the temple of Mendes, and in the whole Mendesian -district, goats are preserved and sheep sacrificed. The veneration of -the Mendesians for these animals, and for the males in particular, is -equally great and universal: this is also extended to goat-herds. There -is one he-goat more particularly honoured than the rest, whose death -is seriously lamented by the whole district of the Mendesians. In the -Egyptian language the word Mendes is used in common for Pan and for a -goat. - -The Egyptians regard the hog as an unclean animal, and if they casually -touch one they immediately plunge themselves, clothes and all, into the -water. This prejudice operates to the exclusion of all swine-herds, -although natives of Egypt, from the temples: with people of this -description, a connection by marriage is studiously avoided, and they -are reduced to the necessity of intermarrying among those of their own -profession. The only deities to whom the Egyptians offer swine, are -Bacchus and Luna; to these they sacrifice them when the moon is at the -full, after which they eat the flesh. Why they offer swine at this -particular time, and at no other, the Egyptians have a tradition among -themselves, which delicacy forbids me to explain. The following is the -mode in which they sacrifice this animal to Luna: as soon as it is -killed, they cut off the extremity of the tail, which, with the spleen -and the fat, they enclose in the caul, and burn; upon the remainder, -which at any other time they would disdain, they feast at the full -moon, when the sacrifice is performed. They who are poor make figures -of swine with meal, which having first baked, they offer on the altar. - -On the day of the feast of Bacchus, at the hour of supper, every -person, before the door of his house, offers a hog in sacrifice. The -swine-herd of whom they purchased it, is afterwards at liberty to take -it away. Except this sacrifice of the swine, the Egyptians celebrate -the feast of Bacchus in the same manner as the Greeks.[b] - - -GIFTS AND RICHES OF TEMPLES - -There are certain very practical features of the administration of the -temples which Herodotus quite overlooked, but which have come to light -through the efforts of modern scholarship. Some of these are admirably -pointed out by Professor Erman: - -Not the least of the circumstances which lent the priesthood of the New -Kingdom that power which finally triumphed over royalty itself, was -their wealth. For this they were indebted to gifts, and, indeed, so far -as we can see, chiefly to gifts from the kings; it is only now and then -that we find a private person making an endowment. From the earliest -times all the rulers are busy in this fatal direction (some, like the -pious kings of the Vth dynasty, were more so than others); even under -the old kingdom many temples had attained such prosperity that they -even possessed military forces of their own. - -The golden age for the temples began with the Asiatic campaigns of -the XVIIIth Dynasty. An approximate idea of the gifts which Tehutimes -III made to Amen may be obtained from the remains of an inscription -at Karnak; fields and gardens of the choicest of the South and North, -landed property on high ground, with sweet trees growing on it, milch -cows, and bullocks, and quantities of gold, silver, and lapis lazuli; -then captive Asiatics and negroes,--there were at least 878 souls--men, -women, and children,--who had to fill the god’s granaries, spin and -weave, and till his fields for him. Finally he settled upon Amen three -of the towns conquered by him, En-heugsa, Yenu-amu, and Hurenkhara, -which had to pay an annual tribute to the god. Since almost every -sovereign of the New Kingdom boasts in nearly the same words of having -exhibited his piety in a practical fashion, one is first inclined to -take this constant self-glorification of the Pharaohs, as so much in -the Egyptian text has to be taken, for a conventional empty phrase. -But in that case, our doubt would go too far, since at least some of -the kings did make to the temples gifts which surpass all that might -be considered probable. The lucky chance which has preserved for us -the great Harris papyrus places us in a position to bring forward the -evidence of figures. King Ramses III left behind after his death a -comprehensive manifesto, in which he enumerates in detail all that -he had done for the sanctuaries of his country during the thirty-one -years of his reign. The numbers of these lists are evidently taken -from the accounts of the state and of the different temples, and are -consequently deserving of credit. - -This great record, which fills a papyrus roll 1333 feet long, with -seventy-nine pages of a large size, is divided into five sections, -according to the recipients of the gifts. The first contains the gifts -to the Theban temples, then follows the gifts to Heliopolis, those to -Memphis, and those to the smaller sanctuaries of the country; finally, -the fifth section contains the total of all the donations. - -Taking together the similar items amongst the donations, tributes, -and sacrificial offerings, we have then the chief items of the sum -of the income of the Egyptian temples during one and thirty years, -somewhat as follows: about 1 ton (1015 kg. 336. g.) of gold; about 3 -tons (2993 kg. 964 g.) silver and the value of silver; 940 kg. 3 g. of -black bronze; about 13 tons (13,059 kg. 865 g.) bronze; about 14 lbs. -(7 kg. 124 g.) precious stones; 1,093,803 pieces of valuable stone; -169 towns, 1,071,780 plots of arable land; 514 vineyards and orchards; -178 ships; 133,433 slaves; 514,968 head of cattle (especially oxen); -680,714 geese; 494,800 fish; 2,382,605 fruits: 5,740,352 sacks of corn; -6,744,428 loaves of bread; 256,460 jars of wine; 466,303 jars of beer; -368,461 jars of incense, honey, oil, etc., 1,933,766 items. - -In order to give the reader some idea of the large sums here dealt -with, I may remark that even in our own time, when the value of the -metals has so greatly decreased, the quantity of precious metals in -question would be worth about four million marks (about $1,000,000, -or £200,000). And it must not be forgotten that on those same six or -seven millions of Egyptians who, in addition to the state taxes, had -to produce these treasures “_ad majorem dei gloriam_,” there devolved -at the same time the building of the temples of Medinet Habu, Karnak, -Tel-el-Tehudeh, and others. Truly the forces of the little country were -unduly strained for the unproductive purposes of worship. - -But what made these conditions so completely unsound was the -disproportionate division of the treasure expended. If the many temples -of the country had participated equally in these gifts, no one of them -would have attained to an extreme height of power and wealth. But, -probably on political grounds, which we can now no longer determine, -Ramses III favoured one temple in the most partial manner, and that the -very one to which his predecessors had already conferred the richest -endowments. This was the sanctuary of the Theban Amen, which carried -off the lion’s share of all the gifts of the generous sovereign. - -Thus, for example, of the total 113,433 slaves which Ramses gave away, -no fewer than 86,486 fell to Amen; of the 493,386 head of cattle, -421,362; of the 1,071,780 divisions of land, 898,168; of the 514 -vineyards, 433; and so on: the 2756 gold and silver images of the -gods were destined exclusively for him, and so were the nine foreign -towns; it must even here be regarded as an exceptionally mean gift, -when he received only 56 of the 160 Egyptian towns. On the whole, -it will scarcely be wrong to assume that of the total of the gifts, -three-fourths found their way into Amen’s treasuries; of the 86,486 -slaves, the god Khonsu and the goddess Mut received in all only 3908. - -Since, then, the earlier sovereigns of the New Kingdom had also -laboured to fill the treasury of their favourite god Amen, this god -ended by possessing resources, beside which those of all the other gods -shrank to nothing, and again it is the document of Ramses III which -enables us to estimate it in figures. - -If we compare these figures with one another, we cannot doubt that -under the XXth Dynasty the Amen of Thebes possessed at least five times -as much property as the sun-god of Heliopolis, and ten times (if not -far more) as much as Ptah of Memphis. And yet these latter were the -two gods who had formerly been the most distinguished, and certainly -also the richest, in the whole country. The enormous magnitude of -temple property like this, of course, demanded a much more complicated -machinery for its administration than had been required for the modest -possessions of the ancient sanctuaries. Even one of the larger temples -of the middle kingdom could have its treasure, its granaries, and -its affairs of writing carried on by certain members of its priestly -college, for the labours which they entailed could be executed side by -side; beyond the inferior servants there had been scarcely any regular -officials in these temples. It is quite otherwise in the New Kingdom; -the priests can no longer manage the administration unaided, and call -in a host of officials to help. This is true of all the temples, but, -of course, especially so of that of the Theban Amen. This god possessed -a general administration of the house, _i.e._ the temple furniture; -he has special departments for the treasure, for the lands, for the -barns, for the oxen, and for the peasants, and every one of these -departments has its overseer of princely rank, and its scribe. There -is also a superior chief scribe for Amen, who keeps the roll of the -sanctuary’s possessions. And since in a great temple of the New Kingdom -the erection of new buildings and the works of restoration are never -interrupted, he has also his own administration of construction, to -which _all_ works are subordinated; of course, provision is also made -for the required number of labourers and craftsmen of all kinds, from -the painter down to the stone-mason. To secure order in the temple and -on the estates, the god keeps his own military forces with superior -and inferior officers, and since amongst his dependents very secular -proceedings often take place, he has also his own prison. Of the large -staff of subordinate officials, who must have existed in such an -administration, we, of course, know very little, as this class keeps -out of sight. Still such people as the overseer of the sacrificial -storehouses, doorkeepers of every description, and barbers have left us -monuments, and must consequently have enjoyed a certain prosperity. - -What we have here stated respecting the temple administration would -be of still greater interest if we knew the mutual relations of all -these offices, and how it came to pass that we find, now these, now -those, united in the same hands. That the high priest arrogated to -himself, at least nominally, now one, now another, especially important -office, is comprehensible enough; but it remains unexplained how, for -instance, the management of the constructions can be at one time handed -over as a secondary function to the chief scribe, and another time -to the superintendent of barns, the more since the former presided -in addition over the god’s bulls, and the latter has the treasury -under his protection, and “seals all contracts in Amen’s temple.” It -is, moreover, a characteristic circumstance that these high temple -officials are frequently also state functionaries; the gradual -transformation of the old kingdom into the priestly state of the XXIst -Dynasty, which is ruled by the high priests of Amen, already distinctly -reveals itself in such dual officers. Still, the kingly power did not -submit to the spiritual without resistance, and it may be that both the -reformation of Khun-aten and the disturbances at the end of the XIXth -Dynasty, when no sacrifices were brought into the temples, were in good -part called forth by the effort to oppose a barrier to the individual -and increasing power of the Amen priesthood. It must be owned that the -latter issued from both trials stronger than ever.[c] - -The opulence of the Egyptian temples is the more amazing for being -lavished upon mere beasts. This animal-worship deeply impressed -classical authors. The account of Diodorus is particularly full and -vivid. - - -DIODORUS ON ANIMAL WORSHIP - -The Adoration and Worshipping of Beasts among the Egyptians seems -justly to many a most strange and unaccountable thing, and worthy -Enquiry; for they worship some Creatures even above measure, when they -are dead as well as when they are living; as Cats, Ichneumons, Dogs, -Kites, the Bird Ibis, Wolves and Crocodiles, and many other such like. -The Cause of which I shall endeavour to give, having first premis’d -something briefly concerning them. And first of all, they dedicate -a piece of Land to every kind of Creature they adore, assigning the -Profits for feeding and taking care of them. To some of these Deities -the Egyptians give Thanks for recovering their Children from Sickness, -as by shaving their Heads, and weighing the Hair, with the like Weight -of Gold or Silver, and then giving that Mony to them that have the Care -of the Beasts. To the Kites, while they are flying they cry out with -a loud Voice, and throw pieces of Flesh for them upon the Ground till -such time as they take it. To the Cats and Ichneumons they give Bread -soakt in Milk, stroaking and making much of them, or feed them with -pieces of Fish taken in the River Nile. In the same manner they provide -for the other Beasts Food according to their several kinds. - -They are so far from not paying this Homage to their Creatures, or -being asham’d of them, that on the contrary they glory in them, as in -the highest Adoration of the Gods, and carry about special Marks and -Ensigns of Honour for them through City and Country; upon which Account -those that have the Care of the Beasts (being seen afar off) are -honour’d and worshipp’d by all by falling down upon their Knees. When -any one of them dye they wrap it in fine Linen, and with Howling beat -upon their Breasts, and so carry it forth to be salted, and then after -they have anointed it with the Oyl of Cedar and other things, which -both give the Body a fragrant Smell and preserve it a long time from -Putrefaction, they bury it in a secret place. He that wilfully kills -any of these Beasts, is to suffer Death; but if any kill a Cat or the -Bird Ibis, whether wilfully or otherwise, he’s certainly drag’d away to -Death by the Multitude, and sometimes most cruelly without any formal -Tryal or Judgment of Law. For fear of this, if any by chance find any -of these Creatures dead, they stand aloof, and with lamentable Cries -and Protestations tell every body that they found it dead. - -And such is the religious Veneration imprest upon the Hearts of Men -towards these Creatures, and so obstinately is every one bent to adore -and worship them, that even at the time when the Romans were about -making a League with Ptolemy, and all the People made it their great -Business to caress and shew all Civility and Kindness imaginable to -them that came out of Italy, and through Fear strove all they could -that no Occasion might in the least be given to disoblige them or be -the Cause of a War, yet it so happ’ned that upon a Cat being kill’d -by a Roman, the People in a Tumult ran to his Lodging, and neither -the Princes sent by the King to dissuade them, nor the Fear of the -Romans could deliver the Person from the Rage of the People, tho’ he -did it against his Will; and this I relate not by Hear-say, but was -myself an Eye-witness of it at the time of my Travels into Egypt. If -these things seem incredible and like to Fables, those that we shall -hereafter relate will look more strange. For it’s reported, that at a -time when there was a Famine in Egypt, many were driven to that strait, -that by turns they fed one upon another; but not a Man was accused to -have in the least tasted of any of these sacred Creatures. Nay, if a -Dog be found dead in a House, the whole Family shave their Bodies all -over, and make great Lamentation; and that which is most wonderful, -is, That if any Wine, Bread or any other Victuals be in the House where -any of these Creatures die, it’s a part of their Superstition, not to -make use of any of them for any purpose whatsoever. And when they have -been abroad in the Wars in foreign Countries, they have with great -Lamentation brought with them dead Cats and Kites into Egypt, when in -the mean time they have been ready to starve for want of Provision. - -Moreover what Acts of Religious Worship they perform’d towards Apis in -Memphis, Mnevis in Heliopolis, the Goat in Mendes, the Crocodile in the -Lake of Mœris, and the Lyon kept in Leontopolis, and many other such -like, is easie to describe, but very difficult to believe, except a -Man saw it. For these Creatures are kept and fed in consecrated Ground -inclos’d, and many great Men provide Food for them at great Cost and -Charge; for they constantly give them fine Wheat-Flower, Frumenty, -Sweet-meats of all sorts made up with Honey, and Geese sometimes -rosted, and sometimes boyl’d; and for such as fed upon raw Flesh, they -provide Birds. To say no more, they are excessive in their Costs and -Charges in feeding of these Creatures; and forbear not to wash them in -hot Baths, to anoint them with the most precious Unguents, and perfume -them with the sweetest Odours. They provide likewise for them most -rich Beds to lye upon, with decent Furniture, and are extraordinary -careful about their generating one with another, according to the Law -of Nature. They breed up for every one of the Males (according to their -Kinds) the most beautiful She-mate, and call them their Concubines or -Sweet-hearts, and are at great Costs in looking to them. - -When any of them dye, they are as much concern’d as at the Deaths of -their own Children, and lay out in Burying of them as much as all -their Goods are worth, and far more. For when Apis through Old Age -dy’d at Memphis after the Death of Alexander, and in the Reign of -Ptolemy Lagus, his Keeper not only spent all that vast Provision he -had made, in burying of him, but borrow’d of Ptolemy Fifty Talents of -Silver for the same purpose. And in our time some of the Keepers of -these Creatures have lavisht away no less than a Hundred Talents in -the maintaining of them. To this may be further added, what is in use -among them concerning the sacred Ox, which they call Apis. After the -splendid Funeral of Apis is over, those Priests that have the Charge -of the Business, seek out another Calf, as like the former as possibly -they can find; and when they have found one, an end is put to all -further Mourning and Lamentation; and such Priests as are appointed for -that purpose, lead the young Ox [or Bull] through the City of Nile, -and feed him Forty Days. Then they put him into a Barge, wherein is a -Golden Cabbin, and so transport him as a God to Memphis, and place him -in Vulcan’s Grove. During the Forty Days before mention’d, none but -Women are admitted to see him, who being plac’d full in his view, pluck -up their Coats. After, they are forbad to come into Sight of this New -God. For the Adoration of this Ox, they give this Reason. They say that -the Soul of Osiris pass’d into an Ox; and therefore whenever the Ox is -Dedicated, to this very Day the Spirit of Osiris is infus’d into one Ox -after another to Posterity. But some say, that the Members of Osiris -(who was kill’d by Typhon) were thrown by Isis into an Ox made of Wood, -cover’d with Ox-Hides, and from thence the City Busiris was so call’d. -Many other things they fabulously report of Apis, which would be too -tedious particularly to relate. But in as much as all that relate to -this Adoration of Beasts are wonderful and indeed incredible, it’s very -difficult to find out the true Causes and Grounds of this Superstition. - -We have before related, that the Priests have a private and secret -account of these things in the History of the Gods; but the Common -People give these Three Reasons for what they do. The First of which is -altogether Fabulous, and agrees with the old Dotage: For they say, that -the First Gods were so very few, and Men so many above them in number, -and so wicked and impious, that they were too weak for them, and -therefore transform’d themselves into Beasts, and by that means avoided -their Assaults and Cruelty. But afterwards they say that the Kings and -Princes of the Earth (in gratitude to them that were the first Authors -of their well-being) directed how carefully those Creatures whose -shapes they had assum’d should be fed while they were alive, and how -they were to be Buried when they were dead. - -Another Reason they give is this: The antient Egyptians, they say, -being often defeated by the Neighbouring Nations, by reason of the -disorder and confusion that was among them in drawing up of their -Battalions, found out at last the way of Carrying Standards or Ensigns -before their Several Regiments; and therefore they painted the Images -of these Beasts, which now they adore, and fixt ’em at the end of a -Spear, which the Officers carry’d before them, and by this means every -Man perfectly knew the Regiment he belong’d unto; and being that by -the Observation of this good Order and Discipline, they were often -Victorious, they ascrib’d their Deliverance to these Creatures; and to -make to them a grateful Return, it was ordain’d for a Law, that none -of these Creatures, whose Representations were formerly thus carry’d, -should be kill’d, but religiously and carefully ador’d, as is before -related. - -The Third Reason alledg’d by them, is the Profit and Advantage these -Creatures bring to the common support and maintenance of Humane Life. -For the Cow is both serviceable to the Plow, and for breeding others -for the same use. The Sheep yeans twice a Year, and yields Wool for -Cloathing and Ornament, and of her Milk and Cream are made large and -pleasant Cheeses. The Dog is useful both for the Guard of the House, -and the pleasure of Hunting in the Field, and therefore their God whom -they call Anubis, they represent with a Dog’s Head, signifying thereby -that a Dog was the Guard both to Osiris and Isis. Others say, that -when they fought for Osiris, Dogs guided Isis, and by their barking -and yelling (as kind and faithful Associates with the Inquisitors) -drove away the wild Beasts, and diverted others that were in their way; -and therefore in celebrating the Feast of Isis, Dogs lead the way in -the Procession. Those that first instituted this Custom, signifying -thereby the ancient kindness and good Service of this Creature. The Cat -likewise is very serviceable against the Venemous Stings of Serpents, -and the deadly Bite of the Asp. - -The Ichneumon secretly watches where the Crocodile lays her Eggs, and -breaks them in pieces, and that he does with a great deal of eagerness, -by natural instinct, without any necessity for his own support; and if -this Creature were not thus serviceable, Crocodiles would abound to -that degree, that there were no Sailing in Nile: Yea, the Crocodiles -themselves are destroy’d by this Creature in a wonderful and incredible -manner. For the Ichneumon rouls himself in the Mud, and then observing -the Crocodile sleeping upon the Bank of the River with his Mouth wide -open, suddenly whips down through his Throat into his very Bowels, and -presently gnaws his way through his Belly, and so escapes himself, with -the Death of his Enemy. - -Among the Birds, the Ibis is serviceable for the destroying of Snakes, -Locusts and the Palmer Worm. The Kite is an Enemy to the Scorpions, -horn’d Serpents, and other little Creatures, that both bite and sting -Men to Death. Others say, that this Bird is Deify’d, because the Augurs -make use of the swift flight of these Birds in their Divinations. -Others say, that in ancient Time, a Book bound about with a Scarlet -Thred (wherein were written all the Rites and Customs of Worshipping of -the Gods) was carry’d by a Kite, and brought to the Priests at Thebes: -For which Reason the Sacred Scribes wore a red Cap with a Kite’s -Feather in it. The Thebans worship the Eagle, because she seems to be a -Royal Bird, and to deserve the Adoration due to Jupiter himself. They -say, the Goat was accounted amongst the number of the Gods as Priapus -is honour’d among the Grecians: For this Creature is exceeding Lustful, -and therefore is to be highly honour’d. By this Representation they -would signify their Gratitude to the Gods, for the Populousness of -their Country. - -The Sacred Bulls Apis and Mnevis (they say) they honour as Gods by the -Command of Osiris, both for their Usefulness in Husbandry, and likewise -to keep up an honourable and lasting Memory of those that first found -out Bread-corn and other Fruits of the Earth. But however, it’s lawful -to sacrifice red Oxen, because Typhon seem’d to be of that Colour, who -treacherously murder’d Osiris, and was himself put to Death by Isis for -the Murther of her Husband. They report likewise, that anciently Men -that had red Hair, like Typhon, were sacrifis’d by the Kings at the -Sepulcher of Osiris. And indeed, there are very few Egyptians that are -red, but many that are Strangers: And hence arose the Fable of Busiris -his Cruelty towards Strangers amongst the Greeks, not that there ever -was any King call’d Busiris; but Osiris his Sepulcher was so call’d -in the Egyptian Language. They say they pay divine Honour to Wolves, -because they come so near in their Nature to Dogs, for they are very -little different, and mutually ingender and bring forth Whelps. - -They give likewise another reason for their Adoration, but most -fabulous of all other; for they say, that when Isis and her Son Orus -were ready to joyn Battle with Typhon, Osiris came up from the Shades -below in the form of a Wolf, and assisted them, and therefore when -Typhon was kill’d the Conquerors commanded that Beast to be worshipp’d, -because the Day was won presently upon his Appearing. Some affirm, -that at the time of the Irruption of the Ethiopians into Egypt, a -great Number of Wolves flockt together, and drove the invading Enemy -beyond the City Elaphantina, and therefore that Province is call’d -Lycopolitana; and for these Reasons came these Beasts before mention’d, -to be thus ador’d and worshipped. - -Now it remains, that we speak of Deifying the Crocodile, of which many -have inquir’d what might be the Reason; being that these Beasts devour -Men, and yet are ador’d as Gods, who in the mean time are pernicious -Instruments of many cruel Accidents. To this they answer, that their -Country is not only defended by the River, but much more by the -Crocodiles; and therefore the Theeves out of Arabia and Africa being -affraid of the great number of these Creatures, dare not pass over the -River Nile, which protection they should be depriv’d of, if the Beasts -should be fallen upon, and utterly destroy’d by the Hunters. - -But there’s another Account given of these Things: For one of the -Ancient Kings, called Menes, being set upon and pursu’d by his own -Dogs, was forc’d into the Lake of Mœris, where a Crocodile (a Wonder -to be told) took him up and carri’d him over to the other side, where -in Gratitude to the Beast he built a City, and call’d it Crocodile; -and commanded Crocodiles to be Ador’d as Gods, and Dedicated the Lake -to them for a place to Feed and Breed in. Where he built a Sepulcher -for himself with a foursquare Pyramid, and a Labyrinth greatly admir’d -by every Body. In the same manner they relate Stories of other Things, -which would be too tedious here to recite. For some conceive it to -be very clear and evident (by several of them not Eating many of the -Fruits of the Earth) that Gain and Profit by sparing has infected them -with this Superstition: for some never Taste Lentils, nor other Beans; -and some never eat either Cheese or Onions or such like Food, although -Egypt abounds with these Things. Thereby signifying that all should -learn to be temperate; and whatsoever any feed upon, they should not -give themselves to Gluttony. But others give another Reason; for they -say that in the Time of the Ancient Kings, the People being Prone to -Sedition, and Plotting to Rebel, one of their wise and prudent Princes -divided Egypt into several Parts, and appointed the Worship of some -Beast or other in every Part, or forbad some sort of Food, that by that -means everyone Adoring their own Creature, and slighting that which was -worshipped in another Province, the Egyptians might never agree among -themselves. - -But some give this Reason for Deifying of these Creatures: They say, -that in the beginning, Men that were of a fierce and beastly Nature -herded together and devoured one another; and being in perpetual War -and Discord, the stronger always destroy’d the weaker. In process of -time, those that were too weak for the other (taught at length by -Experience) got in Bodies together, and had the Representation of those -Beasts (which they afterwards worshipped) in their Standards, to which -they ran together when they were in a Fright, upon every occasion, -and so make up a considerable Force against them that attempted to -assault them. This was imitated by the rest, and so the whole Multitude -got into a Body; and hence it was that that Creature, which everyone -suppos’d was the cause of his Safety, was honour’d as a God, as justly -deserving that Adoration. And therefore at this day the People of Egypt -differ in their Religion, everyone Worshipping that Beast which their -Ancestors did in the beginning.[d] - - -A MODERN ACCOUNT OF THE WORSHIP OF APIS, THE SACRED BULL - -Among the ceremonies connected with Osiris, the fête of Apis holds a -conspicuous place. - -For Osiris was also worshipped under the form of Apis, the Sacred Bull -of Memphis, or as a human figure with a bull’s head, accompanied by -the name “Apis-Osiris.” According to Plutarch, “Apis was a fair and -beautiful image of the Soul of Osiris;” and the same author tells -us that “Mnevis, the Sacred Ox of Heliopolis, was also dedicated to -Osiris, and honoured by the Egyptians with a reverence next to that -paid to Apis, whose sire some pretend him to be.” This agrees with -the statement of Diodorus, who says, Apis and Mnevis were both sacred -to Osiris, and worshipped as gods throughout the whole of Egypt; and -Plutarch suggests that, from these well-known presentations of Osiris, -the people of Elis and Argos derived the idea of Bacchus with an ox’s -head; Bacchus being reputed to be the same as Osiris. Herodotus, in -describing him, says, “Apis, also called Epaphus, is a young bull, -whose mother can have no other offspring, and who is reported by the -Egyptians to conceive from lightning sent from heaven, and thus to -produce the god Apis. He is known by certain marks: his hair is black; -on his forehead is a white triangular spot, on his back an eagle, and -a beetle under his tongue and the hair of his tail is double.” Ovid -represents him of various colours. Strabo says his forehead and some -parts of his body are of a white colour, the rest being black; “by -which signs they fix upon a new one to succeed the other, when he -dies;” and Plutarch thinks that, “on account of the great resemblance -they imagine between Osiris and the Moon, his more bright and shining -parts being shadowed and obscured by those that are of a darker hue, -they call the Apis the living image of Osiris, and suppose him begotten -by a ray of generative light, flowing from the moon, and fixing upon -his mother, at a time when she was strongly disposed for it.” - -Pliny speaks of Apis “having a white spot in the form of a crescent -upon his right side, and a lump under his tongue in the form of a -beetle.” Ammianus Marcellinus says the white crescent on his right side -was the principal sign, and Ælianus mentions twenty-nine marks, by -which he was recognised, each referable to some mystic signification. -But he pretends that the Egyptians did not allow those given by -Herodotus and Aristagoras. Some suppose him entirely black; and others -contend that certain marks, as the predominating black colour, and the -beetle on his tongue, show him to be consecrated to the sun, as the -crescent to the moon. Ammianus and others say that “Apis was sacred to -the Moon, Mnevis to the Sun”; and most authors describe the latter of a -black colour. - -It is difficult to decide if Herodotus is correct respecting the -peculiar marks of Apis. There is, however, evidence from the bronzes, -found in Egypt, that the vulture (not eagle) on his back was one of his -characteristics, supplied, no doubt, like many others, by the priests -themselves; who probably put him to much inconvenience, and pain too, -to make the marks and hairs conform to his description. - -To Apis belonged all the clean oxen, chosen for sacrifice; the -necessary requisite for which, according to Herodotus, was, that they -should be entirely free from black spots, or even a single black -hair; though, as I shall have occasion to remark in treating of the -sacrifices, this statement of the historian is far from accurate. It -may also be doubted if the name Epaphus, by which he says Apis was -called by the Greeks in their language, was of Greek origin. - -He is called in the hieroglyphic legends Hapi; and the bull, the -demonstrative and figurative sign following his name, is accompanied -by the _crux ansata_, or emblem of life. It has seldom any ornament on -its head; but the figure of Apis- (or Hapi-) Osiris generally wears the -globe of the sun, and the Asp, the symbol of divine majesty; which are -also given to the bronze figures of this bull. - -Memphis was the place where Apis was kept, and where his worship was -particularly observed. He was not merely looked upon as an emblem, -but, as Pliny and Cicero say, was deemed “a god by the Egyptians”: and -Strabo calls “Apis the same as Osiris.” Psamthek I there erected a -grand court (ornamented with figures in lieu of columns twelve cubits -in height, forming an inner peristyle), in which he was kept when -exhibited in public. Attached to it were the two stables (_delubra_, or -_thalami_), mentioned by Pliny: and Strabo says “Before the enclosure -where Apis is kept, is a vestibule, in which also the mother of the -sacred bull is fed; and into this vestibule Apis is introduced, in -order to be shown to strangers. After being brought out for a little -while, he is again taken back; at other times he is only seen through a -window.” “The temple of Apis is close to that of Vulcan; which last is -remarkable for its architectural beauty, its extent, and the richness -of its decoration.” - - -_Festivals and Ceremonials of Apis Worship_ - -The festival in honour of Apis lasted seven days; on which occasion a -large concourse of people assembled at Memphis. The priests then led -the sacred bull in solemn procession, all people coming forward from -their houses to welcome him as he passed. - -When the Apis died, certain priests, chosen for this duty, went in -quest of another, who was known from the signs mentioned in the sacred -books. As soon as he was found, they took him to the city of the Nile, -preparatory to his removal to Memphis, where he was kept forty days; -during which period women alone were permitted to see him. These forty -days being completed, he was placed in a boat, with a golden cabin -prepared to receive him, and he was conducted in state upon the Nile to -Memphis. - -Pliny and Ammianus, however, declare that they led the bull Apis to -the fountain of the priests, and drowned him with much ceremony, as -soon as the time prescribed in the sacred books was fulfilled. This -Plutarch limits to twenty-five years (“the square of five, and the -same number as the letters of the Egyptian alphabet”), beyond which -it was forbidden that he should live; and having put him to death, -they sought another to succeed him. His body was embalmed, and a grand -funeral procession took place at Memphis, when his coffin, “placed on a -sledge, was followed by the priests,” “dressed in the spotted skins of -fawns (leopards), bearing the thyrsus in their hands, uttering the same -cries, and making the same gesticulations as the votaries of Bacchus -during the ceremonies in honour of that god.” - -When the Apis died a natural death, his obsequies were celebrated on -the most magnificent scale; and to such extravagance was this carried, -that those who had the office of taking charge of him were often ruined -by the heavy expenses entailed upon them. On one occasion, during the -reign of the first Ptolemy, upwards of fifty talents were borrowed -to defray the necessary cost of his funeral; “and in our time,” says -Diodorus, “the curators of other sacred animals have expended a hundred -talents in their burial.” - -The Egyptians not only paid divine honours to the bull Apis, but, -considering him the living image and representative of Osiris, they -consulted him as an oracle, and drew from his actions good or bad -omens. They were in the habit of offering him any kind of food with -the hand: if he took it, the answer was considered favourable; if he -refused, it was thought to be a sinister omen. Pliny and Ammianus -observe that he refused what the unfortunate Germanicus presented to -him; and the death of that prince, which happened shortly after, was -thought to confirm most unequivocally the truth of those presages. The -Egyptians also drew omens respecting the welfare of their country, -according to the stable in which he happened to be. To these two -stables he had free access; and when he spontaneously entered one, it -foreboded benefits to Egypt, as the other the reverse; and many other -tokens were derived from accidental circumstances connected with this -sacred animal. - -Pausanias says that those who wished to consult Apis first burnt -incense on an altar, filling the lamps with oil which were lighted -there, and depositing a piece of money on the altar to the right of the -statue of the god. Then placing their mouth near his ear, in order to -consult him, they asked whatever questions they wished. This done, they -withdrew, covering their two ears until they were outside the sacred -precincts of the temple; and there listening to the first expression -any one uttered, they drew from it the desired omen. - -Children, also, according to Pliny and Solinus, who attended in great -numbers during the processions in honour of the divine bull, received -the gift of foretelling future events; and the same authors mention -a superstitious belief at Memphis, of the influence of Apis upon the -Crocodile, during the seven days when his birth was celebrated. On this -occasion, a gold and silver patera was annually thrown into the Nile, -at a spot called from its form the “Bottle”; and while this festival -was held, no one was in danger of being attacked by crocodiles, though -bathing carelessly in the river. But it could no longer be done with -impunity after the sixth hour of the eighth day. The hostility of that -animal to man was then observed invariably to return, as if permitted -by the deity to resume its habits. - -Apis was usually kept in one or other of the two stables--seldom going -out, except into the court attached to them, where strangers came to -visit him. But on certain occasions he was conducted through the town -with great pomp. He was then escorted by numerous guards, who made a -way amidst the crowd, and prevented the approach of the profane; and a -chorus of children singing hymns in his honour headed the procession. - -The greatest attention was paid to the health of Apis; they took -care to obtain for him the most wholesome food; and they rejoiced if -they could preserve his life to the full extent prescribed by law. -Plutarch also notices his being forbidden to drink the water of the -Nile, in consequence of its having a peculiarly fattening property. -“For,” he adds, “they endeavour to prevent fatness, as well in Apis, -as in themselves: always studious that their bodies may sit as light -about their souls as possible, in order that their mortal part may not -oppress and weigh down the more divine and immortal.” - -Many fêtes were held at different seasons of the year; for, as -Herodotus observes, far from being contented with one festival, the -Egyptians celebrate annually a very great number: of which that of -Diana (Pakht), kept at the city of Bubastis, holds the first rank, and -is performed with the greatest pomp. Next to it is that of Isis, at -Busiris, a city situated in the middle of the Delta, with a very large -temple, consecrated to that Goddess, the Ceres of the Greeks. The third -in importance is the fête of Minerva (Nit), held at Saïs; the fourth, -of the Sun, at Heliopolis; the fifth, of Latona, in the city of Buto; -and the sixth is that performed at Papreims, in honour of Mars.[e] - -Strabo, the famous geographer of antiquity, visited Egypt in 24 B.C., -and ascended the Nile. Among other records of his trip, he has left us -a picturesque account of his peep at the sacred bull. - -At Heliopolis, he says, we saw large buildings in which the priests -lived. For it is said that anciently this was the principal residence -of the priests, who studied philosophy and astronomy. But there are -no longer either such a body of persons or such pursuits. No one was -pointed out to us on the spot, as presiding over these studies, but -only persons who perform sacred rites, and who explained to strangers -(the peculiarities of) the temples. - -[Illustration] - -In sailing up the river we meet with Babylon, a strong fortress, built -by some Babylonians who had taken refuge there, and had obtained -permission from the kings to establish a settlement in that place. At -present it is an encampment for one of the three legions which garrison -Egypt. There is a mountainous ridge, which extends from the encampment -as far as the Nile. At this ridge are wheels and screws, by which water -is raised from the river, and one hundred and fifty prisoners are -(thus) employed. - -The pyramids on the other side (of the river) at Memphis may be clearly -discerned from this place, for they are not far off. - -Memphis itself also, the residence of the kings of Egypt, is near, -being only three schœni distant from the Delta. It contains temples, -among which is that of Apis, who is the same as Osiris. Here the ox -Apis is kept in a sort of sanctuary, and is held, as I have said, to be -a god. The forehead and some other small parts of the body are white; -the other parts are black. By these marks the fitness of the successor -is always determined, when the animal to which they pay these honours -dies. In front of the sanctuary is a court, in which there is another -sanctuary for the dam of Apis. Into this court the Apis is let loose at -times, particularly for the purpose of exhibiting him to strangers. He -is seen through a door in the sanctuary, and he is permitted to be seen -also out of it. After he has frisked about a little in the court, he is -taken back to his own stall. The temple of Apis is near the Hephæsteum -(or temple of Vulcan); the Hephæsteum itself is very sumptuously -constructed, both as regards the size of the naos and in other -respects. In front of the Dromos is a colossal figure consisting of a -single stone. It is usual to celebrate bull-fights in this Dromos; the -bulls are bred expressly for this purpose, like horses. They are let -loose, and fight with one another, the conqueror receiving a prize.[f] - - -THE METHODS OF EMBALMING THE DEAD - -Even more striking than the worship of Apis was the custom of embalming -the dead, which was in vogue uninterruptedly for some thousands of -years. Herodotus tells us of the exact method of procedure: - -There are certain persons appointed by law to the exercise of the -profession of embalming. When a dead body is brought to them, they -exhibit to the friends of the deceased, different models highly -finished in wood. The most perfect of these they say resembles one -whom I do not think it religious to name in such a matter; the second -is of less price, and inferior in point of execution; another is still -more mean; they then inquire after which model the deceased shall be -represented: when the price is determined, the relations retire, and -the embalmers thus proceed: In the most perfect specimens of their -art, they draw the brain through the nostrils, partly with a piece -of crooked iron, and partly by the infusion of drugs; they then with -an Ethiopian stone make an incision in the side, through which they -extract the intestines; these they cleanse thoroughly, washing them -with palm-wine, and afterwards covering them with pounded aromatics: -they then fill the body with powder of pure myrrh, cassia, and all -other perfumes, except frankincense. Having sown up the body, it is -covered with nitre for the space of seventy days, which time they may -not exceed; at the end of this period it is washed, closely wrapped in -bandages of cotton, dipped in a gum which the Egyptians use as glue: it -is then returned to the relations, who enclose the body in a case of -wood, made to resemble a human figure, and place it against the wall -in the repository of their dead. The above is the most costly mode of -embalming. They who wish to be less expensive, adopt the following -method: they neither draw out the intestines, nor make any incision in -the dead body, but inject an unguent made from the cedar; after taking -proper means to secure the injected oil within the body, it is covered -with nitre for the time above specified: on the last day they withdraw -the liquor before introduced, which brings with it all the bowels and -intestines; the nitre eats away the flesh, and the skin and bones -only remain: the body is returned in this state, and no further care -taken concerning it. There is a third mode of embalming appropriated -to the poor. A particular kind of ablution is made to pass through the -body, which is afterwards left in nitre for the above seventy days, -and then returned. The wives of men of rank, and such females as have -been distinguished by their beauty or importance, are not immediately -on their decease delivered to the embalmers: they are usually kept -for three or four days, which is done to prevent any indignity being -offered to their persons. An instance of this once occurred.[b] - -Diodorus gives a slightly different account of the methods of the -embalmer, adding certain most instructive details as to burial customs: - -“Now tho’ we have said perhaps more than is needful of their sacred -Creatures, yet with this we have set forth the Laws of the Egyptians, -which are very remarkable. But when a Man comes to understand their -Rites and Ceremonies in Burying their Dead, he’ll be struck with much -greater Admiration. - -“For after the Death of any of them, all the Friends and Kindred of -the deceased throw Dirt upon their Heads, and run about through the -City; mourning and lamenting till such time as the Body be interr’d, -and abstain from Baths, Wine and all pleasants Meats in the mean time; -and forbear to cloath themselves with any rich Attire. They have three -sorts of Funerals: The Stately and Magnificent, the Moderate, and the -Meanest. In the first they spend a Talent of Silver, in the second -twenty Minas [about £62 10_s._ or $300], in the last they are at very -small Charges. They that have the Charge of wrapping up and burying the -Body, are such as have been taught the Art by their Ancestors. These -give in a Writing to the Family of every thing that is to be laid out -in the Funeral, and inquire of them after what Manner they would have -the Body interr’d. When every thing is agreed upon, they take up the -Body and deliver it to them whose Office it is to take Care of it. Then -the Chief among them (who is call’d the Scribe) having the Body laid -upon the Ground, marks out how much of the left Side towards the Bowels -is to be incis’d and open’d, upon which the Paraschistes (so by them -call’d) with an Ethiopian Stone dissects so much of the Flesh as by the -Law is justifiable, and having done it, he forthwith runs away might -and main, and all there present pursue him with Execrations, and pelt -him with Stones, as if he were guilty of some horrid Offence, for they -look upon him as an hateful Person, who wounds and offers Violence to -the Body in that kind, or does it any Predjudice whatsoever. - -[Illustration: GOLDEN EWERS AND BASINS FROM THE TOMB OF RAMSES III] - -“But as for those whom they call the Taricheutæ [the Embalmers], they -highly honour them, for they are the Priests Companions, and as Sacred -Persons are admitted into the Temple. As soon as they come to the -dissected Body, one of the Taricheutæ thrusts up his Hand through the -Wound, into the Breast of the Dead, and draws out all the Intestins, -but the Reins and the Heart. Another cleanses all the Bowels, and -washes them in Phœnician Wine mixt with diverse Aromatick Spices. -Having at last wash’d the Body, they first anoint it all over with the -Oyl of Cedar and other precious Ointments for the space of forty days -together; that done, they rub it well with Myrrhe, Cinnamon, and such -like things, not only apt and effectual for long Preservation, but for -sweet scenting of the Body also, and so deliver it to the Kindred of -the Dead, with every Member so whole and intire, that no Part of the -Body seems to be alter’d till it come to the very Hairs of the Eyelids -and the Eye-brows, insomuch as the Beauty and Shape of the Face seems -just as it was before. By which Means many of the Egyptians laying -up the Bodies of their Ancestors in stately Monuments, perfectly see -the true Visage and Countenance of those that were buried, many Ages -before they themselves were born. So that in viewing the Proportion -of every one of their Bodies and the Lineaments of their Faces, they -take exceeding great Delight, even as much as if they were still living -among them. - -“Moreover, the Friends and nearest Relations of the Dead acquaint the -Judges and the rest of their Friends with the Time prefixt for the -Funeral of such an one by Name, declaring that such a day he is to -pass the Lake. At which Time forty Judges appear and sit together in a -Semicircle, in a Place beyond the Lake; where a Ship (before provided -by such as have the Care of the Business) is hal’d up to the Shoar, -govern’d by a Pilot, whom the Egyptians call Charon. And therefore they -say, that Orpheus seeing this Ceremony when he was in Egypt, invented -the Fable of Hell, partly imitating them in Egypt, and partly adding -something of his own; of which we shall speak particularly hereafter. - -[Illustration: IMPLEMENTS USED IN EMBALMING - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -“The Ship being now in the Lake, every one is at Liberty by the Law to -accuse the Dead before the Coffin be put aboard; and if any Accuser -appears and makes good his Accusation, that he liv’d an ill Life, -then the Judges give Sentence, and the Body is debarr’d from being -buried after the usual Manner; but if the Informer be convicted of -a scandalous and malicious Accusation, he’s very severely punish’d. -If no Informer appear, or that the Information prove false, all the -Kindred of the Deceased leave off Mourning, and begin to set forth -his Praises; but say nothing of his Birth (as is the Custom among the -Greeks) because they account all in Egypt to be equally noble. But they -recount how the deceased was educated from a Child, his Breeding till -he came to Man’s Estate, his Piety towards the Gods and his Justice -towards Men, his Chastity and other Virtues, wherein he excell’d; and -they pray and call upon the infernal Deities to receive the deceas’d -into the Society of the Just. The common People take it from the other, -and approve of all that is said in his Praise with a loud Shout, and -set forth likewise his Vertues with the highest Praises and Strains -of Commendation, as he that is to live for ever with the just in the -Kingdom of Jove. - -“Then they (that have Tombs of their own) interr the Corps in Places -appointed for that Purpose; they that have none of their own, build -a small Apartment in their own Houses, and rear up the Coffin to the -Sides of the strongest Wall of the Building. Such as are deny’d common -Burial, either because they are in Debt, or convicted of some horrid -Crime, they bury in their own Houses; and in After-times it often -happens that some of their Kindred growing rich, pay off the Debts -of the deceas’d, or get him absolv’d, and then bury their Ancestor -with State and Splendour. For amongst the Egyptians it’s a Sacred -Constitution, that they should at their greatest Costs honour their -Parents and Ancestors who are translated to an Eternal Habitation. - -“It’s a Custom likewise among them to give the Bodies of their Parents -in Pawn to their Creditors, and they that do not presently redeem -them, fall under the greatest Disgrace imaginable, and are deny’d -Burial after their Deaths. One may justly wonder at the Authors of this -excellent Constitution, who both by what we see practis’d among the -living, and by the decent Burial of the dead, did (as much as possibly -lay within the Power of Men) endeavour to promote Honesty and faithful -Dealing one with another. For the Greeks (as to what concern’d the -Rewards of the Just and the Punishment of the Impious) had nothing -amongst them but invented Fables and Poetical Fictions, which never -wrought upon Men for the Amendment of their Lives, but on the contrary, -were despis’d and laught at by the lewder Sort. - -“But among the Egyptians, the Punishment of the bad and the Rewards of -the good being not told as idle Tales, but every day seen with their -own Eyes, all Sorts were warn’d of their Duties, and by this Means was -wrought and continu’d a most exact Reformation of Manners and orderly -Conversation among them. For those certainly are the best Laws that -advance Virtue and Honesty, and instruct Men in a prudent Converse -in the World, rather than those that tend only to the heaping up of -Wealth, and teach Men to be rich.”[d] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[11] See Leviticus, chap. xvi. 21. “And Aaron shall lay both his hands -upon the head of the live goat, and confess over him all the iniquities -of the children of Israel, and all their transgressions in all their -sins, putting them upon the head of the goat.”--TRANSLATOR. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. EGYPTIAN CULTURE - - Egypt remains a light-house in the profound darkness of remote - antiquity.--RENAN. - - -By far the greater number of the remains of Egyptian civilisation that -have come down to us, are monuments that may be classed as works of -art. Indeed, when one speaks of ancient Egypt, one thinks instinctively -of her art remains; her pyramids, temples, and sphinxes, her obelisks -and colossal sculptures. As one wanders through the halls of such -great collections as those of the British Museum, or of the Louvre, it -seems to him as if art must have been the very life of Egypt, and as -if a considerable proportion of her people must have been engaged in -producing the multitude of monuments that are here preserved. But there -is, of course, a certain illusion in this thought. - -The number of art monuments preserved in Egypt is, indeed, very large -in the aggregate, but it must be remembered that they represent the -accumulated treasures of many centuries. Thanks to the climate of -Egypt, a vastly larger proportion of her monuments have been preserved -than have come down to us from any other people of antiquity, and this -fact should be borne constantly in mind when one endeavours to estimate -the real status of art in that country. Now that the results of many -centuries of labour are gathered into a comparatively few collections, -the impression made upon the observer is naturally somewhat different -from what it would have been could he have seen the same monuments in -their original locations scattered throughout the kingdom. - -Nevertheless, after making all deductions for the perverted historical -perspective thus induced, the fact remains that we are quite justified -in speaking of the Egyptians as a singularly artistic race. Indeed, -it would be absurd to deny this position to the people who, first of -any on the earth so far as known, created a truly great and truly -individual art. - -It has been held a matter for surprise that the Greeks, who so fully -appreciated, and, indeed, so greatly overestimated, the learning and -the occult wisdom of the Egyptians, should have failed to be impressed -by their works of art. But, rightly considered, there is nothing at all -remarkable in this. It must be remembered that Herodotus, who gives us -our earliest glimpses of Egypt through Grecian eyes, lived in the age -of Pericles, when the masterpieces of Phidias and his contemporaries -were constantly before the eyes of the Greek traveller as the criterion -by which other works of art were to be judged. It can hardly be -wondered at that, judged by this test, the Egyptian sculptures did not -seem remarkable. Herodotus had not the spirit of the antiquarian nor of -the modern scientific historian, and he therefore made no allowance for -the fact that the major part of the sculptures visible had been made -almost a thousand years before the age of Phidias; but it is that fact -which the modern investigator should bear constantly in mind. - -It would be absurd to claim for the Egyptian statues that they compare -for a moment as finished works of art with the Grecian productions of -the Golden Age. But when one reflects that it was the Egyptians who led -the way and first pointed out the possibility of modelling in stone; -when one reflects that, so far as extant remains can give us any clew, -there were no forerunners of the Egyptians who even remotely approached -their standard; when, in a word, one remembers that this art was an -indigenous product, as nearly independent of outside influences as any -human creations ever can be--then, and then only, is one prepared to -appreciate the real merit of the Egyptian sculptor. - -To one who approaches this work merely in the cold spirit of the modern -critic, untouched by the enthusiasm of the antiquarian, the sculpture -of the Egyptians may well be characterised as crude in the extreme. -In the first instance it is cold, rigid, immobile, lacking utterly -the plasticity and action of the Greek product. Secondly, it is but -crudely modelled. No Egyptian artist ever learned to draw in the modern -acceptance of that word, or to model in more than the most elementary -fashion. These, indeed, taken by themselves, are radical defects, -and at first sight they render the Egyptian monuments grotesque, -rather than pleasing, to the trained artistic eye. But when one has -lived long enough among these statues to enter more fully into their -spirit, when one has learned to put away the classical traditions and -to relax somewhat his standards of technique, he will see this work -in quite another light. He will recognise it as the titanic effort of -a constructive genius in that earlier and more truly creative period -when technique has not been mastered, but when a true artistic impulse -is impelling the aspirant towards new and beautiful ideals which he -himself will never quite attain, but to which his work points the way. -It is large work in the fullest sense of the word, this art of the -Egyptians, and he who can get no farther than to note its often faulty -drawing, its imperfect modelling, is forever shut out from a true -appreciation of its merits. But, on the other hand, the dreamer who -sees, as some antiquarians are wont to do, matchless perfections in its -very crudities, and intentional artistic effects in the mere faults of -its technique--this enthusiast misses the true lessons of Egyptian art -as widely as the overcritical and unsympathetic carper. - -However much the various schools of critics may differ in their -estimates, the task of the historian at least is clear. He must think -of Egyptian art in its relations of time and place. To him it is -important because of its position in the scale of the evolution of art -in the world. And in this view, putting aside at once hypercriticism -and overfervid enthusiasm, Egyptian art can hardly fail to impress the -observer as one of the most marvellous of human creations.[a] - -While Greece was still in its infancy, Egypt had long been the leading -nation of the world; she was noted for her magnificence, her wealth, -and power, and all acknowledged her pre-eminence in wisdom and -civilisation. It is not, therefore, surprising that the Greeks should -have admitted into their early art some of the forms then most in -vogue; and though the wonderful taste of that gifted people speedily -raised them to a point of excellence never attained by the Egyptians or -any others, the rise and first germs of art and architecture must be -sought in the valley of the Nile. In the oldest monuments of Greece, -the sloping or pyramidal line constantly predominates; the columns in -the oldest Greek order are almost purely Egyptian, in the proportions -of the shaft, and in the form of its shallow flutes without fillets; -and it is a remarkable fact that the oldest Egyptian columns are those -which bear the closest resemblance to the Greek Doric. - -[Illustration: TEMPLE ON THE ISLAND OF PHILÆ] - -Though great variety was permitted in objects of luxury, as furniture, -vases, and other things depending on caprice, the Egyptians were -forbidden to introduce any material innovations into the human figure, -such as would alter its general character; and all subjects connected -with religion retained to the last the same conventional type. A god in -the latest temple was of the same form as when represented on monuments -of the earliest date; and King Menes would have recognised Amen, or -Osiris, in a Ptolemaic or a Roman sanctuary. In sacred subjects the law -was inflexible; and religion, which has frequently done so much for -the development and direction of taste in sculpture, had the effect of -fettering the genius of Egyptian artists. No improvements, resulting -from experience and observation, were admitted in the mode of drawing -the human figure; to copy nature was not allowed; it was therefore -useless to study it, and no attempt was made to give the proper action -to the limbs. Certain rules, certain models, had been established by -the priesthood; and the faulty conceptions of ignorant times were -copied and perpetuated by every successive artist. For, as Plato and -Synesius say, the Egyptian sculptors were not suffered to attempt -anything contrary to the regulations laid down regarding the figures of -the gods; they were forbidden to introduce any change, or to invent new -subjects and habits; and thus the art, and the rules which bound it, -always remained the same. - -Egyptian bas-relief appears to have been, in its origin, a mere copy of -painting, its predecessor. The first attempt to represent the figures -of gods, sacred emblems, and other subjects consisted in drawing, or -painting, simple outlines of them on a flat surface, the details being -afterwards put in with colour; but in process of time these forms -were traced on stone with a tool, and the intermediate space between -the various figures being afterwards cut away, the once level surface -assumed the appearance of a bas-relief. It was, in fact, a pictorial -representation on stone, which is evidently the character of all the -bas-reliefs on Egyptian monuments; and which readily accounts for the -imperfect arrangement of their figures. - -Deficient in conception, and above all in a proper knowledge of -grouping, they were unable to form those combinations which give true -expression; every picture was made up of isolated parts, put together -according to some general notions, but without harmony, or preconceived -effect. The human face, the whole body, and everything they introduced, -were composed in the same manner of separate members placed together -one by one according to their relative situations: the eye, the nose, -and other features composed a face, but the expression of feelings -and passions was entirely wanting; and the countenance of the king, -whether charging an enemy’s phalanx in the heat of battle, or peaceably -offering incense in a sombre temple, presented the same outline and -the same inanimate look. The peculiarity of the front view of an eye, -introduced in a profile, is thus accounted for: it was the ordinary -representation of that feature added to a profile, and no allowance was -made for any change in the position of the head. - -It was the same with drapery: the figure was first drawn, and the -drapery then added, not as part of the whole, but as an accessory; they -had no general conception, no previous idea of the effect required to -distinguish the warrior or the priest, beyond the impressions received -from costume, or from the subject of which they formed a part; and the -same figure was dressed according to the character it was intended -to perform. Every portion of a picture was conceived by itself, and -inserted as it was wanted to complete the scene; and when the walls -of the building, where a subject was to be drawn, had been accurately -ruled with squares, the figures were introduced, and fitted to this -mechanical arrangement. The members were appended to the body, and -these squares regulated their form and distribution, in whatever -posture they might be placed. - -[Illustration] - -The proportions of the human figure did not continue always the same. -During the IVth and other early dynasties it differed from that of the -Augustan age of the XVIIIth and XIXth; and another change took place -under the Ptolemies. The chief alteration was in the height of the knee -from the ground, which was higher during the XVIIIth and XIXth than -in the ancient and later periods. The whole height of the figure in -bas-reliefs and paintings was then divided into nineteen parts; and the -wall having been ruled in squares, according to its intended size, all -the parts of it were put in according to their established positions; -the knee, for instance, falling on the sixth line. But the length of -the foot was not, as in Greece, the standard from which they reckoned; -for being equal to 3 spaces, it could not be taken as the base of 19; -though the height of the foot being 1 might answer for the unit. - -In the paintings of the tombs greater license was allowed in the -representation of subjects relating to private life, the trades, -or the manners and occupations of the people; and some indication -of perspective in the position of the figures may occasionally be -observed: but the attempt was imperfect, and, probably, to an Egyptian -eye, unpleasing; for such is the force of habit, that even where nature -is copied, a conventional style is sometimes preferred to a more -accurate representation. - -In the representation of animals, they appear not to have been -restricted to the same rigid style; but genius once cramped can -scarcely be expected to make any great effort to rise, or to succeed -in the attempt; and the same union of parts into a whole, the same -preference for profile, and the same stiff action, are observable in -these as in the human figure. Seldom did they attempt to draw the face -in front, either of men or animals; and when this was done, it fell far -short of the profile, and was composed of the same juxtaposition of -parts. It must, however, be allowed, that in general the character and -form of animals were admirably portrayed; the parts were put together -with greater truth; and the same conventionality was not maintained, as -in the shoulders and other portions of the human body. - -The mode of representing men and animals in profile is primitive, and -characteristic of the commencement of art: the first attempts made -by an uncivilised people are confined to it; and until the genius of -artists bursts forth, this style continues to hold its ground. From its -simplicity it is readily understood; the most inexperienced perceive -the object intended to be represented, and no effort is required to -comprehend it. Hence it is that, though few combinations can be made -under such restrictions, those few are perfectly intelligible. - -As the wish to record events gave the first, religion gave the second, -impulse to sculpture. The simple pillar of wood or stone, which was -originally chosen to represent the deity, afterwards assumed the -human form, the noblest image of the power that created it; though -the _Hermæ_ of Greece were not, as some have thought, the origin of -statues, but were borrowed from the mummy-shaped gods of Egypt. - -Pausanias thinks that “all statues were in ancient times of wood, -particularly those made in Egypt”; but this must have been at a period -so remote as to be far beyond the known history of that country; though -it is probable that when the arts were in their infancy, the Egyptians -were confined to statues of that kind; and they occasionally erected -wooden figures in their temples, even till the times of the latter -Pharaohs. - -[Illustration: HEAD - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -Long after men had attempted to make out the parts of the figure, -statues continued to be very rude; the arms were placed directly -down the sides to the thighs, and the legs were united together; nor -did they pass beyond this imperfect state in Greece until the age of -Dædalus. Fortunately for themselves and for the world, the Greeks were -allowed to free themselves from old habits; while the Egyptians, at -the latest periods, continued to follow the imperfect models of their -early artists, and were forever prevented from arriving at excellence -in sculpture: and though they made great progress in other branches -of art, though they evinced considerable taste in the forms of their -vases, their furniture, and even in some architectural details, they -were forever deficient in ideal beauty, and in the mode of representing -the natural positions of the human figure. - -In Egypt, the prescribed automaton character of the figures effectually -prevented all advancement in the statuary’s art, the limbs being -straight, without any attempt at action, or, indeed, any indication -of life: they were really statues of the person they represented, -not the person “living in marble”; in which they differed entirely -from those of Greece. No statue of a warrior was sculptured in the -varied attitudes of attack and defence; no wrestler, no _discobolus_, -no pugilist exhibited the grace, the vigour, or the muscular action -of a man; nor were the beauties, the feeling, and the elegance of -female forms displayed in stone: all was made to conform to the same -invariable model, which confined the human figure to a few conventional -postures. - -A sitting statue, whether of a man or woman, was represented with the -hands placed upon the knees, or held across the breast; a kneeling -figure sometimes supported a small shrine or sacred emblem; and when -standing, the arms were placed directly down the sides of the thighs, -one foot (and that always the left) being advanced beyond the other, as -if in the attitude of walking, but without any attempt to separate the -legs. - -[Illustration: STATUETTE OF FIGURE WITH HAWK’S HEAD - -(After Bardon)] - -The oldest Egyptian sculptures on all large monuments were in low -relief, and, as usual at every period, painted (obelisks and everything -carved in hard stone, some funereal tablets, and other small objects, -being in intaglio); and this style continued in vogue until the time of -Ramses II, who introduced intaglio very generally on large monuments; -and even his battle scenes at Karnak and the Memnonium are executed -in this manner. The reliefs were little raised above the level of the -wall; they had generally a flat surface with the edges softly rounded -off, far surpassing the intaglio in effect; and it is to be regretted -that the best epoch of art, when design and execution were in their -zenith, should have abandoned a style so superior; which, too, would -have improved in proportion to the advancement of that period. - -Intaglio continued to be generally employed, until the accession of the -XXVIth Dynasty, when the low relief was again introduced; and in the -monuments of Psamthek and Aahmes are numerous instances of the revival -of the ancient style. This was afterwards universally adopted, and a -return to intaglio on large monuments was only occasionally attempted, -in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. - -After the accession of the XXVIth Dynasty some attempt was made to -revive the arts, which had been long neglected; and independent of -the patronage of government, the wealth of private individuals was -liberally employed in their encouragement. Public buildings were -erected in many parts of Egypt, and beautified with rich sculpture; the -city of Saïs, the royal residence of the Pharaohs of that dynasty, was -adorned with the utmost magnificence; and extensive additions were made -to the temples of Memphis, and even to those of the distant Thebes. - -The fresh impulse thus given to art was not without effect; the -sculptures of that period exhibit an elegance and beauty which -might even induce some to consider them equal to the productions of -an earlier age; and in the tombs of Assassif, at Thebes, are many -admirable specimens of Egyptian art. To those, however, who understand -the true feeling of this peculiar school, it is evident that though in -minuteness and finish they are deserving of the highest commendation, -yet in grandeur of conception and in boldness of execution, they fall -far short of the sculptures of Seti and the second Ramses. - -[Illustration: FISHING WITH A DRAG NET - -(Wilkinson)] - -The skill of the Egyptian artists in drawing bold and clear outlines -is, perhaps, more worthy of admiration than anything connected -with this branch of art; and in no place is the freedom of their -drawing more conspicuous than in the figures in the unfinished part -of Belzoni’s tomb at Thebes. It was in the drawing alone that they -excelled, being totally ignorant of the correct mode of colouring a -figure; and their painting was not an imitation of nature, but merely -the harmonious combination of certain hues, which they well understood. -Indeed, to this day, the harmony of positive colours is thoroughly felt -in Egypt and the East; and it is strange to find the little perception -of it in northern Europe, where theories take upon themselves to -explain to the mind what the eye has not yet learned, as if a grammar -could be written before the language is understood. - -Egyptian architecture evidently derived much from the imitation of -different natural productions, as palm trees and various plants of -the country; but Egyptian columns were not borrowed from the wooden -supports of the earliest buildings. Columns were not introduced -into the interior of their houses until architecture had made very -great progress; the small original temple and the primitive dwelling -consisted merely of four walls; and neither the column nor its -architrave were borrowed from wooden constructions nor from the house. -And though the architrave was derived in Egypt, as elsewhere, from -constructed buildings, that member originated in the stone beam, -reaching from pillar to pillar in the temples. And if the square stone -pillar was used in the quarry, the stone architrave was unknown to the -Egyptians until they found reason to increase the size of, and add a -portico to, their temples. And that the portico was neither a necessary -nor an original part of their temples is plainly shown by the smaller -sanctuaries being built, even at the latest times, without it. Some -members of Egyptian architecture, it is true, were derived from the -woodwork of the primitive house or temple, as the overhanging cornice -and the torus that runs up the ends of the walls, which it separates -from the cornice, the former being the projecting roof of palm -branches, and the other the framework of reeds bound together, which -secured the mud (or bricks) composing the walls. - -As painted decoration preceded sculpture, the ornaments (in later times -carved in stone) were at first represented in colour, and the mouldings -of Egyptian monuments were then merely painted on the flat surfaces -of the walls and pillars. The next step was to chisel them in relief. -The lotus blossom, the papyrus head, water-plants, the palm tree, and -the head of a goddess, were among the usual ornaments of a cornice, -or a pillar; and these favourite devices of ancient days continued in -after times to be repeated in relief, when an improved style of art -had substituted sculpture for the mere painted representation. But -when the square pillar had been gradually converted into a polygonal -shape, the ornamental devices not having room enough upon its narrow -facettes, led to the want and invention of another form of column; and -from that time a round shaft was surmounted by the palm-tree capital, -or by the blossom or the bud of the papyrus, which had hitherto only -been painted, or represented in relief, upon the flat surfaces of a -square pillar. Hence the origin of new orders differing so widely from -the polygonal column. - -For the capitals the Egyptians frequently selected objects which were -favourites with them, as the lotus and other flowers, and these, -as well as various animals or their heads, were adopted, to form a -cornice, particularly in their houses and tombs, or to ornament fancy -articles of furniture and of dress. - -In this they committed an error, which the Greeks, with a finer -perception of taste and adaptability, rightly avoided. These refined -people knew that in architecture conventional devices had a much more -pleasing effect than objects merely copied from nature; for, besides -the incongruity of an actual representation of flowers to compose -mouldings and other decorative parts of architecture, the imperfect -imitation in an unsuitable material has a bad effect. - -[Illustration: CARVED EGYPTIAN CHAIRS - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -The ceilings of Egyptian temples were painted blue and studded with -stars, to represent the firmament (as in early European churches); -and on the part over the central passage, through which the king and -the religious processions passed, were vultures and other emblems; -the winged globe always having its place over the doorways. The -whole building, as well as its sphinxes and other accessories, were -richly painted; and though a person unaccustomed to see the walls of a -large building so decorated, might suppose the effect to be far from -pleasing, no one who understands the harmony of colours will fail to -admit that they perfectly understood their distribution and proper -combinations, and that an Egyptian temple was greatly improved by the -addition of painted sculptures. - -Gilding was employed in the decoration of some of the ornamental -details of the building; and was laid on a purple ground, to give it -greater richness; an instance of which may be seen in the larger temple -at Kalabshi, in Nubia. It was sparingly employed, and not allowed to -interfere, by an undue quantity, with the effect of the other colours; -which they knew well how to introduce in their proper proportions; and -such discords as light green and strawberry-and-cream were carefully -avoided. - -The Egyptians showed considerable taste in the judicious arrangement -of colours for decorative purposes; they occasionally succeeded in -form, as in the shapes of many of their vases, their furniture, and -their ornaments; and they had still greater knowledge of proportion, -so necessary for their gigantic monuments; but though they knew well -how to give to their buildings the effect of grandeur, vastness, and -durability, they had little idea of the beautiful; and were far behind -the Greeks in the appreciation of form. It is, however, rare to find -any people who combine colour, form, and proportion; and even the -Greeks occasionally failed to attain perfection in their beautiful -vases, some of which are faulty in the handles and the foot. - -[Illustration: RUINS OF AN EGYPTIAN TEMPLE] - -Among the peculiarities of Egyptian architecture, one of the most -important is the studied avoidance of uniformity in the arrangement -of the columns, and many of the details. Of these some are evident to -the eye, others are only intended to have an influence on the general -effect, and are not perceptible without careful examination. Thus the -capitals of the columns in the great hall at Karnak are at different -heights, some extending lower down the shaft than others; evidently -with a view to correct the sameness of symmetrical repetition, and to -avoid fatiguing the sight with too much regularity. This is not to be -perceived until the eye is brought on a level with the lower part of -the capitals; and its object was only effect, like that of many curved -lines introduced in a Greek temple, as at the Parthenon. - -But the Egyptians often carried their dislike of uniformity to an -extreme, beyond even what is justified by the study of variety. -Where they avoided that extreme their motive was legitimate; and it -is remarkable that they were the first people whose monuments offer -instances of that diversity so characteristic of Saracenic and Gothic -architecture. - -The arch was employed in Egypt at a very early period; and crude -brick arches were in common use in roofing tombs at least as early as -Amenhotep I, in the sixteenth century before our era. And since one was -discovered at Thebes bearing his name, others have been found of the -age of Tehutimes III (his fourth successor) and of Ramses V. It even -seems to have been known in the time of the XIIth Dynasty, judging from -what appear to be vaulted granaries at Beni-Hasan.[b] - -Egyptian architecture was long a marvel to the later world, since it -was so thoroughly overscrolled with strange designs of animals, and -gods, and symbols that provoked a helpless curiosity. These figures, -graceful as they were, were not of merely decorative import. They were -less art than literature; less literature than chronicle: in a word, -they were the characters of a strange system of writing. - - -THE HIEROGLYPHICS - -It is extremely difficult to give in brief space, or, indeed, to give -at all, a clear idea of the exact character of this Egyptian writing, -which for so many centuries fascinated, while puzzling, the observers, -utterly baffling all their efforts to decipher it. The Egyptians were -the aristocrats of antiquity. It is true that the Greeks described all -non-Hellenic nations as barbarians, but it should not be inferred from -this that the Greeks applied to this term the exact significance it -has come to have in more recent times. What the Greek really seems to -have implied was that the speech of all other nations was barbarous or -unintelligible; but he by no means regarded all other nations as less -civilised than himself. To be sure, he did hold this attitude towards -Romans, Persians, Scythians and various other contemporary nations, but -he made an exception in the case of the Babylonians, and particularly -in the case of the Egyptians. The latter people, indeed, he regarded -with something akin to reverence, as a people who could claim an -antiquity of civilisation to which Greece could not at all pretend. - -The wise men of Greece, as we have seen, travelled in Egypt and sat at -the feet of the Egyptian priests. There is nothing to show that they -were not received courteously, but there are many evidences that they -were given no more than a half-hearted welcome, and that what they -gained of Egyptian lore was but a surface knowledge; for the Egyptians, -like the Greeks, regarded all other nations as barbarians, and it would -seem that they applied this term with the full weight of its modern -meaning. To them the Greeks, no less than their other neighbours, -were uninteresting parvenus, unworthy of the serious regard of an -aristocratic people. It is believed that in the early days all commerce -of outside nations with Egypt was as fully interdicted as could be -done by Egyptian laws. At a later period the outsiders made forcible -intrusion, and, in time, apparently the Egyptians became partially -reconciled to this new order of things. But it was long before any -scholars from the outer world were permitted to penetrate the Egyptian -mysteries. In particular, we have no evidence that any Greek or Roman -of the early day ever had the slightest comprehension of the true -character of Egyptian writing. - -Listen for example to the strange theories of Claudius Ælianus, the -Roman historian of the third century, who solemnly explained the -hieroglyphics as follows--to quote the quaint diction of a sixteenth -century translation:[a] - - -“BY WHAT CHARACTERS, PICTURES, AND IMAGES, THE LEARNED EGIPTIANS -EXPRESSED THE MYSTERIES OF THEIR MINDES - -“When they would signifie wrathe and fury, they set downe the image -of a Lyon. When they would signifie talke, they set downe the figure -of a toung. When they would signifie fleshly pleasure, they set down -the number of XVI. When they would signifie lerning, they set down -the picture of Dew dropping from the clowdes. By a Kat they meane -destruction. By a Flye, they meane shamelesnes. By the Ant running into -the Corne, they meane provision. By a man walking in water without -a hed, they meane a thing unpossible. By a swarme of Bees following -the maister Bee, they signifie obedient subjects. By a man hiding his -privy members with his hands, they meane Temperance. By the floures of -Poppy, they signifie sicknes. By an armed man shooting in a Bowe of -steele, they meane Rebellion. By an Eagle flying against the Sun, they -meane windy weather. By an Owle standing uppon a tree, they signifie -death. By a Lace tyed in many knots, they meane mutual Love. By Bookes -and Scrowles, they meane Auncientnes. By a Ladder set against a Castle -wall, they meane a seedge about a Town or a Fortresse. By a Mule, -they signifie a Woman with a barrain wombe. By a Mole, they meane -blindnesse. By a Lapwing sitting uppon a Cluster of Grapes, they meane -a plentiful Vintage. By a Sceptre and an eye on the top thereof looking -downwarde, they meane power and polisie. By a Spindle ful of thred -broken of from the Distaf, they mean the shortnes of mans life.”[e] - -This is very absurd, yet nothing more rational was known of the subject -in classical times. The very name which the Greeks supplied to the -strange Egyptian script shows their ignorance of it. They called it -hieroglyphics, from ἱερός, sacred, γλύφειν, to carve, implying their -belief that this writing was purely of a sacred character, which, it -is now well known, is by no means the case. It would seem as if in -the later day, when, after the death of Alexander, Egypt came under -the rule of the Macedonian Ptolemies, there must have been Greeks -who acquired a knowledge of the Egyptian writing, just as there were -undoubtedly Egyptians who learned Greek. Yet the number of these was -probably more limited than one might suppose, for the Greeks were the -Frenchmen of antiquity; imbued with a reverential love of their own -language, they were little given to acquiring any other. Even so, it -would seem that there must have been, here and there, an inquiring -mind, which would take up the study of the hieroglyphics and ferret -out their secrets under the guidance of Egyptian tutors; but if such -there were, few records of their accomplishments have come down to us, -and none at all that can serve to give the slightest clew to the true -character of the strange inscriptions. - -About the beginning of our era, Egypt having become a Roman province, -all its personal life was stamped out. The hieroglyphic language was -no longer written or read. Long before that, the language of the -people had been greatly modified from its ancient purity, and in the -day of Egypt’s greatness it was only the scholarly few, chiefly the -priests, who could read and write the language. Now the speech became -still further modified, until finally, through the slow mutations of -time, modern Coptic has developed as its lineal descendant. In the -early days, however,--probably before the time of the oldest extant -records,--the original picture writing, or hieroglyphics proper, -had been modified into a sort of running script, which the Greeks -called hieratic; and this again had undergone another modification -some four or five centuries before our era, in the development of a -script, called enchorial or demotic, which in the day of the Ptolemies -represented the language of the Egyptian people. But after the complete -disruption of Egypt under the Romans, the hieratic and demotic forms -of the writing, as well as the hieroglyphics proper, ceased to be -employed; and presently, as has been said, all three forms became quite -unintelligible to any person living. From that time on, until the early -days of the nineteenth century, the records of Egypt, preserved so -numerously on their monuments, on the papyrus rolls and mummy-cases, -were a closed book. No man lived, during this period, in Egypt or out -of Egypt, who did more than effect the crudest guess at the meaning of -this strange writing. - -For something like two thousand years the Egyptian language was a -dead language in the fullest sense of the term, and the records, -locked imperishably in the hieroglyphics, seemed likely to hold their -mysterious secret from the prying minds of all generations of men. -But then, in the early days of the nineteenth century, the key was -unexpectedly found, and, to the delight of the scholarly world, the -Egyptian Pandora box was opened.[a] - - -THE RIDDLE OF THE SPHINX - -This came about through a study of the famous Rosetta stone, an -Egyptian monument now preserved in the British Museum. On this stone -three sets of inscriptions are recorded. The upper one, occupying about -a fourth of the surface, is a pictured scroll, made up of chains of -those strange outlines of serpents, hawks, lions, and so on, which -are recognised, even by the least initiated, as hieroglyphics. The -middle inscription, made up of lines, angles, and half-pictures, one -might suppose to be a sort of abbreviated or shorthand hieroglyphic. -It is called the enchorial or demotic character. The third, or lower, -inscription is manifestly Greek. It is now known that these three -inscriptions are renderings of the same message, and that this message -is a “decree of the Priests of Memphis conferring divine honours on -Ptolemy V, Epiphanes, King of Egypt, B.C. 195.” - -“This stone was found by the French in 1798 among the ruins of Fort St. -Julian, near the Rosetta mouth of the Nile. It passed into the hands -of the British by the treaty of Alexandria, and was deposited in the -British Museum in the year 1801.” - -The value of the Rosetta stone depended on the fact that it gave -promise, even when originally inspected, of furnishing a key to the -centuries-old mystery of the hieroglyphics. For two thousand years the -secret of these strange markings had been forgotten. Nowhere in the -world--quite as little in Egypt as elsewhere--had any man the slightest -clew to their meaning; there were even those who doubted whether -these droll picturings really had any specific meaning, questioning -whether they were not merely vague symbols of esoteric religious import -and nothing more. And it was the Rosetta stone that gave the answer -to these doubters, and restored to the world a lost language and a -forgotten literature. - -The trustees of the British Museum recognised that the problem of the -Rosetta stone was one on which the scientists of the world might well -exhaust their ingenuity, and they promptly published to the world a -carefully lithographed copy of the entire inscription, so that foreign -scholarship had equal opportunity with British to try to solve the -riddle. How difficult a riddle it was, even with this key in hand, is -illustrated by the fact that, though scholars of all nations brought -their ingenuity to bear upon it, nothing more was accomplished for a -dozen years than to give authority to three or four guesses regarding -the nature of the upper inscriptions, which, as it afterwards proved, -were quite incorrect and altogether misleading. This in itself is -sufficient to show that ordinary scholarship might have studied the -Rosetta stone till the end of time without getting far on the track of -its secrets. The key was there, but to apply it required the inspired -insight--that is to say, the shrewd guessing power--of genius. - -The man who undertook the task had perhaps the keenest scientific -imagination and the most versatile profundity of knowledge of his -generation--one is tempted to say, of all generations. For he was none -other than the extraordinary Dr. Thomas Young, the demonstrator of the -vibratory nature of light. - -Young had his attention called to the Rosetta stone by accident, and -his usual rapacity for knowledge at once led him to speculate as to the -possible aid this trilingual inscription might give in the solution of -Egyptian problems. Resolving at once to attempt the solution himself, -he set to work to learn Coptic, which was rightly believed to represent -the nearest existing approach to the ancient Egyptian language. His -amazing facility in the acquisition of languages stood him in such good -stead that within a year of his first efforts he had mastered Coptic, -had assured himself that the ancient Egyptian language was really -similar to it, and had even made a tentative attempt at the translation -of the Egyptian scroll. His results were only tentative, to be sure. -Yet they constituted the very beginnings of our knowledge regarding the -meaning of hieroglyphics. Just how far they carried, has been a subject -of ardent controversy ever since. Not that there is any doubt about the -specific facts; what is questioned is the exact importance of these -facts. For it is undeniable that Young did not complete and perfect -the discovery, and, as always in such matters, there is opportunity -for difference of opinion as to the share of credit due to each of the -workers who entered into the discovery. - -Young’s specific discoveries were these: (1) that many of the pictures -of the hieroglyphics stand for the names of the objects actually -delineated; (2) that other pictures are sometimes only symbolic; (3) -that plural numbers are represented by repetition; (4) that numerals -are represented by dashes; (5) that hieroglyphics may read either from -the right or from the left, but always from the direction in which the -animals and human figures face; (6) that proper names are surrounded -by a graven oval ring, making what he called a cartouche; (7) that the -cartouches of the preserved portion of the Rosetta stone stand for the -name of Ptolemy alone; (8) that the presence of a female figure after -such cartouches, in other inscriptions, always denotes the female -sex; (9) that within the cartouches the hieroglyphic symbols have a -positively phonetic value, either alphabetic or syllabic, and (10) that -several different characters may have the same phonetic value. - -[Illustration: THE ROSETTA STONE - -(Original in British Museum, London)] - -Just what these phonetic values are, Dr. Young pointed out in the case -of fourteen characters, representing nine sounds, six of which are -accepted to-day as correctly representing the letters to which he -ascribed them, and the three others as being correct regarding their -essential or consonantal element. It is clear, therefore, that he -was on the right track thus far, and on the very verge of complete -discovery. But, unfortunately, he failed to take the next step, which -would have been to realise that the phonetic values given to the -characters within the cartouches were often ascribed to them also -when used in the general text of an inscription; in other words, that -the use of an alphabet was not confined to proper names. This was the -great secret which Young missed, but which his French successor, Jean -François Champollion, working on the foundation that Young had laid, -was enabled to ferret out. - -Young’s initial studies of the Rosetta stone were made in 1814; his -later publications bore date of 1819. Champollion’s first announcement -of results came in 1822; his second and more important one in 1824. -By this time, through study of the cartouches of other inscriptions, -he had made out almost the complete alphabet, and the “Riddle of the -Sphinx” was practically solved. He proved that the Egyptians had -developed a relatively complete alphabet (mostly neglecting the vowels, -as early Semitic alphabets did also) centuries before the Phœnicians -were heard of in history. What relation this alphabet bore to the -Phœnician, we shall have occasion to ask in another connection; for the -moment it suffices to know that these strange pictures of the Egyptian -scroll are really letters. - -Even this statement, however, must in a measure be modified. These -pictures are letters and something more. Some of them are purely -alphabetical in character, and some are symbolic in another way. -Some characters represent syllables. Others stand sometimes as mere -representatives of sounds, and again, in a more extended sense, as -representatives of things, such as all hieroglyphics doubtless were -in the beginning. In a word, this is an alphabet, but not a perfected -alphabet such as modern nations are accustomed to; hence the enormous -difficulties and complications it presented to the early investigators. - -Champollion did not live to clear up all the mysteries of the -hieroglyphics. His work was taken up and extended by his pupil -Rosellini, and in particular by Richard Lepsius in Germany; followed -by M. Renouf, and by Samuel Birch, of the British Museum, and more -recently by such well-known Egyptologists as MM. Maspero, Mariette, -and Chabas, in France; Drs. Brugsch, Meyer, and Erman in Germany; Dr. -E. A. Wallis Budge, the present head of the Department of Oriental -Antiquities at the British Museum, and Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie. -But the work of later investigators has been largely one of exhumation -and translation of records, rather than of finding methods. - -Let us now turn more specifically to the writing itself. A glance shows -that the objects delineated are, as might be expected, those which -were familiar to the people that originated the writing. Here we see -Egyptian hawks, serpents, ibises, and the like, and the human figure, -depicted in the crude yet graphic way characteristic of Egyptian -art. But in addition to these familiar figures there are numerous -conventionalised designs. These also, there is reason to believe, were -originally representations of familiar objects, but, for convenience -of rendering, the pictures have been supplanted by conventionalised -designs. It is now known that this writing of the Egyptians was of a -most extraordinary compound character. Part of its pictures are used -as direct representations of the objects presented. But let us examine -some examples: - -[Illustration: _mat_ eye. _maui_ eyes. _pau_ birds.] - -But, again, the picture of an object may stand for some idea symbolised -by that object, thus becoming an ideograph, as in the following -instances: - -[Illustration: _net_ honey. _ba_ soul. _pet_ to see.] - -Here the sacred ibis or the sacred bull symbolises the soul. The bee -stands for honey, the eyes for the verb “to see.” - -Yet again the Egyptian pictures may stand neither as pictures of -things, nor as ideographs, but as having the phonetic value of a -syllable. - -[Illustration: _pa_ the. _meh_ to fill. _pet_ the sky or heaven. _χu_ -to protect. _t´a_ male.] - -Such syllabic signs may be used either singly, as above, or in -combination, as we shall see illustrated in a moment. - -But one other stage of evolution is possible; namely, the use of signs -with a purely alphabetical significance. The Egyptians made this -step also, and their strangely conglomerate writing makes use of the -following alphabet: - -[Illustration: _a_ _ȧ_ _ạ̄_ _i_ _u_ _b_ _p_ _f_ _m_ _n_ _r and l_ _h_ -_ḥ_ _χ (kḥ)_ _s_ _ś (sh)_ _k_ _q_ _ḳ_ _t_ _ṭ_ _θ (th)_ _t´ (tch)_] - -In a word, then, the Egyptian writing has passed through all the stages -of development, from the purely pictorial to the alphabetical, but with -this strange qualification--that while advancing to the later stages -it retains the use of the crude earlier forms. As Canon Taylor has -graphically phrased it, the Egyptian writing is a completed structure, -but one from which the scaffolding has not been removed. - -The next step would have been to remove the now useless scaffolding, -leaving a purely alphabetical writing as the completed structure. -Looking at the matter from the modern standpoint, it seems almost -incredible that so intelligent a people as the Egyptians should have -failed to make this advance. Yet the facts stand, that as early as the -time of the Pyramid Builders, say 4000 years B.C., the Egyptians had -made the wonderful analysis of sounds without which the invention of -an alphabet would be impossible. They had set aside certain of their -hieroglyphic symbols and given them alphabetical significance. They -had learned to write their words with the use of this alphabet; and it -would seem as if, in the course of a few generations, they must come -to see how unnecessary was the cruder form of picture writing which -this alphabet would naturally supplant; but in point of fact they -never did come to a realisation of this seemingly simple proposition. -Generation after generation, and century after century, they continued -to use their same cumbersome, complex writing, and it remained for an -outside nation to prove that an alphabet pure and simple was capable of -fulfilling all the conditions of a written language. - -Thus in practice there is found in the hieroglyphics the strangest -combination of ideographs, syllabic signs, and alphabetical signs or -true letters, used together indiscriminately. - -It was, for example, not at all unusual after spelling a word -syllabically or alphabetically to introduce a figure giving the idea of -the thing intended, and then even to supplement this with a so-called -determinative sign or figure: - -[Illustration: _qeften_ monkey. _qenu_ cavalry. _temati_ wings. _t´ātu_ -quadrupeds.] - -Here _qeften_, monkey, is spelled out in full, but the picture of a -monkey is added as a determinative; second, _qenu_, cavalry, after -being spelled is made unequivocal by the introduction of a picture of a -horse; third, _temati_, wings, though spelled elaborately, has pictures -of wings added; and fourth, _tatu_, quadrupeds, after being spelled, -has a picture of a quadruped, and then the picture of a hide, which is -the usual determinative of a quadruped, followed by three dashes to -indicate the plural number. - -These determinatives are in themselves so interesting, as illustrations -of the association of ideas, that it is worth while to add a few more -examples. The word _pet_, which signifies “heaven,” and which has also -the meaning “up” or “even,” is represented primarily by what may be -supposed to be a conventionalised picture of the covering to the earth. -But this picture used as a determinative is curiously modified in the -expression of other ideas, as it symbolises “evening” when a closed -flower is added, and “night” when a star hangs in the sky, and “rain or -tempest” when a series of zigzag lines, which by themselves represent -water, are appended. - -[Illustration: _māśer_ evening. _kekiu_ darkness. _ḳerḥ_ night. _ḥai_ -rain. _śenār_ tempest.] - -As aids to memory such pictures are obviously of advantage, but this -advantage, in the modern view, is outweighed by the cumbrousness of the -system of writing as a whole. - -Why was such a complex system retained? Chiefly, no doubt, because the -Egyptians, like all other highly developed peoples, were conservatives. -They held to their old method after a better one had been invented, -just as half the Western world to-day holds to an antiquated system of -weights and measures after a far simpler system of decimals has been -introduced. But this inherent conservatism was enormously aided, no -doubt, by the fact that the Egyptian language, like the Chinese, has -many words that have a varied significance, making it seem necessary, -or at least highly desirable, either to spell such words with different -signs, or, having spelled them in the same way, to introduce the varied -determinatives. - -Here are some examples of discrimination between words of the same -sound by the use of different signs: - -[Illustration: _pa_ the. _paut_ nine. _pa_ house. _paut_ stuff, matter. -_paut_ company. _paut_ good. _paut_ cycle.] - -Here, it will be observed, exactly the same expedient is adopted which -we still retain when we discriminate between words of the same sound by -different spelling, as, to, two, too; whole, hole; through, threw, etc. - -But the more usual Egyptian method was to resort to determinatives; the -results seem to us most extraordinary. After what has been said, the -following examples will explain themselves: - -[Illustration: _un_ to be. _un_ to open. _un_ shrine. _un_ appearance. -_un_ lightness. _un_ shaved. _un_ to pull out hair. - -_pet_ the sky. _pet_ heaven & earth. _pet_ heaven earth & hell. _pet_ -to see. _pet_ to open out, to extend. _pet_ a kind of unguent.] - -It goes without saying that the great mass of people in Egypt were -never able to write at all. Had they been accustomed to do so, the -Egyptians would have been a nation of artists. Even as the case -stands, a remarkable number of men must have had their artistic sense -considerably developed, for the birds, animals, and human figures -constantly presented on their hieroglyphic scrolls are drawn with a -degree of fidelity which the average European of to-day would certainly -find far beyond his skill.[d] - - -LITERATURE - -The literary remains of Egypt have come to us through two channels, -one of these being the inscriptions on walls and monuments, to which -reference has just been made, and the other the papyrus rolls that -constituted books proper. Of course the main body of the monumental -inscriptions can only by courtesy be said to belong to the literature -of the country. For the most part they are records of political and -religious affairs such as hardly come within the domain of literature. -On the other hand, there are certain examples of a more distinctly -literary character. - -One of the most important illustrations of this class of inscription -is a poem which recounts certain of the deeds of Ramses the Great, in -particular the great fight which this monarch made against the Kheta -or Hittites. We have quoted it in the chapter devoted to Ramses II. -There are other monumental inscriptions that have a purely historical -character, inasmuch as they give lists of names of the kings of the -various dynasties. Unfortunately, no one of these chronological -inscriptions is complete. The same is true of the most important -historical document on papyrus--a document known as the Turin papyrus -because it is preserved in the museum in that city. It is worth noting, -however, that these chronological lists, as far as they go, tend to -support the list of Manetho, to which reference has previously been -made. These lists of Manetho, it will be recalled, have come down to us -only through certain excerpts made by Josephus and others, the original -work having been lost in its entirety. But a comparison of these -lists at second-hand with the original Egyptian documents has shown, -as Professor Petrie remarks, what a real history the work of Manetho -must have been, and how great a deprivation its loss is to the modern -historian. - -The papyrus rolls on which most of the literary remains of Egypt are -inscribed are true books. The book of folded leaves is a comparatively -modern invention. Throughout antiquity, including the classical times, -the roll constituted the only form of book in use, unless, indeed, -we include waxen tablets, which are hardly to be considered books -in the proper sense of the word; at least it is not known that they -were ever used for the transcription of lengthy works to be placed on -sale, though it is probable that authors used them, at least for the -rough drafts of their compositions. It is well known that in later -classical times the parchment roll came to be substituted for the roll -of papyrus, though the latter held its own for a long time, and was -still employed exceptionally in the Middle Ages; but the old Egyptian -parchment was unknown, and though inscriptions were sometimes made on -pieces of linen, the regular material for book-making was papyrus. - -The papyrus sheet was made by gluing together pieces of the outer rind -or bark of the stem of the papyrus plant, these pieces being placed in -two layers and dried under pressure. The sheets of papyrus were from -six or eight to about fourteen inches in width, and were often many -feet in length. The inscription, made with a reed pen, not altogether -unlike a modern quill, was written in columns at right angles to the -length of the papyrus sheet, these columns being of varying width, but -usually of a size convenient for the scribe in writing and for the -reader. If we may judge from a statue that has been preserved, the -scribe at work sat with his feet crossed like a modern tailor. Papyrus -is, of course, a very fragile and perishable substance; therefore it -is only in the dry climate of Egypt that documents of this nature are -likely to be preserved. Thanks to the unusual atmosphere of Egypt, -however, large numbers of these documents have come down to us, -some of them dating from the third millennium B.C. These documents -represent various classes of literature. Of historical writings, the -most important is the Turin papyrus, already referred to. A still more -ancient document is known as the Prisse papyrus, being named after -its discoverer, Prisse d’Avenne. Is is virtually a series of essays -containing moral precepts and dissertations on the art of right living. -Aside from its contents, this particular papyrus roll has unusual -interest because it shows us the hieratic writing of the Egyptians in -its oldest known form, the hieratic character being a much modified -cursive form of hieroglyphic simplified in the interest of rapid -writing. It was believed by the French philologist, De Rougé, that -this hieratic character formed the basis of the Phœnician alphabet, -and a large number of scholars have accepted this conclusion, which, -however, is now seemingly about to be abandoned. Other essays of the -Egyptians, on medical and mathematical subjects, have been preserved in -considerable numbers. - -[Illustration: STATUE OF A SCRIBE (FIFTH DYNASTY) - -(Now in the Louvre)] - -There is yet another form of literary production that is abundantly -represented among the papyrus documents. This is the religious work -known as the _Book of the Dead_, a book that was substantially the -Bible of the Egyptians, numerous copies of which in whole or in part -are still in existence. An additional interest attaches to many copies -of the _Book of the Dead_ in the fact that pictures are introduced to -illustrate the narrative. One is prone to think of book illustration -as a relatively modern art; but in point of fact, as these documents -prove, it is an art that was practised by the ancient Egyptians more -than two thousand years before the Christian era. - -From a purely literary standpoint, the most important remains preserved -on papyrus are the various more or less perfect copies of romances -and of poems. The romances are somewhat of the character of what we -should call fairy tales, though elements of realism are not lacking in -some of them; and the poems include love songs and other lyrics. It is -extremely difficult to judge the artistic merits of productions in so -alien a tongue, and it has been noted by Egyptologists that certain -recitals were apparently very popular in Egypt, the merits of which are -lost upon the modern interpreter, because even the greatest of modern -students can hardly claim a degree of proficiency in the language that -suffices for the appreciation of the niceties of usage. There are -certain of the tales and poems, however, which in point of conception, -thought, and construction must be admitted to have conspicuous merit, -even when judged by modern standards. - -As soon as the tales of ancient Egypt had been recovered in sufficient -number to allow some idea of its popular literature, it was seen -that stories of travel and adventure formed a considerable portion. -But for a long time no tale of the sea came to light. In fact, it -seemed doubtful that such a one existed. The Greek and Latin writings -constantly reiterate the statement that the Egyptians regarded the sea -as impure, and that none would venture on it of his own will, and upon -this authority modern investigators had a well-formed theory that Egypt -never had a navy or native sailors. - -To them Queen Hatshepsu’s voyages of exploration and the naval -victories of Ramses III were the deeds of hired Phœnicians. But the -discovery of a tale at St. Petersburg--a tale which takes us far -back to the XIIth Dynasty, before any Phœnicians had yet appeared on -the shores of the Mediterranean, or Egypt had any thought of Syrian -conquest--tends to upset these old ideas, and lead us to the belief -that the sailors whom Pharaoh sent for the perfumes and goods of Arabia -were native born Egyptians. - -The tale of _The Castaway_ was discovered in the Imperial Hermitage -Museum at St. Petersburg by M. Golenischeff in 1880. No one knows where -the papyrus was found, or how it got in Russia, or even came to be in -the Hermitage Museum. It has taken its place as a classic of the XIIth -Dynasty, as that of the _Two Brothers_ is of the XIXth. - -On reading it, one immediately thinks of _Sindbad the Sailor_, -except that the serpents it was Sindbad’s fortune to meet were far -from being the amiable creatures described by the Egyptian sailor. -There is, indeed, no very good reason to consider the famous tale of -the _Thousand and One Nights_ as a modern version of the Egyptian -narrative. The sailors’ love for the recital of marvellous adventure is -too natural, too far-spread, for us to fasten the one upon the other. - -The tale of _The Castaway_ seems clearly to be a theological idea -dressed up in romance form. The mysterious island is the Isle of the -Double, _i.e._ the home of dead souls, and the serpent is its guardian. -The voyage describes the long journey to the other world--that trip on -the mysterious western sea, and the final reaching of the home of the -soul. The basic conception of the whole thing is typically Egyptian. -Perhaps our estimate of Egyptian literature cannot be completed -better than by the presentation of the actual text of this romance. -Our version is from G. Maspero’s rendering of M. Golenischeff’s -translation of the original papyrus in the Imperial Hermitage Museum, -St. Petersburg.[a] - - -THE CASTAWAY: A TALE OF THE TWELFTH DYNASTY - -The learned attendant said: “Rejoice thy heart, O my chief, for we -have just reached the fatherland; after having manned the prow of the -ship and worked the oars, the prow has grazed the sand. All our men -are rejoicing and embracing each other, for if others beside ourselves -have come safely home, not a man among us is missing, and, moreover, -we have gone to the farthest limits of Uauat, and have crossed the -regions of Senmut. Here we are returned in peace, and here we are back -in our fatherland. Listen, O my chief, for if thou dost not uphold -me, I have no support. Wash thee, pour water over thy hands, then go, -address thyself to Pharaoh, and may thy heart preserve thy speech from -confusion, for if a man’s mouth may save him, on the other hand, his -words may cause his face to be covered over;[12] act according to the -impulse of thy heart, and anything thou mayest say will put me at ease. - -“Now I shall relate to thee what happened to me personally. I set out -for the mines of Honhem, and went to sea in a ship one hundred and -fifty cubits long and forty wide, with one hundred and fifty of the -best sailors in the land of Egypt, men who had seen heaven and earth, -and whose hearts were stouter than those of lions. They had foretold -that the wind would not be unfavourable, or that we would have none at -all; but a gust of wind sprang up as soon as we were on the deep, and -as we approached the shore, the breeze freshened and stirred the waves -to a height of eight cubits. As for myself, I seized a plank, but the -rest perished, without one remaining. A wave of the sea threw me upon -an island after I had spent three days with no other companion than -my own heart. I lay down to rest in a thicket, and darkness enveloped -me; then I employed my legs in search of something for my mouth. I -found figs and grapes and many kinds of fine vegetables, berries, nuts, -melons of all kinds, fish, birds,--nothing was lacking. I satisfied -my hunger, and threw away the surplus of what I had gathered. I dug a -ditch, lit a fire, and prepared a sacrifice to the gods. - -“Suddenly I heard a voice like thunder, caused, as I believed, by a -wave of the sea. The trees trembled, the earth shook; I uncovered my -face, and saw that a serpent was approaching. He was thirty cubits -long, with a beard that hung down for over two cubits; his body was as -if incrusted with gold on a colour of lapis lazuli. He planted himself -before me, opened his mouth, and while I remained dumbfounded before -him, he said: - -“‘What has brought thee, what has brought thee, little one, what has -brought thee? If thou delayest to tell me what has brought thee to this -isle, I will make thee know what thou art; either thou shalt disappear -like a flame, or thou shalt tell me something I never before have -heard, and which I knew not before.’ Then he seized me in his mouth, -carried me to his lair, and laid me down unharmed; I was safe and sound -and whole. - -“Then he opened his mouth, and while I remained speechless before him, -he said, ‘What has brought thee, what has brought thee, little one, to -this isle which is in the sea and whose shores are in the midst of the -waves?’ - -“I replied with arms hanging low before him.[13] I said: ‘I embarked -for the mines, by Pharaoh’s order, in a ship one hundred and fifty -cubits long and forty wide. It was manned by one hundred and fifty of -the best sailors of the land of Egypt, who had seen heaven and earth, -and whose hearts were stouter than those of the gods. They had declared -that the wind would not be unfavourable, or even that there would be -none at all, for each one of them surpassed his companions in the -prudence of his heart and the strength of his arms, and I, I yielded to -them in nothing; but a storm arose while we were on the deep, and as we -approached the shore the gale still freshened and threw up the waves to -a height of eight cubits. As for myself, I seized a plank, but the rest -on the ship perished and not one remained with me during three days. -And now here I am with thee, for I was cast on this isle by a wave of -the sea.’ - -“Thereupon he said to me: ‘Fear not, fear not, little one, let not thy -face show sorrow. If thou art here with me, it is because God has let -thee live. ’Tis he who has brought thee to the Isle of the Double, -where nothing is lacking, and which is filled with all good things. -Behold; thou shalt pass month after month here until thou hast stayed -four months in this isle, then a ship shall come from thy country with -sailors; thou mayest then depart with them to thy country and thou -shalt die in thy native city. Let us talk and be happy; whosoever -enjoys chatting can support misfortune; let me tell thee what there -is on this island. I am here surrounded by my brothers and children, -together we are seventy-five serpents, children and retainers, without -including a young girl whom Fortune sent me, on whom the fire of heaven -fell and burnt to ashes. As for thee, if thou art strong and thy heart -is patient thou shalt yet press thy children to thy heart and embrace -thy wife; thou shalt again behold thy house, and best of all thou shalt -reach thy country and be among thy people.’ Then he bowed to me and I -touched the ground before him. ‘Now this is what I have to tell thee on -this subject, I shall describe thee to Pharaoh and make thy greatness -known to him. I shall send thee paint and offertory perfumes,[14] -pomades, cinnamon, and incense employed in the temples, the kind that -is offered to the gods. I shall also tell all that, thanks to thee, -I was enabled to see, and the whole nation together shall give thee -thanks. For thee I shall slay asses in sacrifice. I shall pluck birds -for thee, and send ships to thee filled with all the marvels of Egypt, -as if to a god, friend of men in a distant country which men know not.’ - -“He smiled at what I said on account of what was on his heart, and -said: ‘Thou art not rich in essences, for all that thou hast enumerated -unto me is naught after all but incense, while I, I am lord of the land -of Punt, and there have I plenty of essences. But the offertory perfume -of which thou speakest of sending me is not plentiful in this isle; but -when once thou leavest it, never shalt thou see it again, for it shall -be changed into waves.’ - -“And behold the ship appeared as he had predicted. I perched myself -upon a high tree to try to distinguish who were on it. I hastened to -tell him the news, but found that he knew it already; and he said to -me, ‘Good journey, good journey home, little one, let thine eyes rest -upon thy children, and may thy name remain fair in thy city--these are -my wishes for thee.’ Then I bent before him with low-hanging arms, and -he gave me presents of essences, offertory perfume, pomade, cinnamon, -thuya, sapan wood, powdered antimony, cypress, ordinary incense in -great quantity, elephants’ teeth, greyhounds, baboons, green monkeys, -and all kinds of good and precious things. I put all on board the ship -that had come, and prostrating myself, I offered him worship. He said -to me, ‘Behold, thou shalt arrive in thy country after two months, thou -shalt press thy children to thy heart and thou shalt lie in thy tomb.’ -And after that I went down to the shore towards the ship and called to -the sailors on board. I gave thanks on the shores to the lord of the -isle as well as to those who lived upon it. - -“When we had come, the second month, to the city of Pharaoh, just -as the other had predicted, we drew near the palace. I entered unto -Pharaoh, and gave him all the presents I had brought into the country -from that island, and he thanked me before the assembled people. -That is why he made an attendant of me, and let me join the king’s -courtiers. Look upon me, now that I have reached the shore once more, -and having seen and undergone so much. Hear my prayer, for it is good -to listen to people. Some one said to me, ‘Become a learned man, my -friend, thou wilt arrive at honours,’ and behold I have arrived.” - -This is taken from beginning to end as it is found in the book. Who -has written it is the scribe with nimble fingers. Ameni-Amen-aa, Life, -Health, Strength.[c] - -[Illustration: COSTUME OF A QUEEN OF ANCIENT EGYPT] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[12] Possibly an allusion to the custom of covering the faces of -criminals while they were being led to the scaffold. The order, “Cover -his face,” was equivalent to a condemnation.--M. MASPERO. - -[13] This is the attitude in which the monuments represent suppliants -or inferiors before their masters.--MASPERO. - -[14] Hakonu was one of the seven canonical oils which were offered to -the gods and departed spirits during sacrifice.--MASPERO. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. CONCLUDING SUMMARY OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY - - -In thus following the course of Egyptian history as outlined in the -pages of such ancient authorities as Herodotus, Manetho, and Diodorus, -and such recent students as Brugsch Pasha, Mariette Pasha, and -Professors Erman, Maspero, and Petrie, we have been enabled to gain a -tolerably clear picture of the life of the most celebrated nation of -antiquity. - -There is one feature of that life, however, which this story leaves -quite in the dark; namely, its beginnings. The ancients, beyond vaguely -hinting at an Ethiopian origin of the Egyptians, confessed themselves -in the main totally ignorant of the subject. And it must be confessed -that the patient researches of modern workers have not sufficed fully -to lift the veil of this ignorance. Theories have been propounded, to -be sure. It was broadly suggested by Heeren that one might probably -look to India as the original cradle of the Egyptian race. Hebrew -scholars, however, naturally were disposed to find that cradle in -Mesopotamia, and some later archæologists, among them so great an -authority as Maspero, believe that the real beginnings of Egyptian -history should be traced to equatorial Africa. But there are no sure -data at hand to enable one to judge with any degree of certainty as to -which of these hypotheses, if any one of them, is true. - -The whole point of view of modern thought regarding this subject has -been strangely shifted during the last half century. Up to that time -it was the firm conviction of the greater number of scholars that, -in dealing with the races of antiquity, we had but to cover a period -of some four thousand years before the Christian era. Any hypothesis -that could hope to gain credence in that day must be consistent with -this supposition. But the anthropologists of the past two generations -have quite dispelled that long current illusion, and we now think of -the history of man as stretching back tens, or perhaps hundreds, of -thousands of years into the past. - -Applying a common-sense view to the history of ancient nations from -this modified standpoint, it becomes at once apparent how very easy -it may be to follow up false clews and arrive at false conclusions. -Let us suppose, for example, that, as Heeren believed and as some more -modern investigators have contended, the skulls of the Egyptians and -those of the Indian races of antiquity, as preserved in the tombs of -the respective countries, bear a close resemblance to one another. -What, after all, does this prove? Presumably it implies that these -two widely separated nations have perhaps had a common origin. But -it might mean that the Egyptians had one day been emigrants from -India, or conversely, that the Indians had migrated from Egypt, or -yet again, that the forbears of both nations had, at a remoter epoch, -occupied some other region, perhaps in an utterly different part of -the globe from either India or Egypt. And even such a conclusion as -this would have to be accepted with a large element of doubt. For, up -to the present, it must freely be admitted that the studies of the -anthropologists have by no means fixed the physical characters of the -different races with sufficient clearness to enable us to predicate -actual unity of race or unity of origin from a seeming similarity of -skulls alone, or even through more comprehensive comparison of physical -traits, were these available. - -More than this, any such comparison as that which attempts to link the -Egyptians with Indians or Hebrews or Ethiopians is, after all, only -a narrow view of the subject extending over a comparatively limited -period of time. If it were shown that the first members of that race -which came to be known as the Egyptians came to the valley of the Nile -from India or Mesopotamia or Ethiopia, the fact would have undoubted -historic interest, but it would after all only take us one step farther -back along the course of the evolution of that ancient civilisation, -and the question would still remain an open one as to what was the -real cradle of the race. For in the modern view, as has just been -said, when one speaks of the evolution of civilisation, his mind must -grasp the idea of tens of thousands of years, during which, the most -casual reflection will make it clear, races may have migrated this -way and that, northward, eastward, westward, southward, and may have -reversed their course of migration over and over again, leaving few -traces through which the historian of a later time could follow them in -imagination. - -There is indeed a tradition, which Diodorus has preserved to us, that -the Egyptian of an early day made a great conquering tour through -Greece and all of western Asia to India, and back again to the region -of the Nile. We have already pointed out that such vague traditions as -this probably represent a racial memory of actual historical events, -distorted of course as to all details. But all this, it must be -repeated over and over again, is only conjecture. - -Anthropology is the newest of sciences, and it will scarcely in our day -attain a knowledge that will enable the historian to solve the problem -of the origin of any one of the remoter races of antiquity. The history -of such relatively newer races as the Hebrews, the Greeks, and the -Romans may indeed be, at least conjecturally, made out at no distant -day; but we must expect that the probably far remoter civilisation of -China, India, Mesopotamia, and Egypt will long continue to baffle the -investigator. - -But even present knowledge suffices to change utterly the point of -view with which the modern historian regards these so-called ancient -races. So long as one regarded the history of the world as comprising -only some four thousand years before the Christian era, it was quite -clear that in speaking of the earliest historical ages of Egypt, one -was dealing with time that might properly be called the childhood of -our race. One came to speak trippingly of the “Dawn of Civilisation” as -illustrated by the events of the time of the Pyramid Builders. But now -all that has changed, and it has become clear that we know nothing of -the dawn of civilisation. - -The earliest records of Egypt that have come down to us, as -illustrated, for example, in the document known as the Prisse papyrus, -which is sometimes spoken of as the oldest book in the world, show -that, at a time which probably preceded the building of the Pyramids, -namely, as early as the IInd Dynasty, the Egyptians regarded the -civilisation of their day as already past its prime. Men of that time -were already tiring of the degenerate epoch in which they lived, and -looking back to the good old days when, as it seemed to them, the -Egyptians were a great people. As Dr. Taylor has remarked, it was a -curious irony of fate that should have preserved to us such thoughts -as these in the oldest written document which has been spared for our -inspection. But the moral is quite clear. Professor Mahaffy has well -outlined it when he says that one is perhaps justified in feeling -that, in point of fact, the old Egyptian who traced the words of the -Prisse papyrus was right, and that that ancient time was really not -the spring-time of humanity, but the veritable autumn of civilisation. -Such a thought as this would have been incomprehensible to the student -of any generation before our own, but the long vistas of time that -have been opened up to our eyes through the investigations of the last -half century make such a strange estimate seem more than plausible. -For, after all, what is the sweep of, say, six or eight thousand years -which is opened to us as the truly historic period of man’s existence, -compared to the tens of thousands of years that preceded? - -Almost at the beginning of Egyptian history, as we have seen, a race -was in the field which constructed the most gigantic monuments that -human ingenuity has even yet conceived. Surely it was no dawn of -civilisation that could achieve such works as these. In the broadest -view, then, there is no such thing as ancient history open to the -observation of the modern historian. All history that we can know -from the time of the Pyramid Builders to our own day is in this view -properly but recent history, and, as has just been suggested, perhaps -only the history of an oscillating decline through the period of the -senility of our race. But, however fascinating such a view as this may -be, for practical purposes one must look a little more narrowly. Still, -the broad view which regards the ancient Egyptian as a brother in blood -to the modern European will be the surest ground on which to build a -record of universal history. - -Professor Mahaffy has pointed out, in the same connection just quoted, -that, not merely in practical civilisation, but in the appreciation -of all the moral bearings of an advanced life, the Egyptian of two or -three, or perhaps five, thousand years before the Christian era, was on -a plane differing in no essential from the plane of modern Christendom; -and this thought is the one that should perhaps be the most prominently -borne in mind by any one who will gain the truest lesson from the study -of the sweep of universal history. - -So long as the ancient Egyptian is regarded as playing the part -of a weird strange member of a civilisation utterly alien to the -modern, so long the modern is shut out from the best lessons of that -ancient history. But when, on the other hand, one considers the -ancient resident of the valley of the Nile as a human being, with -desires, emotions, and aspirations almost precisely like our own; -a man struggling to solve the same problems of practical socialism -that we are struggling for to-day,--then, and then only, can the -lessons of ancient Egyptian history be brought home to us in their -true meaning and with their true significance. And clearest of all -will this significance be, perhaps, if we constantly bear in mind the -possibility that the whole sweep of Egyptian history, during the three -or four thousand years that separated the Pyramid Builders from the -contemporaries of Alexander, was a time of national decay--a dark age, -if you will, in Egyptian history. - -It is probably because such a view as this is justified that the -current conception has arisen which regards the Egyptian as a mystic, -a religion-haunted person; for, in point of fact, it is true that, -during the greater part of the period of this Egyptian history, -their race was a priest-ridden one. To turn once more to a phrase of -Professor Mahaffy’s, “The priesthood of Egypt perhaps embalmed the -civilisation of the Nile, but they surely killed it.” Yet there must -have been a time when the nation was young and aspiring, when its -mixed population--no matter whence derived--had that vigour which -is only known to mixed races. There were giants in these days, not -in stature, but in ideas; the great Pyramids, the mighty Sphinx, -attest their existence. Then there came that development of culture, -accompanied of course by a degree of weakened virility, which made the -great literature of the XIIth Dynasty possible, and then priestcraft -throttled the nation with a grip which, despite severe and heroic -struggles, was never altogether shaken off. Just what it means when the -clammy hand of a fixed theology clutches at the throat of progressive -civilisation, we have a near-at-hand illustration in the European Dark -Ages, out of which we, at the beginning of the twentieth century, are -only just striving to emerge, after some fourteen or fifteen centuries -of combat. Our own experience, then, prepares us well to understand the -Egyptian history. - -It will doubtless be at least another century, perhaps two or three -centuries, before the inhabitants of Christendom can look out upon the -world with as rational a view as that which Plato attained in the fifth -century B.C., or Cicero in the first, or Marcus Aurelius some two or -three centuries later, just as the storm-cloud of Oriental superstition -was thickening. So it need not surprise us that Egypt should have -suffered in a like manner for a like period. - -In the last analysis, then, it would seem that it is the likeness -of Egyptian history to our own history, rather than its mysterious -differences, that gives it the greatest charm. The differences are the -surface details; the resemblances are as deep as human nature itself. -In obtaining this conviction, we curiously reversed the old estimate -of the strange weird people of the Nile, but in so doing we prepare -ourselves far better than we otherwise could to grasp the import of -universal history.[a] - - - - -APPENDIX A. CLASSICAL TRADITIONS - - Time dissipates to shining ether the solid angularity of facts. No - anchor, no cable, no fences, avail to keep a fact. Babylon, Troy, - Tyre, Palestine, and even early Rome are passing already into - fiction. The Garden of Eden, the sun standing still in Gibeon, - is poetry thenceforward to all nations. Who cares what the fact - was, when we have made a constellation of it to hang in heaven an - immortal sign?--EMERSON. - - -Such is the land which, viewed with the eyes of later epochs, seems a -theatre of marvels; such the people whose fortune it was to step first, -or among the first, from the ranks of barbarians into the phalanx of -civilisation. How and when and where they took this step--or rather -made this long slow climb--we do not know. But they themselves had -traditions regarding their origin and early history, some of which have -come down to us, chiefly through the medium of Greek historians. - -These traditions are not, of course, to be weighed in the same scale -with the concrete findings of the modern historical investigators. But -neither, on the other hand, should they be altogether set aside. We -live in a world curiously woven full of paradox and illusion. Often -it chances that the records, even of recent times, which bear the -fullest stamp of authenticity, are really nothing more than fables--a -mixture of prejudice, and falsehood, and myth, and fetich. And, on the -other hand, it may chance that a purely fabulous record contains the -very essence of history. Indeed, always, where the tradition is of -long standing and widely accepted among a people at some stage of its -evolution, such tradition must be redolent of the _Zeitgeist_ of its -epoch. - -It may be, as such fables commonly are, an impossible tale of gods and -godlike heroes, of superhuman feats and supernatural revelations; yet -none the less it is in one sense historically true. If nothing more, it -is the epitomised history of the psychology of an epoch. But generally -it is more than that: it is the idealised expression of a racial memory -of actual events--idealised, glorified, transfigured, yet perhaps never -actually created save upon a substratum of facts. And how infinitely -expressive this idealised record becomes. It condenses the events of -centuries, sometimes into a phrase; it embodies the essence of the -civilisation of an epoch in a parable. - -Who would give up the Homeric legends, with their records of gods and -supernatural heroes, for the realistic recitals of a Thucydides? Who -would give up the myths of Greece for a record of actual wars and -conquests? Fortunately we have not to make the choice; we may retain -the one record to supplement and complete the other. So the historian -should do with the early records of every people, wherever accessible. - -Apart from the monuments of the Egyptians themselves, the oldest -account of this people which has come down to us in profane literature -is that given by Herodotus. This account has peculiar interest because -it is given by an eye-witness. Herodotus travelled in Egypt some time -about the beginning of the fifth century B.C., when Egypt was just -being opened up to the foreigner. It does not appear that Herodotus -knew the language of the country, and he was, therefore, necessarily -debarred from attaining as intimate a knowledge of the people as might -otherwise have been possible. It has been suspected also that the -Egyptian priests amused themselves not a little in filling the mind of -Herodotus with tales of very doubtful authenticity. But be that as it -may, Herodotus had a keen eye, and he has left us vivid and interesting -descriptions of the many marvels that he saw, some of which are here -presented. In making these citations we shall not for the moment -attempt the rôle of the critic, accepting rather the entertaining -narrative just as it is given. - -It will be obvious that in many points this narrative partakes of -the ludicrous; yet even these portions of the tale have their value. -What Herodotus tells us of the causes of the rises of the Nile, for -example, is important as showing the attitude of Greek thought towards -this singular phenomenon. The naïve recital in which Herodotus tells -how the wind blows the sun from his course, serves in itself to give -a clew, not to the mind of Herodotus alone, but to the minds of his -contemporaries,--a clew which will be of the utmost value in aiding one -to estimate the status of various historical reports that come to us -from antiquity. But, on the other hand, what Herodotus has to tell us -of his actual observations as to the land and the manners and customs -of its people, is of the utmost importance as the contemporary record -of a keen observer, and may be accepted, so far as it relates to the -actual observations of the author, as historically accurate in the -fullest modern sense of the word. - -Next to the works of Herodotus, the amplest description of Egypt that -has come down to us from antiquity is that of Diodorus the Sicilian. -This author was a contemporary of Cæsar and Augustus. He wrote a -very famous history of the world under the title of _The Historical -Library_, in forty books, of which only about eleven have reached us -intact. - -It is not clear whether Diodorus, like Herodotus, visited Egypt in -person, but he at least was familiar with all the knowledge and -tradition of his time relating to that country. He lived several -centuries later than Herodotus, when Egypt had long been the field -of foreign invasion. Whatever the Greek and the Roman had been -able to learn of Egyptian history was therefore accessible to him, -and what he has to tell us of Egypt has the peculiar merit of -epitomising practically all classical knowledge of the people of the -Nile. Practically nothing more was added to the stock of Western -knowledge regarding Egyptian history from his day till the nineteenth -century. Certain statements which Diodorus accepted were indeed -such as latter-day scepticism would instinctively reject, but, that -qualification aside, the history of Egypt as Diodorus relates it was -practically her history as known to the Western world until nineteenth -century enterprise found the key to the Egyptian monuments. For this -reason, if for no other, the story of Diodorus will have peculiar and -lasting interest; but in addition to this, the narrative has intrinsic -merits that render it well worthy of preservation. - -It will be of the utmost interest here, at the very beginning, to -compare and contrast his account of Egypt with that of Herodotus. If we -shall find in it certain things, such as his account of the spontaneous -generation of mice from the mud of the Nile, which seem to justify what -has been quoted from the critics as to his credulity, we shall find, on -the other hand, in his critical analysis of the different stories as to -the origin of the Nile, and, in his finally correct choosing of a true -explanation of the annual rise of that river, clear proof that he did -possess and did sometimes utilise a keen critical judgment. Meantime it -will be equally clear that he possessed, in no small degree, a capacity -to write interesting history very different from the more arid records -which make up some of his later annals.[a] - -Let us turn, then, to the pages of Herodotus and listen to a classical -account of the Nile. - -In its more extensive inundations, the Nile does not overflow the -Delta only, but part of that territory which is called Libyan, and -sometimes the Arabian frontier, and extends about the space of two -days’ journey on each side, speaking on an average. Of the nature of -this river I could obtain no certain information, from the priests or -from others. It was nevertheless my particular desire to know why the -Nile, beginning at the summer solstice, continues gradually to rise for -the space of one hundred days, after which for the same space it as -gradually recedes, remaining throughout the winter, and till the return -of the summer solstice, in its former low and quiescent state: but all -my inquiries of the inhabitants proved ineffectual, and I was unable to -learn why the Nile was thus distinguished in its properties from other -streams. I was equally unsuccessful in my wishes to be informed why -this river alone wafted no breeze from its surface. - -[Illustration: HEAD-DRESS OF A QUEEN OF ANCIENT EGYPT] - -From a desire of gaining a reputation for sagacity, this subject has -employed the attention of many among the Greeks. There have been -three different modes of explaining it, two of which merit no further -attention than barely to be mentioned; one of them affirms the increase -of the Nile to be owing to the Etesian winds, which by blowing in an -opposite direction, impede the river’s entrance to the sea. But it -has often happened that no winds have blown from this quarter, and -the phenomenon of the Nile has still been the same. It may also be -remarked, that were this the real cause, the same events would happen -to other rivers, whose currents are opposed to the Etesian winds, -which, indeed, as having a less body of waters, and a weaker current, -would be capable of still less resistance: but there are many streams, -both in Syria and Libya, none of which exhibit the same appearances -with the Nile. - -The second opinion is still less agreeable to reason, though more -calculated to excite wonder. This affirms, that the Nile has these -qualities, as flowing from the Ocean, which entirely surrounds the -earth. - -The third opinion, though more plausible in appearance, is still more -false in reality. It simply intimates that the body of the Nile is -formed from the dissolution of snow, which coming from Libya through -the regions of Ethiopia, discharges itself upon Egypt. But how can -this river, descending from a very warm to a much colder climate, -be possibly composed of melted snow? There are many other reasons -concurring to satisfy any person of good understanding, that this -opinion is contrary to fact. The first and the strongest argument may -be drawn from the winds, which are in these regions invariably hot: it -may also be observed that rain and ice are here entirely unknown. Now -if in five days after a fall of snow it must necessarily rain, which -is indisputably the case, it follows that if there were snow in those -countries, there would certainly be rain. The third proof is taken from -the colour of the natives, who from excessive heat are universally -black; moreover, the kites and the swallows are never known to migrate -from this country: the cranes also, flying from the severity of a -Scythian winter, pass that cold season here. If, therefore, it snowed -although but little in those places through which the Nile passes, or -in those where it takes its rise, reason demonstrates that none of the -above-mentioned circumstances could possibly happen. - -The argument which attributes to the ocean these phenomena of the -Nile, seems rather to partake of fable than of truth or sense. For my -own part, I know no river of the name of Oceanus; and am inclined to -believe that Homer, or some other poet of former times, first invented -and afterwards introduced it in his compositions. - -But as I have mentioned the preceding opinions only to censure and -confute them, I may be expected perhaps to give my own sentiments on -this subject. It is my opinion that the Nile overflows in the summer -season, because in the winter the sun, driven by the storms from his -usual course, ascends into the higher regions of the air above Libya. -My reason may be explained without difficulty; for it may be easily -supposed, that to whatever region this power more nearly approaches, -the rivers and streams of that country will be proportionably dried up -and diminished. - -If I were to go more at length into the argument, I should say that -the whole is occasioned by the sun’s passage through the higher parts -of Libya. For as the air is invariably serene, and the heat always -tempered by cooling breezes, the sun acts there as it does in the -summer season, when his place is in the centre of the heavens. The -solar rays absorb the aqueous particles, which their influence forcibly -elevates into the higher regions; here they are received, separated, -and dispersed by the winds. And it may be observed, that the south and -southwest, which are the most common winds in this quarter, are of all -others most frequently attended with rain: it does not, however, appear -to me that the sun remits all the water which he every year absorbs -from the Nile; some is probably withheld. As winter disappears, he -returns to the middle place of the heavens, and again by evaporation -draws to him the waters of the rivers, all of which are then found -considerably increased by the rains, and rising to their extreme -heights. But in summer, from the want of rain, and from the attractive -power of the sun, they are again reduced; but the Nile is differently -circumstanced, it never has the benefit of rains, whilst it is -constantly acted upon by the sun,--a sufficient reason why it should in -the winter season be proportionably lower than in summer. In winter the -Nile alone is diminished by the influence of the sun, which in summer -attracts the water of the rivers indiscriminately; I impute, therefore, -to the sun the remarkable properties of the Nile. - -To the same cause is to be ascribed, as I suppose, the state of the air -in that country, which from the effect of the sun is always extremely -rarefied, so that in the higher parts of Libya there prevails an -eternal summer. If it were possible to produce a change in the seasons, -and to place the regions of the north in those of the south, and those -of the south in the north, the sun, driven from his place by the storms -of the north, would doubtless affect the higher parts of Europe, as it -now does those of Libya. It would also, I imagine, then act upon the -waters of the Ister, as it now does on those of the Nile. - -That no breeze blows from the surface of the river, may, I think, be -thus accounted for: Where the air is in a very warm and rarefied state, -wind can hardly be expected, this generally rising in places which are -cold. Upon this subject I shall attempt no further illustration, but -leave it in the state in which it has so long remained. - -[Illustration: A WATER-CARRIER ON THE NILE] - -In all my intercourse with Egyptians, Libyans, and Greeks, I have -only met with one person who pretended to have any knowledge of the -sources of the Nile. This was the priest who had the care of the sacred -treasures in the temple of Minerva, at Saïs. He assured me, that on -this subject he possessed the most unquestionable intelligence, though -his assertions never obtained my serious confidence. He informed me, -that betwixt Syene, a city of the Thebaïd, and Elephantine, there -were two mountains, respectively terminating in an acute summit: the -name of the one was Crophi, of the other Mophi. He affirmed, that -the sources of the Nile, which were fountains of unfathomable depth, -flowed from the centres of these mountains; that one of these streams -divided Egypt, and directed its course to the north; the other in -like manner flowed towards the south, through Ethiopia. To confirm -his assertion, that those springs were unfathomable, he told me, that -Psammetichus [Psamthek I], sovereign of the country, had ascertained -it by experiment; he let down a rope of the length of several thousand -orgyiæ, but could find no bottom. This was the priest’s information, on -the truth of which I presume not to determine. If such an experiment -was really made, there might perhaps in these springs be certain -vortices, occasioned by the reverberation of the water from the -mountains, of force sufficient to buoy up the sounding line, and -prevent its reaching the bottom. - -I was not able to procure any other intelligence than the above, though -I so far carried my enquiry, that, with the view of making observation, -I proceeded myself to Elephantine: of the parts which lie beyond -that city, I can only speak from the information of others. Beyond -Elephantine this country becomes rugged; in advancing up the stream it -will be necessary to hale the vessel on each side by a rope, such as is -used for oxen. If this should give way, the impetuosity of the stream -forces the vessel violently back again. To this place from Elephantine -is a four days’ voyage. - -Thus, without computing that part of it which flows through Egypt, the -course of the Nile is known to the extent of four months’ journey, -partly by land and partly by water; for it will be found on experience, -that no one can go in a less time from Elephantine to the Automoli. It -is certain that the Nile rises in the west, but beyond the Automoli -all is uncertainty, this part of the country being, from the excessive -heat, a rude and uncultivated desert. - -It may not be improper to relate an account which I received from -certain Cyrenæans. On an expedition which they made to the oracle -of Ammon, they said they had an opportunity of conversing with -Etearchus, the sovereign of the country: among other topics the Nile -was mentioned, and it was observed, that the particulars of its source -were hitherto entirely unknown. Etearchus informed them, that some -Nassamonians once visited his court; (these are a people of Africa -who inhabit the Syrtes, and a tract of land which from thence extends -towards the east) on his making enquiry of them concerning the deserts -of Libya, they related the following incident: some young men, who were -sons of persons of distinction, had on their coming to man’s estate -signalised themselves by some extravagance of conduct. Among other -things, they deputed by lot five of their companions to explore the -solitudes of Libya, and to endeavour at extending their discoveries -beyond all preceding adventurers. - -All that part of Libya towards the Northern Ocean, from Egypt to the -promontory of Soloëis, which terminates the third division of the -earth, is inhabited by the different nations of the Libyans, that -district alone excepted, in possession of the Greeks and Phœnicians. -The remoter parts of Libya beyond the seacoast, and the people who -inhabit its borders, are infested by various beasts of prey; the -country yet more distant is a parched and immeasurable desert. The -young men left their companions, being well provided with water and -with food, and first proceeded through the region which was inhabited; -they next came to that which was infested by wild beasts, leaving -which, they directed their course westward, through the desert. - -After a journey of many days, over a barren and sandy soil, they at -length discerned some trees growing in a plain; these they approached, -and seeing fruit upon them, they gathered it. Whilst they were thus -employed, some men of dwarfish stature came where they were, seized -their persons, and carried them away. They were mutually ignorant of -each other’s language, but the Nassamonians were conducted over many -marshy grounds to a city, in which all the inhabitants were of the same -diminutive appearance, and of a black colour. This city was washed by a -great river, which flowed from west to east, and abounded in crocodiles. - -Such was the conversation of Etearchus, as it was related to me; he -added, as the Cyrenæans further told me, that the Nassamonians returned -to their own country, and reported the men whom they had met to be -all of them magicians. The river which washed their city, according -to the conjecture of Etearchus, which probability confirms, was the -Nile. The Nile certainly rises in Libya, which it divides; and if it -be allowable to draw conclusions from things which are well known, -concerning those which are uncertain and obscure, it takes a similar -course with the Ister. This river, commencing at the city of Pyrene, -among the Celtæ, flows through the centre of Europe. These Celtæ are -found beyond the Columns of Hercules; they border on the Cynesians, the -most remote of all the nations who inhabit the western parts of Europe. -At that point which is possessed by the Istrians, a Milesian colony, -the Ister empties itself into the Euxine. - -The sources of the Ister, as it passes through countries well -inhabited, are sufficiently notorious; but of the fountains of the -Nile, washing as it does the rude and uninhabitable deserts of Libya, -no one can speak with precision. All the knowledge which I have been -able to procure from the most diligent and extensive enquiries, I -have before communicated. Through Egypt it directs its course towards -the sea. Opposite to Egypt are the mountains of Cilicia, from whence -to Sinope, on the Euxine, a good traveller may pass in five days: on -the side immediately opposite to Sinope, the Ister is poured into the -sea. Thus the Nile, as it traverses Libya, may properly enough be -compared to the Ister. But on this subject I have said all that I think -necessary.[b] - - -ANOTHER ANCIENT ACCOUNT OF THE NILE - -The River Nile, says Diodorus, breeds many Creatures of several Forms -and Shapes, amongst which, Two are especially remarkable, the Crocodile -and the Horse as it’s call’d: Amongst these the Crocodile of the least -Creature becomes the greatest; for it lays an Egg much of the bigness -of that of a Goose, and after the young is hatcht, it grows to the -length of Sixteen Cubits, and lives to the Age of a Man: It wants a -Tongue, but has a Body naturally arm’d in a wonderful manner. For its -Skin is cover’d all over with Scales of an extraordinary hardness; -many sharp Teeth are rang’d on both sides its Jaws, and Two of them -are much bigger than the rest. This Monster does not only devour Men, -but other Creatures that come near the River. His Bites are sharp and -destructive, and with his Claws he tears his Prey cruelly in Pieces, -and what Wounds he makes, no Medicine or Application can heal. The -Egyptians formerly catcht these Monsters with Hooks, baited with raw -Flesh; but of later times, they have us’d to take ’em with strong -Nets like Fishes; sometimes they strike them on the Head with Forks -of Iron, and so kill them. There’s an infinite Multitude of these -Creatures in the River and the Neighbouring Pools, in regard they are -great Breeders, and are seldom kill’d. For the Crocodile is ador’d as a -God by some of the Inhabitants; and for Strangers to hunt and destroy -them is to no purpose, for their Flesh is not eatable. But Nature has -provided relief against the increase of this destructive Monster; for -the Ichneumon, as it’s call’d (of the Bigness of a little Dog) running -up and down near the Waterside, breaks all the Eggs laid by this Beast, -wherever he finds them; and that which is most to be admir’d, is, that -he does this not for Food or any other Advantage, but out of a natural -Instinct for the meer Benefit of Mankind. - -The Beast call’d the River Horse, is Five Cubits long, Four Footed, and -cloven Hoof’d like to an Ox. He has Three Teeth or Tushes on either -side his Jaw, appearing outwards larger than those of a Wild-Boar; as -to his Ears, Tayl and his Neighing, he’s like to a Horse. The whole -Bulk of his Body is not much unlike an Elephant; his Skin is firmer and -thicker almost than any other beast. He lives both on Land and Water; -in the Day time he lies at the Bottom of the River, and in the Night -time comes forth to Land, and feeds upon the Grass and Corn. If this -Beast were so fruitful as to bring forth Young every Year, he would -undo the Husbandman, and destroy a great part of the Corn of Egypt. -He’s likewise by the help of many Hands often caught, being struck -with Instruments of Iron; for when he is found, they hem him round -with their Boats, and those on Board wound him with forked Instruments -of Iron, cast at him as so many Darts; and having strong Ropes to the -Irons, they fix in him, they let him go till he loses his Blood, and so -dies: His Flesh is extraordinary hard, and of ill digestion. There’s -nothing in his inner Parts that can be eaten, neither his Bowels, nor -any other of his Intrails. - -Besides these before mention’d, Nile abounds with multitudes of -all sorts of Fish; not only such as are fresh taken to supply the -Inhabitants at hand, but an innumerable Number likewise which they -salt up to send Abroad. To conclude, no River in the World is more -Beneficial and Serviceable to Mankind, than Nile. - -[Illustration: ANCIENT EGYPTIAN BOAT, SHOWING THE METHOD OF USING -RUDDER, SAIL, AND OARS] - -Its Inundation begins at the Summer Solstice, and increases till the -Equinoctial in Autumn; during which time he brings in along with him -new Soyl, and waters as well the Till’d and Improv’d Ground as that -which lies waste and untill’d, as long as it pleases the Husbandman; -for the Water flowing gently and by degrees, they easily divert its -Course, by casting up small Banks of Earth; and then by opening a -Passage for it, as easily turn it over their Land again, if they see -it needful. It’s so very advantageous to the Inhabitants, and done -with so little pains, that most of the Country People turn in their -Cattel into the sow’d Ground to eat, and tread down the Corn, and Four -or Five Months after they reap it. Some lightly run over the Surface -of the Earth with a Plow, after the Water is fallen, and gain a mighty -Crop without any great Cost or Pains: But Husbandry amongst all other -Nations is very laborious and chargable, only the Egyptians gather -their Fruits with little Cost or Labour. That part of the Country -likewise where Vines are planted after this watering by the Nile, -yields a most plentiful Vintage. The Fields that after the Inundation -are pastur’d by their Flocks, yield them this advantage, that the Sheep -Yean twice in a Year, and are shorn as often. This Increase of the -Nile is wonderful to Beholders, and altogether incredible to them that -only hear the Report; for when other Rivers about the Solstice fall -and grow lower all Summer long, this begins to increase, and continues -to rise every day, till it comes to that height that it overflows -almost all Egypt; and on the contrary in the same manner in the Winter -Solstice, it falls by degrees till it wholly returns into its proper -Channel. And in regard the Land of Egypt lies low and Champain, the -Towns, Cities and Country Villages that are built upon rising-ground -(cast up by Art) look like the Islands of the Cyclades: Many of the -Cattel sometimes are by the River intercepted, and so are drown’d; but -those that fly to the higher Grounds are preserv’d. During the time -of the Inundation, the Cattel are kept in the Country Towns and small -Cottages, where they have Food and Fodder before laid up and prepar’d -for them. But the common People now at liberty from all Imployments -in the Field, indulge themselves in Idleness, feasting every day, and -giving themselves up to all sorts of Sports and Pleasures. Yet out of -fear of the Inundation, a Watch Tower is built in Memphis, by the Kings -of Egypt, where those that are imploy’d to take care of this concern, -observing to what height the River rises, send Letters from one City to -another, acquainting them how many Cubits and Fingers the River rises, -and when it begins to decrease; and so the People coming to understand -the Fall of the Waters, are freed from their fears, and all presently -have a foresight what plenty of Corn they are like to have; and this -Observation has been Registred from time to time by the Egyptians for -many Generations. - -There are great Controversies concerning the Reasons of the overflowing -of Nile, and many both Philosophers and Historians have endeavour’d -to declare the Causes of it. Some who have attempted to give their -Reasons, have been very wide from the Mark. For as for Hellanicus, -Cadmus, Hecatæus, and such like ancient Authors, they have told little -but frothy Stories, and meer Fables. Herodotus, above all other Writers -very industrious, and well acquainted with General History, made it his -Business to find out the Causes of these things, but what he says is -notwithstanding very doubtful, and some things seem to be repugnant and -contradictory one to another. - -No Writer hitherto has pretended that he himself ever saw or heard of -any one else that affirm’d he had seen the Spring-heads of Nile: All -therefore amounting to no more but Opinion and Conjecture, the Priests -of Egypt affirm that it comes from the Ocean, which flows round the -whole Earth: But nothing that they say is upon any solid grounds, and -they resolve Doubts by things that are more doubtful; and to prove what -they say, they bring Arguments that have need to be proved themselves. - -Thales, who is reckon’d one of the Seven Wise Men of Greece, is of -Opinion that the Etesean Winds that beat fiercely upon the Mouth of -the River, give a check and stop to the Current, and so hinder it from -falling into the Sea, upon which the River swelling, and its Channel -fill’d with Water, at length overflows the Country of Egypt, which -lies flat and low. Though this seem a plausible Reason, yet it may be -easily disprov’d. For if it were true what he says, then all the Rivers -which run into the Sea against the Etesean Winds would overflow in like -manner; which being never known in any other part of the World, some -other reason and more agreeable to Truth must of necessity be sought -for. Anaxagoras the Philosopher ascribes the Cause to the melting of -the Snow in Ethiopia, whom the Poet Euripides (who was his Scholar) -follows. - -Neither is it any hard Task to confute this Opinion, since it’s -apparent to all, that by reason of the parching Heats, there’s no Snow -in Ethiopia at that time of the Year. For in these Countries there’s -not the least Sign either of Frost, Cold or any other effects of -Winter, especially at the time of the overflowing of Nile. And suppose -there be abundance of Snow in the higher Parts of Ethiopia, yet what -is affirm’d is certainly false: For every River that is swell’d with -Snow, fumes up in cold Fogs, and thickens the Air; but about Nile, only -above all other Rivers, neither mists gather, nor are there any cold -Breezes, nor is the Air gross and thick. Herodotus says that Nile is -such in its own nature, as it seems to be in the time of its increase; -for that in Winter, when the Sun moves to the South, and runs its daily -course directly over Africa, it exhales so much Water out of Nile, that -it decreases against Nature; and in Summer when the Sun returns to -the North, the Rivers of Greece, and the Rivers of all other Northern -Countries, fall and decrease; and therefore that it is not so strange -for Nile about Summer time to increase, and in Winter to fall and grow -lower. But to this it may be answer’d, that if the Sun exhale so much -moisture out of Nile in Winter time, it would do the like in other -Rivers in Africa, and so they must fall as well as Nile, which no where -happens throughout all Africa, and therefore this Author’s Reason is -frivolous; for the Rivers of Greece rise not in the Winter, by reason -of the remoteness of the Sun, but by reason of the great Rains that -fall at that time. Ephorus, who gives the last account of the thing, -endeavours to ascertain the Reason, but seems not to find out the Truth. - -[Illustration: COLOSSAL SEATED FIGURES OF GODS] - -The whole Land of Egypt (says he) is cast up from the River, and -the Soyl is of a loose and spungy nature, and has in it many large -Clifts and hollow Places, wherein are abundance of Water, which in the -Winter-time is frozen up, and in the Summer issues out on every side, -like Sweat from the Pores, which occasions the River Nile to rise. This -Writer does not only betray his own Ignorance of the nature of Places -in Egypt, that he never saw them himself, but likewise that he never -was rightly inform’d by any that was acquainted with them. And indeed -no Man is to expect any certainty from Ephorus, who may be palpably -discern’d not to make it his business in many things to declare the -Truth. - -The Philosophers indeed in Memphis have urg’d strong Reasons of the -Increase of Nile, which are hard to be confuted; and though they are -improbable, yet many agree to them. For they divide the Earth into -Three Parts, one of which is that wherein we inhabit; another quite -contrary to these Places in the Seasons of the Year; the Third lying -between these Two, which they say is uninhabitable by reason of the -scorching heat of the Sun; and therefore if Nile should overflow in -the Winter-time, it would be clear and evident that its Source would -arise out of our Zone, because then we have the most Rain: But on the -contrary being that it rises in Summer, it’s very probable that in -the Country opposite to us it’s Winter-time, where then there’s much -Rain, and that those Floods of Water are brought down thence to us: -And therefore that none can ever find out the Head-Springs of Nile, -because the River has its Course through the opposite Zone; which is -uninhabited. And the exceeding sweetness of the Water, they say, is the -Confirmation of this Opinion; for passing through the Torrid Zone, the -Water is boil’d, and therefore this River is sweeter than any other in -the World; for Heat does naturally dulcorate Water. But this reason is -easily refuted; for it’s plainly impossible that the River should rise -to that height, and come down to us from the opposite Zone; especially -if it be granted that the Earth is round. But if any yet shall be so -obstinate as to affirm it is so as the philosophers have said, I must -in short say it’s against and contrary to the Laws of Nature. - -For being they hold Opinions that in the nature of the things can -hardly be disprov’d, and place an inhabitable part of the World between -us and them that are opposite to us; they conclude, that by this -device, they have made it impossible, and out of the reach of the Wit -of Man to confute them. But it is but just and equal, that those who -affirm any thing positively, should prove what they say, either by -good Authority or strength of Reason. How comes it about that only the -River Nile should come down to us from the other opposite Zone? Have we -not other Rivers that this may be as well apply’d to? As to the Causes -alledg’d for the sweetness of the Water, they are absurd: For if the -Water be boyl’d with the parching Heat, and thereupon becomes sweet, -it would have no productive quality, either of Fish or other Kinds of -Creatures and Beasts; for all Water whose Nature is chang’d by Fire, -is altogether incapable to breed any living thing, and therefore being -that the Nature of Nile contradicts this decoction and boyling of the -Water, we conclude that the Causes alledg’d of its increase are false. - -But to the true cause, Agartharchides of Cnidus comes nearest. For -he says, that in the Mountainous parts of Ethiopia, there are Yearly -continual Rains from the Summer Solstice to the Equinox in Autumn, and -therefore there’s just cause for Nile to be low in the Winter, which -then flows only from its own natural Spring-heads, and to overflow -in Summer through the abundance of Rains. And though none hitherto -have been able to give a Reason of these Inundations, yet he says his -Opinion is not altogether to be rejected; for there are many things -that are contrary to the Rules of Nature, for which none are able to -give any substantial Reason. That which happens in some parts of Asia, -he says, gives some confirmation to his Opinion. For in the Confines of -Scythia, near Mount Caucasus, after the Winter is over, he affirms that -abundance of Snow falls every Year for many Days together: And that in -the Northern Parts of India, at certain Times, there falls abundance of -Hail, and of an incredible Bigness: And that near the River Hydaspis, -in Summer-time, it rains continually; and the same happens in Ethiopia -for many Days together; and that this disorder of the Air whirling -about, occasions many Storms of Rain in Places near adjoyning; and that -therefore it’s no wonder if the Mountainous Parts of Ethiopia, which -lies much higher than Egypt, are soakt with continual Rains, wherewith -the River being fill’d, overflows; especially since the natural -Inhabitants of the Place affirm, that thus it is in their Country. -And though these things now related, are in their nature contrary to -those in our own Climates, yet we are not for that Reason to disbelieve -them. For with us the South Wind is cloudy and boysterous, whereas in -Ethiopia it’s calm and clear; and that the North Winds in Europe are -fierce and violent, but in those Regions low and almost insensible. - -But however (after all) though we could heap up variety of Arguments -against all these Authors concerning the Inundation of Nile, yet those -which we have before alledg’d shall suffice, lest we should transgress -those bounds of Brevity which at the first we propos’d to our selves. - - -A GREEK VIEW OF THE ORIGINS OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY - -The Egyptians report, says Diodorus, that at the beginning of the -World, the first Men were created in Egypt, both by reason of the happy -Climate of the Country, and the nature of the River Nile. For this -River being very Fruitful, and apt to bring forth many animals, yields -of it self likewise Food and Nourishment for the things produc’d. For -it yields the Roots of Canes, the Fruit of the Lote-Tree, the Egyptian -Bean, that which they call Corseon, and such like Rarities, always -ready at hand. - -[Illustration: WALL INSCRIPTION WITH FIGURES IN RED - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -And that all living Creatures were first produc’d among them, they use -this Argument, that even at this day, about Thebes at certain Times, -such vast Mice are bred, that it causes admiration to the Beholders; -some of which to the Breast and Fore-feet are animated and begin to -move, and the rest of the Body (which yet retains the nature of the -Soyl) appears without form. - -Whence it’s manifest, that in the beginning of the World, through the -Fertileness of the Soyl the first Men were form’d in Egypt, being that -in no other parts of the World any of these Creatures are produc’d; -only in Egypt these supernatural Births may be seen. - -The first Generation of Men in Egypt, therefore contemplating the -Beauty of the Superior World, and admiring with astonishment the frame -and order of the Universe, judg’d there were Two chief Gods that were -Eternal, that is to say, The Sun and the Moon, the first of which -they call’d Osiris, and the other Isis, both Names having proper -Etymologies; for Osiris in the Greek Language, signifies a Thing with -many Eyes, which may be very properly apply’d to the Sun darting his -Rays into every Corner, and as it were with so many Eyes viewing and -surveying the whole Land and Sea. - -Some also of the antient Greek Mythologists call Osiris Dionysus, and -sirname him Sirius. Some likewise set him forth cloath’d with the -spotted Skin of a Fawn (call’d Nebris) from the variety of Stars that -surround him. - -Isis likewise being interpreted, signifies Antient, that Name being -ascrib’d to the Moon from Eternal Generations. They add likewise to -her, Horns, because her Aspect is such in her Increase and in her -Decrease, representing a Sickle; and because an Ox among the Egyptians -is offer’d to her in Sacrifice. They hold that these Gods govern the -whole World, cherishing and increasing all things; and divide the Year -into Three Parts (that is to say, Spring, Summer, and Autumn) by an -invisible Motion perfecting their constant course in that time: And -though they are in their Natures very differing one from another, yet -they compleat the whole Year with a most excellent Harmony and Consent. -They say that these Gods in their Natures do contribute much to the -Generation of all things, the one being of a hot and active Nature, the -other moist and cold, but both having something of the Air; and that -by these, all things are brought forth and nourish’d: And therefore -that every particular Being in the Universe is perfected and compleated -by the Sun and Moon, whose Qualities, as before declar’d, are Five; A -Spirit or quickning Efficacy, Heat or Fire, Dryness or Earth, Moisture -or Water, and Air, of which the World does consist, as a Man made up of -Head, Hands, Feet, and other parts. These Five they reputed for Gods, -and the People of Egypt who were the first that spoke articulately, -gave Names proper to their several Natures, according to the Language -they then spake. And therefore they call’d the Spirit Jupiter, which is -such by Interpretation, because a quickning Influence is deriv’d from -this into all Living Creatures, as from the original Principle; and -upon that account he is esteem’d the common Parent of all things. - -Fire they call’d by Interpretation Vulcan, and him they had in -Veneration as a Great God, as he that greatly contributed to the -Generation and Perfection of all Beings whatsoever. - -The Earth, as the Common Womb of all Productions, they call’d Metera, -as the Greeks in process of time, by a small alteration of one Letter, -and an omission of Two Letters, call’d the Earth Demetra, which was -antiently call’d Gen Metera, or the Mother Earth. - -Water or Moisture, the Antients call’d Oceanus; which by Interpretation -is a nourishing Mother, and so taken by some of the Grecians. - -But the Egyptians account their Nile to be Oceanus, at which all the -Gods were Born. For in Egypt only among all the Countries in the World, -are many Cities built by the ancient Gods, as by Jupiter, Sol, Mercury, -Apollo, Pan, Elithia, and many others. - -To the Air they gave the Name of Minerva, signifying something proper -to the nature thereof, and call’d her the Daughter of Jupiter, -and counted a Virgin, because the Air naturally is not subject to -Corruption, and is in the highest part of the Universe; whence rises -the Fable, that she was the issue of Jupiter’s Brain: They say she’s -call’d also Tritogeneia, or Thrice Begotten, because she changes her -natural Qualities thrice in the Year, the Spring, Summer, and Winter; -and that she was call’d Glaucopis, not that she hath Grey Eyes (as some -of the Greeks have suppos’d, for that’s a weak Conceit) but because the -Air seems to be of a Grey Colour, to the view. They report likewise, -that these Five Gods travel through the whole World, representing -themselves to Men sometimes in the shapes of Sacred living Creatures, -and sometimes in the Form of Men, or some other Representation. And -this is not a Fable, but very possible, if it be true, that these -generate all things; and the Poet [Homer] who travell’d into Egypt, in -some part of his Works, affirms this Appearance, as he learnt it from -their Priests, - - The Gods also like Strangers come from far - In divers Shapes within the Towns appear, - Viewing Men’s good and wicked Acts. - -And these are the Stories told by the Egyptians of the Heavenly and -Immortal Gods. And besides these, they say there are others that -are Terrestrial, which were begotten of these former Gods, and were -Originally Mortal men, but by reason of their Wisdom and Beneficence to -all Mankind, have obtain’d Immortality, of which some have been Kings -of Egypt. Some of whom by interpretation, have had the same Names with -the Celestial Gods, others have kept their own proper Names. For they -report that Sol, Saturn, Rhea, Jupiter (surnam’d by some Ammon), Juno, -Vulcan, Vesta, and lastly, Mercury, reign’d in Egypt; and that Sol was -the first King of Egypt, whose Name was the same with the Celestial -Planet call’d Sol. - -But there are some of the Priests who affirm Vulcan to be the first of -Kings, and that he was advanc’d to that Dignity upon the account of -being the first that found out the use of Fire, which was so beneficial -to all Mankind. For a Tree in the Mountains hapning to be set on Fire -by Lightning, the Wood next adjoyning was presently all in a Flame; and -Vulcan thereupon coming to the Place, was mightily refresht by the heat -of it, being then Winter Season; and when the Fire began to fail, he -added more combustible Matter to it, and by that means preserving it, -call’d in other Men to enjoy the Benefit of that which he himself was -the first Inventer, as he gave out. - -Afterwards they say Saturn reign’d, and marry’d his Sister Rhea, and -that he begat of her Osiris and Isis; but others say, Jupiter and Juno, -who for their great Virtues, rul’d over all the World. That of Jupiter -and Juno were born Five Gods, one upon every day of the Five Egyptian -intercalary Days. The Names of these Gods are Osiris, Isis, Typhon, -Apollo and Venus. That Osiris was interpreted Bacchus, and Isis plainly -Ceres. That Osiris marry’d Isis, and after he came to the Kingdom, did -much, and perform’d many things for the common Benefit and Advantage of -Mankind. For he was the first that forbad Men eating one another; and -at the same time Isis found out the way of making of Bread of Wheat and -Barley, which before grew here and there in the Fields amongst other -common Herbs and Grass, and the use of it unknown: And Osiris teaching -the way and manner of Tillage, and well management of the Fruits of -the Earth, this change of Food became grateful; both because it was -naturally sweet and delicious, and Men were thereby restrain’d from the -mutual Butcheries of one another: For an evidence of this first finding -out the use of these Fruits, they alledge an antient Custom amongst -them: For even at this day, in the time of Harvest, the Inhabitants -offer the first Fruits of the Ears of Corn, howling and wailing about -the Handfuls they offer, and invoking this Goddess Isis: And this they -do in return of due Honour to her for that Invention at the first. In -some Cities also, when they celebrate the Feast of Isis in a Pompous -Procession, they carry about Vessels of Wheat and Barley, in memory of -the first Invention, by the care and industry of this Goddess. They -say likewise, that Isis made many Laws for the good of Human Society, -whereby Men were restrain’d from lawless Force and Violence one upon -another, out of fear of Punishment. And therefore Ceres was call’d by -the ancient Greeks, Themophorus (that is) Lawgiver, being the Princess -that first constituted Laws for the better Government of her People. - -Osiris moreover built Thebes in Egypt, with an Hundred Gates, and -call’d it after his Mother’s Name: But in following Times, it was -call’d Diospolis, and Thebes; of whose first Founder not only -Historians, but the Priests of Egypt themselves, are much in doubt. For -some say that it was not built by Osiris, but many Years after by a -King of Egypt, whose History we shall treat of hereafter in its proper -place. They report likewise, that he built Two magnificent Temples, -and Dedicated them to his Parents, Jupiter and Juno; and likewise Two -Golden Altars, the greater to the great God Jupiter; the other to his -Father Jupiter, who had formerly reign’d there, whom they call Ammon. -That he also erected Golden Altars to other Gods, and instituted their -several Rites of Worship, and appointed Priests to have the Oversight -and Care of the Holy things. In the time of Osiris and Isis, Projectors -and ingenious Artists were in great honour and Esteem; and therefore -in Thebes there were then Goldsmiths and Braziers, who made Arms and -Weapons for the Killing of Wild Beasts, and other Instruments for the -husbanding of the Ground, and improvement of Tillage; besides Images of -the Gods, and Altars in Gold. They say that Osiris was much given to -Husbandry, that he was the Son of Jupiter, brought up in Nysa, a Town -of Arabia the Happy, near to Egypt, call’d by the Greeks Dionysus, from -his Father, and the Place of his Education. - -Here near unto Nysa (they say) he found out the use of the Vine, and -there planting it, was the first that drank Wine; and taught others how -to plant it and use it, and to gather in their Vintage, and to keep -and preserve it. Above all others, he most honoured Hermes, one of an -admirable Ingenuity, and quick Invention, in finding out what might -be useful to Mankind. This Hermes was the first (as they report) that -taught how to speak distinctly and articulately, and gave Names to many -things that had none before. He found out Letters, and instituted the -Worship of the Gods; and was the first that observ’d the Motion of the -Stars, and invented Musick; and taught the manner of Wrestling; and -invented Arithmetick, and the Art of curious Graving and Cutting of -Statues. He first found out the Harp with Three Strings, in resemblance -of the Three Seasons of the Year, causing Three several Sounds, the -Treble, Base and Mean. The Treble, to represent the Summer; The Base, -the Winter; and the Mean, the Spring. He was the first that taught the -Greeks Eloquence; thence he’s call’d Hermes, a Speaker or Interpreter. -To conclude, he was Osiris’s Sacred Scribe, to whom he communicated -all his Secrets, and was chiefly steer’d by his Advice in every thing. -He (not Minerva, as the Greeks affirm) found out the use of the -Olive-tree, for the making of Oyl. - -It’s moreover reported, that Osiris being a Prince of a publick -Spirit, and very ambitious of Glory, rais’d a great Army, with which -he resolv’d to go through all parts of the World that were inhabited, -and to teach Men how to plant Vines, and to sow Wheat and Barly. For he -hop’d that if he could civilize Men, and take them off from their rude -and Beast-like Course of Lives, by such a publick good and advantage, -he should raise a Foundation amongst all Mankind, for his immortal -Praise and Honour, which happen’d accordingly. For not only that Age, -but Posterity ever after honour’d those among the chiefest of their -Gods, that first found out their proper and ordinary Food. Having -therefore settl’d his Affairs in Egypt, and committed the Government -of his whole Kingdom to his Wife Isis, he join’d with her Mercury, as -her chief Councellor of State, because he far excell’d all others in -Wisdom and Prudence. But Hercules his near Kinsman, he left General -of all his Forces within his Dominions, a Man admir’d by all for his -Valour and Strength of Body. As to those parts which lay near Phœnicia, -and upon the Sea-Coasts of them, he made Busiris Lord Lieutenant, and -of Ethiopia and Lybia, Anteus. - -Then marching out of Egypt, he began his Expedition, taking along with -him his Brother, whom the Greeks call’d Apollo. This Apollo is reported -to have discover’d the Laurel-Tree, which all Dedicate especially to -this God. To Osiris they attribute the finding out of the Ivy-Tree, and -dedicate it to him, as the Greeks do to Bacchus: And therefore in the -Egyptian Tongue, they call Ivy Osiris’s Plant, which they prefer before -the Vine in all their Sacrifices, because this loses its Leaves, and -the other always continues fresh and green: Which Rule the Ancients -have observ’d in other Plants, that are always green, dedicating Mirtle -to Venus, Laurel to Apollo, and the Olive-Tree to Pallas. - -It’s said, that Two of his Sons accompany’d their Father Osiris in this -Expedition, one call’d Anubis, and the other Macedo, both valiant Men: -Both of them wore Coats of Mail, that were extraordinary remarkable, -cover’d with the Skins of such Creatures as resembled them in Stoutness -and Valour. Anubis was cover’d with a Dog’s, and Macedon with the Skin -of a Wolf; and for this reason these Beasts are religiously ador’d -by the Egyptians. He had likewise for his Companion, Pan, whom the -Egyptians have in great Veneration; for they not only set up Images and -Statues up and down in every Temple, but built a City in Thebides after -his Name, call’d by the Inhabitants Chemmin, which by interpretation is -Pan’s City. There went along with them likewise those that were skilful -in Husbandry, as Maro in the planting of Vines, and Triptolemus in -sowing of Corn, and gathering in the Harvest. - -All things being now prepar’d, Osiris having vow’d to the Gods to -let his Hair grow till he return’d into Egypt, marcht away through -Æthiopia; and for that very Reason it’s a piece of Religion, and -practis’d among the Egyptians at this Day, that those that travel -Abroad, suffer their Hair to grow, till they return Home. As he pass’d -through Æthiopia, a Company of Satyrs were presented to him, who (as -it’s reported) were all Hairy down to their Loyns: For Osiris was a -Man given to Mirth and Jollity, and took great pleasure in Musick and -Dancing; and therefore carry’d along with him a Train of Musicians, -of whom Nine were Virgins, most Excellent Singers, and expert in -many other things (whom the Greeks call Muses) of whom Apollo was -the Captain; and thence call’d the Leader of the Muses: Upon this -account the Satyrs, who are naturally inclin’d to skipping, dancing -and singing, and all other sorts of Mirth, were taken in as part of -the Army: For Osiris was not for War, nor came to fight Battels, and -to decide Controversies by the Sword, every Country receiving him -for his Merits and Virtues, as a God. In Ethiopia having instructed -the Inhabitants in Husbandry, and Tillage of the Ground, and built -several stately Cities among them, he left there behind him some to be -Governors of the Country, and others to be Gatherers of his Tribute. - -While they were thus imploy’d, ’tis said that the River Nile, about the -Dogdays (at which time it uses to be the highest) broke down its Banks, -and overflow’d the greatest part of Egypt, and that part especially -where Prometheus govern’d, insomuch as almost all the Inhabitants were -drown’d; so that Prometheus was near unto Killing of himself for very -grief of heart; and from the sudden and violent Eruption of the Waters, -the River was call’d Eagle. - -Hercules, who was always for high and difficult enterprizes, and ever -of a stout Spirit, presently made up the Breaches, and turn’d the -River into its Channel, and kept it within its ancient Banks; and -therefore some of the Greek Poets from this fact have forg’d a Fable, -That Hercules kill’d the Eagle that fed upon Prometheus his Heart. -The most ancient Name of this river was Oceames, which in the Greek -pronunciation is Oceanus; afterwards call’d Eagle, upon the violent -Eruption. Lastly it was call’d Egyptus, from the Name of a King that -there reign’d. The last Name which it still retains, it derives from -Nileus, a King of those Parts. - -Osiris being come to the Borders of Ethiopia, rais’d high Banks on -either side of the River, lest in the time of its Inundation it should -overflow the Country more than was convenient, and make it marish and -boggy; and made Floodgates to let in the Water by degrees, as far as -was necessary. Thence he pass’d through Arabia, bordering upon the Red -Sea as far as to India, and the utmost Coasts that were inhabited: -He built likewise many Cities in India, one of which he call’d Nysa, -willing to have a remembrance of that in Egypt where he was brought -up. At this Nysa in India, he planted Ivy, which grows and remains -here only of all other Places in India, or the Parts adjacent. He left -likewise many other Marks of his being in those Parts, by which the -latter Inhabitants are induc’d to believe, and do affirm that this God -was born in India. - -He likewise addicted himself much to hunting of Elephants; and took -care to have Statues of himself in every place, as lasting Monuments -of his Expedition. Thence passing to the rest of Asia, he transported -his Army through the Hellespont into Europe; and in Thrace he kill’d -Lycurgus King of the Barbarians, who oppos’d him in his Designs. Then -he order’d Maro (at that time an Old Man) to take care of the Planters -in that Country, and to build a City, and call it Maroneo, after his -own Name. Macedon his Son he made King of Macedonia, so calling it -after him. To Triptolemus he appointed the Culture and Tillage of the -Land in Attica. To conclude, Osiris having travell’d through the whole -World, by finding out Food fit and convenient for Man’s Body, was a -Benefactor to all Mankind. Where Vines would not grow and be fruitful, -he taught the Inhabitants to make Drink of Barley, little inferiour in -strength and pleasant Flavour to Wine it self. He brought back with -him into Egypt the most pretious and richest things that ever place -did afford; and for the many Benefits and Advantages that he was the -Author of, by the common Consent of all Men, he gain’d the Reward of -Immortality and Honour equal to the Heavenly Deities. - -After his Death, Isis and Mercury celebrated his Funeral with -Sacrifices and other Divine Honours, as to one of the Gods, and -instituted many Sacred Rites mystical Ceremonies in Memory of the -mighty Works wrought by this Hero, now Deify’d. Antiently the Egyptian -Priests kept the manner of the Death of Osiris secret in their own -Registers among themselves; but in after-times it fell out, that -some that could not hold, blurted it out, and so it came Abroad. For -they say that Osiris, while he govern’d in Egypt with all Justice -imaginable, was Murder’d by his wicked Brother Typhon; and that he -mangled his dead Body into Six and Twenty Pieces, and gave to each of -his Confederates in the Treason a Piece, by that means to bring them -all within the same horrid Guilt, and thereby the more to ingage them -to advance him to the Throne, and to defend and preserve him in the -Possession. - -But Isis, the Sister and Wife likewise of Osiris, with the assistance -of her Son Orus, reveng’d his Death upon Typhon and his Complices, and -possess’d her self of the Kingdom of Egypt. It’s said the Battel was -fought near a River not far off a Town now call’d Antæa in Arabia, so -call’d from Anteus, whom Hercules slew in the time of Osiris. She found -all the Pieces of his Body, save his Privy Members; and having a desire -to conceal her Husband’s Burial, yet to have him honour’d as a God by -all the Egyptians, she thus contriv’d it. She clos’d all the Pieces -together, cementing them with Wax and Aromatick Spices, and so brought -it to the shape of a Man of the bigness of Osiris; then she sent for -the Priests to her, one by one, and swore them all that they should not -discover what she should then intrust them with. Then she told them -privately that they only should have the Burial of the King’s Body; -and recounting the many good Works he had done, charg’d them to bury -the Body in a proper place among themselves, and to pay unto him all -Divine Honour, as to a God. That they should Dedicate to him one of the -Beasts bred among them, which of them they pleas’d, and that while it -was alive, they should pay it the same Veneration as they did before to -Osiris himself; and when it was dead, that they should Worship it with -the same Adoration and Worship given to Osiris. But being willing to -incourage the Priests to these Divine Offices by Profit and Advantage, -she gave them the Third part of the Country for the Maintenance of the -Service of the Gods and their Attendance at the Altars. - -[Illustration: AN EGYPTIAN HUNTSMAN] - -In memory, therefore, of Osiris’s good Deeds, being incited thereunto -by the Commands of the Queen, and in expectation of their own Profit -and Advantage, the Priests exactly perform’d every thing that Isis -injoin’d them; and therefore every Order of the Priests at this Day -are of opinion that Osiris is bury’d among them. And they have those -Beasts in great Veneration, that were so long since thus consecrated; -and renew their Mournings for Osiris over the Graves of those Beasts. -There are Two sacred Bulls especially, the one call’d Apis, and the -other Mnevis, that are Consecrated to Osiris, and reputed as Gods -generally by all the Egyptians. For this Creature of all others was -extraordinarily serviceable to the first Inventers of Husbandry, both -as to the sowing Corn, and other Advantages concerning Tillage, of -which all reapt the Benefit. Lastly, they say, that after the Death -of Osiris, Isis made a Vow never to Marry any other Man, and spent -the rest of her Days in an exact Administration of Justice among her -Subjects, excelling all other Princes in her Acts of Grace and Bounty -towards her own People; and therefore after her Death, she was numbred -among the Gods, and as such had Divine Honour and Veneration, and was -buri’d at Memphis, where they shew her Sepulchre at this day in the -Grove of Vulcan. - -Yet there are some that deny that these Gods are Buri’d at Memphis; -but near the Mountains of Ethiopia and Egypt, in the Isle of Nile, -lying near to a place call’d Philas, and upon that account also nam’d -the Holy Field. They confirm this by undoubted Signs and Marks left in -this Island, as by a Sepulchre built and erected to Osiris, religiously -Reverenc’d by all the Priests of Egypt, wherein are laid up Three -Hundred and Threescore Bowls, which certain Priests, appointed for that -purpose, fill every Day with Milk, and call upon the Gods by Name, with -Mourning and Lamentation. - -The several parts therefore of Osiris being found, they report were -bury’d in this manner before related; but his Privy-members (they say) -were thrown into the River by Typhon, because none of his Partners -would receive them; and yet that they were divinely honour’d by Isis; -for she commanded an Image of this very part to be set up in the -Temples, and to be religiously ador’d; and in all their Ceremonies and -Sacrifices to this God, she ordered that part to be held in divine -Veneration and Honour. And therefore the Grecians, after they had -learn’d the Rites of the Feasts of Bacchus, and the Orgian Solemnities -from the Egyptians in all their Mysteries and Sacrifices to this God, -they ador’d that Member by the Name of Phallus. - -From Osiris and Isis, to the Reign of Alexander the Great, who built a -City after his own Name, the Egyptian Priests reckon above Ten Thousand -Years, or (as some write) little less than Three and Twenty Thousand -Years. They affirm, that those that say this God Osiris was born at -Thebes in Boetia of Jupiter and Semele, relate that which is false. For -they say that Orpheus after he came into Egypt, was initiated into the -Sacred Mysteries of Bacchus or Dionysus, and being a special Friend to -the Thebans in Boetia, and of great esteem among them, to manifest his -Gratitude, transferr’d the Birth of Bacchus or Osiris over into Greece. - -And that the Common People, partly out of Ignorance, and partly out of -a desire they had that this God should be a Grecian, readily receiv’d -these Mysteries and Sacred Rites among them; and that Orpheus took -the occasion following to fix the Birth of the God and his Rites and -Ceremonies among the Greeks: As thus, Cadmus (they say) was born at -Thebes in Egypt, and amongst other Children begat Semele: That she was -got with Child by one unknown, and was deliver’d at Seven Months end of -a Child very like to Osiris, as the Egyptians describe him. But such -Births are not us’d to live, either because it is not the pleasure of -the Gods it should be so, or that the Law of Nature will not admit it. -The Matter coming to Cadmus his Ear, being before warn’d by the Oracle -to protect the Laws of his Country, he wrapt the Infant in Gold, and -instituted Sacrifices to be offer’d to him, as if Osiris had appear’d -again in this shape; and caus’d it to be spread abroad, that it was -begotten of Jupiter, thereby both to honour Osiris, and to cover his -Daughter’s Shame. - -The Priests say that the Grecians have arrogated to themselves both -their Gods and Demy-Gods (or Heroes), and say that divers Colonies were -transported over to them out of Egypt: For Hercules was an Egyptian, -and by his Valour made his way into most parts of the World, and set up -a Pillar in Africa; and of this they endeavour to make proof from the -Grecians themselves.[c] - - - - -APPENDIX B. THE PROBLEM OF EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY - - The Egyptians that pretended so great antiquity, three hundred - kings before Amasis: and as Mela writes, 13,000 years from the - beginning of their chronicles, that bragged so much of their - knowledge of old, for they invented arithmetic, astronomy, - geometry; of their wealth and power, that vaunted of 20,000 cities; - yet at the same time their idolatry and superstition was most - gross; they worshipped, so Diodorus Siculus records, sun and moon - under the name of Isis and Osiris, and after, such men as were - beneficial to them, or any creature that did them good. In the city - of Bubasti they adored a cat, saith Herodotus, ibis and storks, an - ox (saith Pliny), leaks and onions, Manobius. - - Porrum et cæpe deos imponere nubibus ausi, - Hos tu Nile deos colis.--BURTON’S _Anatomy of Melancholy_. - - -Notwithstanding the light thrown upon Egyptian history by the records -from the monuments, the lists of the priest Manetho still form the -basis of all computations of Egyptian chronology of the earlier -periods. There are several reasons for this. In the first place, the -records themselves, though in the aggregate wonderfully voluminous, -yet, so far as deciphered, cover, after all, only scattered bits of -the long periods of time involved. Mostly the individual records are -the glorifications of the deeds of a single king. Some kings left -scanty records, and often even these were wilfully destroyed by some -subsequent ruler of another dynasty. Or, a king might leave the record -of his predecessor, but substitute his own name for the rightful one -in the chronicle. Even the great Ramses II was guilty of such an act -as this. The fact of such tampering with the record would generally -be perceptible, but it may not be so easy to determine whose was the -rightful name which the falsifier erased. - -Much more important than this, however, is the obstacle that arises -from the fact that the Egyptians, like all other nations of antiquity, -lacked a fixed era from which to reckon. They computed years with -reasonable accuracy, but they never reckoned long periods consecutively -from any single date. Hence the record of any particular king stands -more or less by itself, or associated at most with recent predecessors. -If the records of some of these predecessors have been lost, the gap -may be of such a doubtful character as to throw uncertainty upon the -chronology of long periods, or, indeed, of the entire remoter history. -Thus it is that the records from the monuments, despite their great -historic value and absorbing personal interest, do not in themselves, -as yet, suffice to reveal in its entirety the history of the long -succession of Egyptian dynasties. But fortunately these contemporary -records have been found in many cases to accord marvellously with -Manetho’s lists. Hence the faith in these lists as a whole has been -greatly strengthened, and the historian of to-day, in basing his -Egyptian chronology upon Manetho for the periods not covered by -known monuments, is by no means working altogether in the dark. It is -true that there have been two schools of opinion as to how far this -reliance should be carried: one school contending very warmly that -Manetho’s lists are probably in places the records of contemporaneous -dynasties,--it being known that the government was in many periods -divided,--and hence that the entire period of time required for the -dynasties as listed must be materially shortened; the other school -maintaining that Manetho himself took note of such contemporaneous -dynasties and eliminated them from his list, retaining only a single -line of what he regarded as legitimate succession. - -For the general student, it really does not matter greatly which of -these views is correct. The general accuracy of Manetho is admitted on -all hands, and the monuments sustain him to the extent of making sure -a long list of dynasties, whether or not his exact number be admitted. -When we recall that Manetho himself was, relatively speaking, a modern, -living in the third century B.C., and hence writing about periods that -were, even according to minimum estimates, farther separated from his -age than he is from our own, it would not seem strange if he should -have made some mistakes. But it is well enough also to remember that -his lists would probably not have been challenged with so much fervour -in our time, had it not been for certain ulterior bearings of this -question of chronology. The clew will be evident to whoever notices -that in the different estimates of Egyptian chronology the older -historians--those of the earlier decades of the nineteenth century--are -pretty generally the ardent advocates of a lower or more recent date -for the beginning of the first dynasty. - -In a word, during the period when the question of the antiquity of -man was still matter of ardent controversy, even the most fair-minded -historian could not help letting his prejudice on that subject -influence his judgment regarding Egyptian chronology. The year 2349 -B.C., which his Bible margin had taught him to recall as a date when -the history of mankind began anew after an all-devastating flood, -stood out in his mind as a danger mark that he must not let himself -be carried past if he could possibly avoid it. If he preferred the -Septuagint reckoning, he gained a few centuries more of leeway, say -till 3250 B.C., but this was the ultimate limit, behind which no -evidence could carry him. - -Meantime historians who had not this bias were unequivocally fixing -the beginning of the Egyptian dynasties a thousand years or so -farther back. But their reckoning could count for nothing in the -general verdict so long as the old estimate of man’s antiquity was -held. No sooner, however, had it come to be generally conceded that -the long-authoritative dates were incorrect, than a reaction set in -among the Egyptologists. Once it was conceded that man had been an -inhabitant of the earth for hundreds of thousands of years, and that -the years of his early civilisation must reach back into the tens of -thousands, the form of the bias of the average searcher into ancient -history was changed. That very human tendency which makes one like to -excel his neighbour, caused the Egyptologists now to vie with their -only competitors, the Assyriologists, in lengthening out their records, -instead of shortening them. We do not mean that a bias was consciously -admitted in one case or the other; but historians are human, and their -judgments, like those of other mortals, are never altogether free from -human prejudice. - -The clear and simple fact seems to be, that no knowledge is at hand -that enables the historian to fix with certainty the remoter dates -of Egyptian history. The very most that can be done, at present, -is to determine minimum dates, as is done by the most recent German -writers of authority, and to content ourselves with stating these, -understanding that they make no pretence to absolute accuracy. When -Professor Meyer, for example, says that the minimum date for the -founding of the Old Memphis Kingdom by King Menes is 3180 B.C., he does -not at all imply that Mariette is wrong in fixing the same event at -5004 B.C., or about two thousand years earlier. He simply means that in -the present state of knowledge he does not feel justified in choosing -a definite date; he is certain, however, that the true date cannot be -placed later than 3180 B.C. - -Some such latitude as this we must admit, then, in dealing with ancient -Egyptian chronology. Of course the amount of possible variation -progressively decreases as we come down the ages; but the chronology -does not become absolutely fixed until we reach the comparatively -recent period of King Psamthek I, who reigned from near the middle of -the seventh century before our era. - -Fortunately, however, these uncertainties of exact chronology need -interfere but little with our interest and enjoyment in considering -Egyptian history. Chronology is, indeed, as Professor Petrie has -phrased it, “the backbone of history.” But this applies rather to -the general sequence of events than to the exact citation of years; -and fortunately there is no uncertainty at all about the sequence of -important events in Egyptian history, even from the remotest times. -We may not know the exact year in which the great Pyramid was built; -but we do know exactly who built it, and the names and deeds of his -predecessors and successors, as well as the general epoch in which the -events took place. For the purpose of any one but the specialist, we -could scarcely ask more than this. And a like certainty attaches to -all other of the really great epochs of Egyptian history. The general -student may feel quite content with the degree of precision of the -attainable records; and, paying but slight attention to the less -important dynasties, may well fix his attention upon those culminating -periods when the great deeds were accomplished which render the history -of Egypt memorable for all generations of men. The first of these -periods, and the one which now claims our attention, was the epoch of -the so-called Old Kingdom of Memphis--the epoch of the ushering in of -Egyptian history, as known to succeeding generations; yet also the -epoch of the building of the Pyramids--the most gigantic and permanent -structures ever created by human minds and human hands. - -Apart from questions of chronology, the sequence of chief events in -Egyptian history is now fairly established and accepted by all schools -of Egyptologists. This course of history proper we have followed under -guidance of specialists who have devoted their lives to the elucidation -of this subject. It may be well, however, to repeat a word of warning -that has already been said as to the incompleteness of the records -on which this narrative is based. It is one thing to assert that the -main events of Egyptian history are known in proper sequence, and it -is quite another to assume that a knowledge of all the events of that -history is accessible. In point of fact, it must be freely admitted -that our knowledge of Egyptian history as a whole is meagre indeed. -Here and there a great event or a great name stands out prominently, -but there are long stretches of time between, when not so much as the -name of a single man is known in many generations. - -Generally speaking, however, the periods marked by dearth of records -may be presumed to be periods equally marked by dearth of great -events; and in one sense our history of these distant times assumes -truer relation of perspective than can possibly be given to the -chronicle of later periods which are replete with insignificant and -bewildering details of minor events. Without scruple or regret, -therefore, we may here and there condense the narrative of many -generations of Egyptian history into a line or paragraph, while giving -extended treatment to the deeds and accomplishments of a few great -heroes who make Egyptian history illustrious. - -But before turning to the history proper, it will be well to make a -more detailed examination of the chronological foundations on which our -knowledge rests. Eduard Meyer has outlined them succinctly.[a] From -our sources of information, he says, it is evident that we can place -ourselves on certain chronological ground for Egyptian history. - -Manetho has rightly retained its general outline. He divides the kings, -from the foundation of the kingdom by Menes until the fall of the last -Darius, into thirty-one ruling houses, or dynasties. His division does -not seem to be always correct; for instance, the Turin papyrus makes -several more divisions out of the Ist Dynasty. Nevertheless, Manetho’s -order has long been commonly accepted, and for many reasons its further -retention commends itself. - -The Turin papyrus just mentioned seems to have been written under -Ramses III, as the name of this king appears in the accounts on the -back. It contains a record of the Egyptian kings (the dynasties of the -gods precede them), with a statement of the years of their reigns, -and to some degree of their ages. Unfortunately the papyrus is much -mutilated, and amidst numerous small fragments there exist only a -few large pieces. But it is possible to obtain a general view of the -papyrus by putting the most important fragments into their right -places. It contains (if pages have not been torn off at the end) ten -columns of from twenty-seven to twenty-eight lines, and it mentions -about two hundred and twenty kings’ names, from Menes until before, or -during, the Hyksos period. - -These are divided into dynasties, which are sometimes specified only by -a title, and sometimes by the word “reigned” being repeated after the -king’s name. Under the longer lists totals are given. In the few cases -where the figures of the papyrus have been verified by the help of the -memorials, they have been found to be correct. However, the author is -guilty of a great error in the total of the XIIth Dynasty. - -The gaps in the papyrus are partially filled by the royal monumental -tablets, which are altogether of a funereal character--a later king or -citizen is shown offering sacrifice to the old rulers. - -Three lists carry historical weight: - -(1) The tablet of Seti I in Abydos, discovered in 1864 and quite -complete, contains seventy-six names. The tablet of Ramses II, now in -London, is a copy of this. - -(2) The tablet of Tehutimes III from Karnak, now in the Louvre, very -much injured and promiscuously put together, contains sixty-one names. - -(3) The tablet from the tomb of Tunrei at Saqqarah (under Ramses II, -discovered in 1860), contains fifty-one names, of which forty-seven -remain. - -Manetho’s list in its different editions comes next to these accounts. -It was long thought that by putting it in its original form, we -should arrive at a safe basis of Egyptian chronology. A more careful -examination, however, shows us that Manetho is not to be trusted. -Where we can verify his figures in the more ancient periods they -are almost without exception wrong, and this from no fault of the -copyists and makers or extractors; there are constant confusion and -gaps in the succession of names. Numerous examples of such errors -may be seen in the comparison of Manetho’s list with the monuments. -It is only about the XXth Dynasty that his figures seem to be -reliable. Another circumstance must be added. According to Manetho’s -arrangement, the dynasties follow each other, so that he includes a -Theban and a contemporaneous Hyksos family in the XVIIth Dynasty, and -does not reckon each one as a separate ruling house. In truth, such -contemporaneous governments did repeatedly take place, and consequently -they must reduce the dates of Manetho, even if the numbers be correct. -King Menes would not, according to Manetho (under Unger’s calculation), -be placed in the year 5613 B.C., but considerably later. - -So we must give up the search for absolute dates as hopeless, and limit -ourselves to an approximate computation of the periods of Egyptian -history. The genealogies of the ruling houses, as well as those of -private people, are of great service, for where we can trace a pedigree -through long periods, we are able to give an approximate estimate of -the number of generations. Thus we arrive at the “minimum” dates, with -which we must content ourselves for the present. - -For the long periods from the VIIth to the XIth Dynasties and from -the XIVth to the XVIIth, which are almost completely destitute of -monuments, the dates are extremely problematic. The dates therefore -given for the XIIth Dynasty, for the Pyramid period and for Menes, only -prove that they cannot well be put later, whilst they leave the way -open for any one to put them farther back.[b] - -The lists of Manetho, above referred to, are so important as to require -fuller notice. - - -MANETHO’S TABLE OF THE EGYPTIAN DYNASTIES - - =======+=============+===================+=========+=======+======+====== - Dynasty| Name | Capital | Province| Length|Years |Years - | of Dynasty | | | of |before|before - | | | | Years |Hegira|Christ - -------+-------------+-------------------+---------+-------+------+------ - I |Thinis |Harabat-el-Madfuneh|Girgeh | 253 | 5626 | 5004 - II |Thinis |Harabat-el-Madfuneh|Girgeh | 302 | 5373 | 4751 - III |Memphis |Mitrahineh |Gizeh | 214 | 5071 | 4449 - IV |Memphis |Mitrahineh |Gizeh | 284 | 4857 | 4235 - V |Memphis |Mitrahineh |Gizeh | 248 | 4573 | 3951 - VI |Elephantine |Gezireh-Assuan |Esneh | 203 | 4325 | 3703 - VII |Memphis |Mitrahineh |Gizeh |70 days| 4122 | 3500 - VIII |Memphis |Mitrahineh |Gizeh | 142 | 4122 | 3500 - IX |Heracleopolis|Ahnas-el-Medineh |Beni Suef| 109 | 3980 | 3358 - X |Heracleopolis|Ahnas-el-Medineh |Beni Suef| 185 | 3871 | 3249 - XI |Thebes |Medinet Habu |Keneh } | 213 | 3686 | 3064 - XII |Thebes |Medinet Habu |Keneh } | | | - XIII |Thebes |Medinet Habu |Keneh | 453 | 3173 | 2851 - XIV |Xoïs |Sakha |Menufieh | 184 | 3020 | 2398 - XV |Hyksos |San |Sharkieh}| | | - XVI |Hyksos |San |Sharkieh}| 511 | 2836 | 2214 - XVII |Hyksos |San |Sharkieh}| | | - XVIII |Thebes |Medinet Habu |Keneh | 241 | 2325 | 1703 - XIX |Thebes |Medinet Habu |Keneh | 174 | 2084 | 1462 - XX |Thebes |Medinet Habu |Keneh | 178 | 1910 | 1288 - XXI |Tanis |San |Sharkieh | 130 | 1732 | 1110 - XXII |Bubastis |Tel-Basta |Sharkieh | 170 | 1602 | 980 - XXIII |Tanis |San |Sharkieh | 89 | 1432 | 810 - XXIV |Saïs |Sa-el-Hagar |Gharbieh | 6 | 1343 | 721 - XXV |Ethiopian |Sa-el-Hagar |Gharbieh | 50 | 1337 | 715 - XXVI |Saïs |Sa-el-Hagar |Gharbieh | 138 | 1287 | 665 - XXVII |Persian |Sa-el-Hagar |Gharbieh | 121 | 1149 | 527 - XXVIII |Saïs |Sa-el-Hagar |Gharbieh | 7 | 1028 | 406 - XXIX |Mendes |Ashmun-el-Ruman |Dakalieh | 21 | 1021 | 399 - XXX |Sebennytes |Samanudi |Gharbieh | 38 | 1000 | 378 - XXXI |Persian |Samanudi |Gharbieh | 8 | 962 | 340 - - End of list according to Manetho - - XXXII |Macedonian | | | 27 | 954 | 332 - XXXIII |Greek | | | 275 | 927 | 305 - XXXIV |Roman | | | 411 | 652 | 30 - | | | | | | A.D. - | |Edict of Theodosius| | | 241 | 381 - -------+-------------+-------------------+---------+-------+------+------ - -No one can help being struck by the enormous total to which Manetho’s -summing up of the dynasties brings us. By means of the Egyptian -priest’s lists we are in truth carried back to the times that for all -other peoples are purely mythical, but for Egypt are certainly historic. - -Embarrassed by this fact and finding no other means of discrediting -Manetho’s authenticity and veracity, some modern writers have supposed -that Egypt has been at various periods of its history divided into -several kingdoms, and that Manetho gives us as successive some royal -families whose reigns were in fact simultaneous. - -According to these authorities the Vth Dynasty, for example, would -have reigned at Memphis at the same time that the VIth governed at -Elephantine. It is not necessary to demonstrate the advantages of -such an arrangement. By bringing certain dates closer together and by -correcting others it is possible by an ingenious and clever arrangement -of the dynasties to shorten almost at will the space of time covered by -Manetho’s lists; thus while, in the table, we have the date 5626 A.H., -that is, before the Hegira, [5004 B.C.] as that of the foundation of -the Egyptian monarchy, other writers like Bunsen do not go farther back -than 4245 A.H. or 3623 B.C. - -On whose side does the truth lie? The more one studies the question, -the more it is seen how difficult it is to reply. The greatest of -all obstacles to the establishment of a definite Egyptian chronology -is that the Egyptians never had a chronology proper. The employment -of an era, properly so called, was unknown to them, and up to the -present time it has never been proved that they reckoned otherwise -than by the years of the reign. And moreover these years were far -from having a fixed point of beginning, since sometimes they began at -the commencement of the year in which the preceding king died, and -sometimes with the coronation of the new king. Whatever may be the -apparent precision of its calculations, modern science will always -be baffled in its attempts to establish that which the Egyptians -themselves did not possess.[c] - - - - -BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS - -[The letter [a] is reserved for Editorial Matter] - - -CHAPTER I. THE EGYPTIAN RACE AND ITS ORIGIN - -[b] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte der Alten Aegyptens_. - -[d] W.M. FLINDERS PETRIE, from the article “Egyptology” in the New -Volumes of the Ninth Edition of the _Encyclopædia Britannica_. - -[g] ADOLF ERMAN, _Aegypten und Aegyptisches Leben im Alterthum_. - - -CHAPTER II. THE OLD MEMPHIS KINGDOM - -[b] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - -[d] A. WIEDEMANN, _Aegyptische Geschichte_. - -[e] DIODORUS SICULUS, _The Historical Library_ (translated from the -Greek by G. Booth). - -[f] G.C.C. MASPERO, _The Dawn of Civilisation_ (translated from the -French by M. L. McClure). - -[g] SAMUEL BIRCH, translation of the Inscription of Una in _Records of -the Past_. - -[h] H.C. BRUGSCH, _Geschichte Aegyptens unter den Pharaonen_. - - -CHAPTER III. THE OLD THEBAN KINGDOM - -[b] H. C. BRUGSCH, _Geschichte Aegyptens unter den Pharaonen_. - -[c] G.C.C. MASPERO, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient_. - -[d] HERODOTUS, _The History of Herodotus_ (translated from the Greek by -William Beloe). - -[e] WILLIAM BELOE, Translator of the History of Herodotus. - -[f] K.R. LEPSIUS, _Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Peninsula of -Sinai_ (translated from the German by Leonora and Joanna B. Horner). - -[g] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - -[h] W.N. FLINDERS PETRIE, _A History of Egypt_. - -[i] FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, _The Works of Josephus_ (translated from the -Greek by William Whiston). - -[j] MANETHO, cited by Josephus. - - -CHAPTER IV. THE RESTORATION - -[b] SAMUEL BIRCH, _Records of the Past_. - -[c] G.C.C. MASPERO, _The Struggle of the Nations_ (translated from the -French by M.L. McClure). - -[d] G.C.C. MASPERO, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient_. - - -CHAPTER V. THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY - -[b] G.C.C. MASPERO, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient_. - -[c] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - -[d] H.C. BRUGSCH, _Geschichte Aegyptens unter den Pharaonen_. - - -CHAPTER VI. THE FINDING OF THE ROYAL MUMMIES - -[b] G.C.C. MASPERO, _La Trouvaille de Deir-el-Bahari_. - - -CHAPTER VII. THE PERIOD OF DECAY - -[b] G.C.C. MASPERO, _The Struggle of the Nations_ (translated from the -French by M.L. McClure). - -[c] G.C.C. MASPERO, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient_. - -[d] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - - -CHAPTER VIII. THE CLOSING SCENES - -[b] L. MÉNARD, _Histoire des anciens peuples de l’Orient_. - -[c] DIODORUS SICULUS, _The Historical Library_ (translated from the -Greek by G. Booth). - -[d] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - - -CHAPTER IX. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE EGYPTIANS - -[b] J. GARDNER WILKINSON, _A Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptians_. - -[c] J. F. C. CHAMPOLLION, _Descriptions de l’Égypte_; _l’Égypte sous -les Pharaohs_; _etc._ - -[d] P. LE PAGE RENOUF, in Birch’s _Records of the Past_. - -[e] AMELIA B. EDWARDS, _A Thousand Miles Up the Nile_. - -[f] FRANÇOIS CHABAS, in Birch’s _Records of the Past_. - -[g] E. A. T. W. BUDGE, _The Book of the Dead_. - -[h] K. R. LEPSIUS, _Denkmäler_. - -[i] SAMUEL BIRCH, _Records of the Past_. - -[j] HERODOTUS, _The History of Herodotus_ (translated from the Greek by -William Beloe). - -[k] GEORG EBERS, _An Egyptian Princess_; _A History of Egypt_; _etc._ - -[m] G. C. C. MASPERO, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient_. - -[n] AUGUSTE MARIETTE, _Aperçu de l’histoire d’Égypte_. - -[o] W. N. FLINDERS PETRIE, Numerous Works; see _Bibliography_, p. 302. - - -CHAPTER X. THE EGYPTIAN RELIGION - -[b] HERODOTUS, _The History of Herodotus_ (translated from the Greek by -William Beloe). - -[c] ADOLF ERMAN, _Aegypten und Aegyptisches Leben im Alterthum_. - -[d] DIODORUS SICULUS, _The Historical Library_ (translated from the -Greek by G. Booth). - -[e] J. GARDNER WILKINSON, _A Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptians_. - -[f] STRABO, _The Geography of Strabo_ (translated from the Greek by J. -Falconer and H. C. Hamilton). - - -CHAPTER XI. EGYPTIAN CULTURE - -[b] J. GARDNER WILKINSON, _A Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptians_. - -[c] G. C. C. MASPERO, rendering in _Les Contes Populaires de l’Égypte -Ancienne_ of M. Golenischeff’s translation of the original papyrus in -the Imperial Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. - -[d] HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, _The History of the Art of Writing_. - -[e] CLAUDIUS ÆLIANUS, _The Variable History of Ælianus_ (translated -from the Greek by A. Fleming). - - -APPENDIX A. CLASSICAL TRADITIONS - -[b] HERODOTUS, _History of Herodotus_ (translated from the Greek by -William Beloe). - -[c] DIODORUS SICULUS, _The Historical Library_ (translated from the -Greek by G. Booth). - - -APPENDIX B. THE PROBLEM OF EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY - -[b] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - -[c] A. MARIETTE, _Aperçu de l’histoire d’Égypte_. - - - - -A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY - -BASED ON THE WORKS QUOTED, CITED, OR EDITORIALLY CONSULTED IN THE -PREPARATION OF THE PRESENT HISTORY, WITH CRITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES - - -In the preparation of the present work the editors have had occasion -to consult a very large number of books, in addition to those actually -quoted. Not all of these are here listed; neither is any effort made -to have the present bibliography complete in other respects. Many -names of recent works that might easily be added are purposely omitted -because of the facility with which the student will come upon them. -On the other hand, a good many works are included because their very -obscurity would lead to their being overlooked. Some of these had -great importance in their day, and must be looked to by any one who -would appreciate the history of development and research in this -field. Others had at best only incidental importance, yet should not -be quite forgotten. Brief critical estimates are in many cases added -to orientate the would-be investigator; and in the case of the more -important authorities, biographical notes are also appended. - - * * * * * - -=Adams=, W. M., The Mystery of Ancient Egypt. The New Review, 1893; The -House of the Hidden Places. London, 1895.--=Ælianus=, Claudius, The -Variable History of Ælianus. London, 1576. - - _Claudius Ælianus_ was a Roman citizen who lived in the second - century A.D., the exact date being uncertain. Though a Roman, he - preferred Greek to Latin, and wrote all his works in the former - language. He has been denominated the “honey-tongued,” from the - character of his style, and the “sophist,” from his teaching - rhetoric. Two of his works are still extant: the _Varia Historia_, - from which our excerpts are taken, and a book on natural history, - which enjoyed great repute in later classical and mediæval times. - Both of these works are written apparently without system, though - the author himself declared that it was his intention to shift from - one topic to another to keep up the reader’s interest. The work - on natural history, having of course no other than an antiquarian - interest in modern times, has never been translated; but the - _Varia Historia_ has been rendered into English twice; the quaint - old translation of Fleming, made in 1576, being the one which we - select for our excerpts. The value of this work depends largely - upon the fact that it is made up from the writings of still more - ancient historians whose works are mainly lost. - -=Amélineau=, E., La Géographie de l’Égypte à l’époque copte. Paris, -1893; Résumé de l’histoire de l’Égypte. Paris, 1894; Les nouvelles -fouilles d’Abydos, Angero; Les Moines égyptiens. Paris, 1890; La morale -égyptienne. Paris, 1892; Les idées morales dans l’Égypte ancienne. -Paris, 1895; Essai sur l’évolution historique et philosophique -des idées morales dans l’Égypte ancienne. Paris, 1896; Histoire -de la sépulture et des funérailles dans l’ancienne Égypte. Paris, -1896.--=Anonymous=, Ausführliches Verzeichniss der aegyptischen -Altertümer, Gipsabgüsse und Papyrus der Berl. Samml. Berlin, 1894. - - * * * * * - -=Batten=, S. H., Pharaoh of the Exodus. Melbourne, 1880.--=Bénédite=, -G., Le temple de Philæ. Paris, 1895.--=Berkley=, E., Pharaohs and -their People. London, 1884.--=Birch=, S., Records of the Past. London, -18 vols., 1873; Egypt to 300 B.C. London, 1875; Two Tablets of the -Ptolemaic Period (Archeologia, vol. 39). London, 1863. - - _Dr. Samuel Birch_ was born in London, 3rd November, 1813; - died there 27th December, 1885. He was a scholar of recognised - profundity and also of remarkable versatility. He went early to the - British Museum in the department of antiquities, his specialty at - that time being Chinese. Later on he became chief of the department - of antiquities, including oriental, classical, mediæval, and early - British archæology. He became recognised as an expert in all these - departments, and his publications cover almost the entire range of - archæology. He was an innovator in both Assyriology and Egyptology. - In the latter field his publications are many and varied, one of - the most important being his Grammar of the Egyptian Language, - which was incorporated with the great work on Egyptian history by - Baron Bunsen. As the science of Egyptology was then in a transition - state, this and the other works of Dr. Birch are of course now - superseded, though by no means rendered valueless. One of the - most important editorial tasks of Dr. Birch was the bringing out - of a series known as _The Records of the Past_, which consisted - of translations from Egyptian and Assyrio-Babylonian records. - Dr. Birch himself contributed several of these. He also had the - distinction of being the first translator of the Egyptian Book of - the Dead. To some extent Dr. Birch suffered from his versatility; - being known in so many fields, he is not thought of pre-eminently - in connection with any one of them, but he will always be - remembered as an innovator in the field of Egyptology. - -=Bokh=, A., Manetho und die Hundstern-Periode. Berlin, -1845.--=Borchardt=, Zur Geschichte der Pyramiden, Ztschr. für Aegypt. -Spr., 1894.--=Boudier=, E., Vers égyptiens, métrique démotique. Paris, -1897.--=Breasted=, I. H., De hymnis in solem sub rege Amenophide -IV conceptis. Berlin, 1894.--=Brimmer=, M., Egypt. Three Essays on -the History, Religion, and Art of Egypt. Boston, 1891.--=Brugsch=, -H. C., Geschichte Aegyptens unter den Pharaonen. Leipsic, 1877, 2 -vols. Genesis of the Earth and of Man. London, 1880. Die aegyptischen -Altertümer in Berlin. Berlin, 1857. Recueil des monuments égyptiens. -Leipsic, 1862-1863. Dictionnaire géographique de l’ancienne Égypte. -Leipsic, 1877-1880. Thesaurus inscriptionum ægyptiarum. Leipsic, -1883-1891. Religion und Mythologie der alten aegypter. Leipsic, 1890. -Die aegyptologie, Abriss der Entzifferungen und Forschungen. Leipsic, -1891. - - _Heinrich Carl Brugsch_ was born at Berlin, 1827; died there, 1894. - He belonged to that rather large company of German investigators, - who are at once scholars and diplomatists. His residence in Egypt - was not as an ordinary tourist or investigator, but as an officer - of the Egyptian Government, with the title of Bey and later of - Pasha. Like his famous countrymen, Niebuhr and Bunsen, before him, - he found time in the midst of official duties for a wide range of - scholarly activities, and he soon became known, not only as one - of the foremost Egyptologists, but as incomparably the highest - authority on one form of the Egyptian writing, namely, the demotic. - His _History of Egypt under the Pharaohs_, derived entirely from - the monuments, is a work of the most standard authority. It is, - in the main, a work rather for the scholar than for the general - public; but it is by no means without popular interest, and, - notwithstanding its bulk, it has been translated into English. - The reader will recall that we have based our chronology upon the - system of Dr. Brugsch,--a system confessedly artificial, which, - however, meets the difficulties of the subject perhaps better than - any other yet devised. - -=Budge=, E. A. W., The Book of the Dead. London, 1895; Egyptian Ideas -of the Future Life. London, 1899; Egyptian Magic. London, 1899; The -Mummy: Chapters on Egyptian Funeral Archæology. Cambridge, 1893; Egypt -in the Neolithic and Archaic Periods. London and New York, 1902. - - _Ernest A. Wallis Budge_, M.A., Litt.D., D.Lit., F.S.A., Keeper of - Assyrian and Egyptian Antiquities, British Museum. Dr. Budge has at - once the profundity and the versatility of his famous predecessor - at the British Museum, Dr. Birch. The list of his writings on - oriental archæology is much too long to be cited in full here. - Among other things he has put would-be students of the subject - under lasting obligations by preparing an elementary treatise on - the Egyptian language, and following it up with a more advanced - work for the use of the student, He has also made an elaborate - translation of the Book of the Dead, utilising the recent advances - in the knowledge of Egyptian hieroglyphics to improve upon the - former translations. His latest work in this field is a popular - history of Egypt, in eight volumes, published at London, 1902. In - addition to his recognised profound scholarship, Dr. Budge has in - a high degree the capacity for literary presentation, and he has - not felt himself above considering the needs of the unscholarly - public and of the beginner in oriental studies. Thus his catalogue - of Egyptian antiquities at the British Museum, which is ostensibly - only a guide-book to the collection there, is in itself a work of - real literary merit, which would serve as a valuable introduction - to the study of archæology even if placed in the hands of students - who have not access to the collection which it specifically - describes. - -=Bunsen=, C. K. J., Egypt’s Place in Universal History. London, -1848-1867. - - _Baron Christian Karl Josias von Bunsen_ was born at Korbach, - Germany, 25th August, 1791, and died at Bonn, 28th November, - 1860. Baron Bunsen had the original instincts of the scholar, - as proved by his numerous writings; but it was his fate to be - shifted early in life from the field of professional scholarship - to that of the diplomatist, and his researches were carried - on under somewhat disadvantageous circumstances. He had come - early under the influence of Niebuhr, and had planned a life of - scholarship; but becoming the tutor of Frederick William III, and - being advanced through royal influence to a diplomatic post in - Rome, and afterwards in London, he came to be more widely known - as a diplomatist and statesman than as a scholar. Nevertheless, - he contributed much to a popular knowledge of history, through - his _Aegyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte_, and its English - translation as above. It had a wide circulation, and did perhaps - more than almost any other single work to popularise the relatively - new subject of Egyptology. His _Gott in der Geschichte_ (God in - History) also had great popularity. The eminently philosophical - character of these writings is valued even at the present day, - though it must be conceded that the point of view regarding many - of the subjects treated has quite radically changed in the past - half century. It follows that the interest in Baron Bunsen’s books - must to a large extent be antiquarian rather than historical at the - present day, though they cannot be ignored by any one who wishes - to have a full comprehension of the growth and development of the - science of Egyptology. - - * * * * * - -=Cailliaud=, F., Travels in the Oases of Thebes. London, -1829.--=Casanova=, Memoirs on the History and Archæology of -Egypt.--=Chabas=, J. F., in Birch’s _Records of the Past_. London, -1873, 12 vols.; Étude sur l’antiquité historique. Paris, 1873; Mélanges -Égyptologiques. Châlons, 1863-1873. - - _Joseph François Chabas_ was born 2nd January, 1817, in Briançon; - died 17th May, 1882, at Versailles. He was a specialist in - Egyptology, who wrote widely and was recognised as an authority - of importance. He is best known to the English reader through - certain translations, notably of the inscriptions on the obelisks, - published in Birch’s _Records of the Past_. He produced no general - historical work, such as would have brought his name before the - public at large, and hence he is less familiarly known than many - other Egyptologists of less worth. - -=Chaillé-Long=, C., L’Égypte et ses provinces perdues. Paris, -1892.--=Champollion=, J. F., L’Égypte sous les Pharaohs. Paris, 1814; -Descriptions de l’Égypte, etc.; De l’écriture hiératiques des anciens -Égyptiens. Paris, 1824; Précis du Système Hiéroglyphique des anciens -Égyptiens. Paris, 1824, 2 vols.; Monuments de l’Égypte et de la Nubie. -Paris, 1835-1845, 4 vols. - - _Jean François Champollion_ was born at Figéac, Lot, France, 23rd - December, 1790; died at Paris, 4th March, 1832. Champollion’s - work has received comprehensive attention in our text (see - Egypt, Chapter XI) in connection with the interpretation of the - hieroglyphics, in which work Champollion was an innovator of the - first rank. His fame rests chiefly upon this accomplishment, but - his entire life was devoted to Egyptology, and he would have been - remembered always as one of the fathers of the science, even - had he not been the chief originator in the particular work of - interpreting the hieroglyphics. Naturally much of his work has been - superseded by more recent investigations. This must be true, in the - nature of things, of the work of any innovator in science; but, as - we have seen, the whole modern science of Egyptology rests securely - on the foundation which Champollion laid. - -=Charmes=, G., L’Égypte archéol. hist. lit. Paris, 1891.--=Chesney=, -I., The Land of the Pyramids. London, 1884.--=Clot-Beg=, A. B., Aperçu -général sur l’Égypte. Paris, 1840; De la peste observée en Égypte. -Paris, 1840; Description de l’Égypte; Coup d’œil sur la peste et les -quarantaines. Paris, 1851.--=Cook=, F. C., Records of the Past. London, -1873, 18 vols.--=Cooper=, W. A., Short History of Egyptian Monuments. -London, 1876.--=Cory=, I. P., Ancient Fragments of Phœnician, Chaldean, -Egyptian, and other writers. London, 1826, second edition, 1832. - - This work has been revised by E. Richmond Hodges in an edition - published in 1876, containing some improvements but lacking the - original Greek and Latin texts. The work is purely a compilation - consisting solely of fragmentary remains of various classical - authors. It gathers into a single work a great variety of matter, - much of which was hitherto inaccessible to the average scholar; - fragments, many of which give us an interesting view of various - historical characters. We shall have occasion to quote some of - these excerpts in other connections. The original work contained - certain Neo-Platonic forgeries known as the Oracles of Zoroaster, - the Hermetic Creed, and the Orphic and Pythagorean fragments - which are discarded by the editor of the new edition as being of - doubtful authenticity and little value. Even these, however, have - an antiquarian interest, and the fact that the excerpts are given - in the original languages as well as in the translation, makes the - earlier edition of the work, as published by Cory himself, still - particularly valuable. - -=Cougny=, G., L’art antique (L’Égypte, etc.) Paris, 1891.--=Cusieri=, -Storia fisica e politicia dell’ Egitto delle prime memorie de suoi -abitanti al 1842. Florence, 1862, 2 vols. - - * * * * * - -=Daressy=, I., Contribution a l’étude de la 21ème dynastie égyptienne -in Rev. Archéol. 3e serie 27.--=Davis=, Ch. H. S., The Book of the -Dead. New York; Egyptian Mythology. In Biblia, VI, 9.--=Daunou=, P. -C. F., Cours d’études historiques. Paris, 1842, 20 vols.--=Diodorus -Siculus=, The Historical Library. London, 1700. - - A somewhat extended account of _Diodorus_ and his work will be - found in Part I in the chapter on world histories, and a further - note in Egypt, Appendix A, p. 268. It is unnecessary to make - further comment here, beyond mentioning the translation from which - our excerpts are made. This, as will be seen, was published just - at the beginning of the eighteenth century; but it has never been - superseded, few scholars having cared to undertake the task of - translating an author whose works are so voluminous. Even were - more recent translations available, the one we have used would - still have been selected, because of the quaintness of its diction, - which, as has been suggested, conveys to the average reader a - better idea of the original language than would a more modern - rendering. - -=Driault=, E., La Question d’Orient depuis ses origines jusqu’ à nos -jours. Paris, 1898.--=Dümichen=, J., Geographie des alten Aegyptens. -Berlin, 1887; Bauurkunde der Tempelanlagen von Dendéra. Leipsic, 1865; -Historische Inschriften. Leipsic, 1867-1869, 2 vols.; Der Grosspalast -des Petnamenap. Leipsic, 1894; Karte des Stadtgebietes von Memphis und -benachbarter Districte. Leipsic, 1895; Die Flotte einer aegyptischen -Königin. Leipsic, 1868. - - _Johannes Dümichen_ was born 15th October, 1833, in Weisholz, - Germany; died 7th February, 1894, at Strassburg. Dr. Dümichen was a - student of Lepsius and Brugsch, and he devoted his entire life to - Egyptology. He made several journeys to Egypt and wrote extensively - regarding the archæological features of the subject. His works are - mainly technical, and while very valuable for specialists, are not - always equally interesting to the general reader. What would have - been perhaps his most important contribution, his comprehensive - history of Egypt undertaken for the Oncken series, was incomplete - at the time of his death; having dealt only with the geographical - and archæological features. The work was completed by Eduard Meyer - (see below). - -=Duncker=, M., Geschichte des Alterthums. Berlin, 1855, 1877, etc., 6 -vols; History of Antiquity (translated by Evelyn Abbott). London, 1877, -6 vols. - - _Maxmilian Wolfgang Duncker_ was born 15th October, 1811, at - Berlin; died 21st July, 1896. The writings of Duncker cover a wide - range of historical subjects, but he will chiefly be remembered - for his _History of Antiquity_, which took rank on publication as - the most important contribution to the subject. It was improved in - successive editions, and was translated into English. Its merits of - style are unusually great for a German work, and, needless to say, - it was built on authorities with the usual German comprehensiveness - of view. Dealing with the subject of oriental history, however, it - is necessarily out of date regarding many subjects, and the more - scientific, if somewhat less popular, work of Meyer has latterly - superseded it to a large extent. - - * * * * * - -=Ebers=, G., Egypt. London, 1880; Über das hieroglyph. Schriftsystem, -Berlin, 1875. - - _Georg Moritz Ebers_ was born 1st March, 1837; died August, 1898. - The name of Ebers is probably better known to the general public - than that of any other Egyptologist. But the average reader of - his very popular novels is not perhaps aware that the author was - a technical Egyptologist of the highest rank. Ebers made personal - explorations in Egypt, the most notable result being the discovery - of the papyrus which has since borne his name,--a remarkable - document dealing with the practice of medicine in old Egypt, which - remains our chief source of knowledge regarding this subject. - -=Erman=, A., Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben in Altertum. Tübingen, -1887; Life in Ancient Egypt. London, 1894; Die Entstehung eines -Totentextbuches, in Ztschr. für Aegypt. Spr. no. 32, 1894. - - _Dr. Adolf Erman_, Professor of Egyptology in the University of - Berlin, Director of the Berlin Museum, member of the Royal Prussian - Academy of Sciences, at Berlin, etc., was born 31st October, - 1854, at Berlin. Professor Erman is the successor of Lepsius in - the chair of Egyptology at the University of Berlin, and it is - felt that the mantle of the great Egyptologist has fallen on - worthy shoulders. Professor Erman’s writings have mainly had to - do with grammatical and literary investigations. His editions of - the romances of old Egypt are models of scholarly interpretation. - They give the original hieratic text with translations into - Egyptian hieroglyphics, into Latin, and into German. Such works - are, of course, intended chiefly for the scholar. Persons capable - of such works of scholarship are seldom interested in the exact - manner of presentation of their subject, and very generally they - scorn popular treatment in their writings. But Professor Erman, - following the precedent of here and there a forerunner such as - Heeren, has written a strictly popular work on the life of the - ancient Egyptians that is by far the most complete treatise on the - subject attempted since the time of Wilkinson. The reader will not - have overlooked the masterly characterisation of Egyptian history - which Professor Erman has written for the present work. - - * * * * * - -=Ferguson=, J., History of Architecture. London, 1874, 4 vols. - - _James Ferguson_ was born at Ayr, Scotland, 22nd January, 1808; - died 9th January, 1886. The personal history of Ferguson is quite - unlike that of almost any other Anglo-Saxon of similar achievements - except Grote; but is in some ways closely suggestive of the great - historian of Greece. It even more closely resembles the life of - Schliemann, the great German, whose rediscovery of Troy has made - his name familiar to every one. Like Schliemann Ferguson devoted - the years of his early manhood to a purely commercial pursuit, and - like him he followed this pursuit with such success as to acquire - a fortune, which enabled him to retire while still in the prime of - manhood. Oddly enough, the parallel between these two lives is made - still closer by the fact that the particular commodity with which - each dealt chiefly was indigo. But beyond this the parallel no - longer holds, for the seat of Schliemann’s commercial activities, - as will be recalled, was Russia, while Ferguson made his fortune in - India. No sooner had Ferguson acquired a fortune that would justify - him in retiring, than he turned at once to a field of study that - undoubtedly stood in need of investigation, and made that study his - life-work. Guided by the same energy and judgment that gained him - a fortune in his commercial pursuits, Ferguson soon made himself - master of the subject of architecture, and presently came to be - known as the chief authority on the history of architecture in - antiquity. - -=Fleay=, I. G., Egyptian Chronology. London, 1899 (Jour. Brit. Archeol. -Assoc., 1899).--=Fries=, S. A., 1st Israel jemals in Aegypten gewesen? -In _Sphinx_, I, 207-221. - - * * * * * - -=Gagnol=, Cours d’histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient. Tours, -1891.--=Ganeval=, L., L’Égypte. Lyon, 1882.--=Gardner=, A., Naukratis. -London, 1889.--=Gau=, F. C., Antiquités de la Nubie, ou monuments -inédits des bords du Nil. Paris, 1822.--=Geyersburg=, C. H. de, Egypt -and Palestine in Primitive Times. London, 1895.--=Girard=, Description -de l’Égypte.--=Golenischeff=, Impérial Inventaire de la Collection -égyptienne de l’Ermitage. St. Petersburg, 1891.--=Gradenwitz=, O., -Einführung in die Papyruskunde. Leipsic, 1900. =Grandbey=, Rapport -sur les temples égyptiens. Cairo, 1888.--=Gravierre=, I. de la, La -marine des Ptolémées. Paris, 1885, 2 vols.--=Groff=, W., La fille de -Pharaoh. Cairo.--=Gruson=, H., Im Reiche des Litches (Pyramiden nach -den ältesten Quellen). Braunschweig, 1893.--=Guimet=, Plutarque et -l’Égypte. Paris, 1898.--=Gutschmid=, A. von, Kleine Schriften, vol. 1. -Schriften zur Aegyptologie. Leipsic, 1889. - - * * * * * - -=Halévy=, Jos., Revue Sémitique d’épigraphie et d’histoire ancienne. -Paris, 1893.--=Harkness=, M. E., Egyptian Life and History. London, -1884.--=Heeren=, A. H. L., Ideen ueber die Politik, den Verkehr und den -Handel der vornehmsten Völker der Alten Welt, 3 edit. Göttingen, 1815, -4 vols. English translation: Historical Researches, etc. Oxford, 1878, -5 vols. - - _Arnold Hermann Ludwig Heeren_ was born at Arbergen, near Bremen, - 1760; died at Göttingen, 1842. The celebrated author of _Historical - Researches into the Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the - Carthaginians, Ethiopians, and Egyptians_ was, during the greater - part of his life, Professor of History at Göttingen; he had, - however, earlier in his career, filled the chair of Philosophy in - the same university, and the happy mingling of the philosophical - with the historical cast of mind is at all times evidenced in his - writings. The historical writings of Professor Heeren cover a wide - field, but his greatest renown was achieved with his _History of - the Nations of Antiquity_. In this Professor Heeren broke new - ground. His scheme of treatment was quite different from that of - any one who had preceded him. His intention was not so much to - elucidate the political history, as to deal with those commercial - relations and social customs which, after all, are the chief - foundations of a nation’s life. In particular he was perhaps - the first great historian who fully grasped the import of the - commercial relations of ancient nations. He made himself master of - all knowledge obtainable in his day bearing on this topic, and his - work at once took rank as the foremost authority on its subject. So - much as this goes almost without saying, for hardly any one attains - to professorship in a German university who has not the qualities - of scholarship calculated to make him an authority on any topic - which he will undertake to treat. But, what is much more unusual - among the Germans, Professor Heeren had also the gift of style. - His work is not only authoritative, but readable. Indeed, in this - regard, it is surpassed even now by very few works in the domain of - history. As evidence of this characteristic, the works of Professor - Heeren were at once translated both into French and into English, - and have the widest popularity in France, England, and America. In - the nature of the case, the authoritative character of his works - cannot have been maintained at their original standard, since the - new discoveries and excavations in the Orient have so altered - the phases of our conception of oriental history. In one sense, - therefore, it is unfortunate that Professor Heeren could not have - written after the excavations of Layard in Nineveh had given the - new stock of material for ferreting out the history of Mesopotamia. - Nevertheless, as far as it went, the history of Heeren was founded - firmly upon facts which the new researches have left unshaken, and - his work, as a whole, still has great value for the historical - student of the period. There are sections of it, indeed, which have - neither been supplanted nor duplicated. - -=Hegel=, G. W. F., Lectures on the Philosophy of History. London, -1857.--=Herodotus=, History of Herodotus. London, 1806, 4 vols. - - _Herodotus_, the celebrated “Father of History,” or, as K. O. - Müller styles him, the “Father of Prose,” was born at Halicarnassus - in Asia Minor, about 484 B.C., and died at Hurii, Italy, about 424 - B.C.; there is no certainty as to the exact dates. Reference has - been made to Herodotus in Egypt. Here it is desirable to add a few - words as to the translation from which our excerpts are chosen. - Needless to say, there have been numerous translations of Herodotus - of varying degrees of merit. Doubtless the most authoritative, - historically considered, is the famous one which Professor George - Rawlinson, with the aid of his brother, Sir Henry Rawlinson, and of - Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, made about the middle of the nineteenth - century. This particular translation, however, is of chief value - not so much for its text as for the scholarly notes which the - translators have appended. As to the text itself, there is at least - one still more recent translation--that by Macaulay--which may - perhaps claim to give even a closer rendering. For the use of the - scholar these translations cannot be too highly commended, but it - still remains true that by far the most readable and, so to say, - Herodotus-like, English rendering of the “Father of History” is - that which was made about a century ago by the Rev. William Beloe - (1756-1817), an English divine, who from 1803 to 1806 was keeper - of printed books at the British Museum, and who produced a variety - of writings of considerable note in their day. His version of - Herodotus has been said, properly enough, to lack the close verbal - accuracy of some more recent performances; but, on the other hand, - the accuracy of its rendering as a translation in the best sense, - rather than a mere literary transcription, is not in question, - and modern critics concede that in point of readableness, Beloe - is quite without a peer. And, broadly considered, one surely is - justified in saying that Herodotus not readable is not Herodotus at - all. Beloe explicitly repudiates the literal plan of translation, - aiming, as he states in his preface, to give as nearly as possible - the spirit of the author, along with a clear interpretation of his - text. How well he succeeded is evidenced by a critical estimate - which says of him that “something in his mental constitution - qualified him admirably for reproducing the limpid simplicity and - amiable garrulity of Herodotus.” - -=Hieratische Papyrus= aus den Kgl. Museen zu Berlin, hrsg. von der -Generalverwaltung Berlin.--=Hommel=, F. Der Babylonische Ursprung der -aegyptischen Cultur. München, 1892. - - * * * * * - -=Jacotin=, Carte topographique de l’Égypte. Paris. 1869.--=St. John=, -Egypt and Nubia. London. 1845.--=Johnson=, V. E., Egyptian Science -from the Monuments and Ancient Books. London, 1892.--=Jornard=, E. F., -Description de l’Égypte. Paris, 1809. - - * * * * * - -=Kayser=, F., Aegypten einst und jetzt. Frieburg, 1879, 2nd -ed.--=Kenrick=, J., Ancient Egypt under the Pharaohs. London, 1850, -2 vols.--=Kminek-Szedlo=, I., Catalogo di antichita egizie. Torino, -1895.--=Krall=, J., Studien zur Geschichte des alten Aegyptens, in -Sitzber, d. Wiener Acad. d. Wiss. Wien. 1890; Beiträge zur Geschichte -der Blennyer und Nubier. Wien, 1898.--=Krummel=, L., Die Religion der -alten Aegypter. Heidelberg, 1893. - - * * * * * - -=Lassus=, L’Art égyptien. Paris, 1898.--=Laurent=, F., Études sur -l’histoire de l’humanité. Paris, 1865, 18 vols.--=Lauth=, Aegyptische -Chronologie. Strassburg, 1877.--=Lefébure=, L’Importance du nom -chez les égyptiens. Sphinx, I; Le contre-charme. Sphinx, I; Rites -égyptiens. Paris, 1890.--=Lenormant=, F., Chaldean Magic and its -Origin and Development. London, 1877.--=Lepsius=, K. R., Letters from -Egypt. London, 1853; Königsbuch der alten Aegypter. Berlin, 1858; Das -Totenreich der égypter. Leipsic, 1842; Denkmäler aus Aegypten und -Aethiopien. Berlin, 1849-1859, 12 vols.; Chronologie der Aegypter. -Berlin, 1848; Über einige Berührungspunkte der Aegypt., griech. -und röm. Chronologie. Berlin Acad., 1859; Über die zwölfte Aegypt. -Königsdynastie. Berlin Acad., 1853. - - _Karl Richard Lepsius_ was born 23rd December, 1810, at Naumburg, - Prussia; died 10th July, 1884, at Berlin. Professor Lepsius was one - of the most distinguished of Egyptologists. In his maturer years - he had a professorship in Berlin, itself a matter of distinction - in that land of scholarship. He made excursions to Egypt in an - official capacity, and familiarised himself at first hand with - the monuments and records that were his life study. As a writer - Professor Lepsius was less distinguished than some of his confrères - in the field, though all that he wrote had, of course, the stamp of - the highest authority. His letters from Egypt and Nubia, being of - a more popular character than his other writings, were translated - into English and widely circulated. It must be admitted, however, - that his descriptions of the famous ruins have interest rather - because they reflect the opinions of a great scholar than because - of their intrinsic literary merit. - -=Lieblein=, Aegyptische Chronologie, Christiana, 1863; Recherches sur -la chronologie égyptienne. Paris, 1873; Hieroglyph. Namenwörterbuch. -Leipsic, 1871-1892; Index alphabéthique de tous les mots contenus dans -le livre des morts. Paris, 1875; Gammel-aegyptisk Religion populaert -fremstillet. Christiana, 1883-1885; Handel und Schiffahrt auf dem -Roten Meer in alten Zeiten. Leipsic, 1887; Le livre égyptien que mon -nom fleurisse. Leipsic, 1895.--=Loret=, V., L’Égypte aux temps des -Pharaohs. Paris, 1889; La flore pharahonique. Paris, 1892. - - * * * * * - -=Mahler=, Ed., Materialen zur Chronologie des alten Aegyptens in -Ztschr. für äg. Spr. no. 32, 1894.--=Mallet=, D., Les premiers -établissements des Grecs en Égypte. Paris, 1893.--=Magrizi=, -Description topographique et historique de l’Égypte. Paris, 1895. -(Trans. from Arabic).--=Mariette=, Choix des monuments et des dessins. -Paris, 1856; Le Sérapeum de Memphis. Paris, 1857-1866, 9 parts; Aperçu -de l’histoire de l’Égypte. Paris, 1864; Nouvelle table d’Abydos. -Paris, 1865; Fouilles executées en Égypte, en Nubie, et au Soudan. -Paris, 1867; Abydos description des fouilles. Paris, 1870-1880, -2 vols.; Catalogue général des monuments d’Abydos. Paris, 1880; -Dendéra: description générale du grand temple de cette ville. Paris, -1870-1880, 5 vols.; Les papyrus égyptiens du musée Bolaq. Paris, -1871-1873, 3 vols.; Karnak, Étude historique et archéol. Paris, 1875; -Deinri al-Bahari. Paris, 1877; Monuments Divers. Paris, 1872-1889; -Les Mastabas de l’ancien empire, ed. by G. Maspero. Paris, 1882-1886; -Voyage dans la Haute-Égypte. Paris, 1878 (2nd ed., 1893). - - _August Eduard Mariette_ was born 12th February, 1821, at Boulogne; - died 18th January, 1881, at Bulaq. He was one of the most assiduous - workers, and came to be one of the greatest authorities in the - field of Egyptology. He early made explorations in Egypt, and after - founding the famous Museum at Bulaq spent the remainder of his - life on the ground, almost incessantly occupied with explorations - and with the interpretation of his archæological finds. His first - famous excavations were made at Memphis, about the middle of the - nineteenth century; later on he excavated the famous temple of - Abydos. His publications are very numerous, but they are chiefly - of a scholarly rather than a popular character. He was the highest - authority on the hieratic form of Egyptian writing. Notwithstanding - the technical character of much of his writing, he had a wide - popular reputation, partly due to his official position as director - of the Museum at Bulaq. Like most Frenchmen, Mariette could write - in a popular vein when he chose, and his _Aperçu_, above noted - (translated into English by Miss Mary Brodrick under the title - of _Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History_) is one of the most - entertaining popular studies of the subject. - -=Martine=, Histoire du monde oriental dans l’antiquité. Paris, -1894.--=Maspero=, G., Du genre épistolaire chez les égyptiens. Paris, -1872; Sur quelques papyrus du Louvre. Paris, 1875; Études égyptiennes. -Paris, 1879-1882; Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient. Paris, -1886, 4th ed.; L’archéologie égyptienne. Paris, 1887; Les contes -populaires de l’Égypte ancienne. Paris, 1889; Les momies royales de -Deir et Bahari. Paris, 1889; Lectures historiques; histoire ancienne; -Égypte, Assyrie. Paris, 1890; Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient -classique. Paris, 1895; The Struggle of the Nations. Soc. Prom. Chr. -Know. London, 1896; Études de mythologie et d’archéologie égyptienne. -Paris, 1893; The Dawn of Civilisation. Soc. Prom. Chr. Know. London, -1897; Manual of Egyptian Archæology. Paris, 1893; La carrière -administrative de deux hauts fonctionnaires égyptiens vers la fin de la -III dynastie, in Journal asiatique, Vol. XV. - - _Gaston Camille Charles Maspero_ was born at Paris 24th June, 1846; - member of the Institute, formerly Professor of Egyptian Archæology - and Ethnology in the _Collège de France_, more recently Director - of the Egyptian Museum at Bulaq. Professor Maspero is one of the - most famous of living orientalists, and since the death of Mariette - Pasha, whose work he has continued in Egypt, he is doubtless - the most authoritative of French Egyptologists. While making a - specialty of this field, however, he has by no means confined - himself to it, and his brilliant writings cover the entire field - of oriental antiquity. While Professor Maspero is known everywhere - to scholars, and recognised by them, as an authority on the topics - of which he treats, his fame as a popular writer is still wider. - In fact in this field he, perhaps, has no peer among Egyptologists - and orientalists, living or dead. His work entitled _Les Origines_ - has been translated into English, under the title of _The Dawn of - Civilisation_, as have also its companion volumes, one of which - bears the striking title of _The Struggle of the Nations_, but - these more elaborate works in no wise detract from the importance - and authority of the brilliant earlier _Histoire du peuple de - l’Orient_, from which we shall have occasion to make numerous - extracts, and which, for some unaccountable reason, has not - hitherto been made accessible to English readers. The gift of style - is no rarity among French historians, but Professor Maspero has - it in a degree unusual even among his compatriots, and the whole - range of historical literature can show few works which combine the - qualities of authority and readableness in a higher degree than his. - -=Melida=, Historia del arte Egipcio. Madrid, 1899.--=Mémoires=, -publiées par les membres de la mission archéologique française au Caire -sous la direction de Maspero; Memoirs of the Egypt Exploration Fund. -London.--=Ménard=, L., La vie privée des anciens. Paris, 1880-1883, 4 -vols.; L’histoire des anciens peuples de l’Orient. Paris, 1883. These -works are valuable because of their admirable style. They are the work -of one who is a writer, rather than an Egyptologist; nevertheless, -they are based on a careful study of the authorities, and they may be -turned to with confidence.--=Meglin=, F., Histoire de l’Égypte. Paris, -1823.--=Meyer=, E., Geschichte des alten Aegyptens. Berlin, 1887; -Geschichte des Alterthums. Stuttgart, 1884, etc., 5 vols. (in progress). - - _Eduard Meyer_ was born in 1855, at Hamburg, Germany; he is at - present ordinary Professor of Ancient History in the University of - Halle, of which university he is also a graduate. Professor Meyer’s - historical studies, from the outset, have looked particularly to - the history of antiquity. Quite early in life he developed a plan - for writing a comprehensive history of both oriental and classical - antiquity, and the first volume of this work, under the title of - _Geschichte des Alterthums_, appeared in 1884. It is, in some - regards, the most valuable history of antiquity as yet written, - combining, as it does, the characteristic qualities of German - scholarship, with a degree of condensation very unusual in German - works, and a fair measure of popularity of style. The first volume - of Professor Meyer’s history deals solely with the nations of the - Orient, and it furnishes perhaps the best available outline for - the studies of any one who would undertake a full investigation of - Egyptian history. Unfortunately the work is out of print; but a new - edition is promised. The more extended work on Egyptian history was - contributed to the Oncken series. - -=Milne=, History of Egypt under Roman Rule. London, 1899.--=Minutoli=, -Über die aegypt. Pigments und Maltechnik der Alten. 1892.--=Molchow=, -E., Aegypten und Palästina. Zürich, 1881.--=Mook=, F., Aegypten’s -vormetallische Zeit. Würzburg, 1880.--=Morgan=, Fouilles à Dahschour. -Wien, 1895; Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’Égypte -antique par Morgan, Bouriant, Legrain, Jequier et Barsant. Wien, 1894. -(Valuable technical works.)--=Müller=, W. Max, Who were the Ancient -Ethiopians? Philadelphia, 1894; Asien und Aegypten nach altaegyptischen -Denkmälern. Leipsic, 1895. - - * * * * * - -=Naville=, The Temple of Deir al-Bahari. London, 1894; The Store-city -of Pithom and the Route of the Exodus. London, 1888. (Valuable works of -an original explorer.)--=Norovitch=, L’Europe et l’Égypte. Paris, 1898. - - * * * * * - -=Ollivier-Beauregard=, La caricature égyptienne. Paris, -1894.--=Osburn=, W., Monumental History of Egypt. London, 1854. (Of -antiquarian interest.)--=Oxley=, W., Egypt. London, 1884. - - * * * * * - -=Palmer=, W., Egyptian Chronicles. London, 1861, 2 vols.--=Parsons=, -A. R., New Light from the Great Pyramid. New York, 1894.--=Parthey=, -I. F. O., Erdkunde des alten Aegyptens.--=Paturet=, La condition -juridique de la femme dans l’ancienne Égypte. Paris, 1886.--=Pensa=, -G., Les Cultures de l’Égypte. Paris, 1897.--=Pentaur=, in Brugsch’s -Egypt. London, 1881, 2 vols. (The work ascribed to Pentaur is a poem -describing the exploits of Ramses II, like the _Battle of Kadesh_. -Pentaur, however, is not the author of it, but merely the transcriber -of one copy of this poem. See p. 212.)--=Perring=, I. S., Pyramids of -Gizeh. London, 1839-1842, 3 vols.--=Perrot= and =Chipiez=, Histoire -de l’art dans de l’antiquité. Paris, 1881-1889. (The series of works -on ancient art by these French authors constitutes one of the most -important contributions to the subject ever written. The works are -accessible in an English translation.)--=Petrie=, W. M. F., A History -of Egypt from the Earliest Times to the XVIth Dynasty. London, 1894; -Inductive Metrology. London, 1877; Plans, Descriptions, and Theories. -London, 1880; The Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh. London, 1883; Tanis I. -London, 1885; Tanis II, Nebesheh and Defenneh. London, 1887; Naukratis -I. London, 1886; Racial Portraits, 190 Photographs from the Egyptian -Monuments. London, 1888; Historical Scarabs. London, 1889; Hawara, -Biahmu, and Arsinoe. London, 1889; Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara. London, -1890; Tell el Hesy (Lachish). London, 1891; Ten Years’ Diggings. -London, 1892; Tell-el-Amarna. London, 1894; Egyptian Tales. London, -1894-1895; Egyptian Decorative Art. London, 1895; Syria and Egypt from -the Tell-el-Amarna letters. London, 1898. - - _Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie_ was born in 1853 at Charlton, - England; D.C.L. Oxford, 1893; LL.D. Edinburgh, 1895; he is at - present Professor of Egyptology in University College, London. - Professor Petrie is perhaps more widely known to the public - at large than any other living Egyptologist. Though still a - comparatively young man, he has devoted more than twenty years to - almost continuous exploration of the ruins of ancient Egypt. From - the very outset he gained a reputation as a discoverer of buried - cities, which his subsequent exertions have amply sustained. - Professor Petrie comes naturally by the instincts of the explorer, - as he is a grandson of Captain Matthew Flinders, who was celebrated - for his explorations of the Australian coast at the beginning of - the nineteenth century. The recitals of the fabulous wonders of - Australia are not more fascinating or more marvellous than the - narratives Professor Petrie has been enabled to give of the long - lost and long forgotten mysteries of Egypt. - -=Piehl=, Deux déesses égyptiennes (in Mélanges de Harlez). Leiden; -Inscriptions hiéroglyphiques recueillies en Europe et en Égypte. -Leipsic, 1895.--=Poole=, R. S., Cities of Egypt. London, 1882; Egypt. -London, 1881. - - * * * * * - -=Rawlinson=, G., Egypt and Babylon. London, 1885; Ancient Egypt. -London, 1887; History of Ancient Egypt. London, 1881, 2 vols. (Canon -Rawlinson’s works on Egypt were perhaps written to round out his series -of oriental histories. They are of course based on the authorities, -and are at once dependable and entertaining.)--=Regaldi=, L’Egitto -antico. Firenze, 1882.--=Renouf=, P. le Page, The Book of the Dead in -Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XI, 1894-1896; Lectures on the Origin -and Growth of Religion. London, 1880. (These works, written by the -successor of Dr. Birch, and the predecessor of Dr. Budge as Keeper of -the Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities at the British Museum, have, -of course, the fullest authority. The religious phases of oriental -archæology had a peculiar interest for the author, and his writings -are confined to this field and the field of philology.)--=Reynier=, -L., State of Egypt after the Battle of Heliopolis. London, 1802; De -l’Égypte sous la domination des Romains. Paris, 1807.--=Revillout=, -Lettres sur les monnaies égyptiennes. Paris, 1895; Mélange sur la -métrologie, l’econ. polit. et l’histoire de l’ancienne Égypte. Paris, -1895.--=Riegl=, Zur Frage des Nachlebens der altaegyptischen Kunst in -der spätern Antike.--=Robinson=, C. S., Pharaoh of the Bondage and -Exodus. New York, 1887.--=Robiou=, F., La religion de l’ancienne Égypte -et les influences étrangères. Paris, 1888.--=Rosellini=, I monumenti -dell’ Egitto e della Nubia. Pisa, 1832-1844. (The work of one of the -most famous pupils of Champollion still has interest and value, though -necessarily antiquated in many regards.)--=Rougé=, E. de, Recherches -sur les monuments qu’on peut attribuer aux six premières dynasties de -Manéthon. Paris, 1866; Études sur divers monuments du règne de Tutmes -III, découverts a Thèbes par E. Mariette. Paris, 1861; Géographie -ancienne de la Basse-Égypte. Paris, 1890. (The name of De Rougé is -permanently associated with the theory that the Phœnician alphabet -was derived from an early form of the Egyptian hieratic writing. The -original paper in which De Rougé advanced this theory was accidentally -destroyed, and the theory did not gain prominence until after the death -of the author. Its correctness is still in doubt, though it has able -champions.) - - * * * * * - -=Salvolini=, F., Campagne de Ramses le Grand contre les Scheta. -Paris, 1835. (The work of another famous pupil of Champollion, and -innovator in Egyptology.)--=Sayce=, A. H., Egypt of the Hebrews and -Herodotus. London, 1895; Ancient Empires of the East. London, 1844; -Records of the Past.--=Schack-Schackenburg=, Aegyptolische Studien. -1894.--=Schiaparelli=, Il libro dei funerali de antichi Egiziani. -Torino, 1890.--=Schmidt=, O. P., A Self-verifying Chronological History -of Ancient Egypt. Cincinnati, 1889.--=Schweinfurth=, Der Moerissee -nach den neuesten Forschungen. In Petermann’s Mitteil. 1893.--=Sethe=, -Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Alterthumskunde Aegyptens. Leipsic, -1900, 3 parts (in progress).--=Sylvestre de Sacy=, Abd-al-latif, -translated by Sacy. Paris, 1810, 3 vols.--=Simaiki=, A. A., La province -romaine d’Égypte. Paris, 1892.--=Sharpe=, The Chronology and Geography -of Ancient Egypt. London. 1849; History of Egypt to Arab Conquest. -London, 1876, 2 vols. (Works that are out of date, though still having -considerable value, particularly for the later period of Egyptian -history; most entertainingly written.)--=Smith=, P., The Ancient -History of the East from Earliest Times to Conquest of Alexander the -Great. London, 1871.--=Smyth=, C., Piazzi, Our Inheritance in the Great -Pyramid. London, 1890.--=Spiegelberg=, W., Studien sum Rechtswesen des -Pharaohenreiches der Dynastie XVIII-XXI. Hanover, 1892; Rechnungen -aus der Zeit Setis I. Strassburg, 1896; Zur Geographie des alten -Aegyptens by Dümichen. Ed. by Spiegelberg. Leipsic, 1894; Die Novelle -in alten Aegypten. Strassburg, 1898; Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung -in Pharaonenreich unter den Ramessiden. Strassburg, 1895; Die -erste Erwähnung Israels in eine aegyptischen Text. Berlin Acad., -1896.--=Stangen=, Aegypten. Leipsic, 1882.--=Steindorff=, Aegypten und -mykenische Cultur. Berlin, 1892; Grabfunde des mittleren Reiches in -den kgl. Museen zu Berlin; Zur Geschichte der Hyksos. Leipzig, 1894; -Zur Geschichte der XI Dynastie in Ztschr. für Aegypt. Spr. no. 33. -1895; Blütezeit des Pharaonenreiches. Bielefield, 1900.--=Strabo=, -The Geography of Strabo. (Strabo was one of the greatest geographers -of antiquity. A somewhat extended reference to his work has been -made already, and further notice will be taken of it in a later -book.)--=Strauss=, V. von Torney, Der altaegyptische Götterglaube. -Heidelberg, 1890, 2 parts.--=Stucken=, Ed. Die Astralmythen der -Hebräer, Babylonier und Aegypter. Leipsic. - - * * * * * - -=Tiele=, Histoire comparée des anciennes religions et des peuples -sémitiques. Paris, 1882.--=Tomkins=, H. G., Campaign of Ramses II -against the Kadesh on Orontes. London, 1882.--=Torr=, Cecil, Memphis -and Mycenæ and Examination of Egyptian Chronology and its Application -to the Early History of Greece. Cambridge.--=Tylor= and =Somers -Clarke=, The Tomb of Sebeknekht. London.--=Tylor= and =L. Griffith=, -The tomb of el-Paheri at El-Kab. London. - - * * * * * - -=Valbuena=, R. F., Egipto y Asiria resucitados. Madrid, 1895.--=Vise=, -R. W., Operations carried on at the Pyramids of Gizeh in 1837. London, -1840-1842, 3 vols. - - * * * * * - -=Wallis=, H., Egyptian Chemic Art. London, 1900.--=Watkins=, I. -W., Popular History of Egypt. London, 1886.--=Watson=, G. H., Art -and Antiquities of Ancient Egypt. London, 1843.--=Wendel=, History -of Egypt. New York, 1890.--=Wessley=, Studien über das Verhältniss -des griechischen zum aegyptischen Recht im Lagidenreich. Leipsic, -1891.--=Wiedemann=, A., The Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the -Immortality of the Soul. London, 1895; Aegyptische Geschichte. Gotha, -1884; Geschichte von Altaegypten. Cöln and Stuttgart, 1891; Die -Religion der alten Aegypter. München, 1890, and Engl. translation; -Religion of the Ancient Egyptians. London, 1897; Zum Tierkult der -alten Aegypter. Leiden (In Mélanges Ch. de Harlez). (Admirable -works combining authoritative treatment with relatively popular -presentation.)--=Wilcken=, N., Griechische Ostraca aus Ägypten und -Nubien. 1899, 2 vols.--=Wilkinson=, Sir G., Popular Account of the -Ancient Egyptians. London, 1854, 2 vols.; The Egyptians in the Time -of the Pharaohs. London, 1857; Manners and Customs of the Ancient -Egyptians. London, 1878, 3 vols. - - _Sir John Gardner Wilkinson_ was born in 1797 at Hardendale, - Westmoreland; died October, 1875. Whoever would know the Egyptian - as he was and become conversant with the manners and customs - of his everyday life, must turn to the pages of Wilkinson. His - Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptians has been from the day of - its publication the chief source of information on this subject. - Wilkinson had the good fortune to enter the field of Egyptian - exploration at a time when the subject was new, and he at once - made the field of manners and customs of the Egyptians peculiarly - his own. He travelled extensively, and lived for long periods - continuously in Egypt, studying all accessible monuments of this - marvellous people, with the result that he was able in the end to - reproduce the story of life in ancient Egypt with something not - very far removed from the distinctness of an eye-witness. - -=Wilson=, Sir W., Egypt of the Past. London, 1881.--=Woltmann= and -=Woermann=, K., History of Painting. London, 1880, 2 vols. (One of the -most authoritative works on ancient art.) - - * * * * * - -=Young=, T., Account of Recent Discoveries in Hieroglyphics. London, -1823. (Reference to Young’s connection with the discovery of the -meaning of the hieroglyphics will be found in Book II, Chapter III.) - - * * * * * - -=Zincke=, E. B., Egypt of the Pharaohs and of the Khedives. London, -1873. - - - - - PART III - - THE HISTORY OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA - - BASED CHIEFLY UPON THE FOLLOWING AUTHORITIES - - E. BABELON, E. A. WALLIS BUDGE, F. DELITZSCH, JOSEPH HALÉVY, A. H. - L. HEEREN, H. V. HILPRECHT, F. HOMMEL, L. W. KING, A. H. LAYARD, - F. LENORMANT, G. C. C. MASPERO, JOACHIM MENANT, EDUARD MEYER, J. - OPPERT, J. P. PETERS, HUGO RADAU, HENRY RAWLINSON, R. W. ROGERS, A. - H. SAYCE, E. SCHRADER, C. P. TIELE, H. WINCKLER, A. WIEDEMANN - - TOGETHER WITH AN ESSAY ON - - THE RELATIONS OF BABYLONIA WITH OTHER SEMITIC COUNTRIES - - BY - - JOSEPH HALÉVY - - WITH ADDITIONAL CITATIONS FROM - - CLAUDIUS ÆLIANUS, C. J. BALL, G. B. BARTON, G. BERTIN, THE HOLY - BIBLE, P. E. BOTTA, D. G. BRINTON, EUGÈNE BURNOUF, ISAAC PRESTON - CORY, MICHAEL J. DE GOEJE, DIODORUS SICULUS, ADOLF ERMAN, E. - FLANDRIN, G. K. C. GERLAND, G. S. GOODSPEED, G. F. GROTEFEND, I. - GUIDI, H. GUNKEL, HERODOTUS, EDWARD HINCKS, MORRIS JASTROW, P. - JENSEN, ALFRED JEREMIAS, C. H. W. JOHNS, C. JOHNSTON, FLAVIUS - JOSEPHUS, A. H. KEANE, A. VON KREMER, CHRISTIAN LASSEN, J. F. - McCURDY, M. MONTGOMERY, J. P. MAHAFFY, J. DE MORGAN, G. NAGEL, - THEODOR NÖLDEKE, W. G. PALGRAVE, W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, T. G. - PINCHES, PLINY MAJOR, QUINTUS CURTIUS, H. RASSAM, GEO. RAWLINSON, - KARL RITTER, G. C. E. DE SARZEC, V. SCHEIL, NATHAN SCHMIDT, GEORGE - SMITH, C. JULIUS SOLINUS, ALOYS SPRENGER, B. STADE, STRABO, W. H. - FOX TALBOT, G. WEBER, J. GARDNER WILKINSON, HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, - W. WRIGHT - - COPYRIGHT, 1904, - - BY HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS. - - _All rights reserved._ - - - - -MESOPOTAMIA - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - PAGE - - INTRODUCTORY ESSAY. THE RELATIONS OF BABYLONIA WITH OTHER - SEMITIC COUNTRIES. BY JOSEPH HALÉVY 309 - - MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE 318 - - CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE 337 - - CHAPTER II. OLD BABYLONIAN HISTORY 349 - - CHAPTER III. THE RISE OF ASSYRIA 366 - - CHAPTER IV. FOUR GENERATIONS OF ASSYRIAN GREATNESS 397 - - CHAPTER V. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF ASSYRIA 438 - - CHAPTER VI. RENASCENCE AND FALL OF BABYLON 446 - - CHAPTER VII. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF ASSYRIA AND BABYLONIA 460 - - CHAPTER VIII. THE RELIGION OF THE BABYLONIANS AND ASSYRIANS 515 - - CHAPTER IX. BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN CULTURE 534 - - APPENDIX A. CLASSICAL TRADITIONS 571 - - APPENDIX B. EXCAVATIONS IN MESOPOTAMIA, AND THEIR RESULTS 600 - - BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 627 - - A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY 629 - - - - -THE RELATIONS OF BABYLONIA WITH OTHER SEMITIC COUNTRIES - -WRITTEN SPECIALLY FOR THE PRESENT WORK - -BY JOSEPH HALÉVY - -Professor in the Collège de France, Paris - - -Ingratitude in masses, as in individuals, is very apt to be the reward -of great benefactors. Egypt, taciturn, proud, and self-contained, was -respected and admired by all her neighbours, while Greece and Judea, -the shining beacons of Mediterranean civilisation, from the point of -view of morals and science, have had the mortification of receiving -ineffaceable stigmas. In the popular language of our own day, “Greek” -and “Jew” are such offensive sobriquets that the descendants of these -two glorious races seek to avoid the use of those names when describing -their origins. - -Babylonia, after her conquest and disappearance from the scene of the -world, although she was vastly superior to her destroyers, did not -escape this little-deserved fate. To the contemporaries of her fall, -Babylon is only the city of courtesans and insipid magic; nevertheless, -in the days of her strength, she ruled the barbarian world that -surrounded her by other means than naked flesh and empty formulas of -incantation. For thousands of years she shone with an unparalleled -brilliancy, and illuminated with her vivifying rays the rude peoples -with which she was in contact. Her influence left indelible traces -even on the civilisations of western Asia and of the Greek world, -partly through the agency of the Phœnicians and Aramæans. And if her -disappearance caused no disturbance in the march of progress, it is -because her mission was fulfilled long before the epoch of her decline. -From the reign of Xerxes, plundered Babylon gradually decayed; on -the arrival of Alexander she was already three-fourths in ruins. The -war of the Diadochi and the advent of the Parthian dynasty completed -her entombment. There was none to assume her moral heritage at that -time, for the heir had already taken all that was precious and truly -imperishable. - -A truly intellectual culture is manifested in the possession of a form -of writing. The existence of it in Babylon is proved by documents that -go back to the fifth millennium B.C. The letters consist as yet of -linear strokes representing certain parts of the human body, various -kinds of animals, plants, and natural or manufactured objects. It was -not until later that these strokes assumed the wedge form that has -caused the name “cuneiform” system to be applied to them. The primitive -characters are few in number--about fifteen--and are joined with one -another to form a syllabary that is both ideographic and phonetic. - -The intrinsic nature of these values is a striking proof of the Semitic -origin of the system, and completely refutes the hypothesis of the -earlier decipherers that there existed on Babylonian soil prior to the -Semites an alien race called “Sumerian” or “Accadian,” from whom came -the cuneiform characters, as well as the entire Semitic civilisation -of Babylonia. Such syllables as _ab_, “father”; _an_, “god”; _el_, -“pure, bright”; _en_, “lord”; _sal_, “servant, woman”; _il_, “high”; -_is_, “tree, wood”; _ul_, “past”; _mu_, “name”; _rat_, “canal”; _sag_, -“summit, head”; _rig_, “plant, green leaf,” etc., are taken from -fundamental Semitic words of the Babylonian language, which, except for -slight variations, was also that of Elam and Assyria. Nowhere, and at -no period of their existence, is any linguistic modification noticed -which could be attributed to the intrusion of a foreign element. - -Without risk of being accused of exaggeration, we may place the -beginning of writing in the sixth, or even in the seventh, millennium -before our era; and yet the Babylonian language has the worn and -phonetically impoverished character which it always preserved -in comparison with its sister languages. This is an astonishing -phenomenon, and gives an idea of the extreme antiquity, not only of the -existence of the Semites in Babylonia, but of the development of the -great civilisation of which they were the creators. - -For, after the appearance of the written documents on stone and on -clay tablets, we meet with a most remarkable ancient civilisation: -monarchical institutions, communal organisations, flourishing -agriculture, systematic canalisation, metal working, proprietorship of -land, extensive commercial transactions, fixed taxes, the establishment -of governors in subject countries. With regard to science, astronomy -was cultivated and there were observatories for the study of the -movements of the stars and the eclipses. The Babylonians had the -divisions of the year, the month, and the day; they fixed weights -and measures, and calculated square and cube roots. A rational -classification facilitated the knowledge of botany and zoology. -Dynastic lists were drawn up with care, in which the principal -historical events of the reigns were recorded. Finally, the spiritual -needs of the nation were satisfied by a vast mythological system which -is lost in the night of time, and on the basis of which innumerable -epic tales were developed. Among these the stories of the creation and -of the deluge, the descent of Ishtar into Hades, the adventures of -Gilgames and Etanna, etc., rank among the most beautiful products of -the poetic imagination. On the other hand, the fetichistic mysticism -of prehistoric times was transformed into a learned magic, which was -combined with religious and moral elements, and claimed to be based -upon miraculous facts that had, however, been proved by experience. - -A Babylonian furnished with these elements of intellectual culture -must, in spite of his superstitions and the real gaps in his knowledge, -have seemed a superior being to the neighbouring tribes which had the -same racial instincts, but whose development was still embryonic and -had taken place under totally different conditions. It is nothing -astonishing, then, that the most capable of these semi-savages hastened -to adopt, in different degrees, a large part of the Babylonian -civilisation, the advantages of which they had learned to appreciate. -As usual, it is the apparent and material side that was accepted -first; after a more intimate acquaintance with the Babylonian mode of -life, these peoples were captivated by the religious conceptions and -the powerful attraction of the legends and the magic. All this slowly -filtered into the mind of the other Semitic peoples, and became so well -embodied there that some centuries later it formed an integral part -of their national substance, and to such a degree that it has been -possible to disentangle their true origin only by means of an arduous -research which has not yet said the last word. - -The extension of Babylonian civilisation beyond its primitive cradle -had its greatest strength during the glorious reign of Sargon I, -the first monarch known to have made military expeditions into the -countries of the west. We shall have, then, to consider, first, the -pre-Sargonic, second, the post-Sargonic, epochs. - -Before the reign of Sargon, about thirty-eight hundred years before our -common era, Babylonia had succeeded in forming itself into a national -body, having the same manners, speaking the same language, and using -the same alphabet. No alien people broke into this unity of race and -genius, which included on its eastern side the inhabitants of the -Elamitic plain, forming a simple annex to Babylonia on that side of the -Tigris. The great excess of population flowed into the fertile plains -extending between the Tigris and the mighty chain of the Zagros, and -founded the little kingdoms of Suti, Lulubi, Namar, and with greater -success the powerful kingdom of Assyria, which during the years of its -prosperity became the most powerful military state of the oriental -world. - -These very ancient colonies were often in conflict with the mother -country, and Assyria even succeeded in imposing its iron yoke for -several generations; but, save for Sennacherib’s moment of violent -passion, Babylonia remained for all of them a centre of light and of -religious mystery. The Babylonian divinities have their temples and -serve as types for various localisations. In Assyria, especially, -Ishtar of Nineveh, Ishtar of Arbela, Ishtar of Kidmur, etc., are -worshipped. The Babylonian origin is perpetuated in the new capital -Ninua (Nineveh), which is the name of a locality of Babylonia, while -the ancient capital Asshur recalls the name of the most ancient god of -the Babylonian epic of creation. - -It goes without saying that among the neighbouring tribes of different -languages Babylonian influence could not penetrate so completely. In -the south the numerous Aramæan tribes persisted in their nomadic state; -in the mountainous districts of the east the Susio-Amardians, in the -north the Vannians and the Mitannians, while accepting Babylonian -civilisation, use along with the ordinary Babylonian syllabary a -more limited one for writing their own languages. Traces of Assyrian -influences in ancient epochs have been proved in Cappadocia, which -shows the great antiquity of the kingdom of Assyria. But the most -important and most enduring influence manifests itself in the Semitic -region of the extreme west, in Syrio-Phœnicia and in Palestine. - -Through the discovery of the tablets of Tel-el-Amarna, which date from -the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, it was learned with -astonishment that in the fourteenth century before our era, Babylonian -was the diplomatic language, not only of the western Semites, but also -of the sovereigns of Egypt. Syria and Phœnicia then formed a vassal -province of the Pharaohs, probably as a result of the conquests of -Tehutimes III; the use of Egyptian writing, or at least of the special -Assyrian type, was to be expected there, but it is the Babylonian -alphabet, the Babylonian dialect, that we find in use. We are forced -to conclude that the extension of Babylonian culture was due to an -occupation of Syria by the Babylonians at an extremely early period, -when Assyria was still too feeble to bar the way to the country of its -origin. History shows the truth of this, for it tells us that Sargon -I spent three years in Syria, and finally made himself master of it; -in one of his maritime expeditions he even crossed to the island of -Cyprus and took possession. It is probable that this vassalage of -Syria to Babylonia underwent frequent reactions and interruptions of -continuity, due in great part to the policy of Egypt, which was seeking -an outlet to the north. The plan of thwarting the covetousness of the -Pharaohs for this province, if not of simply annexing the valley of the -Nile to the great empire of the East, was carried out by Sargon I in an -invasion of Egypt, the success of which is recorded in the account of -the haruspices [Tablet of Omens]. His son Naram-Sin, according to the -same documents, likewise invaded Egypt and killed its king, whose name -has unfortunately disappeared on account of the breaking of the tablet. -Egypt, intimidated, made no hostile movement for several centuries, -which undoubtedly strengthened the Babylonian authority in Syria under -all the dynasties that successively occupied the throne in the capital -of Chaldea. - -In the age of Abraham, when Elam exercised supremacy over Babylonia, -the king of the latter country, Khammurabi, the Amraphel of Genesis, -figures among the kings who had accompanied the Elamite suzerain in his -expedition against several tribes of eastern and southern Palestine -(Gen. xiv.). Seven centuries later the Egyptian functionaries of -Syrio-Phœnicia correspond in Babylonian with the court of Thebes. This -province had been conquered a half-century before by Tehutimes III; and -the Egyptian supremacy left its trace in the invention of the Phœnician -alphabet, which marks the decision to break with Babylonian sympathies -in favour of the intellectual culture of Egypt, of which the city of -Byblus was to be the principal centre. - -A remarkable circumstance furnished the occasion for this decision. -In this city, where mystic tendencies seem to have prevailed over the -desire for the riches that navigation and commerce bring, a local -goddess was worshipped, called Baal-Gebal, “Lady of Byblus,” who -represented one of the numerous Semitic goddesses known under the name -of Baalat or Belit. She was identified with the great Egyptian goddess -Isis, and the myth of Osiris was attached to the shore of this city -to such an extent that the priesthood of Byblus was believed to be -in possession of the true meaning of these mysteries. At the bottom -of this process was the desire of finding a ground of agreement for -all the religious conceptions of the civilised nations of the age. In -the matter of religion, as in the arts and industry, the rôle of the -Phœnicians consisted in serving as intermediaries, as zealous apostles -who saw the advantage of being useful to the barbarians after having -obtained profit from them, and hoped to profit further in the future. - -So, after this reconcilement with the Egyptian religion, the -exportation of manufactured articles to the valley of the Nile, or -of imitations of Egyptian art, which was so strongly marked with a -religious stamp, could develop indefinitely in all the Mediterranean -regions and contribute to the prosperity of the mother country and her -colonies. So, after the fourteenth century before the common era, the -invention of alphabetic writing had barred the way for the extension -of Babylonian writing into the European world. The ancient spiritual -legacy of Babylonia’s thousand years of domination, a natural product -of the Semitic genius, was too strongly anchored in Syrio-Phœnicia to -be totally eclipsed, or even to descend to an inferior rank under the -pressure of Egyptian influence. - -Egypt, with its language deprived of all outlet and with its -essentially funereal mythology, was incapable of producing a movement -of renaissance in foreign peoples. The spiritual condition remained -without notable change, but, direct contact with Babylonia having -become more difficult, the Phœnicians were obliged to record in their -own language their ancestral and divine traditions, in which the -universal elements received from Babylonia always remained preponderant. - -Of Phœnician literature nothing is known in the original language, but -some cosmogonic data taken from the book of Sanchoniathon by Philo of -Byblus reflect myths that can have been produced only on the soil of -Babylon, although the Philhellenic author is unable to interpret them -with exactness. The primordial couple of chaos, Apason and Tomoth, -are in reality the Babylonian divinities prior to the creation: -Apsu, “ocean, abyss,” and Tiamat, “sea”; but Philo, carried away by -Neoplatonic doctrine and confounding similar consonants, attributes -to Apason the meaning of “desire,” and seems to discern in Tiamat -the divinity Mot, “death,” symbolical of matter. Another goddess, -Chosartes, recalls the consort of Asshur, Kishar, of cosmogonic -character. On the Syrio-Phœnician monuments we often read the name -of the goddess Anath, bearing the title of “force of life or of the -living,” but the masculine consort is not met with. The Babylonian -inscriptions fill the gap by very frequently furnishing the couple Anu -and Anata. Philistia worshipped principally the ichthyomorphous god -Dagon, who is no other than the Babylonian Daganu, associated with Anu. - -Among other divine personages we note in the first place Tammuz, -consort of Astarte, who was slain by a boar in the flower of his youth. -His death was mourned for a month each year, and his resurrection -was later celebrated with frenzied demonstrations of joy. This myth -of nature, symbolical of the passing of summer and metaphorically of -that of ardent and passionate youth, has as its basis the Babylonian -tale of Du’uzu, eponym of the month of that name (Tammuz), who died -prematurely, and whom the goddess Ishtar (Astarte), the incarnation -of ardent passion, endeavours, though in vain, to bring back from the -kingdom of death. The grief and the heroic effort of the goddess are -told in a touching manner in the beautiful poem, entitled _The Descent -of Ishtar into Hades_. The Phœnicians mourned Tammuz under the honorary -title of Adon, Adonim, “lord,” whence the Greek Adonis. From Phœnicia -this rite passed to Greece, and was celebrated there with no less pomp, -while the descent of Ishtar became there the point of departure for -several analogous legends. - -Less known is the cult of the Babylonian god of war, Nergal, who had -sanctuaries in Phœnicia. Among celestial gods we identify Hadad or -Hadod, styled “king of the gods,” Rimmon, Nabu, Sin, and Mar, called -among the Babylonians Adad, Ramman (god of the air), Nabu, Sin, Allat, -and Marduk (god of Babylon). The inscriptions of Sam’al add to these -Nusk and Be’el-Kharran, one of whom is the Babylonian Nusku, the -other a local Bel of the Babylonian city of Kharran, whose cult was -transplanted to the city of the same name in Upper Mesopotamia. - -Since very remote antiquity certain names of Babylonian divinities have -been fixed in Syrio-Phœnicia as names of places and persons: the city -of Nebo in Moab, the desert of Sin, and probably also Mount Sinai in -Arabia Petræa, the fortress of Anathoth in the territory of Benjamin; -Ana, a chief of Esau, Anath, a judge of Israel, Hadad, the common name -of a king of Aram and a king of Idumæa. So many reminiscences of the -superior rank of the Babylonian religion clearly prove how the mind -of the western Semites was imbued and moulded into permanent form by -their ancient masters in the ages preceding the occupation of Syria by -the Egyptians. Egypt did almost nothing to modify the tendencies of -the subject peoples; she contented herself with collecting the taxes, -and gave nothing in exchange. We must not then be surprised that, if -we except the maritime coast, Egyptian dominion left no trace on the -civilisation of the interior of Syria. These peoples, when they became -independent, continued to cultivate the germs of civilisation they had -received in such abundance, but regarded them as their own creations. - -Passing to the nomads of northern Arabia we find ourselves before an -ethnographic unknown, the ancient tribes having disintegrated and new -ones formed, a transformation that was certainly repeated several -times. There is as yet no agreement on the question whether the tribes -called in ancient times Ishmaelites and Ceturians spoke Arabic or -Aramæan. It is, however, certain that fragments of southern tribes -of true Arabian race moved to the north at periods very difficult -to determine. It is not very long since it was affirmed that these -unstable populations lacked every element of civilisation, and it was -even claimed that they were a pure example of unmixed Semitic race, to -which an instinctive monotheism was attributed. - -These speculations have been dissipated by the testimony of the -Assyrian texts, which show that the Arabs possessed statues of their -gods. These proud children of the desert even signed their submission -to the government of Nineveh, in order to recover the statues which the -Assyrians had taken from them in the course of an expedition into the -interior of Arabia. The possession of statues implies the existence -in the oases of fixed sanctuaries, of religious rites, and of a -traditional priesthood. - -When we consider that the conquering nation of the Persians did not -arrive at the idea of anthropomorphic gods until the time of Artaxerxes -II, and then solely under the influence of the Babylonian cult, we -cannot doubt that the worship of statues by the nomadic Arabs in the -seventh century before our era was due to the same influence. The -Ishmaelites were particularly devoted to Atar Celeste, that is, to the -great goddess Ishtar, whose cult spread from Babylon among all the -Semites of Syria. - -In the oasis of Teyma a stele has been found that fixes the revenues of -a priest, who had lately been installed, to provide for the expenses -of the cult of an adopted divinity, and this priest is dressed in the -mode of the Babylonian priesthood. Such a borrowing is all the more -remarkable because the garments of sacrificing priests had in antiquity -a meaning intimately connected with the religious mysteries. This fact -supposes the presence of Babylonian instructors at some previous epoch. - -Hedjaz forms the first province, whose inhabitants belong to the -Arabian race, properly so called, whose idiom and whose writing are -very different from those of the Aramæan populations of the north. -Some of these tribes settled in the east of Syria, on the edge of the -desert, especially in the oasis of Safa, south of Damascus. We must -wait until the numerous graffiti, discovered in recent times, are -published, before we can get an exact idea of the theophorous names -used among these tribes. The names Bel and Hadad figure here, however; -but this may be a late borrowing from their Aramæan neighbours. From -northern Hedjaz we have a considerable number of inscriptions and -graffiti, copies of which are still to be regarded with caution, and -there, too, the names Bel, Hadad and compounds of the Babylonian Nabu, -are found in the list of names of the nomads. - -More interesting is the ancient name of Mecca, Macoraba, which -originally designated the celebrated central sanctuary of the region. -This name is derived front the verb _karaba_, which in Babylonian -means “worship, bless, pray”, in evident proof of an ancient borrowing -from the idiom of the cuneiform texts. We shall know some day what -the inscriptions of middle and southern Hedjaz contain in the way of -theophorous names. These inscriptions certainly exist, and await a -traveller courageous enough to save them from total destruction at the -stupid hands of the pilgrims. The famous black stone of Kaaba seems to -bear an inscription of which it would be well to have a photograph. - -We know still less what is reserved for us in the graffiti scattered -in the intermediate region between Hedjaz and Yemen; the graphic -chain cannot have been interrupted in this latitude, which from great -antiquity formed the entrance to the highly civilised kingdom of Sheba, -and which, owing to its production of aromatic essences, had commercial -relations with the peoples of the Mediterranean. - -Yemen was composed of four kingdoms, of which that of Sheba seems -to have been the most ancient and most powerful; the other three -are Catabania, Hadramaut, Mahrah or Tafat. Of the latter we have -no indigenous information prior to Islamism, and there is reason -to believe that it formed a vassal state of Hadramaut. The latter -is pre-eminently the spice-producing region, and Catabania may be -considered as an ancient colony of Hadramaut, which was founded on -the northern route for a commercial purpose, and later gained its -independence. - -In its turn Catabania founded, again, on the northern route, another -colony, which, on gaining its freedom, called itself the Minyæan -people, after the principal city, Ma’in. The Minyæi left traces of -their activity at Egra on the frontier of Nabatia, and in central Egypt -at Oxyrhyncus, where they had a settlement at the time of the first -Ptolemies; but their presence in Egypt in the Persian period is proved -by a votive inscription, thanking their gods for having saved their -caravan from the danger by which it had been threatened during the war -between the Egyptians and the Medes, _i.e._, the Persians. From Egypt -they sent their caravans to Gaza in Phœnicia and into all Syria. - -Prior to this the trade in incense and spices seems to have been in the -hands of the Sabæans. Solomon (about the year 1000 B.C.) sought to make -a treaty with this people, whose queen had made him an official visit -at Jerusalem. It is to be presumed that the Sabæans also sent caravans -directly to Nineveh and Babylon by way of the oases of Negran, Wady -Dawassir, and Gebel-Sammar. Owing to these almost uninterrupted visits, -the peoples of southern Arabia were in a position to learn and practise -customs and rites peculiar to the eastern Semites; for example, -the employment of aromatic fumigation as a means of purification -after sexual intercourse. The Sabæan pantheon contained El (the -Assyrio-Babylonian Ilu) under the guise of a divine personage, and not -simply as an abstract term for “god.” The Babylonian Ishtar, daughter -of Sin, is transformed into a male divinity, Athtar, son of Sin. The -manifold diversification of the Babylonian goddess appears also in the -Sabæan Athtar; the great religious centres of Sheba each possess their -own Athtar. Nabu, the Babylonian god of writing and prophecy, was also -worshipped by the Catabanians under the somewhat disguised form of -Anbai. From the point of view of art, the technique of sculpture and -decoration often recalls the Babylonian style. Finally, we meet in the -kingdom of Sheba the Assyrian institution of the _limmi_, or annual -archons, an institution that existed also at Carthage, but nowhere else -on the Asiatic continent, least of all in a monarchical state. - -We know very little of the religion of the Agazi or Semites of -Abyssinia; a pre-Christian inscription asserts, however, that the cult -of El and of Astar (Astarte) flourished among them. Their pantheon -included also a god of war called Mahram, the equivalent of the Ninib -or Adar of the Semites of the north. - -On the opposite side, at the extreme east of the Arabian peninsula, -along the Persian gulf, the most important agglomeration formed the -kingdom of Gerrha. The Gerrhæans maintained commercial relations with -both Egypt and Chaldea. One of their cities bore the name of Bilbana, -“Bil (Bel) has built,” a certain indication that it had adopted the -cult of the most popular Babylonian god. Facing this coast is the -Bahrein group of islands, the largest of which contains a number of -tombs in which cuneiform inscriptions in the Babylonian language have -been found. - -We have now made the round of the whole Semitic region, and everywhere -we have been able to show striking Babylonian influences in spite of -the enormous distance in time and space that separates the converging -rays from their point of radiation. But before concluding, we must -halt upon a particular territory, a territory that forms but an -imperceptible point in this vast region, but which in spite of its -material diminutiveness brought forth a nation that was destined to -assume the glorious rôle of being the legitimate heir of the great -Babylonian ancestor, and of directing the conscience not only of the -Semitic race, but of the most civilised portion of the human race in -general. - -This nation, which chance seems to have thrown into the world without -defence, in the midst of hostile elements that were furious for its -destruction, and whose name, Israel, exactly symbolises the unremitting -struggle against the terribly destructive powers that surround it, this -nation, I say, had the strength to transform the splendid polytheistic -heritage that had fallen to it from Babylon into a monotheistic theory -of an astounding originality. The transformation of the antique legacy -took place only after centuries of struggle between the best part of -the nation, the party of the prophets, and the conservatism of the mass -of the people, who were everywhere attached to the ancient traditions. - -The writings of this monotheistic minority, which finally imposed -itself upon the entire nation, enable us to appreciate the importance -of the ancient elements, the dross of which was rejected in the -refining process of the prophets. Genesis has preserved two great -and very characteristic Babylonian epics,--the Creation, and the -Deluge,--but how different in spirit, in spite of the close similarity -in outline and external form. - -In the Babylonian cosmogony, chaos, incarnate in the female dragon -Tiamat, the primordial ocean, brings forth at the same time the gods -and the most horrible, malevolent monsters. Having learned that the -gods wish to build themselves a more commodious residence in her -domain, she gathers her forces, furiously attacks the clan of gods, -and puts them to flight. They unite again and choose as their champion -Marduk, the son of Yan, who succeeds in vanquishing the terrible -ancestress. Marduk cuts the body of Tiamat into two pieces, and of them -he constructs heaven and earth. Then he proceeds to make the heavenly -bodies, and arranges them in an immutable order; he stocks the earth -with plants and animals, and has man made by the goddess Arura, who -fashions him out of the dust of the earth. - -This myth, splendid as an epic invention, is too rude to contain the -least philosophical principle. The Hebrew thinker, while retaining -the general outline, has eliminated the whole crowd of monstrous or -ugly divinities unworthy to receive the homage of the human race. The -picture has lost nothing in extent; but a single, all-powerful god -first creates chaotic matter, and then organises it, step by step, for -the sole benefit of the human race. The cycle of the ten antediluvian -patriarchs, which includes millions of years, is reduced to sixteen -hundred years, and thus brought within the range of actual humanity. -Finally, the deluge, in the primitive legend the result of the mad -arrogance of the god Bel, is justified by the extraordinary corruption -of the men of that epoch. - -Like a true reformer the prophetic narrator has raised upon the -Babylonian basis a new system whose rational and moral side need -not fear comparison with any other religious doctrine of humanity. -Among the Greeks, no religious or social reform could be developed -and preserved that took for a basis their castes of irresponsible -gods. Egypt perished without having attempted to rise from its coarse -animal-worship. Babylonianism alone, by its hymns and its epics, still -lives to-day as an important factor in universal religion, although -under a form idealised by genius. Materially, Babylon is but a memory, -but a delicate part of its atoms passed into the vigorous constitution -of its spiritual heir, the sacred book of Hebrew monotheism, to become -the common property of humanity. - - - - -MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE - -A PRELIMINARY SURVEY COMPRISING A CURSORY VIEW OF THE SOURCES OF -MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY AND OF THE SWEEP OF EVENTS, AND A TABLE OF -CHRONOLOGY - - -The Babylonians and Assyrians were two very important peoples of remote -antiquity, inhabiting the region of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in -southwestern Asia. The Greeks regarded these peoples as constituting -one nation and called their country Mesopotamia, a name that could -properly be applied to only a part of their territory. The Babylonians -and Assyrians, themselves, on the other hand, regarded each other as -alien peoples, though both belonged to the same Semitic stock. The -Babylonians were the more ancient, and their territory lay to the -south, where, many scholars believe, they had been preceded by a people -of a different race. - -Though the seat of this early civilisation is geographically small -in extent, yet the peoples who entered into it were by no means -homogeneous, nor was their history a continuous record of unbroken -political succession. On the contrary, at least two different races -of people were involved,--a Turanian stock in the early Babylonian -history, a Semitic stock in all the later periods,--and at least -three successive kingdoms or empires, not to speak of mere changes of -dynasty. The earliest period known to us--that which left records at -Nippur and Shirpurla, in old Babylonia--had its seat in the southern -portion of the territory bordering on the sea; thence, seemingly, -civilisation spread northward. Assyriologists are not fully agreed as -to the share which the non-Semitic race had in this early civilisation. -It has even been questioned whether these so-called Sumerians really -existed at all.[15] In any event the Semitic Babylonians acquired full -control at a very early period. - -The Assyrian kingdom--which came to be a veritable world-empire--had -its seat at Calah and afterwards at Nineveh. It conquered and absorbed -the old Babylonian kingdom, and then reached out for domination to the -east and to the west, finally overrunning even Egypt. - -The Bible accounts preserve records of some of its most famous kings, -including Sennacherib. The Greek legends are chiefly concerned with -a mythical Semiramis, the alleged founder of Nineveh, and with a -seemingly mythical Sardanapalus, who perished after an inglorious -reign, in the destruction of Nineveh, which came about suddenly and -dramatically in the year 606 B.C.--the Sardanapalus myth being, -however, based on an actuality. - -After the destruction of Nineveh, Babylon, the capital of Babylonia, -resumed renewed importance as a world metropolis. Nebuchadrezzar, the -most famous king of this period, besieged Jerusalem and carried the -Israelites to his capital (the Babylonian capital). The classical -accounts preserve reminiscences of the magnificence of Babylon in this -period. The course of the New Babylonian empire, though brilliant, was -brief, ending with the overthrow of Babylon by the Persians under Cyrus -in the year 538 B.C. Babylon was not, like Nineveh, totally destroyed; -but it never regained autonomy or anything approaching its former -importance. It was one of the Persian capitals for two centuries, until -in 331 B.C., with the downfall of the Persian empire, it passed into -the hands of Alexander the Great, who, after his eastern conquests, -chose it as the capital of his newly acquired empire. But Alexander -died in his new capital almost immediately, and his death was the last -great world-historic event that occurred in Mesopotamia. In the course -of a few centuries thereafter, the whole region that for so many years -had been the very heart of the world’s civilisation, became a barren -wilderness, and Babylon itself, like Nineveh before it, was reduced to -a mere earth-covered mound of ruins, the very location of which was -practically forgotten. - -Such a fate was tragic enough; yet after all it seems less cruel than -the destiny of such nations as Egypt, and in later time, Greece, -which live on in senescence long after all vestige of their power -has departed. And in any event, Mesopotamia had had its full share -of glory, for no other region of the globe, within historic times, -with the possible exception of Egypt alone, has so long held rank as -a centre of influence and civilisation. If the earlier walls of the -Temple of Bel (Baal) at Nippur really date from 6000 or 7000 years -B.C. as the records seem to prove, there was a continuous, powerful -empire in Mesopotamia for at least five or six thousand years. The -civilisations of Greece, of Rome, or of any modern state, seem mere -mushroom growths in comparison. - -In studying the history of Egypt we have caught occasional glimpses -of this oldest Asiatic civilisation of Babylonia and Assyria, and it -is almost impossible to avoid drawing comparisons between these two -countries, so closely related are the two peoples in the minds of all -students. It is true that the ethnological types are quite different, -and that the two peoples, during the greater part of their existence, -did not mingle much with one another. Often they were at war, and it is -traditional that for the most part the Egyptians repelled rather than -invited any advances from their Asiatic neighbours. Nevertheless, their -own interests dictated a commercial policy that led first and last to -an extensive intermingling between all the contemporary civilisations -of western Asiatic antiquity, and there are abundant evidences that the -same influence extended also to the Nile Valley. - -But even had this not been the case,--even had Egypt and Mesopotamia -been shut off absolutely one from the other,--it would still be -impossible for the modern student to disassociate the two, so many -are the links of association between them. The fact that these two -are the oldest civilisations known to us, and the further fact that -there has been a constant question in the minds of investigators as to -which one of these ancient peoples can claim priority of development, -form in themselves an indissoluble bond of union. Yet in some respects -the story of the Babylonians and Assyrians is unique; because this -well-nigh greatest of civilisations was blotted out absolutely -almost before the oldest European civilisation was under way. Egypt, -indeed, declined in power at about the same period and permanently -lost autonomy, but its pyramids and temples and numberless antiquities -remain as obvious testimonials of its former greatness; whereas the -monuments of Mesopotamia--the ruins of such wonderful cities as Nippur, -Babylon, and Nineveh--were completely buried under the accumulating -earth deposits of centuries, and almost absolutely lost to view. For -more than two thousand years the names of these once famous cities -were only reminiscences. No one knew accurately even their site, and -scarcely an antiquity of any description was known to be preserved that -evidenced the sometime greatness of the Mesopotamian civilisation. - -During this long period a few reminiscences preserved in the writings -of Berosus, Diodorus, Herodotus, and a few other classical writers, -and in the text of Hebrew writings, gave all the clews that were -obtainable, and apparently all that could ever be obtained regarding -one of the most remarkable peoples of antiquity. - -We have said that the entire destruction of the Mesopotamian -civilisation gave it peculiar interest. It should not be forgotten, -however, that at least one other very important people of antiquity, -namely the Hittites, met with a like fate. Probably there were -still others whose names even are unknown to us. But the story of -Mesopotamia stands quite by itself in the fact that it has been very -largely restored to us through the efforts of modern explorers. We -have seen that the decipherment of the hieroglyphics led to a much -fuller understanding of Egyptian history than had previously been -possible; yet, after all, these new revelations sufficed to fill in -the outlines of an old story, rather than to create an altogether new -one. But in the case of Babylonia and Assyria the modern investigators -had virtually a blank canvas upon which to work in reconstructing the -history. The Bible references and the classical myths gave but the most -shadowy outlines. Yet traditions are all powerful for the transmission -of knowledge in a vague form, and throughout all generations it had -never been doubted that the reminiscences of Mesopotamian greatness had -a firm foundation in fact, though few historians were visionary enough -to dare hope that more tangible evidence would ever be forthcoming, and -not even the most enthusiastic dreamer could have suspected that such -records as the nineteenth century has restored to us had been preserved. - -Even now, looking back from the standpoint of accomplishment, it seems -almost incredible that the monuments of a great civilisation--treasures -of art, and voluminous literary records--should have been absolutely -hidden from human view for a minimum period of more than two thousand -years, and should then have been restored in almost their original -condition. Yet such is the fact regarding the antiquities of -Mesopotamia. - -[Illustration: THE ASSYRIAN GOD NABU] - - -OUR SOURCES FOR MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY - -The reports that have come down to us from antiquity dealing with -the history of Babylonia and Assyria are relatively meagre in extent -and decidedly untrustworthy from an historical standpoint. Without -doubt numerous classical writers dealt with the subject, but of -such writings, only a few have been preserved. So far as known, the -principal native historian of the later period of Babylonian history -was Berosus. He was a Chaldean priest living in the time of Alexander -the Great, as his own writings testify. He had access to the ancient -documents of his country, and is believed to have made excellent use -of them. Unfortunately, only meagre remnants of his history have -come down to us, and these more or less distorted through the medium -of transcribers, the chief of these being Alexander Polyhistor and -Eusebius. Had we the entire work of Berosus, he would, perhaps, perform -some such function for Mesopotamia as Manetho performed for Egypt; but -as the case stands, the remnants of Berosus serve to transmit certain -interesting traditions, particularly with reference to Babylonian -cosmogony, rather than to preserve any considerable historical records. - -The classical historian whose account of the Babylonians and Assyrians -has been most largely copied was Ctesias. This writer was a Greek who -served for seventeen years (415-398 B.C.) as court physician to the -Persian king Artaxerxes Mnemon, and who wrote a history of Persia -alleged to be based upon native documents. In this history Ctesias -considered the contemporary civilisation, but he was interested rather -in picturesque traditions than in the sober historical narratives, -and the records he preserved are chiefly of a nature which the modern -critical historian pronounces fabulous. The original work of Ctesias -has perished, but its character is fairly established through the -writings of other authors who used Ctesias as a source. Foremost among -the latter is Diodorus, whose account of the Assyrians represents the -ideas that were current throughout classical times, and continued in -vogue until the nineteenth century. - -The most authentic classical accounts of the Babylonians are those -given by Herodotus and by Strabo, both of whom spoke as eye-witnesses. -Unfortunately, these writers did not have access to the native -materials, and their accounts, while throwing interesting sidelights -upon the later civilisation, do very little towards enlightening us as -to the actual history of the greatest of Asiatic peoples of antiquity. - -A few other fragments have been preserved from the classical writings, -notably some bits from Abydenus, preserved through Eusebius. To these -must be added numerous references to the Babylonians and Assyrians in -the biblical writings. Taken altogether, however, these classical and -oriental traditions fail to give us more than the vaguest picture of -Mesopotamian history. - -The real sources of that history are the original chronicles of the -Babylonians and Assyrians themselves, which were inscribed on stone -slabs and on tablets of clay. The clay tablets, after being inscribed, -were dried, forming almost imperishable bricks. Tens of thousands of -these were preserved beneath the ruins of Mesopotamian cities, and -were first brought to light in the nineteenth century. Among these are -several lists of kings, and other chronological documents of a somewhat -general character. One document attempts the synchronism of Babylonian -and Assyrian history. Then there are numerous tablets and cylinders and -wall inscriptions which record the deeds of individual kings, including -such famous monarchs as Sennacherib. Vast quantities of documents are -doubtless still buried in Mesopotamia, and a large proportion of the -inscriptions that have been exhumed are still undeciphered. But enough -of these documents have been discovered and read to restore the outline -of Babylonian and Assyrian history as a whole; and for certain periods, -including the time of greatest Assyrian power, very full records are -at hand. The result of these recent discoveries has been the practical -substitution of secure historical records for the old classical and -oriental traditions regarding the Babylonians and Assyrians. - -The modern workers who have assisted in the restoration of -Mesopotamian history through the recovery and decipherment of the -monumental inscriptions make up in the aggregate a large company. The -chief explorers of the earliest period were Botta and Layard. Then came -Fresnel, Thomas, and Oppert, followed by Rassam, George Smith, Ernest -de Sarzec; the Germans, Koldewey and Moritz, and the Americans, Peters, -Hilprecht, and Haynes. - -The work of interpreting the newly found Assyrian records began with -Sir Henry Rawlinson in England, Eberhard Schrader in Germany, and a -small company of other workers, about the middle of the nineteenth -century. The difficulties of deciphering records in an unknown -language, and of an extremely intricate character, at first seemed -almost insuperable; but with the aid of the knowledge of Ancient -Persian, already acquired earlier in the century through the efforts -of Grotefend and his followers, together with the hints gained by -comparison with the Hebrew language and other extant Semitic tongues, a -working knowledge of the Assyrian language was at last attained. Since -then the decipherment of the inscriptions has gone on unceasingly, and -a constantly growing band of workers has added to our knowledge. - -Most of the excavators and explorers have, very naturally, given us -personal accounts of their labours. Botta’s labours, however, were -chiefly made public through the publications of Victor Place; and in -more recent times, Heuzey has published the chief accounts of the -excavations of De Sarzec. Layard, on the other hand, the greatest of -all Assyrian explorers, gave full accounts of his own discoveries, and -interpreted the monuments as well as described them. He restored to us -a picture of Mesopotamian civilisation somewhat as Wilkinson had done -for Egypt. Of the more recent workers who have written about Babylonia -and Assyria the most important are Meyer, Hommel, Winckler, Muerdter, -and Delitzsch in Germany; Tiele in Holland; Lenormant, Babelon, Menant -and Halévy in France; Sayce in England, and Peters, Hilprecht, Harper -and Rogers in America. - -Thanks to the records thus made available, the history of this most -ancient civilisation is no longer a mere hazy figment of tradition, -but has become a sharply outlined picture. We are able to trace, not -indeed the origin of the Mesopotamian civilisation--for the beginnings -of national life evade us here as elsewhere--but its very early -development in the cities of old or southern Babylonia. Antiquarian -documents, aided by estimates as to the rate of deposit of sediment -at the mouth of the rivers, enable us to fix, at least approximately, -the dates for this early civilisation. These figures cannot pretend to -exact accuracy, but the Assyriologist assures us with some confidence -that they carry us back to a period something like six or seven -thousand years B.C. At this remote time the civilisation of southern -Babylonia was already established in its main features. The people -of Ur, Nippur, Shirpurla, and Babylon were able even then to build -elaborate palaces and temples, to carve interesting sculptures, to -make ornaments of glass, and to record their thought in words traced -in the most complex script. In a word, the main characteristics of -Mesopotamian civilisation were fully established several millenniums -before the Christian era, and abundant proofs of this fact have been -preserved to us. - -It must not be supposed, however, that the records exhumed from -the ruins of these ancient capitals have given us full information -regarding the entire stretch of this long material existence. The -fact is quite otherwise. Only comparatively short periods are covered -fully by the historical records in the wedge writing, and there are -reaches of some thousands of years in the aggregate, regarding which -our knowledge is still most fragmentary. Indeed, the history of the old -Babylonian kingdom in its entirety is known at present only in the most -general way. But it seems almost miraculous that we should know even -the outlines of this ancient story. - - -THE ANCIENT KINGDOMS OF BABYLONIA - -The earliest known inhabitants of Babylonia were a people of whose -origin nothing is known except that they were not Semites. After a time -they are called sometimes Sumerians, sometimes Accadians. Sumer was -the southern portion of Babylonia, Accad the northern. The Accadian -language is now considered a dialect of the Sumerian, the older form. - -Civilisation in the land goes back at least to 6000 B.C. Between 5000 -and 4000 B.C. this people was invaded by a warlike Semitic race, the -Babylonians of history, who came, perhaps, from Arabia. What portion of -the aborigines the invaders did not expel or destroy they assimilated, -gradually assuming the older civilisation. - -The chronology of the earlier period is largely speculative. Recent -chronology begins with the kingdom of Babylon about the time of -Khammurabi. For the earlier kingdoms, we, for the most part, follow the -dates of Professor Rogers. - -Without referring to the legendary history of Babylonia, related by -Berosus, which is mentioned elsewhere, our earliest knowledge of the -land is of a country of independent kingdoms, the cities with the -temples forming their centres. The ruler is often the patesi or high -priest. - - -THE KINGDOM OF KENGI - - Before 4500 B.C. =En-shag-kush-anna= is king of Kengi, in southern - Babylonia, but whether he was Sumerian or Semite, we do not - know. He is patesi of En-lil, the later Bel. Of his kingdom, - Shirpurla-Girsu (or Sungir) is the capital and Nippur the - religious centre. Later, Sungir is called Sumer and gave its - name to the whole of southern Babylonia. The chief rival of - Kengi is the Semitic kingdom of Kish in the north, which - En-shag-kush-anna defeated but only temporarily checked. We know - of no other king of Kengi. - - _Monuments._--Several vase inscriptions found at Nippur. - - -THE KINGDOM OF KISH - -Recovers itself quickly after its reverse by En-shag-kush-anna. A -certain U-dug is patesi of Kish at the time of this revival. - - 4400 =Mesilim=, king of Kish, subjugates Shirpurla, at the time of - Lugal-shug-gur. This supremacy is maintained for a short period, - 4200 until E-anna-tum, king of Shirpurla, shakes off the yoke. - Kish is left very feeble after this, but gradually recovers its - power. - - 3850 =Alusharshid=, the last great king of Kish before the conquest - of Sargon I. - - _Monuments._--Many vase inscriptions. - - -THE KINGDOM OF GISHBAN - - 4400 =Ush= is patesi, contemporary of Mesilim of Kish. He wages war - with Shirpurla on the question of boundaries. Gishban is subjugated - 4200 by E-anna-tum of Shirpurla. At the latter’s death, =Ur-lumma=, - patesi, invades Shirpurla and probably suffers a slight defeat. - - 4120 Great defeat of Ur-lumma by Entemena of Shirpurla. - - 4000 =Lugal-zaggisi=, patesi, son of Ukush, leads a victorious army - against the south. The whole of Babylonia to the southern gulf - is subjugated. He becomes king of Erech and is styled “king - of the whole world.” He revives the ancient cults of Lower - Mesopotamia. - - _Monuments._--Vase inscriptions. - - -THE KINGDOM OF SHIRPURLA - -Shirpurla, sometimes called Lagash--the modern Telloh--is situated -north of Mugheir on the east side of the Shatt-el-Khai. The oldest king -that we know is - - 4500 =Urukagina.=--A great warrior and administrator. He builds and - restores temples and also a canal for the capital Sungir (Girsu). - 4400 One of his successors is =En-ge-gal=, and another, =Lugal-shug-gur=, - is reduced by Mesilim of Kish to a patesi. - - 4300 In the enfeebled kingdom, dominated by the rulers of Kish, a - new family headed by =Ur-Nina= comes to the throne. He is famous - as a temple builder, but also begins to prepare his kingdom to - throw off the yoke of Kish. He calls himself king though his son - is still patesi. - - _Monuments._--Vase inscriptions. - - 4250 =Akurgal= succeeds Ur-Nina. He is the father of E-anna-tum and - En-anna-tum I. - - 4200 =E-anna-tum=, the hero who delivers his country from the - thraldom of Kish, and resumes the royal title. After this he - puts Gishban under his yoke, and wages successful wars against - Erech, Ur, Larsa, Az, and Ukh. He builds a wall around one of - the suburbs of Shirpurla, digs canals for boundary lines, etc. - Is a great and wise administrator as well as a mighty warrior. - - _Monuments._--The famous “Vulture Stele” now in the Louvre--many - inscriptions. - - =En-anna-tum I= succeeds his brother E-anna-tum. An unsuccessful - invasion of Shirpurla by the patesi of Gishban. - - 4120 =En-teme-na=, son of En-anna-tum I, defeats and destroys army - of the patesi of Gishban. - - _Monuments._--The Cone of En-teme-na. The “silver vase”--an - exquisite piece of art placed on the altar of the god Nina at - Singur. - - 4100 =En-anna-tum II=, the last patesi of the dynasty of Ur-Nina, - since his son, Lummadu, bears no title. Conquest of Shirpurla by - Lugal-zaggisi of Gishban. - - 4100-3800 There are patesis in Shirpurla, ruled over by - Lugal-zaggisi and his successors. - - 3800-3100 The darkest age of Babylonian history. Lugal-ushumgal - was patesi and vassal of Sargon I. In all probability the kings - of Agade ruled over Shirpurla until dispossessed by the second - dynasty of Ur. Of all the patesis, the vassal rulers, of this - period =Ur-Bau= 3500 (?) and =Gudea= 3300 (?) are the most - prominent. Ur-Bau’s rule seems to have been peaceful; Gudea is a - warrior; he wrests the territory of Anshan from Elam. Builds the - temple of Nina at Singur. - - _Monuments._--Many inscriptions. - - The civilisation of Shirpurla was a high one, and it contained - no Semitic elements. - - -THE KINGDOM OF UR (THE BIBLICAL “UR OF THE CHALDEES”) - -IST DYNASTY - -The first king of this dynasty appears after the conquest of Erech -by Lugal-zaggisi of Gishban. He would appear to have overthrown -Lugal-zaggisi. - - 3900 =Lugal-kigubni-dudu.= - - =Lugal-kisali=, his son. - - Their rule includes Ur, Erech, and Nippur, and possibly they - conquered Shirpurla. The fate of this dynasty with the names of - its other rulers is unknown, but it probably falls before the - power of Agade. - - _Monuments._--Inscriptions of the two above-mentioned kings. - - -THE KINGDOM OF GUTI AND LULUBI - - There are inscriptions relating to two kings, =Lasirab= of - Guti and =Anu-banini= of Lulubi. They seem to have been - contemporaneous with Sargon I (3800 B.C.). - - -THE KINGDOM OF AGADE - - 3800 The earliest known dynasty is Semitic, and the first ruler - is =Sargon I= (=Shargani-shar-ali=), son of Itti-Bel. By - conquest he founds an empire from Elam to the Mediterranean, and - from the extreme south of Babylonia to Apirak and Guti. - - _Monuments._--Engraved seals of wonderful execution, - inscriptions, and contract tablets. - - 3750 =Naram-Sin=, son of Sargon, succeeds him. First to assume - title “King of the Four Quarters of the World”--a great - conqueror and builder. Campaigns against Apirak and Magan - (Arabia). - - Builds temples at Nippur and Agade. Temple E-barra of Shamash - at Sippar. This temple is the one in which Nabonidus found the - “tablet with the writing of the name of Naram-Sin,” by which we - are able to fix the date of his reign. - - Under Sargon I and Naram-Sin there is a high state of - organisation and civilisation in the kingdom. There were judges, - musicians, physicians, good roads, etc. Thureau-Dangin says: - “The epoch of Sargon and Naram-Sin certainly marks a culminating - point in the history of the old Orient.” - - _Monuments._--Inscriptions. - - 3700 =Bingani-shar-ali=, son of Naram-Sin. - - Further history of the kingdom of Agade is still unknown. - Apparently the later kings gradually lose their power before - that of the second dynasty of Ur. - - The first period of Babylonian history is now closed. The - Semites are in full possession of the land. We have the main - seat of power at Agade with the rulers of Shirpurla reduced to - patesis. - - -THE SECOND DYNASTY OF UR - -These kings add the title “King of Sumer and Accad” to that of Ur, -combining the hostile elements of the North and South under one rule; -“restoring,” says Radau, “in old Babylonia the peace which had been -disturbed for many centuries, even from the time of the original -Semitic invasion.” - - 3200 =Ur-gur= holds sway over both Semites and Sumerians (Agade - and Shirpurla). His capital is at Ur. Famous as a temple - builder. Builds temple Teimila to Nannar (moon god) at Ur, - temple E-anna to Ishtar at Erech, temple E-barra to Shamash at - Larsa. - - _Monuments._--Pyramidal tower at Nippur. Inscriptions. - - 3150 =Dun-gi I= succeeds. Continues his father’s work. - - Builds temples of Nin-mar, Nina, Ningirsu, Dam-gal-nunna, and - Ea, in Sungir, Nippur, and Kutha. - - These two were ancestors of a long line of kings, concerning - whom history is still silent. Apparently ground in southern - Babylonia was soon lost, for we find - - -THE KINGDOM OF ERECH - - 3100-3000 Two kings of pure Semitic names are known at this period. - =Singashid=, probably the founder of the dynasty, and - =Sin-gamil=. The probable history of this kingdom is that of - a strong Semitic colony in southern Babylonia making itself - independent and establishing a king and capital at Erech. With - Sin-gamil, the thread of its history is lost. - - _Monuments._--Inscriptions relating to building of palace, - temples, and restoration of temples at Erech. - - -THE KINGDOM OF ISIN - -A Semitic kingdom, similar to that of Erech, is established at Isin in -the north. These kings extend their power to Nippur, Ur, Eridu, and -finally to Erech, extinguishing the dynasty ruling there. - -The kings add “king of Sumer and Accad” to that of Isin, showing also -that the second dynasty of Ur has ceased to exist. - - 3000 =Libit-Ishtar.= - - _Monuments_ and cylinder inscriptions. - - Other kings are, =Ishbigarra=, =Bur-Sin I=, =Ur-Ninib=, - =Idin-Dagan=. - - 2850 =Ishme Dagan=, the last to bear the title of Sumer and Accad. - His son En-anna-tum is a vassal of the third dynasty of Ur. - - _Monuments._--Tablet inscriptions. - - -THE THIRD DYNASTY OF UR - -The early kings call themselves simply Kings of Ur. - - 2800 =Gungunu= puts an end to the dynasty of Isin. He is succeeded - by =Ur-gur II= and =Dungi II=, order uncertain. - - They build many temples, and Ur-gur II fortifies the wall of his - capital, hence he must have been harassed by enemies. We have - records that the patesis of Shirpurla still existed at this time. - - _Monuments._--Votive and seal inscriptions. - - 2700 =Dungi III.=--The kings from now on add “King of the Four Quarters - of the World” to their title, and for this reason some scholars - reckon this king as the first of a fourth dynasty. He is followed - by =Bur-Sin II=, =Gamil-Sin=, and =Ine-Sin=; the latter ruling - about 2580. We have no knowledge of other kings, but about - 2450-2400 the “Kingship of the Four Quarters of the World” is - overthrown in the north by the Ist Dynasty of Babylon and in - the south by Nur-Adad of Larsa. - - _Monuments._--Building records and contract tablets. - - -THE KINGDOM OF LARSA - - 2400 Successful rebellion of southern Babylonia against the kings - of Ur. The kingdom of Larsa founded by =Nur-Adad=. - - 2370 =Sin-iddin= succeeds his father and extends his kingdom over - Sumer and Accad. - - 2350 =Kudur-nankhundi=, king of Elam, invades southern Babylonia. - Under Kudur-nankhundi’s successor, =Kudur-lagamar= - 2340 (=Kudur-dugmal=, probably the Hebrew =Chedoriaomer=) - the Elamites establish a kingdom in Larsa with =Rim-Sin= - (=Eri-aku=) at its head. He adopts Sin-iddin’s titles. - 2312 The latter appeals to Khammurabi, king of Babylon, who - overpowers Rim-Sin. - - -THE KINGDOM OF BABYLON - -IST DYNASTY, 2450-2150 B.C. - -In the days of Sumer and Accad there is no mention of Babylon, which -must, however, have developed into some importance during the supremacy -of Isin (3000-2850). Dates are now more reliable. - - 2450 =Sumu-abi= overthrows the Ur Dynasty in Babylon, but the - rebellion does not extend beyond that city. - - 2440 =Sumu-la-ilu.=--He builds six strong fortresses in Babylon. - - 2405 =Zabu.=--He builds temple E-dubar in Sippar. The country is - evidently in revolution, for mention is made of a pretender, - Immeru. - - 2290 =Apil-Sin.= - - 2370 =Sin-muballit.= - - Only monuments of these reigns, contract tablets. - - 2342 =Khammurabi.=--Probably the =Amraphel= of the Bible, a - contemporary of Abraham. The maker of a united Babylon, for in - 2312 called upon by Sin-iddin, he expels Rim-Sin and the Elamites - from Larsa, and adding southern Babylonia to his dominions, - resumes the titles of the kings of Ur, Isin, and Larsa. He - begins to develop his new kingdom, digging canals for water - supply. Builds a great storehouse for wheat in Babylonia. - Enlarges temples of E-zida and E-sagila in Borsippa. - - _Monuments._--Letters and inscriptions. - - 2287-2150 The remaining kings of the dynasty lived in complete - peace. The few remains of their age witness a high civilisation - and great prosperity. - - _Monuments._--Contract tablets. - - -IIND DYNASTY, 2150-1783 B.C. - - 2150-1783 Called the dynasty of Uru-Azag (probably referring to a - district of the city of Babylon). Eleven kings of Sumerian - origin reign for 368 years. There is but little known of them. - - No monuments of this dynasty. - - -IIIRD DYNASTY, 1783-1207 B.C. - - 1783 The Kossæans or Kassites (Kasshu) from the mountains of - Elam establish a dynasty with =Gandish= or =Gaddash= the first - king. They had entered the country as roving bands, had overrun - it, and finally attained the power. Culture and civilisation are - assimilated by the newcomers. - - 1700 =Agum-kakrime=, the first king of the dynasty of whom we have - any details. His kingdom is greater than that of Khammurabi. The - land of Padan is subject to him. Some statues of gods that had - been previously carried away are restored to Babylon. - - 1450 =Karaindash.=--In this reign we have the first evidence of - intercourse between the kingdoms of Assyria and Babylonia--a - treaty with Asshur-bel-nish-eshu, king of Assyria, concerning - boundary line. Builds a temple to Nana, goddess of E-Anna. - - 1430 =Kadashman-Bel.=--He corresponds with Amenhotep III, of Egypt. - - _Monuments._--Letters found at Tel-el-Amarna. - - 1420 =Burnaburiash I.=--Contemporary with Puzur-Asshur of Assyria, - with whom he seems to have had difficulties regarding questions - of boundary. Builds a temple to the Sun-god at Larsa. - - 1410 =Kurigalzu I.=--The city of Dur-Kurigalzu is named after him. - He probably rebuilds it. - - _Monuments._--Correspondence with Pharaoh of Egypt. - (Tel-el-Amarna.) - - 1400 =Burnaburiash II.=--His successor. Long and prosperous reign. - - _Monuments._--Correspondence with Amenhotep IV, of Egypt. - (Tel-el-Amarna.) - - 1370 =Kharakhardash=, marries a daughter of Asshur-uballit, king of - Assyria. His son, =Kadashman-Kharbe I=, conducts a campaign - against the Sutu, whom he conquers, and among whom he settles - some of his subjects. - - 1360 Rebellion of the Kassites, who, jealous of the growing - Assyrian influence, kill the king and place on the throne - =Nazibugash=, who is defeated and killed by Asshur-uballit, the - king of Assyria. - - 1350 =Kurigalzu II.=--Placed on the throne by the Assyrian king, - invades Elam, and conquers the city of Susa (or Shushan). Battle - with Bel-nirari, king of Assyria, with doubtful result. - - 1340-1286 Continuous struggle between Babylonia and Assyria under - the following kings: =Nazi-Maruttash= (1340), =Kadashman-Turgu=, - =Kadashman-Buriash= (1330), =Kudur-Bel= (1304-1299), - =Shagarakti-Buriash= (1298-1286). - - 1285-1270 The king of Assyria, Tukulti-Ninib I, invades Babylon, - enters the town, removes the treasures of the temple, and - carries away the god Marduk to Assyria. This invasion took place - probably under the reign of =Bibeiashu=, whose successors, - =Bel-shum-iddin=, =Kadashman-Kharbe II= (1277-1275), and - =Adad-shum-iddin= (1274-1269), were very likely only vassals of - Tukulti-Ninib, who was the real king of Babylon for seven years. - - 1270 The Babylonians rise in revolt, drive the Assyrians from Babylon, - 1269 and make =Adad-shum-usur= king, under whom the power of Babylon - begins to revive. Assyria attacked, the king, Bel-kudur-usur, - slain, and a portion of Assyrian territory annexed. - - 1238-1224 =Meli-Shipak.=--Successful against the Assyrian king, - 1223-1211 Ninib-apal-esharra, so that under =Marduk-apal-iddin=, - the Babylonian dominion extends over nearly the whole of the - valley. - - 1210 Under the last two kings of this dynasty, =Zamamu-shum-iddin= and - 1209 =Bel-shum-iddin=, Babylonia threatened by the Assyrian Asshur-dan. - - 1207 End of the dynasty as result of a Semitic revolution. - - -IVTH DYNASTY, 1207-1075 B.C. - -The origin of this (Isin) dynasty still doubtful. There are eleven -kings, of whom four or five are unknown to us. - - 1135 =Nebuchadrezzar I=, sixth king, exhibits the old-time spirit. - Invades Assyria, but is repulsed. Is successful in campaigns - against the people of Elam and Lulubi, even penetrates into - Syria. - - _Monuments_.--Monolithic inscription concerning grant of land to - Ritti Marduk of Bit-Karziyabku. - - 1110 In the reign of =Marduk-nadin-akhe=, Tiglathpileser I of - Assyria invades Babylon and takes the capital. - - 1083 At death of =Marduk-shapik-zer-mati=, a usurper, - =Adad-apal-iddin= takes the throne. - - 1078 End of dynasty with death of =Nabu-shum=. - - -VTH, VITH, VIITH, VIIITH DYNASTIES, 1075-728 B.C. - -A series of short-lived dynasties all struggling with the rising power -of Assyria. - - 1075 Dynasty of Sea Lands, at the estuaries of the Tigris and - the Euphrates upon the Persian Gulf, which later exercises - great influence upon the history of Babylonia. This dynasty - numbers only three kings, who reign together twenty-one years - five months, or, according to the Babylonian chronicle, - twenty-three years; viz. =Sibar-Shipak=, slain and buried in - palace of Sargon. In his reign the Elamites pillage Sippar and - do much damage; =Ea-mukin-zer=, of whom nothing is known, and - =Kasshu-nadin-akhe=. These kings engaged on rebuilding the - temple of the Sun at Sippar. - - 1053-1033 The dynasty of Sea Lands in Babylonia followed by - the dynasty of Bit-Bazi, numbering also only three - kings: =Eulbar-shakin-shum=, =Ninib-kudur-usur=, and - =Silanim-shukamuna=, followed by a dynasty of Elam with only - one king, whose name is unknown. - - 1027 The VIIIth Dynasty. Babylonian stock having exhausted its - vigour, now intermixed with Kassite and other foreign blood. - - 747 =Nabu-nasir= (=Nabonassar=) of the VIIIth Dynasty comes to the - throne. A time of literary activity. - - 732 =Nabu-nadinzer=, his successor, slain by =Nabu-shum-ukin=. - - 731 =Ukinzer= replaces Nabu-shum-ukin. Tiglathpileser III invades - Babylon and determines to end the rule of native princes in the - land. - - 728 =Tiglathpileser=, king of Babylon. =End of the Old Babylonian - Empire.= - - -THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE - -FIRST PERIOD, 1830-1120 B.C. - -Assyria was colonised from Babylonia. The date is uncertain, but -Nineveh was in existence in 3000 B.C. The early rulers appear to have -been subject priest-princes of the kings of Babylonia. - - 1830-1810 The first known rulers (Ishakke) are =Ishme-Dagan= and - his son, =Shamshi-Adad I=, who builds a great temple in the city - of Asshur, dedicated to the gods Anu and Adad. - - 1800-1700 Little known of their successors =Igur-kapkapu=, - =Shamshi-Adad II=, while the dates of =Khallu= and =Irishum= are - unknown. - - _Monuments._--A few inscriptions. - - 1700 =Bel-Kapkapu.=--The first to take the title of king, and - therefore considered the real founder of the monarchy, probably - the Bel-bani, of whom Esarhaddon claimed to be a direct - descendant. - - 1700-1450 A dark age of Assyrian history. We know nothing of it, - except that after the battle of Megiddo (_ca._ 1525) the ruler - of Assyria sends presents to Tehutimes III. - - 1450 Assyria is now recognised by Babylonia as an independent - kingdom. Its ruler, =Asshur-bel-nish-eshu=, makes a treaty with - Karaindash, king of Kardunyash (Babylonia) concerning boundaries. - - 1420 =Puzur-Asshur=, treats with the Babylonians concerning the - boundary. - - 1400 =Asshur-nadin-akhe II=, his successor, contemporary of - Amenhotep IV, king of Egypt. Builds or restores a palace in - Asshur. - - _Monuments._--Friendly correspondence with Amenhotep IV in the - Tel-el-Amarna letters. - - 1370 Succeeded by =Asshur-uballit=, whose daughter, Muballitat - Sheru’a, is married to Karakhardash, king of Babylon. The - murder of his son, Kadashman-Kharbe I, brought about Assyrian - intervention, and a grandson of Asshur-uballit, Kurigalzu, - is placed on the throne. Babylonia now partially subject to - Assyria. Campaigns of Asshur-uballit against the Shubari. - - 1360 His son =Bel-nirari= said to have conquered the inhabitants of - the neighbouring Elamite foothills. These Assyrian conquests - lead to a conflict between Kurigalzu II and Bel-nirari, in which - the latter is victorious. A rearrangement of the boundary lines - between the two countries is the result. - - 1350 His son, =Pudu-ilu=, a great warrior, considerably extends his - kingdom. - - _Monuments._--A few brief inscriptions. - - 1345 His son and successor, =Adad-nirari I=, continues conquests - in neighbouring territory. Rebuilds captured cities. Struggle - with Babylonian king. He adds considerably to strength of - kingdom. - - _Monuments._--A bronze sword, on which he calls himself king of - Kishshati; an inscription, the oldest yet found with an eponym - date. - - 1330 His son, =Shalmaneser I=, establishes colonies between the - Euphrates and Tigris as a bulwark against the nomadic - populations of the farther north. Subjects the Musri in northern - Syria. Assyrians cross the Euphrates for the first time. The - rapidly growing kingdom firmly established as far as the Balikh - and perhaps the Euphrates. New capital built at Calah. - - _Monuments._--Two broken tablets. - - 1290 Under his son and successor, =Tukulti-Ninib I=, there is - renewed trouble between Assyria and Babylonia. Invasion of - Babylonia; capital taken. Conquered city governed from Calah, - Assyrian officers stationed both in the north and south of the - country. Tukulti-Ninib adopts the title of “King of Sumer and - Accad” in addition to his former titles, “King of Kishshati” and - “King of Asshur.” This rule over Babylonia maintained for seven - years only. The king is killed in civil war. The most brilliant - reign in Assyrian history up to this time. The steady and rapid - progress of the Assyrians now checked. - - 1280 Rapid decline of Assyrian power under =Asshurnazirpal I=, - Tukulti-Ninib’s son. An attack of Babylonia is repulsed with - difficulty. - - 1250 Under his successors, =Asshur-narara= and =Nabu-daian=, the - Assyrian power continues to wane, while the Babylonian increases. - - 1240-1235 Under =Bel-kudur-usur= and =Ninib-apal-esharra= - Assyria is invaded by the Babylonians under Meli-shipak and - Marduk-apal-iddin. All the southern and part of the northern and - western conquered territory lost. - - 1210 Under =Asshur-dan I= rehabilitation of Assyrian power. He - crosses the Lower Zab, invades Babylonian territory, and - restores a small section of it to Assyria. - - 1150 Further Assyrian gains under =Mutakkil-Nusku= and - 1140 =Asshur-rish-ishi=, who restores temple of Ishtar at Calah. - - - -SECOND PERIOD, 1120-885 B.C. - - 1120 =Tiglathpileser I= (=Tukulti-apal-esharra=, my help is the god - Ninib).--He builds up anew the Assyrian Empire, and thus - records his work of conquest: “In all forty-two countries and - their kings from the Lower Zab (and) the border of the distant - mountains to beyond the Euphrates to the land of the Hittites - and the Upper Sea of the Setting Sun, from the beginning of my - sovereignty until my fifth year my hand has conquered.” His - great success in war equalled by a marvellous story of peaceful - achievements. The capital of Assyria brought back from Calah to - Asshur; the temples of Ishtar, Adad, and Bel rebuilt, palaces - restored and rebuilt. - - _Monuments._--The eight-sided prism found at Calah: several - fragmentary annals of the early years of his reign. - - 1090 Under his successors, =Asshur-bel-kala= and =Shamshi-Adad - III=, both sons of Tiglathpileser, further peaceful development, - with gradually a falling off in the power and dignity of the - kingdom. The former king maintains terms of peace with the king - of Babylonia, Marduk-shapik-zer-mati, who thereby seems to be - considered an independent monarch. As to Shamshi-Adad I, he is - known to us only as the rebuilder of the temple of Ishtar in - Nineveh. - - 1050-950 A dark age. The fortunes of Assyria are at low ebb. - In this period reigned =Asshurnazirpal II=, =Erba-Adad=, - =Asshur-nadin-akhe=, and =Asshur-erbi=. The last loses territory - to the Aramæans, but he seems to have invaded Phœnicia. - - 950 =Tiglathpileser II=, who calls himself “King of Kishshati and - King of Asshur.” - - 930 =Asshur-dan II=, his son. - - 911 =Adad-nirari II.=--Revival of struggle with Babylonia. Defeats - Shamash-mudammik of Babylon in battle of Mount Yalman, also his - successor Nabu-shum-ishkun. Assyrian cities given to Babylonia. - Treaty of peace between the two nations. - - 890 =Tukulti-Ninib II.=--The period of weakness is passing. Babylon - ceases to be troublesome, and the Assyrians begin to seek - tribute in the north and west. The king ravages Armenia and the - land of Kummukh. - - -THIRD PERIOD, 885-722 B.C. - - 885 =Asshurnazirpal III=, begins campaigns of conquest at once. - In ten years all of Tiglathpileser I’s empire in the north, east, - and west, conquered or intimidated into subjection with atrocious - cruelties and barbarous devastations, is under heavy tribute. - - 876 A great invasion of the west. At his approach all the cities - from Carchemish to Tyre hasten to send presents and arrange for - tribute. The campaign ends in the gathering of timber for the - temple of Ishtar at Nineveh. - - 867 A short and bloody campaign against Kummukh, Qurkhi and the - country around Mount Masius. Asshurnazirpal rebuilds Calah, and - constructs a canal to supply the city with water from the Lower - Zab. - - _Monuments._--The royal palace unearthed at Nimrud; monolith - containing accounts of his reign discovered by Layard at Nimrud; - several lesser inscriptions. - - 860 =Shalmaneser II=, his son, continues his father’s conquests - with similar cruelty. Campaign against Nairi and first of many - campaigns in the north and east lasting until 830 with no real - success. - - 857 The Aramæans of Bit-Adini in the Mesopotamian valley finally - conquered and their land placed under Assyrian government. - - 854 Shalmaneser proceeds successfully against a coalition of North - Syrian princes, Israel and Phœnicia. Battle of Qarqar. Yearly - tribute imposed on states of northern Syria. - - 852 Marduk-nadin-shun of Babylon calls Shalmaneser to help him - against his rebellious brother Marduk-bel-usati. Shalmaneser - attacks and vanquishes the rebels and Marduk-nadin-shum rules - under an Assyrian protectorate. The king of Assyria is once more - the real ruler of Babylon. - - 849-834 Campaigns against the west. The results are not definite, - and little is done except to pave the way for the future. Attack - upon Ben-Hadad II of Damascus and his allies. Jehu sends aid - against Damascus and the Assyrians get their first hold upon - Israel. - - 827 Rebellion of Shalmaneser’s son Asshur-danin-apli which splits - the kingdom into two discordant parts. - - 825 Death of Shalmaneser. - - _Monuments._--The black basalt obelisk containing story of his - wars; monolith with portrait in bas-relief; gate inscriptions - from Balauat. - - 823 =Shamshi-Adad IV=, after two years of civil war with his - brother, is acknowledged legitimate king. - - 822-814 Campaigns in north, east, and west to receive allegiance. - - 813 Invasion of Chaldea. - - 812 Invasion of Babylon where Marduk-balatsu-iqbi refuses to pay - tribute--a decisive victory. - - _Monuments._--Inscriptions. - - 811 =Adad-nirari III= succeeds his father--a ruler who increases - Assyrian prestige immensely. Successful campaigns in the west. - Eight brilliant campaigns against the Medes. - - 796-795 Babylon invaded--now practically an Assyrian province. - The king tries to efface all national differences. Temples built - in Assyria similar to those of Babylon, and Babylonian forms - introduced into the ritual. - - _Monuments._--A statue of Nabu from the temple of Calah; - inscriptions. - - 782 =Shalmaneser III=, a period of decline sets in. Of his ten - campaigns, six are against the growing power of Urartu, which is - trying to wrest the land of Nairi from the Assyrians. - - 772 =Asshur-dan III.=--The decay continues. Campaigns against - Damascus, and Khatarikka in Syria. Two invasions of Babylon - (771-767). - - 763-758 A series of rebellions in various parts of the kingdom. - - 754 =Asshur-nirari II.=--A reign of decadence. Campaigns against - Arpad and Nairi, but no attempt to collect tribute. - - 746 Rebellion in Calah. Asshur-nirari disappears and with him the - royal family that has ruled Assyria for centuries. - - -FOURTH PERIOD, 745-606 B.C. - - 745 =Pulu.=--A man of obscure origin obtains the throne, probably - as the outcome of the Calah rebellion. He takes the name of - =Tiglathpileser (III)=, and begins at once the formation of - a great world-empire and proceeds first against Babylonia. - Reconquers the country as far south as Nippur and reorganises - the government. Makes a fixed policy of planting colonies and - transporting captives. He next subdues the troublesome land - east of Assyria, and sends his general, Asshur-danin-ani, into - Media. Second expedition into Media (737), but withal the - country remains practically independent. He takes up a difficult - problem in the north where Argistis of Urartu had regained - much territory, and his successor, Sarduris II, has formed an - alliance with many northern princes. The armies of Sarduris and - Tiglathpileser meet and the former is forced to retire. - - 742 Tiglathpileser, free from Sarduris, attacks Arpad, which falls, - 740. Many neighbouring states send presents. The king of Unqi - resists, but is soon taken and his country annexed to Assyria. - - 739 Part of Nairi taken. Tiglathpileser sets out to break the - coalition of Syrian princes against him, aiming at Uzziah of - Judah, the ringleader. Menahem of Israel weakens and pays the - Assyrian heavy tribute, whereupon he abandons attacks on Judah, - but subdues, and returns home with tribute from, all the other - members of the league. - - 735 Campaign against Urartu--does not conquer but breaks the spirit - of the country. - - 734-732 Campaigns in Syria. Damascus taken. Ahaz of Judah gives - homage. Other lands incorporated with Assyria. Gaza captured. - - 731-729 He invades Babylonia to settle the internal strife raging - there. Determines to do away with native princes. Ukinzer - deposed. Merodach-baladan of Bit-Yakin gives homage. - - 728 Proclaimed legitimate king of Babylon. - - _Monuments._--The annals badly defaced by Esarhaddon; the slabs - of Nimrud; inscription on clay tablets. - - 726 =Shalmaneser IV= succeeds. - - 725 Hoshea of Israel in alliance with Shabak of Egypt refuses - tribute. Shalmaneser lays siege to Samaria. - - -THE SARGONIDES, 722-606 B.C. - - 722 =Sargon II=--a usurper succeeds. Samaria falls in this year. - The inhabitants are removed to the Median mountains and replaced - by colonists from Kutha. - - 721 Merodach-baladan rebels and is proclaimed king of Babylon. - Sargon proceeds unsuccessfully against him. Rebellion in Hamath, - joined by Gaza and Samaria. - - 720 The confederation defeated at Raphia. - - 720-710 Continuous campaigns. Successful attack on Urartu. - Coalition in the north broken up. - - 717 Assyrian governors installed throughout the country. The career - of Carchemish ended. - - 710 Merodach-baladan defeated. Sargon adopts title “Shakkanak,” - Governor, of Babylon. - - 707 The great palace in his city of Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad) is - finished. The walls are covered with magnificent inscriptions. He - enters it the next year. - - _Monuments._--The palace of Dur-Sharrukin with - inscriptions--other inscriptions. - - 705 =Sennacherib= (=Sin-akhe-erba=) succeeds his father. - - 702 Visits rebellious Babylonia and makes Bel ibni king. - - 701 Coalition against Sennacherib of Syrian princes and Tirhaqa - of Egypt. The Assyrian attacks Phœnician cities and most of - Syria submits. Battle of Altaku. Sennacherib’s army ravaged by - pestilence, and he returns to Nineveh which he has made his - capital. - - 700 Bel-ibni becomes hostile to Assyria through force of public - opinion. Merodach-baladan and Marduk-ushezib of Chaldea join him. - Sennacherib defeats them and has his own son Asshur-nadin-shum - proclaimed king of Babylon. - - 694 Campaigns against the Chaldeans settled in Elam. - Asshur-nadin-shum captured by the Elamites and Nergal-ushezib - crowned. - - 692 Mushezib-Marduk made king of Babylon. With the Elamites, the - Babylonians oppose Sennacherib at Khalule (691) and are utterly - defeated. - - 689 Destruction of Babylon by Sennacherib. - - 688-682 Sennacherib absent in Arabia. - - 681 Murder of Sennacherib by his sons Nergal-shar-eser and - Adarmalik. - - 681 =Esarhaddon= (=Asshur-akhe-iddin=) succeeds his father. - - 681-672 Nine campaigns to repress rebellions in different parts of - the empire. - - 672 Destruction of Sidon. City of Kar-Asshur-akhe-iddin built on - the same spot. - - 670 Esarhaddon appears in Egypt to punish Tirhaqa. Memphis taken. - The whole country surrenders to Esarhaddon who reorganises the - government. - - 668 Esarhaddon abdicates. He appoints his son Shamash-shum-ukin - viceroy of Babylonia, and another son, Asshurbanapal, receives - the throne of Assyria. - - _Monuments._--The “Black Stone,” the stele of Zenjirli; other - inscriptions. - - 668 =Asshurbanapal= begins his reign. - - 667 Sends an army to Egypt which defeats Tirhaqa who has retaken - Memphis. Conspiracy of Egyptian princes to restore Tirhaqa. They - are taken and punished. Exacts tribute from King Baal of Tyre, - and other princes. - - 655 Psamthek I of Egypt throws off the Assyrian yoke. - - Campaign against Elam. - - War with Shamash-shum-ukin, who plots against Assyria, and severe - punishment of Babylonia. Cruel onslaught on Elam for assistance - to Shamash-shum-ukin and his allies. The same fate is meted out - to the Arabians. - - Asshurbanapal is famous as a builder. Temple of E-kur-gal-kurra - in Nineveh adorned. Rebuilding of E-sagila in Babylon completed. - E-zida in Borsippa is embellished. The palace of Nineveh - reconstructed and a great library built and equipped. Vast - building operations in Babylonia and Arbela. His reign is one of - great glory in works of peace, but Egypt has been lost, and many - foreign provinces are on the verge of regaining their liberty. - - _Monuments._--Many records from the library of Nineveh. - - 626-609 Asshurbanapal succeeded by =Asshur-etil-ili-ukinni=, - =Sin-shum-lishir=, and =Sin-shar-ishkum= (=Saracus=), of whom we - have but little knowledge. - - 625 First appearance of the Scythian tribes in Assyria. They invade - the land and burn Calah. - - 609 =Sin-shar-ishkum= attacks Babylonia, of which Nabopolassar is - now king. The latter allies himself with the Scythian tribe of - the Manda, which attacks Nineveh. - - 606 Sin-shar-ishkum sets fire to palace and perishes in the flames. - - Nineveh taken and destroyed, as well as Dur-Sharrukin and Asshur. - - The Manda secure the old land of Assyria, together with the - northern provinces as far as the river Halys. The Babylonians - take the southern and the Syrio-Phœnician possessions. =End of - the Assyrian Empire.= - - -THE NEW EMPIRE OF BABYLON - -606-538 B.C. - - =Nabopolassar= (=Nabu-apal-usur=), an Assyrian governor of - Babylonia about 625, finally becomes king, and a powerful rival - of Assyria. After the destruction of Nineveh he receives his - share of the old empire, and continues his reign in peace. Neku - II of Egypt marches upon Babylonia. Country developed by canals - and great buildings. Temple of Belit at Sippar rebuilt. - - 604-562 =Nebuchadrezzar= (=Nabu-kudur-usur=). Before he becomes - king, he has defeated Neku at Carchemish (605). Campaign against - Judah. Jerusalem twice besieged in 597, when Jehoiachin had to - surrender, in whose place Mattaniah, a son of Josiah, was made - king under the name of Zedekiah; and again in 586 when the city - is taken, plundered, and destroyed. Population deported and - Gedaliah placed as governor. - - 585-573 Investment of Tyre for thirteen years. Finally taken in 573 - and King Ithobaal II deposed. - - 567 Invasion of Egypt in the reign of Aahmes II; heavy booty - secured, but no lasting results. Splendid works of peace shown in - numerous inscriptions. Extensive building operations. The walls - of Babylon rebuilt and rendered impregnable. Canals repaired and - temples reconstructed. Temples of Borsippa repaired and the walls - reconstructed, also at Sippar, Larsa, Ur, Dilbat, Baz, and Erech. - - _Monuments._--Many inscriptions. - - 562 =Amil-Marduk= (the biblical =Evil-merodach=). No inscriptions found. - 560 Assassinated by =Nergal-shar-usur= (=Neriglissor=).--Under - him Babylon adorned and enlarged. The temple E-sagila beautified. - Canal system regulated. Succeeded by - 556 =Labashi-Marduk=, who was killed after a reign of only - nine months, and succeeded by - 555 =Nabu-Na’id= (=Nabonidus=), a usurper. Chiefly engaged in building - and restoring temples. The temple E-ulbar restored and temples at - Sippar and Kharran in Babylonia rebuilt. - - 539 Babylonia invaded by Cyrus of Elam and Persia. - - 538 Sippar taken. Babylon surrenders. Triumphal entrance of Cyrus - into the city. =Babylonia a Persian province.= - - -FOOTNOTES - -[15] [The theories of those who deny the existence of the Sumerians -have been already given in the Introductory Essay, pages 309-317, by -Professor Halévy, the leader of the anti-Sumerian school. The present -trend of opinion is, however, largely toward the Sumerian theory.] - - - - -CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE - - Cities have been, and vanished; fanes have sunk, - Heaped into shapeless ruin; sands o’erspread - Fields that were Edens; millions too have shrunk - To a few starving hundreds, or have fled - From off the page of being. Now the dead - Are the sole habitants of Babylon; - Kings, at whose bidding nations toiled and bled, - Heroes, who many a field of carnage won, - Their names--their boasted names to utter death are done. - ---JAMES GATES PERCIVAL. - - -It should be explained here at the very beginning that in speaking of -the Mesopotamian civilisation as a unit, we are adopting for the sake -of convenience a form of expression that is not historically accurate. -Even the word “Mesopotamia” cannot be justified on strict analysis. The -word is from the Greek, and means, literally, “between the rivers,” -an obvious reference to the fact that the important portion of the -territory in question lies between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The -word was used by the Greeks in indiscriminate application to Babylonia -and Assyria, and its extreme convenience as a generic term has led to -its retention in lieu of a better one; yet, as has been said, it cannot -be applied with strict accuracy unless its etymological significance be -quite overlooked; for, curiously enough, neither Babylon nor Nineveh -was wholly situated in the territory which the Greek word describes. -Babylon lay partly on the western shore of the Euphrates river, and -Nineveh was situated on the eastern shore of the Tigris. But in -common usage, as so often happens, the exact implication of the word -“Mesopotamia” has been overlooked, and the word itself has come to be -applied to the entire region of Babylonia and Assyria. In this sense, -rather than in the more restricted one, we shall find it convenient as -a substitute for the more cumbersome appellation, Babylonia-Assyria. - -It has already been pointed out that we have to do with different -races of people in dealing with Mesopotamian history. After a long -dispute, carried on chiefly by philologists, it is now generally -conceded that the earliest civilisation of southern Babylonia was due -to a non-Semitic people, the Sumerians.[16] To this people, it would -seem, must be ascribed the honour of developing the chief features of -Mesopotamian civilisation, including the invention of the cuneiform -system of writing. It is not at all clear at precisely what time the -Semitic people, destined ultimately to become predominant in this -region, made their appearance. Nor is the place of Semitic origin -agreed upon among students of the subject. Some authors,[17] as Von -Kremer, Guidi, and Hommel, hold that Babylonia was itself originally -the cradle of the race. Others, including Sprenger, Sayce, Schrader, De -Goeje, Wright, and Barton, contend that the Semites invaded Babylonia -from Arabia. Yet others, including Palgrave, Gerland, Bertin, Brinton, -Nöldeke, Jastrow, Keane, and Schmidt, hold to the African origin; while -a modification of these views advocated by Wiedemann, De Morgan, and -Erman supposes that both the Semites and Hamites rose in Arabia, and -had their common civilisation before the Hamites went to Africa. -Confronted with such conflict of opinions, the historian must be -content to regard the exact antecedents of the Semites, previous to -their appearance in Babylonia, as quite unknown. - -As to the date of the beginnings of Semitic civilisation in -Mesopotamia, Dr. John P. Peters, making use of Ainsworth’s estimates as -to the amount and rate of alluvial deposit at the head of the Persian -Gulf, computes that the seacoast must have been established this -side of the site of the city of Ur about 6600 B.C., which date must, -therefore, represent the earliest possible period for the foundation of -that city. Ur was apparently the most southerly city of old Babylonia, -and Nippur apparently the most northerly. Dr. Peters’ excavations at -Nippur lead him to base its foundation at some period previous to 6000 -B.C., and possibly previous to 7000 B.C.[a] He sums up his theory as -follows: - -“My suggestion, from the various facts here marshalled, would be that -the original home of civilisation in Babylonia was the strip of land -from Nippur southward to the neighbourhood of Ur, and not, as has -sometimes been argued, the region about Babylonia and northward to -Sippara; while the latter region is in itself older, it does not seem -to have been older as the home of civilised man. - -“The ancestors of the civilisation of Babylonia seem to have come from -the region between Nippur and what was then the coast of the Persian -Gulf. This would accord also with the tradition preserved to us in -later sources that civilisation came to Babylonia out of the Persian -Gulf. Possibly Eridu, on the Arabian plateau near the western shore and -not far from the head of what was then the Persian Gulf, may represent -the oldest seat of that civilisation. However that may be, at a very -early period Nippur became the centre of civilisation and religion, -being founded at a time when everything below Ur probably was still -under water. As early as the close, if not the beginning, of the -seventh millennium B.C., this strip of land at the head of the then -Persian Gulf seems to have been the home of the civilised men, and from -here civilisation spread northward.”[f] - - -THE LAND - -The land of the Euphrates and Tigris lies between the Iranian country -on the east and the Syrio-Arabian district on the west, from the chain -of mountains of the Zagros to the rocky heights of the Lebanon and the -Syrian desert. From the mountains of Armenia, in which both rivers have -their source, the land gradually declines to the plain, extending from -the point of their union to where they fall into the Persian Gulf. - -The upper-river beds, winding through a high-lying, sometimes fertile -steppe country, are surrounded by heights, where plane and cypress -groves alternate with green meads and a rich growth of many-coloured -flowers and plants. - -As the land grows flatter, these valleys widen to fertile pastures on -the river-banks, whilst the wide central plain grows more and more bare -and treeless, until it ends at last in a desert trodden only by a few -wandering shepherds with their flocks, and full of ostriches, bustards, -and wild game. This is known as the between-river (Mesopotamia) -district, which extends into a wide plain of rich brown soil, about -a hundred miles above the mouth, where the two rivers approach most -nearly, and the banks touch the so-called Median wall. - -This plain, famous for its uncommon fertility as well as for its -historic importance, the “Shinar” Land of the Semites, and the -Babylonia of the Greeks, is as rainless as Egypt, and would have dried -up into a sandy desert, had not nature and human artifice contrived -means of irrigation. - -For in the spring, when the snow melts on the Armenian mountains, -both rivers overflow their banks and water the thirsty land. This -overflowing of the gently moving Euphrates is as regular as that of -the Nile; the wide tract of water is unopposed in its inundation of -the plain and, like the Nile, it deposits a rich mud soil, and man’s -resources are called into play to aid nature by the artificial conduct -of water and by means of dams to give the neighbouring district a share -in the fertilising irrigation. - -But the bed of the Tigris growing decidedly more narrow as it nears -the sea, receives the devastating stream from the eastern and northern -mountains, and the force of the waters transports the fertile soil from -the fields and transforms the plains into a wide swampy land, covered -with reeds and rushes. - -The inhabitants, therefore, had the double task of stemming the force -of the stream to prevent destructive inundations, and of securing -a course for the fertilising waters by canals and lakes. So the -Babylonian plains were sown with such a number of small and great -canals, dams and ditches, that the waterworks and means of irrigation -were a source of wonder and astonishment to the whole of antiquity. -These canals, cut in every direction and decreasing in size until -they were almost rivulets, were furnished with countless machines and -pump-works. Many of these canals, which should have been kept free by -continuous clearing from the stoppage of mud, were lost in the sand; -others, emptying into the Tigris, increased its size, the nearer it -approached the sea, while the waters of the Euphrates were decreased -through the drain of the canals.[b] - -The Tigris and the Euphrates have both flood seasons and carry their -waters over a wide extent of country, exactly as the Nile. This fact -is so perfectly clear that there can be no doubt concerning it, though -Herodotus directly asserts the contrary, saying, “The river does not, -as in Egypt, overflow the corn lands of its own accord, but is spread -over them by the help of engines.” The rise is indeed not so prolonged -as the rise of the Nile, but its influence is, nevertheless, distinctly -to be seen. Furthermore, the water was retained in sufficient quantity -to supply an irrigation system far back from the river for the grain -harvest, after the fall of the river. This entire system is now a vast -ruin. The river rises and falls as it wills, and sweeping far over the -western bank, turns the country into a morass. The harm of this is both -negative and positive. It makes impossible any such great ingathering -of grain as existed when this great valley was the world’s granary, and -it fills the land with a dangerous miasma, which produces fevers and -leaves the inhabitants weak and sickly. There are few instances in the -world of a sadder waste of a beautiful and fertile country.[e] - -Old writers give the most brilliant descriptions of the wonders of the -district. Xenophon praises the quality and quantity of the dates, of -the groves of palms which line the banks of the lower course of the two -rivers and break the uniformity of the landscape, and are still very -productive where the cruel Turkish rule has not changed the garden into -a desert. - -Herodotus lays particular stress upon the natural fertility of the -country, for he writes: “Babylon is, as we know, famed for the best -tillage of all lands, producing always two hundredfold of fruit and, in -very good years, three hundredfold. The leaves of the wheat and barley -are all four fingers wide, and I very well know, but I would rather not -say, to what size the millet and seed grow; for I am certain that those -who have not been in Babylon, will not believe it. There are few trees, -no fig trees, no vine, no olive. They have no oil but what they make -from sesame. But palm trees grow all over the country, and the fruit is -eaten and honey and wine made from it.” - -This country is now almost a desert, without buildings and vegetation, -a world of tower-like ruins, which vary the monotony of the vast plains. - -“From these heights,” says Ritter in his _Geography_, “one sees in the -solemn stillness of this ruined world the far-reaching wide mirror -of the Euphrates, winding majestically through that solitude like a -royal pilgrim among the silent ruins of his departed kingdom. The -palaces and temples, and the magnificent buildings, have all dropped -into dust and ruin; hanging gardens and blooming paradises have fallen -into gray, rush-grown, swampy marshes; and even there, where once the -captive Israelites hung up their harps in the royal capital, and sang -their songs of mourning over fallen Jerusalem, only a few imperishable -willows remain, and the silence is unbroken by a voice of joy or -mourning.” - -Assyria, a mountainous district between the Tigris and the mountainous -western boundary of Iran, is not so fertile as Babylonia, but its high -position gives it a bracing climate. - -Like the southern plains, it has little rain, but it is partially -watered by the numerous rivers which flow eastward and westward to the -Tigris, and partially by the canals and water conduits, and is rendered -tolerably fertile by careful cultivation. - -In the south only a few palm trees and cypresses break the monotony of -the wide tilled fields, as in the Babylonian plain, but in the centre -of the country are Aturia and Arbelitis (Adiabene) where the Upper -Zab, the Zabatus or Lycus of classical writers, pours its blue waters -into the Tigris, and there are fruitful hills, with protected valleys, -full of corn, wine, sesame, figs, olives, and oranges; naphtha streams -give forth their precious oil, and farther northward on the borders -of Armenia and Media there are mountainous districts, the heights of -which are crowned with woods of oak and pine. The eastern district at -the foot of the Zagros (Chalonitis) is particularly prized for its -wealth of palms, fruit trees, and olives, and the country of Arpakha -(Arrapachitis) in the Chaldean mountains is considered the home of -Abraham. From hence he descended into the river district of the centre -and settled in the land around Kharran. - -Northward lies the pasture land of Mesopotamia, whose wide plains -became the scenes of bloody battles, and where races and royal families -sought to eternalise their transitory power by the foundation of -cities, which have mostly vanished, leaving no trace behind them. Like -the Assyrian hill country, it gradually declines into grass-grown -steppes until, in the south, it becomes a desert whose waterless wastes -are trodden only by wandering Arabs.[b] - -So far back as we have yet been able to penetrate, we find in the -southern part of Mesopotamia a number of petty independent kingdoms, -governed from their capital cities. Our present knowledge of this land -and its inhabitants may be briefly summed up. - -After the river Euphrates, with countless windings and sharp falls, has -cleft the Syrio-Mesopotamian plain where it fertilises the districts -contiguous on its banks, it approaches to within a few miles of the -Tigris, and both streams water a completely flat plain, intersected -by numerous rivers and canals, and, for the most part, flooded by the -Euphrates in the summer. - -The numerous districts on both sides of the lower Tigris and west of -the Euphrates which are out of reach of the irrigation have a desert -character, as rain is as rare here as in Egypt. But the irrigated land -was proportionately fertile; at least it was so in antiquity and the -Middle Ages. The district at the mouth of the streams was of a marshy -character with numerous swamps and lakes. In olden times the confluence -of both rivers, at latitude about 31° N., formed a long narrow bay -which has now been filled up by their deposits. The Arabian Desert -lies at the west of the Euphrates, or rather on its western arm, the -Pallakopas. The country on the east of the Tigris rises gradually to -the wild mountainous boundary of the Iranian highlands, which descends -in terrace form to the Tigris, to which it sends numerous rivers, which -in earlier times flowed direct into the sea. - -At the present time the greater part of this district is a swampy -desert traversed only by wandering tribes, whilst in antiquity, and -again at the time of the Caliphs, it was made one of the most fertile -countries in the world by dint of careful irrigation, regulation, and -the construction of dams and canals.[18] - -The most ancient population of this country formed several closely -related races which had no connection with the other nations of Western -Asia, but in the course of historical evolution they lost their -language and nationality and were submerged in the neighbouring races. - -In the land of Makan, the district of the mouth of the two chief -rivers, were the Sumerians (Sumer, with its chief city of Ur, on -the Euphrates); and in the northern part of the river country -(Melucha land) from Erech, now Warka, upwards to the borders of the -Mesopotamian steppes, lived the Accadians, so called from Agade, their -capital, north of Babylon. To the east of the Tigris, far into the -pathless districts of the Zagros Mountains, dwelt the warlike races -of the Kossæans (Assyrian Kasshu). From their home, mode of life -and character, they were evidently the predecessors of the modern -Kurds, who belong, by language, to the Iranians. Next came the land -of Elam, or Anshan, as it was called in the language of the country, -the district of the rivers Choaspes and Eulæos, called by the Greeks -Kissian, with the capital Shushan, the Susa of the Greeks. - -Whilst the Kossæans were always a wild mountainous people, and -the inhabitants of the plains of Elam, although they had a firmly -established state organization, were dependent on their western -neighbours for culture, Sumer and Accad (_i.e._ Babylonia) possessed an -ancient and a complete, independently evolved culture, which, although -second to that of the Lower Nile in innate worth and exclusive -evolution, perhaps exceeded it in historical influence. The surplus of -water from inundations was distributed over the country by means of -canals and dykes. Thus ensued a better-ordered life of the state from -the closer union of the different provinces. The temples of the great -gods formed the centres of the different districts from which, as with -the Egyptians, the cities of Babylonia arose first everywhere. - -In Ur (now El-Mugheir) there was a temple of the moon-god Sin (or -Nannar). In Eridu (now Abu Shahrein) was the temple of Ea, the ancient -god of the ocean, and in Larsa (now Senkereh) that of the sun-god -Babbar (or Shamash), the lord of the city. The latter was worshipped -in like manner in Sippar (now Abu Habba), whilst in the neighbouring -Agade (Accad) the goddess Anunit was the deity of the city. On the -south lay the sacred “Gate of the Gods” Ka-Dingira, the Semitic Babel -(Babylon), the capital of the country. [With it was later united the -city of Borsippa.] The city Erech (Orchoë, now Warka), the sanctuary -of the goddess Nana (Ishtar), was held in special veneration. North of -Larsa was Girsu; on the canal Shatt-el-Khai was probably Lagash (now -Telloh); north of this the city of Isin; near it was for a time the -chief city of all Babylonia, Nippur, which was the home of the god Bel. -It is here that the excavations of the University of Pennsylvania have -been so fruitful. About fifteen miles northeast of Babylon was Kutha -(now Tel-Ibrahim), whose god was Nergal; near Kutha was Kish. In the -northern limit of Babylonia were Dur-Kurigalzu, nearly opposite the -present Baghdad; and Upi [or Opis.] - -It seems therefore that the lay dynasty arose mainly from the -priesthood of these temples, for the kings are universally found in -closest relation to the city deities, in whose honour they built or -restored the temples, and down to their last day the priestly dignity -ranked foremost in the title of the Babylonian kings.[c] - - -ORIGINAL PEOPLES OF BABYLON: THE SUMERIANS - -It is coming to be a common agreement among Assyriologists that the -original peoples of Babylon were of a race that was not Semitic. Just -what it was these scholars are not yet prepared to say; although the -inclination of belief is that it was an Indo-European race and most -likely of the Turanian family. An attempt has recently been made to -connect the aborigines with the Ugro-Finnish branch of the Ural-Altaic -family, but with what success it is still too soon to say. But whatever -these people, the Sumerians, may have been, they occupied the land of -Babylonia until dislodged by a great wave of Semitic migration. This -fact has not gone unchallenged, and from the ranks of Philology there -has come a strong contention for a Semitic origin of the Babylonians, -and the assertion that the Sumerian texts “do not represent a real -language, but a kind of cipher written according to an artificial -system of grammar.” And throughout the following discussion, written by -Professor Hommel, it must not be forgotten that Professor Halévy, the -originator of the theory of the Sumerian texts summarised above, still -champions his contention and adduces evidence for it that seems to him -conclusive.[a] - -It has often been observed that southern Babylonia was originally the -proper home of the Sumerians, while as early as the beginning of the -fourth millennium before the Christian era the Semitic Babylonians -were already settled in northern Babylonia, and, as is proved by the -Naram-Sin inscription and several dating from the time of Sargon, his -father (_circa_ 3800 B.C.) had already acquired the Sumerian character -(and, by inference, the Sumerian civilisation). In the case of southern -Babylonia, the discoveries at Telloh have put us in possession of a -number of sculptures--some of them in relief, others severed heads -of statues, dating from the period between _circa_ 4000 B.C., or -earlier, and _circa_ 3000. These present two different types. One is -characterised by a rounded head with slightly prominent cheek bones, -always beardless, and usually with clean-shaven crown. To this type -certainly belong the representations of vanquished foes on the archaic -sculpture, known as the Vulture stele, though the primitive method of -representing the brow and nose by a single slightly curved line gives a -merely superficial resemblance to the Semitic cast of countenance. The -other is a longer-skulled (dolichocephalous) type, with thick, black -hair and long, flowing beard. - -It is certainly by no mere accident that the heads of the Telloh -statues, most of which are supposed to represent kings, are of the -first-mentioned (Sumerian) type, while the bronze votive offerings, -which likewise bear the name of Gudea, are carried, as is evident at -a glance, by Semites. And as there were Semites among the subjects of -Gudea, where the Sumerians were the dominant race, so we find the same -Semitic type clearly marked in the figures round the stem of a vase; -while the party of musicians, who are seen approaching with submissive -gestures on the fragment of a bas-relief, which probably also dates -from the reign of Gudea, must likewise be of Semitico-Babylonian -descent. - -Fortunately, ancient Babylonian art gives us the opportunity, not -merely of studying the wholly non-Semitic language of the earliest -inhabitants of Babylonia in lengthy bilingual original inscriptions -such as many of the statues of Gudea bear, but of seeing with our own -eyes the bodily semblance of this singular people, and so observing -the striking correspondence of non-Semitic elements in speech and -facial type. In this connection we would draw attention to an ancient -Babylonian statue of a female figure, now in the Louvre at Paris. We -may confidently assume that the woman represented is a Sumerian and -not a Semitic Babylonian; and it may thus be regarded as a splendid -counterpart to the Gudea statues, which by the whole character of -workmanship it calls to mind. Whether we have here a queen or some -other lady of high rank (the supposition that she is a goddess appears -to be excluded by the absence of the head-dress goddesses are wont -to wear) cannot, of course, be determined with certainty. It is only -natural that various mixed types should have developed in course of -time, especially in northern Babylonia; and many of the faces we meet -with--on the seal-cylinders more particularly--may be representations -of such. - -That the Sumerians, like the Semites, were not an autochthonous race -in Babylonia follows from the condition of the soil, which had to be -rendered fit for agriculture, and indeed, for human habitation, by a -system of canals. Whence, then, did the Sumerians originally come, -before they took possession of the swampy Euphrates valley and settled -there? - -There is a word in Sumerian, “Kar” (Turkish _yer_), which means -“country” (as does the Turkish word). But in Sumerian it has also -come to signify “mountain” and likewise “east” (since the mountains -lie only in the east of Babylonia)--meanings which the Turkish word -does not bear. This is, therefore, a clear indication that, even after -the Sumerians had settled in Babylonia, the range on the Median -frontier and what lay behind it always passed with them for their true -country, the original home whence they had come. There is also extreme -significance in the fact that they were originally unacquainted with -both the lion and the horse, as also with wine (and consequently with -the vine) and the palm tree; for they had no names for them, and called -the lion “great dog” (_nug magh_), the horse “ass of the mountains” or -“of the east,” wine the “drink of life” (_gish-tin_, from _gash-tin_), -and the palm “tree of Magan” (_mis-magan_), or “the upright” (_ügin_, -in its Semitic form _mus-ukannu_). - - -THE SEMITIC BABYLONIANS - -By far the greater part of Babylonian literature, as well as the many -official documents of the kings of Babylon (in the more restricted -sense of the term) and Asshur is written in a language which was -clearly perceived, as early as 1849, to be intimately related to -the so-called Semitic languages of Anterior Asia. The relationship -is but confirmed by the type presented to us in various statues and -sculptures in relief, apart, of course, from the Sumerian sculptures -of the very oldest period; though in Babylonia we frequently meet with -a hybrid type, yet even in this the Semitic element is unmistakable. -In the heads of Assyrian figures the Semitic characteristics are very -strikingly marked. But since the Babylonians and Assyrians were a -single nation as far as language is concerned, and differed in blood -only by the fact that there seems to have been a strong admixture -of some foreign element in the former, while the latter presents a -strongly marked and far purer racial type, it may be taken as proved -that this type is that of the Semitic races, a conclusion which is -doubly vouched for by language and by facial conformation. It has -already been remarked in the foregoing chapter, that (unlike the -Sumerians) the Semitic population of Babylonia, which we meet with in -northern Babylonia as early as 3800 B.C., and which predominated there -from 2500 B.C. (or even earlier) onwards, was distinguished by an -abundant growth of black hair and long beards. - -[Illustration: A RELIGIOUS PROCESSION] - -From the circumstance that in the third millennium before the -Christian era the old Babylonian kings who resided in Middle Babylonia -(particularly at Nisin and Erech) and in Ur and Larsa bore Semitic -names, though the inscriptions that have come down to us from their -reigns are written entirely in Sumerian, we are probably justified -in concluding that in Middle Babylonia, where the dominant Sumerian -population of the south and the dominant Semitic population of the -north must have come most directly into contact, the interfusion of -the two races was at that time taking place on a very large scale. -On the other hand, in northern Babylonia, where Sumerians had lived -from the very earliest period, but had never risen to any political -importance as compared with the Semitic immigrants, the two must have -lived strictly apart down to 2000 B.C. (the latest date of which we -can be certain), for not long before that time colonists went out -from northern Babylonia and founded the empire of Assyria. The far -greater purity of the Semitic type among the Assyrians, together with -the absolute identity of their language and civilisation with that of -Babylonia, leads inevitably to the inference that the intermixture of -Sumerian blood with Semitic in North Babylonia had either not begun, or -had as yet proceeded but a very little way. - -[Illustration: AN ASSYRIAN GOD] - -Tested thus by philology, the Assyrio-Babylonian language, together -with Canaanitish (under which title we include Phœnician, Hebrew, and -Moabitish), Aramaic (Syrian, the so-called Biblical Chaldee, Palmyrene, -etc.), and Arabic (and under this heading not only the Sabæan tongue of -southern Arabia, but the Ethiopian and Amharic languages of Abyssinia, -should be placed), belong to a single well-defined group which we have -long been accustomed to call Semitic (cf. Stade’s _Geschichte des -Volkes Israel_) and the races which spoke and speak them are known to -ethnology as Semites. From the remotest antiquity down to modern times -these races have maintained a singular purity of blood and racial type; -the Canaanites represented in Egyptian tombs of the XIIth Dynasty, the -Assyrian heads in the bas-reliefs of Nineveh, the features of Jews at -the present time living in the midst of Indo-Germanic nations, and the -Bedouins who to-day roam the Syrian and Arabian deserts, all exhibit -a family likeness so remarkable that we see that throughout the whole -course of history they can have mingled but little with alien races. -The question of how and from what causes the Semitic type in Assyria -came to be preserved in greater purity than in Babylonia itself, whence -the Assyrians emigrated, is one that has been briefly touched upon -above. - -Under these circumstances it is only to be expected that the constant -type of character proper to other Semites should be discoverable, -or, at least, in part recognisable in the Babylonians and Assyrians; -although we are bound to take into account the fact that even in later -days the Hebrews retained much of their old nomadic habits, that the -Aramæans of the Assyrian period were for the most part nomadic, and -that the Arabs are so still; while from the very beginning of their -appearance in history the Semitic inhabitants of the regions about -the Euphrates and Tigris are a home-dwelling people on a high level -of civilisation. Many traits of primitive national character tend -to be obliterated or modified by such an advance to a superior stage -of civilisation, while others, foreign to the brother or kindred -races which remained longer or still remain in the nomadic stage, are -developed. - -In the Assyrians and Babylonians, as a matter of fact, we must meet -with so much that recalls instinctively their kin with those whom -the Bible and universal history have long rendered us familiar that -it offers the fullest confirmation of the conclusions arrived at by -a study of their language and physical type. It is very difficult to -compress into a few words a correct description of Semitic national -character. - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF A CITY (NINEVEH)] - -Eduard Meyer, in his otherwise admirable _Geschichte des Alterthums_, -says, “A very matter of fact habit of thought, keen observation of -detail, a calculating intellect ever directed to practical aims, -keeping the creations of the imagination completely under control and -averse from any freer flight of the spirit into the Illimitable, such -are the characteristics that distinguish the Arabs and Phœnicians, -Hebrews and Assyrians,”--a judgment which, though in the main correct, -is nevertheless not exhaustive. [Some of Professor Meyer’s other -estimates are less satisfactory to Professor Hommel, who quotes -the following with entire disapproval, claiming that they quite -misrepresent the true character of the Semitic mind: “This same -abominably matter-of-fact habit of thought, which dominates the Koran -and by means of which it wrought its effect, lies at the root of the -human sacrifices of the Canaanites, the religious phrases of the -Assyrians, and, finally, of Yahvism” (_i.e._ the religion of the Old -Testament). “The relation of the individual to the god is regarded in a -strictly rationalistic and calculating spirit. An ethical or mystical -relation to the Deity is wholly alien to the Semitic mind.”] Compare -these and other passages of the same sort [Professor Hommel continues] -with the fact that, on the contrary, a monotheistic tendency stronger -than in any other race in the world, and combining with it the idea of -a heartfelt surrender of the whole man to the Deity, was one of the -principal characteristics of the Semitic mind as a whole (though most -highly developed among the Israelites). - -It is true that the cruelty of the Assyrians to foreign prisoners of -war, which often shocks us and estranges our sympathies from the whole -nation, recall certain instances of a like defect among the ancient -Israelites too strongly not to tempt us to think of it as a Semitic -propensity; but nevertheless these are mere excesses and excrescences -which must not be set to the account of national character. The Semite -is not naturally cruel. If he were so, the trait must have come out -most strongly in the Bedouin Arabs, who for centuries have remained at -the barbaric stage in religious matters; whereas this is not so, but -rather the reverse. With many races (some of them Indo-Germanic) of -whom the most unspeakable horrors and acts of violence are recorded in -the course of history, sheer lust of blood and torture has been the -motive of such actions (or rather crimes), while the cruelties just -referred to sprang from the dark side (revolting, it must be confessed) -of a national virtue: true zeal for the Holiest. - - -THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE BABYLONIAN SEMITE - -On such questions as the degree of kinship in which the Babylonians -and Assyrians stood to other Semites, their original home, their last -halting-places, and consequently the sequence of Semitic migrations, -Eduard Meyer holds the same views as the famous orientalist, Sprenger, -to wit, that Arabia, _i.e._ the desert as distinct from the arable -land, used from the very earliest times to send forth the surplus -of her predatory and rapacious Bedouin population to the great -pastoral districts in the vicinity, that is, to Palestine, the plain -of Mesopotamia (Aram), and, in times long out of mind, to northern -Babylonia also; that they were, so to speak, deposited there from time -to time, and that all Semitic nations whom we meet with in a state of -civilisation in the course of subsequent history have come into being -in this manner. - -“But this ingenious theory has been directly refuted by later -investigations set on foot by A. von Kremer, and followed up by -Ign. Guidi at Rome, and, more especially, by myself, with a view to -discovering what domestic animals and cultivated plants were known -to the original Semitic stock. By the year 1879 Guidi and I had -come independently and, to some extent, by different ways to the -conclusion that the original home of the Semites could not possibly be -Arabia, but must be sought farther to the northeast. In the treatise, -_Die sprachgeschichtliche Stellung des Babylonisch-Assyrischen_, I -succeeded in proving further that the people who afterwards became the -Babylonians and Assyrians must have separated from the common stock in -some part of central Asia where the lion was indigenous, and emigrated -into northern Babylonia through one of the passes of the Medio-Elamite -range certainly no later than the fifth millennium B.C. The rest, -however, came by way of the southern shore of the Caspian Sea--probably -towards the end of the fourth millennium and at all events later than -the Hamites of northern Babylonia--and entered what was afterwards -Aramæan Mesopotamia from the north, then occupied it, and spread -gradually from thence to Syria, Palestine, and Arabia.” (Hommel.) So, -by subsequent offshoots and migrations, they became the Aramæans, -Canaanites, and Arabs. - -This theory furnishes, on the one hand, the first satisfactory -explanation of many points in which Babylonian development, in language -and various respects, differs from that of other Semites. On the -other hand, it sets the large amount they have in common in a most -interesting light, since it proves to be the primitive heritage of the -Semitic race. - -The whole question of the manner of Semitic migrations and offshoots -is one that cannot be a matter of indifference to the historian, as -may be objected in some quarters; and for a right understanding of -the history of Babylonia in the earliest times, it is of the utmost -consequence that we should know whether the Semitic Babylonians were -a distinct branch, as compared with their brethren, whose relations -among themselves were much closer, and whether the beginning of their -migration had led their steps through the land where grew the olive, -fig, vine, and other cultivated plants not to be found in Babylonia; -and lastly, it is imperative for a right comprehension of the history -of Semitic civilisation to arrive at a decision on these questions. -The fact that we find in the Assyrio-Babylonian language no trace of -the common Semitic name (found in Aramaic, Canaanitish, and Arabic) -for the three plants just mentioned, and others of the same nature, -constitutes, together with weighty philological considerations, the -positive argument in favour of the theory I have set forth: namely, -that the route by which the Semitic settlers of the lower Euphrates -came did not lie through regions where these plants are indigenous, but -that they migrated in advance of the rest of the Semites straight from -the east or northeast into anterior Asia and so to their new home of -Babylonia.[d] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[16] [Compare, however, Professor Halévy’s Introductory Essay.] - -[17] [See _Sketch of Semitic Origins_, by G. A. Barton, Ph.D. New York -and London, 1902.] - -[18] [This entire system is now a vast ruin, according to Rogers, who -adds: “The great valley has a climate which appears little fitted to -produce men of energy and force, for the temperature over its entire -surface is very high in the summer season. It is, however, altogether -probable that in the period of the ancient history neither the heat -nor the sand was such a menace.… During the period of the glory of -Babylon these sand waves (from Arabia) had certainly not gone beyond -the Euphrates, and they could hardly have reached it.”] - - - - -CHAPTER II. OLD BABYLONIAN HISTORY - - We have here the mere dust of history, rather than history itself; - here an isolated individual makes his appearance in the record of - his name, to vanish when we attempt to lay hold of him; there the - stem of a dynasty which breaks abruptly off, pompous preambles, - devout formulas, dedications of objects or buildings; here and - there the account of some battle, or the indication of some - foreign country with which relations of friendship or commerce - were maintained--these are the scanty materials out of which to - construct a connected narrative.--MASPERO. - - -Recent researches in old Babylonia have brought to light a very -large quantity of historical documents which tell a most important -story, inasmuch as they have to do with the very remotest periods of -antiquity. At Telloh, the site of the ancient city of Shirpurla, the -French explorers have found an abundance of interesting material, -while the Americans have exhumed, and are still exhuming, at Nippur, a -mass of documents which bids fair to rival in quantity the voluminous -records from the libraries of the Assyrian kings. In a single season’s -excavating, Mr. Haynes has very recently brought to light thousands of -inscribed tablets, some of which date from a period as long anterior to -the time of the great Assyrian kings as that time is to our own. - -The historian is to be particularly congratulated in that many of -these ancient documents have the most direct bearing upon his studies. -It has already been pointed out that the Babylonians were much more -amply endowed with historical sense than were the Egyptians. They had -a tolerably full appreciation of the importance of chronology, and -though, like the Egyptians, they lacked a fixed era from which to -reckon, they, to some extent, compensated for this defect by the ample -series of king lists and “synchronisms” which various monarchs caused -to be written. Several of these chronological documents have been -restored to us by the various excavators, and, thanks to these, the -outlines of considerable periods of early Babylonian history are now -more accurately known than many much more recent epochs of occidental -history. - -Unfortunately, these ancient lists consist, for the most part, of -tables of names having strange and unfamiliar sounds. To the average -reader these names are necessarily repellant. Such words as E-anna-tum, -Urumush or Alusharshid, Samsu-iluna, Kadashman-Kharbe cannot well be -otherwise than mystifying when unconnected with any vivid sequence of -tangible events. And for the most part the names of these earliest -rulers of Babylonia stand, in the present state of our knowledge, as -mere names, with only here and there a suggestion of tangibility. -Now and then we hear that a bas-relief of a certain king has been -preserved, as in the case of one Ur-Nina, “builder of an edifice -attached to the temple of Nina at Lagash,”[19] and in such a case the -mind conjures a curious world of associations at thought of an actual -likeness, real or alleged, being preserved for a period of more than -six thousand years. The king whose image is thus tangibly brought -to view after all these centuries of oblivion must seem a very real -personage, however little else is known of him or of his achievements. - -Again, in the case of certain other monarchs, there are brief records -of campaigns and conquests against neighbouring peoples whose very -names, perhaps, have been preserved to us only through this incidental -mention. In such cases the mind is stimulated to the formation of -vague pictures of unknown peoples of that remote era, and the least -imaginative person must feel a bewildered sense of wonderment as to -what these peoples were like, whence they came, and whither they -vanished. But for that matter the Babylonian kings themselves, and -the peoples over whom they ruled, seem shadowy and mysterious enough, -to say nothing of their neighbours. The present knowledge does not by -any means suffice to give us a full list of the names of these early -monarchs. - -In all probability there are lists still in existence buried in the -ruins of various cities, as yet unexplored, that in time will restore -to us a reasonably full record of those long stretches of time which -now seem so hazy. In numerous places the excavations are still going -on, discoveries are daily being made, undeciphered material is being -read; in a word, new chapters of this oldest past are being almost -daily brought to light. Whatever is written to-day regarding early -Babylonian history must then, in the nature of the case, be subject -to possible revision to-morrow. At least this is true to the extent -that additions are sure to be made to the present incomplete knowledge -in the near future. It does not follow, however, that the knowledge -of the present will be altogether superseded. Such king lists as have -been already deciphered, covering in the aggregate considerable periods -of time, may be depended upon, in general, as accurate and permanent -records, which will be supplemented rather than supplanted by the new -records of future discovery. Meantime, we must be content with the -glimpses into here and there an epoch, and with the citation of here -and there a name, covering as best we may some three or four thousand -years of Babylonian history in a few meagre chapters. - -Tantalising as it is to catch such mere glimpses into realms that must -be fascinating could we but know their fuller history, there is at -least a certain consolation in the thought that our generation is the -first within the past two thousand years to gain even a glimpse of -these epochs of history. Even in classical times nothing was known of -early Babylonia: such reminiscences of Mesopotamian greatness as were -preserved pertained to the later Assyrian history and to New Babylonia. -And the Assyrians and New Babylonians themselves were possessed of but -little information regarding their remote ancestors, whose records -were, in the main, as completely hidden from them as they have been -from all succeeding generations of men until our own time. - -To co-ordinate properly the great mass of information, unearthed of -late years concerning the numerous states that existed in Babylonia -in the earliest historic period, is the task that Dr. Hugo Radau has -undertaken with great success. The following extract from his recently -published work[20] will give the reader the latest knowledge of these -petty kingdoms, and enable him to understand how the greater ones -absorbed the lesser, and how the way was thus paved for the union of -all Babylonia under one ruler.[a] - - -THE BEGINNINGS OF HISTORY - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4500 B.C.]] - -The oldest king of Babylonia of whom we have any record, is -Enshagkushanna, whose date we have placed before 4500 B.C. He calls -himself “lord of Kengi,” the southern part of Babylonia. As to his -nationality, whether he was a so-called “Sumerian” or a “Semite,” we -have no means of knowing. Besides “lord of Kengi,” he seems to have -had another title, viz. “king of … “ The lacuna probably contained the -names of the capital of the kingdom. He must have waged war against -Kish in northern Babylonia, which city he terms “wicked of heart.” -He was the victor, and presented the spoil to “Enlil, king of the -lands.” Enlil--the later Bel--was the chief god in Nippur; Nippur -accordingly was called En-lil-ki, the “city of Enlil.” Hence Enlil -of Nippur seems to have been the god who wielded the chief influence -over the inhabitants of Early Babylonia. From inscriptions of certain -patesis[21] of Shirpurla, as well as from those of Lugalzaggisi, we -know that this temple was under the control of the king, who called -himself accordingly _patesi-gal_, “the great patesi.” But it also had -its own “chief local administrator,” the _dam-kar-gal_, who in his -turn had several minor priests or patesis under him. The cult of this -god seems to have been well arranged; the king, being the _summus -episcopus_, had a host of other officers (priests) under him, who -exercised the ordinary functions of the so-called priesthood of Bel. -Few as the historical notices are, yet they enable us to get an insight -into the condition of the land and of the people at this remote time. -They show us that a struggle went on between the south (Kengi) and the -north (Kish) which struggle lasted undoubtedly for several centuries. - -Prominent cities at this time were the capital of Kengi, _i.e._ -Shirpurla-Girsu, as we shall see later on; not Erech (Hilprecht), -Nippur, and Kish. - -It is necessary, however, before tracing the different steps in the -development of Kish, to turn our attention to a kingdom called in -the inscriptions “Shirpurla.” The inscriptions of the rulers of this -kingdom give us an impression of a power and might which presupposes -centuries for its development. All that we know of its art and -civilisation tends in the same direction. - - -THE RULERS OF SHIRPURLA - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4500-4100 B.C.]] - -Shirpurla is the modern Tel-Loh (or Telloh) where De Sarzec found the -inscriptions relating to the rulers of this dynasty. It is situated -fifteen hours north of Mugheir, on the east side of the Shatt-el-Khai, -and about twelve hours east of Warka. At this early time the city of -Shirpurla seems to have included four component parts, viz. Girsu, -Nina, Uruazagga, Erim. Thus it happened that one and the same king -might call himself either “king of Shirpurla” or “king of Girsu.” These -suburbs were built by various rulers in honour of their favourite gods -or goddesses. Whether Shirpurla is the right reading, or Sirgulla -(Hommel), we do not know. According to Pinches, _Guide to the Kuyunjik -Gallery_, p. 7, London, 1883, and _Babyl. Records_, iii, p. 24, -Shirpurla may read Lagash, which reading is adopted throughout by -Jensen in K. B. iii. We retain the old reading Shirpurla, because this -writing occurs most frequently in the monuments. - -The rulers of Shirpurla may conveniently be grouped under four -divisions: - -(1) The dynasty of Urukagina--beginning with this ruler or his -predecessor(s) and ending with Lugalshuggur and his successor(s). - -(2) The dynasty of Ur-Nina, ending with Lummadur. - -(3) The patesis between Lummadur and Ur-Ba’u. - -(4) Ur-Ba’u and his successors, ending with Gala-Lama. - -To Urukagina, the oldest member of the first dynasty of Shirpurla, we -have assigned the approximate date of 4500 B.C. His greatness consisted -not so much in successful wars against the neighbouring cities, as in -securing a peaceful administration for his country and city. As “king -of Girsu-Shirpurla,” he devoted his energy to the building of different -storehouses, that should take up “the abundance of the countries,” -and erected temples for different gods--thus showing his devotion and -piety. He built “for Nina the beloved canal, the canal Nina-ki-tum-a,” -and thus supplied his city with water. Bel of Nippur still exercises -the highest influence. Ningirsu (“the lord of Girsu”) is the chief -city-god, under whose control the capital stands. He is the _Gud_ or -“hero” of Enlil. In somewhat later inscriptions, Ningirsu has the title -_gud-lig-ga_, “the strong hero” of Enlil. Many other gods are mentioned -in his inscriptions. - -To this oldest dynasty of Shirpurla belongs also a certain En-gegal -(“lord of abundance” or “very rich”). He, like Urukagina, calls himself -“_lugal Pur-shir-la_,” “king of Shirpurla.” Besides this he bears the -proud title “_lugal ki-gal-la_,” “the great king,” and terms himself -_shib (dingir) Nin-gir-su_, “the priest of Ningirsu,” a title similar -to that of _patesi-gal_. From the title “the great king” we may venture -to conclude that he, unlike his predecessor, must have carried his -arms successfully against his enemies, who had previously succeeded in -plundering Shirpurla; but fate decreed that his royal capital should -be reduced to the seat of a patesi. Kish, having been defeated some -time before by Enshagkushanna, seems to have acquired new strength. Its -king, Mesilim, became lord paramount of Shirpurla, thus reducing its -rulers to mere patesis. The name of only one of these earliest patesis -is preserved to us, _i.e._ Lugal-shug-gur, who is mentioned in the -inscription of Mesilim. The sovereignty of Kish over Shirpurla does -not seem to have lasted very long. Shirpurla regained its former glory -under a new dynasty, namely, that of Ur-Nina. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4300-4200 B.C.]] - -With Ur-Nina begins a new dynasty, probably the mightiest of early -Babylonia, the duration of its sovereignty extending from 4300 B.C. -to 4100 B.C. Looking at the art and the inscriptions of these kings, -we cannot help thinking that in Shirpurla civilisation must have been -far advanced, so far advanced as to force upon us the conclusion that -“several centuries have elapsed before men could reach this stage of -civilisation.” The greater number of these art treasures are preserved -in the Louvre; the inscriptions found on them have been published in -_Découvertes en Chaldée_ and in the _Revue d’Assyriologie_. - -The first king of this dynasty was Ur-Nina (servant of Nina). The -dynasty of Urukagina must have been reduced to mere nothingness by the -kings of Kish, so that Ur-Nina found it easy to take possession of the -throne. He must have been of an old family, for he mentions the name of -his father and grandfather, who have the title neither of patesi nor of -king. He, like his predecessor seems to have been great in peace. He -built temples and various storehouses. A passage in his inscriptions -where he records the building of the “wall of Shirpurla,” suggests -that the old enemy, Kish, was still troublesome, so that he found it -necessary to fortify his capital against the deadly enemies from the -north. - -The son of Ur-Nina, who succeeded him upon the throne of Shirpurla, -was Akurgal. As yet no inscriptions of this monarch have been found. -All that is known about him is gathered either from the inscriptions -of his son (Eannatum) or from those of his father (Ur-Nina). In these -inscriptions eight sons of Ur-Nina are mentioned. If we classify them -according to their height, and take this as a basis for determining -their age, we would get the following result: - - UR-NINA - -------------------------------------------------------------- - (1) Lid-da, (2) Mu-ri-kur-ta, (3) A-ni-kur-ra, (4) Lugal-shir, - (5) A-kur-gal, (6) Nun-pad, (7) E-ud-bu, (8) Nina-ku-tur-a. - -It is remarkable that the first-born, Lidda, is mentioned in only -one inscription. Did he never succeed his father upon the throne -of Shirpurla? Did Akurgal, his fifth son, in preference to all the -others, inherit the royal sceptre, and thus become the immediate -successor of Ur-Nina? Interesting as these questions are, we are yet, -with the means on hand, unable to decide them. This much only we -know, that both Eannatum and Enannatum I, call themselves, “son of -Akurgal.” Another interesting fact is that Eannatum, in his “Stèle des -Vautours,” calls his father _lugal_ (“king”) of Shirpurla, while in -his other inscriptions he only terms him “patesi of Shirpurla.” Not -very much can be concluded from this, because even Ur-Nina is styled -by Eannatum “patesi of Shirpurla.” The translation of this latter -passage, is not yet certain. Ur-Nina’s successor, however,--either -Lidda or Akurgal,--may have lost the title “king” in consequence of an -unsuccessful war. Eannatum, on the other hand, being more successful, -resumes again for a short time the title “king” after his victory over -Kish. This latter fact is very important. Eannatum expressly tells us -that Innanna gave him the nam-lugal Kish-ki, “the kingship of Kish,” -while as ruler of Shirpurla he was only patesi. The state of affairs -then was as follows: - -Ur-Nina, a usurper, was able to constitute himself king of Shirpurla in -consequence of the weakness of the patesis of Shirpurla who preceded -him, they having been reduced by the kings of Kish to complete -powerlessness. Ur-Nina’s successors, however, were not able to retain -the title of their father. Was it internal disharmony between the sons -of Ur-Nina which caused this? They lost the title “king,” and had to -accept that of patesi. Undoubtedly they were forced to do this by one -of the successors of Mesilim, _i.e._ by a king of Kish. Eannatum--a -great hero--was able to overcome the old enemy Kish. He even was so -fortunate as to add to his old title, “patesi of Shirpurla,” that -of “king” (sc. of “Kish”) and by a stretch of this latter title he -may have also called himself “king of Shirpurla.” The successors of -Eannatum called themselves, and are called without exception “patesis -of Shirpurla.” - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4200 B.C.]] - -After these preliminary remarks about the titles of the different -members of the dynasty of Ur-Nina, we now turn our attention to -Eannatum (_i.e._ “The house of heaven is stable”), the son of Akurgal -himself. Whether he reigned contemporaneously with his brother -Enannatum I or not, we cannot tell. The fact that the sons of Enannatum -I succeeded upon the throne of Shirpurla makes it reasonable to suppose -that Eannatum preceded Enannatum I. This latter ruler seems to have -played only a minor rôle in early Babylonia history. Only two of his -inscriptions have so far come down to us. Eannatum, his brother, on -the contrary, is the greatest of the whole dynasty. The deeds of this -monarch have been preserved to us on different monuments, among which -the “Stèle des Vautours” is the most important. In order to obtain -a full conception of his time we must compare this “Stèle” with the -so-called “Cone” of Entemena. Those monuments in connection with the -Galet A, give us the following interesting piece of history: - -The god of Shirpurla (Ningirsu) and the god of Gishban, at the -instigation of Enlil (god of Nippur), agree to settle the boundaries -between their respective territories (Cone i, 1-7). Mesilim, king of -Kish,--a contemporary of Lugalshuggur, patesi of Shirpurla,--in the -quality of lord paramount of Shirpurla, corroborates the result of -this “settling of boundaries,” and erects a statue on the junction of -the two territories, to mark out the boundaries of the territory of -Shirpurla on the one side and of Gishban on the other (Cone i, 8-12). -Ush, however, a certain ambitious patesi of Gishban, is not satisfied -with this decision. He takes away the statue which Mesilim had erected, -and then invades Shirpurla, undoubtedly to extend his territory beyond -the boundary previously fixed (13-21). A war between Shirpurla and -Gishban ensues. - -Mesilim, who feels dishonoured by this action of Ush, takes the side -of Shirpurla and defeats Gishban (22-31). Gishban in course of time -again becomes restless. It invades, under its patesi Gunammide, the -territory of Shirpurla, and more specifically the Guedin, a district -sacred to Ningirsu. “Gunammide, the patesi of Gishban, according -to the command of his god … the Guedin, the beloved territory of -Ningirsu he destroyed.” Eannatum, after having fortified Shirpurla -sufficiently (“the wall of Uruazagga he built”), and having led his -armies victoriously against Elam and Gishgal, feels himself strong -enough to deal a deadly (?) blow at Gishban. “Gishban he put under the -yoke, twenty of its dead ones he buried.” Having done this, he restores -the sacred territory, the Guedin, to Ningirsu; concludes a treaty with -Enakalli, (one of) the successor(s) of Gunammide; digs a canal “from -the great river (_i.e._ the Euphrates?) to the Guedin,” and makes the -Gishbanites swear never to invade the sacred territory of Ningirsu -again, nor to trespass this boundary. - -“In the future time the territory of Ningirsu, when (the Gishbanites) -should invade it again, the dyke and the canal, if they should trespass -it, the statue, if they should take it away--at that time when they -invade it, then the _sa-shush-gal_ (_i.e._ Eannatum) of Utu, the -powerful king by whom they have sworn, shall rise against Gishban.” - -“The Stèle des Vautours” has for its main object the commemoration of -this treaty with Enakalli, patesi of Gishban, after the latter city had -been defeated by Eannatum. But Eannatum was not satisfied with this; -he imposes a heavy tribute upon Gishban, consisting of one karu of -grain for Nina and one karu for Ningirsu, besides 144,000 (?) great -karu. (Cone ii, 19 ff.) After having reduced Gishban to tranquillity, -Eannatum also carries his victorious weapons against Erech (Warka) and -Ur (the Ur of the Chaldeans), Ki-Utu (Larsa?) and Az (on the Persian -Gulf)--the patesi of which latter city he kills--against Melimme and -Arua. These latter cities were all in the neighbourhood of Shirpurla. -Last of all he crushes and defeats Zuzu, king of Ukh. But even this -does not exhaust the record of his victories. He becomes king of -Kish--Kish, which for so long had itself been sovereign over Shirpurla. -How this victory was accomplished is not evident from the inscriptions -so far extant. Probably at some future time we may find an account of -this war. - -Eannatum was not only a hero in war, but also a wise administrator. -He not only renewed three suburbs of his capital, one of -which--Uruazagga--he even surrounded by a wall, but also improved the -condition of Shirpurla itself by digging different canals, which he -consecrated to his god Ningirsu: the Kishedin, which probably marked -the boundary between the Guedin and Gishban, and which the Gishbanites -had to swear never to cross; the Lummagirnuntashagazaggipadda along the -territory of Ningirsu; and the Lummadimshar. - -Urukagina, we have seen, was the first to build a canal, viz. one for -Nina, which he called Nina-ki-tum-a. In the Cone of Entemena are also -mentioned the canal Lummasirta, the Imdubba, and the Namnundakiggara. -Here, then, we have the beginning of the most characteristic feature of -Babylonia. Babylonia becomes the “land of canals,” such as the Psalmist -had in mind when he wrote that touching psalm, “By the rivers of -Babylon we sat down and wept.” Further, Eannatum was not unmindful of -his duty to the gods. He confesses that all that he is and that he has -comes from his gods. Accordingly, he shows his gratitude by erecting -sanctuaries for Enlil, Ninkharsag, Ningirsu, and Utu, and by restoring -old buildings, which had been erected by his predecessors in honour of -the gods, among which is to be found the Tirash. - -In spite of the solemn promise of Gishban never to invade the territory -of Shirpurla again, or to pass over the boundary canal, it very -soon--probably at the end of the reign of Eannatum, or better, at -the beginning of that of Enannatum I--becomes rebellious as before. -It invades the territory of Girsu, under the leadership of a certain -Urlumma, patesi of Gishban, passes over the boundary canals which -Eannatum had made, removes the steles erected on those canals in -honour of Ningirsu, casts them into the fire, and even destroys the -sanctuaries which Eannatum had built on one of these canals (_i.e._ the -Namnundakigarra) in honour of Enlil, Ninkharsag, Ningirsu, and Utu, and -lays waste the country. Enannatum promptly arises to chastise “those -dogs” who had dared to break their solemn promise. Whether this battle -was decisive or not, is not evident. It seems, however, that Enannatum -I gained but a slight victory over Gishban. - -For Entemena, the son of Enannatum, finds it necessary to renew the -war with Gishban. “He puts Urlumma under the yoke,” _i.e._ subdues -him, forces him to return to his own country, and pursues him to the -very midst of Gishban. This triumphant victory began with the decisive -battle at the canal Lummasirta in the territory of Shirpurla. “Of his -(_i.e._ Urlumma’s) army sixty men on the side of the Lummasirta he -left.” On account of the severe loss Gishban fled. Entemena pursued -after it, of which pursuit he records that “he left the bones of the -soldiers (of Urlumma) in the field.” Many of these soldiers of Gishban -must have fallen, so many that Entemena was obliged “to bury their dead -in five different places.” - -Arrived in Gishban, Entemena makes a certain priest of Innannaab-ki -(or Nin-ab-ki), Ili by name, patesi of Gishban, probably after having -deposed Urlumma. As a compensation for the new dignity thus conferred, -Entemena commands Ili to build in the territory of Karkar--which latter -had also become rebellious--boundary canals and some other buildings. -The canal which Eannatum had built “from the great river (Euphrates?) -to the Guedin” Entemena prolongs to the Tigris, and also repairs the -other canals, which had been destroyed more or less by the Gishbanites, -and dedicates them anew to Ningirsu and Nina. - -Interesting also is the subscription of this Cone: - -“When the men of Gishban the boundary canal of Ningirsu and -the boundary canal of Nina--for the purpose of ravaging these -territories--shall pass over, then may Enlil destroy the men of Gishban -and the men of the mountains; may Ningirsu bring his curse over them; -may he lift up his great power; may the soldiery of his (Entemena’s) -city be filled with bravery; may in the midst of the city be courage in -their hearts.” - -With Lummadur, the son of Enannatum II, we arrive at the last -representative of the house of Ur-Nina. Nothing but his name is known -to us. From the absence of the title patesi behind his name, we may -conclude that Enannatum II was the last patesi of the line of Ur-Nina, -and that the old enemies, Kish and Gishban, have finally succeeded in -overpowering Shirpurla. - -It is hardly possible to look back upon this dynasty of Ur-Nina--which, -as we have seen, dates from before 4000 B.C.--without being impressed -by the high civilisation, cult, the many buildings and canals, military -skill, and style of writing. Surely such a people as this could not -have sprung into existence as a _deus ex machina_; it must have had its -history--a history which presupposes a development of several centuries -more. We would gladly follow up the history of the successors of -Lummadur, but the lack of material prevents us from so doing. Passing, -therefore, over an interval of about two hundred years in the history -of Shirpurla, we turn now to the enemies of the “hero Ningirsu,” _i.e._ -Kish and Gishban (or, better, Gishukh). - - -KINGS OF KISH AND GISHBAN - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4200-4000 B.C.]] - -Various changes had befallen the land of Kish. When speaking of -Enshagkushanna, we saw that Kish was defeated. It had, however, in -course of time again increased in strength. Mesilim was able to -establish himself as ruler over Shirpurla at the time of Lugalshuggur. -His successors may have retained their glory for a considerable period. -They were, however, not able to withstand the mighty weapons of -Eannatum. This latter king not only shook off the old yoke which Kish -had fastened upon Shirpurla, but even became “king of Kish.” He must -have reduced Kish to total impotence. Hence it came about that Kish was -vanquished by another power, of which we shall hear shortly. - -Just as Gishban, after its defeat by Eannatum, felt strong enough -to disregard the solemn promise never to invade the territory of -Shirpurla, so Kish, after its overthrow by Eannatum, seems to have -rapidly regained its old power. For we find a certain En-ne-ugun, -“king of Kish,” who is also termed “king of the hordes of Gishban,” -desirous with the help of this latter city to extend the power of his -capital. He was, however, defeated by a certain king of a certain -country (the names cannot be read on account of the mutilated condition -of the tablets). “His statue”--this unknown victorious king records, -while relating his victory over En-ne-ugun--“his shining silver, the -utensils, his property, he carried away, and presented them to Bel at -Nippur.” - -In course of time, however, and probably not very long after this -defeat, Kish seems to have recovered from this blow. A certain -Urzaguddu must have been very successful in his wars, for, in addition -to his title “king of Kish,” he calls himself also “king of …” -Unfortunately here again we have a gap, so that we cannot determine of -what city he became king. - -Very little is known of the next king of Kish, Lugaltarsi. At what -time subsequent to Urzaguddu he lived we cannot tell. So much only is -certain, that he reigned some time before Alusharshid, about 3850 B.C. -His inscription--the only one so far known to us--is preserved in the -British Museum in which he records the building of Bad-kisal in honour -of Bel and Ishtar. We can now place Manishtusu and Alusharshid also -among the kings of Kish. Both flourished somewhere about 3850 B.C., -before Sargon I. - -When reading the inscriptions of these kings, it is as if a new race -were speaking to us, so widely different is the language used by these -rulers from that of their predecessors, or of any other kings we -have so far met with. We here find for the first time the so-called -Semitic-Babylonian inscriptions. It is the same language which is also -employed in the inscriptions of Sharganisharali and his successors, -in that of Lasirab, king of Guti, and of Annubanini, king of Lalubu, -all of whom were more or less contemporary with these kings of Kish. -Scholars who believe that we must postulate two different races among -the inhabitants of early Babylonia call the kings who wrote in this -style “Semitic kings,” while the others are referred to the Sumerian -population. As a result of this they read the names of these kings in a -Semitic way. Manishtusu becomes Ma-an-is-tu-iro (so Winckler). Urumush -becomes Alu-usharshid (_i.e._ “He--some deity--founded the city”). - -The inscription of Manishtusu, whom we place provisionally before -Urumush, runs, “Manishtuirba, king of Kish, has presented (this) to -Belit-Malkatu.” - -Of more importance, from the historical point of view as well as -from the linguistic, is the next ruler who followed soon after the -former. This ruler is Alusharshid. From his inscriptions--to be found -in fifty-one fragments of vases, which have been excavated by the -expedition of the University of Pennsylvania under Dr. Peters, and -partly published by Hilprecht--we learn that he subdued Elam, on the -eastern side of the Tigris, and the country of Bara’se (Para’se), from -which lands he brought back these marble vases, and dedicated them to -his gods at Nippur and Sippar. - -For but a short period subsequent to Alusharshid does Kish seem to have -enjoyed its old power. The might of Kish gave place to that of Agade, -as we shall see shortly. Leaving, therefore, Kish for the present, we -turn our attention to the other enemy of Old Shirpurla, viz. Gishban. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4000 B.C.]] - -At about 4000 B.C., not long after the time of Eannatum, Gishban seems -to have acquired new power and might. It directed its chief attention -not so much towards Shirpurla as towards the south. Probably the rulers -of Shirpurla had at this time been reduced to utter weakness by its -old enemies (_i.e._ Kish and Gishban), of which enemies Gishban was -destined to play the most important rôle in the development of ancient -Babylonian history. - -Lugalzaggisi, the son of Ukush, patesi of Gishban, we find at the -head of the armies of Gishban, which he leads victoriously against -the south. After Erech had opened its doors, the whole of Babylonia -to the Persian Gulf fell an easy prey to the conquering hero. He, -although originally only the son of a patesi, becomes king of Erech, -nay, even king of the “whole world.” “Enlil, king of the lands, has -given to Lugulzaggisi the kingship of the world; _he_ has made him to -prosper before the world; _he_ it was that had placed the lands under -his sceptre--the lands ‘from the rising of the sun even unto the going -down of the same.’ _He_ it also was that gave him the tribute of those -lands, which he made to dwell in peace, notwithstanding that they -had been brought under a new régime.” With these words Lugalzaggisi -acknowledges, as the kings of Shirpurla did, that Enlil, and Enlil -alone, had granted to him so unprecedented a dominion, extending from -the lower sea of the Tigris and the Euphrates (_i.e._ the Persian Gulf) -to the upper sea (_i.e._ the Mediterranean). Constituted thus “lord of -the world,” he now becomes its “summus episcopus.” “In the sanctuaries -of Kengi, as patesi of the lands, and in Erech, as high priest, they -(the gods) established him.” - -To quote Hilprecht: “Babylonia, as a whole, had no fault to find with -this new and powerful régime. The Sumerian civilisation was directed -into new channels from stagnation; the ancient cults between the lower -Tigris and Euphrates began to revive and its temples to shine in new -splendour.” Thus, endowed with the highest temporal and spiritual -power, he “makes Erech to abound in rejoicing.” Nor does he forget -the other representative cities of his domain: “Ur, like a steer, -to the top of the heavens he raised.” “Over Larsa, the beloved city -of Shamash, he poured out waters of joy.” His own native town and -land receive chief attention: “Gishban, the beloved city of … to an -unheard-of power he raised.” He, as wise ruler and statesman, not only -shows his good will and favour towards the larger and more influential -cities, but also protects the weaker ones: “Ki-Innanna-ab he kept in an -enclosure, like a sheep that is to be shorn.” - -Indeed, “Lugalzaggisi stands out from the dawn (?) of Babylonian -history as a giant who deserves our full admiration for the work he -accomplished.” - -Seeing that Semitisms occur in almost all the earliest inscriptions -so far known to us, and that the rulers themselves may have been and -probably were Semites--let us confess this--then the other question -arises: At what time did the Semites come into the country, so as to -induce the original inhabitants to employ expressions foreign to their -own language? Where did they come from? To the last question, which -has been repeatedly discussed by scholars, different answers have -been given. Some make Africa the original home of the Semites; others -Arabia; and Hilprecht, who last spoke of this problem, assigns for this -purpose Kish, or better, Kharran some distance north of Babylonia. -According to his theory, Lugalzaggisi, the great conqueror from Gishban -(Kharran), was the first Semite to occupy any territory in Babylonia, -and thus opened the way for the Semitic population. But Lugalzaggisi -_does not antedate_ Ur-Nina. Ur-Nina is a Semite, as we have seen, -consequently Semites were in the country _before_ Lugalzaggisi. - -Gishban is not Kharran, but the neighbouring state of Shirpurla; hence -the Semites did not come from Kharran, but actually occupied already -the whole country of Babylonia. Thus the two questions--when did -the Semites invade Babylonia? and, whence did they come?--are still -awaiting an answer. It is possible that some tablets may give us a key -to this problem, but so far these tablets have not been found. - -[Sidenote: _ca._ 6000-3800 B.C.] - -But further, if the Semites at so early a time as 4500 B.C. (Urukagina) -had possession of Babylonia and had adopted the old language of the -country, which language they interspersed with their own idiom, they -must have been for a long time resident in the land. This would bring -the immigration of the Semites back to at least 5000 B.C. and earlier, -when the Sumerian power began to decay. We must therefore push back the -height of Sumerian influence to a yet more remote period. - -Hence, whatever view we take in regard to the two peoples and their -languages, we are led to the same general result: _Civilisation and -history must go back to at least 6000 B.C._ - - -THE FIRST DYNASTY OF UR - -Of Ur--the Biblical “Ur of the Chaldees”--we have already heard at the -time of Eannatum. It was situated at the western side of the Euphrates, -opposite the place where the Shatt-el-Khai flows into it. Up to the -time of Lugalzaggisi it may not have been of very great importance. -This latter ruler, however, “raised it like a steer to the top of the -heaven,” hence at no long period subsequent to Lugalzaggisi we meet two -kings, father and son, ruling at Ur. It is not impossible that this -dynasty may itself have brought about the overthrow of Lugalzaggisi, -as to whose successors we have no information. Probably, also, it took -possession of the more northern part of Babylonia (Nippur), for we find -that both these kings present vases to Enlil, the “lord of the lands.” - -The names of these two monarchs forming the _first_ dynasty of Ur are: - -Lugalkigubnidudu, and his son (?); Lugalkisalsi. - -Their dominion extended over Ur, Erech, and Nippur, probably also over -Shirpurla, for the kings of the south could not have gained possession -of Nippur without passing Shirpurla. This would explain why we know so -very little about Shirpurla at this time. It is, however, remarkable -that both these kings should call themselves first “kings of Erech,” -and then “kings of Ur”; while on the other hand, Lugalkigubnidudu -expressly says that Enlil added (_tab_) the lordship (_nam-en_) to the -kingship (_nam-lugal_), which lordship so added was Erech. We would -expect that, if he were originally king of Ur, the title, “king of Ur,” -would come first. Here, then, we have an analogy to and a confirmation -of the argument used in regard to Urzaguddu. The latter king had also -two titles, viz. “king of Kish” and “king of …,” and it was argued -that the latter title, “king of …,” was the original, _i.e._ Urzaguddu -became later on “king of Kish.” So here “king of Ur” was the original -title; Lugalkigubnidudu subsequently became “king of Erech.” - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 4000-3800 B.C.]] - -How long this dynasty flourished, how many rulers were comprised in -it, and when and by whom it was overthrown, we cannot tell. Probably, -however, it was replaced by a mighty kingdom which arose in the north -(that of Agade), destined to bear sway over “the four corners of the -world.” - -Once more--before we leave southern Babylonia and pass over to the -north--we have to direct our attention to Shirpurla. The traces which -we possess of the life of Shirpurla and its patesis during this time -(_i.e._ 4100-3800 B.C.) are but fragmentary. Only one patesi is known -to us from a tablet recently published by Thureau-Dangin, in the _Revue -d’Assyriologie_. This patesi, Lugalanda by name, cannot have lived very -long after Lummadur, for the writing of that tablet shows all the -palæographic peculiarities of the inscriptions of Eannatum. Probably he -belonged to those patesis over whom Lugalzaggisi or his successors may -have ruled. - -With the next two patesis, Lugalushumgal and his son (?) Ur-E, -we arrive at the time of Sharganisharali [Sargon], 3800 B.C. A -considerable gap in this period has still to be filled up. Let us -hope that the future excavations, combined with the industry of the -decipherer, will bring some light into this darkest of all periods in -Old Babylonian history. - -Mentioning only another patesi that belongs to this period, Ur-(dingir) -Utu(?)--whose name is followed by [nam?] patesi Uru-um-ki-ma (_i.e._ -Ur)--we pass from the south to the north of Babylonia, _i.e._ to the -city of Agade. - - -KINGS OF AGADE - -Agade, near the modern Abu-Habba, formed in olden times with Sippar a -double city. It was situated near the Euphrates and north of Babylon. -As early as 3800 B.C. Semitic kings ruled in this city, extending their -sceptres over the whole of Babylonia. - -[Illustration: THE FINDING OF THE INFANT SARGON] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3800 B.C.]] - -The first king, as far as our knowledge goes, was Sharganisharali, -cited by us as Sargon I. He was the son of a certain Itti-Bel. This -latter is neither called a king nor even a patesi. In this we may -see a confirmation of the so-called “legend of Sargon,” according to -which this monarch was “of an inferior birth on his father’s side,” -and so either a usurper or the founder of the dynasty of Agade. This -legend--probably written in the eighth century B.C.--purports to be -a copy of an inscription written on a statue of this great king, and -bears a certain similarity to the Biblical account of Moses. It reads: -“Shargena, the powerful king, the king of Agade, am I. My mother was -of noble family (?) [others: was poor], my father I did not know, -whereas the brother of my father inhabited the mountains. My town was -Azipiranu, which is situated on the bank of the Euphrates. My mother -of noble family (?) (or, who was poor) conceived me and gave birth to -me secretly. She put me into a basket of _shurru_ (reeds?), and shut -up the mouth (?) of it (?) with bitumen; she cast me into the river, -which did not overwhelm (?) me. The river carried me away and brought -me to Akki, the drawer of water. Akki, the drawer of water, took me up -in … Akki, the drawer of water, reared me to boyhood. Akki, the drawer -of water, made me a gardener. During my activity as gardener, Ishtar -loved me. X + IV years I exercised dominion, … years I commanded the -black-headed people (_i.e._ the Semites) and ruled them,” etc. The rest -of this legend tells us something about his campaign against Dur-ilu on -the borders of Elam; it is, however, too fragmentary to be coherent. - -In connection with this legend we would call the attention of the -reader once more to the fact that not merely the identity of this -Shargena with our Sharganisharali, his deeds and warlike expeditions -recorded in the so-called “Tablet of Omens,” with the date of his rule, -have been doubted, but even his very existence. A series of new facts -connected with the time of Naram-Sin and Sharganisharali have since -come to light by the publication of a great number of contract-tablets -written during the reign of these kings. These tablets are to be found -in _Revue d’Assyriologie_, iv, No. iii. Hence it is now impossible to -doubt the historicity of Sharganisharali, as was done by Niebuhr. - -Down to the time of Hilprecht’s publication of _Old Babylonian -Inscriptions_, Part I, our knowledge of Sargon I was almost entirely -drawn from the “legend” and the “Tablet of Omens.” Hence it happened -that the great deeds which were attributed to Sargon and Naram-Sin -in the “Tablet of Omens” were said to be “purely legendary” (so by -Winckler, _Geschichte Babylon. und Assyr._, p. 38). Others thought -that his deeds had been simply projected backwards (so Maspero, -_Dawn of Civilization_, New York, 1895, p. 599; “Sargon II is he who -projected backward”); others again, not believing that Sargon I could -have undertaken such expeditions and have become practically the “king -of the four corners of the earth,” invented another king Sargon (so -Hommel, _Gesch. Baby. und Assyr._, Berlin, 1883, p. 307, note 4; this -Sargon he places at about 2000 B.C.). - -Thanks to the excavations at Telloh and the industry of Thureau-Dangin, -we are now in a position to prove that the statements of the “Tablet of -Omens” are correct in almost every particular. - -Let us hear what this “Tablet of Omens” has to say. Eleven of these -“omens” are ascribed to Sargon and two to Naram-Sin. They generally -begin with the phrase: “When the moon was in such and such position,” -then Sargon, etc. - -The first omen records Sargon’s expedition to and subjection of Elam. - -The second tells how he marched to the land Akharri (_i.e._ the -West-land), and subjected it, and that his army subjugated the _kibrati -irbitta_, _i.e._ “the four corners of the world.” - -The third tells us that he brought sorrow upon Kish and Babylon, and -built a city after the pattern (?) of Agade, and called it Ub-da-ki, -_i.e._ “place (city) of the world.” - -The fourth records another expedition against the West and the taking -possession of the four corners of the earth. So also the fifth omen. - -The sixth omen is too fragmentary to yield any certain sense. - -The seventh gives us a fuller account of the expedition against -Akharri; he crosses the sea of the West and wages war against it for -three years, takes it, erects there his statues, and transports the -prisoners, whom he had taken, over land and sea. - -The eighth describes the repairing of one of his palaces, which he -calls “E-ki-a-am i-ni-lik,” _i.e._ “the house”: “so let us walk.” - -In the next we hear of a campaign against a certain Kashtubilla of -Kasalla, who had revolted. Sargon goes against him, conquers him and -his army, and destroys the rebellious country. - -The tenth probably is one of the most important. It reads: “Sargon, -against whom under this omen the elders of the whole country had -revolted, and in Agade had shut him up--Sargon went out, conquered -them, and cast them down, subdued their army, and.…” - -The last omen tells us something about Sargon’s campaign against the -land Suri, how he overcame it, and took it, and how he destroyed its -army. - -The two omens relating to Naram-Sin record a campaign against Apirak -(Omen i) and against Magan (Omen ii). In both expeditions Naram-Sin was -so successful, that he even took captive the kings of these countries, -viz.: Resh-Ramman (Adad), king of Apirak, and N. N. king of Magan. - -According to this “Tablet of Omens,” then Sargon I subdued Elam, the -“West-land,” brought woe upon Babylon and Kish, conquered the country -Kasalla, suppressed a revolt which had arisen against him while on his -expeditions, and finally subdued the land Suri “in its totality.”[b] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3750-2700 B.C.]] - -Sargon’s son and successor, Naram-Sin, followed up the successes of -his father by marching into Magan, whose king he took captive. He -assumed the imperial title of “king of the four zones,” and, like his -father, was addressed as a “god.” He is even called “the god of Agade” -(Accad), reminding us of the divine honours claimed by the Pharaohs -of Egypt, whose territory now adjoined that of Babylonia. A finely -executed bas-relief, representing Naram-Sin, and bearing a striking -resemblance to early Egyptian art in many of its features, has been -found at Diarbekir. Babylonian art, however, had already attained a -high degree of excellence; two seal cylinders of the time of Sargon -are among the most beautiful specimens of the gem-cutter’s art ever -discovered. The empire was bound together by roads, along which there -was a regular postal service, and clay seals, which took the place of -stamps, are now in the Louvre bearing the names of Sargon and his son. -A cadastral survey seems also to have been instituted, and one of the -documents relating to it states that a certain Uru-Malik, whose name -appears to indicate his Canaanitish origin, was governor of the land of -the Amorites, as Syria and Palestine were called by the Babylonians. It -is probable that the first collection of astronomical observations and -terrestrial omens was made for a library established by Sargon. - -Bingani-shar-ali was the son of Naram-Sin, but we do not yet know -whether he followed his father on the throne. Another son was -high priest of the city of Tutu, and in the name of his daughter, -Lipus-Eaum, a priestess of Sin, some scholars have seen that of the -Hebrew deity, Yahveh. The Babylonian god, Ea, however, is more likely -to be meant. - - -THE KINGS OF UR - -The fall of Sargon’s empire seems to have been as sudden as its rise. -The seat of supreme power in Babylonia was shifted southward to Erech, -Isin, and Ur. At least three dynasties appear to have reigned at Ur -and claimed suzerainty over the other Babylonian states. One of these, -under Gungunu, succeeded in transferring the capital of Babylonia from -Isin to Ur. It is still uncertain whether Gungunu belonged to the -second or third dynasty of Ur; if to the second, among his successors -would have been Ur-Gur, a great builder, who built or restored the -temples of the Moon-god at Ur, of the Sun-god at Larsa, of Ishtar -at Erech, and of Bel at Nippur. His son and successor was Dungi II, -one of whose vassals was Gudea the _patesi_ or high priest of Lagash -[Shirpurla]. Gudea was also a great builder, and the materials for his -buildings and statues were brought from all parts of western Asia, -cedar wood from the Amanus Mountains, quarried stones from Lebanon, -copper from northern Arabia, gold and precious stones from the desert -between Palestine and Egypt, dolerite from Magan (the Sinaitic -peninsula), and timber from Dilmun in the Persian Gulf. Some of his -statues, now in the Louvre, are carved out of Sinaitic dolerite, and -on the lap of one of them is the plan of his palace, with the scale -of measurement attached. Six of the statues bore special names, and -offerings were made to them as to the statues of the gods. Gudea -claims to have conquered Anshan in Elam, and was succeeded by his son, -Ur-Ningirsu. His date may be provisionally fixed at 2700 B.C. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2700-2340 B.C.]] - -The high priests of Lagash still owned allegiance to Ur, when the -last dynasty of Ur was dominant in Babylonia. The dynasty was -Semitic, not Sumerian, though one of its kings was Dungi II. He was -followed by Bur-Sin II, Gimil-Sin, and Ine-Sin, whose power extended -to the Mediterranean, and of whose reigns we possess a large number -of contemporaneous monuments in the shape of contracts and similar -business documents, as well as chronological tables. After the fall of -the dynasty, Babylonia passed under foreign influence. - - -ACCESSION OF A SOUTH ARABIAN DYNASTY - -Sumu-abi (“Shem is my father”), from southern Arabia (or perhaps -Canaan), made himself master of northern Babylonia, while Elamite -invaders occupied the South. After a reign of fourteen years, Sumu-abi -was succeeded by his son, Sumu-la-ilu, in the fifth year of whose reign -the fortress of Babylon was built, and the city became for the first -time a capital. Rival kings, Pungun-ila and Immeru, are mentioned -in the contract tablets as reigning at the same time as Sumu-la-ilu -(or Samu-la-ilu); and under Sin-muballit, the great-grandson of -Sumu-la-ilu, the Elamites laid the whole of the country under tribute, -and made Eri-Aku, or Arioch, called Rim-Sin by his Semitic subjects, -king of Larsa. Eri-Aku was the son of Kudur-Mabuk, who was prince of -Yamudbal [or E-mutbal], on the eastern border of Babylonia, and also -“governor of Syria.” - -The Elamite supremacy was at last shaken off by the son and successor -of Sin-muballit, Khammurabi, whose name is also written Ammurapi and -Khammuram, and who was the Amraphel of Genesis xiv. 1. The Elamites, -under their king, Kudur-Lagamar or Chedorlaomer, seem to have taken -Babylon and destroyed the temple of Bel-Merodach; but Khammurabi -retrieved his fortunes, and in the thirtieth year of his reign (in 2340 -B.C.), he overthrew the Elamite forces in a decisive battle and drove -them out of Babylonia. The next two years were occupied in adding Larsa -and Yamudbal to his dominion, and in forming Babylonia into a single -monarchy, the head of which was Babylon. - -A great literary revival followed the recovery of Babylonian -independence, and the rule of Babylon was obeyed as far as the shores -of the Mediterranean. Vast numbers of contract tablets, dated in -the reigns of Khammurabi and other kings of the dynasty, have been -discovered, as well as autograph letters of the kings themselves, -more especially of Khammurabi. Among the latter is one ordering the -despatch of two hundred and forty soldiers from Assyria and Situllum, -a proof that Assyria was at the time a Babylonian dependency. Constant -intercourse was kept up between Babylonia and the West, Babylonian -officials and troops passing to Syria and Canaan, while “Amorite” -colonists were established in Babylonia for the purposes of trade. -One of these Amorites, Abi-ramu or Abram by name, is the father of -a witness to a deed dated in the reign of Khammurabi’s grandfather. -Ammi-satana, the great-grandson of Khammurabi, still entitles himself -“king of the land of the Amorites,” and both his father and son -bear the Canaanitish (and South Arabian) names of Abesukh or Abishua -[Ebishum], and Ammi-zadok [or Ammi-sadugga]. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 2287-1100 B.C.]] - -Samsu-satana, the son of Ammi-zadok, was the last king of the first -dynasty of Babylon, which was followed by a dynasty of eleven Sumerian -kings for 368 years. We know but little of them; their capital has not -yet been discovered, and no trading documents dated in their reigns -have been found. They were overthrown and Babylonia was conquered -by Kassites or Kossæans from the mountains of Elam, under Kandish -[Gandish] or Gaddas (in 1800 B.C.), who established a dynasty which -lasted for 576 years and nine months. - - -THE KASSITE DYNASTY - -Under this foreign domination, Babylonia lost its empire over western -Asia. Syria and Palestine became independent, and the high priests of -Asshur made themselves kings of Assyria. The divine attributes with -which the Semitic kings of Babylonia had been invested disappeared -at the same time; the title of “god” is never given to a Kassite -sovereign. Babylon, however, remained the capital of the kingdom and -the holy city of western Asia. Like the sovereigns of the Holy Roman -Empire, it was necessary for the prince, who claimed rule in western -Asia, to go to Babylon and there be acknowledged as the adopted son of -Bel before his claim to legitimacy could be admitted. Babylon became -more and more a priestly city, living on its ancient prestige and -merging its ruler into a pontiff. From henceforth, down to the Persian -era, it was the religious head of the civilised East. - -One of the earlier Kassite kings was Agum-kakrime, who recovered the -images of Merodach and his consort, which had been carried away to -Khani. At a later date Kadashman-Bel and Burna-buriash I corresponded -with the Egyptian Pharaohs, Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV (1400 -B.C.). The Assyrian king Asshur-uballit still owned allegiance to his -Babylonian suzerain, and intermarriages took place between the royal -families of Assyria and Babylonia. Babylonia, moreover, still sought -opportunities of recovering its old supremacy in Palestine, which the -conquests of the XVIIIth Dynasty had made an Egyptian province, and -along with Mitanni or Aram-Naharain and the Hittites intrigued against -the Egyptian government with disaffected conspirators in the West. -After the death of Burna-buriash, however, civil war in Babylonia led -to Assyrian interference in the affairs of the country, and from this -time forward even the nominal obedience of Assyria to its old suzerain -was at an end. - - -ASSYRIAN CONQUEST OF BABYLON - -Frequent wars broke out between the two nations, and eventually -(about 1280 B.C.) Tukulti-Ninib of Assyria, in the fifth year of -his reign, captured Babylon and sent the treasures of E-sagila, the -temple of Bel-Merodach, to Asshur. For seven years the Assyrian -monarch reigned over Babylonia, then a revolt obliged him to retire; -Adad-shum-usur of the native dynasty was placed on the Babylonian -throne; and Tukulti-Ninib was shortly afterwards murdered by his son, -Asshurnazirpal I. Assyria steadily increased in power, while Babylonia -fell more and more into decay. Shalmaneser I, the builder of Calah (now -Nimrud) in 1300 B.C., carried his victorious arms in all directions, -and Tiglathpileser I extended the Assyrian Empire as far as the -Mediterranean (1100 B.C.). - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1230-745 B.C.]] - -The Kassite Dynasty had fallen about 1230 B.C., in consequence of an -attack on the part of the Elamites, and a new dynasty which sprang from -Isin took its place, and lasted for 132½ years. Then came a series of -short-lived dynasties, ending with that of Nabu-nasir, the Nabonassar -of classical writers, who ascended the throne of Babylon in 747 B.C. -Assyria was at the time in the throes of a revolution. Civil war and -pestilence were devastating the kingdom, and its northern provinces had -been wrested from it by Ararat (or Van) [Urartu]. In 746 B.C. Calah -rebelled, and on the thirteenth of Airu (April), in the following -year, Pulu or Pul, who took the name of Tiglathpileser III, seized the -throne, and inaugurated a new and vigorous policy.[c] - -At this point it seems well to interrupt the story of Babylonia for a -time until we have traced the origins and rise of that Assyrian power -in which the fortunes of Babylon were soon involved and subordinated -until the destruction of Nineveh, when the New Babylonian Empire -emerged into historic prominence.[a] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[19] [Such is the way in which a few Assyriologists read the more -commonly accepted “Shirpurla.” Professor Hommel interprets it -“Sirgulla,” in favour of which there is something to be said.] - -[20] [Quoted by permission from “Early Babylonian History,” New York -and London, 1902.] - -[21] [The patesi was an official whose office was sacerdotal as well -as administrative. We find him at the head of a state before the ruler -assumes the title of king and also a viceregent when the country has -been conquered by a more powerful nation. The custom seems to have been -in this case for the victorious monarch to reduce the vanquished to the -rank of patesi, and in such capacity he and his successors continue the -local administration.] - - - - -CHAPTER III. THE RISE OF ASSYRIA - - Behold, the Assyrian was a cedar in Lebanon with fair branches, and - with a shadowing shroud, and of an high stature; and his top was - among the thick boughs. - - The waters made him great, the deep set him up on high with her - rivers running round about his plants, and sent out her little - rivers unto all the trees of the field. - - Therefore his height was exalted above all the trees of the field, - and his boughs were multiplied, and his branches became long - because of the multitude of waters, when he shot forth. - - All the fowls of heaven made their nests in his boughs, and under - his branches did all the beasts of the field bring forth their - young, and under his shadow dwelt all great nations. - - Thus was he fair in his greatness, in the length of his branches: - for his root was by great waters.--_Ezekiel_ xxxi. 3-7. - - -The Assyrian Empire is in some respects unique in history. Despite -the proverbial tendency of history to repeat itself, there has been -no duplication of the tragic history of this wonderful body politic. -It rose to be the most powerful of nations; it reached out and gained -the widest empire that had hitherto been seen; its capital, Nineveh, -was for a few centuries the metropolis of the world. But in the very -fulness of its imperial flight it was struck down and utterly destroyed. - -Other empires have been subjugated; Nineveh was annihilated. The very -name “Assyrian” became only a memory and a tradition. Late in the -seventh century B.C. Nineveh was the boasted mistress of the world; two -centuries later the mounds that covered her ruins were noted by the -Greek historian Xenophon, who marched past them with the ill-fated Ten -Thousand, merely as the relics of some ancient city of unknown name. -So brief may be the highest fame! Yet the sequel is stranger still. -As we have seen, these forgotten mounds treasured secrets of history -which they have since given up to the explorer, and our own generation -has seen Assyria restored to its place in history. The details of its -career are more fully known to us than those of almost any other nation -of antiquity. Such a phœnix-like regeneration is a fitting sequel to -the fantastic career with its tragic dénouement, which is about to -claim our attention. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 3000-1120 B.C.]] - -It must not be supposed that the Assyrian Empire came suddenly to -the height of power just suggested. On the contrary, its rise was -slow, and accomplished by intermittent impulses. Naturally enough, -the growing nation has left us no such exhaustive records of its -history during earlier days as have come to us from its time of might. -Indeed, for some centuries after Assyria began to assume importance, -we have but fragmentary records of its history. Only here and there -a great monarch puts the stamp of his achievements upon an epoch so -indelibly that time itself cannot wipe it out. Such names as Sargon -II, Shalmaneser, and Tiglathpileser were remembered by posterity as -the names of great heroes whose deeds various successors strove to -emulate, and whose names were taken up, sometimes by usurpers of the -throne, sometimes by legitimate descendants of royalty, and thus doubly -perpetuated. - -It is not till we are well within the last thousand years of the -pre-Christian era, however, that the monarchs of Assyria come to be -so well known to us as to seem like true historic personages in the -same sense in which these terms would be applied to the Alexanders and -Cæsars of a later period. Such kings as Sargon II, Asshurnazirpal, -Tiglathpileser III, Shalmaneser II and a little later, Sennacherib, -Esarhaddon, and Asshurbanapal, left records so voluminous and so -perfectly authenticated as to bring their authors into the clearest -light of history. Nowhere else outside of Egypt have such full records -been preserved of the deeds of ancient monarchs as in the case of -these Assyrian kings. Naturally enough, the record ceases before the -destruction of Nineveh; there was no Assyrian scribe left to tell of -that tragic event. - -But now the scene shifts to Babylon; the kings of that principality -take up the broken record, and for a few generations supply us with -historical documents of the utmost importance. And where the Babylonian -records end, the Persian chronicles begin. These are supplemented in -due course by the reports of the Grecian historians, beginning with -Herodotus, so that the historical sequence is practically unbroken. - -We have seen that these Assyrian and Babylonian records were quite -unknown throughout later classical times, and from then on until -restored late in the nineteenth century. A peculiar interest, then, -attaches to the comparison of these records with the traditions of -Babylonian and Assyrian heroes which the classical writers have -preserved. In general, it can hardly be said that the comparison is -flattering to the classical mind. No Assyrian tablet tells us of any -such person as Ninus, the alleged founder of Nineveh. Nor is there any -royal cylinder that tells of the mighty conquests of Queen Semiramis. -There is, indeed, a queen of that name mentioned, but she is the -consort of a late king of Nineveh, and there is nothing recorded to -suggest that her achievements were in any respect noteworthy. We are -forced to conclude, then, that the Greek historians, in recording -the alleged history of Assyria, depended upon verbal traditions. -They appear to have been altogether ignorant of the contents of the -authentic historical documents, many of which were still accessible -in the libraries of Babylonia when Herodotus visited that city. It is -interesting to note, however, that the Greeks had a vivid realisation -of the sometime greatness of Assyria, even though they were unable to -form a clear and correct image of the picture. Semiramis was really -an idealised impersonation of the general conception of the Assyrian -conqueror. Sargon, Tiglathpileser, and their successors were forgotten -in name, but their deeds were vaguely remembered, and out of the -reminiscences of their actual conquests arose the conception of a -mythical ruler, whose name was destined for centuries to supplant the -names of actual heroes. What happened here is but a repetition of what -has happened elsewhere under similar conditions. There is no myth -without its background of fact. Had there never been great conquerors -ruling over Assyria, there would never have arisen the legend of -Semiramis. That “there is no smoke without some fire” is a maxim which -the historian should never overlook; it is a maxim to which the story -of Assyrian history gives peculiar emphasis. - -So much has been said about the sources of Assyrian history that only a -word need be added here. We shall have occasion as we proceed, to call -attention in greater detail to the specific records of various kings. -In addition to these, however, there are certain historical documents -of a more general character, which have been largely instrumental in -enabling the modern investigator to reconstruct Babylonian and Assyrian -history. The most important of these are certain Babylonian king-lists -and a so-called Synchronistic History, in which the succession of -rulers in Babylonia and in Assyria is synchronised. These chronological -documents taken together do not enable us fully to reconstruct the -history of the long periods in question, but the gaps are relatively -insignificant, in particular after about the year 1000 B.C.; and for -the later monarchs of Assyria the records are often so voluminous as to -furnish accurate details regarding all the events of importance. - -It has already been pointed out that the earliest history of Assyria is -no less obscure than that of early Babylonia. As nearly as the facts -can now be restored to us, it would appear that for some centuries the -people to the north of Babylonia were struggling for supremacy against -the older civilisation of the South. Gradually the northerners--the -Assyrians, as they became known--gained in strength until, finally, -about the beginning of the fourteenth century B.C., under Shalmaneser -I, Asshur obtained a position at least equal to Babylonia. After the -death of this monarch Assyria seems to have weakened for a time, and -it is not until about 1100 B.C. that another great monarch appeared to -put the stamp of his personality upon the epoch. This new ruler was -known as Tiglathpileser I. He has been called the first of the great -Assyrian conquerors, though perhaps this estimate does scant justice to -certain of his predecessors. In any event, he restored the influence -of Assyria, subjugated Babylonia, and is said to have been the first -Assyrian ruler to be crowned as “King of the Four Corners of the -Earth.” It is believed that Nineveh was established as the capital of -the empire in the reign of the son and successor of Tiglathpileser, who -bore the unfamiliar name of Asshur-bel-kala. - -[Illustration: AN ASSYRIAN PRINCE] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 950-825 B.C.]] - -It is curious how largely the personality of an individual monarch -dominates the history of an epoch among oriental nations. An -illustration of this familiar fact is shown by antithesis in the -scantiness of the records for about a century after the death of -Tiglathpileser. Imperfect records reappear about 950 B.C., but it is -not till about three-quarters of a century later that Assyria rises -again to a time of might. Then, under Asshurnazirpal, one of the most -enterprising and most cruel of conquerors, the stamp of Assyrian -influence was put upon all surrounding nations. Shalmaneser II largely -sustained the traditions of his father, and the power of Assyria was -upheld, if not extended, by the next rulers, Tiglathpileser III and -Shalmaneser IV. - -How fully the deeds of these later Assyrian monarchs are known to us -will appear in the succeeding pages. Monarchs of even greater celebrity -were to come after; yet perhaps the reign of Asshurnazirpal (885-860 -B.C.) may not unjustly be regarded as the period when Assyria obtained -its greatest power and its highest civilisation. The bas-reliefs from -the palace of Asshurnazirpal, which were exhumed by Layard and which -are now exhibited in the British Museum, are in some respects the most -perfect examples of Assyrian art that have been preserved. It is true -that the artists of two centuries later had developed a more elaborate -fashion in the matter of details; but the rugged outlines of the -earlier masters tell of art in its creative period. The models produced -in this epoch were never to be altered in their essentials during the -entire course of Assyrian history. Such hunting scenes as that in which -Asshurnazirpal, standing in his chariot, is seen shooting an arrow at -an enraged and wounded lion, were perhaps never quite equalled by any -Assyrian artist of a later epoch. The art of this time shows examples -also of massive sculptures, such as the human-headed bulls and lions, -in relative abundance. A curious feature of the later sculptures is -that they usually present inscriptions written across pedestal and -figure alike. Needless to say, these inscriptions record deeds of the -great conqueror. Unfortunately, many of them are repetitions, but even -so they preserve relatively comprehensive records of the achievements -of the great king. - -Even fuller records are preserved of Shalmaneser II. In particular, -the black obelisk on which the deeds of this king are presented, both -in graphic pictures and in extensive inscriptions, is one of the most -famous of Assyrian antiquities. The exact character of this inscription -and of the other records in question will be detailed in the succeeding -pages.[a] Before proceeding to the history proper, let us study the -theatre where the drama was played and the origins of the actors. - - -LAND AND PEOPLE - -The land of Assyria, in the more restricted sense of the term, lies for -the most part on the left bank of the Tigris, and is bounded on the -south by the Lower Zab. Hence, strictly speaking, it would not form -part of Mesopotamia were it not that the capital importance of the -Tigris to the country and the trend of its other rivers make it a kind -of appendage to the alluvial plain, and that the mountain ranges of -the North constitute a boundary which cuts it off from the rest of the -world, and thus naturally assigns it to Mesopotamia. Consequently, as -soon as the Assyrians gained their independence and started on a career -of conquest, it was natural that they should first extend their borders -in that direction. - -Mesopotamia consists of a great low-lying plain divided by no physical -barrier. It was natural, therefore, that the policy of all powerful -rulers in that region should have had for its aim the political -unification of all parts of the country, united as they were already by -a common civilisation and economic interdependence. The efforts of the -Assyrians were likewise directed towards this end, though it was long -before they obtained it. In the kingdom of Babylonia, which asserted -its sway over the whole southern portion of the plain and its dependent -provinces, they were at first confronted by an adversary strong enough -to resist them, and all that fell to them for the time being was the -northern half of Mesopotamia, the greater part of which remained under -their dominion, and was merged into an Assyrian empire, just as the -whole of Babylonia had been merged into a Babylonian empire. We shall -see, however, that the memory of the separate existence of the two -component parts of the empire at an earlier stage still subsisted in -certain customs and relics of civil law, just as it did in Babylonia. - -The Assyrians were a Semitic race, and, but for slight differences -of dialect, spoke the same language as the Semitic-Babylonians. The -Assyrian branch of the race constituted, in the first instance, an -outpost on the left bank of the Tigris, where it developed on somewhat -different lines from the Semites who remained in Mesopotamia. We -have every reason for assuming that, before the Assyrians made their -way into the country, the whole of Mesopotamia, the north no less -than the south, was occupied by a Semitic population, distinct from -the Aramæans--themselves probably recent immigrants--and united -by a common civilisation. This is the race which we have styled -Babylonians, as distinguished from the Sumerians, or, more exactly, -Semitic-Babylonians, in treating of Babylonia. We are absolutely in -the dark as to the extent to which these Semites of the North may -have absorbed elements of an elder Sumerian population that may have -survived, for in the earliest times concerning which we have any -historic testimony the Semites were predominant even in northern -Babylonia, much more, therefore, in northern Mesopotamia. - -The Assyrians must have developed on independent lines, for in all -other respects they differ materially from the Babylonians. In the -latter we have made the acquaintance of a people peaceably disposed, -nay, actually unwarlike, concerned mainly with the development of their -civilisation--qualities which, when we compare them with the Assyrians, -we are inclined to set to the account of their Sumerian blood. The -latter were probably the most warlike of all the Semitic nations of -the East, and maintained the purity of their racial type; for the -features of the figures in their sculptures exhibit to a marked degree -the characteristics which strike us nowadays as peculiar to the Jewish -race. They also differ from the Babylonians in figure, for the latter -are usually represented as short and thick-set, while the Assyrians are -of somewhat lofty stature and powerful build. - -The land of Assyria is very different from Mesopotamia proper. The -nearness of the mountain ranges makes the climate cooler, and the -soil is probably less productive than that of the lowlands along the -river. Nor were the means of transport within its borders as good as -in Mesopotamia proper, for the Tigris only constituted the frontier, -and the swiftness of its current made it less well adapted for traffic -than the Euphrates, which formed the most convenient natural line of -communication in the plain of Mesopotamia. - -In Babylonia we made the acquaintance of a country which had developed -its own civilisation, and one where the inhabitants held in proud -and honourable remembrance the various stages of its economic and -political development,--a sentiment reflected in the religious cults -of the ancient cities, the centres of civilisation. With Assyria it is -otherwise. That country began to play its part in Mesopotamian history -with the set purpose of appropriating what Babylonia had achieved. The -Assyrians had no such gains, hallowed by the associations of thousands -of years to boast of in their own country. They were a tardy supplement -to the Semitic immigration. They felt themselves an appendage to the -Semitic population already settled in Mesopotamia, and consequently -regarded its ancient cults as, in a measure, their own. The fact -implies an unconscious confession that they had nothing analogous or -equivalent to set against the old centres of Babylonian civilisation, -and, as a matter of fact, the chief towns of Assyria cannot for a -moment be compared in importance with those of Babylonia. The most -famous of the former owed their day of splendour to the rise of the -Assyrian Empire or even, to some extent, to the fancy of individual -kings; and when the Assyrian Empire passed from the stage of history -these, its artificial creations, were abolished with it. - -Babylonia rose again after every fresh blow, because her rise to the -position she held had its root in a vital need of the peoples of -anterior Asia; while soon after the fall of the Assyrian Empire the -very names of the great cities of Assyria had passed from the memory -of the dwellers in the land. The case is different with the cities -of northern Mesopotamia, which belonged to the Assyrian Empire, -but existed before its rise, and survived its fall. The only other -exception among the large Assyrian cities is Arbela, which, being -situate at the junction of the trade routes to northern Mesopotamia, -Armenia, and Media, had probably been in existence before the time of -the Assyrian Empire, and likewise retained its importance to a later -period. - - -ASSYRIAN CAPITALS: ASSHUR AND NINEVEH - -The oldest capital of Assyria was Asshur, situated on the right -bank of the Tigris, on the site of the present Kalah Sherghat. It -was originally the seat of rulers called patesis, who were probably -subjects of the Babylonian monarchy. In the first half of the second -millennium B.C. these rulers extended their sway over the district -which they styled “the land of the city of Asshur,” and assumed the -title of “king.” Asshur was always held in honour as the ancient -capital, but it lay so far to the south (being, in fact, almost beyond -the borders of the country), that it soon became imperative for the -“kings of Assyria” to transfer the centre of government to a more -convenient place. Shalmaneser I (_circa_ 1300) accordingly chose Calah -for his residence. The natural result was the decline of the importance -of Asshur, since its situation was not such as to assure it a leading -position. In later times it subsisted mainly upon its old reputation, -and enjoyed special privileges, which were confirmed even by Sargon. -It was the seat of Asshur, the chief national divinity. The kings -of Assyria, from Shalmaneser I to Sargon, held their court at Calah -(Nimrud). Its consequence seems to have declined after the reign of -Tiglathpileser I, for his son, Asshur-bel-kala removed to Nineveh, -which remained the royal residence till the reign of Asshurnazirpal. -The latter rebuilt Calah and so improved it that it remained the -capital until Sargon chose Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad), which in turn -Nineveh replaced as capital. - -Nineveh (Ninua), situated above Calah, on the left bank of the Tigris, -and opposite the present town of Mosul, is now represented by the two -mounds of Kuyunjik and Neby-Yunus. It was one of the oldest and most -important cities of the province of Assyria, and was highly esteemed -from the very earliest times of the Assyrian Empire as being the seat -of a cult of an Ishtar known as “Ishtar of Ninua,” to distinguish -her from the Ishtar of Arbela. We must therefore look upon it as a -city which originally stood on an equal footing with Asshur, and was -subjugated by the patesi of the latter city. It became the royal -residence in the reign of Asshur-bel-kala, the son of Tiglathpileser -(or even earlier), and remained so until the reign of Asshurnazirpal. -But it really owed its fame as the capital and chief city of Assyria, -which it represented in the eyes of other nations, to Sennacherib. -He built an entirely new Nineveh, which was to show forth worthily -the power and glory of the Assyrian Empire. His successors continued -to reside there, and contributed to its splendour. Esarhaddon and -Asshurbanapal built palaces there, and Nineveh formed the last bulwark -of the Assyrian Empire. - -In the Euphrates Valley, and mainly on the right bank, between the bank -where the river turns towards the southwest and Babylonia, various -states had come into being which, by the force of their natural -connection with Babylonia, inclined towards that kingdom rather than -towards Assyria and northern Mesopotamia. There are Laqi, Khindanu, -and (east of the latter) Sukhi, or Shuhi, which last extended from -somewhere near the mouth of the Khabur to Babylonia, and was under -Babylonian ascendency down to a late period. These states had probably -in the first instance been dependencies of the Babylonian Empire, but -had enjoyed virtual independence from the time of the fall of Babylonia -and the rise of Assyria. Asshurnazirpal was the first to subjugate -these “governors,” who, up to this time, had “paid no tribute” to the -Assyrian kings, and who were supported by Babylonia in their struggle -with Assyria. The population of these states was composed of the same -elements as that of Mesopotamia. The original Semitic-Babylonian -settlers had been ousted by Aramæan immigrants. This was most evident -in Laqi, the westernmost, which was not a homogeneous body politic in -the reign of Asshurnazirpal, but was governed by various sheikhs. And, -generally speaking, these states were semi-nomadic commonwealths. - - -THE RISE OF ASSYRIA - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1741-1300 B.C.]] - -The city of Asshur was originally a patesi-ship. The situation of -Asshur seems to point to a close connection with Babylonia rather than -with northern Mesopotamia, and for the present, at least, it seems -most likely that we ought to regard it as a vassal state to Babylonia -or the Kingdom of the Four Quarters of the World. Nor must we ignore -the possibility that it may have formed part of the realm of the -“Kishshati.” - -A record left by an Assyrian king enables us to determine one point -of time, at least, when Asshur was still a dependency and ruled by -a patesi. Tiglathpileser I built that part of the great temple of -Asshur which was intended for the worship of the gods Anu and Ramman -(Adad), and in the record he has left he observes that this temple was -built by the patesi Shamshi-Adad, the son of Ishme-Dagan, patesi of -Asshur, six hundred and forty-one years before the reign of his own -great-grandfather Asshur-dan, sixty years earlier. Accordingly Asshur -must have been ruled by patesis sixty plus six hundred and forty-one -years before 1100, when Tiglathpileser was on the throne, and its -exaltation to the rank of a kingdom must have taken place later than -that. The names of two patesis of Asshur and those of their fathers are -known to us from inscriptions of their own. One of them, Shamshi-Adad, -and his father, Igur-Kapkapu, we may place before or after Shamshi, -the son of Ishme-Dagan, with equal probability, while the form of -the other two names, Irishum and his father Khallu, being simple and -exhibiting nothing of the compound character of later Assyrian names, -leads us to conjecture that they belong to an earlier period. - -The names of these six patesis and their work in the building of the -temple of Asshur represent our whole stock of knowledge concerning -Asshur before it rose to be a royal city. The first king of Assyria of -whom we know anything is Asshur-bel-nish-eshu, who is introduced to -us by the Synchronistic History as a contemporary of the Kossæan[22] -king Karaindash of Babylon. As this monarch reigned some time about -the first half of the fifteenth century B.C., there is an interval of -over three hundred years between him and the patesi Shamshi-Adad, an -interval of which we know nothing except that the rise of Asshur and -the establishment of the kingdom of Assyria must fall within it. Of -the circumstances and conditions under which these events took place -we know nothing in detail, but an explanation naturally suggests -itself from the state of Babylonia. During this same period Babylonia -had sunk to such a depth of decrepitude that her own strength was no -longer adequate to secure her against hordes of invaders, and she could -continue to exist only under the protection of the Kossæan kings and -their armies. These disorders, which inevitably attend such a state -of things, served, as they invariably do in the East, to promote the -formation of new states under energetic and enterprising leaders, and -to these circumstances the kingdom of Asshur probably owed its rise. - -From the reign of Shalmaneser I (_circa_ 1300) onwards the kings of -Assyria bear the title of “Shar Kishshati” and even place it before -that of “King of Asshur.” “Shar Kishshati” means “King of the World,” -and the title is thus formed in the same fashion as the Babylonian -“King of the Four Quarters of the World.” And the Assyrian title, like -the Babylonian, was not merely general in scope, but was bound up with -the possession of a particular district and particular cities. - -It is doubtful whether Assyria subdued the kingdom of the Kishshati -from the outset, or gained possession of it at a later period. -According to the scanty records at present open to us, the latter -hypothesis seems the more probable. The first Assyrian king to bear the -title of “Shar Kishshati” is Shalmaneser I (about 1300), and he gives -it to his father, Adad-nirari I (or Ramman-nirari), although the latter -does not assume it in his own inscription. Shalmaneser attaches so much -weight to this title that on a couple of bricks, which date from his -reign, he actually styles himself “King of Kishshati” alone, and omits -the royal title of Assyria; and we therefore may conclude that the -union of northern Mesopotamia and Assyria was the work of Adad-nirari -and of Shalmaneser. - -This would be at least one fixed point in the earliest history of -Assyria from which to trace the development of the empire. Before -Shalmaneser we have to do only with the little kingdom of Asshur, -which was chiefly engaged in struggles with Babylonia and its eastern -neighbours, and after his time with the united dominions of Assyria and -northern Mesopotamia, the leading power of Mesopotamian civilisation -against the West and the attacks of barbarians on every side. The -Synchronistic History is our principal guide to Assyrian history, as -it was to the history of Babylonia before it came into touch with -Assyria. We have but few inscriptions of the kings of this early stage -of Assyria’s existence, and only by the aid of the above-mentioned -document can we more or less connectedly trace the course of history. -Before the reign of Asshur-bel-nish-eshu, at which the chronicle now -begins, we can be sure of nothing but a great blank. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1450-1325 B.C.]] - -With Asshur-bel-nish-eshu, who reigned in the first half of the -fifteenth century, begins a line of kings with a certain degree of -continuity. Of himself we only know what is told in the Synchronistic -History, namely, that he concluded an alliance with Karaindash of -Babylon by which they guaranteed one another in possession of their -dominions. He was presently--though perhaps not immediately--succeeded -by Puzur-Asshur [probably about 1420 B.C.] of whom we are told the same -thing. He entered into friendly alliance with Burna-buriash. - -Of his supposed successor, Asshur-nadin-akhe, we know, from the -letters of his son Asshur-uballit to Amenhotep IV, that he, like his -Babylonian contemporary, held communication with the kings of Egypt. In -an inscription of a later king mention is made of a building of his, -the foundation of a palace at Asshur. For the rest, it is by no means -impossible that he may have reigned before Puzur-Asshur, and that the -latter, as well as Asshur-uballit, was his son. - -We possess a letter written by Asshur-uballit to Amenhotep IV of Egypt. -It gives an account of presents made to the king of Egypt--a war -chariot yoked to two white horses, and a seal cylinder--makes excuse -for the tardy return of Egyptian ambassadors on the plea that they had -been stopped by the (nomadic) Sutu, and contains the usual importunate -requests for richer presents in return. In Babylonia, Asshur-uballit -succeeded in making a way for Assyrian interference, and thus came -a step nearer to the goal all kings of Assyria longed to reach, the -suzerainty of Babylon. Apart from the attempt of Asshur-narara and -Nabu-daian, which presumably came to nothing, the little kingdom -of Assyria had been on friendly terms with Babylonia, and had made -alliance which probably contributed more to her own security than that -of the other party. Internal troubles were the pretext which first -rendered feasible his successful interference in Babylonian affairs. - -The assassination of the Babylonian king by the malcontent Kossæans, -and the elevation of Nazibugash to the throne, gave Asshur-uballit -an admirable pretext for restoring “order” in Babylonia and placing -Kurigalzu, his other grandson, on the throne. Adad-nirari mentions -another expedition of his against the Shubari. His successor, -Bel-nirari I [about 1370 B.C.], boasts in his inscription that he -conquered the Kasshu (Kossæans) and enlarged the borders of the land. -This probably refers to a distinct campaign against the Kasshu, and not -to the war with Kurigalzu II, in which he was likewise victorious. The -latter enterprise also resulted in territorial expansion, which does -not necessarily seem to have been made permanent. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1325-1275 B.C.]] - -Pudi-ilu (about 1350), the son and successor of Bel-nirari, waged war, -we are told by his son, Adad-nirari, against the otherwise unknown -Turuki and Nigimkhi, who probably dwelt somewhere in the direction of -Armenia, and extended the Assyrian frontier to the north (Gutium). -Adad-nirari I (about 1325) has left an inscription which has been -discovered at Kalah Shergat (Asshur). According to it, he, like his -predecessors, waged most of his wars on the northeastern frontier -of his kingdom, and endeavoured, by building cities, to revive the -prosperity of the region occupied by the Shubari, Lulumi, Guti, -and Kasshu of the northeast, which had been laid waste by previous -wars. His inscription relates mainly to the buildings he erected in -connection with the temple of Asshur. It is the first from Assyria -with a definite date. It was indited in the limmu (_i.e._ the year of -office) of Shulman-kharradu. - -His son, Shalmaneser I (about 1300), was one of the mightiest Assyrian -kings, and probably the first who raised Asshur to a position equal, if -not superior, to that of Babylonia. We do not know much about him from -inscriptions left by himself, and are therefore obliged to depend on -occasional statements of succeeding kings. He ruled over Mesopotamia -westward to the Balikh at least, if not to the Euphrates, and assured -to Assyria the possession of the northern tract between the Euphrates -and Tigris, which was afterward the provinces of Gumathene and Sophene. -He founded colonies there, and planted them with Assyrian settlers -to form a bulwark to Mesopotamia against the tribes of the North. -Afterwards, when the power of Assyria was impaired, these colonies were -in great straits, but they held their own, and were then reinforced -by Asshurnazirpal, to whom they served as a welcome basis for the new -Assyrian province of Tuskhan which he established there. - -With the extension of the kingdom and the inclusion of northern -Mesopotamia, the need of another capital than Asshur, which lay too -far to the south, made itself felt. The city Shalmaneser chose for -this purpose was Calah, which remained the capital down to the time -of Sargon, except during the period of decline which followed upon -the reign of Tiglathpileser I. His object in this change of residence -was clearly to give expression to the altered state of things which -had come about in Assyria and Mesopotamia. Assyria was not to be the -privileged kingdom, but the two political organisations, Asshur and the -Kingdom of the Kishshati, were to be equal members of the new empire, -each retaining its own centre in Asshur and Kharran respectively, while -the king founded his own capital for himself, to avoid giving the -preference to either. - -Shalmaneser’s son, Tukulti-Ninib I (about 1275) [but probably somewhat -earlier] was no less fortunate in his enterprises than his father. He -was the first to achieve the object of every king in Assyria--dominion -over Babylon. Adad-nirari III, in his list of his ancestors, styles him -“King of Sumer and Accad,” from which we may certainly conclude that -he held the same sort of position toward the whole of Babylonia, and -the kingdom of Babylon more particularly, as was afterward attained by -Shalmaneser II--that is to say, he must have ruled over the several -provinces of all Babylonia and exercised a kind of suzerainty over -Babylon. - -The rapid rise of Assyria seems to have been followed by equally rapid -decline. For a hundred years we have hardly any information concerning -it, and do not even know the names of the kings who reigned during that -period. The lack of inscriptions, or, at any rate, of vaunting records -in the reigns of later kings, seems in itself to indicate a time of -humiliation, while the conditions which we find prevailing when our -sources of information become more copious, show that soon after the -reign of Tukulti-Ninib, and therefore probably before the end of the -thirteenth century B.C., the power of Assyria must have been seriously -curtailed and exposed to grievous shocks. Whence they arose we shall -presently see.[b] - -There is scarcely a year in which additional information concerning -this obscure period does not come to light. A recently deciphered -fragment of the Babylonian Chronicle mentions an Assyrian king, -Tukulti-Asshur-Bel, contemporaneous with Tukulti-Ninib, but of the -relation of the two kings nothing is stated. Professor Winckler in -_Altorientalische Forschungen_, suggests that the former was the -latter’s son, and co-regent while he was engaged in ruling and reducing -Babylon. Professor Rogers sums up the end of Tukulti-Ninib’s life: “For -seven years was this rule over Babylonia maintained. The Babylonians -rebelled, drove out the Assyrian conquerors, and set up once more a -Babylonian, Adad-shum-usur (about 1268-1239 B.C.), over them. When -Tukulti-Ninib returned to Assyria he found even his own people in -rebellion under the leadership of his son. In the civil war that -followed he lost his life, and the most brilliant reign in Assyrian -history up to that time was closed.” - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1275-1235 B.C.]] - -This rebellious son was not the above mentioned Tulkulti-Asshur-Bel, -but Asshurnazirpal I. His reign continues the period of decline, and in -it it is believed that Adad-shum-usur actually attacked Assyria. Next -come two kings, Asshur-narara and Nabu-daian, whose reigns seem to have -been contemporaneous (about 1250 B.C.). A fragment of a clay tablet -was found containing a letter from Adad-shum-usur to these two kings, -in which he remonstrates on their folly in taking up arms against him, -which shows that Babylon’s power was still waxing.[a] - -We do not know how it came to pass that Assyria lost the ascendancy -she had gained over Babylonia under Tukulti-Ninib, but it is certain -that some fifty years later Bel-kudur-usur found himself relegated to -Assyria proper, and was obliged to fight for the possession of his -capital. [According to Professor Rogers, Meli-Shipak (about 1238) and -Marduk-apal-iddin (about 1223-1211) were the Babylonian kings in this -war. He places Adad-shum-iddin’s death at 1269, and Adad-shum-usur’s at -1238 B.C., basing these dates on some recent illuminative suggestions -of Professor Hommel.] The Synchronistic History, which is incomplete at -this point, states that Ninib-apal-esharra (who was probably the son -of Bel-kudur-usur) was forced to retreat. The Babylonians appear to -have pursued and besieged him in his own capital of Asshur, and there -a battle was fought, in which, according to the apparent purport of -the Synchronistic History, the Assyrians were beaten. But the victory, -if victory it were, cannot have been decisive, for after the battle -the Babylonians withdrew without making any further attempt to invade -the remoter parts of the country. The defeat of the Assyrians must, -therefore, have been more like a successful defence of their city. -Slight as this clew is, it makes it evident that for a while Assyria -had to fight for her life against Babylon, and that she held her own -with difficulty. The development of this state of things must be sought -in the great hiatus made by the reign of Bel-kudur-usur. The titles of -the Babylonian kings of the period also go to prove that at this time -Babylonia had actually repossessed herself of northern Mesopotamia. - -Since we find Tiglathpileser in possession of much the same -dominions as Tukulti-Ninib (though Sumer and Accad did not belong -to him), the course of events during all the twelfth century, from -Ninib-apal-esharra to Asshur-rish-ishi, is self-evident. The business -in hand was the reconquest of what had been lost, and at it the -succeeding rulers steadily and successfully laboured. - -Of Ninib-apal-esharra, the Synchronistic History says nothing except -that he successfully withstood the Babylonian attack, nor does -Tiglathpileser mention any other deeds of his. The latter, however, -expressly gives him the character of a capable commander, “who led the -troops of Asshur aright,” presumably with reference to his retreat -after the death of Bel-kudur-usur and the repulse of the Babylonian -king. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1200-1116 B.C.]] - -His son and successor, Asshur-dan (about 1200 B.C.), won some -victories over Babylon and reconquered some parts beyond the Zab from -Samana-shum-iddin (king of Babylonia). Tiglathpileser lays stress upon -the fact that he lived to a great age (to about 1150 B.C.). Of his son, -Mutakkil-Nusku, no particulars are known. He probably carried on the -work of his predecessors, for Assyria gradually regained all she had -lost. - -Then Asshur-rish-ishi (about 1140 B.C.), the father of Tiglathpileser -I, reports that he had reconquered the Lulumi and Kuti, whom -Adad-nirari had formerly subjugated, and who had either fallen under -the sway of Babylon or made themselves independent; and that he had -repulsed the nomads, whom Adad-nirari had likewise driven back, and who -had naturally taken advantage of Assyria’s weakness to press forward -again. His war with Nebuchadrezzar I, king of Babylon, seems to have -been waged mainly for the possession of Mesopotamia, which the defeat -of the nomads was also intended to secure. It is most probable that he -gained his end, the evacuation of the kingdom of Kishshati, of which -Nebuchadrezzar styles himself king in one of his inscriptions.[b] - - -THE FIRST GREAT ASSYRIAN CONQUEROR - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1116-1050 B.C.]] - -Asshur-rish-ishi’s son, Tiglathpileser I (Tu-kulti-apal-esharra, -meaning “My help is the son of Esharra,” _i.e._ the god Ninib), is the -first of the great Assyrian conquerors. Directly after his accession -to the throne he marched against the Mushke (Mushkaya) to conquer the -districts previously taken by them. The Mushke (the Meshech of the -Old Testament, and the Moschi of the Greeks) were defeated, as well -as the people of Kummukh and the mountainous races of the Kharia and -Qurkhi country stretching from the north of the Tigris to the Upper -Zab. In the next campaign the same district was traversed, but the -king then crossed the Lower Zab, and thence proceeded northward into -the mountains. The whole mountainous district was then incorporated -with the Assyrian kingdom, and Tiglathpileser was then able to proceed -to the subjugation of the lands of western Armenia and Pontis, never -before entered by the Assyrian rulers. - -[Illustration: AN ASSYRIAN KING] - -He crossed sixteen mountains, reached (what he calls the land of the -Nairi) the upper Euphrates, which he crossed, and defeated in a great -battle twenty-five kings [twenty-three according to others], who -encountered him with their troops and war chariots. The enemies were -pursued as far as the banks of the Black Sea, when all the princes -swore fealty and bound themselves to pay tribute. On the return march -the town Milidia, _i.e._ Melitene on the Euphrates, was taken and -forced to pay tribute. - -The next, the fourth campaign of the king was directed against the -Aramæans, of the North Mesopotamian steppe; he penetrated as far -as the Euphrates, and conquered several places in the vicinity of -Carchemish. Then followed an expedition to the east against [the Musri -and] the then unknown race of the Qumani. In later years Tiglathpileser -undertook campaigns in the west. An inscription at the source of the -Supnat, the first easterly tributary of the Tigris, tells us that he -traversed the country of Nairi (Armenia) three times, and that he -subjugated all the country “from the great sea of the west country to -the sea of Nairi.” In particular we learn that he made a voyage in -ships from Arvad (Aradus) on the Mediterranean Sea, that he hunted in -Lebanon (he was a passionate hunter), and that the kings of Egypt sent -him some rare sea fishes as a present. It is very probable that one -of the mutilated inscriptions which the Assyrian kings had put up on -the Dog River (the Nahr-el-Kelb, north of Beirut), quite close to the -victory monuments of Ramses II, related to Tiglathpileser. He also made -war against Marduk-nadin-akhe of Babylon, but with no success; at least -we learn that the Babylonian king, in the year 1110 B.C., carried off -images of gods from an Assyrian city. [According to Professor Rogers, -Tiglathpileser marched to Babylon and was there acknowledged King of -the Four Quarters of the World.] - -However, Tiglathpileser in a second campaign was completely victorious -in a battle of the Lower Zab, and took all the capitals of the northern -half of Accad: Dur-Kurigalzu, the double town Sippar, Babylon, and Upi. -The steppe district on the western bank of the Euphrates (the land of -the Shuhi or Sukhi) was also subjugated by him. Thus did Tiglathpileser -create a great kingdom, which included the whole district of the -Euphrates and Tigris, as far as Babylon, as well as the mountainous -country of western Armenia and eastern Asia Minor, as far as Pontis; -and his supremacy was also recognised by northern Syria. - -Of the organisation of the kingdom, we only know that the contiguous -districts, such as the valley of the Khabur, eastern Kummukh, and -Qurkhe were incorporated with the state, and governed by Assyrian -ministers, whilst the more distant countries retained their native -rulers, and were only bound to the payment of tribute. The kingdom -has no enduring position. We hear that Asshur-bel-kala (about 1090 -B.C.), the son of Tiglathpileser, lived in the greatest peace with -Marduk-shapik-zer-mati, the Babylonian king. When, after the latter’s -fall, Adad-apal-iddin, the son of Esagila-shaduni, was raised to the -throne, Asshur-bel-kala married his daughter and brought her home to -Assyria, with many presents. [In this reign, according to Rogers, the -seat of empire was probably established at Nineveh.] - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1050-884 B.C.]] - -Babylonia had evidently regained her complete independence, though the -Assyrian chronicles fail to relate the means whereby it was achieved. -Asshur-bel-kala was succeeded by his brother Shamshi-Adad (about 1080 -B.C.), of whom we know nothing further; and then follows a great gap in -the line of kings. [Here may be inserted the names of Asshurnazirpal II -about 1050 B.C., Erba-Adad, and Asshur-nadin-akhe.] - -Of King Asshur-erbi it is only mentioned that under him the districts -conquered by Tiglathpileser, namely, the country Pitru on the Sagur -near Carchemish, and the city of Mutkinu, east of the Euphrates, were -taken by the Aramæan king. This was evidently the king of the country -of Bit-Adini, whose chief dominion lay east of the Euphrates, the -capital being Tel-Barsip, which is probably Birejik, opposite the -Zeugma of the Greeks. At the beginning of the ninth century we again -have more accurate information about Assyria, and so find that, beyond -a part of the mountainous district east and southeast of Nineveh, the -kings now have only the country on the upper Tigris (around Amida), -Kummukh, and a great part of the cultivated land of Mesopotamia. - -The district on the Euphrates, opposite Carchemish, is independent -and split up into several princedoms (Bit-Adini, Nila, Bit-Bachiani, -and farther north, Tel-Abnai), the exact boundaries of which it has -hitherto been impossible to determine. The country on the Balikh seems -to have remained Assyrian; it is very remarkable that the city of -Kharran is not mentioned in any of the later campaigns. The district -farther east, Nisibis and the neighbouring Gozan, the fruitful valleys -of the Khabur and its tributaries, even the city of Suru in the land of -Bit-Khalupe on the Euphrates (Sura, east of Thapsachos), were governed -by Assyrian ministers. The government of Assyrian ministers in the -lower valley of the Khabur is of special interest to us. - -The whole district of this river, as well as the land of Sangara -farther east, is full of heaps and ruins, which mark the localities -of old and later times. The most important are the ruins at the place -now called Arban on the Khabur. Here are the remains of an ancient -palace, built in the Assyrian style, with four winged oxen, with men’s -heads, an open-mouthed lion, the portrait in relief of a warrior, -etc. The oxen bear the inscription “Palace of the Mushesh-Ninib.” -The possibility of getting at a satisfactory date for this palace is -unfortunately not yet apparent. That scarabs of Tehutimes III and -Amenhotep III have been found in Arban and Calah, is no sufficient -clew. As King Asshurnazirpal III of Assyria went down the Khabur in -the year 884 B.C., Shulman-khaman-ilani of Sadikkan and Ilu-Adad of -Shuma brought him heavy tribute. Doubtless one of these two places -is the Arban of to-day, and their governors were semi-independent -Assyrian ministers, known as the Mushesh-Ninib, for the names, writing, -and style of art show us that we have not here to do with a native -government. The population of the valley of the Khabur was doubtless -Aramæan, like that of Kharran and Nisibis. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1090-885 B.C.]] - -The eleventh and tenth centuries B.C. confirmed the complete freedom -of the local government of the countries of Western Asia. Whilst the -kingdom of the Pharaohs was decaying from age, a new nation was rising -in Syria and evolving an active intelligent life of its own. - -The Phœnician merchants circulated the products of the civilisation -of Syria along all the coasts of the Mediterranean, and the dwellers -on the Ægean Sea having already entered the circle of cultured races, -competing with the Phœnicians in trade and the traverse of the sea, -took possession of the coasts one after another and thereby developed -a complete political and intellectual life. The fate of Western Asia -was determined by the evolution of Syria’s culture not taking a -wide-reaching, powerful, political form, but rather hindering it. Since -the days of the Kheta kingdom’s glory, there has been no great power -in Syria. So when a conquering, military state was now formed on the -Tigris, under a fearless, warlike prince, it met with no sustained -resistance. - -The success of Assyria was due to her military organisation. Little -as we know of its particulars, there can be no doubt that the whole -race regarded war and conquest as the real aims of existence, and -the more successful they were, the more they ignored all other sides -of life; whereas the little states of Syria made tillage, trade, and -industry the chief occupations of their life, albeit every inhabitant -was presumably bound, like the Israelites, to take up arms in case of -need, in the defence of his country. The sole great military power -was Egypt, but her warrior caste was composed of foreign mercenaries -who exploited the country, although from a military point of view they -evidently did not benefit it more than the generality of their class in -similar cases. - -The outcome of events was thus a foregone conclusion. The Assyrian -campaigns of two centuries ended in the political and national fall -of the races of Syria. The progress of events then led further to the -annihilation of nationality in the whole of Western Asia. The kingdom -of Tiglathpileser I fell, soon after his death, and there now ensues -a little later a gap of more than a century in our information about -Assyria. The very scanty notices commence about 950 B.C. Asshur-dan II, -mentioned as “the maker of a canal,” reigned at that time. [A recently -discovered inscription of Adad-nirari II speaks of his grandfather -Tiglathpileser. Therefore, a new Tiglathpileser, the second of his -name, is now reckoned in the list of kings, and the approximate dates -950-930 B.C. assigned to his reign. Nothing is known of him except -that he is called “King of Kishshati and King of Asshur.” Asshur-dan -II’s reign is now put down as beginning 930 B.C., and Adad-nirari -II’s at 911.] Asshur-dan’s successor, Adad-nirari II, mentioned with -the building at the “Gate of the Tigris” (890 B.C.), conquers King -Shamash-mudammik of Babylon in a battle on Mount Yalman, and made war -against his successor, Nabu-shum-ishkun [who was also defeated and -yielded certain cities]. In the peace made by an alliance, the boundary -was fixed near the city of Tel-Bari, south of the Lower Zab. - -The next king, Tukulti-Ninib II (890-885 B.C.), fought in the northwest -mountains, and at the source of Supnat, the first tributary of the -Tigris, he had his statue (stele) erected near that of Tiglathpileser. -In spite of repeated attacks, the mountainous districts on the east as -far as the lake of Van, the chief part of the land of Qurkhi, retained -essentially their independence. The warlike efforts of these rulers had -been hitherto directed against the races of the mountains of Kasjar -(Masius), the south of the Tigris, and close to Aramæan Mesopotamia, -which, in spite of numerous campaigns, had never been subjugated. If -Nisibis, Gozan, and the valley of the Khabur, and apparently also -Kharran, belonged to the Assyrians under Asshurnazirpal, they either -remained independent after the twelfth century, or were subjugated -by the kings of this period. In the east, the mountainous races of -Khubushkia and Kirruri (on the Upper Zab, and as far as the lake -of Urumiyeh) are tributary, and on the Lower Zab, we find under -Asshurnazirpal, an Assyrian governor of Dagara, in the land of the -Euphrates, whose fortified citadels were mostly situated on the banks -of the river, or like Anat, on an island, paid tribute. Tukulti-Ninib’s -son, Asshurnazirpal III (885 to 860), entered on fresh conquests -directly after his accession to the throne.[c] - - -THE REIGN AND CRUELTY OF ASSHURNAZIRPAL - -[Sidenote: [885-880 B.C.]] - -Tiglathpileser’s work of conquest was to be begun over again; -Asshurnazirpal felt the full force of the mission, and he accomplished -it with a cruelty worthy of the hero he took for pattern, and his -successors applied themselves, as did he, to avenge, arms in hand, -Asshur’s temporary humiliation. - -Scarcely was Asshurnazirpal seated on the throne, when he turned -attention to his armies,--his war chariots and armed men were numerous -and well equipped; they were ready to take the march. It was the land -of Numme which received the first blow. Accustomed to prolonged and -uninterrupted peace, the inhabitants had never even thought of measures -for defence, and they fled to the mountains at the approach of the -Assyrians, who made bloodless captures of the towns of Libe, Surra, -Abuku, Arura, and Arubi, situated at the base of Mounts Rime, Aruni, -and Etini. “These majestic peaks,” relates Asshurnazirpal, “rise up -like daggers’ blades, and only the birds of the sky in their flight -can reach their summits. The natives entrenched themselves among them -as though in eagles’ nests. None of the kings, my fathers, had ever -penetrated so far. In three days I reached those heights; I brought -terror in the midst of their hiding places, I shook their nests; two -hundred defenders perished by the sword, and I seized their flock and -a rich booty. Their corpses strewed the mountains like leaves from -the trees, and those who escaped had to take refuge in caves.” These -proceedings terrified the peaceful inhabitants of the Kirruri district, -who hastened from Simirra, Ulmania, Adanit, Khargai, and Kharasi, to -throw themselves at the conqueror’s feet and offered all that he was -wont to seize--horses, oxen, sheep, and brazen vessels. They were given -an Assyrian governor. Such was the fright throughout the whole of -Nairi that while he still lingered in Kirruri, Asshurnazirpal received -ambassadors from the people of Gozan and Khubushkia who came from far -to the east, bringing presents asking for the chains of slavery. - -[Illustration: ASSHURNAZIRPAL - -(Based on Sculptures in the British Museum)] - -From Kirruri the Assyrian king went a little to the east into the -district of Qurkhi, pillaging in turn at least a dozen towns and -finally arrived at the borders of Urartu. The only serious resistance -he encountered was under the walls of Nishtum, which paid dear for -its courage. These beginnings were a forecast of the future, and -Asshurnazirpal did not even wait for the following year to recommence. -While still wearing the dignity of “limmu,” on the 24th day of the -month Abu (July-August), he set out to lay waste the country now -called the Bohtan district, between the Tigris and the western spurs -of the Judi Mountains. Here were the districts of Nippur and Pazati, -comprising more than twenty important towns, among which Atkun and -Pilazi were burned. Asshurnazirpal then crossed the Tigris and invaded -Kummukh to claim the annual tribute it had forgotten to furnish. [It is -possible that he went for the purpose of quelling a rebellion.] - -At the moment he was thinking of going on to the Moschi, more to -the northwest, a messenger brought him a letter which contained the -following news: “The city of Suru (Surieh of the present day), which -is subject to Bit-Khalupe, is in revolt; the inhabitants have put -Khamitai, their governor, to death, and have proclaimed Akhi-yababa, -son of Lamaman, whom they have brought from Bit-Adini, as their king.” -Furious at this information, Asshurnazirpal invoked Asshur and Adad, -counted his chariots and soldiers, and flew to the seat of trouble by -descending the course of the Khabur. His progress was hampered by the -arrival of many persons, their hands filled with presents and their -mouths with protestations of fidelity. There were Shulman-khaman-ilani -of Sadikkan, Ilu-Adad of Shuma, and a hundred others. - -The city of Suru took fright, and the rebels came out to meet -him, bringing the keys of the citadel. They kissed his feet, but -Asshurnazirpal was inflexible. “I killed one out of every two of -them,” he says, and one-half of the remainder was reduced to slavery. -Akhi-yababa, a prisoner, witnessed the pillage of his palace, he saw -his wives, sons, and daughters in chains, and his tutelary gods, his -chariot, his armour, and his treasure carried off. He saw all his -ministers flayed alive as well as the leaders of the rebellion. A -pyramid erected at the city gate was covered with their skins; some -were walled up in the masonry, others were crucified and exposed on -stakes along the side of the pyramid. One would hesitate to believe -all this and would willingly take the Assyrian monarchs for boasters -of their cruelty, if the bas-reliefs with which they decorated their -palace walls, and which to-day ornament our museums, did not speak to -our eyes or their accompanying inscriptions speak to our intelligence. -We must tax our wits to imagine more refinement of torture or of -methods of execution. - -Before Asshurnazirpal returned to Nineveh, he made a military tour -of the regions about the junction on the Khabur and Euphrates, which -formed the country of Laqi. All the petty dynasties of this land -brought their tribute. Then he advanced as far as Khindanu, on the -Euphrates, the frontier of the Shuhi country. On returning to his -capital the king was followed by an endless file of slaves, horses, -oxen, sheep, chariots laden with stuffs of wool and linen, ingots of -gold, bronze and iron, copper and leaden vessels, and wooden framework; -the booty, he says, was as numberless as the stars of the sky. The -soldiers had laid hold of every manner of object, and in the division a -use was found for everything. - -At Nineveh the king occupied himself with embellishing his palace -while he waited for the spring. In one of the inner courts he erected -a statue to himself of colossal size, and the history of his recent -conquests was engraved on the palace gates. He was daily obliged -to receive the homage of ambassadors who arrived from all parts to -acknowledge his suzerainty, offer presents, and claim the sad honour of -serving such a master, for they had learned by experience that it was -too late for a city to offer its submission when the king was at its -gates. - -[Sidenote: [880-876 B.C.]] - -It happened that Asshurnazirpal was _en pleine fête_ surrounded by -his court when news came of a rebellion in the region situated around -the sources of the Tigris. The leader of this insurrection was an -Assyrian, Khula by name, whom in former days Shalmaneser had appointed -governor of Darudamusa and Khalzilukha. The king set out at once, and, -arriving at the sources of the Tigris, he sought out the steles which -his predecessors, Tiglathpileser and Tukulti-Ninib, had erected, and -by their side set up one for himself. On the way he stopped to levy -tribute on the country of Izalla and took by assault the cities of -Kinabu, Mariru, and Tela. After a bloody contest under the walls of the -last place he put out the eyes and cut off the noses and ears of the -prisoners whose lives he spared. Khula was flayed alive. - -There stood in this region, within the land of Nirbu, a city which -bore the name of Asshur and had probably been built by Tiglathpileser -in order to control the surrounding country. Since this town had also -taken part in the rebellion, Asshurnazirpal caused it to be razed to -its foundations as well as the city of Tushka, upon whose ruins he -built a pyramid surmounted by his statue and bearing an inscription -which related the conquest of the land of Nairi. Here he received -tribute of the kings of Nairi. The districts of Urumi and Bituni -also brought their gifts. But scarcely had Asshurnazirpal turned his -back when all the tribes of Nairi revolted, and he had to return and -prosecute a regular man-hunt among the mountains. - -The year had been very full, and it was easy to foresee that the -disasters following the reign of Tiglathpileser would soon be repaired. -In three campaigns Asshurnazirpal had carried the torch over a portion -of the land of Nairi, to the south and east of Lake Van, to the sources -of the Tigris, through the Khabur Valley, and down the Euphrates. But -like the effect of a tempest which passes and devours everything, -the Assyrian domination founded only in fear was fatally ephemeral -and became shaky just as soon as the chastising arm was observed to -withdraw. - -[Sidenote: [876-854 B.C.]] - -Feeling secure in the direction of Nairi, which he had treated so -harshly, Asshurnazirpal turned his attention to the fertile slopes -along the left bank of the Tigris. He risked encountering the -Babylonians, but these latter had no longer any fear for him, and -the weakened, scattered Kassite (or Kossæan) tribes could scarcely -be called formidable. Babitu, Dagara, Bara, Kakzi, and twenty other -places underwent the fate reserved for cities taken by assault; one -hundred and fifty towns were pillaged and burnt, and the whole land -of Nishir was devastated. The rainy season suspended hostilities, and -Asshurnazirpal returned to winter quarters at Nineveh, but as soon as -the weather permitted on the first of Sivan (May) he returned to Zamua. -The capital of Zamua was Zamri, and there King Amikha resided, in no -condition to resist. He fled to the mountains where Asshurnazirpal -dared not pursue him, and contented himself with laying hands on the -riches of the palace. All the surrounding districts hastened to offer -their submission with the exception of the city of Mizu, which was -taken by assault. - -The following year was consumed in military expeditions to the sources -of the Tigris, in the lands of Kummukh, Qurkhi, and Kashiari, where -certain cities like Mattiate and Irisia had neglected to pay tribute or -manifested symptoms of rebellion. Asshurnazirpal experienced no serious -or well-organised resistance except beneath the walls of Bit-Ura in the -land of Dirra. “The city,” he says, “crowns a height, is surrounded -by a strong double enceinte and lifts itself like a great thumb above -the mountain. With the help of Asshur--my lord--I attacked it with my -valorous soldiers, and besieged it for two days from the side of the -rising sun. Arrows fell upon it like the hail of the god Adad. Finally, -my warriors, whose zeal I had encouraged, fell upon the city like -vultures. I took the citadel, I put eight hundred men to the sword, -and I cut off their heads. I made a mound with their corpses before -the city gate; the prisoners were beheaded and I put seven hundred of -them to the cross. The city was pillaged and destroyed; I transformed -it into a heap of ruins.” Passing thence into the land of Qurkhi, -Asshurnazirpal committed the same atrocities: two hundred captives had -their heads cut off, and two thousand others were reduced to slavery. -One of the kinglets of the land who had succeeded in winning the king’s -good graces from the time of the first war, Ammibaal, by name, son of -Zamani, had become odious to his people, because of his friendship for -the tyrant, and he was put to death by his own officers. The king of -Assyria hastened to avenge his faithful vassal. When the culprits saw -the storm advancing, they tried to ward it off by offering all they -possessed to the invader, and for once he remained satisfied. - -He had under his authority all the regions between the source of the -Supnat and the borders of the land of Shabitani on one side; between -the land of Kirruri and that of Kilzani on the other, from the banks of -the Zab to the city of Tel-Bari which is above Zaban from Tel-Sa-abtan -to Tel-Sa-zabtan; besides this he annexed to his empire the cities of -Kimiru and Kuratu, the land of Birut and of Kardunyash, and he imposed -tribute upon the whole of Nairi. - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEFS SHOWING ASSYRIANS TORTURING PRISONERS - -(After Layard)] - -What was to be done with so much wealth constantly accumulating in the -storehouses of Nineveh, and for whom was this gold, these jewels, this -bronze, these rich stuffs? To what use could he put these thousands -of slaves who ran the risk of becoming so many idle mouths to feed? -Asshurnazirpal had the idea of building a palace which would surpass -the wildest dreams of his predecessors, and he fixed its location in -the city of Calah, which was particularly _the_ city of his dynasty. - -British archæologists, who have made a special study of the ruins of -Calah, astonished at the treasures they found buried under the mound -Nimrud, have attempted to reconstruct from their own imaginations and -the recovered documents the general aspect of the city in the days of -Asshurnazirpal, who has left his name and inscriptions in every corner -of it. “In a strong and healthy position,” says George Rawlinson, “on -a low spur of the Jebel Maklub, protected on either side by a deep -river, the new capital grew to greatness. Palace after palace rose on -its lofty platforms, rich with carved woodwork, gilding, painting, -sculpture, and enamel, each aiming to outshine its predecessors; while -stone lions, sphinxes, obelisks, shrines, and temple towers embellished -the scene, breaking its monotonous sameness by variety. The lofty -ziggurat (pyramid) attached to the temple of Ninib, dominating over the -whole, gave unity to the vast mass of palatial and sacred edifices. The -Tigris, skirting the entire western base of the mound, glossed in its -waves, and, doubling the apparent height, rendered less observable the -chief weakness of the architecture. When the setting sun lighted up the -whole with the gorgeous lines seen only under an eastern sky, Calah -must have seemed to the traveller who beheld it for the first time like -a vision of fairyland.” - -From the pyramid of the temple of Ninib the Assyrian priests observed -the motions of the heavens, calculated the return of eclipses, and -questioned the future. In the temple searched by Layard traces were -everywhere found of Asshurnazirpal and what he himself calls “the -glory of his name.” His portrait has been found repeated a dozen times -on the bas-reliefs; he has all the features of a corrupt and cruel -monarch. His low, retreating forehead lacks nobility; the eyes are -unusually large; the cheekbones stand out prominently; the nostrils of -the round, aquiline nose are too large; the clipped moustache, brushed -and curled at the ends, reveals thick, sensual lips, while the chin -and face are covered with that heavy false beard which falls upon the -breast in symmetrical twists, and was worn by all the kings. The thick, -short neck, the broad shoulders and thick-set body, gave the king a -robust, vigorous aspect. His statue in the British Museum represents -him standing. In one hand he holds a scythe, in the other a sceptre. -On his breast is written, “Asshurnazirpal, great king, powerful king, -king of legions, king of Assyria, son of Tukulti-Ninib (?), great king, -powerful king, king of legions, king of Assyria, son of Adad-nirari, -great king, powerful king, king of Assyria. He possesses lands from -the shores of the Tigris as far as Labana [Lebanon]; he has subjected -to his power the great sea, and all the lands from the rising to the -setting of the sun.” - -Several years after this statue was erected Asshurnazirpal would not -have fixed the Lebanon range as the western limit of his empire, for -the fortunes of war still smiled upon him. The last portion of his -reign is filled with two great expeditions in which he covered himself -with glory. The definite submission of the middle and lower Euphrates -region, including the land of Kardunyash, and the conquest of a part -of Syria and Phœnicia. A revolt in the lands of Laqi and Shuhi, on -the Middle Euphrates, was an excellent pretext for recommencing the -war interrupted by the work of embellishing Calah. [He marched upon -Suru, levying tribute at every step.] For a long time this little land -of Shuhi had been warring with the Assyrians, and though unceasingly -beaten and ransomed, it nevertheless managed to hold up its head, and -had been able hitherto to maintain its independence. Its sovereigns -appear to have had continual friendly relations with their neighbours -the kings of Babylon, at least on the occasions when it was necessary -to resist the men of the North. - -This time the Shuhites again appealed to the Chaldeans, whom the -inscription, through tradition, doubtless, still calls the Kassites or -Kossæans. [Suru was taken, and among the prisoners were the brother and -the general of Nabu-apal-iddin, king of Babylon.] - -Then terror seized the soul of the weak Nabu-apal-iddin, king of -Babylon, and all Chaldea trembled. Unfortunate wars and intestine -quarrels had put Babylon out of condition to fight against the -all-pervading Assyrian superiority. Nevertheless Asshurnazirpal -does not say that he entered Babylonia, which he even seems to have -prudently respected. He contents himself with telling us that he -erected his statue in the city of Suru, and spread terror throughout -Chaldea and all the lands watered by the Euphrates. - -The following year he was compelled to suppress a revolt of the -mountaineers inhabiting the southern slopes of Mount Masius in the very -heart of Mesopotamia. This was the state of Bit-Adini, whose principal -cities were Kaprabi and Tel-Aban. Asshurnazirpal scattered an army of -eight thousand horsemen, and brought back to Calah two thousand four -hundred slaves to work at the embellishment of his capital. - -In spite of the peace which ruled in the Tigris and Euphrates basins, -whose resources were, moreover, completely exhausted, Asshurnazirpal -now resolved to strike a great blow on their western side, which would -be a field for rapine in which no Assyrian had ever yet set foot. -The occasion seemed favourable, for on the west of the Euphrates the -Hittites were in no condition to wage war; they had not yet recovered -from the terrible blows dealt them by Tiglathpileser, and their -resistance in any case would not be very great. - -Asshurnazirpal went right ahead [starting on the 8th day of Airu -(April), 876.--ROGERS], traversing the states of Bit-Bahian, Amila, -and Bit-Adini as far as the Euphrates, which he crossed on floats in -sight of Carchemish. Into the city he made a bloodless entry, receiving -the homage and tribute of King Sangara. A Hittite prince, Lubarna, who -ruled in the valley of the river Apre (modern Afrin) [in a state called -Patin] and possessed places of considerable importance such as Hazaz -and Kunulua (the capital). Lubarna made preparations to oppose the -march of the invader, but on seeing him approach fell on his knees and -stripped himself of all he possessed for offerings. He was soon master -of both slopes of the Lebanon, and he could see the great Phœnician -Sea (Mediterranean). There, in astonishment, and grateful to the gods -for all their blessings, he offered them a sacrifice of thanks on a -wave-washed rock. “I received,” he says, “the tribute of the kings of -the land of the sea, the people of Tyre, Sidon, Byblus, Makhallat, -Maiz, Kaiz,[23] Akharri, and of Arvad, which is situated full on the -sea; they brought me silver, gold, tin, iron, iron utensils, garments -of wool and linen, ‘pagut,’ large and small, of sandal and ebony wood, -skins of marine animals, and they kissed my feet.” - -Asshurnazirpal, protected by Ninib and Nergal, the gods of strength, -embarked on a vessel which he captured in the harbour of Arvad and took -a sea trip, during which he killed a dolphin. Several days later he -hunted among the steep gorges of Lebanon, killed buffaloes and boars, -capturing a number of them alive, which he sent to Assyria. He boasts -of having killed one hundred and twenty lions himself, and claims -that these animals succumbed to fright before his almightiness. He -further enumerates troops of wild animals which he drove back to their -lairs,--antelopes, deer, ibexes, gazelles, tigers, foxes, leopards; -he also killed some eagles and vultures. Among these mountains this -true son of Nimrod quite forgot himself until the king of Egypt, whom -the fame of his deeds had reached, sent a congratulatory embassy -asking for his friendship. When later the kings of Egypt and Assyria -met on the shore of the Mediterranean, it was by no means for mutual -congratulation and the exchange of presents. - -After this, Asshurnazirpal turned northward into the Amanus Mountains, -where he cut down cedar, pine, and cypress trees for his great -buildings in Calah. No one will ever know how much effort, nor the -lives of how many slaves it cost, to transport those gigantic logs cut -in the Amanus forests over the mountainous and trackless country to the -banks of the Tigris. - -Asshurnazirpal never revisited the shores of the Mediterranean, and -like Moses he but caught a glimpse of the promised land which his -successors were destined to conquer, and whose inexhaustible riches -they so long exploited. What we know of the remainder of his reign is -the story of unimportant expeditions, principally for the collection -of tribute in the north of Mesopotamia and around the sources of the -Tigris. The district of Khipani and its capital, Khuzirina, as well as -the states of Assa, Qurkhi, and Adini, underwent new trials; the city -of Amida, the modern Diarbekir, witnessed a pyramid of human skulls -rising before its walls, and three thousand slaves--those whose eyes -were not put out or who were not crucified--were sent to Nineveh, where -they were employed in digging a great irrigation canal to make use of -the waters of the Upper Zab, the borders of which were planted with -trees torn from the forests of Syria. - -The last eight years of his life seem to have been more peaceful than -their predecessors, although we can scarcely suppose that he passed -them in profound peace, which would be as hard to reconcile with his -turbulent and sanguinary nature as with the terrible condition of -the lands he had conquered, all of which were trying to regain their -freedom. At all events, he left his successors an immense empire, an -unbroken frontier, and an Assyrian domination recognised from the -Zagros to the Amanus Mountains, and from the sources of the Euphrates -to the gates of Babylon.[d] - - -SHALMANESER II AND HIS SUCCESSORS - -Aside from the ruthlessness of his conquests, Asshurnazirpal was -chiefly remarkable for rebuilding the city of Calah, constructing a -canal, erecting himself a wonderful palace, whose ruins have been found -at Nimrud, and the building or rebuilding of a great aqueduct. He, who -had butchered and battled so liberally, died in 860 B.C. in peace. - -His son, Shalmaneser II (Shulman-asharid) (860-824 B.C.) commenced -warlike operations at once. After a campaign eastward (860) he entered -upon a systematic conquest of the western countries. After several -campaigns (859-856) Akhuni’s district of Bit-Adini, on both sides -of the Euphrates, was completely subjugated, incorporated with the -kingdom, and peopled with Assyrian colonists, and Tel-Barship on the -Euphrates was changed into an Assyrian residence city under the name -of Kar-Shulman-asharid (City of Shalmaneser). Finally he succeeded -in capturing the prince who had fled across the Euphrates into the -mountains. Next followed the campaigns on the west of the Euphrates. In -the year 859 he twice defeated a coalition of North Syrian princes, the -rulers of Carchemish, Patin, Sama’al, etc., joined by the kings of Que, -and Khilukha; then he subjugated the Amanus district and the district -on the lower Orontes (the country of Patin). In the following year, the -annual tribute of all the North Syrian states was definitely settled. - -[Sidenote: [854-829 B.C.]] - -In the year 854 B.C. Shalmaneser advanced farther south. Khalman -made submission, but a strong coalition was formed against him in -the district of Hamath by Hadad-ezer, or Ben-Hadad II, of Damascus, -Irkhulina of Hamath, and Ahab of Israel. The adjacent smaller states -of the princes, Matinu-Baal of Arvad (Aradus), Baasha of Ammon, etc., -followed suit. - -The Syrian states evidently recognised the full extent of the danger -threatening them; Ahab of Israel probably made peace with Damascus -so as to be able to withstand the Assyrians. Only the Phœnician -cities were obdurate; whilst the Arabian prince, Gindibu, sent a -thousand camel riders, and even the Egyptian king sent one thousand -men. A battle took place at Qarqar in the vicinity of the Orontes. -Shalmaneser boasts of a complete victory. [His inscription says: -“Fourteen thousand of their warriors I slew with arms; like Adad I -rained a deluge upon them, I strewed hither and yon their bodies, I -filled the face of the ruins with their widespread soldiers; chariots, -saddle-horses, and yoke-horses I took from them.”] - -But he attained no further successes, and his power was limited to -northern Syria. In the years 850, 849, and 846, Shalmaneser renewed -his attacks upon central Syria, the last time with one hundred and -twenty thousand men, but without great success. Their tribute money -was not much safeguard to the North Syrian princes, the places in the -district of Carchemish and in the Amanus Mountains were again and again -plundered and burned, and the inhabitants massacred. Only the king of -Patin, who was farthest away, and therefore the most powerful of the -vassals, seems to have been better treated. - -The fifth campaign, in 842, was more successful, but in the meanwhile -the revolutions in Damascus and Samaria overthrew the old dynasties, -and Hazael and Jehu ascended the throne. In a battle at the foot -of Mount Lebanon, Hazael was conquered and shut up in his capital; -but Damascus was not taken. Shalmaneser laid waste the Hauran, then -repaired to the coast, where Tyre and Sidon, and also Jehu of Israel, -paid him tribute. The tribute payment of the latter (gold, lead, -vessels, etc.) is depicted on Shalmaneser’s black obelisk. In the year -839 the campaign was repeated without any far-reaching success; and -Tyre, Sidon, and Byblus paid tribute. When the people of Patin slew -their king, the Assyrian general, Asshur-daian (or Dan-Asshur), took -fearful revenge for the death of the faithful vassal. But Shalmaneser -extended his dominion in this district northward only. In the years 838 -and 837, twenty-four kings of Tabal (in Cappadocia), as well as the -king of Milid (Melitene), were compelled to pay tribute; and in 835 and -834, King Kati of Que; _i.e._ East Cilicia west of Mount Amanus, was -vanquished, and the town Tarzi (_i.e._ in all probability Tarsus), was -taken and given to his brother Kirri. - -Shalmaneser II had the same success in the east and north of his -kingdom. After the mountainous district on the Tigris had been -conquered, the Assyrians came into direct contact with the powerful -race of the Alarodians, whose territory extended on both sides of the -Lake of Van, from the source of the Euphrates to the land of Garzan, -or Gozan, on Lake Urumiyeh. After making a fearful visitation to -Khubushkia and its vicinity, Shalmaneser had already attacked their -king, Arame, on the east in 860. In 857 he invaded his district -on the west, after crossing the Arsanias. In 845 he penetrated as -far as the source of the Euphrates, and in 833 Asshur-daian, his -commander-in-chief, repeated the same campaign. It seems that Arame -and his successor, Siduri (or Sarduris), in the year 833, made, on the -whole, a valiant defence. - -Much greater success attended the campaigns against the southeasterly -mountainous races of Urartu on the “sea of the land of the Nairi,” -_i.e._ the lake of Urumiyeh, and the districts of Manna, Parsua, -Amada[24] (Media), etc., at the south and east of the same as well -as that against the land of Namri southeast of the Zab. In the years -844, 836, 830, and 829 the campaigns in these districts were conducted -sometimes by the king himself, and sometimes by his commander-in-chief. - -[Illustration: THE OBELISK OF SHALMANESER II] - -The famous representations on Shalmaneser’s black obelisk show how King -Sua of Gozan and the Lord of Musri (_i.e._ the eastern mountainous -district) sent him a collection of wonderful animals, double-humped -camels, apes, a rhinoceros, an elephant, and a yak, besides gold, -silver, bronze vessels, and horses. - -Between the great campaigns there were a few smaller struggles; in 855 -in the Masius Mountains, in 853 against the kings of Tel-Abnai, and in -847 against the town of Ishtarat and the country of Yati, districts -south of the source of the Tigris; in 848 against the unknown land of -Paqarakhubuni, west of the Euphrates, and finally in 831 against the -Qurkhi. The black obelisk records that the desert district of Sukhi, -on the other side of the Euphrates, subjected by Asshurnazirpal, -remained dependent, and Marduk-bel-usur of Sukhi brings to the king as -tribute silver and gold, elephants’ teeth, garments, and also stags -and lions. In the years 852 and 851 Shalmaneser advanced to Babylon. -The king of Babylon, Nabu-apal-iddin, had just died, and his brother -Marduk-bel-usate had taken up arms against Marduk-nadin-shum, the -son of Nabu-apal-iddin. Shalmaneser went to the assistance of the -rightful king, defeated the rebels in two expeditions, and presented -rich gifts in the sacred cities of Babylon, Borsippa, and Kutha to the -chief gods enthroned there. Then repairing farther southward into the -land of Chaldea proper, he vanquished the kings of Bit-Adini and of -Bit-Dakkuri, and exacted tribute from Mussallim-Marduk and Yakin, who -was ruler of the sea country, which was subsequently called Bit-Yakin -after him. - -We see that the unity of the kingdoms of Sumer and Accad was now no -more; but that south of Kardunyash, the district of Babylon, there -arose a line of smaller states. Perhaps the South was always separated -from Kardunyash after the Kossæan conquest. - -[Sidenote: [829-783 B.C.]] - -In the last years of Shalmaneser’s reign his son Asshur-danin-apli -rebelled against him with a great portion of the kingdom, including -Asshur, Arbela, the town of Imgur-Bel, founded by Asshurnazirpal, -Amido, and Tel-Abnai, on the upper Tigris, Zaban on the Zab, etc. But -another son, Shamshi-Adad IV, quelled the insurrection [and it took him -four years of hard fighting to dissipate the opposition] and succeeded -his father on the throne. The first campaigns of the new ruler were -directed against the Nairi countries, the mountains on the north and -east of the Tigris, and his general, Mushaqqil-Asshur, penetrated -as far as the “Sea of the Sunset,” which means as far as the Black -Sea. Then the king attacked Babylonia; a line of frontier places was -taken, and [in the battle of Dur-Papsukal, in northern Babylonia] King -Marduk-balatsu-iqbi, who had been supported by the rulers of Chaldea, -Elam, Namri, and the Aramæan races of eastern Babylonia, was slain. - -This expedition was repeated in the years 813 and 812; and other wars -the king mentioned, in shorter notices, cannot be more accurately -localised. He made no attempt of any encroachment of Syria’s rights. - -[Sidenote: [806-774 B.C.]] - -The successes of [his son] Adad-nirari III (811-783 B.C.) are of -greater importance. In the North and South all the races hitherto -subjugated, including the Medes, the people of Parsua, etc., were -kept in subjection. Frequent mention is made of expeditions against -Manna, Khubushkia, Namri, and Aa. The king says that his kingdom was -extended as far as the coasts of the “great Sea of the Sunrise,” -_i.e._ the Caspian Sea. In 803 mention was made of an expedition “to -the sea coasts” (_i.e._ Babylonia, not Syria). As in Shalmaneser’s -time, all the kings of the land of Kaldi (Chaldea) paid tribute; in -the chief cities of Babylonia the king offers sacrifice, gains rich -booty, and fixes boundaries. Many expeditions were moreover made -against the Aramæan race of Itu’a which dwelt in Babylonia, and these -were repeated in subsequent reigns. “On the west of the Euphrates,” -says Adad-nirari, “I subjugated the land of Khatti, the whole land of -Akharri, Phœnicia, Tyre, Sidon, the kingdom of Israel (Bit-Khumri), -Edom and Philistia as far as the coasts of the West Sea, and imposed -taxes and tribute upon them.” He makes special mention of an expedition -against Mari, king of Damascus, who was besieged in his capital and -forced to capitulate, and pay 2300 talents of silver, 20 talents of -gold, 300 talents of bronze, 5000 talents of iron, so that the loot -of the Assyrian king was very considerable. These events cannot be -accurately fixed, chronologically. The chronological lists mention -campaigns in 806, 805, and 797, against Arpad, Khazaz, and Mansuate -in northern Syria. The war against Damascus was included in one of -them, for it led to the payment of tribute by the Phœnician cities -and the southern states (Israel, Edom, and Philistia). [There exists -an inscription of this reign referring to Sammuramat as “Lady of -the Palace and its Mistress.” There is some reason for conjecturing -that this might have been the woman round whose name and undoubted -prestige in so glorious a reign, clustered the legends of Semiramis. No -previous Assyrian king ruled over so great a territory, or collected -so much tribute as Adad-nirari III, or, as it is sometimes written, -Ramman-nirari III. After him came a period of decline in which there -are no royal inscriptions, and of which our knowledge comes from brief -notes in the Eponym lists.] - -[Sidenote: [774-745 B.C.]] - -The next king Shalmaneser III (782-773) also went to Syria and made war -against Damascus, 773, the land of Khatarikka, 772, and the land of -Lebanon. - -His successor Asshur-dan III (772-754) also made war against Lebanon -in the years 767 and 755, and against Arpad in the year 754. The -subjugation of Hamath probably occurred in one of these expeditions. -Battles are mentioned against Babylonia (in the district of the Aramæan -race, Itu’a and the city of Gannanat) in 777, 771, 769, and 767, in -which the city of Kalneh was presumably taken. But Shalmaneser III -was chiefly concerned in the subjugation of the land of Urartu, the -Alarodians. He is mentioned not less than six times as taking the field -against them (781-778, 776, 774); but his efforts met with no, or at -least no enduring, success. - -In all probability the formation of a great Armenian kingdom with -the city of Van (Thuspa of the Greeks) as the central point dates -from this period. Its founder was Sarduris, the son of Litipris, -who was probably identical with the king Sarduris who was conquered -in 833 by Shalmaneser. In two inscriptions written in Assyrian, he -calls himself “King of the land of Nairi.” His successors (Ispuinish, -Minuas, Argistis I, Sarduris II) then utilised the Assyrian writing for -inscribing the language of their country. For in the same record they -call their kingdom Biaina, whilst it is called Urartu by the Assyrians. -The inscriptions of the rulers are rather numerous and written quite -in the Assyrian style. They record the buildings of the kings in Van -itself, where a citadel was built by Argistis, sacrifices and gifts -to Khaldi and the numerous other deities of the Armenian Pantheon, -campaigns and conquests. - -When still co-regent with Ispuinish, his father, Minuas erected -monuments in the two high passes south of Lake Urumiyeh which record -his conquests, and other inscriptions also relate his successes against -the land of Manna and its vicinity. These battles presumably occurred -in the latter time of Adad-nirari III, and are the continuation of his -campaigns in the eastern mountains. Minuas also fought against the land -of Alzi, against the king of the city of Milid (Melitene), and against -the Kheta. An inscription on a wall of rock on the Arsanias below an -old castle (near Palu) records among others his successes in this -direction. In the north he penetrated to and beyond the Araxes; one of -his inscriptions is to be found on the right bank of the river opposite -Armavir, and two others, written by his son Argistis, north of Eriwan. -The latter seems to have been the most powerful ruler of Urartu. A long -inscription on the rock of the citadel of Van records his successes in -the land of Manna, which he seems to have subjugated, and also in the -west, against Melitene, the land of Khatti (Kheta), etc. - -Repeated victories over the Assyrians are mentioned, which were -evidently won against Shalmaneser III and Asshurdan III, or their -generals. Sarduris II, the son of Argistis, was also very successful -in both districts. For it appears from his inscriptions, confirmed by -later events, that Melitene, Kummukh, Gurgum, and other princedoms -on the Amanus, became feudal states of the kingdom of Urartu, which -included the whole Armenian plateau from the sources of the Euphrates -and Araxes across Lake Urumiyeh. How Sarduris II succumbed to the -Assyrian will be shown later. - -The reign of Asshur-dan III seems to have been much more peaceful than -the preceding ones, for the short chronicle of this period repeatedly -records that the king remained “in the land,” and therefore undertook -no campaign. - -The successes of Argistis were of great importance. Insurrections also -broke out in the interior in the years 763 to 758, first in the city of -Asshur, then in Arrapachitis (Arpakha), a city situated in the vicinity -of the Upper Zab, east of Nineveh, and finally in Guzanu, in the -Khabur country. After its subjugation, Asshur-dan, as already related, -repaired twice more to Syria (755 and 754), but it was not possible -with the increasing extension of the Armenian power in this direction -to retain supremacy over the smaller states of Syria. - -[Sidenote: [747-740 B.C.]] - -The next reign, that of Asshur-nirari II (754-745) was still less -eventful. He took the field only in the years 749 and 748 against the -mountainous country of Namri, in the southeast [and in 754 against -Arpad]. Otherwise, he remained “in the land.” In the last year of -his reign the chronicle mentions an insurrection in Calah. The fact -doubtless was that in the spring of the following year (746) the throne -was ascended by a usurper who called himself after the first of the -great Assyrian conquerors, Tiglathpileser. - -The overthrown dynasty, which went back to Ishme-dagan and Shamshi-Adad -and the ancient Bel-kap-kapu, had held the throne in uninterrupted -succession for more than a thousand years.[c] - - -TIGLATHPILESER III (745-727 B.C.) - -The eminent Dutch historian Tiele calls the new monarch Tiglathpileser -II, but a recently discovered inscription of Adad-nirari II speaks of -his grandfather, Tiglathpileser, and so the latter, of whom nothing -is known beyond his name, is now denoted the second ruler of his -name. Therefore the subject of the present chapter is here called -Tiglathpileser III. - -Tiglathpileser III mounted the throne of Assyria on the 13th Airu -(about April) of the year 745 B.C., and resided, says Tiele, during -the greater part of his reign at Calah and Nineveh, where he built -palaces. He was without any doubt an Assyrian, and not a Chaldean, as -has been supposed. Whether he was the rightful heir, or whether he was -even of royal blood, remains undecided. His real name was Pulu (Pul, -Poros), and there is reason to suppose that he was either a military -commander or a younger son of the king, who took advantage of the -confusion during the last years of the reign of Asshurnirari II to put -the crown on his own head. He assumed the name of the great conqueror, -Tiglathpileser. - -He may have employed the first months of his reign in restoring quiet -in the country and establishing himself securely on the throne. It -is only in September of the year 745 (month Tasrit) that he marches -into the field and turns his arms against Babylonia. Nabonassar -(Nabu-nasir) had ruled at Babylon since 747, but nothing else is known -of him, though he seems to have been the founder of a new method of -reckoning time. Tiglathpileser’s first campaign was not, however, -directed against him, at least not immediately; his first object was -to destroy the Aramæans’ and Chaldeans’ ever-increasing power in that -country. After he had won possession of the city of Sippar, which -lay between the Tigris and the Euphrates, and perhaps even of Nippur -also, and had conquered Dur-Kurigalzu, together with some other less -important strongholds of Kardunyash, as far as the Ukni, he subdued -the nomadic Aramæans east of the Tigris, reorganised the government of -the conquered territory, dividing it into four provinces, over which -Assyrian governors were placed, founded two cities [Kar-Asshur was one -and probably Dur-Tukulti-apal-esharra the other] as administrative -centres to preserve the allegiance of the new territory, and peopled -the new settlements with the prisoners of war. The priesthood of -Babylon, Borsippa, and Kutha brought gifts from the temples of their -gods into the king’s headquarters, and thus averted the danger which -threatened their towns also. For the time Tiglathpileser contented -himself with the successes gained. It was not at present his intention -to subdue all Babylonia, or perhaps he was not yet strong enough to do -so. Apparently all he desired was to secure the southern frontiers of -Assyria against the invasions of the Aramæans and Chaldeans, who were -becoming more and more audacious, before he ventured farther afield. - -The security of the eastern border was of scarcely less importance. In -the year 744 he marched against the ever turbulent Namri which lay in -this direction; here, too, he compelled all to bow to his victorious -arms, even penetrated the western portion of the future Media, and -exacted tribute from all the Median princes as far as the eastern -mountains of Biknu. He did not proceed in person to further conquests, -but entrusted the punishment of those Medians who dwelt farther east to -his general, Asshur-daninani, who returned victorious, bringing with -him rich booty, especially in horses. However, this country was not -incorporated in the empire. - -His hand was now free for the re-establishment of the weakened power -of Assyria in the west. But one of his most powerful enemies who had, -perhaps, already stirred up Namri to resistance, namely Sarduris II of -Urartu, or Chaldia, sought to prevent this. When Tiglathpileser had -reached Arpad in Syria, he found his flank, and when he would have -marched still farther, his rear, threatened by a considerable army -at whose head was Sarduris, and which besides the latter’s troops -consisted of those of the northern Hittite states of Melid, Gurgum, -Kummukh, and Agusi. The defeat of the allies was complete. Sarduris -had to abandon his camp and seek refuge in flight. About seventy-three -thousand prisoners fell into the Assyrians’ hands. - -[Sidenote: [740-732 B.C.]] - -The three following years were not fortunate. When Tiglathpileser -marched against Kummukh he does not appear to have left an adequate -garrison behind him in Arpad, for in the year 742 the town, and with -it the key of the west country, was in the power of his enemies, and -he found himself obliged to besiege it for three years. Not till the -year 740 did he take it, and thither came Kushtashpi of Kummukh, Rezin -of Damascus, Hiram of Tyre, Uriakki of Que, Pisiris of Carchemish, and -Tarkhulara of Gurgum, to offer him rich presents. One of the Hittite -princes, Tutammu of Unqi, a district between the Orontes and the Afrin, -refused his submission. His capital, Kinalia, was taken for the second -time and the whole country placed under an Assyrian governor. In the -year 739 Tiglathpileser continued his conquest northeast of Arpad, -devastated Kilkhi, a district belonging to Nairi, and conquered Ulluba, -where he founded an Assyrian capital under the name of Asshuriqisha. -But it was long before the land of the Khatti (Syria) was pacified. -Between 740 and 738 no less than nineteen districts belonging to the -Syrian kingdom of Hamath, and some other adjacent districts, broke -away from Assyria, and from some mutilated parts of the inscriptions -it is believed we may conclude that they asked for help from Azariah -[Uzziah], the warlike king of Judah. At all events, the latter at -that time ventured to defy the power of Assyria, and Tiglathpileser -connected this hostile attitude with the rising of the people of -Hamath. About 738 Azariah was defeated and the country of Hamath -added to Assyria. Then the king had recourse to his favourite means -for the suppression of the sentiment of nationality--namely, the -transplantation of prisoners of war in the most extensive fashion. -Whilst all princes of any consideration and even an Arabian queen -now offered the conqueror their submission and presents, he received -the joyful tidings of important successes won by his generals on the -other frontiers of the empire. The eastern Aramæans had shaken off the -Assyrian yoke and advanced to the Zab, but were driven back, though -with some difficulty. At the same time the governor of Lullume was -harassing the Babylonians, whilst the governor of Nairi held in check -the populations on the northern frontier. Booty and prisoners were sent -to the king in the land of the Khatti. - -The three following years (737-735) he was occupied with expeditions -in the east and northeast. Some districts of Media were then under -the Babylonian rule, and now passed to that of the Assyrians. But -the most important event of this year was the march to Turushpa, -the capital of Urartu [Chaldia], the residence of Sarduris, on the -Lake of Van. No Assyrian conqueror had penetrated so far as this, -nor did Tiglathpileser succeed in taking the town in which Sarduris -had fortified himself after his first defeat; but the power of this -dangerous rival was broken for a long time. - -[Sidenote: [732-731 B.C.]] - -Tiglathpileser now determined to bring the west under his yoke, and did -not rest until he had brought all the Hittite and Semitic countries -to the coast of the Mediterranean and the frontiers of Egypt, except -some Arabian districts, under his sway. This took him three years, from -734-732. The immediate inducement to this expedition was probably that -Ahaz of Judah, threatened by Rezin of Damascus and Pekah of Israel, -called in the aid of Assyria. Moreover, the last two had probably paid -no tribute, and, generally speaking, Assyria needed little persuasion -to fish in troubled waters. The first attack was directed against -Rezin. Beaten in the open field, he was compelled to retreat to his -capital. Here Tiglathpileser shut him in “like a bird in its cage”; -he conquered all the towns round about, including the important city -of Sam’ala, and marched on, after having destroyed, according to his -wont, all crops around Damascus, and thus increased the difficulty -of transporting the means of existence. He marched into Israel -(Bit-Khumri), wasting whole districts, some of which he added to his -empire,--for the present, however, leaving the capital undisturbed. -The immediate goal was now the Philistine Gaza, whose king, Hanno -(Khanunu), probably trusting in Damascus and Israel, had at first -renounced his allegiance, but now on the approach of the Assyrian army -fled to Egypt. The town was taken, and a rich booty fell into the hands -of the victors. Askalon, whose prince Mitinti had made an attempt at -rebellion, was punished--though probably not till later--and Rukipti, -Mitinti’s son, raised to the throne. Shamshi, “the queen of Arabia in -the land of Sheba,” also offered resistance, but was likewise utterly -defeated and with difficulty escaped with bare life. Her country, -which is certainly not to be confounded with the Sheba of the South, -became an Assyrian province. Other Arab tribes submitted voluntarily, -and amongst them the well-known Tema; and Tiglathpileser appointed -the powerful tribe of the Idibi’il, as being nearest to Egypt, to be -wardens of the marches at the gates of that still mighty empire. Now -came the turn of Samaria, the only city of Israel which the conqueror -had not yet reduced. He appears, indeed, to have visited it, but not -to have besieged and taken it, yet he raised Hoshea, who had meantime -slain Pekah, to the throne, or confirmed him in its possession. It was -longer before Damascus fell. It continued to hold out for two years -more. That it was then taken is probable. - -Of all the kingdoms of the West there now remained only Tyre and Tabal, -which latter lay much farther north. The king did not go in person -against either of these towns, but he sent Rabshakeh, who subdued -them and changed the government in Tabal, while on Tyre he imposed a -tax of not less than one hundred and fifty talents [about £60,000, or -$300,000]. Whether this took place now or later, cannot be said with -certainty. - -[Sidenote: [731-726 B.C.]] - -Victorious over all rebellious subjects in his colossal empire, -and dreaded by all his neighbours, Tiglathpileser now felt himself -strong enough to make a direct attack on the Aramæans and Chaldeans -of Babylonia, and to conquer the holy city itself. In the year 731 -he ventured and accomplished this act of daring. In Babylonia itself -no one seems to have resisted him, and the population seem rather to -have received him as a deliverer. He entered Sippar, Nippur, Babylon, -Borsippa, Kutha, Kish, Dilbat, and Erech, each in their turn, and -received the protection of the great gods, by offering them sacrifices. -Then he fell on the Aramaic-Chaldean tribe of Pekud (Pekod), subdued -it as far as the frontiers of Elam, continued his victorious march -through the Chaldean states of Bit-Silani and Bit-Sha’alli, which -soon succumbed to his arms. Nabu-ushabshi, the king of the former -state, was impaled before the gate of his capital, Sarrabani, and -the town levelled with the ground; Zakiru of Sha’alli was sent to -Assyria in chains, and the capital, which still offered resistance, -was starved into surrender. Bit-Amukkani, whose king, Ukinzer -(Chinziros), who appears to have been at that time the leading chief -of the Chaldeans, and consequently regarded as king of Babylon, was -not so easily overcome. It is true that the whole country was ravaged -and the king shut up in his capital of Sapia; that a sortie of the -garrison miscarried; that in fear of the overwhelming strength of -Assyria, Balasu of Bit-Dakkuri, Nadin of Larak (Bit-Shala), and even -Marduk-bal-iddin [Merodoch-baladan] of Bit-Yakin on the seacoast, the -man who was later to become so terrible an enemy to Assyria, came here -to offer their costly gifts and their submission; but Sapia was not -taken and Ukinzer not conquered, so that nominally he shared the rule -over Babylon for yet another year. Still, from this time forward it was -not without reason that Tiglathpileser styled himself king or overlord -of Babylon, king of Sumer and Accad; he might boast that he ruled from -the Persian Gulf to the far East, over the coasts of the Mediterranean -as far as Egypt, and that he had extended his kingdom farther than -any of his predecessors. He reigned for three years more, for the most -part in peace, as far as we know. Of his last two years it is reported -that he clasped the hands of Bel; that is, that he received the highest -religious consecration as king of Babylon. In the year 727 Shalmaneser -IV succeeded him on the throne. The latter only ruled for five years, -and of his short reign little is known. - - -SHALMANESER IV - -[Illustration: ASSYRIAN KING IN HIS WAR CHARIOT] - -In the list of the Babylonian kings for these five years, there -stands, not his name, but that of Ulule, who was neither, as has been -believed hitherto, an independent prince nor a viceroy appointed -by Shalmaneser, but none other than Shalmaneser himself, who also -probably resided at Babylon. Perhaps his expedition against Phœnicia -and Israel falls as early as the year of his accession. The occasion -of the war against Tyre, whose king, Elulæus, at that time stood at -the head of the Phœnician towns, is said to have been an expedition -undertaken by the latter against the Khittim of Cyprus. It is more -probable that the Tyrian king, like Hoshea of Israel, had taken -advantage of Tiglathpileser’s death to renounce his allegiance to -Assyria. Shalmaneser again subdued Hoshea and raised tribute from -him. At the same time he sent into Phœnicia a part of his army, which -devastated the whole country, and once more made it tributary. After -this the whole empire seems to have quieted down, for the following -year (726) was a year of peace. But the calm was not of long duration. -Scarcely had the Assyrian troops marched away, when Hoshea turned to -the Egyptian king, in the hope that with his aid he might free himself -from the yoke of Assyria, and from thenceforward once more refused the -tribute. - -We have here probably a great conspiracy, in which Elulæus was also -concerned, for Shalmaneser now marched against both kings. He took -Hoshea prisoner, evidently after a struggle, wasted the whole land of -Israel, but at Samaria, whose population may very likely have incited -the king to revolt, he encountered an obstinate resistance. Meantime -the whole Phœnician mainland, either from fear or under pressure from -the superior force of Assyria, hastened to desert from Elulæus and -to submit to Shalmaneser. The Tyrian king found himself under the -necessity of retreating to his fortress on the island of Tyre, where he -was at once besieged. It was only under Shalmaneser’s successor that -Samaria was taken after a three years’ siege, and Tyre after one of -five years. We cannot but experience a feeling of respect for these -two cities, which ventured unaided--for the help from Egypt failed, as -usual, to appear--to defy the gigantic power of Assyria. - -[It is by no means undisputed that Shalmaneser marched against both -Elulæus and Hoshea, as Professor Tiele states. Some of the historians -believe that no action was taken against the king of Tyre, and that -since there are no allusions to the five years’ siege in any of -the inscriptions, Josephus, the sole authority, made a mistake in -attributing to Shalmaneser an attack on Tyre that was really made by -Sennacherib.] - -The scanty records of Shalmaneser’s reign bear witness to material -prosperity. That he was, as has been thought, a feeble ruler, under -whose administration the empire declined, is entirely unproved. -His early death prevented him from acquiring the same glory as his -predecessor, and if, immediately after his decease, the vassals of -the empire raised the standards of rebellion in every direction, this -speaks rather for than against the influence of his personality.[e] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[22] [It is so uncertain that Karaindash, etc., were actually Kossæans -that the word Kassite or Kasshite is kept by some scholars, as -Hilprecht,[f] Goodspeed,[g] McCurdy,[h] and Rogers.[i]] - -[23] [According to the best authority Makhallat, Maiz, and Kaiz formed -Tripolis.] - -[24] [Also written “Mada” in a later inscription of Adad-nirari III. -This is the true land of Media, which the Greeks confused with that of -Manda.] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. FOUR GENERATIONS OF ASSYRIAN GREATNESS (722-626 B.C.) - - -After the death of Shalmaneser IV, the throne of Assyria was taken by a -man of doubtful antecedents, who became the founder of a very powerful -dynasty. This king, like some previous usurpers, adopted a name famous -in Assyrian history. He became known to the world as Sargon II, and -Rogers says he was not of royal blood; Tiele, however, from whom we -shall quote, thinks differently.[a] - -[Sidenote: [722-716 B.C.]] - -In the year 722 B.C. Sargon became king in Asshur. He was an Assyrian -of royal blood, who seems, however, to have belonged to another -branch than that of the dynasty which had ruled before Tiglathpileser -III, nor does he appear to have been closely related to the latter -and his successor. He boasts that he restored to the ancient seat -of government, the city of Asshur, her long usurped rights, and to -Kharran, the object of his especial favour, her former liberties, which -had also long been curtailed. Evidently, therefore, he appeared to -a certain extent in the character of an innovator, or rather as the -restorer of the ancient order. - -Samaria fell shortly after his accession, and a part of its inhabitants -were led away into banishment, to be replaced later on by others. -Whether or no Sargon was present in person is not clear, but it is -certain that he could not long devote his attention to the western -portion of the empire. Scarcely was Shalmaneser IV dead before the -Chaldeans revenged themselves for the humiliation they had suffered -at the hands of Tiglathpileser. Marduk-baliddin [Merodach-baladan] of -Bit-Yakin, at that time the most powerful amongst them, since through -his timely submission to the Assyrians his country had been preserved -from the miseries of war, had made himself master of the city of -Babylon, and now ruled as king over the whole Babylonian country. -Sargon marched south, perhaps in the hope of recovering what was lost. -But in this he was unsuccessful. He did not venture to attack Babylon -itself, but turned his arms against an Aramæan tribe, the Tu’mun, -who had surrendered their chief to the Chaldean king. The tribe was -subjugated and carried to Syria. Sargon now pressed on as far as the -town of Dur-ilu in whose suburb he sustained with Babylon’s ally, the -Elamite king Khumbanigash, a hotly contested fight, from which he -asserts that he came off victor. This campaign, however, yielded no -further advantages. Elam retained its independence and Merodach-baladan -possession of Babylon. An indirect result was that the South had -learned to know Sargon as a military commander, and, for the future, -good care was taken not to molest him. - -The danger threatened from another quarter. Syria was up in arms. At -the head of the rising was Hamath, where a man of mean origin, Ya-ubidi -or Il-ubidi, had seized the government. Arpad, Simirra, Damascus, and -Samaria followed his example. He found a support in Hanno (Khanunu) of -Gaza, who had resumed his throne, and even in Shabak,[25] the Ethiopian -king of Egypt, whom Hoshea’s unhappy fate does not seem to have -frightened from endeavouring to measure his strength with the imperial -might of Assyria. Even before the allies could unite their forces, -Sargon, who probably received early intelligence of what was going on -in the countries of the Mediterranean coast, encamped before Qarqar, -where Ya-ubidi had fixed his headquarters, stormed and burnt the city, -had the ringleader flayed alive and his principal adherents put to -death, increased his host with three hundred warriors who fought in -chariots, and six hundred horsemen from amongst the conquered, and then -marched south against the allied armies of Hanno and Shabak. At Raphia -on the Egyptian frontier was fought the decisive battle, which turned -out a brilliant victory for the Assyrians. Hanno was taken and carried -off to Assyria with nine thousand of his subjects, and Shabak owed his -safety only to his precipitate flight in which he was accompanied only -by his chief herdsman. Hezekiah seems to have thought it wise not to -defy the victor; perhaps he even sent Sargon a present. Tyre also must -have been pacified in this year (720). - -Meantime the other enemies of the empire were not yet cowed. The whole -north, northeast and northwest, longed impatiently to shake off the -Assyrian yoke. In this they were supported by Mitatti of Zikirtu, Rusas -of Urartu and Mita of Muskhe, who had secretly formed a league over -which Sargon was to triumph only after a long and fierce struggle. In -the year 719 Mitatti contrived to persuade some towns of the loyal -Iranzu of Man to revolt, whilst Rusas brought several other towns under -his sway. Sargon proceeded against them with so much energy that the -instigators themselves held cautiously aloof, while they beheld their -country laid waste and most of its inhabitants carried into the west, -especially to Damascus. In the year 718 unrest revealed itself in -Tabal, where Kiakki, prince of Sinukhtu, refused to pay his tribute. -But he, too, was soon led away captive to Assyria, together with seven -thousand of his subjects, and Matti of Atun, a faithful vassal, was -invested with Kiakki’s province. In the year 717 Sargon had to suppress -a dangerous rising. Pisiris, the Hittite prince of Carchemish, which -was one of the keys of the West, attempted, with the support of Mita -of Muskhe, to make himself independent. But his city was taken, the -majority of his subjects carried off, and an enormous booty stored in -Asshurnazirpal’s palace at Calah, which Sargon had restored for himself. - -[Sidenote: [716-715 B.C.]] - -These disturbances were nothing compared with the war which now, in -the year 716, broke out against Sargon and lasted several years. Rusas -of Urartu had persuaded the chief men of the Assyrian provinces of -Karalla and Man to secede, in which he was supported by Zikirtu and -by the mountain region of Umildish, which was governed by a certain -Bagdatti. It appears that the rebellion had spread all over the eastern -frontier, and the princes of western Media also took arms. Sargon -boldly attacked his enemies. He began with the country of Man, which -lay nearest, soon got Bagdatti into his power, and had him flayed. The -chief men of Man raised Ullusunu, the brother of Aza, whom Bagdatti -had murdered, to the throne and compelled him to join Rusas’s party, -to which the princes of the Nairi states, Karalla and Allabra, whose -names, Asshurli and Itti, denote them as Assyrian deserters, also went -over. But scarcely had Sargon set out against them before Ullusunu and -his nobles found themselves obliged to offer their submission. Sargon -confirmed the former in his kingdom, and compelled his two allies with -other petty chiefs to return to their allegiance. The territory of the -city of Kisheshim was ruled by a governor, Bel-shar-usur, probably a -Babylonian. Sargon gave it the name of Kar-Nergal and made it into an -Assyrian province. A like fate befell the west Median town of Kharkhar, -which had expelled its sovereign, Kibaba, and solicited support -from Dalta of Ellipi; henceforth it was called Kar-Sharrukin [City -of Sargon]. On this the governors of other Median towns made their -submission. - -[Sidenote: [715-711 B.C.]] - -But after these isolated successes it was still long before the -eastern states were quieted. In the following year (715) Rusas wrested -twenty-two towns from Ullusunu, and a certain Daiukku, who is called -viceregent of Man, was involved in the affair. Khubushkia, a state -of Nairi, and the neighbouring districts, became refractory, and -the territory of Kar-Sharrukin, incorporated only the year before, -again seceded. At the same time in the west Mita of Muskhe made an -invasion into the Assyrian district of Que [in eastern Cilicia] with -considerable success. Nevertheless, Sargon succeeded in maintaining the -upper hand at all points. He reconquered Kar-Sharrukin, fortified it -more strongly than before, and received the homage of the governors of -twenty-two Median cities. His general in the west was not content with -reconquering the towns taken by Mita, but even pressed southward as -far as the Arabian Desert, and transferred the tribes subdued there to -Samaria. - -Secure of the west, Sargon now felt in a condition to strike at the -real authors of all the trouble in the east. After Man and some -Median districts had paid their tributes, the next thing was to -proceed against Mitatti of Zikirtu. So complete was the overthrow -of this prince that, after the burning of his capital, Parda, and -the desolation of his country, he with his whole people sought -another home. It was a harder task to subdue Rusas, the soul of the -confederacy. But this, too, was accomplished by the warlike king. Rusas -was defeated among his high hills. His whole royal house, amounting to -some 250 persons, fell with his horsemen into the victor’s hands, and -he himself only escaped with much difficulty and hid in the mountains. -Rusas still built hopes on one of his allies; if he would make a stand -all was not yet lost. This was Urzana of Muzazir, a former vassal of -Asshur, who had, however, joined Rusas as the chief of a kindred tribe. -In his mountain country, protected by its natural strength and almost -impenetrable, he believed himself entirely safe. But the dauntless -spirit of the ancient Assyrian warriors was not extinct in Sargon. He -piously commended himself to the protection of the gods, assembled a -carefully selected body of troops, and ventured with them on the almost -impossible enterprise. When Urzana understood that the valiant hero -was actually approaching with his veterans, he fled, according to the -praiseworthy custom of Asiatic despots, with all speed into the higher -mountains, leaving his capital and his own family to the mercy of the -enemy. Muzazir’s fate was now soon decided; with a large number of -prisoners, and an extraordinarily rich booty, including the two great -gods of the country, Sargon returned to his own country. This was the -death-blow for Rusas. The whole structure so laboriously prepared lay -in ruins, and filled with despair he fell upon his sword. - -When Sargon had thus secured his empire against the danger threatening -from the half-savage barbarians of the north, he re-established order -in the northwest and west. Next he turned, not against the chief author -of the trouble, Mita of Muskhe himself, but against Tabal, which lay -not far and somewhat to the south of Muskhe. Ambaris of Tabal, to whom -previously, while his father Khulle was still alive, Sargon had amongst -other tokens of favour given one of his daughters to wife, and whose -kingdom he had increased by the grant of Cilicia, had been ungrateful -enough to join with Rusas and Mita. In the year 713 Sargon punished him -as he had deserved, and made his country into an Assyrian province. The -same thing happened to Khamman and Melid in the following year. Sargon -peopled the country with foreign prisoners of war, and endeavoured by -the erection of ten fortresses to secure it against Urartu and Muskhe. -Continuing its southward march, the Assyrian army remained for a time -in the region of the Amanus, and then, in the year 711, attacked Gurgum -in the neighbourhood of Kummukh, which became an Assyrian province. - -[Sidenote: [711-709 B.C.]] - -It is very doubtful whether Sargon took a personal share in these -expeditions. It was during just these years that he was occupied with -the construction of his new residence of Dur-Sharrukin. It is certain -that the devastation of Ashdod, which concluded the campaign of 711, -was effected not under the king’s superintendence, but under that of -the king, Akhimiti, whom Sargon had installed there, but who had been -expelled, and Yaman, a man of mean origin, raised to the throne by the -people. On the approach of the Assyrian army this hero fled to Egypt, -but the king of Melukhkha (Egypt), fearing the vengeance of Assyria, -sent him back loaded with iron bands. The population of Ashdod was also -carried away and replaced by other tribes. Fortified by these triumphs, -Sargon could now collect his forces in order to undertake a war which -should set the crown to all his achievements. This was the conquest of -Babylon, which had been for the last twelve years in the possession of -the Chaldean king, Merodach-baladan. - -Two years were required for this undertaking, in which Sargon proceeded -with great caution. Merodach-baladan was ready for the attack. He had -not neglected to make the necessary dispositions and to strengthen -his fortresses. In one of them, Dur-Atkhara, which was probably the -nearest to Assyria, and whose defensive works he had caused to be -raised, he had concentrated the whole military power of the Aramæan -tribe of Gambuli, and had sent to their assistance a portion of his own -choicest troops, six hundred horsemen and four thousand foot. Sargon -directed himself against this fortress, and whilst he was besieging it, -it is probable that another division of his army won several successes -in the east, where it had to keep the Elamite king, Shutur-nakhundi, -occupied, and prevent him from joining hands with his ally. Dur-Atkhara -fell; more than eighteen thousand prisoners and a great booty became -the spoil of the conqueror, and the rest of the defenders hastily -took to flight. The Assyrian king made the town his headquarters; he -subsequently gave it the name of Dur-Nabu, and placed it under an -Assyrian governor. The Khamarani tribe which dwelt on the banks of the -Euphrates, in their terror at the approach of his army, had already -taken refuge in the town of Sippar. At the news of the surrender of -Dur-Atkhara, and the defeat of the Gambuli, the Aramæan tribes of -Rubu, Khindaru, Yatburu, and Puqudu, who dwelt east of the Tigris, and -relied on the protection of Babylon and Elam, withdrew behind the -river Ukni. The Assyrians threw a bridge across the Umlias, a river to -the north of Elam, and took several strongholds there, whereupon some -chiefs of the Aramæans did homage to the king at Dur-Atkhara. They were -assigned to the new government of Gambuli. The remainder were attacked -and defeated in the territory of the Ukni, so that of them also many -submitted, and were made subject to Gambuli. Now the army of Assyria -operating east of the Tigris attacked Elam from Yatburu, subdued all -the surrounding country, the seven principalities of Yatburu, with -which two fortresses conquered from Elam were incorporated, and a -part of the Elamite territory itself. It compelled the forces of the -land of Rash, which belonged to Elam, to retire to a fortress, and -the Elamite king to seek refuge in the high mountains of his country. -Secured against any surprise from this quarter, Sargon himself with -the main body now crossed the Euphrates into the Chaldaic-Babylonian -state of Bit-Dakkuri, whose capital, Dur-Ladinna, henceforth became his -headquarters. - -There was now no room for Merodach-baladan in Babylon. Threatened on -three sides, and in danger of being cut off by Sargon from his own -principality, he and his troops left the city during the night and -directed their steps to the Elamite part of Yatburu, whence they might -advance against the enemy in co-operation with Shutur-nakhundi. But, -although he offered the latter the most costly presents, the Elamite -had not yet forgotten the lesson he had received. He declined to expose -himself to new defeats, and so, perhaps, lose both land and people. -Merodach-baladan left Yatburu, having gained nothing, and collected his -army in a stronghold of his own country, called Iqbi-Bel. - -Meantime, at Dur-Ladinna, in Bit-Dakkuri, not only did Sargon receive -the submission of the inhabitants and the neighbouring Bit-Amukkani, -but the authorities of Babylon also came in solemn embassy, bringing -an invitation to enter the holy city, with which he immediately -complied. At the great festival of the lord of the gods in the month of -Shabat (January) he was permitted “to clasp the hands” of that great -Bel-Marduk and Nabu, the king of the universe. - -But still the south of Babylonia was not yet subjugated, for there -Merodach-baladan was still in arms. He collected all his forces in the -immediate neighbourhood of his capital, and at the same time, for fear -of treachery, led thither the population of the ancient cities of Ur, -Larsa, Kishik, etc. Strong defences were set up and special canals dug, -behind which he entrenched himself with his allies. But the great king -did not shrink before all these obstacles. Scarcely was the campaign -of the year 709 begun, before he marched south, distributed his troops -along the enemy’s whole line of defence, and inflicted on the latter so -terrible a defeat that the trenches appeared as though full of blood, -and the Suti, who had marched from Bit-Yakin to the rescue, did not -venture an attack, but hurriedly retreated. Then Sargon fell on the -auxiliaries and slaughtered them like sheep. Terror now seized on the -Chaldeans’ main army; Merodach-baladan left his camp with all speed and -retreated to his city. But it, too, was soon taken after a short siege, -and with this the power of Merodach-baladan was broken. It is uncertain -whether he himself fell into his enemy’s hands or saved himself by -flight; but probably the latter was the case, for immediately after -Sargon’s death he is again in a position to take action, at least -if the Merodach-baladan, who then revolted against Sennacherib, is -the same who was conquered by Sargon and his son. But for the time -Babylonia was freed from the Aramaic-Chaldean domination, and breathed -again. Sargon restored the ancient rights of the natives which the -oppressors had curtailed in favour of the foreigners. To the towns of -southern Babylonia he gave back their stolen gods; he everywhere showed -himself extremely liberal to the temples and the ancient religion of -the country. In all directions he appeared as deliverer, avenger of -the insulted gods, restorer of the ancestral religion, protector of -the priests and of all the natives of the country. His triumph did not -signalise the commencement of foreign rule, but, on the contrary, it -was he who put an end to it. - -[Sidenote: [709-708 B.C.]] - -Sargon’s rejoicings over his victory were still further increased by -the embassies and reports which he received one after the other. Uperi, -the king of the island of Dilmun, in the Persian Sea, did homage to -him while he was still at Bit-Yakin, and gave costly presents. When -he had marched from southern Babylonia to consolidate his dominion in -the conquered countries, still more welcome tidings reached him at -Irma’i. Even his great enemy in the northwest, Mita of Muskhe, who had -stood with Rusas at the head of the confederacy against Asshur, but -who had been overcome by the governor of Que, now sent ambassadors to -Sargon with presents and protestations of homage and devotion. When, -finally, the king had again returned to Babylon, there came envoys from -seven districts of Cyprus, “whose names had never been known to the -kings, his fathers, since the rule of the god Sin,” and who offered -him valuable gifts and kissed his feet. Thus the empire of the mighty -conqueror stretched from the island of Dilmun, in the Persian Gulf, to -the Isle of Cyprus, in the Mediterranean. - -Sargon returned to Calah in the beginning of 708, his fourteenth year -as king of Assyria, and third as king of Babylon, after spending -some time in the latter city. Whilst he was at Calah, resting on his -laurels--he did not again, himself, take the field--and from thence -prosecuting the construction of his new residence of Dur-Sharrukin, -not far from Nineveh, his armies had still to conduct two wars, one -in the year 708, the other, perhaps, in the same, but probably in the -following year. Urartu had to a certain extent recovered from the -blows it had suffered in the defeats and death of its king, Rusas; and -the new king, Argistis, began to grow restless, and persuaded Prince -Mutallu of Kummukh to a revolt against the Assyrian domination. Sargon -sent a high official with a powerful army and full royal authority, -who put Mutallu to flight, taking the capital of the province, and so -restoring the Assyrian dominion. The rich booty was sent to Calah to -the king, and the latter placed a very strong garrison at the disposal -of the new viceroy, to prevent any further attempts at risings, and -at the same time to constitute a defence against Argistis. But it was -once more apparent that the Assyrian Empire, as a purely military -power, rested on a tottering foundation, and could only be sustained by -continued wars and victories. - -The other war was that for the succession in Ellipi to the north of -Elam. There, after the death of Dalta, who after some resistance had -become a loyal vassal of Assyria, a dispute over the inheritance broke -out between his two sons, Nibe and Ishpabara. The first applied for -help to Shutur-nankhundi of Elam; the second to Sargon. The latter sent -seven of his commanders, who succeeded in defeating Nibe, taking his -capital, Marubishti, and there installing Ishpabara as king. - -[Sidenote: [708-705 B.C.]] - -Sargon, who, even in the early years of his reign, in the midst of his -most terrible wars, had not neglected the reconstruction of palaces -and temples at Nineveh and Calah, now devoted himself entirely to the -realisation of a long cherished plan, whose execution he had begun -long ago. A new suburb of Nineveh, called by his name, was to come -into existence as a permanent memorial of his fame and piety, and at -the same time serve as a summer residence. This was Dur-Sharrukin with -its temples to various gods, with its palaces and gardens, whose walls -and gates, like those of a sacred city, looked to the four quarters of -the heavens and were named after the high gods, and whose inhabitants, -selected from the prisoners of war of all the nations whom the king -had conquered and placed under Assyrian magistrates, afforded a living -testimony to his mighty deeds. On the 22nd Tasrit (September) 707, the -gods were solemnly introduced into their temples, and on the 6th Airu -(April) of the following year, the king took possession of the new -residence. He was not permitted to enjoy it long. In the year 705 he -fell by an assassin’s hand. [This is doubted by some authorities, who -believe that he died a natural death.] - -Sargon was, without doubt, one of the greatest princes who sat on the -throne of Assyria and Babylon. He was no mere conqueror, who thought -merely of increasing the size of his empire, but also a true king -who occupied himself for its welfare. What chiefly strikes us in him -is the comparative moderation by which he was distinguished from his -predecessors and in particular from his son and successor. The horrors -and devastations of war were the inevitable accompaniment of the -forcible subjugation of the whole of western Asia, and some obstinate -rebels were punished according to the barbarous custom of his age and -race. But in general he contented himself with expelling the conquered -prince or making him prisoner. He also remained faithful to the -policy first pursued by Tiglathpileser III, namely that of furthering -the unity of the empire by transplanting whole populations to other -districts. But in his records it is only now and then that we encounter -the refined cruelties perpetrated by the other Assyrian kings, and he -never dwells on them with so much complacency as they display.[b] - - -SENNACHERIB - -[Sidenote: [705-681 B.C.]] - -Sargon II was succeeded by his son Sin-akhe-erba, the Sennacherib -of the Bible, who reigned long and gloriously. The period now in -question has a double interest. It is a time when Assyria is at the -height of its power; and the interest that attaches to any strong -empire is enhanced by the fact that the Assyrians of this period came -in contact with the people of Israel. Sennacherib, in particular, -bears a name familiar to all succeeding generations because of the -repeated mention of this ruler in the Hebrew scriptures. Until the -records of the Assyrian monuments were brought to light, nothing was -known of him, except what referred to his disastrous campaign against -Jerusalem, together with the brief reference to his murder by his son. -Now, however, an abundance of material is at hand telling of the deeds -of Sennacherib. The most important of these records are contained on -large cylinders of the type which many Assyrian kings employed. These -cylinders tell of various campaigns of the great conqueror, including -several attacks upon Israel. Two or three brief excerpts from the -chronicles of Sennacherib will serve to give an idea of the phraseology -in which these royal documents are couched. The first two excerpts here -selected were translated by George Smith from a cylinder now in the -British Museum. - -Column I of this cylinder begins as follows: - -“Sennacherib the great king, the powerful king, king of Assyria, king -of the four regions, the appointed ruler, worshipper of the great gods, -guardian of right, lover of justice, maker of peace, going the right -way, preserver of good. The powerful prince, the warlike hero, leader -among kings, giant devouring the enemy, breaker of bonds. Asshur, the -great mountain, an empire unequalled, has committed to me, and over all -who dwell in palaces has exalted my servants. From the upper sea of the -setting sun to the lower sea of the rising sun all the dark races he -has subdued to my feet, and stubborn kings avoided war, their countries -abandoned, and, like Sudinni birds, … fled to desert places.”[26] - -Column II contains a record of the campaign against the Hittites: - -“In my third expedition to the land of the Hittites I went. Elulæus -king of Sidon, fear of the might of my dominion overwhelmed him, and -to a distance in the midst of the sea he fled, and his country I -took. Great Sidon, Lesser Sidon, Bit-Sitte, Sarepta Machalliba, Ushu -Alhzibu, and Akko his strong cities, fortresses, walled and enclosed, -his castles; the might of the soldiers of Asshur my lord overwhelmed -them, and they submitted to my feet. Tubahal in the throne of the -kingdom over them I seated, and taxes and tribute to my dominion -yearly, unceasing, I fixed upon him. Of Menahem of Samsimuruna, Tubahal -of Sidon, Abdilihiti of Arvad, Urumilki of Gubal (Byblos), Mitinti -of Ashdod, Buduilu of Beth-Ammon, Kammusunadab of Moab, Malikrammu -of Edom, kings of the Hittites, all of them of the coast, the whole, -their presents and furniture, to my presence they carried, and kissed -my feet, and Zidqa, king of Askalon, who did not submit to my yoke; -the gods of the house of his father, himself, his wife, his sons, his -daughters, and his brothers, the seed of the house of his father I -removed, and to Assyria I sent him. Sharruludari, son of Rukipti their -former king, over the people of Askalon I appointed, and the gifts of -taxes due to my dominion I fixed on him, and he performed my pleasure.” - -Full of interest is the record of an invasion of Palestine. -Sennacherib, it will be recalled, was the Assyrian that came down like -a wolf on the fold, as recorded in Byron’s stirring lines. The Hebrew -account is from 2 Kings xix. 35: - -[Illustration: SENNACHERIB ON HIS THRONE - -(Layard)] - -“And it came to pass that night, that the angel of the Lord went out, -and smote in the camp of the Assyrians an hundred fourscore and five -thousand; and when they arose early in the morning, behold, they were -all dead corpses. So Sennacherib king of Assyria departed, and went -and returned, and dwelt at Nineveh. And it came to pass, as he was -worshipping in the house of Nisroch his god, that Adrammelech and -Sharezer his sons smote him with the sword; and they escaped into the -land of Armenia. And Esarhaddon his son reigned in his stead.”[a] - -It is hardly necessary to state that no such record as this is to -be found on the cylinder before us. The oriental scribe, whether of -Egypt, Assyria, or Persia, rarely made the mistake of putting details -of unfortunate expeditions on record. Doubtless Sennacherib once -invaded western Asia unsuccessfully, and quite likely a plague may have -decimated his hosts, but that particular invasion is not likely to -furnish a favourable theme for the court chronicler. - -An invasion of Palestine is, indeed, recorded on the present cylinder, -but it is an invasion with very different results. Listen to the -official account of the conquest of Jerusalem furnished by this -cylinder of Sennacherib, as translated by Dr. Budge. The scribe reports -the king as speaking in the first person: - -“I drew nigh to Ekron and I slew the governors and princes who had -transgressed, and I hung upon poles round about the city their dead -bodies; the people of the city who had done wickedly and had committed -offences I counted as spoil, but those who had not done these things -I pardoned. I brought their king, Padi, forth from Jerusalem and I -stablished him upon the throne of dominion over them, and I laid -tribute upon him. - -“I then besieged Hezekiah of Judah who had not submitted to my -yoke, and I captured forty-six of his strong cities and fortresses -and innumerable small cities which were round about them, with the -battering of rams and the assault of engines, and the attack of -foot-soldiers, and by mines and breaches (made in the walls). I brought -out therefrom 200,150 people, both small and great, male and female, -and horses, and mules, and asses, and camels, and oxen, and innumerable -sheep I counted as spoil. (Hezekiah) himself, like a caged bird, I shut -up within Jerusalem his royal city. I threw up mounds against him, -and I took vengeance upon any man who came forth from his city. His -cities which I had captured I took from him and gave to Mitinti, king -of Ashdod, and Padi, king of Ekron, and Silli-bel, king of Gaza, and I -reduced his land. I added to their former yearly tribute, and increased -the gifts which they paid unto me. The fear of the majesty of my -sovereignty overwhelmed Hezekiah, and the Urbi and his trusty warriors, -whom he had brought into his royal city of Jerusalem to protect it, -deserted. And he despatched after me his messenger to my royal city -Nineveh to pay tribute and to make submission with thirty talents of -gold, eight hundred talents of silver, precious stones, eye paint … -ivory couches and thrones, hides and tusks, precious woods, and divers -objects, a heavy treasure, together with his daughters, and the women -of his palace, and male and female musicians.” - -It must not be supposed, however, that either this record of a -successful invasion or the Hebrew account of that other disastrous one -is altogether false, however much the facts may have been exaggerated, -or however poetical the guise in which they are presented. It is merely -to be understood that the two records refer to different campaigns -or to different portions of the same campaign, as explained later -by Professor Tiele. It is supposed by some modern interpreters that -the destruction of Sennacherib’s hosts actually occurred through the -plague. The king himself, however, escaped to return to Nineveh and -there to continue his rule for many years. He was finally killed by his -own sons, as is recorded on a contemporary Babylonian document. What -would not the Hebrew scholar give, could he find contemporary documents -of these events from the Hebrew standpoint, instead of being obliged -to depend on records handed down, perhaps, by tradition for many -generations, or at best, copied from one hand to another for centuries? - -The value of contemporary documents as records of fact may, indeed, -be overestimated, for it is possible to pervert, exaggerate, or -understate the facts even in the day of their occurrence; but in any -event the contemporary document has obvious advantage over documents -of subsequent generations, which can be nothing more than copies, -variously distorted, of earlier records. As for such mere matters of -fact as the dates of ancient kings, and the particular details of -campaigns and conquests, the historic importance of the contemporary -record cannot be questioned; hence the enormous value of these tablets -of Assyria and Babylon. But, questions of historical value aside, a -peculiar charm attaches to whatever is old, and it is nothing less than -fascinating to look at such a document as this cylinder, and feel that -the very lines you scan were once read by Sennacherib himself before -he met his untimely end “on the 20th day of the month Tebet” some -twenty-five centuries ago.[h] - -[Sidenote: [705-702 B.C.]] - -It was in the year 705 B.C. that Sennacherib, who was not, perhaps, -entirely guiltless of Sargon’s death, mounted the throne and became -the supreme king both in Babylon and Assyria. To Merodach-baladan, -who may have been either the recognised king of the Sea Lands, or the -son or namesake of the latter, the occasion now seemed favourable for -recovering the throne lost to Sargon. Sennacherib and his army marched -up in all haste, and though it appears that Merodach-baladan had all -the Aramæan and Chaldean tribes on his side, and was moreover supported -by Elamite auxiliaries, he suffered a defeat and so lost his kingdom. -According to the Assyrian narrator, this defeat was so complete that -the Chaldean was forced to take flight in the greatest haste, leaving -behind him his whole baggage-train, as well as his family and court. -He had reigned nine months. The land was heavily scourged, great and -small towns were taken and laid waste, and the inhabitants dragged -into exile. The same fate was meted out to all Arabians, Aramæans, and -Chaldeans who were living in the Babylonian towns. - -When the campaign in Chaldea was at an end, the troops were sent -against the Aramæan tribes, which dwelt on the banks of the Tigris -and Euphrates. Here, too, there was devastation and plundering. A -considerable booty, as was to be expected from these nomads, consisting -chiefly of cattle, but also including camels, fell into the hands of -the conquerors, and no less than two hundred thousand men and women -were carried off to Assyria as slaves. It fared still worse with one -small, heroic tribe, the Hirimmi, who offered an obstinate resistance -to the Assyrians. When, finally, the latter succeeded in overcoming -them, of all the rebels they left no prisoner of war alive, and hanged -the corpses on poles upon the wall surrounding the town. Sennacherib -annexed the whole territory to his realm, while he laid on it a very -moderate tax for the benefit of the Assyrian god. - -We may assume it as probably certain that the king did not personally -take part in the campaign, but occupied himself the while with the -adjustment of Babylonian state affairs. His policy may be distinctly -followed. It was only toward the Chaldeans and their allies that he -appeared in the character of an enemy. They alone were punished or -carried off. The actual citizens of Babylon, Erech, Nippur, Kish, -and Kharsag-kalama he left unmolested, and to propitiate them still -further, he even gave them a king belonging to the ruling Babylonian -house--namely, the young Bel-ibni, whose father held an important -office, and who had himself been brought up from childhood at the -Assyrian court. Of him Sennacherib might hope that he would be faithful -to Assyria and at the same time not unfriendly to the Babylonians, and -therefore he now bestowed on him the title of “King of Sumer and Accad.” - -The establishment of order in Babylon was turned to account by -Sennacherib for the purpose of averting the danger with which his -eastern frontier was threatened by the nomads who wandered there, and -by the mountain people, and also for extending his empire in every -direction. He now attacked the Kasshu and Yasubigallu, by which names -we doubtless have to understand those barbarous Kossæans, and their -allies, whose successors, centuries later, according to Diodorus, still -made the Mesopotamian frontier insecure, and who were related to those -Kassites who had so long reigned over Babylon. Their surest protection -was the inaccessible nature of the country. Steep mountain paths and -thick forests made it difficult for an Assyrian army to advance, while -for vehicles it was impossible. - -The king himself led the march, and thus showed himself a worthy -successor of the undaunted heroes who in earlier centuries had founded -the Assyrian power. His chariot had frequently to be carried behind -him, and then he mounted on horseback or performed the journey on -foot at the head of his troops. Sennacherib succeeded in taking their -three strongholds. The smaller places he laid in ashes and the nomads’ -tents were burnt. But for greater security he desired to bring the -wild tribes under Assyrian rule, and to force them to settle in fixed -abodes. He selected Bit-Kilamzakh as a centre, fortified it far more -effectually than before, making it a formidable fortress to keep the -inhabitants of the country in check, and peopled it with captives -whom he had carried off in former warlike expeditions. He caused a -tablet inscribed with the history of this campaign to be set up in the -capital, in order that the terror of the Assyrian arms might be kept -perpetually alive. As soon as he had subdued the Kasshu he marched -against Ellipi. Sennacherib fell on the country like a tempest. The two -royal seats Marubishti and Accudu, with all the smaller towns, were -taken by him and given up to be plundered and burnt, whilst all crops -were destroyed and even the cornfields delivered over to the fire. It -was with a certain satisfaction that Sennacherib boasted of having -transformed Ellipi into a desert, and led away the whole population -with its goods and chattels. When these successes became known, a -number of Median princes, dwelling at a more remote distance, hastened -to offer their submission. - -Meantime the king’s attention was directed to events in the west. The -elevation of the young and high-spirited Tirhaqa to the throne of -Egypt, probably as husband of King Shabak’s widow, and guardian of -his son who was a minor, had aroused in some princes of the strips of -land along the Mediterranean coast the hope that by an alliance with -him they might shake off the Assyrian yoke. To these belonged Elulæus -(Luli) king of Tyre and Sidon, Zedekiah, (Zidga) king of Askalon, and -above all Hezekiah, the king of Judah. The latter took on himself the -leadership, at least in the southwest. - -Sennacherib’s third campaign was directed against this coalition, -and is probably to be assigned to the year 702 B.C. With its usual -promptitude, the Assyrian army marched on Phœnicia, and thus attacked -one of the allies before the rest had a chance to unite their forces. -Elulæus fled in haste to Cyprus, where Citium still belonged to him; -and all his towns on the continent, within a short space of time, fell -into the hands of the Assyrian. All the princes of the other petty -Phœnician states came that they might offer their submission. - -[Sidenote: [701 B.C.]] - -Sennacherib immediately starts along the seacoast for Askalon, -southernmost of the revolted states, and soon overpowers it. Zedekiah, -the king, suffers the usual fate; with the hereditary gods of his -house, his wife, his sons, daughters, brothers, and his whole family he -is dragged away to Assyria. - -Now that the whole coast-line had submitted, Sennacherib turned to -Ekron, which lay farther to the north, but more inland. But in Altaku -[Eltekeh], which lay south of Ekron and belonged to it, he encountered -some resistance, and was at the same time caught by an Egyptian army, -which at last appeared to the rescue of the Philistine towns. According -to the Assyrian account it was very numerous and was composed of the -troops of the king of Musuri, and of the bowmen, chariots, and horses -of the king of Melukhkha. Still, whatever these two names may mean -here, it is certain that neither Tirhaqa himself nor any other Egyptian -king was leading the army, but that it was merely commanded by Egyptian -princes and two generals belonging to the horsemen. These did not show -themselves a match for the powerful Assyrian conqueror. In spite of the -number of their followers they suffered a total defeat, and it does -not say much for their skill and courage that they all, princes and -commanders, fell alive into the enemy’s hands. In consequence of this, -the relieving army appears to have retraced its march to Egypt, so that -nothing now stood in the way of Sennacherib continuing his conquests -in Philistia and Canaan. The ruling high priest and the princes who -had stirred up the rebellion, he caused to be put to death and their -corpses displayed on stakes on the town walls; such of the inhabitants -as had made common cause with the rebels were led away captive; the -innocent, on the contrary, went free. - -Now at last came the turn of Hezekiah. The following is the main -outline of what the Assyrians relate concerning the campaign against -Judah. When it became apparent that even after the overthrow of his -allies, Hezekiah was not inclined to give himself up readily to the -mercy of his powerful enemy, the latter marched into his country. Forty -strong towns besides the citadels and countless smaller places were -beleaguered, taken by storm, razed to the ground or burned, and more -than two hundred thousand prisoners, with a great number of horses, -asses, and camels were carried away from them. Hezekiah himself, -Sennacherib shut up in his capital, Jerusalem (Ursalimmu), like “a bird -in its cage.” But the town was in a strong position and provided with a -good garrison. Hezekiah had not only assembled his faithful warriors, -but had also enlisted a number of Arabian soldiers. When these, -however, required pay, and in case of refusal threatened to withdraw, -Hezekiah--the Assyrian says from dread of the glory of Asshur--paid the -heavy tribute which Sennacherib demanded of him--namely, thirty talents -of gold [about £9000 or $45,000] and three hundred talents of silver, -besides precious stones, woods, and other articles, and also sent to -Nineveh his daughters and the women of the palace, accompanied by male -and female slaves together with an envoy, who was at the same time -commissioned to proffer his master’s homage. - -From this narrative no one who did not know the official style of the -Assyrian historical writers would guess that Jerusalem was not taken, -and that Sennacherib, with the remainder of his army, was obliged to -quit Judah with all possible speed. But it was not their business -to report failures of this kind. Doubtless in this account of the -course of Sennacherib’s campaign, the main features are correct and -also described in the right chronological order. It is certain that, -after the overthrow of Phœnicia, the king found it advisable first to -reduce the small Philistine states on the seacoast to obedience that -he might then attack the Jewish king, who at last, when he had been -deprived of everything save his capital, and when his own soldiers were -deserting him, saw himself compelled to produce the war-tax demanded. -The assertion that he sent it by an envoy to Nineveh cannot possibly be -correct, and must have been invented for the purpose of rounding off -the narrative without relating the true issue of the affair. - -We possess two traditions concerning the close of the war which, though -they may differ from one another in other respects, agree in this, that -an extraordinary event unexpectedly compelled Sennacherib to return -with some precipitation to Assyria. One is the biblical tradition; the -other is the account of Herodotus.[b] - -The biblical account, as found in 2 Kings, we have already quoted. -The account of Herodotus relates to a certain king Sethos, a priest -of Vulcan (believed to represent Shabak of the XXVth Dynasty). This -king, says Herodotus, treated the military of Egypt with extreme -contempt, and as if he had no occasion for their services. Among other -indignities he deprived them of their aruræ, or fields of fifty feet -square, which, by way of reward, his predecessors had given to each -soldier; the result was that, when Sennacherib, king of Arabia and -Assyria, attacked Egypt with a mighty army, the warriors whom he had -thus treated refused to assist him. In this perplexity the priest -retired to the shrine of his god, before which he lamented his danger -and misfortunes; here he sunk into a profound sleep, and his deity -promised him, in a dream, that if he marched to meet the Assyrians, -he should experience no injury, for that he would furnish him with -assistance. The vision inspired him with confidence; he put himself -at the head of his adherents and marched to Pelusium, the entrance of -Egypt: not a soldier accompanied the party, which was entirely composed -of tradesmen and artisans. On their arrival at Pelusium, so immense a -number of mice infested by night the enemy’s camp that their quivers -and bows, together with what secured their shields to their arms, were -gnawed in pieces. In the morning the Arabians, finding themselves -without arms, fled in confusion, and lost great numbers of their men. -There is now to be seen in the temple of Vulcan a marble statue of this -king, having a mouse in his hand, and with this inscription, “Whoever -thou art, learn, from my fortune, to reverence the gods.”[c] - -Taking together all the circumstances in which the somewhat -contradictory reports are agreed, we may picture the course of events -as follows: On the advance of the Assyrian king, Hezekiah collects his -picked men, who are reinforced by foreign soldiers, in his capital, and -resolves to defend it. Meantime the Assyrian army overruns the whole -of Judah, takes one fortified town after another, and all the citadels -and smaller places, and Sennacherib has penetrated as far as Libnah, -a small town lying in the southwest of the Jewish territory. There he -learns that Tirhaqa is approaching with an Egyptian army, to fight -against him and liberate Judah. So long as the capital is not yet in -his power, and Judah consequently not wholly subdued, he cannot go out -against him without losing all the advantages gained. He will therefore -try whether he cannot, by threatening Hezekiah, induce him to deliver -up the town of his own accord; and he sends him messengers with letters -peremptorily calling on him to submit. But with prophetic fire Isaiah -pours out his wrath at the insults offered to Jehovah by this servant -of Asshur, and vehemently urges steadfast resistance. - -[Sidenote: [701-696 B.C.]] - -Sennacherib meantime continues his victorious march, and now that he -is master of all Judah with the sole exception of the capital, he can -detach a part of his army. If Hezekiah will not yield of his own free -will he must be compelled to do so. A strong body of troops under -the leadership of the Rabshakeh, or generalissimo, marched against -the strong fortress and closely beset it on all sides. But it is the -Rabshakeh who chiefly figures in the foreground of the affair. The -Hebrews tell of his efforts to induce the people and the garrison of -Jerusalem to desert their king. He sought to attain this end by means -of scornful speeches on the helplessness of Judah. - -Hezekiah, perhaps again spurred on by Isaiah, who still continues to -trust in a miraculous deliverance, does not give way at once, but -defends the city against a superior foe for some time, though it was -the only town that remained to him and was as isolated and forsaken “as -a cottage in a vineyard, as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers.” But at -last, when famine in the town has reached its highest pitch and signs -of impatience and discontent manifest themselves among the garrison, -he makes up his mind to submission, and sends a messenger to Lachish -to inquire the terms of surrender. They are very hard. But there is no -longer any choice, and he tenders the Assyrian conquerors the amount -required at the hand of the envoy, who subsequently accompanied it to -Nineveh. Whether the siege was thereupon immediately raised, or whether -it was thought well to keep the town still under observation until the -contest with Egypt was decided, we cannot say positively. But, as a -great misfortune, either pestilence or some other natural phenomenon, -actually did soon after smite the Assyrian army, and the whole of the -conqueror’s force, reduced to a miserable handful, quitted Judah and -the West, the true believers among the Egyptians and Israelites saw -in it a miraculous deliverance which the gods had sent them, and the -latter at the same time regarded it as a fulfilment of the prophecies -of Isaiah, which at first did not seem to be coming true. - -Of course the event had not in reality the importance which the -grateful Egyptians and Israelites attributed to it. Although it secured -them relief, and Sennacherib’s army was so weakened that he thought -it advisable to beat a hasty retreat, yet his supremacy over Phœnicia -and Canaan remained for a long time unshaken, and in the following -year he was again in the field with a powerful army. Subsequently he -appears again to have marched westward and to have made a particular -fight against Arabia and Edom. But it does not appear that in this -campaign he also made war against Phœnicia, Philistia, and Judah, as -he certainly would not have failed to do had traces of insubordination -showed themselves. The chastisement had been too severe, and the -country was too greatly exhausted. - -In the year 700 B.C. Sennacherib’s presence was again required in -Babylonia. It was the third and last year of Bel-ibni’s rule at -Babylon. Sennacherib had him brought to Assyria, together with his -whole family. He had proved unequal to the task which Sennacherib had -assigned him. - -After the victories, which intimidated even Elam, Sennacherib went to -Babylon, and there in place of Bel-ibni, set up his own eldest son -Asshur-nadin-shum on the throne as king of Sumer and Accad. His six -years’ reign began in the year 700 B.C., and now Sennacherib thought -himself safe from the machinations of Chaldean pretenders. - -For some years he had really had his hands free in the south. He -employed the time in bringing into subjection some of the northwestern -neighbours of his empire. This campaign, which the Assyrians reckon -as the fifth, and which must have taken place somewhere between 699 -and 696, ended with a war in Cilicia. According to Berosus it was -occasioned by a Greek invasion, and the Assyrian army obtained the -victory only after suffering great loss. Abydenus even speaks of a -sea-fight on the Cilician coast, in which the Greek fleet was worsted. -Both historians agree in this, that Sennacherib immortalised his famous -deeds by the erection of his statue or the setting up of bronze pillars -with inscriptions, and that he built the town of Tarsus, which he -called Tharsin, so that the Cydnus flowed through it as the Arazanes -(Aralshtu) through Babylon. Strange as it may seem, the Assyrians -themselves make no mention of the foundation of this important town, -but Berosus is too credible a witness for his statement to be rejected. - -Even before 694 Sennacherib had busied himself in the preparations -of a great plan. Merodach-baladan had sought and found in Nagitu, on -the coast of Elam, a refuge and place of security where he believed -his deadly enemy could not reach him. After the latter’s expedition -against Bit-Yakin in the year 700, the remainder of the population of -that territory had found it expedient to take ships with their gods, -as their master had done, and cross to the region where the latter -had taken up his abode. Sennacherib apparently feared that this new -state would prove a source of danger to the province entrusted to -his son; all the more since Merodach-baladan had now become a vassal -of Elam, Asshur’s ancient and hereditary enemy. The difficulty was -great, particularly as Nagitu was not accessible from the land side, -without passing through Elamite territory. He had among his captives -shipbuilders from Khatti, and he set them to work at Nineveh on the -Tigris and Tel-Barsip on the Euphrates. The ships were towed down the -Euphrates and the Tigris [or they may have been transported overland by -camels]. They were manned by Tyrian, Sidonian, and Ionic seamen, who -were also prisoners of war. He, himself, had meantime marched to the -Persian Gulf with his army, and had fixed his camp close to the ships. -From the description of the voyage it is evident what a deep impression -this very unusual expedition made on the Assyrians. Even before they -set sail they made an unexpected acquaintance with the sea, which they -believed four hours’ distance away; they may perhaps have been aware -that, even so far up as Bab-Salimeti, the river was subject to the ebb -and flow; but a spring flood, which suddenly laid the camp under water, -and even made its way into the royal tent, took them by surprise. -They had to seek refuge on the ships and remain on them five days and -nights, “as in a great bird-cage,” says Sennacherib. Whether this -experience of life on shipboard was enough for the bold monarch, or -whether he had no intention of taking part in the maritime expedition, -it is certain that he did not leave the shore. The transports were -taken to the mouth of the Euphrates; costly sacrifices to Ea, the sea -god, among which were a golden ship and a golden fish, were thrown -into the rivers to obtain his protection for the fleet, and then it -set sail. It is not told how long the voyage lasted, but merely that -the country whither they went lay at the mouth of the Eulæus (Ulai), -the chief river of Elam. There the great battle was fought, and of -course the Assyrians came off the victors. They took possession of -various Elamite towns, and carried off the Chaldeans and all the goods -from Bit-Yakin, together with a number of Aramæans and captured ships, -to Bab-Salimeti, where the king awaited them. Of Merodach-baladan -not a word is said. Therefore he did not fall into the hands of the -Assyrians, and was not robbed of his sovereignty by the defeat. Thus -far, at least, the victory was of no lasting significance for the -Assyrians. It appears simply to have destroyed the prosperity of the -Chaldean colony for some time, and to have deterred the indefatigable -adversary from direct attacks. But this extraordinary and costly -expedition shows how greatly he was dreaded and with what implacable -hatred his house was pursued by that of Sargon. - -[Sidenote: [696-692 B.C.]] - -While the Assyrian king was engaged in the seacoast war, Khallus, the -king of Elam, instigated by the Babylonians who had left the town in -good time with Merodach-baladan and had sought refuge with him, invaded -Accad with his army, penetrated as far as Sippar, where he instituted -a massacre, and brought Asshur-nadin-shum prisoner to Elam. On the -Babylonian throne he set up a Babylonian, Suzub, son of Gakhul. It is -a characteristic trait that the Assyrian account is silent as to the -unhappy fate which overtook Sennacherib’s oldest son. Suzub, on his -accession to the throne, took the name of Negal-ushezib. He is the -Regebelos of the Ptolemaic Canon, and must be carefully distinguished -from the Chaldean Suzub who did not reign over Babylon till a later -date (692) and under another name. - -But the new king was lord over only part of the country. The whole -South was still in the hands of the Assyrians and had to be conquered -by him. - -About June, 694 or 693, he succeeded in getting possession of Nippur, -but his farther advance was checked by the tidings that the Assyrians -had meantime marched as far as Erech. Sennacherib immediately -despatched a large force against the king of Elam, whom he rightly -regarded as the chief author of all the trouble. Erech fell and -was sacked, and, laden with rich booty, including even the chief -gods of the sacred city, the Assyrians marched forward. At Nippur, -Nergal-ushezib awaited them, and in the battle which followed he -remained victor. But his rule was of short duration. As to the end -of his reign the Babylonian and Assyrian records are agreed. The -former asserts that, after the Assyrians had carried away the gods and -inhabitants of Erech, Nergal-ushezib was taken prisoner in the battle -at Nippur and conducted to Assyria. According to the second, he was -thrown from his horse in the battle, taken prisoner and brought in -chains before Sennacherib, who then shut him up in prison at the gate -of Nineveh. The two accounts seem to make the story complete. - -After the misfortune that had overtaken their king, the Babylonians -bestowed the crown on Suzub the Chaldean, who had also fled to -Elam. He reigned independently for four years, under the name of -Mushezib-Marduk. The Assyrians consequently content themselves with -mentioning several advantages won by them over the Elamites, and also -relating that they took Suzub prisoner on their march from Erech to -Asshur. They themselves practically acknowledged that Babylon did not -fall into their hands, when they inform us that, after Suzub’s capture, -the Babylonians closed their city gates against the Assyrians and -offered an obstinate resistance. - -So far as we may judge, the whole of this campaign of Sennacherib’s -was a political blunder, which does not speak well for his sagacity. -There was in fact nothing to be feared from Merodach-baladan; the real -peril, which threatened from Elam, escaped the Assyrian king. The -maritime expedition undertaken at so much labour and expense, was more -adventurous than glorious, and failed in its main object: the arch -enemy, at whom it was aimed, retained his liberty and his kingdom. And -meantime Babylon was left without protection, and Sennacherib’s own son -was bereft of throne and freedom. He had not even provided himself with -sufficient forces to avenge the descent of the Elamites and reconquer -the lost territory. The sole fruit of the campaign (exclusive of booty -and prisoners) was the carrying away of a Babylonian king, whose -place was at once taken by another prince, not less hostile. A poor -compensation for the loss of the capital, the whole territory belonging -to it and of his own son! Under Sennacherib’s government it was -continually apparent that only under compulsion had the Babylonians -submitted to the yoke of the Assyrians, and that they preferred to -unite with Elam rather than again obey a Sargonid. - -[Sidenote: [692-689 B.C.]] - -In Elam, meantime, a rising took place against Khallus, possibly -because he had been unsuccessful in his war against Assyria. [He was -killed in the uprising.] Kudur-nankhundi became king in his stead. -Sennacherib thought this a favourable opportunity to attack his old -enemies, the Elamites. It was in 692, probably, that he took advantage -of Elam’s disordered condition to inflict a heavy punishment on -that country. From Rasa to Bit-Burnaki he ravaged and plundered to -his heart’s content. He introduced Assyrian garrisons and placed -the territory under the care of a governor. Besides this, he took -thirty-five fortified towns. Such was the devastation “that the smoke -of the flames covered the face of the wide heaven like a heavy storm,” -and so great was the terror he spread that Kudur-nankhundi left his -residence at Madaktu in all haste, and fled to a town called Khaidala, -which lay far up in the mountains. But nature saved him from the -hands of the Assyrians. Sennacherib did indeed give orders to march -to Madaktu, but he could not carry his intention into effect. It was -winter, and in (Tebet) December an earthquake, coupled with storms of -rain and snow, compelled him to retreat. The mountain streams were -so swollen that no army could now cross them with safety. Only three -months afterwards Kudur-nankhundi died “suddenly, before his time,” -and his own brother Umman-minanu mounted the throne. Scarcely had -Umman-minanu assumed the sceptre of Elam than he allowed himself to be -beguiled into an alliance with Babylon against Asshur. At Babylon now -reigned Suzub II, the Chaldean, Mushezib-Marduk. After his flight from -Sennacherib, in the year 700 or 699, he had returned to Babylon, where, -after the misfortunes that overtook his namesake, he was made king, -no doubt to the great chagrin of the Assyrians. When he sent gold and -silver from the treasury of E-sagila, the great temple of Marduk and -Zarpanit, to the Elamite king, he found the latter prepared to collect -an army at once and march with it to Babylon for a joint attack upon -Asshur. Sennacherib was astounded that the lesson he had imparted to -Elam in the previous year had borne no better fruit. But the Chaldeans -and Elamites had good ground to hope for success. The Assyrian’s latest -victories had not been rich in lasting results. He had not succeeded in -conquering Babylon. He had been obliged to retreat hastily from Elam. -He had not been able to defend Chaldea. Moreover, the kings of Babylon -and Elam could now count on a number of allies. The number of the enemy -impressed the Assyrians, who likened them to a swarm of locusts. “Like -a violent gale which drives the rain-clouds across the firmament, so -rose the cloud of dust at their approach.” But calling on the gods, his -heavenly protectors, Sennacherib ventures an attack. - -It was a fierce battle; both sides fought with the greatest fury. -Sennacherib, himself, was distinguished by his personal courage. With -helm and mail, spear and bow, Asshur’s sacred bow, which none but the -kings of Assyria carried, he stands in his war chariot like an angry -lion, and like a heavy storm from Adad, the god of tempests, he rushes -on the enemy, covering the plain with corpses as with grass. His horses -wallow in blood; blood and fragments of the slain cleave to the pole of -his war chariot. A choice troop of Elamite nobles, equipped with golden -daggers and bracelets, are slaughtered like sheep, and the Elamite -commander and grand vizier, Khumbanundash, a man of great ability, also -falls. Others are taken prisoners. Yet the kings of Elam and Babylon -and the Chaldean chiefs got away, according to the Assyrian writer, who -delights in depicting their sufferings in a very imaginative fashion, -with a loss of tents and baggage and of one hundred and fifty thousand -dead left on the battle-field. They were pursued for a distance of -some miles, but their capture was not effected. There is something -loathsome in the lively colours in which the scene is painted; the -pitiless slaughter and horrible mutilation of the slain are described -with bloodthirsty complacency. The writer of the Assyrian tablet knew -well that his savage, revengeful master based his renown on such -inhuman acts. And yet it was no victory for the Assyrians. They may -have remained in possession of the field, but the murderous battle was -so undecisive that the Elamites and Babylonians could claim the victory -as well. The losses on both sides must have been so great that neither -of the two parties ventured to continue the war. Both sides assumed the -attitude of waiting for a more favourable opportunity. The prevalent -idea that after the battle of Khalule Sennacherib immediately conquered -Babylon is decidedly false and is contradicted by the true reading of -both Assyrian and Babylonian records. - -Not till the year 690 or 689 did Sennacherib find a favourable -opportunity to risk another attack on Babylon. From Elam there was now -nothing more to fear. The power of Umman-minanu was much weakened and -he was soon to lose it altogether. The Assyrian king marched on Babylon -with the impetuousity which distinguished all his warlike expeditions, -and was at times disadvantageous to him; and on this occasion his -effort was crowned with the desired success. Now he directed his arms -against Mushezib-Marduk’s town, not as his predecessors, including -his own father, had done, as a rescuer bringing deliverance from a -usurper and therefore striking at the latter and his dependents, and -sparing the inhabitants: upon the town which had so long withstood him, -so repeatedly and obstinately lifted its head against him, a fearful -vengeance was to be taken. It was literally wiped out; nothing was -spared; corpses lay piled up in the streets; all its treasures were -pillaged and divided amongst the soldiers; the temples were desecrated, -and the gods torn from their sanctuaries. Then the whole town was -delivered up to the flames; the walls and ramparts, the temples and -the ziggurat, (probably the two towers of Babylon and Borsippa), -were thrown down and hurled into the Arakhtu or other canals, and -the water from the river and the canals was turned on the ruins that -they might be flooded. The very place where the sacred town had stood -became unrecognisable and was changed into a marsh. Mushezib-Marduk -escaped and sought refuge in Elam, but Umman-minanu, fearing Assyrian -vengeance, surrendered his ally, and the latter and his family were -brought prisoners to Nineveh. - -Such a deed may well have spread fear and horror even in Assyria -itself. Sennacherib had done what none had even ventured before. -Towards the town which many an Assyrian king had treated with respect -and which had never been sacked, he had behaved with a relentlessness -which hitherto had only been exhibited to foreign rebels. He was now -master of Babylon. For the remaining eight years of his life, he -was called King of Babylon, even according to the Babylonian list -of kings, although the Ptolemaic canon mentions this period as an -interim. King Ummanaldash [Khumba-Khaldashu] who (the 7th of Adar 690 -or 689?) succeeded Umman-minanu on the throne of Elam, and who reigned -eight years, left the Assyrian king in peaceful possession. There are -sufficient grounds for the assumption that this supremacy over Babylon -of a tyrant embittered by earlier reverses was a reign of terror. - -For the last years of Sennacherib’s reign authentic accounts are -almost entirely wanting. An expedition to Arabia, against a certain -king Hazael (Khazailu), in which the capital of Edom is stormed and -the deity of the place falls into his hands, certainly belongs to this -period of his reign. - -[Sidenote: [695-681 B.C.]] - -Like most of the Assyrian princes, Sennacherib, in spite of his -unsettled existence, was a great builder. But he bestowed the most -care on the re-establishment and embellishment of his beloved Nineveh. -In the earlier part of his reign he had also strengthened this town -with an outer wall and an inner rampart (_duru_ and _shalkhu_), and -in the year 695 he had built a great palace by the northwest wall, -after pulling down a small palace which stood there. The latter had -fallen into decay, partly as a result of the overflowings of the canal -on which it stood, partly from the heat of the sun. The canal was now -diverted, and on its margin was built a new and loftier palace, in -which ivory and costly woods were not spared. There the king had a park -laid out and irrigated by the waters of the Khushur (Khosr) which were -made to flow through it, and it was planted with trees from the Amanus -Mountains. At the same time the town was extended and embellished. - -Scarcely was this structure completed when Sennacherib caused another -palace, which lay farther south of the same wall, to be pulled down. It -had served former kings as armoury, magazine, and stables, and had now -become not only too small but also decayed. Some fields were added to -it and earth brought to raise them, and upon this now rose a palace, -not of tiles, but of hewn stone after the fashion of the land of Khatti -(Aram). For this also cedars from Amanus and great lion and animal -colossi, which had been hewn out of stone in the town of Baladai and -then cased in bronze, were employed, and cunning architects disposed -them with great care and magnificence. The purpose of the building -remained the same; horses and every sort of cattle found stabling, -stuffs and weapons were laid up there, but it had now also to serve -as a barrack for the national troops. The king’s name is displayed on -every wall. - -Immediately after the completion of this building on the 20th day of -Adar, 691, that is, in the same year in which the battle of Khalule -took place, Sennacherib began another and not less important work, -which was only completed and inaugurated after the sack of Babylon. -This was an undertaking intended to provide the city of Nineveh with -good drinking water. A number of canals had to be dug, which served at -the same time to fertilise some uncultivated strips of land. In the -capital which was thus, as it were, born again, the old warrior now -probably rested on his laurels for a few years longer. - -In the latter period of his life, Sennacherib appears to have -handed over a part of his royal functions to his son Esarhaddon -(Asshur-akhe-iddin), if he did not actually make him co-ruler. The -latter was not his eldest son, for his name, “Asshur grants brothers, -or, a brother,” shows the contrary, but he was perhaps, the second, and -therefore direct heir to the throne after the death, or at least in -the absence of, the king’s eldest son, Asshur-nadin-shum, who had been -carried off by the Elamites. Esarhaddon was certainly destined to the -succession by his father, and was the latter’s favourite. Sennacherib -issued a decree by which the whole of his booty brought from the -Babylonio-Chaldean district of Bit-Amukkani was assigned to him, and -his name was at the same time changed to Asshur-etilli-ukinnibal -(Asshur, the lord has lent a son)--a name which was more appropriate -for one who now took the place of eldest son, but which Esarhaddon -himself does not appear to have adopted. His brothers, whether younger -or older, were not pleased at this. Two of them at least, Sharezer, -whose full name was probably Nergal-shar-usur (or the Nergilus of -Berosus), and Adarmalik, disputed the succession, taking advantage -of the circumstance that Esarhaddon, at the head of the army, was -absent in the northwest, most probably in a war with Armenia. Whilst -Sennacherib was praying in a temple, they fell on him and slew him, -and Nergal-shar-usur took possession of the throne, [but was at once -superseded. Some histories deny his accession]. Thus died Sennacherib, -on the 20th Tebet (about December) 681, by the hands of his own sons. - -From the official sources, which are the only ones we possess, it is -difficult to obtain an idea of the character of the Assyrian sovereign, -but the records of Sennacherib’s reign certainly make a far more -unfavourable impression than those which Sargon left behind. Both were -conquerors, but the one shows more respect for law and justice. Stern, -at times to harshness, against uncompromising adversaries, Sargon yet -gives place to mildness where mercy can be made to harmonise with -the interests of the empire. Sennacherib, on the other hand, takes -an obvious delight in scenes of blood and desolation, in inflicting -punishments which only awaken disgust at their brutish cruelty. -The destruction of Babylon, the burning and blotting out of a town -venerable from its age and importance, and so sacred to the pious -Assyrians, was indeed a blind vengeance which fixes an indelible blot -on the name of the author of the crime. Not less courageous and warlike -than his predecessors, he was rash and presumptuous rather than bold, -and his plans were rather venturesome than well calculated. Impetuous -in attack, he neglected the needful precautions, and attained the -immediate goal, often only to lose more than he gained. Whether he was -concerned in his father’s murder cannot be determined; that he was, as -his name indicates, a younger son, is no certain evidence of this, but -it is a suspicious circumstance that he nowhere mentions his celebrated -father’s name. If he was guilty, Nemesis overtook him. As a king he -was far inferior to Sargon. Nineveh alone had much to thank him for. -Babylon, on the contrary, which had called in Sargon as her deliverer, -sought to secure her independence of him, and preferred to his yoke -the dearly bought protection of Elam. After he died, having reigned -something like twenty-four years, it was a long time before the empire -was as powerful and flourishing as at the commencement of his rule. In -thinking of Sargon and Sennacherib we are involuntarily reminded of -Cyrus and Cambyses, who differed from one another in the same way.[b] - - -ESARHADDON AND ASSHURBANAPAL - -[Sidenote: [681-668 B.C.]] - -Sennacherib, as we have seen, was murdered by his sons. It appears that -this event did not occur at once after the return from the disastrous -campaign against the Israelites, as might be inferred from the Hebrew -record, but a good many years later. Esarhaddon, who succeeded his -father, was obliged to win back the kingdom from the regicides before -he could securely occupy the throne of Assyria. He seems to have had -no great difficulty in this, however, and for many years he continued -in undisputed sway, not merely sustaining but extending the influence -that his father had wielded. The greatest glory of his reign was his -successful invasion of Egypt. Opinions have differed considerably as to -the character of Esarhaddon. Professor Tiele’s verdict, which we give -_in extenso_ later, is somewhat less favourable than that of various -other authorities. The opinion of Professor Maspero is perhaps worth -quoting in some detail. He says: - -“Esarhaddon is one of the finest and most attractive characters of -Assyrian history. He was as active and resolute as Asshurnazirpal or -Tiglathpileser, without being hard on his subjects or cruel to those -he conquered, as they were. He delighted in being merciful as much as -his predecessors had rejoiced in being merciless, and the accounts of -his wars no longer make constant mention of captives being burnt alive, -kings impaled on the gates of their cities, or whole populations being -burnt out by fire. He took pleasure in restoring the ruins with which -his father and grandfather had covered the land, and in the first year -of his reign he gave orders for the rebuilding of Babylon, which was -commenced on a grand scale. - -“All the Chaldean prisoners were set free, and those who liked to work -under the architects could do so for payment in oil, wine, honey, and -other commodities of life; and when laying the foundation stones of -different edifices, he himself wore the special dress of the masons. -The temple of Bit-Zaggaton, the seat of Marduk, the protector of -the town, issued from the ruins and the walls, and royal castles -were raised beyond their former height. Beyond Babylon Esarhaddon -consecrated thirty-six temples at Asshur and Agade; and they were lined -with shining sheets of gold and silver. - -“The palace which he built at Nineveh on the site of an old building -surpassed all that had hitherto been seen. The quarries of alabaster -in the mountains of Gordyene and the forests of Phœnicia furnished -material for the halls; thirty-two Hittite kings on the Mediterranean -coast sent great beams of pines, cedars, and cypresses. The roof was -made of carved cedar wood, supported by columns of cypress encircled -with gold and silver; stone lions and bulls stood at the doorways; the -panels of the doors were made of ebony and cypress, encrusted with -iron, silver, and ivory. The palace of Babylon was entirely destroyed, -and the one commenced at Calah with Egyptian booty was never finished. -The conquerors had been much impressed by the long avenues of sphinxes -at the entrance of the Memphite temples, and in imitation of the idea -Esarhaddon had sphinxes, lions, and bulls at the entrances of his -buildings. The construction lasted three years (671-669), and it was -only just far enough completed for the decoration to be started, when -he fell seriously ill in 669.” Two years later he died. - -It will probably be felt by most readers of the records left by -Esarhaddon himself--which are, of course, our sole authority in the -matter, save for a few chance biblical references--that Professor -Maspero’s verdict as just quoted is over-enthusiastic. Nevertheless, -it can hardly be doubted that Esarhaddon was in many ways a much more -admirable character than his father. The following excerpt from one -of Esarhaddon’s inscriptions, contained on a hexagonal prism of baked -clay found near Nineveh, and now in the British Museum, will suggest -something as to the precise interpretation one should place upon the -words “attractive” and “merciful” as applied to an Assyrian conqueror: - -“Esarhaddon, king of Sumer and Accad, (son of Sennacherib, king of) -Assyria, (son of Sargon) king of Assyria, (who in the name of Asshur, -Bel,) the Moon, the Sun, Nabu Marduk, Ishtar of Nineveh, and Ishtar -of Arbela, the great gods his lords from the rising of the sun to the -setting of the sun marched victorious without a rival. - -“Conqueror of the city of Sidon, which is on the sea, sweeper away of -all its villages; its citadel and residence I rooted up, and into the -sea I flung them. Its place of justice I destroyed. Abd-milkot its king -who away from my arms into the middle of the sea had fled; like a fish -from out of the sea I caught him, and cut off his head. His treasure, -his goods, gold and silver and precious stones, skins of elephants, -teeth of elephants, dan wood, ku wood, cloths, dyed purple and yellow, -of every description, and the regalia of his palace I carried off as -my spoil. Men and women without number, oxen and sheep and mules, I -swept them all off to Assyria. I assembled the kings of Syria and the -seacoast, all of them. (The city of Sidon) I built anew, and I called -it ‘The City of Esarhaddon.’ Men, captured by my arms, natives of the -lands and seas of the East, within it I placed to dwell, and I set my -own officers in authority over them. - -“And Sanduarri king of Kundu and Sizu, an enemy and heretic, not -honouring my majesty, who had abandoned the worship of the gods trusted -to his rocky stronghold and Abd-milkot king of Sidon took for his ally. -The names of the great gods side by side he wrote and to their power he -trusted; but I trusted to Asshur, my lord. Like a bird from out of the -mountains I took him, and I cut off his head. I wrought the judgment of -Asshur my lord on the men who were criminals. The heads of Sanduarri -and Abd-milkot by the side of those of their chiefs I hung up: and -with captives young and old, male and female, to the gate of Nineveh I -marched. - -“Trampler on the heads of the men of Khilakki and Duhuka, who dwell -in the mountains, which front the land of Tabal, who trusted to their -mountains and from days of old never submitted to my yoke: twenty-one -of their strong cities and smaller towns in their neighbourhood I -attacked, captured, and carried off the spoil; I ruined, destroyed, and -burnt them with fire. The rest of the men, who crimes and murders had -not committed, I only placed the yoke of my empire heavily upon them.” - -It is notable that the successor of Esarhaddon, his son Asshurbanapal, -seems to have placed the same favourable opinion upon the character -of his father, as compared with his grandfather Sennacherib, that -moderns are disposed to adjudge. This is suggested by the fact that -Asshurbanapal in various inscriptions refers to “Esarhaddon, king of -Assyria, the father, my begetter,” and never to his grandfather, whom -he probably would have mentioned, following custom, had he held him -in any particular regard. Asshurbanapal himself was, at least in his -earlier years, a warrior of no mean quality; but he was, it would -appear, primarily a lover of the arts of peace. There is a marked -difference in the tone of his inscriptions, as compared with those of -his predecessors, even when describing his conquests. Many times they -suggest one who loves the pleasures of life rather than one who gloats -over the infliction of death. The following are the words in which he -describes the expedition against Egypt and Ethiopia, and against Tyre, -as recorded on a cylinder now preserved in the British Museum: - -“In my second expedition to Egypt and Ethiopia I directed the march. -Tandamani [Tanut-Amen] of the progress of my expedition heard, and that -I had crossed over the borders of Egypt. Memphis he abandoned, and to -save his life he fled into Thebes. The kings, prefects, and governors, -whom in Egypt I had set up, to my presence came, and kissed my feet. -After Tandamani the road I took, I went to Thebes the strong city. -The approach of my powerful army he saw, and Thebes he abandoned, and -fled to Kipkip. That city (Thebes) the whole of it, in the service of -Asshur and Ishtar, my hands took; silver, gold, precious stones, the -furniture of his palace, all there was, garments of wool and linen, -great horses, people male and female, two lofty obelisks covered with -beautiful carving, two thousand five hundred talents (over ninety tons) -their weight, standing before the gate of a temple, from their places -I removed and brought to Assyria. The spoil great and unnumbered, I -carried off from the midst of Thebes. Over Egypt and Ethiopia, my -soldiers I caused to march, and I acquired glory. With a full hand -peacefully I returned to Nineveh, the city of my dominion. - -“In my third expedition against Baal, king of Tyre, dwelling in the -midst of the sea, I went; who my royal will disregarded, and did not -hear the words of my lips. Towers round him I raised, on sea and land -his roads I took, their spirits I humbled and caused to melt away, to -my yoke I made them submissive. The daughter proceeding from his body -and the daughters of his brothers, for concubines he brought to my -presence. Yahimelek his son, the glory of the country, of unsurpassed -renown, at once he sent forward to make obeisance to me. His daughter -and the daughters of his brothers with their great dowries I received. -Favour I granted him, and the son proceeding from his body, I restored -and gave him. Yakinlu, king of Arvad, dwelling in the midst of the sea, -who to the kings my fathers was not submissive, submitted to my yoke. -His daughter with many gifts, for a concubine to Nineveh he brought, -and kissed my feet. Mukallu, king of Tabal, who against the kings my -fathers made attacks, the daughter proceeding from his body, and her -great dowry, for a concubine to Nineveh he brought, and kissed my -feet. Over Mukallu great horses an annual tribute I fixed upon him. -Sandasharme of Cilicia, who to the kings my fathers did not submit, and -did not perform their pleasure, the daughter proceeding from his body, -with many gifts, for a concubine to Nineveh he brought, and kissed my -feet.” - -[Illustration: ASSYRIANS CROSSING RIVER BY MEANS OF AIR BAGS] - -Of Asshurbanapal as patron of art and literature we shall have occasion -to speak more fully in a later chapter, in referring to the contents -of his famous library. Not less noteworthy than this library was the -gallery of art constituting the walls of the great king’s dining room. -We turn now to the more detailed consideration of the life-histories of -Esarhaddon and Asshurbanapal, as interpreted by a modern authority.[a] - - -ESARHADDON’S REIGN (681-668 B.C.) - -[Sidenote: [681 B.C.]] - -Sennacherib’s murderers did not stand alone, but had a considerable -following. Asshur-akhe-iddin (Asshur is brother), Esarhaddon, as the -Hebrews call him, who had been already destined to the throne by his -father, had therefore to conquer the crown assigned him at the point -of the sword. Although it was (Tebet) December--Sennacherib, as we -have seen, had fallen on the 20th of this month--and consequently the -time favourable for warlike operations had gone by, yet he perceived -that this was a case for prompt action. He lay with his army in the -northwest, but without waiting a single day, without stopping to -collect men, horses, chariots, or material, without even supplying -himself with provisions, and in spite of snow and tempest, which might -be feared at that season, he hurried straight to Nineveh; “like a bird -of prey with outstretched wings.” At Khanigalbat, a neighbourhood the -position of which is unknown to us, but which must be sought in or near -North Aramæa [probably near Melid], the army of the rebels intercepted -him. But these were soon defeated and scattered. A great part very -probably went over to Esarhaddon. The two chiefs of the rebellion, his -brothers, sought safety in flight and were received in Urartu. That -one of them, as Abydenus would have us believe, fell in the battle, is -not very probable. Still it is certain that they never again attempted -to get possession of the government. On the 2nd of Adar (February) the -rising was extinguished, and five weeks later, on the 8th of Nisan, -that is, the beginning of the year 681 B.C. [Professor Rogers gives the -month of Siran, 680, for this date], Esarhaddon mounted the throne of -his father. - -When his brothers’ rebellion was suppressed, Esarhaddon was indeed in -safe possession of the Assyrian throne, but by no means in undisputed -enjoyment of the sovereignty over the whole of his father’s empire. He -was continually obliged to engage in wars and to quell risings. - -The son of that arch-enemy of the Assyrians, Merodach-baladan, who -is generally called Nabu-ziru-kinish-lishir (Nabu, guide the true -scion!), had naturally taken advantage of the confusion resulting from -the murder of Sennacherib and the war of the succession, to repudiate -his allegiance, and may perhaps have already thought of reconquering -Babylon. From Esarhaddon’s accession he had ceased to send the -presents required from a vassal, and had also omitted to appoint an -envoy to offer his homage to the new king, and thus to recognise his -overlordship. He had evidently overestimated the difficulties with -which the king had to contend, and had not anticipated that the latter -would so soon repress the rebellion and be in a position to proceed -against him with decisive energy. It is uncertain whether he himself -risked the attack; it appears, however, that he had already penetrated -as far as Ur. Esarhaddon, who was at Nineveh when he received the news -of his defection, could certainly not now be spared there. But he -ordered the governors of the province bordering on the maritime country -to go out against the rebellious Chaldean at the head of an army which -was despatched to them, and this proved sufficient. According to the -Assyrian accounts Nabu-ziru-kinish-lishir did not await the attack, -but fled to Elam. But this realm was no longer what it once had been. -Ummanaldash II, who now reigned there, was not inclined to endanger -the peace of his kingdom and involve himself in a war with Assyria -for a stranger’s sake; the fugitive was seized and put to death. -Na’id-Marduk, who accompanied him on his expedition to Elam, feared -a like fate. He chose the wiser course; he hastened to Assyria, made -his submission, and in reward was invested with the sovereignty of -his brother’s kingdom, that is, of the whole seacoast. Henceforth he -faithfully paid the annual tribute. - -[Sidenote: [677-676 B.C.]] - -It was not so easy to put down another movement at another end of the -empire. Very soon after Esarhaddon’s accession, perhaps even before, -certain kings of the west country planned an attempt to free themselves -from the Assyrian yoke. These were the kings of Sidon and of two other -cities whose position is uncertain, but is certainly to be sought east -of Sidon, namely Kundu and Sizu. Over the two last ruled Sanduarri, -whose name proclaims him as one of the Hittites or related to them, -and over Sidon, Abd-milkot. They had to bind themselves by an oath -to recover their independence with their united forces, and fought -with great persistence. This is shown by the fact that they were not -subdued till the fourth year of Esarhaddon, and also of the fearful -vengeance of the Assyrians, so little in accordance with this king’s -customary procedure. In the year 677 Sidon succumbed to the besieging -force. The city was plundered, wasted, and depopulated. Town and -citadel were “thrown into the sea” and the place where they had stood -made unrecognisable. The population was brought to Assyria, with all -its goods and cattle and all the treasures of that rich commercial -city. But Esarhaddon did not, like his father, take pleasure in mere -destruction. A new town rose in the place where the former had stood. -He called it by his own name [Kar-Asshur-akhe-iddin], and allowed -conquered mountain peoples and inhabitants of the coast of the Persian -Gulf to settle there--the old means, devised by Tiglathpileser, for -absorbing sentiments of nationality and independence into the unity of -the great empire. Abd-milkot had meantime fled, probably to Cyprus; for -Esarhaddon says that he “took him out of the sea like a fish.” He was -overtaken, made prisoner, and put to death, and in the month Tasrit of -the following year, 676, his severed head reached Assyria. It was some -time before Sanduarri was conquered in his mountain country, but in the -month Adar of the same year he suffered a like fate to that which had -overtaken his ally. Then the barbarous triumph took place in Nineveh. -All the captured subjects of the defeated kings, with the great and -distinguished men at their head, were led through the broad streets -of the capital, and two of the noblest carried the severed heads of -the rulers round their necks. Revolt against the supreme king, which -meant sin against Asshur, the god of the gods, when conducted with much -obstinacy as was displayed by these two men, could not be severely -enough punished. - -If Esarhaddon intended by these severities to spread terror among the -kings of the west country, he attained his object. Although according -to the wont of the Assyrian annalists, the scribe places the narrative -of the war in the king’s own mouth, he took no personal part in it, but -remained quietly at Nineveh. Thither now came the ambassadors of some -twelve kings, whom the Assyrians called simply Khatti-kings and kings -of the seacoast, and with them those of ten kings who ruled in Cyprus, -to offer him their homage and presents. - -When the ten Cypriote rulers, whose names have for the most part a -Greek sound, joined in the homage of the Assyrian, Phœnician, and -Canaanite kings, it is obvious that Esarhaddon’s army, when it pursued -the flying king to Cyprus, had there re-established the Assyrian rule -which had not been exercised since the time of Sargon. - -All these princes had to bring him costly material for the building -of his great palace at Nineveh. There is an inclination to credit -Esarhaddon with a special preference for Babylon, and to assume that -he had made that town his headquarters, at least towards the end -of his life. Our knowledge of the building he erected is, however, -not favourable to this view. He certainly governed directly and not -merely by vassal-kings that part of his realm of which Babylon was the -capital, and there are good grounds for the assumption that he actually -cherished the intention of establishing himself at Babylon; but it -is none the less certain that for him, as for his fathers, until the -nomination of Asshurbanapal as vassal-king of Assyria, the centre of -the dominion was Assyria, and the Assyrian capital was his chief home. - -[Sidenote: [676-673 B.C.]] - -Although Esarhaddon now imitated his father in his care for the -decoration of the Assyrian capital, he did not limit himself to this so -exclusively as his predecessors. On the contrary he boasts of having -built the temples of the town of Asshur and Accad, and of having -adorned them with silver and gold. That he did not neglect Accad or -Babylonia is shown by the work, which surpassed all other undertakings, -completed in his reign and for which he gave orders in his early -years,--the reconstruction of the ruined capital itself. - -In Elam it was with disapproving eyes that men regarded this renovation -of Babylon by an Assyrian king and with it the re-establishment of the -Assyrian rule in that territory. The king of Elam, Ummanaldash II, -therefore decided to attack Esarhaddon in this part of the country. -In 675, the sixth year of Esarhaddon’s reign, he invaded Babylon -with an army, we know not on what pretext, and penetrated as far as -Sippar. The misfortune was not, however, a lasting one. In that very -year Ummanaldash died in his palace. Perhaps there is some connection -between these Elamite disturbances and Esarhaddon’s campaign against -the (to us) unknown country of Ruriza which he conquered in Tebet of -the year 673. This may be said with certainty of the measures which he -took against the Gambuli. That warlike Aramaic-Chaldean race, which -had once constituted the vanguard of Merodach-baladan’s army, had -then, at least, dwelt in a swampy tract of country where they lived -“like fish in the midst of the rivers.” At this time their king was -Belbasha (En-basha?), the son of Bananu, and in his impracticable -country he had been able to preserve his independence. It was not he -and his Gambulians that Esarhaddon now feared, but rather that he might -easily be won over to ally himself with his neighbour Elam. Belbasha -is pressed to choose and Esarhaddon makes ready to convince him by the -unanswerable argument of his arms. But the Aramæan does not wait for -the struggle. Knowing well that he has now no help from Elam to look -to, he decides of his own accord to attest his submission to Assyria -and sends the required presents. Thus Esarhaddon gains his object. The -submission is accepted, the country spared, the capital, Shapi-Bel, -extraordinarily fortified, the command laid on the prince to furnish -it with bowmen and to defend it as “the door which unlocks Elam.” How -well Esarhaddon had judged was to be shown later, when his heir had to -punish the son and successor of Bel-basha for his intrigues with Elam. - -[Sidenote: [673-672 B.C.]] - -These few facts, with the circumstance that, in the same year, 673, -probably while the court was at Babylon, the queen died, are all that -we know concerning the history of the southern realm under the reign of -Esarhaddon. - -More is known of the king’s warlike expeditions, or at least those of -his army, for it is not likely that he himself took part in them all. -Some of them are of little importance to history, or were directed -against tribes whose locality we can no longer determine. We pass -them over in silence here. Attention may, however, be called to an -expedition against Teushpa, the king of the Kimmirri or Cimmerians, or -more accurately against the Umman-manda, who dwelt at a great distance, -and who were afterwards to be the cause of so much trouble to Asshur -and Babylon. The Cimmerians are also referred to in other records as -the enemies of Assyria in Esarhaddon’s day. According to these they -joined in a great coalition which was formed against Asshur; at its -head stood Kashtariti of Kar-Kasshi, a Median prince, who evidently -dwelt on the borders of Elam, and Mamitiarsu, governor of the Medes, -and to which the Manneans also belonged. At the outset, at least, -they were successful, took several towns now unknown to us (Khartam, -Kishassu, and five others), and so great was the fear which they thus -spread through Assyria, that in order to propitiate the gods, the -priest (_amelu khalti_) was commanded to perform sacred rites and -celebrate festivals in their honour from 3rd Airu to the 15th Abu--that -is, during one hundred days. The issue of the struggle is not given in -the Assyrian records, but it appears that the Babylonian chronicle told -of the invasion of Assyria by the Kimmirri and of their defeat. - -Perhaps this gave Esarhaddon an opportunity to revenge himself -on the Medes and to conduct a war against their country with -great persistence. He penetrated farther into it than any of his -forefathers--namely, to the land of Patusharra (Patiskhoria?) which lay -deep in Median territory, in the neighbourhood of the Bikni Mountains, -where so much crystal was found. There ruled Shitir-parna and Eparna, -two powerful princes whose names appear to be Iranian. They were -subdued by the Assyrians and carried to Assyria with a rich booty, -consisting chiefly of cattle, horses, and chariots. This visitation had -the result that other princes from farther Media, who had not hitherto -acknowledged the Assyrian supremacy, came of their own accord and -tendered their submission. - -At the other extremity of his empire, Esarhaddon maintained his -sovereignty in the same fashion. The means by which Assyria had made -herself, and remained during many centuries, the mistress of western -Asia, was the pursuit of a traditional policy whose principles the -impulsive Sennacherib had forsaken in the most deplorable fashion, but -which distinguished Esarhaddon, as well as his grandfather Sargon. -By a judicious blending of gracious forgiveness on the one hand and -severe punishment on the other, he managed not only to confirm Assyrian -sovereignty in the northern regions of Arabia, but also to extend -it. Faithful to the rule by which those who had submitted of their -own accord must be at once taken in favour, and admitted as allies, -he listened to the petition of King Hazael (Khazailu) of Kedar when -the latter came to Nineveh and requested that the images of the gods -which had been carried thither, might be given back. Esarhaddon had -them restored, caused his name and his famous deeds to be inscribed on -them, and gave them back to Hazael. But on this king’s death he took -care that the latter’s son Ya’lu, whom he raised to be king in his -father’s stead, should be still more closely bound to Assyria and pay -higher tribute. Under the same condition he restored to another tribe, -together with the gods of which they had been previously despoiled, a -certain princess Tabua who had been carried away from their midst and -had grown up in the royal palace at Nineveh, and thus reinstated her -in her position. It was soon evident that he had an object in these -tokens of favour. He wished by this means to smooth himself a path to -some Arabian tribes beyond, which were still independent and therefore -dangerous to the frontiers, and who roamed about in the land of Bazu -and in the mountains of Khazu. The march thither was very difficult, -180 _kashbu kakkar_ (double hours) through an arid desert full of -snakes and scorpions, so that it appeared almost advisable to secure a -safe retreat. If the expedition against these remote tribes had failed, -we should have learned nothing of it, at least from Assyrian sources; -but it was successful. Six Arabian kings and two queens were defeated -and probably put to death, and their treasures, gods, and subjects were -then carried to Assyria; so many of the latter, at least, that the -remainder were unable to defend themselves. - -[Sidenote: [672-671 B.C.]] - -The glory of Esarhaddon’s reign is the conquest of Egypt, for -which the Arabian campaign, just described, no doubt served as -a preparation. A decisive contest with Egypt was sooner or later -unavoidable, especially since Tirhaqa had just brought the divided -kingdom into a certain unity and was evidently striving again to raise -it to the position of a great power. - -In the year 672 Egypt took the first step. As usual, the prize was the -overlordship of the West. Tirhaqa managed to persuade Baal, the king -of Tyre, to break with Assyria, and thus threatened to draw the whole -of the Mediterranean coast into rebellion. Prompt measures were taken, -and in Nisan of 671 a powerful Assyrian army marched westward. The -immediate goal is Tyre. It is surrounded and the water-supply cut off. -Without waiting for the town to fall, Esarhaddon now proceeds south -and halts at Aphek, not far from Samaria, thence within fifteen days, -with a certain caution and perhaps not without encountering resistance, -he leads his army to Rapikhu [Raphia] on the Egyptian stream which -forms the boundary between that country and Canaan. Unfortunately the -text breaks off abruptly where the narrative of the actual struggle -with Egypt begins. But we learn from other sources that the object was -attained and Egypt conquered. On the 3rd, 16th, and 18th Tammuz (June) -three battles were fought, in which the Assyrians remained victorious. -Memphis was taken on the 12th of the month, and although Tirhaqa -succeeded in fleeing to his own land of Ethiopia, his son and his -brother’s sons were taken prisoners. - -[Sidenote: [671-668 B.C.]] - -Esarhaddon was now actually king over Egypt, and here again shows -himself to be a prudent ruler. He was content with the title of dignity -of “King of the Kings of Egypt”--that is, with the overlordship of -the country. Had he incorporated it into Assyria, he would have -weakened rather than strengthened his empire. His sole aim was to -keep it disunited and consequently weak, and by the expulsion of the -Ethiopian to put an end to the latter’s dangerous intrigues in the -west. Therefore he did not put in his own generals, courtiers, or -governors, but sought to bind the provincial princes to him by granting -them a certain measure of independence. The sole danger for him lay -in a united Egypt under the warlike king on whose assistance the ever -restless kings of Phœnicia, Philistia, and Canaan might reckon; and he -therefore contented himself with obtaining from the provincial princes -an oath of fidelity to Assyria. Only the supremacy of Asshur must be -distinctly apparent, so the Egyptian name of the northern capital, -Saïs, was altered to the Assyrian one of Kar-bel-matati (fortress of -the lord of the lands), and that of Neku’s son into Nabu-shezib-anni -(Nabu preserved me!). After this Esarhaddon went back to Assyria, and -on his homeward march he gave orders to carve his royal image and -the account of his conquest of Egypt on the rocks by the Dog River -(Nahr-el-Kelb) at Beirut, where, besides inscriptions and images of -various Egyptian kings, some of his forefathers had caused theirs also -to be cut. - -[Illustration: THE PRISMS OF SENNACHERIB, ESARHADDON AND ASSHURBANAPAL] - -The conquest of Egypt is the last great undertaking of Esarhaddon’s -reign, which was to last only two or three years longer. In the year -670 he was occupied with Assyrian affairs, all details of which are, -however, wanting. But by the following year it had become manifest that -conditions in Egypt were not permanently settled. It was evident that -a new expedition to the valley of the Nile was imperative. Esarhaddon -assembled his forces and proposed to head his troops himself, to assert -upholding the Assyrian domination in Egypt. Yet first--perhaps because -he already had a presentiment of his approaching end, or because he -did not trust the aspect of internal affairs--he appointed his eldest -son, Asshurbanapal, as co-ruler in Assyria; if we are not to assume, -what is also possible, that this was done before the campaign of -the year 671. The expedition came to nothing. On the 10th of the month -Arakhsamnu (Marsheshwan, about October), of the year 668, in the -twelfth year of his reign, the king died, either in Egypt or, as it is -probable, before he reached it. - -As the great king of a mighty empire Esarhaddon indeed stands very -high; for although he was not more soft hearted, or, indeed, where -insubordination had to be punished, less harsh than his predecessor, -yet he did not act in obedience to ungoverned passion, but with -deliberation, and this foresighted policy allowed him always to choose -the golden mean between needless severity and dangerous indulgence. -In a few years he strengthened the foundations of the Assyrian rule, -and considerably extended it; he erected magnificent buildings, and -made desolated Babylon rise again from her rubbish-heaps. By raising -his son, Asshurbanapal, to the throne during his own lifetime, he made -a struggle for the possession of the crown such as that with which -his own reign had begun an impossibility, while by his wise and firm -government he had laid the foundations for his son’s long, and, at -least in the beginning, brilliant and glorious reign. Sennacherib had -little in common with his great father; Esarhaddon was worthy to be the -grandson of Sargon. - - -ASSHURBANAPAL’S EARLY YEARS (668-652 B.C.) - -We have already seen that Esarhaddon made his son Asshurbanapal -vassal-king of Assyria during his own lifetime. With festive display -the young prince entered the royal palace which his grandfather -Sennacherib had built, where his father Esarhaddon was born, and grown -to manhood and had since held his court, and where he himself, as a -friend of learning and science, now began to collect that extensive -library which, after centuries had passed, was to make his deeds -and the traditions of his nation known to the learning of the West. -There in the presence of his father and his brothers, of the princes, -captains, and great men of Assyria, he received the oath of fealty from -the dependent kings and courtiers, calling on the name of the gods and -binding themselves to obedience to his commands, and the maintenance of -the ancient laws and institutions. It was an important step on the part -of the old king. He did not indeed resign the government of Assyria. -He remained king over this part of his kingdom as well as of the -others, and the dignity to which he raised his son was only the petty -or vassal-kingship, a filial government under his own still existing -supremacy, whilst he was himself apart from this primarily king of -Babylon, Sumer, and Accad, as well as king of the kings of the Egyptian -countries. But for this very reason the appointment of the crown-prince -as vassal-king of Assyria, in reality implied the transformation of -that country, hitherto the centre of the empire, and whose capital -had been the seat of the central government, into a kingdom occupying -merely a secondary position, whilst Babylon became the seat of the -chief rule and assumed the first place. It had become manifest that the -true centre of the empire had shifted to Babylon, and that the latter -now possessed more vital energy than Assyria. - -[Sidenote: [668-664 B.C.]] - -Esarhaddon’s death had opened up to the Ethiopian the prospect of a -reconquest of his lost territory. It was to be expected that Tirhaqa -would take advantage of an opportunity so favourable to him, and soon, -no doubt as early as the year 668, there came a messenger to Nineveh -with the announcement that the king of Cush had marched into Egypt -and not only overrun the whole south of the country, but had even -made a triumphant entry into Memphis, the town which Esarhaddon had -included in Assyria. The governors whom the last Assyrian king had -set up had not indeed gone over to the enemy, but neither had they -ventured to resist him. On his advance they had deserted their chief -towns and retired with their armed forces to the desert. Asshurbanapal -recognised the gravity of the event, for it endangered the peace of -the coast districts along the Mediterranean. He did not himself take -the field, but he immediately sent a considerable force into the west -under the leadership of the Tartan and other captains. The latter -proceeded to Egypt by those forced marches for which the Assyrian army -was distinguished, and hastened to the assistance of the governors who -were hard pressed by Tirhaqa. At Karbanit, or Karbana, a town which -lay west of the Canopic branch of the Nile, near its mouth, the armies -joined battle. The defeat of the Egyptians was so complete that Tirhaqa -thought it advisable to evacuate Memphis without giving himself time -to break up his camp. This and all the Ethiopians’ armed river-boats -fell into the hands of the Assyrians. Tirhaqa withdrew to Thebes and -entrenched himself there. - -Asshurbanapal, who had been informed of these successes of his army, -decided to attack the enemy in Thebes. But as the Tartan’s army had -also greatly suffered, he ordered the Rabshakeh, who apparently -commanded the garrisons of the West, to collect a new army from the -soldiers and auxiliaries under his command belonging to all governors -and vassal-kings west of the Euphrates. Impressed by the defeat which -Tirhaqa had sustained, the twenty-two kings of the seacoast, the plain, -and the island of Cyprus hastened to obey this command, and not only -to furnish soldiers, but also on demand of the supreme king to supply -ships for the purpose of blockading the coast and prevent possible -attempts at risings on the part of the maritime states on the banks -of the Mediterranean, and perhaps also for sailing up the Nile. This -army pushed on to join that of the Tartan and the troops of the loyal -Egyptian vassals, and the united forces then marched against Thebes, -which was reached a month and ten days later. - -Meanwhile Tirhaqa had abandoned the town itself while it was still -time, and had entrenched himself on the other bank of the river in -the city of the tombs. Besides this, he had persuaded three of the -principal vassal-kings to desert from the Assyrian and go over to his -side. These were Sharludari, prince of Pelusium (Si’nu), Pakruru, ruler -of Pisept in Egyptian Arabia, and no less a person than Neku himself, -the king whom Esarhaddon had placed at the head of all. They even seem -to have taken the initiative, because they preferred to have a ruler of -kindred race as overlord, rather than obey a foreigner. So they offered -to conclude an alliance with the Ethiopian, by which his supremacy was -recognised, and they undertook the defence of Lower Egypt. Had their -design succeeded, the Assyrian army would also have had a hostile -power in its rear and have seen its retreat cut off. But fortunately -for the Assyrians the conspiracy was discovered. Their messengers were -seized, the letters intercepted, and their cunning plans thus cunningly -frustrated. - -But first Asshurbanapal had followed the example of his father and -pardoned Neku. After he had exacted from him an oath of fealty to -Asshur, and laid him under heavier burdens than before, he again put -upon him the royal purple and furnished him with the symbols of his -office: golden rings on hands and feet, a carved sword in a golden -sheath, horses, and chariots; and so he sent him back to Egypt, -that he might rule it as chief of the other vassals in Asshur’s -name. He himself was again invested with Kar-bel-matati,--that is, -Saïs,--and his son, Nabu-shezib-anni, received the principality of -Athribis in Lower Egypt, to which also a significant Assyrian name, -Limir-shakku-Asshur (let the governor of Asshur beware) was given. The -other kings also renewed their alliance with Assyria. But Asshurbanapal -did not omit to strengthen the garrisons, and to give those whom he had -pardoned Assyrian officers intended to keep a watchful eye upon them. - -For a time Egypt enjoyed peace under Neku’s sway and Assyria’s -lordship. But after the death of Tirhaqa, Tamut-Amen, too, began to -think of a reconquest of Egypt. He set out with his army, and like -the former Ethiopian king, is hailed with delight in Elephantine -and Thebes as a deliverer; then after he has fortified the southern -capital, he continues his march to Memphis, where he first encounters -resistance. But the rebels, as the king calls them--these were of -course the Assyrian garrison with the troops of Neku who ruled over -Memphis and Saïs--were so thoroughly beaten in a desperate sally, that -they evacuated Memphis and retired to the strongholds of the Delta. -Some princes headed by that Pa-Kerer (Pakruru) of Pisept, who had -always borne the Assyrian yoke with reluctance, came to offer their -submission, which was graciously accepted. This was the last time that -an Assyrian army undertook a campaign against Egypt. - -While Asshurbanapal had restored his supremacy in Egypt for a certain -time, for the present at least, it was unshaken in the northern -provinces of the West. The most important event mentioned by the -Assyrian record of these days (evidently about 664) is the accession of -Lydia. Asshurbanapal relates that the Lydian king, prompted by a dream -which revealed to him the magnanimity of Asshur, sent his ambassadors -to Nineveh to request the alliance and protection of the great ruler. -For the deity had said to him that by the renown of this name he -should overcome his enemies. He did in fact succeed in doing so. The -Cimmerians were beaten by him. It may be assumed, though it is not -stated, that Gyges received other help from the Assyrians besides the -recognition as their ally. However that may be, he conquered, and, on -the successful termination of the war, sent two Cimmerian rebels with a -great present to Nineveh. There they were no little flattered at this -homage, but also no little embarrassed to make themselves understood by -the newcomers, or to understand them; for even at a court where, as the -Assyrian writer says, the languages of East and West were met together, -there was no one acquainted with the speech of these barbarians. - -Probably for the same reason as Gyges, Mukallu of Tabal, his eastern -neighbour, and Yakinlu of Arvad, with perhaps also Sandasharme, of -Cilicia, placed themselves under the protecting wing of Assyria. -Knowing the tastes of the great ruler of nations, each of them sent him -a daughter for his harem, with a rich present, and it appears that this -was the custom. Some even, that they might exhibit the more zeal, sent -him, besides their own daughters, those of their brothers and other -relatives. - -In the east, too, Asshurbanapal manifested the still unbroken -superiority of his arms. There, shortly after or at the same time as -the Egyptian campaigns, he had already chastised a mountain people -whose raids had greatly distressed the inhabitants of Yamudbal -[E-mutbal], on the borders of Elam, so that the chiefs of the town of -Dur-ilu had made complaints concerning them. He had sent a force which -subdued the tribe, brought the chieftain Tandai alive to Assyria and -carried off a great number of captives. The king had them taken to -Egypt and in their place peopled the wasted country with prisoners of -war from other regions. - -[Sidenote: [664 B.C.]] - -Of far greater importance was the campaign against Man. The cause is -not stated, but may well have been that the king of Man, Akhsheri, -declared himself independent, or had shown an evident disposition -to attack Assyria. If this were so, he had been over-hasty in his -proceedings. However little of the warrior there may have been in -Asshurbanapal’s nature, the Assyrian army, in the early periods of his -reign at least, was yet too fearless and its commanders too valiant for -any man to be able to defy the powerful monarchy. Akhsheri attempted -a night surprise of the troops sent against him, before they had -even crossed his frontiers; but in this he was not successful. The -Manneans were defeated in a bloody battle, and for a distance of six -leagues round their dead covered the battle-field. Nothing retarded -the victorious army from entering Man, where it laid waste eight great -towns whose position is unknown to us, as well as a crowd of small -places, and so reached the domain of the capital, Izirtu. It was -surrounded, together with the towns of Urbija and Armijate, and after -the inhabitants, driven to the last extremity, had surrendered, they -were led away and their whole territory conquered and laid waste. - -But the object was attained. The frightful misery of the war which had -visited that unhappy country had embittered the population against the -man to whom they ascribed its guilt, namely, their old king, Akhsheri. -In any case, he had shown his incapacity to defend his country. With -all his brothers and his father and family, he was put to death, and -so great was the nation’s fury that they would not even concede him an -honourable tomb, but threw the corpse on to the streets of his city. -His son Ualli, himself already a middle-aged man, was raised to the -throne, and he hastened to acknowledge Assyria’s supreme authority. He -sent his young son to Nineveh, to kiss the monarch’s feet, and did not -neglect to send his daughter also, to add to Asshurbanapal’s crowd of -women. His submission was of course accepted, but his annual tribute -was raised by some thirty horses. Other attempts at rebellion in the -northeast were soon suppressed. - -[Sidenote: [_ca._ 664-648 B.C.]] - -But whilst these disturbances in the northeast were suppressed without -much difficulty, in the southeast signs soon appeared which gave -warning of that great storm which in a few years was to be raised there -and to threaten the empire with destruction. The throne of Elam was -still occupied by Urtaki, who had always preserved a friendship with -Esarhaddon, and had received from him repeated tokens of good will. -Asshurbanapal had followed up this policy of his father and treated -Urtaki as an ally, and when Elam was suffering from a severe famine -after a prolonged drought he had not even refrained from extending -a helping hand. He sent grain into the afflicted country, and not -only permitted those of Urtaki’s subjects who fled to his country to -settle there, but also allowed them to return to their native land, -unhindered, when the rains had again appeared and a sufficient harvest -secured. If in this he was prompted by motives of policy it was at -least an intelligent and peaceable one. In a proclamation to the -Elamite tribe of the Rash, and the tribes of the Sea Lands, he could -appeal with truth to these tokens of neighbourliness. But they did not -prevent Urtaki from taking arms against him and invading Babylonia. - -It seems that Asshurbanapal could scarcely believe the news which he -received. Instead of hurrying to the spot to avert the danger, as had -been the custom of his warlike father, he sent a messenger to inquire -into the state of affairs and to report to him upon it. The latter -returned with the tidings that the Elamites had poured themselves over -Accad like a swarm of locusts, and had even set up a fortified camp -in sight of the city of Babylon. He now hastily collected an army -which drove the invaders from Accad, and even inflicted a defeat on -them on the frontier. It is with a certain unction that the Assyrian -scribe recounts the melancholy fate which soon after overtook all these -enemies of his king. In the year which followed these events they all -died: Bel-basha, as it seems, from a poisonous bite; Nabu-shum-eresh in -a flood; Urtaki and his generals, in their despair, by their own hands -in each other’s presence. Whether the narrator learned this on good -authority or had only heard it from rumour, can scarcely be determined; -but that in reality they all died soon after is certain; for in the -subsequent war with Elam, sons or successors are found in their places. - -The crown of Elam fell to Teumman, brother of the two previous kings, -who was “like a devil,” says our Assyrian informant. That he was a -tyrant who would shrink from no means of preserving his power, was -also the conviction of the relatives of Ummanaldash and Urtaki, the -last two kings of Elam. The one had left two sons, Kudurru and Paru, -the other three, Ummanigash, Ummanappa, and Tammaritu. Well aware that -their uncle was determined to remove them from his path, with all that -belonged to them, in order to secure the succession to his own son, -they abandoned their country with a great following, among which were -included sixty members of the royal family and a bodyguard of bowmen, -and sought shelter and protection with Asshurbanapal. - -Naturally Teumman could not let this pass unnoticed. He therefore -hastened to despatch two ambassadors to Nineveh, Umbadara, an Elamite, -and a Chaldean, Nabu-dammik, and to demand through them the surrender -of the fugitives. But Asshurbanapal, encouraged by favourable omens, -dreams of his seers, and oracles of the gods; in other words, incited -by his priesthood to whose guidance he always submitted in pious zeal, -steadfastly refused to comply with Teumman’s demand and assembled an -army. In the month of Ulul it was ready to march. He did not himself -take the field, for in fact his army, led by one of his generals, had -merely to support the Elamite force of Ummanigash, his brothers and -cousins. Ummanigash himself was generalissimo, if only in name. The -Assyrian general was empowered to set Ummanigash on the throne of Elam -in the name of the Assyrian supreme king, after the conquest of the -country. - -Teumman was also in the field with an army. But when he learned that -the troops of his rival and of the Assyrians had already marched -into the towns of Dur-ilu, which lay not far from the frontier of -his country, and several times therefore had been the scene of a -struggle between the two powers, he turned back, abandoning the western -provinces of his kingdom, and entrenched himself in his capital, -Shushan [Susa], which lay on the eastern bank of the river Ulai [modern -Karun]. Meanwhile the allied Assyrians and Elamites entered the royal -city of Mataktu, which lay to the west of that river, and there -Ummanigash is crowned king. Teumman, indeed, makes one more effort; -owing to the damage which the text had undergone it is not exactly -shown of what kind, but from the context it is plain that he sent out -an army in vain to hinder the advance of his enemies. The latter, once -more encouraged by a dream, cross the river after Teumman’s troops have -suffered a defeat at Tul-Liz, and now attack Shushan itself. There the -decisive battle takes place. It ends with the complete defeat of the -Elamites: a great massacre begins, the river is filled with corpses, -and innumerable women wander about the neighbourhood lamenting. Many -distinguished and a large number of lesser prisoners fall into the -hands of the Assyrians. All seek safety in flight. One of Teumman’s -sons, who had advised him against the war and had foretold the issue, -rends his clothes in his despair. The eldest son, Tammaritu, follows -his father in his flight to the forest, and when the king’s chariot -breaks down there, they are overtaken and both slain. The king’s head -is sent as a trophy to Assyria, where it was set up on the great gate -of Nineveh, an eloquent witness to the nation of the might of Asshur -and Ishtar. His son-in-law, Urtaki, himself begged an Assyrian to cut -off his head and send it as good tidings to Asshurbanapal. Yet others -of the great men of the kingdom come of their own accord and make -their submission. The chief magistrates of the province of Khidali -behead their own prince, Ishtarnandi, and one of them himself brings -his master’s severed head into the Assyrian camp. Tammaritu, the third -brother of Ummanigash, entrusts the government of this principality to -the Assyrian generals, and Ummanigash himself now makes his entry into -Shushan, and is there crowned as a vassal of Assyria. As pledge of his -loyalty he delivers a grandson of Marduk-bal-iddin, better known by the -Hebrew appellation Merodach-baladan, probably the author of the whole -resistance to the Assyrian king, to the latter’s representatives. - -But the war was not ended with the punishment of Elam. Dunanu, the son -of Bel-basha, prince of Gambul, was now to be taught what it was to -side with the enemy. The army, on its return from Elam, breaks into -his territory, conquers the capital Shapi-Bel, carries away from it -all who have not fallen by the sword, lays the whole place waste, and -flings the ruins into the waters of the stream which flows around it; -whereupon a motley crew of human beings are raked together and brought -there to re-people the desolate country. - -It was a grim revenge that was taken on all enemies, even when they -were already dead, on their corpses. At the triumphal entry of the -army into Nineveh, Dunanu was compelled to carry the head of his ally, -Teumman, round his neck. When Teumman’s ambassadors, who had remained -in Nineveh, saw this, one of them tore out his beard in his despair, -and the other plunged a dagger into his own heart. Dunanu was placed on -the rack in Arbela and died in tortures. All his brothers, including -Samgunu, as well as Merodach-baladan’s grandson and his brothers, -were also put to death; the chiefs of the Gambuli were even flayed, -after they had had their tongues torn out as blasphemers of the high -gods, after which all corpses were cut in pieces, and were then sent -all over the empire, in token of the overlordship of Assyria. With -a refinement of cruelty Asshurbanapal even caused the corpse of his -old opponent, the Tigenna Nabu-shum-eresh, which he had had brought -to Assyria from Gambul for the purpose, to be disfigured in the great -gate of Nineveh by the latter’s own sons. Even before all this was -brought to a conclusion, Sarduris III of Urartu, perhaps because he -was already threatened by the Iranian enemies, who were soon to put -an end to the Kingdom of Van, and was anxious to obtain the help -of his powerful neighbour, despatched an ambassador to the latter. -Asshurbanapal did not omit to make use of the occasion to bring -Teumman’s ambassadors before the newcomers, in order to inspire the -former with a consciousness of his greatness, and to give the latter a -warning example in case their sovereign also should prove unfaithful. - -Thus the greatest danger that had hitherto threatened the empire seemed -permanently averted, and if ever a pitiless revenge was qualified -to deprive the conquered nations of the desire to fight for their -independence, this must certainly have been the case after such a -sanguinary judgment. But it was soon to be manifested that it had -availed nothing. Assyria had only succeeded in making herself more -detested than before, and had only stirred up princes and peoples alike -to resist everything rather than any longer endure the yoke of the -hangman of Asia. - - -THE BROTHERS’ WAR (652-648 B.C.) - -About the year 652 a formidable war broke out against Assyria. It -had, perhaps, long been secretly preparing before Asshurbanapal had -any suspicion of the danger which threatened him. He believed that -his conciliatory policy had secured the permanent attachment of the -Babylonians. He had invested his brother, Shamash-shum-ukin, with -the royal dignity, raised him to be lord of all Sumer and Accad, and -had placed an army of foot-soldiers, horses, and chariots at his -disposal. Those of the inhabitants of towns, plains, and farms who had -left the country during the period of anarchy, or had been carried -off, he had permitted to return. As for the Babylonians who had -settled in Assyria, he did not merely place them on a level with his -own immediate subjects, but treated them with especial distinction, -continued the privileges which Esarhaddon had granted them, and raised -them to important offices, and they even moved about his royal court -unmolested, clad in magnificent garments with golden ornaments. They -still continued to protest their submission to the Assyrian domination, -yet all the time they were conspiring with Shamash-shum-ukin against -the king. - -[Illustration: AN ASSYRIAN BOWMAN] - -The first intimation of this conspiracy came to the king from Kudur, -the governor of Erech. This faithful servant had received from -Sin-tabni-usur, the governor of Ur, information to the effect that -envoys from the king of Babylon had been there and that some of the -people had already risen. Sin-tabni-usur had no mind to give ear to the -proposals from Babylon, and had consequently requested reinforcements. -Kudur sent him five hundred men, who, at his request, were afterwards -increased by troops belonging to the governor of Arpakha and Amida. -But it seems that Sin-tabni-usur was unable to maintain himself until -these supports came up, and even before their arrival found himself -constrained to go over to the party of the rebels. - -Asshurbanapal was soon to learn with horror that the movement, the soul -of which was his disloyal brother, had spread with great swiftness, -and that Kudur’s anxiety was not without foundation. Shamash-shum-ukin -sent messengers in all directions, and they did not work in vain. All -Accad and Chaldea, all the Aramæans of Babylonia, all the inhabitants -of the Sea Lands joined with him. His chief ally in this district was: -Nabu-bel-shume, grandson of Merodach-baladan, that irreconcilable -enemy of Assyria, who was now king of Chaldea; Mannuki-Babili, -prince of Bit-Dakkuri; Ea-shum-basha, prince of Bit-Amukkani, and -Nadan of Puqudu. Ummanigash, king of Elam, who owed his throne to -Asshurbanapal, was also gained over by Shamash-shum-ukin. Asshurbanapal -had fancied that he might venture to impose on the Elamite, who owed -him so much, conditions which the latter could certainly only fulfil -with great difficulty. He had demanded the restoration of the goddess -Nana of Erech, which had been in the possession of Elam for centuries, -and whose worship had become so popular that the kings still sent -their gifts to the goddess of Erech. Ummanigash could not comply with -this demand without exciting universal discontent in his kingdom, and, -doubtless, in consequence of this, was all the more inclined to listen -to the proposals of the Babylonian prince. They were supported by a -rich gift, for which the temple treasures of Bel-Marduk in Babylon, -of Nabu in Borsippa, and of Nergal in Kutha had been plundered. -Ummanigash immediately sent auxiliaries to Chaldea. The Guti nomads -on the Assyrio-Babylonian frontier, the kings of the West, with Baal -of Tyre at their head, and the king of Melukhkha, by whom Psamthek is -here doubtless meant; these, too, Shamash-shum-ukin found prepared to -join him in a rising against Assyria. The secession of Gyges, king of -Lydia, who had previously concluded an alliance with the Egyptian king, -probably also belongs to this time, and it is certain that various -Egyptian sheikhs also sided with Babylon. Only the peoples of the -northeast and north of the empire appear to have taken no part in the -movement. They were held in check by the energetic governors of Amida -and Arpakha, the last of whom even prevented the north of Elam from -rising against the supreme king. - -There was need of energy and wisdom to exorcise the storm, which was -approaching from so many sides at once. Asshurbanapal, with whom -religion occupied so prominent a place, of course turned first to his -gods. But he did not neglect active measures. Yet it is not clear or -probable that he himself took up arms. When Tammaritu came to him in -the year 650, he was at Nineveh. But in the preceding years he had -sent out various armies to attack the allies at different points. As -soon as the news from Babylon reached him, he issued a proclamation -to the Babylonians, in which he denounced his brother’s treachery as -ingratitude and exhorted those whom he had so favoured not to join -Shamash-shum-ukin. It is true that these words found no echo amongst -the nobility of Babylon, but they were not perhaps without influence -on the temper of the nation. At any rate, the latter finally turned -against their king. When Ummanigash’s troops invaded Chaldea and -Kardunyash, in the year 657, they encountered an Assyrian force. At the -head of the Elamites was the son of Teumman, that Elamite king whom -Asshurbanapal had put to death, and who had been chosen by Ummanigash -as his general, because he had the death of his father to revenge on -the Assyrians. With him came the governors of Billate and Khilmu, -Zazaz and Paru; Attumetu, the captain of the bowmen, Neshu the Elamite -commander, and a Babylonian division joined them. The account of the -battle is too much damaged for us to form any conclusion about it. But -it is evident that the Assyrians obtained some success, to which the -severed head of Attumetu, which was sent to Asshurbanapal at Nineveh, -bore witness. - -It was not so easy to coerce the chief author of the war. -Shamash-shum-ukin’s first measure was to close all the gates of -Babylon, Borsippa, and Sippar, to place garrisons in all places of any -importance, and make himself master of all the towns in Babylonia. As a -sign that he renounced his allegiance, he caused all the sacrifices to -the highest gods, which Asshurbanapal had instituted, to be suspended, -and appropriated all the gifts assigned to them, a measure which -excited the indignation of the supreme king more than anything else. - -This happened in the year 650, for it must have been in the April of -that year that Bel-ibni was appointed governor of the lands on the -coast. Chaldea and the surrounding territories were now also subdued. -These had revolted in the previous year after Shamash-shum-ukin had -raised the standard of rebellion in the year 652. On the 4th Nisan 651, -Merodach-baladan’s grandson, Nabu-bel-shume, had collected an army -of Accadians, Chaldeans, and Kardunyashu (the men of the coast) in -which he had included the Assyrians whom Asshurbanapal had sent him as -auxiliaries or garrison. Between the 22nd Tammuz and 22nd Abu of the -same year, Sin-tabni-usur, the governor, had joined them, and between -7th Abu and the 7th Ulul the Elamite auxiliaries had also marched up. -But in the end the Assyrian army had defeated them all and compelled -the Elamites to retreat. Nabu-bel-shume had followed them with his -troops to Elam. The Assyrians, on whom he could not depend, he had -previously sent under a reliable commander in the same direction, very -probably under pretence of letting them march against Elam, and thus -had delivered into the hands of Indabigash. Perhaps this defeat was the -cause of Tammaritu’s fall. It must have at least followed soon after. -The south of Babylonia was certainly again brought under the Assyrian -dominion towards the end of year 651. - -Asshurbanapal could now turn his thoughts to attacking the arch-rebel -in his own territory. It seems that the latter had again entered -into relations with Elam, and either now went there in person or -sent messengers. But on the 17th Arakhsamnu (Marsheshwan) 651, -Asshurbanapal’s warriors advanced against his brother. In the year 650 -they stormed in fearful fashion through northern Babylonia, instituted -a formidable massacre of Shamash-shum-ukin’s subjects in town and -country, made themselves masters of the canals, and finally surrounded -Sippar, Babylon, and Borsippa, which the Babylonian king had fortified. -The siege must have lasted a year or two, for it was not till 648 that -the capital was taken. - -And it would not have fallen then--so obstinately was it defended--had -not the misery within the walls reached the acme. The famine was so -dreadful that the besieged fed on the flesh of their own children, -and famine was followed by plague. The gods themselves fought for -the Assyrians, as the historian remarks. Then despair fell upon the -people. In their fury they laid hold on Shamash-shum-ukin, and threw -him, doubtless together with some of his satellites, into the fire. The -town was then, of course, handed over to the enemy, and thus escaped -the fate which Sennacherib had already inflicted on it. A strict trial -was held. Those who had been concerned in the rebellion, such of them -as had escaped the sword, hunger, and plague, who had saved themselves -betimes during the rising and so could not be burnt with their master, -were dragged from the hiding-place where they had concealed themselves -into the light of day, and slain without grace or mercy, so that not -one of them escaped. Those who had incited to rebellion and defamed -Asshur had their tongues torn out of their mouths before they were -sent to death. But the heaviest punishment overtook those who had -already been punished as rebels by the king’s grandfather, Sennacherib, -and whose severed limbs were now thrown to the dogs and all kinds of -beasts of prey. The corpses of those who had been destroyed by disease, -hunger, and wretchedness, and which filled the streets of Babylon, -Sippar, Kutha, and the surrounding country, were dragged away and piled -up in heaps, and the insulted gods and angry goddesses were appeased -by the care which was now bestowed upon their sanctuaries and altars. -All fugitives were pardoned and granted life; they were permitted to -settle in Babylon. Nor was the town plundered in any way. Asshurbanapal -contented himself with the spoil from the palace of his rebellious -brother, with his harem, household chariots, munitions of war, and the -tokens of his royal dignity, and all this he had carried to Assyria -with the captured warriors. - -[Sidenote: [648 B.C.] - -In the south of the country the ferment seems to have lasted longer. -The Accadians, Chaldeans, Aramæans, and inhabitants of the coast, -who had formerly served Shamash-shum-ukin and then submitted to the -Assyrian governor, Bel-ibni, had now of their own accord once more -risen against Asshurbanapal; but the Assyrian army, now the army of -Babylon, marched into their territory, and soon brought the whole -country back to the Assyrian dominion. Governors and princes appointed -by the king reintroduced the Assyrian laws, and saw that the yearly -tribute was henceforth paid regularly. - - -THE LAST WARS OF ASSHURBANAPAL (648-626 B.C.) - -As before related, Merodach-baladan’s grandson, Nabu-bel-shume, had -delivered those troops which Asshurbanapal had sent him for the defence -of his country against the Elamites and insurgent Babylonians into -Indabigash’s hand. Even before Babylon was taken, the Assyrian king -had sent an envoy to the latter to demand the release of these men. -Indabigash had answered with proposals for peace. He does not seem -to have dared to risk a struggle with Assyria, nor yet to have been -prepared to comply with Asshurbanapal’s request; the party of the -Chaldeans and their friends was probably too powerful in Elam for -this. After Babylon had fallen, the Assyrian sent a fresh messenger, -supported by a numerous army, with a vigorous ultimatum to Elam. “If -thou restorest not these men,” so ran the message, “then will I come -and destroy thy cities, carry away the people of Shushan, Madaktu, and -Khidalu, thrust thee from thy royal throne, and put another in thy -place. As formerly I destroyed Teumman, so will I destroy thee.” But -the envoy had not yet got so far as Deri, when the war party killed -Indabigash from a natural fear lest he should yield, and had made -Ummanaldash, the son of Attumetu, king. - -[Illustration] - -Of course the latter refused Asshurbanapal’s request, and the war broke -out afresh. Asshurbanapal now intended to establish Tammaritu for -the second time in the government of Elam, a policy which again was -destined not to be realised. A powerful army, led by this claimant, -marched into the enemy’s country, and several border-towns immediately -submitted through fear, and came to offer their men and cattle. The -first resistance was encountered at Bit-Imbi, once a royal city of -Elam, “which shut in the front of Elam like a great bulwark,” and had -been conquered by Sennacherib and razed to the ground. But a later -Elamite king had built a new Bit-Imbi opposite the old town and -surrounded it with a strong wall and outworks. This town defended -itself obstinately, but it was conquered, and those who would not -submit were beheaded and their lips sent to Assyria as trophies of -victory. The captain of the bowmen, Imbappi, who was a son-in-law of -the Elamite king and had commanded in the city, fell alive into the -enemy’s hands, together with the harem, the sons of the former king -Teumman, and the rest of the population, and was led away to Assyria. - -This feat of arms appears to have been of great importance, for no -sooner did it reach Ummanaldash’s ears than he fled from Madaktu -into the mountains. The same course was followed by another prince -(Umbahabua?) who had reigned in Elam for a time, before Ummanaldash, -but, in face of a rebellion, had retreated to Bubilu. He too left -his dwelling, and hid himself in the low-lying districts on the -seacoast. Elam was now open to the Assyrian army, which made use of the -opportunity to march into Shushan and there again consecrate Tammaritu -king. But the latter perceived that it was only as a shadow king that -he had been set up. When the Assyrian troops who had accompanied him -withdrew to their own country with the greater part of the population -as prisoners and an enormous spoil, he was completely undeceived and -sought to prevent this impoverishment of the land by force. But he was -unsuccessful. In the eyes of the Assyrians this was base ingratitude; -he was deposed and again carried off, and before the return march was -finally entered upon, a regular drive was made over the whole of Elam, -during which the chief towns were sacked. But no Assyrian garrison -remained behind in the country, and there is no word of its permanent -annexation. Immediately after the withdrawal of the Assyrian army, -Ummanaldash II came out from his hiding-place and once more obtained -possession of the government. - -But Asshurbanapal was not satisfied with this _non possum_, and this -time he sent Tammaritu himself as ambassador with another demand. The -oracle he had asked from the goddess of Erech had enjoined on him to -fetch back the image of the goddess Nana, which had been carried off -to Elam centuries before. It will be remembered that this oracle had -already served as an excuse to draw Ummanigash into a war. It was now -again made use of. But Ummanaldash, no more than his predecessor, could -comply with the demand without setting throne and life at stake. No -other choice remained for him than to try the fortune of war. - -The war proceeded as it had the first time, but was conducted with more -energy and certainly lasted longer. Bit-Imbi was again taken, then the -Rashi country and the city of Khamanu with its territory, a conquest -which the Assyrians thought important enough to be perpetuated in a -relief. Although all this was only frontier territory, Ummanaldash -thought it advisable to leave Madaktu, the western capital of his -country, and to retreat to Dur-Undasi, a town on the farther side of -the Ulai, but west of the river Ididi, which formed a strong natural -defence. Thus he abandoned a great part of his country, but even there -he did not feel himself safe and crossed the Ididi that he might range -his troops behind it in order of battle. The Assyrians pursued their -triumphal march, took one town after the other, and at last came to -Dur-Undasi. But here the army refused to go farther, and two days -went by before they could make up their minds to cross the apparently -dangerous river. However, in the nick of time, Ishtar of Arbela, the -warlike goddess, whose priesthood doubtless accompanied the army with a -portable sanctuary or ark, sent one of her seers a dream in which she -promised her help, and this restored the army’s courage. The crossing -was a success, the army of Ummanaldash was beaten, and twelve Elamite -provinces east of the Ididi with fourteen royal cities and a number of -smaller places were abandoned to destruction. - -Still there was no intention of taking possession of the country, and -when Ummanaldash with the remnant of his army had gone farther into -the mountains, and consequently there was no longer a dangerous enemy -on the east side of the Ididi to hinder the operations on the west -side, the Assyrians marched back into Shushan. There was the goddess -for whose sake the whole expedition had been undertaken. On former -occasions, when Shushan had been taken, the object of the war was to -set the Elamite pretender on the throne, then the restoration could -hardly be demanded. But now Asshur was in arms against Elam itself, -and consideration need no longer be shown. The goddess was brought -back to Erech to her sanctuary, E-khili-anha, “the house of power in -the heavens,” and the king caused new and permanent sanctuaries to be -erected for her. - -To all appearances and contrary to his practice, he had himself come -to Shushan. At least, it is related that he clasped the hands of the -goddess, that is, performed a religious ceremony in her sanctuary and -that he also had the gratification of entering the palace of Shushan -and seating himself on the throne of the hereditary enemy of Assyria. -Elam was one of the oldest and most famous monarchies of Asia, and -Shushan was the sacred city, the seat of the gods and the place of -their oracles. In the treasure chamber of the royal citadel were heaped -up all those valuables which the kings of Elam had collected “down -to the kings of those days,” and which had never yet been touched by -a victorious enemy. No little of the treasure had been taken away by -former Elamite kings from Sumer, Accad, and Kardunyash, and there was -also a collection of valuables and jewels with royal insignia, which -former kings of Accad, down to Shamash-shumukin, had presented to -Elam in exchange for her help. All this, with all the glories of the -royal palace, where a rich and splendour-loving court had resided, -Asshurbanapal took with him to his own states. The very tombs of the -kings were not spared by the conqueror: they were destroyed and exposed -to the light of day; even the corpses were carried off, so that the -shades had to wander about homeless. In order to mortify the enemy as -much as possible, the Assyrian soldiers were allowed to desecrate those -sacred forests, whose precincts no unhallowed foot might ever tread, -and then to burn them. - -Whilst the Elamite war was still raging in the west, the Arabs had -again arisen. Abiyate, whom Asshurbanapal had appointed in the place -of Yauta-ben-Hazael as Assyrian vassal-king of Aribi, entered into -negotiations with Natnu, prince of Nabathea, to whom Yauta had formerly -fled, but who had at that time thought it safer to seek the friendship -of Assyria. He now allowed himself to be persuaded to trouble the -borders of the western provinces of Assyria, in conjunction with -Abiyate. Lest the forces in this district should not be strong enough -to face the joint attacks of the Arabs, a powerful army was despatched -from Assyria to quell the rising. Arrived on the 25th Sivan at Khadata, -which probably lay at the eastern extremity of this desert, the army -pursued its way unchallenged to Laribda, a well-watered oasis, where -the camp was fixed, and then marched on to Khurarina, not far from -Yarki and Azalli, still in the same desert, where the first encounter -took place. There the Isamme, the Bedouins, who worship the god -Atarsamain and the Nabatheans, sought to stop the further progress of -the Assyrian army, but were defeated. The victors, having provided -themselves with water from Azalli, marched on to Kurasiti. There again -stood Bedouins who worship Atarsamain, with Yauta-ben-Bir-Dadda and -the men of Kedar, but they too gave way, and not only a rich booty, -but Yauta’s gods and women, with his mother, fell into the Assyrians’ -hands and were carried with them to Damascus. On the night of the -3rd Abu, after a rest of about forty days, the Assyrian army marched -to the town of Khulkhuliti, south of Damascus, and in the mountain -region of Khulkurina a battle was fought with the two sons of Te’ri, -namely, the leaders of the rebellion, Abiyate and Aamu. Aamu was taken -alive, chained hand and foot, and sent to Nineveh, where Asshurbanapal -had him flayed. The remainder of the troops sought refuge in the -hiding-places in the mountains; but when the Assyrians set guard in -all the surrounding places and cut off their supplies of water, they -found themselves under the necessity first of killing their camels and -then of surrendering themselves. They, too, were taken to Assyria, -and thus the country was as though “inundated with Arabs and camels.” -Yauta-ben-Bir-Dadda still kept the field with his troops; but when -disease and famine had made terrible havoc among them, they came to -the conclusion that they were no match for the might of the Assyrian -gods, rose against their king, and drove him from them. He was seized -by the enemy and sent to Assyria. There his son was killed before his -eyes by Asshurbanapal’s own hand, and he and his cousin bound with a -dog-chain to Nerib-mashuakti-atuati, the eastern gate of Nineveh. The -king counted it as a favour that he escaped with his life. - -Even Ummanaldash was also destined to fall into the Assyrians’ hands. -His own subjects rose against him, perhaps at the instigation of a -certain Ummanigash, a son of Ametirra, and he sought refuge in the -mountains. The Assyrians made use of these disturbances to march into -Elam, fan the fire of rebellion, and lead Ummanaldash in triumph to -their own country. The ancient monarchy, which had so often threatened -Assyria, was now entirely broken. For a time Elam still prolonged a -melancholy existence. She was not annexed to the Assyrian Empire. But -when, within a few years, the latter’s power had disappeared, Elam fell -an easy prey to the Persians, when Prince Sispis, or Teispes, of the -race of the Achæmenidæ, placed himself on the throne of Shushan. - -Little dreaming that the hour of Asshur’s downfall was so soon to -strike, Asshurbanapal revelled in the joy of victory. In memory of all -these triumphs, and in order to show his gratitude for the help of -the gods, he built a new sanctuary for the great goddess of Nineveh, -the spouse of Asshur, and when it was ready and he presented himself -in it in order to consecrate it with ceremonial sacrifices, he had -his royal chariot dragged to the gate of the temple by four captive -kings,--Tammaritu, Pa’e, Ummanaldash, and Yauta. This barbarous triumph -was his last, and the last also of the renowned Assyrian army.[b] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[25] [The word is Sib’e, who is possibly Sewe or So, but many scholars -differ as to his identity. See Winckler,[d] Goodspeed,[e] and Budge.[f]] - -[26] [Rogers,[g] whose more recent translation differs in some -respects, reads this last line, “like a falcon which dwells in the -clefts they fled alone to inaccessible places.” In Column II he reads -the names Alhzibu, Akko, Tubahal, and Hittites as respectively Ekdippa, -Arko, Ethobal, and West Lands.] - - - - -CHAPTER V. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF ASSYRIA - - -We have followed the fortunes of Assyria through several dynasties of -clearest historical record. But, curiously enough, as we now proceed -the landmarks disappear, and we enter a realm of myth, as if we were -going backward instead of forward in time. Even while Asshurbanapal -lives, the record becomes vague, and after him there is almost nothing -securely known of its details. Even the names of his successors are -somewhat in doubt. The only sure thing is the broad historical fact -that the empire declined in power until it was completely overthrown -by the Scythians and Babylonians about twenty years after the death of -Asshurbanapal--the precise date of this closing scene being, like all -other details of the epoch, more or less in doubt. - -Our surprise at this cataclysmic overthrow is the greater in that we -have just seen the Assyrian Empire at such a height of apparent power -under Asshurbanapal. The palaces, libraries, and art treasures of that -king as now known to us convey an irresistible impression of a powerful -monarch. Yet it is held that the decline in Assyrian affairs had begun -even during the life of Asshurbanapal.[a] - -Professor Rogers has well summed up an impression as to the cause of -this decline. After noting the glories of the reign in matters of -literature, sciences, and art, and giving Asshurbanapal a full meed of -praise as regards his attainment in this direction, Professor Rogers -continues: - -In war only had he failed. But by the sword the kingdom of Assyria -had been founded, by the sword it had added kingdom unto kingdom -until it had become a world-empire. By the sword it had cleared the -way for the advance of its trader, and opened up to civilisation -great territories, some of which, like Urartu, had even adopted its -method of writing. It had held all the vast empire together by the -sword, and not by beneficent and unselfish rule. Even unto this very -reign barbaric treatment of men who yearned for liberty had been the -rule and not the exception. That which had been founded by the sword -and maintained by the sword would not survive if the sword lost its -keenness or the arm which wielded it lost its strength or readiness. -This had happened in the days of Asshurbanapal. He had conquered but -little new territory, made scarcely any advance, as most of the kings -who preceded him had done. He had not only not made distinct advances, -he had actually beaten a retreat, and the empire was smaller. Worse -even than this, he had weakened the borders which remained, and had not -erected fortresses, as had Sargon and Esarhaddon and even Sennacherib, -for the defence of the frontier against aggression. He had gained no -new allies, and had shown no consideration or friendship for any people -who might have been won to join hands with Assyria when the hour of -struggle between the Semites and the Indo-Europeans should come. On -the contrary, his brutality, singularly unsuited to his period and his -position of growing weakness, his bloodthirstiness, his destructive -raids into the territories of his neighbours, had increased the hatred -of Assyria into a passion. All these things threatened the end of -Assyrian prestige, if not the entire collapse of the empire. - -The culture which Asshurbanapal had nurtured and disseminated was but -a cloak to cover the nakedness of Assyrian savagery. It never became -a part of the life of the people. It contributed not to national -patriotism, but only to national enervation. Luxury had usurped the -place of simplicity, and weakness had conquered strength. The most -brilliant colour of all Assyrian history was only overlaid on the -palace and temple walls. The shadows were growing long and deep, and -the night of Assyria was approaching.[b] - -Whatever our precise estimate of this criticism of Asshurbanapal, it is -clear that the successors of that monarch were unable to sustain the -traditions of their fathers. Assyriologists have recently restored to -us the names of Bel-zakir-ishkun or Asshur-etil-ili, Sin-shar-ishkun, -as the immediate successors of Asshurbanapal, the last named being the -one who is believed to have been the occupant of the throne when the -conquering hosts of Cyaxares finally razed Nineveh to the ground. - -It may fairly be presumed that there exist somewhere among the yet -unrecovered treasures of Mesopotamia, inscriptions giving more or -less full accounts of the destruction of Nineveh. But be that as it -may, no such inscription has yet come to light; at least none such -has been deciphered. There is an abundance of material in the various -museums of Europe and America that has not yet been fully investigated. -The reading of inscriptions in the arrow-head script is an extremely -difficult task; indeed, it has been claimed, perhaps half jestingly, -by one of the greatest of living orientalists, that only four scholars -in the world are competent to read securely Assyrian or Babylonian -texts from the original clay tablet. Doubtless this is an exaggeration, -but it is one full of suggestion as to the difficulties encountered -by the would-be investigator of Mesopotamian history; and at the same -time offering an explanation of the fact that so much material is -awaiting its turn, and must long remain unpublished, notwithstanding -the importance and interest of the historical secrets thus entombed. -Possibly, as has been suggested, the story of the destruction of -Nineveh may be among these secrets, but as to the validity of this -surmise time must decide. - -Meanwhile the twentieth-century historian is but little better off than -his predecessor of the times before the advent of modern Assyriology -in regard to this particular problem. Whoever would picture to himself -the destruction of Nineveh has no resource but to turn back to such -classical accounts as that of Diodorus, giving whatever degree of -credence he may choose to the details of the story. One qualification, -however, may be added. We at least are tolerably sure, as our -predecessors could not be, that the last ruler of Nineveh did not bear -the name which classical tradition ascribed to him. Just as there was -no Ninus, founder of Nineveh, so there was no Sardanapalus last ruler -of that famous city. In regard to this detail, tradition was at fault -here as so often elsewhere. None the less will the name of Sardanapalus -long continue to symbolise the idea of the last ruler of Nineveh, whose -effeminate reign and tragic end form so interesting a theme for the -classical writer.[a] - - -LAST YEARS AND FALL OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE (626-609 B.C.) - -In all probability, Asshurbanapal lived until 626, and during the -whole of his reign he remained firmly established in possession of -the Assyrian throne and also of the kingdom of Babylon. Elam had been -rendered powerless, Babylon had been conquered, and the desert dwellers -of the west were too much weakened and impoverished by the severe -lesson taught them, as well as by hunger and disease, to be dangerous. -Media was only in her youth, and Assyria was still strong enough to -resist the first onrush of this new, conquering state. Besides her -northeastern and northern neighbours, the states of Asia Minor and -the inhabitants of the Mediterranean coast had enough to do to defend -themselves against the barbarians who were pressing upon them from the -north and east. Egypt was indeed independent, but could not seriously -think of conquests in Asia. The condition of the Assyrian Empire -resembled the calm before the storm. - -[Illustration: ASSYRIAN KING IN SACERDOTAL ROBES] - -In his latter years the king doubtless devoted himself by preference -to the works of peace. He had already erected many buildings, even -during the period of his great wars. He had continued and completed -the work on the temples of Assyria and Babylonia, which Esarhaddon had -begun. Unfortunately the inscription which enumerates the principal -structures belonging to the first half of his reign only occasionally -mentions the places in which the temples he erected stood. In the later -years of the king’s reign the walls of Nineveh demanded his attention. -They were loosened by annual rains and the violent showers of Adad, -and had sunk. Asshurbanapal restored them and made them stronger than -before. When he had seen his great campaigns crowned with victory, he -at last undertook an important work in Nineveh, the town of Bel and -Ishtar. Bit-Riduti, the great palace, which Sennacherib had built and -established as a royal dwelling, had fallen to ruins. This king did -nothing without the gods. It was now again a dream which made known to -him their will that he should repair the damage to the palace. This -was done. The forced labour of Assyrian subjects brought the stone in -carts from the spoil of Elam; and the captive Arabian kings, decked out -with appropriate marks of distinction, shared in the labour as workmen. -When the palace was completed to the pinnacles and enlarged, it was -surrounded with noble grounds; and when the victims were slaughtered -at the consecration, the king made his entry carried in a gorgeous -palanquin and with festive rejoicings. - -Of all the objects assembled in this palace the king set the highest -value on the library which he had founded and which has now for the -most part been unearthed and brought to Europe. Asshurbanapal was, -without any doubt, an admirer and patron of learning and a prince who -loved art. He did not allow the libraries of Babylonia to be plundered, -but he had the literary treasures which were buried there, including -whole works on philosophical, mythological, and poetic subjects, -copied in Assyrian characters and added to the historical records of -his own predecessors. He even seems to have studied them diligently -himself, and to have encouraged their perusal. The fruit of this study -is shown in his own memorials. In fact these have some literary value, -which cannot be said of the dry chronicles of former kings. He was -not, however, the first to found a library. Not only had the ancient -Babylonian kings--it is said even Sargon I of Agade--preceded him in -this respect, but the Assyrian kings had also set him an example. -This was certainly true of Sennacherib, in whose palace at Nineveh, -according to the calculation made by George Smith, probably twenty -thousand fragments are now awaiting the investigator who can find the -time and means to dig them out and make them accessible to western -learning. But it cannot be denied that Asshurbanapal earned the -gratitude of scholars by rendering so many treasures of the Babylonian -libraries accessible to his compatriots, and also by founding libraries -in other places; as, for example, in Babylon, and that he devoted more -attention to these things than any of his predecessors. - -[Sidenote: [626-609 B.C.]] - -The popular tradition of the downfall of the Assyrian Empire, which -took shape in later years and came from the Persians to the Greeks, -represents Sardanapalus (by whom none other than Asshurbanapal can be -meant) as the type of a luxurious, effeminate, oriental despot, who -forgets his kingly duties in the enjoyments of his harem, abandons his -empire to the enemies rising against him on all sides, and finally, -shut up in his capital, delivers himself in despair to the flames -with his wives and all his treasures. We now know how little this -picture agrees with the truth, but from what is historically credible -we can gather how it arose. Asshurbanapal did indeed take pleasure -in filling his women’s palace with the daughters of all the princes -subdued by him, and with those of their nearest relatives; and these -princes knew well what was pleasing to the supreme king. It is true -that this proceeded as much from love of display as from an inclination -to voluptuousness; it is true that policy also had a share in it, -because by this means his supremacy was confirmed and a pledge given -for further submissiveness; it is true that the custom was a usual one -with oriental monarchs; but a king who pursued it to such an extent -must have been easily transformed into a voluptuary in the minds of his -people. - -There was also some reason for regarding him as weak and effeminate. -The great Assyrian monarchs, at least during the years of their youth -and vigorous manhood, had themselves frequently led their armies to -victory. It was seldom, if ever, that Asshurbanapal joined in the -fight. His official historians do, indeed, ascribe to him the honour -of all the victories during his reign, but they have not succeeded in -hiding the fact that his generals fought the battles. Yet he was by no -means a weakling. That he was an eager hunter is testified by a number -of hunting inscriptions, some of them accompanied by reliefs. In any -case, a prince who could find pleasure in so manly a pastime was no -effeminate voluptuary, little warlike though he may have shown himself -to be. - -The king’s tragic end in the flames of his own palace, of which the -legend speaks, may have been shifted on to him from his brother, -Shamash-shum-ukin, or, still more probably, from the last Ninevite -king. That he, the last great king of Assyria, should have been -supposed to continue reigning until the end of the empire, while the -insignificant kings who really followed him were forgotten, is natural -enough. In short, Asshurbanapal was not a hero who strove to reap -the laurels of the battle-field through difficulty and privations on -distant campaigns. He preferred to linger in his luxurious palace, and -to alternate the delights of the harem and the pursuit of learning with -the royal lion-hunting. He was very pious, and did nothing without -consulting the oracles of his gods or the dreams of his seers. If -he thought the dignity of his empire, and with it the honour of his -gods, insulted by an obstinate rebellion, he would avenge them as his -predecessors had done by punishments of ingenious cruelty, inflicted -both on individuals and on whole countries. The fearful suffering -which the war on Asshur’s enemies wrought in its train, the pestilence -which filled the streets with corpses, the famine which drove parents -to destroy their own children, filled him with transports of joy. -His ruling idea was the unity and vastness of his empire. If he -left the sword in its sheath, the love of pleasure did not make him -neglect his duties as a ruler. He took care that his armies should -always be ready to take the field, which would not have been possible -without good organisation; and they triumphed over almost all his -enemies, maintained his sway against a powerful coalition, crushed the -formidable Elam so severely that she never recovered from the blows -she had received, and, if not during his reign, at least shortly after -it, repelled the advancing Medes. He regularly transmitted his orders -to all the governors in his empire, and was by them kept carefully -informed of anything of importance which happened in their provinces. -No one of his victorious military leaders ever ventured to turn his -arms against him. All, including the governors, recognised him and -honoured him as their king. Such he was in the fullest sense of the -word. In his palace at Nineveh, during two-and-forty years, he held -the reigns of government with a strong hand. And this is all the more -creditable to the influence of his personality, since the empire was -internally weakened by his own political mistakes, in particular by -the removal of the centre of government from Babylon, which Esarhaddon -had made its seat, to Nineveh, and by other causes, so that it went to -pieces a few years after his death. - -After him at least two kings ruled over Assyria, who were probably -brothers, for one of them, Bel-zakir-ishkun, was the son of a -king of Assyria, and grandson of a king of Sumer and Accad, and -though their names are missing from the inscriptions, they can have -been none other than Asshurbanapal and Esarhaddon; and the other, -Asshur-etil-ili [who is sometimes known by a lengthened form of his -name, Asshur-etil-ili-ukinni] is expressly called the son and grandson -of these rulers. Probably Bel-zakir-ishkun reigned first, and then the -other.[27] No historical records have been preserved, dealing either -with the fortunes and achievements of these kings or with the fall of -Assyria. Certain texts have led some to conclude that a third king, a -namesake of Esarhaddon, may have swayed the sceptre at this period, but -this has been shown to be extremely questionable. - -[Sidenote: [612-609 B.C.]] - -Immediately after Asshurbanapal’s death, or perhaps even in the last -year of his reign, Babylon broke away from the Assyrian rule, and this -time the separation was permanent. The empire was much weakened by it. -The north and northwest, Urartu and the states of Asia Minor, gradually -fell into the power of the ever-advancing Medes. The Assyrian lordship -over the countries on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea now existed -in name only, so that King Josiah of Judah was able to effect his -reform unhindered, and to act as master in the territory of the ancient -kingdom of Israel, which for years had been an Assyrian province. And -in the year 608 Neku II, king of Egypt, was able to think of extending -his empire to the Euphrates, as in days long past, and to take arms -against Assyria with the idea of wresting from her all her western -provinces. The foundation of the new Babylonian Empire and the invasion -of the Egyptians, who could no longer be repelled by the Assyrians, -but were only to give way before the Babylonian arms, are described -elsewhere. Here we only mention them as among the causes which brought -about the fall of the Assyrian Empire. That empire no longer had any -real existence, at least as a ruling power. Thrust back to its old -frontiers, the ancient Assyrian state slowly languished and only -awaited the death-blow. - -That blow was to come from the Medes in alliance with the Babylonians, -and was partly hastened, partly stayed, by the great migratory streams -of the Cimmerians and Scythians.[c] - -Though Professor Tiele’s admirable history is recent, much new -information concerning the last days of the Assyrian rule at Nineveh -has come to light, and historians are now able to place the conquest -of the city by the Manda in the reign of Sin-shar-ishkun. Without -overlooking a certain Sin-shum-lishir, who is mentioned in several -places as an Assyrian king, and must have ruled about this time, but -whose personality has not yet been unwrapped from the historic gloom, -it is safe to say that this Sin-shar-ishkun was Asshur-etil-ili’s -successor. From contract tablets found at Sippar and Erech we know that -he occupied the Assyrian throne in 612 B.C., and that his dominion -included a part of Babylonia as well. Later records would show him -to be of much stronger character than the man he succeeded. In 610 -or 609 he attempted to wrest more of the Babylonian provinces from -Nabopolassar, and the harassed king took the fatal step of appealing -to that people from the north, who for the most part had formed part -of the great Indo-European migration into western Asia. Already these -Scythian hordes, the Manda, had their eye on the rich Mesopotamian -Valley, and therefore Nabopolassar’s appeal did not fall upon unwilling -ears. Sin-shar-ishkun was indeed driven back, but when that happened -the Manda were in the coveted land. The reader will observe that we -have just spoken of the Manda and not the Medes as the assailants of -Nineveh. This is because of the recent clearing up of a historical -error that was our heritage from the Greek historians. They simply -confused the Manda, the nomadic tribes that lived northeast of Assyria -towards the Caspian Sea and were the classical Scythians, with the -Mada, or true Medes. As Professor Sayce says: “It was not until the -discovery of the monuments of Nabonidus and Cyrus that the truth at -last came to light and it was found that the history we had so long -believed was founded upon a philological mistake.” This matter will be -more fully explained in the account of Persia.[a] - -Like his father, Cyaxares perceived that it would not be possible for -the Medes to extend and maintain their conquests westward so long as he -had to dread the rivalry of the Assyrian Empire, so lately the mistress -of those regions. Consequently he put into practice the lesson which -his father had received from the Assyrians. The as yet untrained hordes -of Medians were evidently no match for the better military organisation -of the Assyrians and the military skill of the Assyrian generals. -Cyaxares, therefore, began as became a warlike prince with the -remodelling of his army, dividing his troops, after the pattern of the -Assyrians, into the various arms--spearmen, bowmen, and horsemen--and -fortifying his citadel, Ecbatana. Then he again ventured to attack -Assyria, this time with better success. The Assyrian army was beaten -in Nineveh at last, and was surrounded. But an unexpected event came -to the assistance of the hard-pressed Ninevites--the Scythians invaded -Media. - -Their invasion compelled Cyaxares to evacuate Assyria, and for a time -Nineveh breathed again. But only for a short time. Cyaxares succeeded -in putting an end to the Scythian domination in his kingdom in the -course of a few years. - -[Sidenote: [609-401 B.C.]] - -About 609 the Median army under the command of Cyaxares appeared for -the second time at the gates of Nineveh. According to Berosus, the -Babylonian king, whose son Nebuchadrezzar had married the Median king’s -daughter, also took part in this siege. It is easy to understand how -it was that Herodotus knew nothing of this, for the Persians were his -authorities. But he is certainly right in assigning the chief rôle to -the Medes, of whom Abydenus says nothing, for from this time forward -they kept possession of Assyria itself; and he is also right in placing -the taking of Nineveh during the period of Cyaxares’ government, and -not, like Berosus and the authors who follow him, in the time of -Astyages, since the latter did not ascend the throne of Media before -584 B.C. It is sufficient that Nineveh fell, and Assyria passed to the -power of the Medes, who at the same time acquired the dominion over -the North and the countries of Asia Minor as far as the Halys. All -other provinces of the fallen empire as far as the Mediterranean Sea, -including probably that part of ancient Assyria whose capital was the -city of Asshur, and also Kharran and Carchemish, fell to Babylonia. - -We have no historical account of the details connected with the fall -of Nineveh. The story of the last Assyrian king, Asshur-etil-ili, or, -as some authorities call him, Saracus,[28] which represents him in his -despair burning himself with his palace and his treasures, is a popular -tale which is not indeed impossible, but probably arose by confusion -with Shamash-shum-ukin’s end. Nineveh was so completely desolated that -when Xenophon passed with the Ten Thousand in the year 401 B.C. he took -the ruins for the remains of Median towns destroyed by the Persians. -Subsequently a fortress, Ninus, seems to have been built there by the -Parthians. Calah also once more rose from its rubbish heaps after -lying desolate for a long time. Arbela remained untouched, and it is -therefore probable that it fell unresisting into the hands of the -conquerors. But the Assyrian monarchy was gone forever. - -[Sidenote: [606 B.C.]] - -The Assyrian monarchy was gone, but not the empire at whose head the -kings of Asshur had stood. It has been matter of astonishment that -so powerful an empire, to which through a series of centuries the -whole of western Asia had been subdued, could have been so suddenly -overturned by the fall of the capital. But this surprise proceeds from -an incorrect conception of history. Events had long prepared the fall -of Nineveh. The keen eye of Esarhaddon had already perceived that it -would be safer to remove the centre of the empire to Babylon. His son -Asshurbanapal, a less acute statesman than he, but a great king and a -strong administrator, had once more attempted to secure the hegemony -for Assyria. In this he had succeeded, being supported by favourable -circumstances and the influence of his own personality. But when the -sceptre fell from his strong hand, little more was needed to put an -end to the Assyrian dominion, and that end was only a question of -time. However, the empire survived for a few years longer, though not -in its full vigour. The hegemony now passed again to Babylon; but not -unimpaired, for, since Media had conquered Nineveh, the lion’s share -of Assyria itself fell to the Median kingdom, together with those -northern and northwestern provinces which had been lost long before. -But the Assyrian survived in the new Babylonian Empire, which continued -its policy of conquest, and the Greeks, who not long afterwards called -the Babylonians themselves Assyrians, were in this not so very far -from the truth. But the days of the Semitic dominion were hastening to -their end. Even the new monarchy under Babylon’s hegemony could only -be propped up by the force of Nebuchadrezzar’s personality. His feeble -successors were in no condition to prevent the spread of the Median -power nor the rise of the Persian monarchy, which had grown to such -proportions by the conquest of Elam, until the genius of Cyrus founded -a dominion which soon embraced the four ancient empires--the Median, -the Elamite, the Assyrio-Babylonian, and the Egyptian--and gave the -sceptre of western Asia to the Aryans. - -The sense of relief which fell on the oppressed nations at the downfall -of the scourge of Asia can be gathered from the rejoicing accents -of the Jewish prophets. What an Isaiah, a Micah, had not dared to -hope, Nahum and Zephaniah saw approach and actually happen. Nahum -is convinced that the fate of Thebes will soon overtake Nineveh. -Her merchants, multiplied as the stars of heaven, her crowned, her -captains, her whole people, they shall be scattered like flying -grasshoppers, and no man shall gather them. “All that hear the bruit -of thee shall clap their hands over thee: for upon whom hath not thy -wickedness passed continually?” (Nahum iii. 19.) And Zephaniah (ii. -13-15), his contemporary, sees with satisfaction the desolation of the -proud city, who thought herself so safe and boasted herself to be the -first and the only one, but now had become desolate and a place for -beasts, in whose ruins the bittern and the screech-owl lodge.[c] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[27] [It is now believed that these two kings were one and the same -person. See Professor Hilprecht in _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, Vol. -IV, p. 164 _et seq._ “The name of this king (Asshur-etil-ili),” says -Professor Rogers, “was originally read Bel-zakir-ishkun.”] - -[28] [The most recent revelations in Assyrian history incline -the authorities to the belief that Saracus is identical with -Sin-shar-ishkun.] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. RENASCENCE AND FALL OF BABYLON - - “Belshazzar’s grave is made, - His kingdom passed away, - He, in the balance weighed, - Is light and worthless clay, - The shroud his robe of state, - His canopy the stone; - The Mede is at his gate, - The Persian on his throne.”--BYRON’S “VISION OF BELSHAZZAR.” - - -Nowhere is there a more striking illustration of national regeneration -than is furnished by the story of the new Babylonian Empire. Freed from -Assyrian thraldom, Babylon, the old, old city, came forward to take the -place of the fallen Nineveh as the world-metropolis. - -It has been customary to think and speak of the new Babylonian Empire -as evidencing the rejuvenation of an old people. In one sense this view -has full validity. But it must not be supposed that the new Babylonians -who came to power when Nineveh fell were the _bona fide_ descendants -of the rulers of old Babylonia. New blood had made itself felt in the -old race; indeed, without its influence it is highly improbable that -the rejuvenation could have been effected. The outsiders who made their -influence felt with such potency to restore and rejuvenate the old -empire, are known as the Chaldeans. The precise origin of this people -is in doubt. It is held to be established, however, that they were -Semitic, and hence could claim cousinship with the Babylonians and -Assyrians. They inhabited the Sea Lands to the south of Mesopotamia at -an early date, and have been supposed to come originally from Arabia. -They are heard of from time to time in Babylonian and Assyrian annals -as a half-barbaric and often troublesome people, divided into various -tribes or clans or petty principalities, bearing such unfamiliar names -as Bit-Silani, Bit-Sa’alli, and Bit-Sala. - -It is supposed by modern orientalists that the Chaldeans long had their -eyes upon the fertile regions of the North, and even, from time to -time, been presumptuous enough to cross swords with the Babylonians -and Assyrians in the hope of dethroning them. Certain it is that the -rulers of the North had at various times waged war against their less -civilised cousins of the Sea Lands. Yet the evidence does not seem -to be very clear as to the precise share which the Chaldeans took in -the new movement inaugurated in Babylon with the death of the last -really powerful Assyrian king, Asshurbanapal. The name of the new ruler -who now came to power in Babylon was Nabopolassar; but it cannot be -asserted with confidence that he was of Chaldean origin. It is held, -however, that the influences that dominated the kingdom under his -reign were clearly Chaldean; though considering the vagueness that -surrounds the entire subject, it must be admitted that this assertion -is much easier to make than to prove. Still, all that we know about the -degeneration of old nations elsewhere, and the extreme difficulty of -resuscitating a senescent people, except by a mixture of races, tends -to confirm the theory that a race relatively new to civilisation was -chiefly instrumental in working the miracle of Babylonian regeneration. - -In any event, the people who for something less than a century -made Babylon a great centre of world-influence were known to their -contemporaries and to succeeding generations as Chaldeans rather than -as Babylonians. Just to what extent the old Babylonian people shared -in the new work, can perhaps never be known; but the question is -relatively unimportant, because in any event it was a people of the -same old Semitic stock that carried on the historic story. - -The most brilliant period of the new Babylonian Empire came soon -after the fall of Nineveh, in the reign of the world-famous king, -Nebuchadrezzar, the monarch who built the marvellous wall about the -city and the fabulous hanging gardens; the conqueror who overthrew the -Phœnicians and carried the Israelites into captivity. - -A peculiar interest attaches to the period of the immediate successors -of Nebuchadrezzar because the Babylonian captivity of the Israelites -still continued, to which the Hebrew writers made such extended -references. The famous account in the Book of Daniel of the feast of -Belshazzar, with its brief but graphic reference to the alleged tragic -end of the Babylonian king, and the overthrow of Babylon itself at -the hands of “Darius the Mede,” have furnished never-to-be-forgotten -pictures to all subsequent generations. The modern archæologist has -rudely shattered some of these treasured images. Thus the Book of -Daniel makes allusion to the overthrow of Babylon in these words: -“Belshazzar the king made a great feast to a thousand of his lords, -and drank wine before the thousand. Belshazzar, whiles he tasted the -wine, commanded to bring the golden and silver vessels which his father -Nebuchadnezzar had taken out of the temple which was in Jerusalem; that -the king, and his princes, his wives, and his concubines, might drink -therein.… In that night was Belshazzar the king of the Chaldeans slain. -And Darius the Median took the kingdom, being about threescore and two -years old.” (Daniel v. 1, 2, 30, 31.) - -[Sidenote: [555 B.C.]] - -But within the past generation inscriptions have come to light -proving, to the amazement of a keenly interested world, that no king -named Belshazzar ever reigned in Babylon; and that the name of the -monarch overthrown by Cyrus the Persian or Elamite--not by “Darius -the Mede”--was Nabonidus. Nabonidus had a son, Belshazzar, but he -never ruled. This Nabonidus was not the son of Nebuchadrezzar or his -immediate successor, three successive rulers after Nebuchadrezzar -having reigned before he came to the throne. It is clear from -inscriptions of Nabonidus and of Cyrus his conqueror that Babylon -was overthrown without a struggle. A cylinder inscription by Cyrus -tells the story: the first part of which, translated by the Rev. C. -J. Ball, is as follows: “The continual offering he made to cease … -he (es)tablished in the cities the worship of Merodach, the King of -the Gods, he exalted (?) His name … by a yoke unrelaxing he ruined -them all. At their lamentation the Lord of the Gods waxed very wroth -… the Gods who dwelt among them forsook Their abode. In wrath because -he brought them into Shu-anna (_i.e._ Babylon), Merodach … He turned -towards all the districts whose dwellings were thrown down. And (to) -the people of Shinar and Accad, who were become as dead, He turned (His -regard?): He showed compassion upon all the lands together. He looked -for, He found him, yea, He sought out an upright Prince, after His own -heart, whom He took by his hand, Cyrus, king of the city of Anshan; -He named his name; to the kingdom of the whole world He called him by -na(me). The land of Qutû (and) all the Umman-Manda he humbled to his -feet; the Blackheaded folk, whom his hands subdued,--in faithfulness -and righteousness he looked after them. Merodach, the great Lord, the -guardian of His people, joyfully beheld his good deeds and his upright -heart. To His own city Babylon his march He commanded; He put them on -the road to Tin-tir (_i.e._ Babylon); like a comrade and helper He -marched at his side. His great hosts, whose number like the waters of a -river could not be known, with their weapons girded on, advanced beside -him. Without skirmish or battle He made him enter Shu-anna. His own -city Babylon He spared from distress; Nabonidus the king, who feared -him not, He delivered up to him. The people of Tin-tir in a body, the -entire land of Shinar and Accad, the nobles and grandees, bowed down -before Him, kissed His feet, rejoiced at His accession; their faces -brightened.” - -The accounts given by Nabonidus himself confirm this record of Cyrus. -It would appear, then, that the Hebrew chroniclers, gifted rather -with the poetical imagination than with the calm historical sense, -confused the Babylonian conquest of Cyrus with a later campaign of -his successor, Darius. But no mere substitution of the cold facts of -history can ever rob the world of the beautiful traditional picture -of the feast of Belshazzar. Here, as elsewhere, myth must be allowed -to hold its own as the embodiment of the spirit of history. Myth and -history coincide as to the fact that the old dynasty in new Babylonia -was overthrown. And with that overthrow the sceptre of world-influence -passed from the hands of the Semitic race forever. - - -CONTEMPORARY CHRONOLOGY - -[Sidenote: [615-538 B.C.]] - -The epoch of the new Babylonian Empire covers a period of time from -about 615 to 538 B.C., approximately three-quarters of a century. We -have already, at the beginning of this book, outlined the position of -contemporary civilisations during the entire sweep of Assyrian and -new Babylonian history; but it may be well briefly to recapitulate -the position of other nations during the epoch of new Babylonian -domination, that a clearer picture of the time may be before the eyes -as we view the details of Babylonian history. - -While reading of the achievements of Nebuchadrezzar and his successors, -then, it will be well to recall that: - -_Egypt_ under the XXVIth Dynasty enjoys a brief period of -rejuvenescence as a world-power; curiously linked in time with the new -awakening of her old-time rival, Babylonia; - -In _India_, at about this period, Buddha lives and founds the religion -that is to bear his name; - -_Greece_ and _Rome_ are in a relative youth, not yet reckoning time -from a fixed era, and only beginning to make secure records on which -future generations may build. Their civilisation does not compare -in importance with that of Babylon, which is the recognised centre -of culture, looking upon these “new” nations in the west as utter -barbarians; - -_Phœnicia_ is far past the zenith of its power; Samaria has fallen; -Jerusalem is to become subject to Babylon itself; - -In _Asia Minor_, Sardis, the capital of Lydia, is waxing in power. - -But the coming nation of the epoch is _Persia_, which turns the tables -on its fellow, Manda, hitherto the stronger of the half-civilised pair -of nations, and which finally, under Cyrus, captures Babylon itself, -and assumes undisputed sovereignty over the whole of southwestern -Asia.[a] - - -NABOPOLASSAR AND NEBUCHADREZZAR - -[Sidenote: [626-562 B.C.]] - -Nabopolassar (Nabu-apal-usur, _i.e._ “Nabu protect the heir”), -according to the Ptolemaic canon, reigned from 625 B.C. (the date -of his accession thus being 626) until 605 B.C., in which year he -died, shortly before the victory won by his son Nebuchadrezzar -over the Egyptians at Carchemish, having been in ill health before -Nebuchadrezzar started for Syria. We have seen how immediately upon -his accession to the throne of the Pharaohs, Neku II profited by the -impotence of the Assyrian kingdom, which was enfeebled to the last -degree by long years of Scythian incursions, to penetrate into the -Hamath district. - -[He encountered the army of Judah at Meggido--the same historical -locality where, a thousand years before, Tehutimes III had vanquished -the combined forces of Syria and Phœnicia. The king of Jerusalem was -slain on the field, and his army, retreating in terror to the capital, -made his young son, Jehoahaz, king, ignoring the claims of Eliakim, -the eldest, probably because he was in favour of submitting to Neku. -Pharaoh now proceeded, unmolested, to Riblah in Cœle-Syria, where he -made his headquarters, and confident in his mastery over Judah, ordered -Jehoahaz to appear before him. When the new king arrived he was thrown -into chains and Eliakim put in his place under the name of Jehoiakim.] - -Neku’s ambition was next directed to the conquest of the whole of -northern Syria; a project which he actually accomplished to a great -extent during the years 608 to 606, whilst the Babylonians, with their -Median allies, were besieging Nineveh. He must certainly have advanced -as far as Carchemish, since that was the spot where the Egyptian and -Babylonian forces met in 605. The fate of Syria was sealed thereby; it -became a province of Babylonia even as it had once been a province of -Assyria, and Judah became a vassal kingdom to Babylonia. - -[Sidenote: [602-587 B.C.]] - -Thus Nabopolassar, who died in 605, while his son was on the march for -Syria, only just missed the satisfaction of seeing the new kingdom of -Babylonia which he had founded enter upon the heritage of the Assyrian -Empire, out of which the western province could least of all be spared. -He did not see it: instead the news of his father’s death reached the -young Nebuchadrezzar (Nabu-kudur-usur, _i.e._ “Nabu protect the crown”) -shortly after the victory of the Egyptians, which decided the fate of -Syria for the time being; and leaving his generals to follow up the -victory, he had to return to Babylon in hot haste to assume the royal -dignity that awaited him. There he received the crown at the hands of -the great nobles without encountering any obstacles, and for the long -period of his glorious reign, which lasted forty-two years (604-562) -he guided the destinies of his country, extended and strengthened its -borders, and thus made Babylonia a great power, and Babylon one of the -most splendid and illustrious cities of ancient times. If we further -take into consideration that it was he who likewise conquered Syria for -Babylonia, we cannot but acknowledge his claim to be counted the first -ruler who entered upon the full possession of Assyria and consolidated -it. - -Amid all the many and sometimes detailed inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar -which have been found in the ruins of Babylon and other cities, not -one contains any account of his campaigns; but from a passage in the -preamble of the great inscription of the kingdom, we see that in spite -of his preference for building and other peaceful labours he was a -mighty warrior. It runs: “Under his mighty protection (_i.e._ that of -the god Marduk) I have passed through far countries, distant mountains, -from the upper sea even to the lower sea (_i.e._ probably from the -Gulf of Issus to the mouth of the Nile) far-reaching ways, closed -paths where my step was stayed and my foot could not stand, a road of -hardships, a way of thirst; the disobedient I subdued and took the -adversaries captive, the land I guided aright, the people I caused to -be seized; I carried away the bad and the good among them, silver and -gold and precious stones, copper, palm wood and cedar wood, whatsoever -was costly, in gorgeous abundance; the products of the mountains and -that which the sea yielded, brought I as a gift of great weight, as a -rich tribute into my city of Babylon before his (the god’s) face.” And -although the different campaigns of which we know are distributed over -almost the whole of his long reign, we find mention of only one short -war against Aahmes of Egypt in the thirty-seventh year of it. - -With regard to these wars, most of them aimed at completing the work -begun at the battle of Carchemish, and more particularly at preventing -further interference on the part of Egypt, and at banishing her -influence completely from Babylonian territory, which had now been -extended to her very frontier. It was probably in the third year -after Nebuchadrezzar’s battle (therefore in 602 B.C.) that Syria was -completely incorporated into the Babylonian kingdom, leaving him free -to think of displaying his power in the eyes of Jehoiakim, whom Neku -had set up as king in Jerusalem, by advancing against him with an army. -The desired result promptly followed, and from 601 to 599 Jehoiakim -became tributary to the king of the Chaldeans. In the fourth year, 598, -the king of Judah withheld the tribute, probably at the instigation of -Egypt. When the Babylonians invaded Judah (probably at the beginning -of 587) Jehoiakim was just dead; his son Jehoiachin (known also as -Jeconiah) was besieged at Jerusalem and, seeing further resistance -useless, surrendered to Nebuchadrezzar. He was carried away captive to -Babylon with his family and nearly all the princes, warriors, masons, -and smiths; but, once there, their lot was no hard one, for they -were permitted to settle without molestation and to exercise their -own religion. A great number of them lived thus at Tel-Abib (_i.e._ -“heap of ruins”) on the canal Chebar [a canal found near Nippur and -now called Kabaru] as we know from the chronicles of Ezekiel, who was -one of them. Jerusalem was not destroyed, but Jehoiachin’s kinsman, -Mattaniah (another son of Josiah), was set over the few inhabitants -that remained there as a vassal of Babylonia, under the new name of -Zedekiah (595-587). The newly installed sovereign was a weak man, who -by his own good will would have been a loyal vassal; but ultimately -in spite of the warnings of the prophet Jeremiah, who fully realised -the true state of affairs, he threw in his lot with the war party, who -relied on the help of Egypt, and rebelled against Babylonia. - -In 589 Psamthek II (Neku’s successor) himself was succeeded by the -young and warlike Uah-ab-Ra (the Hophra of the Bible and the Apries -of the Greeks), who sent a fleet to the assistance of the Phœnicians -in an attempt they made to revolt. Thereupon Nebuchadrezzar marched -his troops into Syria and set up his headquarters at Riblah, the old -headquarters of Neku, so as to operate from thence against Zedekiah, -Tyre, and Pharaoh. How Jerusalem was besieged (589-587) and destroyed, -how in the meantime Uah-ab-Ra’s army was vanquished, and how Tyre -was then invested (the siege lasting thirteen years) and forced to -pay tribute, if no more--all these events are likewise known to us -only from other sources than cuneiform inscriptions, and the detailed -description of them, at least in so far as they relate to the downfall -of the kingdom of Judah, and thus form a part of (not the opening era -of) Jewish history, lies ready to every reader’s hand in the books of -the Bible of which we have given a brief outline. As for Tyre (after -the siege) she remained under the rule of her own kings, though as a -vassal to Babylonia. All the worse was the fate which, in 587, overtook -Judah, whose hopes had been so cruelly deceived, for not only was the -city utterly destroyed (see the moving laments in the so-called Book of -Lamentations), and the king, blinded and fettered, carried away into -captivity after seeing his sons slain before his face; but with the -exception of the poor, the day labourers absolutely necessary for the -cultivation of the soil and vineyards, all who had escaped the previous -deportation were carried away by the Babylonian king to the “waters of -Babylon” (Psalm 137). - -[Sidenote: [587-568 B.C.]] - -[While his soldiers were keeping their long and weary station under the -walls of Tyre, Nebuchadrezzar turned his attention to another important -matter. Because the people of Judah and Tyre had looked to Egypt for -assistance, they had given the Babylonian king much trouble. Egypt, -therefore, must suffer for this; so that she would not feel inclined to -repeat her action of sending an army to Zedekiah’s aid. A new Egyptian -campaign was planned.] - -A fragment at the beginning of which a prayer (“Thou destroyest -my enemies and makest my heart to rejoice”) was set down, assigns -the above-mentioned campaign in Egypt to the year 568 (_i.e._ the -thirty-seventh year of the reign). The passage which refers to -it,--“Year 37 of Nebuchadrezzar, king of (Babylonia to the land of) -Misir, (_i.e._ Egypt) to give a battle, he marched and (his troops -A-ma)-a-su, the king of Misir assembled and …” leaves no doubt that -Aahmes or Amasu is the king here meant, for only the year before, in -569, Aahmes had revolted against Uah-ab-Ra and forced him to recognise -him (Aahmes) as co-regent. He soon afterward became sole ruler in -Egypt; and, as such, he died in the year 528, shortly before the -conquest of Egypt by the Persians. Nebuchadrezzar meanwhile contented -himself with humbling the pride of Egypt, and refrained from conquering -the country, which even had it been successfully done would but have -raised difficulties for the Babylonian kingdom to cope with. His chief -aim, to keep Syria and Palestine clear of Egyptian influence, was -attained by the campaign. - -Of Nebuchadrezzar’s other military expeditions, the one mentioned -(Jeremiah xlix. 28-33) against the Bedouins of Kedar and the Arab -tribes, which had settled to the east of Palestine, leads us again to -the borders of the Occident. The town of Teredon, at the mouth of the -Euphrates, was founded at this time as a bulwark against the Bedouins, -and by reason of its situation became, like Gerrha, on the Persian -Gulf, and Thapsacus, Tiphsah, on the middle Euphrates, a mercantile -station of some importance. Not until the time of the New Kingdom -of Babylonia did a flourishing trade develop along the Euphrates, -with Armenia and the east coast of Arabia for its extreme poles; and -from the reign of Nebuchadrezzar dates the part played by Babylon, -his capital, as the greatest emporium of the ancient world, and the -proverbial meaning which the name of Babylon has retained down to our -times, to signify the worst aspects (luxury and license) of a capital -city. - -From Babylon and the mention of her trade it would be a natural -transition to the buildings erected by Nebuchadrezzar, if we were -not first bound to mention the northwest and east, which are of -extreme importance from an historical point of view, and in which -Nebuchadrezzar took the part of a mediator, if no more, between the -Medes and the Lydians. - -[Sidenote: [604-560 B.C.]] - -To return to the buildings erected by Nebuchadrezzar, which, up to this -time form the subject of nearly all the inscriptions discovered, the -latter all show his character in a favourable light. In all we find -evidence of the paternal care of a prince zealous for the welfare of -his dominions, and of a sincere and heartfelt piety which by no means -leaves the impression that it is a mere form of speech. We can listen -to his own words prefixed to his account of the buildings he erected -and revealing something of his heart. - -“Since the Lord, Marduk, created me, and made fair preparation for -my birth from the womb, from that time forward, when I was born and -created, I have visited the holy places of God, and walked in the ways -of God. To Marduk, my Lord, I prayed; I took up my parable in prayer to -him, the speech of my heart came (before him) to him I spoke: ‘Eternal, -Holy, Lord of all things, for the king, whom thou lovest, whose name -thou callest according to thy good pleasure, guide his name well, lead -(or guard) him in a straight path. I, the prince, who obeyeth thee, am -the work of thy hands, thou didst create me, thou didst commit unto -me the royal dominion over the whole people, according to thy grace, -O Lord which thou sendest forth upon all. Teach me to love thy august -sovereignty, let the fear of thy divinity be in my heart, bestow -(upon me) that which is pleasing unto thee, thou who preparest my -life.’ Thereupon the Highest, the Glorious, the first among the gods, -the august Marduk, heard my supplication and accepted my prayers, he -caused his great majesty to rule favourably, he caused the fear of God -to abide in my heart, I fear his majesty.” And the conclusion runs: -“Babylon, the capital of the land, I established with the hills of the -forest. To Marduk, my lord, I prayed and lifted up my hand: ‘Marduk, -lord, the first of gods, thou mighty prince, thou hast created me, thou -hast committed to me royal dominion over the multitude of the people, -I love the majesty of thy courts as my precious life. Save thy city of -Babylon. I have made me no other capital out of all inhabited places. -As I love the fear of thy divinity and seek thy majesty, so incline -graciously to my supplication (literally, to the raising of my hands), -hear my prayers. I am the King, the Restorer, who delights thy heart, -the zealous ruler, the restorer of all thy cities. At thy command, -O merciful Marduk, may the house which I have built endure to all -eternity, may I satisfy myself in its abundance. May I come to old age -therein, may I satisfy myself with my glory, may I receive the weighty -tribute therein from the kings of all regions of the world and from all -mankind. From the horizon of the heavens unto the meridian and at (?) -the rising sun may I have no enemies nor possess any adversaries (lit. -them that put me in fear). May my posterity bear rule therein over the -black-headed people to all eternity.’” - -Nebuchadrezzar, himself, attached the greatest importance to the -restoration of the temples of E-sagila and E-zida, as being the most -ancient sanctuaries of Babylon, and in his briefest inscriptions, the -stamp-marks on bricks, whether used for the building of these two -temples or any other edifice, always had added to his title of king, -that of restorer of the temples of E-sagila and E-zida. Of greater -interest to us, however, since we can still admire the ruins of it, -is a temple which is only briefly referred to in a few words in the -long inscription, but of which we have a detailed account in another, -shorter inscription, namely, the Temple of the Seven Spheres of Heaven -and Earth, which was built in seven stories near (or as a ziggurat of) -E-zida at Borsippa. - -But although Nebuchadrezzar devoted most thought to his beloved Babylon -(and to Borsippa) he in nowise neglected other seats of worship of the -country. The temple of the Sun, at Sippar, the temple of a god as yet -unidentified, in the city of Baz (Paszitu), the temple of Idi-Anu (the -Eye of Anu), at Dilbat, the temple of Lugal-Amarda (Marad), E-Anna, -the temple of Ishtar, at Erech, the temple of the Sun, at Larsa, and -the temple of the Moon, at Erech, are enumerated one after another -as having been rebuilt by Nebuchadrezzar. With better right than his -father he calls himself on one of the Abu-Habba cylinders “the ruler of -Sumer and Accad, who laid the foundation of the land” (or as Winckler -translates it, “made fast the foundations of the land”), for in truth -his new creations extended over the whole territory that had been Sumer -and Accad as we are familiar with it in ancient Babylonian history, -from the reigns of Ur-Ba’u of Ur onward. Under him, after a long sleep -(lasting in places for a thousand years) among her ruins, the whole of -Babylonia kept the festival of her resurrection, and joyous sacrificial -hymns resounded through the length and breadth of the land during -Nebuchadrezzar’s long and prosperous reign, as in the days of her -distant prime. - -To complete the picture of Nebuchadrezzar’s capital, we must in -conclusion cast a glance at the vast fortifications with which this -king girdled the city he had created, and so insured it against the -most formidable assault. Nebuchadrezzar did not rest satisfied with -completely restoring and enlarging these fortifications (a work -that his father had begun, since they had again been impaired); he -included a strip of arable land some four thousand cubits (about two -to three kilometres) in breadth, on the farther side of the rampart -Nimitti-Bel, within another “mountain high” wall, and made it a part -of the outworks, thus casting a gigantic threefold girdle of ramparts -(or walls) and moats about the city. Nor was that enough: “To quell -the countenance of the enemy that he should not harass the (threefold) -encompassment of Babylon, I surrounded the land with mighty streams, -comparable unto the waters of the sea; to cross them was as it were to -cross the ocean. To render an inundation from their midst (the midst of -these artificial courses) impossible, I heaped up masses of earth, I -set up brick dams round about them.” - -And herewith we must take leave of this truly great ruler, and turn to -his successors, who, unhappily, did not resemble him, and of whom the -last, Nabonidus by name, could alone be compared to him in his zeal for -the restoration and adornment of the various temples of the country, -though in all other respects he fell far below the greatness of his -mighty ancestor. This inferiority is the reason that the New Babylonian -Kingdom hurried so swiftly to its unexpected end. - - -THE FOLLOWERS OF NEBUCHADREZZAR - -[Sidenote: [560-555 B.C.]] - -We know from the Ptolemaic canon, Hommel goes on, that after -Nebuchadrezzar’s death (562) Illoarudamos (probably a clerical error -for Illoarudakos, _i.e._ Amil-Marduk), the biblical Evil-Merodach, -ascended the throne and died in the second year of his reign (560). -Berosus calls him a son of Nebuchadrezzar, and describes his short -reign as unjust and licentious, this being the reason why he was -murdered by Neriglissor (Nergal-shar-usur), his sister’s husband, and -thus son-in-law to Nebuchadrezzar. As a matter of fact, in direct -confirmation of the chronological statements of the Ptolemaic canon, -the only contract tablets that have been discovered of the reign of -this king, date from his accession, about July 22, 560 B.C. He is -mentioned in the Old Testament, in the last four verses of the 2nd -Book of Kings; “And it came to pass in the seven and thirtieth year -of the captivity of Jehoiachin, king of Judah, in the twelfth month, -on the seven and twentieth day of the month, that Evil-Merodach, king -of Babylon, in the year that he began to reign, did lift up the head -of Jehoiachin, king of Judah, out of prison. And he spake kindly to -him and set his throne above the throne of the kings that were with -him in Babylon; and changed his prison garments, and he did eat bread -continually before him all the days of his life. And his allowance was -a continual allowance given him of the king, a daily rate for every -day, all the days of his life.” It is evident that the Bible here -refers to Amil-Marduk, for on the twenty-seventh Adar 560 this king was -still upon the throne (see the above date, 4th Abu), whilst the first -well-authenticated date of Neriglissor is 25th Marsheshwan, _i.e._ -about 10th November of that same year. - -From the reign of Amil-Marduk we have no inscription, but we are -in better case as regards his successor, Nergal-shar-usur (the -Nergal-sharezer of the Bible; Berosus, Neriglissor, Ptolemaic -canon, Neriga-solasar). He reigned from 559-556, for there are two -inscriptions on cylinders and a brief inscription on brick which we may -assign to this reign. The subject appears to be some restoration in -the shrine of E-zida at Babylon. Where the inscription again becomes -legible, the king gives an account of the construction of a canal, the -waters of which had gone away and withdrawn, and of palace building. - -The following questions are suggested by these inscriptions. Firstly, -who was his father, the Bel-shum-ishkum twice mentioned in them? Let -it suffice here to note the possibility that he may be identical with -a former king of Assyria, the son of Asshurbanapal, who certainly -did not reign more than a few months. The chronology presents no -obstacle to the acceptance of this hypothesis. Let us then assume -that Bel-shum-ishkum was born about 645; he would then be about -twenty years of age at the death of Asshurbanapal, and about forty -at the fall of Nineveh, after which he probably found a refuge at -the Babylonian court. By that time (606) his son Nergal-shar-usur -might very well be about eighteen years old; if we take this for -granted, then the latter was thirty-seven in the year 587, in which -two persons of the same name (Nergal-sharezer, Jeremiah xxxix. 3) are -mentioned among Nebuchadrezzar’s nobles (one among the “princes” in -general, the other amongst the officials of highest rank), sixty-four -at his accession in 560 B.C. and not quite seventy when he died, -which gives a great show of probability to his identity with one or -other of these two Nergal-sharezers. Another question to which it -would be very interesting to find an answer is that of the wars of -Nergal-shar-usur, for, short as his reign was, it is evident from the -two cylinder inscriptions that he did wage wars. Unfortunately we have -no more exact information on the subject; but if we consider that as -early as the year 555, that is, only a year after Nergal-shar-usur’s -death, disorders of such magnitude had broken out in Mesopotamia, due -to the “Manda warriors” under the leadership of their king Ishtuvegu -(Astyages), that is to say, to Median hordes, that the Babylonians -appealed to Kurush (Cyrus), king of Anshan, who did, in fact, succeed -in driving the Medes back, we may be sure that the earliest incursions -of the Manda into Babylonian territory (of which Mesopotamia had -formed a part since the fall of Nineveh) took place in the reign of -Neriglissor. This hypothesis is directly confirmed by the tenor of -Nabonidus’ account of the invasion. In that case Neriglissor’s warlike -enterprises were not crowned with brilliant success, or at all events -did not expel the Manda from Mesopotamia altogether. - - -THE REIGN OF NABONIDUS (556-538 B.C.) - -On the death of Neriglissor in 556, he was succeeded, according to -Berosus, by his son Labassarachos or Labarosoarchodos (in inscriptions -Labashi-Marduk), but it appears that a Babylonian of high rank, -Nabu-naidu (“Nabu is glorious”), the son of Nabu-balatsu-iqbi (“Nabu -hath foretold his life”), was immediately proclaimed king by an -opposition party, and although Labashi-Marduk made head against -Nabu-naidu (or Nabonidus, as he is usually known) for nine months, the -latter dates the beginning of his reign from the death of Neriglissor. -According to Berosus, Labashi-Marduk was a child, and fell victim to a -conspiracy, having already betrayed tokens of a bad disposition. - -According to the Ptolemaic canon, Nabonidus reigned seventeen years, -which agrees with the circumstance that the latest of the numerous -contract tablets belonging to his reign up to this time discovered -are dated the 5th of Ulul (the middle of August) in his seventeenth -year. He concerned himself chiefly with the restoration of old temples -elsewhere than in Babylon, as those at Ur, Larsa, Sippar, and even at -Kharran in Mesopotamia, that is, the oldest sanctuaries in the country; -while in Babylon, where he certainly resided, if only at intervals, -he seems to have done nothing except to proceed with the building of -the walls on the river bank.[29] Nabonidus was actuated not merely -by religious motives, but by an interest in history and archæology, -which grew to be an absolute mania with him. His inscriptions give -us minute information as to how he dug and hunted for the foundation -cylinders of these primitive temples, nor does he fail to deal many -a sly hit at his predecessors (Nebuchadrezzar, for example), who had -not always conscientiously done this, and had consequently many a time -built something that was not in the original plan. When, after long -search, Nabonidus found these cylinders, often buried deep down in the -ground, he reproduced the tenor of them exactly, frequently giving the -precise number of years between his own reign and that of the ancient -Babylonian king in question, and so providing us with the most valuable -data for determining the earliest periods of Babylonian history. In -this way we have learned the date of Naram-Sim, the ancient king of -Agade, of Shagarakti-Buriash [sometimes read Shagarakti-Shuriash], -and lastly, as it would appear, of Khammurabi (although in this case -the computation is incorrect), together with many other data of -historical importance. For this reason the reign of Nabonidus is to us -among the most important in Babylonian history, but his passion for -archæology--which seems to have made him forget the world entirely, -and, in particular, overlook the danger with which the victories of -Cyrus menaced Babylonia--was of less service to himself, and ultimately -cost him his throne and liberty. - -[Sidenote: [555-547 B.C.]] - -We have already mentioned the fragment of the Babylonian chronicle -treating of the reign of Nabonidus and the conquest of Babylon and the -whole Babylonian empire by Cyrus. We will now regard the public events -of the reign of the last native king of Babylonia in the light of -this text. In the first year mention is made of a military expedition -with the object of subjugating a prince of whose name, unfortunately, -nothing (or at most the termination, _shu’ishshi_) has been preserved, -but whom we should, perhaps, be justified in regarding as the chieftain -of a Median tribe. - -From the first section of the cylinder-inscription of Abu-Habba we -see that if, after the deliverance of Kharran, Nabonidus summoned his -troops from the frontier of Egypt and onward to the Gulf of Issus -and the Persian Gulf, to the work of building, or the collection of -building material; these were not military enterprises in the strict -sense of the term (and this is characteristic), but merely expeditions -for peaceful ends, which were all the easier for Nabonidus to achieve, -because, since the reign of Nebuchadrezzar the Babylonians had held -undisputed possession of the “Occident” right up to the Egyptian -frontier. The only exception to this rule seems to be the account of -the beginning of the first year (or the beginning of his reign) given -in the chronicle, where, among other things, it is said, “the king -summoned his warriors.” But this expedition was, in all likelihood, -only the less laborious gleaning left to Nabonidus after the conquest -of the Medes by Cyrus. - -The next event narrated in the chronicle is the final defeat of the -Medes by Cyrus, which cannot, therefore, have taken place later than -the sixth year of the reign of Nabonidus, that is, 550 B.C., and may -have been earlier. - -The account of the seventh year is difficult to understand, but this -much is plain, that in those years Nabonidus was not present at the -New Year’s celebration at E-sagila, nay, that the festival in question -did not take place at all. We do not know why this was so, but we may -conjecture that the reason was a hierarchical revolution, a kind of -vote of want of confidence in the king, who was pursuing his works -and researches in the temples of Sippar, Ur, Larsa, and other cities, -heedless of the danger that menaced the country from Cyrus. - -[Sidenote: [547-538 B.C.]] - -Of greater importance, historically, is the account of the ninth -year (547 B.C.). After repeating the statement concerning the -non-celebration of the feast of Bel, it proceeds: On the 5th of Nisan -the king’s mother died in the fortified camp on the far side (Sha am? -= sha ammat) of the Euphrates above Sippar; for three days mourning -prevailed and lamentation, in the month of Sivan there was mourning -(official) for the queen-mother throughout the (whole) land of Accad. -In the Nisan (of this year) Kurush (Cyrus), king of the land of Parsu, -had summoned his warriors and crossed the Tigris below Arbela, in order -to invade Asia Minor in the following month, Airu, “from the king he -took away his silver and goods, his own children he caused to mount the -[funeral pyre], after his children and the king (he himself, Cyrus?) -were therein.” - -We know from Herodotus that an expedition of Cyrus against King -Crœsus of Lydia took place at this very time, and ended with the -siege and reduction of Sardis and the fall of the kingdom of Lydia, -after an indecisive battle had been fought in Cappadocia, near Pteria -(Boghaz-köi), a place since made famous by the discovery of a Hittite -bas-relief. Nabonidus had joined the alliance between Lydia, Sparta and -Aahmes of Egypt, on which Crœsus relied when he began the war against -Cyrus; probably he thought he could make an easy conquest of Media and -Elam after the defeat he expected Cyrus to suffer in Asia Minor. The -Babylonians do not seem to have taken any active part in the struggle -after Cyrus’ speedy victory over the Lydians, but nevertheless with -that victory the fate of Babylonia was practically sealed. For it was -obvious that Cyrus, who had not only ruled over the whole of Media, -since the taking of Ecbatana, but was also undisputed master of Armenia -right up to the western coast of Asia Minor, and thus had really become -emperor (or great king) would take the first opportunity of seizing -upon Babylonia and its wealthy Syrian provinces. Moreover, from this -time forth he had the best of reasons for regarding Nabonidus as a -disloyal neighbour who deserved condign punishment. - -In the tenth and eleventh years the chronicle first notes the omission -of the Feast of Bel in exactly the same terms as in the case of -the seventh and ninth years, and when the narration begins we find -ourselves in the seventeenth and last year of the reign of Nabonidus -(539 B.C.). After a series of sentences which are very much defaced -the narrative proceeds: “In the month of Tammuz (June-July, 539), -Kurush [Cyrus] fought a battle at Kish (?) above the canal of Illat -(?) against the warriors of the land of Accad; the people of the land -of Accad rose up against the ranks of soldiers, on the 14th day (of -Tammuz) the city of Sippar was taken without a battle, Nabonidus fled. -On the 17th day (_i.e._ about July 5, 539), Ugbaru (Gobryas), governor -of Guti (_i.e._ the district to the east of Arbela), and the warriors -of Kurush marched into E-ki (Babylon); when Nabonidus thereupon -entrenched himself in E-ki (Babylon) he was taken captive. Even unto -the end of the month the _tukkimi_ (troops?) of the land of Guti -encompassed the gates of E-sagila, yet were not weapons of any sort -laid upon E-sagila and the (other) temples, nor was the embellishment -(_i.e._ the images and vessels of the temple) taken away. On the 3rd -of Marsheshwan (Arakhsamnu, _i.e._ about October 19), Kurush marched -into E-ki, the streets were filled in view of his entry, he established -peace in the city; Kurush proclaimed peace to the whole of Tintir -(Babylon), he set Ugbaru (Gobryas), his vicegerent, as vicegerent over -Babylon, and from the month Kislev even until Adar (November-December, -539--February-March, 538), he caused the gods of the land of Accad, -which Nabonidus had caused to be brought into Babylon, to be carried -back into their own places. In the same (?) month, on the 11th day, -Ugbaru went over and the king dies; from the 27th of the month Adar, -even to the 3rd of Nisan (the end of March, 538), there is mourning in -Accad, all the people loose (lit. cleave) their hair (?); on the 4th, -Kambujiya (Cambyses), the son of Kurush, goes to the temple of the city -(?) of Khadkalamasummu.…” What follows is defaced beyond translation, -and, to judge from the scraps of lines still decipherable, contains -nothing of historic interest; for example, it goes on to speak of the -temple of E-Anna at Erech. - -[Sidenote: [538 B.C.]] - -Thus we see that Babylon itself received King Cyrus with open arms, and -that, even as the Kossæans had usurped and long maintained the mastery -of Accad, so now the Persians superseded the native dynasty. The event -was therefore no new thing, and, as a matter of fact, Babylonian -history proceeds upon the old lines under Cyrus and his successors, -so that it is hard to see why most narratives should break off at -this point. The national literature and mode of writing continued -to flourish, but the history of Babylonia and Assyria, of which the -short-lived prosperity of the New Babylonian Kingdom was the last -chapter, concluded with the entry of Cyrus into Babylon; the subsequent -history of Babylonia is of local interest only, and has no further -significance for the world. - -Lastly, as regards the important original Babylonian inscription of -the reign of Cyrus, which has been referred to before, it most fully -confirms the correctness of the impression made by the narrative of -the chronicle on every unprejudiced reader. The Babylonians, with the -hierarchy of the city of Babylon at their head, were utterly weary of -the feeble rule of Nabonidus, who does not seem even to have been of -the blood-royal, and hailed Cyrus as deliverer. At the bidding of Cyrus -the learned Babylonian scribes were charged to draw up an inscription, -and from its contents and wording (which can hardly have been dictated -by the king of Persia) we can clearly realise the view of the -situation taken by the priestly circles of the country (which governed -the populace). From the very beginning, defaced as it is, we perceive -that Nabonidus is made the scapegoat for everything. He is represented -with having sent forth “to Ur and the other cities oracles that did -not beseem them” (_i.e._ the gods), with “thinking daily upon evil” -(?), with having “caused the daily sacrifice to cease” and grossly -neglected the worship of the god Marduk; further, with having “let the -fortifications of Babylon fall into ruin, so that the lord of the gods -was greatly incensed in lamentation thereat,” as well as “with wrath -that he had brought in (into E-sagila) the gods (of other Babylonian -cities), who were thus constrained to forsake their (former) temples. - -Then it came to pass that Marduk “looked upon his friend,” and “laid -hold of his hand, Kurush, king of Anshan, was his name called”; “he -subdued the land of the Kuti and the whole host of the Manda hordes -beneath his feet; he caused the black-headed people to fall into his -hands; in righteousness and justice came he unto them.” The god Marduk -“bade him to go to Babylon and take the road to Tintir, like a friend -and comrade went he at his side, the multitude of his troops, whereof -the number, like unto the waters of a river, was not known, girt on -the weapons and marched at his side; he (Marduk) caused him to enter -Shu-anna (Babylon) without strife or battle; Babylon, his city, he -spared with difficulty; Nabonidus the king, who did not fear him, he -gave over into his (Kurush’s) hands; all the people of Tintir, the -whole multitude of Sumer and Accad, the princes and the ruler who -submitted to his dynasty, kissed his feet and rejoiced in his royal -dominion; their faces shone. The Lord, who (draweth nigh) with succour, -who raiseth the dead to life, who in might bestoweth benefits upon the -whole earth, graciously blesseth him (Cyrus) and hath respect unto his -name. I, Kurush, King of the world, the mighty King, King of Babylon, -King of Sumer and Accad, King of the four quarters of the Earth, son -of Kambujiya, the great King, the King of the city of Anshan, grandson -of Kurush, the great King, the King of the city of Anshan, descendant -(_libbalbal_) of Sispis, the great King, the King of Anshan, the -eternal shoot of royalty, whose government Bel and Nabu love, to do -good unto his heart and for the superabundance of his joy.” Cyrus then -proceeds to lay stress upon his peaceful entry into Babylon and the -gladness and rejoicing amidst which he took up his abode there, on -how his troops occupied the city in peace and he himself visited the -other cities in peace, how he repaired their ruins and loosed their -chains (?), how Marduk was gracious towards him and his son Kambujiya -(Cambyses), and how, “at Marduk’s august bidding all the kings who -dwelt in royal chambers, from all quarters under heaven, from the upper -sea even to the lower sea, and likewise the kings of the Occident who -inhabit [the desert] and they that dwell in tents,” all brought weighty -tribute and kissed his feet at Babylon. - -“From … even unto the cities of Asshur and Ishtar-Damiktu (?), the city -of Agade, the land of Ishnunnak, the cities of Zambaru, Mi-Turnu and -Dur-ilu, even unto the region of the land of Kuti, the cities on the -(bank of) Tigris, where their dwelling-place was from of old, I carried -the gods that dwelt there back to their places,” “the gods of Sumer, -and Accad, whom Nabonidus, to the great indignation of the lord of -gods, had caused to be brought into Babylon, I set once more into their -shrines in peace at the command of Marduk.” - -Such is practically the tenor (and wording) of the Cyrus inscription, -which, considered in connection with the chronicle which has come down -to us from the reign of Nabonidus, sets this important matter of the -transference of the new Babylonian Empire to Cyrus the Achæmeniad in an -entirely new light. The termination of the political independence of -Babylon came about in quite other guise than the end of Nineveh; there -was no bloodshed, no siege, no judgment with fire and devastation. A -further act of peace was the permission given by Cyrus to the Jews who -dwelt in and about Babylon to return to the Holy Land. This is referred -to in the prophecy of the great unknown prophet of the latter half of -the Babylonian exile, the so-called Second Isaiah (Isaiah xliv. to -the end). “The Lord that saith of Cyrus, He is my shepherd and shall -perform all my pleasure: even saying to Jerusalem, Thou shalt be built, -and to the temple, Thy foundation shall be laid. Thus saith the Lord -to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue -nations (the Medes and Lydians) before him; and I will loose the loins -of kings, to open before him the two-leaved gates; and the gates shall -not be shut.” - -The last words involuntarily recall to our minds the gates of Babylon, -which opened of themselves to the clement conqueror. And this prophecy, -no less than the conduct of the Babylonian priests, shows that Cyrus -was preceded by a reputation for clemency; for what would their ready -submission have availed the latter, had Cyrus been a savage conqueror -like other semi-barbaric tribal chiefs? Pillage and many horrors -would then have been the lot of Babylon when she opened her gates to -the foreign king. It seems probable, however, that the Babylonians -nourished the certain hope that Cyrus would spare them. - -Thus the history of Babylonia closes peaceably upon the noble figure -of Cyrus, the Achæmeniad prince, who commands our warmest sympathies. -Planted in Babylonian soil at the beginning of time, the primitive -civilisation of the Sumerians was brought to the flower by the -Babylonian Semites, then further developed and transplanted to Asshur -and Nineveh. There the conditions grew ripe under which Assyria became -the ruling power of the world. After the fall of her empire, the -ancient mother-country became for a brief season the centre of the -civilisation which had taken its rise there two thousand years before, -and this civilisation now passed on as a legacy to the Persians, -not to die among them, but to revivify and educate, even as, on the -other hand, it drew fresh strength from the youthful vigour of the -Indo-Germanic race, untutored as yet, but abundantly endowed with all -intellectual gifts.[b] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[29] [The authorities seem to be in dispute as to Nabonidus’ place of -residence. Professor Rogers says (_History of Babylon and Assyria_, -Vol. II, p. 361), “He [Nabonidus] did not reside at Babylon at all, but -at Tema, probably an insignificant place, with no other influence in -history.”] - - - - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF EUNUCH WARRIORS IN BATTLE - -(Found at Nimrud) (Layard)] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA - -WAR METHODS - - The horseman lifteth up both the bright sword and the glittering - spear: and there is a multitude of slain, and a great number of - carcases; and there is none end of their corpses; they stumble upon - their corpses.--_Nahum_ iii. 3. - - -In following the political fortunes of Babylonia and Assyria we have -necessarily caught glimpses from time to time of the conditions of -civilisation which form everywhere the background of the picture. -But it is desirable to view some phases of this civilisation more in -detail, and an attempt will be made in the present book to summarise -these conditions as a whole, and to elaborate certain details in -reference to the more interesting or more important themes. Such an -attempt within the spacial limits necessarily imposed cannot hope to be -altogether satisfactory. In particular it must be borne in mind that we -are dealing, or attempting to deal, with a period of time not less than -three thousand years in extent, even if we consider only the minimum -epoch covered by a tolerably sure chronology. - -It is obvious that in such a sweep of time numerous changes must -take place in the manners and customs of the people, and multiform -alterations must be developed in the various phases of civilisation. -This would necessarily be true even if the history of a single people -were involved. But, in point of fact, as we have seen, we have here -to do with four tolerably distinct peoples--the Sumerians, the -Babylonians, the Assyrians, and the Chaldeans. To attempt a brief -exposition of the varied civilisations of these four peoples during -a period of several millenniums within brief bounds, would clearly -be a presumptuous task were full details accessible as to all the -periods involved. But we have already seen that such details are not -accessible. Meagre details have come down to us from the Sumerians, -and only less meagre ones Babylonians; and the reminiscences of the -Chaldeans, notwithstanding their later period in history, are but -slightly less vague. It is the Assyrians that must be looked to chiefly -for data that can afford us, at best, an inferential knowledge of -their predecessors; and we must all along remember that we are to a -certain extent seeing with Assyrian eyes in attempting to view the -Babylonian civilisation. Still, it should be recalled that important -changes in the manners and customs of any people are usually of slow -development everywhere, and that they were perhaps particularly so -here, because we have to do with the most conservative of races. The -Babylonians and Assyrians were own cousins to the Hebrews, and no -doubt partook in full measure of what Goethe styles the “obstinate -persistency” of that race. The main outline of their civilisation, -therefore, probably remained unchanged generation after generation. - -On the other hand, it must be understood that the Sumerians, whatever -their precise racial affinities, were a very different people from -the Semitic races that superseded them. There is reason to believe -that they were essentially a creative race, whereas the Semites, and -in particular the Assyrians, were pre-eminently copyists and adapters -rather than originators. It would appear that all the chief features -of the later Assyrian civilisation were adumbrated, if not indeed -fully elaborated, in that early day when the Sumerians were dominant -in southern Babylonia. Even the cuneiform system of writing, with all -its extraordinary complexities, is believed by philologists to give -unequivocal evidence of Sumerian origin. But however correct this view -may be, we are constrained to view the Sumerians solely in the light of -their successors. The monumental remains exhumed from amid the ruins -of the palace of Asshurbanapal supply us with the chief documents for -the interpretation of a civilisation that had passed away something -like three thousand years before this palace itself or its documentary -treasures came into being. - -This is somewhat as if one were to study the manners and customs of the -Italians of to-day in order to gain a knowledge of the civilisation of -Rome in the time of the Tarquinians. The parallel is really not quite -so complete as it might at first sight appear, for in many respects -practical civilisation changed more in the nineteenth century than -in all the previous centuries of recorded history. Beyond cavil, the -civilisation of the time of Sargon I had far greater resemblance to -the time of Asshurbanapal than the Rome of the early kings bears -to the Rome of King Victor Emmanuel. Nevertheless, we should bear -this corrective view in mind in the alleged attempt to deal with -Mesopotamian civilisation as a whole. - - -OUR SOURCES - -The sources of our knowledge of Mesopotamian history have been pretty -fully discussed in previous chapters. Beyond the classical traditions, -our sole reliance must be placed upon the monuments. And of these the -sculptures are by far the most important in their bearings upon the -civilisation of the people. - -Very little is said, except inferentially, by the written inscriptions, -that throws any definite light upon the manners and customs of the -people. But fortunately the Assyrians in particular were much given -to pictorial presentation of the scenes of at least certain features -of their everyday life; their bas-reliefs, therefore, furnish us with -the clearest index as to their life customs. The interpretation of -these bas-reliefs in this light was first taken up in detail by Sir -Henry Layard, and his expositions remain to this day the most complete -and satisfactory. We shall have occasion to turn frequently to his -pages in the present book, supplementing his accounts with certain -elaborations, in particular with reference to the religious and legal -documents, based on the more recent readings of the inscriptions. - -However much the customs of the Babylonians and Assyrians may have -changed in the course of ages, there was one important regard in which -there was probably no conspicuous alteration from first to last. -This was the character of the government. Like other orientals, the -Mesopotamians had no conception of any government except a thoroughly -despotic one. They were ruled by kings whose authority was absolute, -and whose will was accepted as the sole law. A change of government -meant merely the overthrow of one king by some one who, attaining -supreme authority, was himself to be recognised as king. - -But the assumption and retention of exclusive power in a body politic -by one individual presupposes a triumph of physical force. Kingship -in its oriental manifestation has its foundation in military power. -We find, therefore, that the Babylonian or Assyrian monarch is able -to make himself felt and remembered just in proportion as he is a -competent military leader. To be a great king he must be a great -conqueror. A record of conquests is substantially the whole story of -the royal annals. It is a very sanguinary and inhuman story as we have -seen. - -The texts of the inscriptions deal with results rather than with -methods. We are told the names of peoples against whom warfare was -waged; lists of captives and booty are not forgotten, the idea being of -course to perpetuate the glory of the conqueror. To that end the name -of the conqueror himself is always given, the narrative being usually -told in the first person; but one never hears so much as the name of a -subordinate. It is the king alone to whom credit is to be given. - -What the inscriptions lack in the way of reference to details of the -art of warfare is supplied by the Assyrian bas-reliefs. These represent -armies in action and enable us to form a very clear picture of the war -costumes, the weapons, and to a certain extent of the battle methods -of the Assyrians. In particular the details are given of the methods -of assault by which the Assyrians were accustomed to break down the -walls of a rebellious city. Battering-rams and scaling-towers are -depicted in the most realistic manner, and are a favourite subject of -the artist--partly, no doubt, because they lend themselves to pictorial -presentation; partly, perhaps, because the Assyrians excelled in this -particular phase of warfare. But other phases of warfare are by no -means overlooked. Even such details as the beheading or flaying alive -of captives are presented with gruesome realism. - -For the reason already stated, our text will have to do chiefly with -the art of war as practised by the Assyrians, rather than by their -predecessors. Whether any of the implements or methods employed in this -relatively late period originated with the Assyrians themselves, we -have no present means of deciding. The presumption is, however, that -the Assyrian king pursued the art of war in much the same way it had -been practised by the old Babylonian kings from time immemorial.[a] - -As the Assyrians possessed disciplined and organised troops, it is -probable that they were also acquainted, to a certain extent, with -military tactics, and that their battles were fought upon some kind of -system. We know that such was the case with the Egyptians; and their -monuments show that amongst their enemies, also, there were nations -not unacquainted with the military science. They had bodies of troops -in reserve; they advanced and retreated in rank, and performed various -manœuvres. Although, in the Assyrian sculptures, we have no attempt -at an actual representation of the general plan of a battle, as in -some Egyptian bas-reliefs, yet from the order in which the soldiers -are drawn up before the castle walls, and from the phalanx which they -then appear to form, it seems highly probable that similar means were -adopted, to resist the assaults of the enemy in the open field. - -The king himself, attended by his vizier, his eunuchs, and principal -officers of state, was present in battle, and not only commanded, but -took an active part in the affray. Even [the traditional] Sardanapalus, -when called upon to place himself at the head of his armies to meet the -invading [traditional] Medes, showed, a courage equal to the occasion, -and repulsed his enemies. Like the Persian monarchs who succeeded, him -in the dominion of Asia, the Assyrian king was accompanied to the war, -however distant his seat might be, by his wives, his concubines, and -his children, and by an enormous retinue of servants. Even his nobles -were similarly attended. Their couches were of gold and silver, and the -hangings of the richest materials. Vessels of the same precious metals -were used at their tables; their tents were made of the most costly -stuffs, and were even adorned with precious stones. The canopy or tent -of Holofernes was of purple, gold, and emeralds and precious stones; -and every man had gold and silver (vessels) out of the king’s house. -(Judith ii. 18.) This book contains an interesting account of the -luxurious manner of living of the great Assyrian warriors, confirming -what has been said in the text, and showing that the Persians were, in -this respect, as almost in every other, imitators of the Assyrians. -Herodotus (Lib. IX., c. 82 and 83) describes the equipage, furnished -with gold and silver, and with various coloured hangings, and the gold -and silver couches and tables, found in the tents of Mardonius after -the defeat of the Persian army. They had been left by Xerxes when he -fled from Greece. They were also accompanied by musicians, who are -represented in the sculptures as walking before the warriors, on their -triumphant return from battle. - -The army was followed by a crowd of sutlers, servants, and grooms; who, -whilst adding to its bulk, acted as an impediment upon its movements, -and carried ruin and desolation into the countries through which it -passed. As this multitude could not depend entirely for supplies upon -the inhabitants, whom they unmercifully pillaged, provisions in great -abundance, as well as live-stock, were carried with them. Holofernes, -in marching from Nineveh with his army, took with him “camels and asses -for their carriage, a very great number, and sheep, and oxen, and goats -without number, for their provision; and plenty of victuals for every -man.” - -Quintus Curtius thus describes the march of a Persian army: The signal -was given from the tent of the king, on the top of which, so as to be -seen by all, was placed an image of the sun, in crystal. The holy fire -was borne on altars of silver, surrounded by the priests, chanting -their sacred hymns. They were followed by three hundred and sixty-five -youths, according to the number of the days in the year, dressed in -purple garments. The chariot, dedicated to the supreme deity, or to -the sun, was drawn by snow-white horses, led by grooms wearing white -garments, and carrying golden wands. The horse especially consecrated -to the sun was chosen from its size. It was followed by ten chariots, -embossed with gold and silver, and by the cavalry of twelve nations, -dressed in their various costumes, and carrying their peculiar arms. -Then came the Persian immortals, ten thousand in number, adorned -with golden chains, and wearing robes embroidered with gold, and -long-sleeved tunics, all glittering with precious stones. At a short -interval fifteen thousand nobles, who bore the honourable title of -relations of the king, walked in garments which, in magnificence and -luxury, more resembled those of women than of men. The doryphori (a -chosen company of spearmen) preceded the chariot in which the king -himself sat, high above the surrounding multitude. On either side -of this chariot were effigies of the gods in gold and silver. The -yoke was inlaid with the rarest jewels. From it projected two golden -figures of Ninus and Belus, each a cubit in length. A golden eagle with -outspread wings was placed between them. The king was distinguished, -from all those who surrounded him, by the magnificence of his robes, -and by the cidaris, or mitre, upon his head. By his side walked two -hundred of the most noble of his relations. Ten thousand warriors, -bearing spears whose staffs were of silver and heads of gold, followed -the royal chariot. The king’s led horses, forty in number, and thirty -thousand footmen, concluded the procession. At the distance of one -stadium followed the mother and wife of the king, in chariots. A crowd -of women, the handmaidens and ladies of the queens, accompanied them -on horseback. Fifteen cars, called armamaxæ, carried the children of -the king, their tutors and nurses, and the eunuchs. The king’s three -hundred and sixty concubines, who accompanied him, were adorned with -royal splendour. Six hundred mules and three hundred camels bore the -royal treasury, guarded by the archers. The friends and relations of -the ladies were mingled with a crowd of cooks and servants of all -kinds. The procession was closed by the light-armed troops. - -[Illustration: THE ENEMY ASKING QUARTER OF ASSYRIAN HORSEMEN] - -The armies were provided with the engines and materials necessary for -the siege of the cities they might meet with in their expedition. If -any natural obstructions impeded the approach to a castle, such as a -forest or a river, they were, if possible, removed. Rivers were turned -out of their courses, if they impeded the operations of the army; and -warriors are frequently represented in the sculptures cutting down -trees which surround a hostile city. - -The first step in a siege was probably to advance the battering-ram. -If the castle was built, as in the plains of Assyria and Babylonia, -upon an artificial eminence, an inclined plane, reaching to the summit -of the mound, was formed of earth, stones, or trees, and the besiegers -were then able to bring their engines to the foot of the walls. This -road was not unfrequently covered with bricks, forming a kind of paved -way, up which the ponderous machines could be drawn without much -difficulty. - -This mode of reaching the walls of a city is frequently alluded to -by the prophets, and is described by Isaiah: “Thus saith the Lord, -concerning the king of Assyria, he shall not come into this city, nor -shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with shields, _nor cast a -bank against it_.” Similar approaches were used by the Egyptians. They -not only enabled the besiegers to push their battering-rams up to the -castle, but at the same time to escalade the walls, the summit of which -might otherwise have been beyond the reach of their ladders. - -The battering-rams were of several kinds. Some were joined to movable -towers which held warriors and armed men. The whole then formed one -great temporary building, the top of which is represented in the -sculptures, as on a level with the walls, and even turrets, of the -besieged city. In some bas-reliefs the battering-ram is without wheels; -it was then perhaps constructed on the spot, and was not intended to -be moved. The movable tower was probably sometimes unprovided with the -ram; but I have not met with it so represented in the sculptures. When -Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon, besieged Jerusalem, he “built forts -against it round about.” These forts or towers, if stationary, were -solidly constructed of wood; if movable, they consisted of a light -frame covered with wickerwork. The Jews were forbidden to cut down and -employ, for this purpose, trees which afford sustenance to man. “Only -the trees which thou knowest that they be not trees for meat, thou -shalt destroy and cut them down: and _thou shalt build bulwarks against -the city_ that maketh war with thee until it be subdued.” - -When the machine containing the battering-ram consisted of a simple -framework, not forming an artificial tower, a cloth of some kind -of drapery edged with fringes and otherwise ornamented appears to -have been occasionally thrown over it. Sometimes it may have been -covered with hides. It moved either on four or on six wheels, and -was provided with one ram or with two. The mode of working the rams -cannot be determined from the Assyrian sculptures. It may be presumed, -from the representations in the bas-reliefs, that they were partly -suspended by a rope fastened to the outside of the machine, and that -men directed and impelled them from within. Such was the plan adopted -by the Egyptians, in whose paintings the warriors, working the ram, -may be seen through the frame. Sometimes this engine was ornamented by -a carved or painted figure of the presiding divinity, kneeling on one -knee and drawing a bow. The artificial tower was usually occupied by -two warriors: one discharged his arrows against the besieged, whom he -was able from his lofty position to harass more effectually than if he -had been below; the other held up a shield for his companion’s defence. -Warriors are not unfrequently represented as stepping from the machine -to the battlements. - -Ezekiel alludes to all these modes of attack. “Lay siege against it,” -he exclaims, speaking of the city of Jerusalem, “and build a fort -against it, and cast a mount against it; set the camp also against it, -and set battering-rams against it round about.” - -Archers on the walls hurled stones from slings, and discharged their -arrows against the warriors in the artificial towers; whilst the rest -of the besieged were no less active in endeavouring to frustrate the -attempts of the assailants to make breaches in their walls. By dropping -a doubled chain or rope from the battlements, they caught the ram, and -could either destroy its efficacy altogether or break the force of its -blows. Those below, however, by placing hooks over the engine, and -throwing their whole weight upon them, struggled to retain it in its -place. - -The besieged, if unable to displace the battering-ram, sought to -destroy it by fire and threw lighted torches or firebrands upon it. -But water was poured upon the flames, through pipes attached to the -artificial tower. Other engines and instruments of war were employed -by the besiegers. With a kind of catapult, apparently consisting -of a light wooden frame covered with canvas or hides, they threw -large stones and darts against the besieged, who, in their turn, -endeavoured to set fire to it by torches. A long staff with an iron -head, resembling a spear, was used to force stones out of the walls. -Mines were also opened, and the assailants sought to enter the castle -through concealed passages. Those who worked on them, or advanced to -the attack, were perhaps protected by the _testudo_, as represented in -the Egyptian paintings; but this defence is not seen in the Assyrian -sculptures. Attempts were made to set fire to the gates of the city by -placing torches against them, or to break them open with axes. - -[Illustration: AN ASSYRIAN ARCHER] - -Mounting to the assault by ladders was constantly practised, and -appears to have been the most general mode of attacking a castle; -for ladders are found on those bas-reliefs in which neither the -battering-ram nor other engines are introduced. It is remarkable -that the battering-ram is not introduced in the sculptures hitherto -discovered at Kuyunjik, nor, as far as I am aware, in those of -Khorsabad. It would appear, therefore, that at the period of the -building of those edifices it had fallen into disuse. Scaling-ladders -appear in Egyptian sculptures as early as the XIXth Dynasty. Ramses III -is seen taking a city, by their means, at Medinet Habu. They reached to -the top of the battlements, and several persons could ascend them at -the same time. Whilst warriors, armed with the sword and spear, scaled -the walls, archers posted at the foot of the ladders kept the enemy in -check and drove them from the walls. - -The troops of the besieging army were ranged in ranks below. The king -was frequently present during the attack. Descending from his chariot, -which remained stationary at a short distance behind him, he discharged -his arrows against the enemy. He was attended by his shield bearer and -eunuchs, one of whom generally held over him the emblem of royalty, the -umbrella, whilst the others bore his arms. He is sometimes represented -in his chariots, superintending the operations, or repulsing a sally. -Warriors of high rank likewise came in chariots, accompanied by their -shield bearers and charioteers. The vizier and the chief of the eunuchs -are frequently seen in the midst of the combatants. - -The besieging warriors were protected, as I have already mentioned, -by large shields of wickerwork, sometimes covered with hides, which -concealed the entire person. Three men frequently formed a group; one -held the shield, a second drew the bow, and a third stood ready with a -sword to defend the archer and shield bearer, in case the enemy should -sally from the castle. The besieged manned the battlements with archers -and slingers, who discharged their missiles against the assailants. -Large stones and hot water were also thrown upon those below. A woman -from the battlement of Thebez cast a millstone upon Abimelech’s head, -and broke his skull (Judges ix. 53). - -When the battering-ram had made a breach, and the assault had -commenced, the women appeared upon the walls; and, tearing their -hair or stretching out their hands, implored mercy. The men are not -unfrequently represented as joining in asking for quarter. When the -assailants were once masters of the place, an indiscriminate slaughter -appears to have succeeded, and the city was generally given over to -the flames. In the bas-reliefs warriors are seen decapitating the -conquered and plunging swords or daggers into their hearts, holding -them by the hair of their heads. The prisoners were either impaled and -subjected to horrible torments or carried away as slaves. The manner of -impaling, adopted by the Assyrians, appears to have differed from that -still in use in the East. A stake was driven into the body immediately -under the ribs. When Darius took Babylon he impaled three thousand -prisoners (Herod, iii. 159). In a bas-relief discovered at Khorsabad, a -man was represented flaying a prisoner with a semicircular knife. The -Scythians scalped and flayed their enemies, and used their skins as -horse-trappings (Herod, iv. 64). - -The women, children, and cattle were led away by the conquerors; and -that it was frequently the custom of the Assyrians to remove the -whole population of the conquered country to some distant part of -their dominions, and to replace it by colonies of their own, we learn -from the treatment of the people of Samaria. Eunuchs and scribes were -appointed to take an inventory of the spoil. They appear to have stood -near the gates, and wrote down with a pen, probably upon rolls of -leather, the number of prisoners, sheep, and oxen, and the amount of -the booty, which issued from the city. The women were sometimes taken -away in bullock carts, and are usually seen in the bas-reliefs bearing -a part of their property with them--either a vase or a sack perhaps -filled with household stuff. They were sometimes accompanied by their -children, and are generally represented as tearing their hair, throwing -dust upon their heads, and bewailing their lot. - -After the city had been taken, a throne for the king appears to -have been placed in some conspicuous spot within the walls. He is -represented in the sculptures as sitting upon it, attended by his -eunuchs and principal officers, and receiving the prisoners brought -bound into his presence. The chiefs prostrate themselves before him, -whilst he places his foot upon their necks, as Joshua commanded the -captains of Israel to put their feet upon the necks of the captive -kings. This custom long prevailed in the East. In the rock sculpture -of Behistun, Darius is seen with his foot upon the neck of Gometes, -the rebellious Magian, who declared himself to be Bardius, the son of -Cyrus. When inferior prisoners were captured, their hands were tied -behind, or their arms and feet were bound by iron manacles. - -They were urged onward by blows from the spears or swords of the -warriors to whom they were entrusted. In a bas-relief from Khorsabad, -captives are led before the king by a rope fastened to rings passed -through the lip and nose. This sculpture illustrates the passage in 2 -Kings xix. 28: “I will put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy -lips.” The king is represented in the bas-relief as holding a rope -fastened to a ring, which passes through the lips of a prisoner, one of -whose eyes he appears to be piercing with his spear. - -In the sculptures of Khorsabad and Kuyunjik, captives are seen bringing -small models of their cities to the victorious king, as a token of -their subjection. Similar models are borne in triumphal processions. - -The heads of the slain were generally collected, and brought either to -the king or to an officer appointed to take account of their number. -When Ahab’s seventy sons were killed, their heads were cut off, and -brought in baskets to Jezreel. They were afterwards, laid “in two heaps -at the entering in of the gate” (2 Kings x. 8). The Egyptians generally -counted by hands. This mode of reckoning the loss of the enemy was long -resorted to in the East. - -As soon as the soldiers entered the captured city, they began to -plunder, and then hurried away with the spoil. They led off the horses, -carried forth on their shoulders furniture and vessels of gold, -silver, and other metals, and made prisoners of the inhabitants, who, -probably, became the property of those who seized them. The Assyrian -warriors are seen in the sculptures bearing away in triumph the idols -of the conquered nations, or breaking them into pieces, weighing them -in scales, and dividing the fragments. Thus Hosea prophesied that the -calf, the idol of Samaria, should be carried away by the Assyrians. - -When the city had been sacked it was usually given up to the flames -and utterly destroyed. The surrounding country was also laid waste. If -it had been a capital--a place of strength and renown--it was seldom -rebuilt on the same spot, which was avoided as unfortunate by those who -survived the catastrophe and returned to the ruins. - - -ASSYRIAN WAR COSTUMES AND WAR METHODS - -The costume of the warriors differed according to their rank and -the nature of the service they had to perform. Those who fought -in chariots, and held the shield for the defence of the king, are -generally seen in coats of scale armour, which descend either to the -knees or to the ankles. A large number of the scales were discovered in -the earliest palace of Nimrud. They were generally of iron, slightly -embossed or raised in the centre, and some were inlaid with copper. -They were probably fastened to a shirt of felt or coarse linen. Such -is the armour always represented in the most ancient sculptures. At -a later period other kinds were used; the scales were larger, and -appear to have been fastened to bands of iron or copper. The armour was -frequently embossed with groups of figures and fanciful ornaments; but -there is no reason to believe that the rich designs on the breasts of -the kings were on metal. - -The warriors were frequently dressed in an embroidered tunic, which -was probably made of felt or leather, sufficiently thick to resist the -weapons then in use. On the sculptures of Kuyunjik they are generally -seen in this attire. Their arms were bare from above the elbow, and -their legs from the knees downward, except when they wore shirts of -mail which descended to the ankles. They had sandals on their feet. -The warriors on the later Assyrian monuments, particularly on those -of Khorsabad, are distinguished by a peculiar ornament, somewhat -resembling the Highland phillibeg. It appears to be fastened to the -girdle, and falls below the short tunic. - -In the sculptures of Kuyunjik and of monuments of the same period, the -dress of the soldiers appears to vary, according to the manner in which -they are armed. Those with spear and shield wear pointed or crested -helmets, and plain or embroidered tunics, confined at the waist by a -broad girdle. A kind of cross belt passes over the shoulders, and is -ornamented in the centre of the breast by a circular disk, probably -of metal. The slingers are attired in the embroidered tunic, which I -conjecture to be of felt or leather; and wear a pointed helmet, with -metal lappets falling over the ears. Both the spearmen and slingers -have greaves, which appear to have been laced in front. - -The archers are dressed in very short embroidered tunics, which -scarcely cover half the thigh, the rest of the leg being left -completely bare. They are chiefly distinguished from other warriors by -the absence of the helmet. A simple band round the temples confines the -hair, which is drawn up in a bunch behind. - -[Illustration: COSTUME OF AN ASSYRIAN SPEARMAN] - -It is probable that these various costumes indicate people of different -countries, auxiliaries in the Assyrian armies, who used the weapons -most familiar to them, and formed different corps or divisions. Thus, -in the army of Xerxes were marshalled men of many nations, each armed -according to the fashion of his country, and fighting in his own -peculiar way. We may, perhaps, identify, in the Assyrian sculptures, -several of the costumes described by the Greek historian as worn by -those who formed the vast army of the Persian king. - -The arms of the early Assyrians were the spear, the bow, the sword, and -the dagger. The sling is not represented in the most ancient monuments -as an Assyrian weapon, although used by a conquered nation; it was, -perhaps, introduced at a later period. The bows were of two kinds: one -long and slightly curved, the other short and almost angular; the two -appear to have been carried at the same time by those who fought in -chariots. - -The arrows were probably made of reeds, and were kept in a quiver slung -over the back. The king, however, and the great officers of the state -were followed by attendants, who carried the quivers and supplied their -masters with arrows. The bow was drawn to the cheek or to the ear, as -by the Saxons, and not to the breast, after the fashion of the Greeks. -The barbs were of iron and copper, several of both materials having -been found in the ruins. When in battle it was customary for the archer -to hold two arrows in reserve in his right hand; they were placed -between the fingers, and did not interfere with the motion of the arm -whilst drawing the bow. When marching he usually carried the larger bow -over his shoulders, having first passed his head through it. The bow of -the king was borne by an attendant. The smaller bows were frequently -placed in the quiver, particularly by those who fought in chariots. A -leather or linen guard was fastened by straps to the inside of the left -arm to protect it when the arrow was discharged. The swords were worn -on the left side, and suspended by belts passing over the shoulders -or round the middle; some were short and others long. I have already -alluded to the beauty of the ornaments on the hilt and sheath. - -The dagger appears to have been carried by all, both in time of peace -and war; even the priests and divinities are represented with them. -They were worn indifferently on the left and right side, or perhaps on -both at the same time. Generally two, or sometimes three, were inserted -into one sheath, which was passed through the girdle. The handles, -as I have already mentioned, were most elaborately adorned, and were -frequently in the shape of the head of a ram, bull, or horse, being -made of ivory or rare stones. A small chain was sometimes fastened -to the hilt or to the sheath, probably to retain it in its place. A -dagger, resembling in form those of the sculptures, was found amongst -the ruins of Nimrud; it is of copper. The handle is hollowed, either to -receive precious stones, ivory, or enamel. - -The spear of the Assyrian footman was short, scarcely exceeding the -height of a man; that of the horseman appears to have been considerably -longer. The iron head of a spear from Nimrud is in the British Museum. -The shaft was probably of some strong wood, and did not consist of -a reed, like that of the modern Arab lance. The large club pointed -with iron, mentioned by Herodotus amongst the weapons carried by the -Assyrians, is not represented in the sculptures; unless, indeed, the -description of the historian applies to the mace, a weapon in very -general use amongst them, and frequently seen in the bas-reliefs. -This weapon consisted of a short handle, probably of wood, to which -was fixed a head, evidently of metal, in the shape of a flower, -rosette, lion, or bull. To the end of the handle was attached a thong, -apparently of leather, through which the hand was passed. I have not -found any representation of warriors using the hatchet, except when -cutting down trees, to clear the country preparatory to a siege. It -is, however, generally seen amongst the weapons of those who fought -in chariots, and was carried in the quiver, with the arrows and short -angular bow. - -In the bas-reliefs of Kuyunjik, slingers are frequently represented -amongst the Assyrian troops. The sling appears to have consisted of a -double rope, with a thong, probably of leather, to receive the stone; -it was swung round the head. The slinger held a second stone in his -left hand, and at his feet is generally seen a heap of pebbles ready -for use. That the Persian slingers were exceedingly expert, used very -large stones, and could annoy their enemies whilst out of the reach of -their darts or arrows, we learn from several passages in Xenophon. - -The javelin is frequently included amongst the weapons of the Assyrian -charioteers; but the warriors are not represented as using it in -battle. It was carried in the quiver amongst the arrows. - -The shields of the Assyrians were of various forms and materials. In -the more ancient bas-reliefs a circular buckler, either of hide or -metal, perhaps in some instances of gold and silver, is most frequently -introduced. King Solomon made three hundred shields of beaten gold, -three pounds of gold to each shield (1 Kings x. 17). The servants of -Hadad-ezer, king of Zobah, carried shields of gold (2 Samuel viii. 7). -The shield of Goliath was of brass. It was held by a handle fixed to -the centre. Light oblong shields of wickerwork, carried in a similar -manner, are also found in the early sculptures; but those of a circular -form appear to have been generally used by the charioteers. - -Suspended to the backs of the chariots, and also carried by warriors, -are frequently seen shields in the shape of a crescent, narrow and -curved outwards at the extremities. The face is ornamented by a row -of angular bosses, or teeth, in the centre of which is the head of a -lion. In the sculptures of Khorsabad the round shield is often highly -ornamented. It resembles, both in shape and in the devices upon it, the -bucklers now carried by the Kurds and Arabs, which are made of the hide -of the hippopotamus. In the bas-reliefs of Kuyunjik some warriors bear -oval shields, very convex, and sufficiently large to cover the greater -part of the body. The centre and outer rim are decorated with bosses. - -The shield used during a siege concealed the whole person of the -warrior, and completely defended him from the arrows of the enemy. It -was made either of wickerwork or of hides, and was furnished at the -top with a curved point, or with a square projection, like a roof, at -right angles to the body of the shield, which may have served to defend -the heads of the combatants against missiles discharged from the walls -and towers. Such were probably the shields used by the Persian archers -at the battle of Platæa. The archers, whether fighting on foot or in -chariots, were accompanied by shield bearers, whose office it was to -protect them from the shafts of the enemy. Sometimes one shield covered -two archers. The shield bearer was usually provided with a sword, which -he held ready drawn for defence. The king was always attended in his -wars by this officer, and even in peace one of his eunuchs usually -carried a circular shield for his use. This shield bearer was probably -a person of rank, as in Egypt. On some monuments of the later Assyrian -period he is represented carrying two shields, one in each hand. - -A great part of the strength of the Assyrian armies consisted in -chariots and horsemen, to which we have frequent allusion in the -inspired writings. The chariots appear to have been used by the king -and the highest officers of state, who are never seen in battle on -horseback nor, except in sieges, on foot. They contained either two or -three persons. The king was always accompanied by two attendants--the -warrior protecting him with a shield (who was replaced during peace -by the eunuch bearing the parasol), and the charioteer. The principal -warriors were also frequently attended by their shield bearers, though -more generally by the driver alone. - -The chariot was used during a siege, as well as in open battle. The -king and his warriors are frequently represented as fighting in -chariots with the enemy beneath the walls of a castle, or as having -dismounted from their cars, to discharge their arrows against the -besieged. In the latter case, grooms on foot hold the horses. When the -king in his chariot formed part of a triumphal procession, armed men -led the horses. The chariot was also preceded and followed by men on -foot. - -The horsemen formed a no less important part of the Assyrian army than -the charioteers.--“Assyrians clothed in blue, captains and rulers, all -of them desirable young men, horsemen riding upon horses” (Ezekiel -xxiii. 6). Horsemen are seen in the most ancient sculptures of Nimrud. -It is singular, as observes Sir Gardner Wilkinson (_Ancient Egyptians_, -Vol. I, p. 288), that horsemen are nowhere represented on the monuments -of Egypt, although there can be no doubt, from numerous passages in the -sacred writings, that cavalry formed an important part of the Egyptian -armies. I have already mentioned that disciplined bodies of cavalry -were represented in the bas-reliefs of Kuyunjik. We learn from the Book -of Judith that Holofernes had twelve thousand archers on horseback -(Judith ii. 15). Solomon had twelve thousand horsemen (1 Kings x. 26). -The king himself is never represented on horseback, although a horse -richly caparisoned, apparently for his use,--perhaps to enable him to -fly, should his chariot horses be killed,--is frequently seen led by a -warrior, and following his chariot. - -In the earliest sculptures the horses, except such as are led behind -the king’s chariot, are unprovided with cloths or saddles. The rider -is seated on the naked back of the animal. At a later period, however, -a kind of pad appears to have been introduced; and in a sculpture at -Kuyunjik was represented a high saddle not unlike that now in use in -the East.[b] - - -THE ARTS OF PEACE IN BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA - -Nothing else, perhaps, is so vitally important in the life-history of a -nation as its contact with other nations. Such contact alone, it would -seem, can enable a nation in some measure to ward off the lethargy of -age, or to overcome the incubus of custom and superstition. - -The isolated nation does not get beyond a certain stage of evolution. -It learns a few secrets, and seems powerless to learn others of itself. -Only through contact with another community can it improve its customs, -get new ideas, acquire better habits of thought and action. We have -already pointed out how Egypt profited in this regard through the -foreign associations that came with the inroad of conquering tribes -from the south and east. - -Babylon, however, occupied a far more favourable position than Egypt -for contact with other nations, not alone through such warlike -channels, but also through the yet more beneficent channels of peaceful -commerce. A glance at the map shows that Mesopotamia occupies the -very centre of the world of ancient civilisation. By reaching out its -hand, so to speak, this way or that, it came in contact with every -civilised nation of the period except China. It was the connecting -link between Persia and India on the one hand, and Lydia, Syria, and -Egypt on the other. Even Chinese ideas were to some extent accessible -through the mediation of India. No other great nation of antiquity -compares with Babylonia in this regard; and perhaps this was the most -important reason why this little strip of fertile land between the two -great rivers supported a continuous civilisation, on the whole ever -advancing, millennium after millennium. - -If one would correctly understand the development of that Mesopotamian -civilisation, of which our own culture is the direct outgrowth, one -must give heed to the commercial relations which were so important a -factor of national growth, without which, indeed, no such civilisation -as that of Babylon and Nineveh could have come into existence. - -But, of course, commerce builds up local industries. A nation must -be a producer of useful commodities before it can hope to secure, -by peaceful means, the commodities produced by other nations. In -connection with the commercial relations of a nation we must study also -its home industries, that is to say, broadly speaking, its agricultural -and manufacturing conditions. We must see something also of the social -customs that grow out of, and rest upon these industrial conditions; -and of the laws that are the official expression of the communal -intelligence--the index of the communal conscience of the epoch.[a] -And first we have the privilege of quoting from one who himself saw -Babylon, that is, of course, Herodotus. - - -BABYLON AND ITS CUSTOMS DESCRIBED BY AN EYE-WITNESS - -The Assyrians are masters of many capital towns; but their place of -greatest strength and fame is Babylon, which, after the destruction of -Nineveh, was the royal residence. It is situated on a large plain, and -is a perfect square; each side, by every approach, is 120 furlongs in -length; the space, therefore, occupied by the whole is 480 furlongs. -[The different reports of the extent of the walls of Babylon are -given as follows: By Herodotus at 120 stadia each side, or 480 in -circumference. By Pliny and Solinus at 60 Roman miles, which, at eight -stadia to a mile, agrees with Herodotus. By Strabo at 385 stadia. By -Diodorus, from Ctesias, 360; but from Clitarchus, who accompanied -Alexander, 365; and, lastly, by Curtius, 368. It appears highly -probable that 360 or 365 was the true statement of the circumference.] - -So extensive is the ground which Babylon occupies, its internal beauty -and magnificence exceeds whatever has come within my knowledge. It is -surrounded by a trench, very wide, deep, and full of water; the wall -beyond this is two hundred royal cubits high, and fifty wide; the royal -exceeds the common cubit by three digits. [These measures, being taken -from the proportions of the human body, are more permanent than any -other. The foot of a moderate-sized man and the cubit, that is the -space from the end of the fingers to the elbow, have always been near -twelve and eighteen inches respectively.--BELOE.] - -I here think it right to describe the use to which the earth dug out -of the trench was converted, as well as the particular manner in which -they constructed the wall. The earth of the trench was first of all -laid in heaps, and, when a sufficient quantity was obtained, made into -square bricks and baked in a furnace. They used as cement a composition -of heated bitumen, which, mixed with tops of reeds, was placed betwixt -every thirtieth course of bricks. Having thus lined the sides of -the trench, they proceeded to build the wall in the same manner, on -the summit of which, and fronting each other, they erected small -watch-towers of one story, leaving a space betwixt them, through which -a chariot and four horses might pass and turn. In the circumference -of the wall, at different distances, were an hundred massy gates of -brass, whose hinges and frames were of the same metal. Within an eight -days’ journey from Babylon is a city called Is [Hit], near which flows -a river of the same name, which empties itself into the Euphrates. -With the current of this river, particles of bitumen descend towards -Babylon, by the means of which its walls were constructed. The great -river Euphrates, which, with its deep and rapid streams, rises in the -Armenian Mountains, and pours itself into the Red Sea, divides Babylon -into two parts. The walls meet and form an angle with the river at each -extremity of the town, where a breastwork of burnt bricks begins, and -is continued along each bank. The city, which abounds in houses from -three to four stories in height, is regularly divided into streets. -Through these, which are parallel, there are transverse avenues to the -river, opened through the wall and breastwork, and secured by an equal -number of little gates of brass. - -The first wall is regularly fortified; the interior one, though less in -substance, is of almost equal strength. Besides these, in the centre -of each division of the city, there is a circular space surrounded by -a wall. In one of these stands the royal palace, which fills a large -and strongly defended space. The temple of Jupiter Belus occupies the -other, whose huge gates of brass may still be seen. It is a square -building, each side of which is of the length of two furlongs. In the -midst a tower rises, of the solid depth and height of one furlong, upon -which, resting as a base, seven other turrets are built in regular -succession. The ascent is on the outside, which, winding from the -ground, is continued to the highest tower; and in the middle of the -whole structure there is a convenient resting-place. In the last tower -is a large chapel, in which is placed a couch magnificently adorned, -and near it a table of solid gold; but there is no statue in the place. -No man is suffered to sleep here; but the apartment is occupied by a -female, who, as the Chaldean priests affirm, is selected by their deity -from the whole nation as the object of his pleasures. - -They themselves have a tradition, which cannot easily obtain credit, -that their deity enters this temple and reposes by night on this couch. -A similar assertion is also made by the Egyptians of Thebes; for, in -the interior part of the temple of the Theban Jupiter, a woman in like -manner sleeps. Of these two women, it is presumed that neither of them -has any communication with the other sex. In which predicament the -priestess of the temple of Pataræ in Lycia is also placed. Here is no -regular oracle; but whenever a divine communication is expected, the -priestess is obliged to pass the preceding night in the temple. - -In this temple there is also a small chapel, lower in the building, -which contains a figure of Jupiter in a sitting posture, with a large -table before him; these, with the base of the table and the seat of the -throne, are all of the purest gold, and are estimated by the Chaldeans -to be worth eight hundred talents. On the outside of this chapel there -are two altars: one is of gold, the other is of immense size, and -appropriated to the sacrifice of full-grown animals; those only which -have not left their dams may be offered on the altar of gold. Upon -the larger altar, at the time of the anniversary festival in honour -of their god, the Chaldeans regularly consume incense, to the amount -of a thousand talents. There was formerly in this temple a statue of -gold, twelve cubits high; this, however, I mention from the information -of the Chaldeans, and not from my own knowledge. Darius, the son of -Hystaspes, endeavoured by sinister means to get possession of this, -not daring openly to take it; but his son Xerxes afterwards seized it, -putting the priest to death who endeavoured to prevent its removal. The -temple, besides those ornaments which I have described, contains many -offerings of individuals. - -Among the various sovereigns of Babylon, who contributed to the -strength of its walls, and the decoration of its temples, and of whom -I shall make mention when I treat of the Assyrians, there were two -females; the former of these was named Semiramis, who preceded the -other by an interval of five generations. This queen raised certain -mounds, which are indeed admirable works. Till then the whole plain -was subject to violent inundations from the river. The other queen -was called Nitocris. She being a woman of superior understanding, not -only left many permanent works, which I shall hereafter describe, but -also having observed the increasing power and restless spirit of the -Medes, and that Nineveh, with other cities, had fallen a prey to their -ambition, put her dominions in the strongest posture of defence. To -effect this she sunk a number of canals above Babylon, which by their -disposition rendered the Euphrates, which before flowed to the sea -in an almost even line, so complicated by its windings that in its -passage to Babylon it arrives three times at Ardericca, an Assyrian -village; and to this hour they who wish to go from the sea up the -Euphrates to Babylon are compelled to touch at Ardericca three times -on three different days. The banks also, which she raised to restrain -the river on each side, are really wonderful from their enormous height -and substance. At a considerable distance above Babylon, turning -aside a little from the stream, she ordered an immense lake to be -dug, sinking it till they came to the water. Its circumference was -no less than four hundred and twenty furlongs. The earth of this was -applied to the embankments of the river, and the sides of the trench -or lake were strengthened and lined with stones brought thither for -that purpose. She had in view by these works, first of all to break the -violence of the current by the number of circumflexions and also to -render the navigation to Babylon as difficult and tedious as possible. -These things were done in that part of her dominions which was most -accessible to the Medes, and with the further view of keeping them in -ignorance of her affairs by giving them no commercial encouragement. -Having rendered both of these works strong and secure, she proceeded to -execute the following project. The city being divided by the river into -two distinct parts, whoever wanted to go from one side to the other was -obliged in the time of the former kings to pass the water in a boat. -For this, which was a matter of general inconvenience, she provided -this remedy, and the immense lake which she had before sunk became the -further means of extending her fame. Having procured a number of large -stones, she changed the course of the river, directing it into the -canal prepared for its reception. When this was full the natural bed -of the river became dry, and the embankments on each side, near those -smaller gates which led to the water, were lined with bricks hardened -by fire, similar to those which had been used in the construction of -the wall. She afterwards, nearly in the centre of the city, with the -stones above-mentioned, strongly compacted with iron and with lead, -erected a bridge. Over this the inhabitants passed in the daytime by a -square platform, which was removed in the evening to prevent acts of -mutual depredation. When the above canal was thoroughly filled with -water, and the bridge completely finished and adorned, the Euphrates -was suffered to return to its original bed; thus both the canal and -the bridge were confessedly of the greatest utility to the public. The -above queen was also celebrated for another instance of ingenuity. She -caused her tomb to be erected over one of the principal gates of the -city, and so situated as to be obvious to universal inspection. It -was thus inscribed: “If any of the sovereigns, my successors, shall -be in extreme want of money let him open my tomb and take what money -he may think proper; if his necessity be not great, let him forbear; -the experiment will perhaps be dangerous.” The tomb remained without -injury till the time and reign of Darius. He was equally offended at -the gate’s being rendered useless, and that the invitation thus held -out to become affluent should have been so long neglected. The gate, -it is to be observed, was of no use, from the general aversion to pass -through a place over which a dead body was laid. Darius opened the -tomb; but instead of finding riches, he saw only a dead body, with a -label of this import: “If your avarice had not been equally base and -insatiable, you would not have disturbed the repose of the dead.” Such -are the traditions concerning this queen. - -The following exists amongst many other proofs which I shall hereafter -produce of the power and greatness of Babylon. Independent of those -subsidies which are paid monthly to the Persian monarch, the whole of -his dominions are obliged throughout the year to provide subsistence -for him and for his army. Babylon alone raises a supply for four -months, eight being proportioned to all the rest of Asia, so that -the resources of this region are considered as adequate to a third -part of Asia. The government also of this country, which the Persians -call a satrapy, is deemed by much the noblest in the empire. When -Tritantæchmes, son of Artabazus, was appointed to this principality -by the king, he received every day an artaby of silver. The artaby -is a Persian measure which exceeds the Attic medimnus by about three -chænices. Besides his horses for military service this province -maintained for the sovereign’s use a stud of eight hundred stallions -and sixteen thousand mares, one horse being allotted to twenty mares. -He had, moreover, so immense a number of Indian dogs that four great -towns in the vicinity of Babylon were exempted from every other tax but -that of maintaining them. - -The Assyrians have but little rain; the lands, however, are fertilised -and the fruits of the earth nourished by means of the river. This does -not, like the Egyptian Nile, enrich the country by overflowing its -banks, but is dispersed by manual labour or by hydraulic engines. The -Babylonian district, like Egypt, is intersected by a number of canals, -the largest of which, continued with a southeast course from the -Euphrates to that part of the Tigris where Nineveh stands, is capable -of receiving vessels of burden. Of all countries which have come within -my observation this is far the most fruitful in corn. Fruit trees, -such as the vine, the olive, and the fig, they do not even attempt -to cultivate; but the soil is so particularly well adapted for corn, -that it never produces less than two hundredfold. In seasons which -are remarkably favourable it will sometimes rise to three hundred. -The ear of their wheat as well as barley is four digits in size. The -immense height to which millet and sesamum will grow, although I have -witnessed it myself, I know not how to mention. I am well aware that -they who have not visited this country will deem whatever I may say -on this subject a violation of probability. They have no oil but what -they extract from the sesamum. The palm is a very common plant in this -country and generally fruitful. This they cultivate like fig trees, -and it produces them bread, wine, and honey. The process observed is -this: they fasten the fruit of that which the Greeks term the male tree -to the one which produces the date; by this means the worm which is -contained in the former entering the fruit ripens and prevents it from -dropping immaturely. The male palms bear insects in their fruit in the -same manner as the wild fig trees. Of all that I saw in this country, -next to Babylon itself, what to me appeared the greatest curiosity were -the boats. These which are used by those who come to the city are of a -circular form and made of skins. They are constructed in Armenia, in -the parts above Assyria, where the sides of the vessels being formed -of willow are covered externally with skins, and having no distinction -of head or stern, are modelled in the shape of a shield. Lining the -bottom of the boats with reeds, they take on board their merchandise, -and thus commit themselves to the stream. The principal article of -their commerce is palm wine, which they carry in casks. The boats have -two oars, one man to each; one pulls to him, the other pushes from -him. These boats are of very different dimensions; some of them are -so large as to bear freights to the value of five thousand talents; -the smaller of them has one ass on board, the larger several. On their -arrival at Babylon they dispose of all their cargo, selling the ribs -of their boats, the matting, and everything but the skins which cover -them; these they lay upon their asses and with them return to Armenia. -The rapidity of the stream is too great to render their return by water -practicable. This is perhaps the reason which induces them to make -their boats of skin rather than of wood. On their return with their -asses to Armenia they make other vessels in the manner we have before -described. - -Their clothing is of this kind: they have two vests, one of linen -which falls to the feet, another over this which is made of wool, a -white sash connects the whole. The fashion of their shoes is peculiar -to themselves, though somewhat resembling those worn by the Thebans. -They wear their hair long, and covered with a turban, and are lavish -in their use of perfumes. Each person has a seal ring, and a cane, or -walking-stick, upon the top of which is carved an apple, a rose, a -lily, an eagle, or some figure or other, for to have a stick without a -device is unlawful. - -In my description of their laws I have to mention one, the wisdom of -which I must admire, and which, if I am not misinformed, the Eneti, who -are of Illyrian origin, use also. In each of their several districts -this custom was every year observed: such of their virgins as were -marriageable were, at an appointed time and place, assembled together. -Here the men also came, and some public officer sold by auction the -young women one by one, beginning with the most beautiful. When she -was disposed of, and, as may be supposed, for a considerable sum, he -proceeded to sell the one who was next in beauty, taking it for granted -that each man married the maid he purchased. [Herodotus here omits -one circumstance of consequence, in my opinion, to prove that this -ceremony was conducted with decency. It passed under the inspection of -the magistrates, and the tribunal superintended the marriage of the -young women. Three men, respectable for their virtue, and who were -at the head of their several tribes, conducted the young women that -were marriageable to the place of assembly, and there sold them by the -voice of the public crier.--LARCHER. If the custom of disposing of -the young women to the best bidder was peculiar to the Babylonians, -that of purchasing the person intended for a wife, and of giving the -father a sum to obtain her, was much more general. It was practised -amongst the Greeks, the Trojans and their allies, and even amongst the -deities.--BELLANGER.] - -The more affluent of the Babylonian youths contended with much ardour -and emulation to obtain the most beautiful; those of the common people -who were desirous of marrying, as if they had but little occasion for -personal accomplishments, were content to receive the more homely -maidens, with a portion annexed to them. For the crier, when he -had sold the fairest, selected next the most ugly, or one that was -deformed; she also was put up to sale, and assigned to whoever would -take her with the least money. This money was what the sale of the -beautiful maidens produced, who were thus obliged to portion out those -who were deformed, or less lovely than themselves. No man was permitted -to provide a match for his daughter, nor could any one take away the -woman whom he purchased without first giving security to make her his -wife. To this, if he did not assent, his money was returned to him. -There were no restrictions with respect to residence; those of another -village might also become purchasers. This, although the most wise of -all their institutions, has not been preserved to our time. One of -their later ordinances was made to punish violence offered to women, -and to prevent their being carried away to other parts; for after the -city had been taken, and the inhabitants plundered, the lower people -were reduced to such extremities that they prostituted their daughters -for hire. - -They have also another institution, the good tendency of which claims -applause. Such as are diseased among them they carry into some public -square; they have no professors of medicine, but the passengers in -general interrogate the sick person concerning his malady, that if any -person has either been afflicted with a similar disease himself, or -seen its operation on another, he may communicate the process by which -his own recovery was effected, or by which, in any other instance, he -knew the disease to be removed. No one may pass by the afflicted person -in silence, or without inquiry into the nature of his complaint. - -Previous to their interment, their dead are anointed with honey, and, -like the Egyptians, they are fond of funeral lamentations. Whenever a -man has had communication with his wife, he sits over a consecrated -vessel, containing burning perfumes; the woman does the same. In the -morning both of them go into the bath; till they have done this they -will neither of them touch any domestic utensil. This custom is also -observed in Arabia. - -The Babylonians have one custom in the highest degree abominable. Every -woman who is a native of the country is obliged once in her life to -attend at the temple of Venus, and prostitute herself to a stranger. -Such women as are of superior rank do not omit even this opportunity -of separating themselves from their inferiors; these go to the temple -in splendid chariots, accompanied by a numerous train of domestics, -and place themselves near the entrance. This is the practice with -many, whilst the greater part, crowned with garlands, seat themselves -in the vestibule, and there are always numbers coming and going. The -seats have all of them a rope or string annexed to them, by which the -stranger may determine his choice. A woman, having once taken this -situation, is not allowed to return home till some stranger throws -her a piece of money, and leading her to a distance from the temple, -enjoys her person. It is usual for the man, when he gives the money, -to say, “May the goddess Mylitta be auspicious to thee!” Mylitta being -the Assyrian name of Venus. The money given is applied to sacred uses, -and must not be refused, however small it may be. The woman is not -suffered to make any distinction, but is obliged to accompany whoever -offers her money. She afterwards makes some conciliatory oblation to -the goddess, and returns to her house, never afterwards to be obtained -on similar or on any terms. Such as are eminent for their elegance -and beauty do not continue long, but those who are of less engaging -appearance have sometimes been known to remain from three to four years -unable to accomplish the terms of the law. It is to be remarked that -the inhabitants of Cyprus have a similar observance. - -In addition to the foregoing account of Babylonian manners, we may -observe that there are three tribes of this people whose only food is -fish. They prepare it thus: having dried it in the sun, they beat it -very small in a mortar, and afterwards sift it through a piece of fine -cloth; they then form it into cakes, or bake it as bread.[c] - -The foregoing description by Herodotus refers to the condition of -Babylon in the early part of the fifth century B.C., something like -fifty years after the overthrow of the new Babylonian empire by Cyrus. -The city still remained under Persian influence, Babylon being one of -the capitals of the “Great King.” The account given has a peculiar -value because it is the only description given by an eye-witness from -the Western world that has come down to us from so early a period. - -Herodotus saw with the eyes of a Greek of the age of Pericles, and it -is now admitted that when he describes his personal experiences, he is -altogether dependable. His account, therefore, still has full value -as supplementing the records of the monuments. It is greatly to be -regretted that the Greek historian remained ignorant of the monumental -records themselves, though it would have been strange had he been able -to decipher them, since the Greeks were notoriously unfamiliar with any -language but their own. - -The account of Babylon given by the great geographer, Strabo, which -will be presented in the next chapter, relates to a period not far -from the beginning of the Christian era, and hence carries us ahead -of the political story as told in the preceding books. At this time -Babylon had ceased to be the capital city, though still important. -Since Herodotus wrote, some five hundred years have passed. Alexander -has overthrown the Persians, and Alexander’s empire in turn has been -overthrown. Yet we may suppose that the old city of Babylon--the most -ancient city retaining influence at that day--has not very greatly -changed, except that its ancient monuments are falling into ruins. -A peculiar interest attaches to this description of the last stages -in the life-history of a city that has seen so many rotations of -fortune, and has lived on through so many shiftings of the political -kaleidoscope. - -It is probable that Strabo, like Herodotus, writes as an eye-witness. -In any event his account has full authority, coming from one of the -greatest and most scientific of ancient geographers, who in addition to -his geographical learning had a keen historical sense.[a] - - -A LATER CLASSICAL ACCOUNT OF BABYLON - -Babylon is situated in a plain. The wall is 385 stadia in circumference -and 32 feet in thickness. The height of the space between the towers -is 50, and of the towers, 60 cubits. The roadway upon the walls will -allow chariots with four horses when they meet to pass each other with -ease. Whence, among the seven wonders of the world, are reckoned this -wall and the hanging garden; the shape of the garden is a square, and -each side of it measures four plethra. It consists of vaulted terraces, -raised one above another, and resting upon cube-shaped pillars. These -are hollow and filled with earth, to allow trees of the largest size to -be planted. The pillars, the vaults, and the terraces are constructed -of baked bricks and asphalt. - -The ascent to the highest story is by stairs, and at their side are -water-engines, by means of which persons, appointed expressly for the -purpose, are continually employed in raising water from the Euphrates -into the garden; for the river, which is a stadium in breadth, flows -through the middle of the city, and the garden is on the side of the -river. The tomb, also, of Belus is there. At present it is in ruins, -having been demolished, it is said, by Xerxes. It was a quadrangular -pyramid of baked brick, a stadium in height, and each of the sides a -stadium in length. Alexander intended to repair it. It was a great -undertaking, and required a long time for its completion (for ten -thousand men were occupied two months in clearing away the mound of -earth), so that he was not able to execute what he had attempted -before disease hurried him rapidly to his end. None of the persons -who succeeded him attended to this undertaking; other works also were -neglected, and the city was dilapidated, partly by the Persians, partly -by time, and through the indifference of the Macedonians to things of -this kind, particularly after Seleucus Nicator had fortified Seleucia, -on the Tigris, near Babylon, at the distance of about three hundred -stadia. - -Both this prince and all his successors directed their care to that -city, and transferred to it the seat of empire. At present it is larger -than Babylon; the other is in great part deserted, so that no one -would hesitate to apply to it what one of the comic writers said of -Megalopolitæ in Arcadia: - - “The great city is a great desert.” - -On account of the scarcity of timber, the beams and pillars of the -houses were made of palm wood. They wind ropes of twisted reed round -the pillars, paint them over with colours, and draw designs upon -them; they cover the doors with a coat of asphaltus. These are lofty, -and all the houses are vaulted on account of the want of timber. -For the country is bare, a great part of it is covered with shrubs, -and produces nothing but the palm. This tree grows in the greatest -abundance in Babylonia. It is found in Susiana; also, in great -quantity, on the Persian coast, and in Carmania. - -They do not use tiles for their houses, because there are no great -rains. The case is the same in Susiana and in Sitacene. In Babylon a -residence was set apart for the native philosophers called Chaldeans, -who are chiefly devoted to the study of astronomy. Some, who are not -approved of by the rest, profess to understand genethlialogy, or the -casting of nativities. There is also a tribe of Chaldeans who inhabit a -district of Babylonia in the neighbourhood of the Arabians and of the -sea called the Persian Sea. There are several classes of the Chaldean -astronomers. Some have the name of Orcheni, some Borsippeni, and many -others, as if divided into sects, who disseminate different tenets on -the same subjects. The mathematicians make mention of some individuals -among them, as Cidenas, Naburianus, and Sudinus. Seleucus, also, of -Seleucia, is a Chaldean, and many other remarkable men. Borsippa is a -city sacred to Diana and Apollo. Here is a large linen manufactory. -Bats of much larger size than those in other parts abound in it. They -are caught and salted for food. - -The country of the Babylonians is surrounded on the east by the Susans, -Elymæi, and Parætaceni; on the south by the Persian Gulf, and the -Chaldeans as far as the Arabian Messeni; on the west by the Arabian -Scenitæ as far as Adiabene and Gordyæa; on the north by the Armenians -and Medes as far as the Zagros, and the nations about that river. - -The country is intersected by many rivers, the largest of which are -the Euphrates and the Tigris; next to the Indian rivers, the rivers -in the southern parts of Asia are said to hold the second place. The -Tigris is navigable upward from its mouth to Opis and to the present -Seleucia. Opis is a village and a mart for the surrounding places. The -Euphrates also is navigable up to Babylon, a distance of more than -three thousand stadia. The Persians, through fear of incursions from -without and for the purpose of preventing vessels from ascending -these rivers, constructed artificial cataracts. Alexander, on arriving -there, destroyed as many of them as he could, those particularly (on -the Tigris from the sea) to Opis. But he bestowed great care upon the -canals, for the Euphrates, at the commencement of summer, overflows. -It begins to fill in the spring, when the snow in Armenia melts; the -ploughed land, therefore, would be covered with water and be submerged, -unless the overflow of the superabundant water of the Nile is diverted. -Hence the origin of canals. Great labour is requisite for their -maintenance, for the soil is deep, soft, and yielding, so that it would -easily be swept away by the stream; the fields would be laid bare, the -canals filled, and the accumulation of mud would soon obstruct their -mouths. Then again, the excess of water discharging itself into the -plains near the sea forms lakes and marshes and reed grounds, supplying -the reeds with which all kinds of platted vessels are woven; some of -these vessels are capable of holding water when covered over with -asphaltus; others are used with the material in its natural state. -Sails are also made of reeds; these resemble mats or hurdles. - -It is not, perhaps, possible to prevent inundations of this kind -altogether, but it is the duty of good princes to afford all possible -assistance. The assistance required is to prevent excessive overflow -by the construction of dams, and to obviate the filling of rivers -produced by the accumulation of mud, by cleansing the canals and -removing stoppages at their mouths. The cleansing of the canals is -easily performed, but the construction of dams requires the labour -of numerous workmen. For the earth being soft and yielding does not -support the superincumbent mass, which sinks, and is itself carried -away, and thus a difficulty arises in making dams at the mouth. -Expedition is necessary in closing the canals to prevent all the water -flowing out. When the canals dry up in the summer-time they cause the -river to dry up also; and if the river is low (before the canals are -closed) it cannot supply the canals in time with water, of which the -country, burnt up and scorched, requires a very large quantity, for -there is no difference, whether the crops are flooded by an excess or -perish by drought and a failure of water. The navigation up the rivers -(a source of many advantages) is continually obstructed by both the -above-mentioned causes, and it is not possible to remedy this unless -the mouths of the canals were quickly opened and quickly closed, and -the canals were made to contain and preserve a mean between excess and -deficiency of water. - -Aristobulus relates that Alexander himself, when he was sailing up the -river and directing the course of the boat, inspected the canals, and -ordered them to be cleared by his multitude of followers; he likewise -stopped up some of the mouths, and opened others. He observed that -one of these canals, which took a direction more immediately to the -marshes and to the lakes in front of Arabia, had a mouth very difficult -to be dealt with, and which could not be easily closed on account of -the soft and yielding nature of the soil; he (therefore) opened a new -mouth at the distance of thirty stadia, selecting a place with a rocky -bottom, and to this the current was diverted. But in doing this he was -taking precautions that Arabia should not become entirely inaccessible -in consequence of the lakes and marshes, as it was already almost -an island from the quantity of water (which surrounded it). For he -contemplated making himself master of this country, and he had already -provided a fleet and places of rendezvous, and had built vessels in -Phœnicia and at Cyprus, some of which were in separate pieces, others -were in parts, fastened together by bolts. These, after being conveyed -to Thapsacus in seven distances of a day’s march, were then to be -transported down the river to Babylon. He constructed other boats in -Babylonia, from cypress trees in the groves and parks, for there is a -scarcity of timber in Babylonia. Among the Cossæi [Kossæans] and some -other tribes the supply of timber is not great. - -The pretext for the war, says Aristobulus, was that the Arabians were -the only people who did not send their ambassadors to Alexander; but -the true reason was his ambition to be lord of all. - -When he was informed that they worshipped two deities only, Jupiter -and Bacchus, who supply what is most requisite for the subsistence of -mankind, he supposed that, after his conquests, they would worship -him as a third, if he permitted them to enjoy their former national -independence. Thus was Alexander employed in clearing the canals, and -in examining minutely the sepulchres of the kings, most of which are -situated among the lakes. - -Eratosthenes, when he is speaking of the lakes near Arabia, says, that -the water, when it cannot find an outlet, opens passages underground, -and is conveyed through these as far as the Cœle-Syrians, it is also -compressed and forced into the parts near Rhinocolura and Mount Casius, -and there forms lakes and deep pits. But I know not whether this is -probable. For the overflowings of the water of the Euphrates, which -form the lakes and marshes near Arabia, are near the Persian Sea. But -the isthmus which separates them is neither large nor rocky, so that it -was more probable that the water forced its way in this direction into -the sea, either under the ground, or across the surface, than that it -traversed so dry and parched a soil for more than six thousand stadia: -particularly, when we observe, situated midway in this course, Libanus, -Antilibanus, and Mount Casius. - -Such, then, are the accounts of Eratosthenes and Aristobulus. - -But Polycleitus says, that the Euphrates does not overflow its banks, -because its course is through large plains; that of the mountains (from -which it is supplied) some are distant two thousand, and the Kossæan -Mountains scarcely one thousand stadia, that they are not very high, -nor covered with snow to a great depth, and therefore do not occasion -the snow to melt in great masses, for the most elevated mountains -are in the northern parts above Ecbatana; towards the south they are -divided, spread out, and are much lower; the Tigris also receives -the greater part of the water (which comes down from them) and thus -overflows its banks. - -The last assertion is evidently absurd, because the Tigris descends -into the same plains (as the Euphrates); and the above-mentioned -mountains are not of the same height, the northern being more elevated, -the southern extending in breadth, but are of a lower altitude. The -quantity of snow is not, however, to be estimated by altitude only, -but by aspect. The same mountain has more snow on the northern than on -the southern side, and the snow continues longer on the former than on -the latter. As the Tigris therefore receives from the most southern -parts of Armenia, which are near Babylon, the water of the melted snow, -of which there is no great quantity, since it comes from the southern -side, it should overflow in a less degree than the Euphrates, which -receives the water from both parts (northern and southern), and not -from a single mountain only, but from many, as I have mentioned in the -description of Armenia. To this we must add the length of the river, -the large tract of country which it traverses in the Greater and in the -Lesser Armenia, the large space it takes in its course in passing out -of the Lesser Armenia and Cappadocia, after issuing out of the Taurus -in its way to Thapsacus (forming the boundary between Syria below and -Mesopotamia), and the large remaining portion of country as far as -Babylon and to its mouth, a course in all of thirty-six thousand stadia. - -This, then, on the subject of the canals (of Babylonia). - -Babylonia produces barley in larger quantity than any other country, -for a produce of three hundredfold is spoken of. The palm tree -furnishes everything else--bread, wine, vinegar, and meal; all kinds of -woven articles are also procured from it. Braziers use the stones of -the fruit instead of charcoal. When softened by being soaked in water, -they are food for fattening oxen and sheep. - -It is said that there is a Persian song in which are reckoned up three -hundred and sixty useful properties of the palm. - -They employ for the most part the oil of sesamum, a plant which is rare -in other places. - -Asphaltus is found in great abundance in Babylonia. Eratosthenes -describes it as follows: - -The liquid asphaltus, which is called naphtha, is found in Susiana; -the dry kind, which can be made solid, in Babylonia. There is a spring -of it near the Euphrates. When this river overflows at the time of -the melting of the snow, the spring also of asphaltus is filled and -overflows into the river, where large clods are consolidated, fit for -buildings constructed of baked bricks. Others say that the liquid kind -also is found in Babylonia. With respect to the solid kind, I have -described its great utility in the construction of buildings. They say -that boats (of reeds) are woven, which, when besmeared with asphaltus, -are firmly compacted. The liquid kind, called naphtha, is of a singular -nature. When it is brought near the fire, the fire catches it; and if -a body smeared over with it is brought near the fire, it burns with -a flame, which it is impossible to extinguish, except with a large -quantity of water; with a small quantity it burns more violently, -but it may be smothered and extinguished by mud, vinegar, alum, and -glue. It is said that Alexander, as an experiment, ordered naphtha -to be poured over a boy in a bath, and a lamp to be brought near his -body. The boy became enveloped in flames, and would have perished if -the bystanders had not mastered the fire by pouring upon him a great -quantity of water, and thus saved his life. - -Poseidonius says that there are springs of naphtha in Babylonia, some -of which produce white, others black, naphtha; the first of these, I -mean the white naphtha, which attracts flame, is liquid sulphur; the -second, or black naphtha, is liquid asphaltus, and is burnt in lamps -instead of oil. - -In former times the capital of Assyria was Babylon; it is now called -Seleucia upon the Tigris. Near it is a large village called Ctesiphon. -This the Parthian kings usually made their winter residence, with a -view to spare the Seleucians the burden of furnishing quarters for the -Scythian soldiery. In consequence of the power of Parthia, Ctesiphon -may be considered as a city rather than a village; from its size it is -capable of lodging a great multitude of people; it has been adorned -with public buildings by the Parthians, and has furnished merchandise, -and given rise to arts profitable to its masters. - -The kings usually passed the winter there, on account of the salubrity -of the air, and the summer at Ecbatana and in Hyrcania, induced by the -ancient renown of these places. - -As we call the country Babylonia, so we call the people Babylonians, -not from the name of the city, but of the country; the case is not -precisely the same, however, as regards even natives of Seleucia, as, -for instance, Diogenes, the stoic philosopher [who had the appellation -of the Babylonian, and not the Seleucian].[d] - -We turn now from the classical accounts having to do with the manners -and customs of the Mesopotamians to more modern interpretations. The -account of the commercial relations of the Babylonians given in the -succeeding section still has full authority, notwithstanding it was -written before modern excavations had created the new science of -Assyriology. No later writer has so profoundly studied the conditions -of commerce and trade in antiquity as Heeren, and his accounts are -still the most illuminative accessible. The monumental pictures and -inscriptions, much as they have told us of the political history, -and of the art, literature, and science of the Mesopotamians, have -added singularly little to our knowledge of the peaceful relations of -oriental nations as evidenced by their commercial dealings. The chance -references of classical writers still furnish us the foundation of -our knowledge of this subject, and the Assyrian monuments, where they -have thrown any light on the subject at all, have chiefly served to -substantiate our previous inferences. Thus, to cite a single example, -the pictures on the black obelisk of Shalmaneser II show us such beasts -as apes and elephants being brought as tribute to the conqueror, -confirming in the most unequivocal way the belief, based on Ctesias and -Strabo, that the Assyrians held commercial relations with India. - -The narrative of Heeren will be supplemented, however, by accounts of -the manners and customs of the people in question based upon a more -recent study of the monuments, both pictorial and documentary. We have -already noted that the sculptures rather than the written documents -furnish us a view of the everyday life of the people. Certain matters, -however, such as those pertaining to legal transactions, could not -possibly be known to us except through the medium of inscriptions.[a] - - -THE COMMERCE OF THE BABYLONIANS - -As the European steps into a new world as soon as he has crossed -the Alps, says Heeren, so is the contrast equally striking to the -Asiatic traveller upon descending from the mountainous country of -Persia and Media, or Irak Ajemi, into the plain of ancient Babylon and -modern Baghdad, the capital of Irak Arabi. The connection, frequently -so mysterious and inexplicable, which exists between climates and -countries, and even between climates and inhabitants, is here most -remarkably exemplified. The manners of the people, their habitations, -their dress, are all different. While in Persia and Media the garments, -though long, were closely fitted to the person, they are here, on the -contrary, loose and flowing. The black sheepskin cap which covered the -head gives way to the lofty and proud folds of the turban, and the -girdle, with its single knife, is replaced with the costly shawl and -rich poniard. “On my entrance into the city of the Caliphs,” says a -modern traveller (Porter, ii, 243, _et seq._), “I found the streets -crowded with men in every variety of dress, and of every shade of -complexion. Instead of the low dwellings peculiar to Persia, the houses -were several stories high, with lattice windows closely shut. The great -Bazaar was full of people, and I saw on all sides innumerable shops and -coffee-houses. The sound of voices and the rustling of silks reminded -one of the buzzing of a swarm of bees. For even now, though but the -shadow of its former splendour, Baghdad is still the grand caravanserai -of Asia.” But what a change has taken place in manners and modes of -life! The rigid etiquette of the Persian court has disappeared; the -tone of society, the relation of the sexes, is under less constraint, -and everything betokens pleasure and voluptuousness. Though in the hot -season the glowing sky forces the inhabitants during the day into their -underground vaults, yet they enjoy the balmy coolness of night in the -open air on their house tops. The delightful temperature of the winter -months, from the middle of November to that of February, compensates -for the inconveniences of summer, though at the same time it offers -irresistible incentives to all manner of sensual enjoyments. - -It must surely have been the same in former times. Can it be supposed -that those who came down the Euphrates from the royal cities of Persia -and Media to the great city of traffic had not the same spectacle -before their eyes? But what is modern Baghdad compared with the ancient -capital of the East? What crowds must have once thronged the streets -and squares of that city when the caravans of the East and West, with -the crews of ships trading to the south, were there collected together; -when the Chaldean and Persian sovereigns, with their numberless -attendants, made it their residence; when it was the emporium of the -world, and the great centre of attraction to all nations! How bustling -and animated must not these desolate places have been formerly, where -all now is still, save the call of the Bedouin or the roaring of the -lion! - -The accounts of ancient Babylon given by Jewish and Grecian writers set -before us a picture of wealth, magnificence, and pomp, though at the -same time a less pleasing representation of luxury and licentiousness. -Their banquets were carried to a disgusting excess, and the pleasures -of the table degenerated into debauchery; nay, at the very time -when the victorious Persians rushed into the city, the princes of -Babylon were engaged in festivities; and Belshazzar was given up to -intoxication in company with thousands of his lords when the hand which -wrote on the wall of the royal banqueting house, and predicted his -approaching fate, aroused him to the dreadful reality of his condition. -But this total degeneracy of manners was above all conspicuous in the -other sex, amongst whom were no traces of that reserve which usually -prevails in an eastern harem. The prophet, therefore, when he denounces -the fall of Babylon, describes it under the image of a luxurious and -lascivious woman, who is cast headlong into slavery from the seat -where she sits so effeminately. Moreover, at these orgies the women -appeared, where they proceeded so far as to lay aside their garments, -and with them every feeling of shame; nay, there was even a religious -enactment, as we are informed by Herodotus, according to which every -woman was obliged to prostitute herself to strangers in the temple of -Mylitta once in her life, and was not allowed to reject any person who -presented himself. - -The principal cause of this profligacy of manners was the riches and -luxury consequent upon extended commerce, which Babylon owed to its -geographical position. Climate and religion effected the rest. - -I have already had occasion to notice this advantageous situation of -Babylonia, in which respect it was probably superior to every other -country in Asia. While this afforded admirable facilities for traffic -by land, it was equally convenient for maritime and river navigation. -The two large rivers which flowed on each side of it seemed the natural -channels of commercial intercourse with the interior of Asia, and the -Persian Gulf by no means presented the same difficulties and dangers to -the navigator as that of Arabia. - -If we add to this the accounts which ancient authors have given us -of the industry, manners, and civil institutions of Babylon, it will -be evident that it owed its splendour and wealth to the same causes -which in latter times have been the occasion of an extensive commerce -to the cities of Baghdad and Bassorah. They unanimously describe the -Babylonians as a people fond of magnificence, and accustomed to a -multitude of artificial wants, which they could not have supplied -except by commercial relations with many countries, some of them very -remote. In their private life, especially in their dress, costliness -appears to have been more their object than either convenience or -utility. Their public festivals and sacrifices were attended with -immense expense, particularly in precious perfumes, with which they -could not have been provided but from foreign countries. The raw -materials, too, required for their celebrated manufactures--flax, -cotton, and wool, and perhaps silk--were either not the produce of -their soil, or certainly not in sufficient quantities for their -consumption. Lastly, many of their civil institutions were of such -a nature as only to be calculated for a city into which there was -a continual influx of strangers. On this principle alone can be -explained, not only their custom of exposing sick persons in the -market-place, that they might meet with some one competent to prescribe -for them, but also, and more particularly, the above-mentioned law, -which obliged their women to prostitute themselves in the temple of -Mylitta, and the public auction of marriageable virgins. It has been -already observed that the relations of the sexes are formed in a -peculiar manner in large commercial cities, and this will serve to -explain many remarkable institutions of several nations in Asia. - -However certain may be the evidence drawn from these principles, and -the accounts of antiquity in general, viz., that Babylon was the great -centre where all nations assembled, and whence they departed to their -several destinations, yet it is difficult to enter in detail on the -commerce of the Babylonians, and to settle with any degree of accuracy -its nature and its course. The obscure traces of it which yet remain -must be laboriously sought for in the works of Greek and Hebrew writers -alone; the labour, however, will not be without its recompense, and the -general result of this investigation will be a picture, which, though -not complete in its subordinate details, will yet present a generally -faithful outline. - -As a preliminary step, however, let us take a glance at the products -of Babylonian skill and industry, amongst which weaving of various -kinds deserves our first notice. The peculiar dress of the Babylonians -consisted partly of woollen, and partly of linen, or probably cotton -stuffs. “They wear,” says Herodotus, “a gown of linen (or cotton) -flowing down to the feet, over this, an upper woollen garment, and -a white (woollen) tunic covering the whole.” This garb, which must -have been too much for so warm a climate, seems to have been assumed -rather for ostentation, than to meet their actual wants, and probably -some alteration was made in it as the weather became warmer. Their -woven stuffs, however, were not confined to domestic use, but were -exported into foreign countries. Carpets, one of the principal objects -of luxury in the East, the floors of the rich being generally covered -with them, were nowhere so finely woven, and in such splendid colours, -as at Babylon. Particular representations were seen on them, of those -wonderful Indian animals, the griffin and others, with which we have -become acquainted by the ruins of Persepolis, whence the knowledge -of them was brought to the West. Foreign nations made use of these -carpets in the decoration of their harems and royal saloons; indeed, -this species of luxury appears nowhere to have been carried farther -than among the Persians. With them, not only the floors, but even beds -and sofas in the houses of the nobles were covered with two or three -of these carpets; nay, the oldest of their sacred edifices, the tomb -of Cyrus at Pasargada, was ornamented with a purple one of Babylonian -workmanship. - -Babylonian garments were not less esteemed; those in particular called -sindones were in very high repute. It appears that they were usually of -cotton, and the most costly were so highly valued for their brilliancy -of colour and fineness of texture, as to be compared to those of -Media, and set apart for royal use; they were even to be found at the -tomb of Cyrus, which was profusely decorated with every description -of furniture in use amongst the Persian kings during their lives. The -superiority of Babylonian robes and carpets will not be a matter of -surprise, when we consider how near Babylon was to Carmania on the one -side, and to Arabia and Syria on the other, and that in these countries -the finest cotton was produced. - -Large weaving establishments were not confined to the capital, but -existed likewise in other cities and inferior towns of Babylonia, which -Semiramis is said to have built on the banks of the Euphrates and -Tigris, and which she appointed as marts for those who imported Median -and Persian goods. These manufacturing towns also were, as will soon -be shown in respect to Opis, staples for land traffic. The most famous -of them was Borsippa, situated on the Euphrates, fifteen miles below -Babylon, and mentioned in history before the time of Cyrus. These were -the principal linen and cotton manufactories, and they still existed in -the age of Strabo. - -Besides these, the Babylonians appear to have made all kinds of -apparel, and every article of luxury: such as sweet waters, which were -in common use, and probably necessary, from the heat of the climate; -walking-sticks delicately chased with figures of animals and other -objects, and also elegantly engraved stones, were in general use -amongst the Babylonians. - -These stones begin to form a particular class, since the curiosities -called Babylonian cylinders have become less rare. Many of them have -undoubtedly served for seal rings; for in the East the seal supplies -the place of a signature, or at any rate makes it valid, as we still -see on specimens of Babylonian documents. The same may be said of the -cylinders. We have a striking illustration of the perfection to which -the Babylonians had brought the art of cutting precious stones in -the collection of M. Dorow, which contains a cylinder, formed from a -jasper, bearing a cuneiform inscription, and an image of a winged Ized, -or Genius, in a flowing Babylonian dress, represented in the act of -crushing with each hand an ostrich, the bird of Ahriman. These various -manufactures and works of art presuppose an extensive commerce, because -the necessary materials must have been imported from foreign countries. - -From what has been already adduced, no doubt can be entertained that -Babylon enjoyed a lively commerce with the principal countries of the -Persian Empire. Not only did the Persian and Median lords decorate -their houses with the productions of Babylonian skill, but the kings -of Persia spent a great part of the year in that city with all their -numerous attendants, added to which the satraps exhibited in the same -capital a pomp but little inferior to royal magnificence. Owing to -this intimate connection between the chief provinces of Persia and -Babylonia, the country lying between this and Susa became the most -populous and cultivated in Asia; and a highway was made from Babylon to -Susa, which was twenty days’ journey distant, sufficiently commodious -for the baggage of an army to be conveyed on it without difficulty. -The investigation, however, is involved in greater difficulties as we -proceed towards the east beyond Persia, though a principal country -to which they traded, that is to say, Persian India, or the present -Belur-land, and with the parts adjacent, whence the Babylonians -imported many of their most highly prized commodities, afford a clear -proof of the direction and extent of this commerce. - -The first article which we may confidently assert the Babylonians to -have obtained, at least in part, from these countries, were precious -stones, the use of which for seal rings was very general amongst them. -Ctesias says expressly, that these stones came from India; and that -onyxes, sardines, and the other stones used for seals were obtained in -the mountains bordering on the sandy desert. The testimonies of modern -travellers have proved that the account of this author is entitled to -full credit; and that even at the present time the lapis-lazuli is -found there in its greatest perfection; and if it be added to this that -what Ctesias relates of India undoubtedly refers for the most part to -these northern countries, we must consider it probable that the stones -in question were found in the mountains of which we are speaking; -while with regard to the sapphire of the ancients, that is to say, our -lapis-lazuli, I have no doubt that it is a native of this country. A -decisive proof is furnished by Theophrastus, a more recent author, but -worthy of credit. “Emeralds and jaspers,” says he, “which are used as -objects of decoration, come from the desert of Bactria (of Cobi). They -are sought for by persons who go thither on horseback at the time of -the north wind, which blows away the sand, and so discovers them.” “The -largest of the emeralds called Bactrian,” says he, in another place, -“is at Tyre, in the temple of Hercules. It forms a tolerably large -pillar.” The passage, however, of Ctesias, to which we have referred, -as a modern author has justly remarked, contains some indications, -which, relatively to onyxes, appear to refer to the Ghat Mountains; -since he speaks of a hot country not far from the sea. - -The circumstance of large quantities of onyxes coming out of these -mountains at the present day, viz., the mountains near Cambaya and -Beroach, the ancient Barygaza, must render this opinion so much the -more probable, as it was this very part of the Indian coast with which -the ancients were most acquainted; and their navigation from the -Persian Gulf to these regions, as will be shown hereafter, admits of -no doubt. This opinion, however, must not lead us to conclude, that -the commerce of Babylon was confined to those countries; for that they -were acquainted with the above-mentioned northern districts is equally -certain. - -Hence also the Babylonians imported Indian dogs. This breed is asserted -to be the largest and strongest that exist, and on that account the -best suited for hunting wild beasts, even lions, which they will -very readily attack. The great fondness felt by the Persians for -the pleasures of the chase, by whom it was regarded as a chivalrous -exercise, must have increased the value and use of these animals, which -soon became even an object of luxury. The Persian nobles were obliged -to keep a great number of them, as they formed a necessary part of -their domestic economy, and their train; and they were also accustomed -to take them with them on their journeys and military expeditions. Thus -Xerxes, as we are assured by Herodotus, was followed by an innumerable -quantity of dogs, when he marched against Greece; and an example taken -from the same writer shows to what a pitch the Persian lords and -satraps had carried their luxury in this particular. Tritantæchmes, -satrap of Babylon, devoted to the maintenance of these Indian dogs -no less than four towns of his government, which were exempted from -all other taxes. It is easy to settle the extent of this branch of -commerce, admitting, as is reasonable, that they were propagated in the -country. - -The native country of these animals, according to Ctesias, was that -whence precious stones were obtained. And this account of the ancient -author has been confirmed by a modern traveller; for Marco Polo, in -his account of these regions, has not forgotten to mention large dogs, -which were even able to overcome lions. - -A third, and no less certain class of productions, which the Persians -and Babylonians obtained from this part of the world, were dyes, and -amongst them the cochineal, or rather Indian lacca. The most ancient, -though not quite accurate description of this insect, and of the tree -upon which it settles, is also found in Ctesias. According to him, it -is a native of the country near the sources of the Indus, and produces -a red, resembling cinnabar. The Indians themselves use it for the -purpose of dyeing their garments, to which it gives a colour even -surpassing in beauty the dyes of the Persians. - -Strabo has preserved to us from Eratosthenes a knowledge of the roads -by which the commodities of the Indian districts, bordering on the -Persian Empire, were conveyed to its principal cities, and especially -to Babylon. The usual high-road, through populous and cultivated -regions, first ran in a northerly direction, in order to avoid the -predatory tribes which infested the desert between Persia and Media. -It continued along the southern part of this desert, as far as one of -the most celebrated defiles in Asia, called the Caspian gates, through -which it proceeded to Hyrcania and Aria. In this latter country, taking -its course along the foot of the high and woody Hyrcanian and Parthian -Mountains, the road thence turned northward towards Bactra. This is the -same which Alexander followed in his expedition against the Bactrians; -and though he left it occasionally to attack the inhabitants of the -neighbouring mountains, he always returned to it. In Arrian it bears -the name of the great military road. - -The great commercial route to India was the same as this as far as -Aria. Here, however, it took a different, that is to say, an easterly -direction, while the other proceeded northward towards Bactra. Thence -it ran to Prophthasia, Arachotus, and Ortospana, where it divided -itself into three branches. One of these went due east to the borders -of India; perhaps the second had a similar direction, with a little -inclination to the south; and the third turned northward towards -Bactria and formed the great road through which India had communication -with this country and its capital, Bactra. The city must then be -regarded as the commercial staple of eastern Asia. Its name belongs to -a people who never cease to afford matter for historical details from -the time they are first mentioned. - -We cannot entertain any doubt as to the persons through whose hands -the commodities of India came to Bactra. It is evident, from what has -been said before, that the natives of the countries bordering on Little -Thibet and others, or the northern Indians of Herodotus and Ctesias, -formed the caravans which travelled into the gold desert, and that it -was the same people from whom western Asia obtained ingredients for -dyeing, and also the finest wool. - -“The country where gold is found, and which the griffins infest,” says -Ctesias, “is exceedingly desolate. The Bactrians, who dwell in the -neighbourhood of the Indians, assert that the griffins watch over the -gold, though the Indians themselves deny that they do anything of the -kind, as they have no need of the metal; but (say they) the griffins -are only apprehensive on account of their young, and these are the -objects of their protection. The Indians go armed into the desert, in -troops of a thousand or two thousand men. But we are assured that they -do not return from these expeditions till the third or fourth year.” - -It is clear, from the foregoing statement, that the Indians here -mentioned were no other than the natives of northern India; and by the -desert where they found gold, must be understood the sandy desert of -Cobi, bounding Tangut on the west and China on the north. With regard, -however, to the account of Ctesias, that caravans of a thousand or two -thousand men travelled into this desert, and returned after three or -four years laden with gold--what other direction could this journey -have had than to the rich countries in the most remote and eastern part -of Asia? I willingly leave it to the reader to judge what degree of -probability there is to support this conjecture. This distant obscurity -indeed prevents our having a clear view, yet this very obscurity -possesses a certain charm. - -We are indebted to Strabo for an account of the road by which the wares -of Babylon were conveyed to the shores of the Mediterranean. It ran in -a due northern direction through the midst of Mesopotamia, and reached -the Euphrates near Anthemusia, five and twenty days’ journey distant, -where it turned off towards the west to the Mediterranean. This could -have been only a caravan road, because a numerous company of merchants -would be necessary for mutual defence against the predatory nomad -tribes, the Scenites, who infested the desert; or indeed for procuring -a safe passage by the payment of a ransom. I cannot advance it as -certain that this road was generally used under the Persian dynasty; -yet it appears in the highest degree probable from the circumstance -that roads were seldom or never altered by the ancients. - -Another great military road, described by Herodotus, from station to -station, and leading to Sardis and other Greek commercial towns in -Asia Minor, was made by the Persian kings at a vast expense. It is -not, indeed, to be doubted that political reasons were a principal -inducement to the formation of this road, because the Persians, when -they were engaged in war with the Greeks, scarcely set so high a value -upon any of their provinces as they did upon Asia Minor, with which -they were very desirous to further and maintain an uninterrupted -communication. But we moreover learn from the description of Herodotus, -that it was a commercial road, upon which caravans travelled from the -chief cities of Persia into Asia Minor. According to him the road began -from Susa, and not from Babylon; yet the vicinity of these two cities -and their intimate connection, which has been remarked above, renders -this a circumstance of no importance. - -This principal road of Asia, once so famous, having undergone no -other alteration than that occasioned by its different limits, is now -commonly used by caravans from Ispahan to Smyrna; Tavernier has given -us a full description of it. Its present course is from Smyrna to -Tokat, and thence to Erivan. Only the last half has varied; for, in -order to be in the direction of Ispahan, the traveller now proceeds -northeast, beyond the lake of Urumiyeh; whereas the ancients, on the -contrary, without going so far east, inclined more to the south, and -followed the course of the Tigris. - -On the whole, however, the ancient and modern roads agree in one -particular, the reason of which we are told by Herodotus; that is to -say, they chose the longer in preference to the shorter way, that -they might travel through inhabited countries, and in security. The -direct road would have led them through the midst of the steppes of -Mesopotamia, where security would have been quite out of the question, -on account of the roving predatory hordes. Therefore in ancient times, -as well as the present, they chose the northern route along the foot -of the Armenian Mountains, where the traveller enjoyed security from -molestation. - -As to the rest, the division into stations was evidently adopted for -the advantage of the caravans. According to Herodotus, the distance -between each station was five parasangs, a journey of seven or eight -hours; and this we learn from Tavernier is exactly the space which -caravans consisting of loaded camels are accustomed to traverse in -the course of a day; but those of horses travel much faster. As this -road, however, was perfectly safe, there can be no doubt that single -merchants and travellers performed the journey alone. - -A third branch of Babylonian commerce in the interior of Asia had a -northern direction, particularly to Armenia. The Armenians had the -advantage of the Euphrates to convey their wares to Babylon, and -amongst these wine, which the soil of Babylonia did not produce, was -the principal. Herodotus has described this navigation; and we learn -from him that the ships or floats of the Armenians were constructed -similarly to those which are at present seen on the Tigris, under -the appellation of kilets. The skeleton only was of wood; this had a -covering of skins overlaid with reeds; and an oval form was given to -the whole, so that there was no difference between the stern and prow. -They were filled with goods, especially large casks of wine, and then -guided down the stream by two oars. The size of these barks varied -considerably; Herodotus observed some which were rated at more than -five thousand talents’ burthen [_i.e._ about 12,000 tons by the least -estimate]. On their arrival at Babylon, the conductors sold not only -the cargo, but also the skeleton; the skins, however, were carried -back by land on asses, which they brought with them for the purpose; -since, as the historian has remarked, the force of the stream rendered -it impossible for them to return up the river: thus, in Germany, the -market boats which go down the Danube to Vienna never return, but are -sold with the commodities which they convey. - -We shall be led to conclude, that the navigation of the Euphrates -must have been very important, if we recollect the great works which -were performed in order to secure it. Herodotus speaks of it as -extraordinary; and, truly, if we believe, as there is great probability -for doing, that this trade was confined to the consumption of Babylon, -it must necessarily have been very considerable, from the immense -population of the city, and from the peculiarity of its soil, which, -as it yielded a superfluity of some things, was necessarily quite -deficient in others. Hence the Babylonians were obliged to import from -the northern regions those necessaries of life which their own soil -failed to produce; and we shall have more distinct notions respecting -this trade if we recollect that Herodotus includes under the name of -Armenia, in addition to the mountainous district which may be termed -Armenia proper, also the whole of that rich and fruitful country, -northern Mesopotamia.[e] - - -SHIPS AMONG THE ASSYRIANS - -One does not think of the Assyrians as a naval people, yet that -they also went down to the sea in ships, we may learn from Layard’s -researches. - -Although the Assyrians were properly an inland people, yet their -conquests and expeditions, particularly at a later period, brought -them into contact with maritime nations. We consequently find, on the -monuments of Khorsabad and Kuyunjik, frequent representations of naval -engagements and operations on the seacoast. In the most ancient palace -of Nimrud only bas-reliefs with a river have been discovered; they -furnish us, however, with the forms of vessels, evidently of Assyrian -construction--all those in the sculptures of Khorsabad and Kuyunjik -belonging probably to allies or to the enemy. It may be presumed that -the rivers navigated by the early Assyrians, and represented in their -bas-reliefs, were the Tigris, Euphrates, and Khabur. - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF AN ASSYRIAN GALLEY] - -Herodotus thus describes the Babylonian vessels of a later period: “The -boats used by those who come to the city (Babylon) are of a circular -form, and made of skins. They are constructed in Armenia, in the parts -above Assyria. The ribs of the vessels are formed of willow boughs -and branches, and covered externally with skins. They are round like -a shield, there being no distinction between the head and stern. They -line the bottoms of their boats with reeds (or straw), and, taking -on board merchandise, principally palm wine, float down the stream. -The boats have two oars, one man to each; one pulls to him, the other -pushes from him. These vessels are of different dimensions; some of -them are so large that they bear freight to the value of five thousand -talents [£1,000,000 or $5,000,000]. The smaller have one ass on board, -the larger several. On their arrival at Babylon the boatmen dispose of -their goods, and also offer for sale the ribs and the reeds (or straw). -They then load their asses with the skins, and return with them to -Armenia, where they construct new vessels.” - -I was, at one time, inclined to believe that the description of -Herodotus applied to the rafts still constructed on the rivers of -Mesopotamia, and used, it will be remembered, for the conveyance of the -sculptures from Nimrud to Bassorah. The materials of which they are -made are precisely those mentioned by the Greek historian, and they -are still disposed of at Baghdad in the same way as they were in his -day at Babylon. But the boats which excited the wonder of Herodotus -seem to have been more solidly built, and were capable of bearing -animals, to which purpose the modern raft could not be applied. They -were probably more like the circular vessels now used at Baghdad, built -of boughs, and sometimes covered with skins, over which bitumen is -smeared, to render the whole waterproof. The boats commonly employed -for the conveyance of goods and animals, on the lower part of the -Tigris and Euphrates, and for ferries on all parts of those rivers, are -constructed of planks of poplar wood, rudely joined together by iron -nails or wooden pins, and coated with bitumen. - -In a bas-relief, from the most ancient palace of Nimrud, two kinds -of boats are introduced. The larger vessel contains the king in his -chariot, with his attendants and eunuchs. It is both impelled by oars -and towed by men. The smaller resembles that described by Herodotus. -The head does not differ in form from the stern, and two men sit face -to face at the oars. - -In this bas-relief are also represented men supporting themselves upon -inflated skins--a manner of crossing rivers still generally practised -in Mesopotamia. - -The larger boats were steered by a long oar, to the end of which was -attached a square or oval board. This oar was held in its place by a -rope fastened to a wooden pin at the stern. By this contrivance the -steersman had considerable control over the vessel, and could impel -it or turn the head at pleasure. This mode of steering and propelling -boats still prevails on the Mesopotamian rivers. - -The vessels of the Khorsabad sculptures show a considerable advance -in the knowledge of ship-building. That they did not belong to the -Assyrians, but to some allied nation, appears to be indicated by the -peculiar costume of the figures in them.[30] The form of the vessel -is not inelegant; it is that of a sea monster, the prow being in the -shape of the head of a horse, and the stern in that of the tail of a -fish. Several men stand at the oars. The mast, supported by two ropes, -appears to be surmounted by a box, or what is technically called a -crow’s nest, which, in the galleys of the Egyptians, frequently held an -archer. - -But it was in the sculptures of Kuyunjik that vessels were found -represented in the greatest perfection. From their position in the -bas-reliefs, with reference to the besieging army, it would seem that -they did not belong to the Assyrians themselves, but to a people with -whom they were at war, and whom they appear to have conquered. The sea -was also here indicated by the nature of the fish and marine animals; -such as the star or jelly fish and a kind of shark. A castle stood -on the shore; and the inhabitants, attacked on the land side, were -deserting the city and taking refuge in their vessels. - -The larger galleys of these bas-reliefs were of peculiar form, and -may, I think, be identified with the vessels used to a comparatively -late period by the inhabitants of the great maritime cities of the -Syrian coast--by the people of Tyre and Sidon. Their height out of the -water, when compared with the depth of keel, was very considerable. The -fore part rose perpendicularly from a low sharp prow, which resembled -a ploughshare, and was probably of iron or some other metal, being -intended, like that of the Roman galley, to sink or disable the enemy’s -ships. The stern was curved from the keel, and ended in a point high -above the upper deck. There were two tiers of rowers; but whether they -were divided by a deck or merely sat upon benches placed at different -elevations in the hold, does not appear from the sculptures. Above the -rowers was a deck, on which stood the armed men. These vessels had -only one mast, to the top of which was attached a very long yard, held -by ropes. In the sculptures the sails were represented as furled. The -number of rowers in the bas-reliefs was generally eight on a side. -Only the heads of the upper tier of men were visible; the lower tier -was completely concealed, the oars passing through small apertures, or -portholes, in the sides of the vessel. - -Besides the vessel I have described, a smaller is represented in the -same bas-reliefs. It has also a double tier of rowers; but the head and -stern are differently constructed from those of the larger galley, and -both being of the same shape, are not to be distinguished one from the -other except by the position of the rowers. They rise high above the -water, and are flat at the top, with a beak projecting outward. This -vessel had no mast, and was impelled entirely by oars. On the upper -deck are seen warriors armed with spears, and women. - -It is impossible to determine from the sculptures the size of the -vessels, as the relative proportions between them and the figures they -contain are not preserved. It is most probable that the four rowers in -each tier are merely a conventional number, and we cannot, therefore, -conjecture the length of the ship from them. No representations of -naval engagements, as on the monuments of Egypt, have yet been found in -the Assyrian edifices. It is most probable that, not being a maritime -people, the Assyrians--as the Persians did afterwards--made use of the -fleets of their allies in their expeditions by sea, furnishing warriors -to man the ships.[b] - - -LAWS OF THE BABYLONIANS AND ASSYRIANS - -The sense of justice and its administration play a large part in the -history of any nation; and we are so fortunate as to possess certain -light on the courts and customs of Assyria. - -Asshurbanapal opened his library, not only to the documents emanating -from the kings, but also as a depository for collections on law, -juridicial decisions, and contracts between private individuals. - -The Assyrio-Chaldean legislation rested on laws and customs which were -already in force under the Sumerian civilisation. A great number of -tablets written in both languages give us the primitive text of the -law and the corresponding Assyrian translation. Others, written in -Assyrian, are full of citations from Sumerian texts. - -First of all, there is a long fragment of laws relating to the family, -written in Assyrian and Sumerian. They read as follows: - -“It has thus been decided by the sentence of the judge: ‘If a son (is -authorised) to say to his father: “Thou art not my father,” he (the -son) can sell him, treat him as a forfeit, and give him in payment like -money. - -“‘If a son (is authorised) to say to his mother: “Thou art not my -mother,” he will cut her hair off, assemble the people, and make her go -out of his house. - -“‘If a father (is authorised) to say to his son: “Thou art not my son,” -he (the father) can shut him up in his dwelling and in the cellar. - -“‘If a mother (is authorised) to say to her son: “Thou art not my son,” -she can shut him up in her dwelling and in the upper chambers. - -“‘If a wife (is authorised) to repudiate her husband, and to say to -him: “Thou art not my husband,” she can have him thrown into the river. - -“‘If a man (is authorised) to say to his wife: “Thou art not my wife,” -he can have half a mina of silver paid to him. - -“‘If the intendant lets a slave escape, if he dies (the slave), if he -becomes infirm, if in consequence of bad treatment he becomes ill, he -(the intendant) shall pay half a hin of corn a day (to the master of -the slave).’” - -In these ancient records we likewise find laws concerning property. -One tablet seems to pertain to the observations made by a Sumerian -agriculturist, which were proposed to the Assyrian agriculturists of -the seventh century B.C. First of all are indicated the best conditions -of crop-growing, the time for sowing, the calculating of the income, -the tillage, irrigation, and the injurious animals which must be -destroyed. - -It is evident that, in spite of the difference in property or wealth, -the interest is always the same, the calculation of interest on -different sums in contracts showing that the figures bear a relation to -one another. - -Loans could be made with or without interest; they could be made with -or without security, and these securities were of different natures: - -“For the interest of one’s money.… He has given as security.… A house, -a field, an orchard, a female slave, a male slave.” - -Exchanges were frequent, and from the data on the tablets, the -principal things exchanged are known: - -“They exchanged a house for money. They exchanged a field for money. -They exchanged an orchard for money. They exchanged a female slave for -money. They exchanged a male slave for money.” - -Trials are inherent to human nature and to all epochs. Pleading took -place in Nineveh, Assyria, and Chaldea. On this subject the following -axiom used by the judges and the pleaders, holds perfectly to-day: - -“He who listeneth not to his conscience, the judge will not listen to -his right.” - -There must have been a fairly complicated code of procedure, for traces -are found of an appellative jurisdiction in which the sovereign was the -final judge. - -The Sumerian laws likewise fixed the form of individual contracts. The -signature, “qatatu,” was the essential feature of the contract. - -Signature took place by affixing the seal. One fragment of these -tablets bears witness to this custom so perpetuated in the East from -remotest times to the present. Herodotus mentions the existence of -seals as a peculiarity of the Babylonians. - -“Every Babylonian,” said he, “had his seal for his personal use.” The -Assyrian “kunuk” answers, like our word “seal,” both to the instrument -and the mark it left on the plastic earth. - -A large number of contracts of private business concerning all the -ordinary transactions of life, between individuals, on which figures -the mark of a seal, has been found: contracts of sale or exchange; -contracts of loan or hire; acknowledgments of debts, carrying the -guaranty of a mortgage or of chattels. They read like the records of -a notary’s office. These contracts, like all the documents of the -palace library, are written on the traditional bricks. These are easily -distinguished from other documents by their outer appearance. After a -few lines given up to the names of the contracting parties, we see the -imprints of their seals, or sometimes the imprint of three finger nails. - -The general drift of their contracts is easy to understand; the -clauses are worded in formal language which proceeds from the nature -of the relations of the two parties according to the object of their -agreement. As a usual thing, these contracts are very simply drawn. -They begin by stating the names and qualifications of the parties who -are going to enter into agreement by the affixment of their seal or by -the nail mark, its substitute. - -All contracting parties are not called upon to fulfil this formality; -it is only those who have the title of “dominus negotii” the vendor, -the lessor, the lender, those who “hold the pen” as the modern -expression is. - -A place reserved in the text for the fixing of seal or imprint reveals -to us that their seals had different shapes. As many of these jewels -have descended to us, and as there are a great number in our public and -private collections, it is not without interest to describe them in -more detail. - -Generally they are hard stones, cut and polished in different ways. -Some are conical or like a truncated pyramid, on the base of which the -design is sunk. Sometimes the seal is in the shape of a spheroid or -an ellipsoid. Many are cylindrical, the design being engraved on the -surface of the cylinder, and the imprint is obtained by rolling it on -plastic earth. Every variety of precious stones has been cut for this -purpose; the study of these jewels and their designs is of the greatest -interest to the student of art. - -After the imprint of the seals, the object of the contract is stated, -then its nature and its amount, which is sometimes paid down, sometimes -at quarter-day; in certain cases a security is stipulated. - -As to money loans, the interest is generally fixed upon by the -contracting parties. Where the contract is silent on this subject it -seems as if a general law were referred to, probably that which is -mentioned above. - -Measurements, capacities, estimates, and prices are expressed with -great precision, and thus one may determine the importance of the -matter discussed in the contract. The form of drawing up, indicates -that the agreement passed before a magistrate who gave, if I may thus -express myself, authenticity to the stipulations agreed on between the -parties, from which they could not release themselves without penalty -of a fine or damages. Generally the fine was paid into the treasury -of Ishtar either at Arbela or Nineveh; then the judge decreed the -restitution of the sum paid over, with a certain sum for damages. The -contract often contained a more or less extended prayer formula and -thus placed the execution of the agreement under the protection of the -gods. The contract ends with the names of witnesses and their status, -and is dated on the day, month, and year of its drawing up. - -The contract thus perfected was delivered to a special functionary, who -registered it in the public depository, the superintendence of which -was confided to him. - -Here are some contracts which help us to understand the methods -of drawing up, and inform us as to the nature of the most usual -transactions of that epoch. We give first a contract relating to the -sale of a slave; it is thus worded: - - -_Sale of a Slave_ - -Seal of Nabu-rikhtav-usur, son of Akhardisu, man of Hasaï, workman of -Zikkar Ishtar, of the city of … - -Seal of Tebetai, his son, seal of Silim Bin his son, owners of the -slave sold. - -The girl Tavat-khasina, slave of Nabu-rikhtav-usur.… And Nitocris -obtained her for the price of sixteen drachmas of silver … for -Takhu her son, on account of his marriage. She will be slave to -Takhu. The price has been definitely fixed. Whoever in days to come -and at no matter what epoch shall contest this before me, be it -Nabu-rikhtav-usur, his sons, his sons’ sons, his brother, his brother’s -sons, or any other, or his attorney, should wish to annul the bargain -between Nitocris, her sons, or her sons’ sons, shall pay ten minas -of silver for the revocation of this contract, it shall not be sold. -Shapimayu, shepherd, Bel-shum-usur, son of Yudanani Rimbel, son of Atu, -are the three men, heirs of the woman because of the binding of her -hands (her first marriage) and of the interest on the wage of Karmeon -who was to inherit (if he lived). - -Witnesses: Akhardisu, Zikkar-nipika, Mutumhisu, Khasba. - -In the month of Ulul (August) the last day of the year of -Asshur-sadu-sakil. - -As before Yum-shamash, Putainpaïte, Atu, Nabu-iddin-akhe, presiding. - -This document is one of the most curious that we have. First of all, -it contains the name of an Egyptian woman, Nitocris (Nitit-eqar), then -that of Takhu her son, who bears equally an Egyptian name. - -The vendor is the daughter of Nabu-rikhtav-usur; his sons intervene in -their quality of kinsmen for the sale of their slave, that is to say, -the servant of their house. The money is not to be paid to Nitocris or -direct descendants, but to third persons who are also designated; there -are the three heirs of one named Karmeon, who would be the heir if he -lived. - -Here is another of the same kind: - - -_Sale of a Slave_ - -Seal of Khataï owner of the slave. Lu-akhi is the slave offered up. -And Dannaï obtained him from Khataï for the price of twenty drachmas -of silver. The price has been definitely fixed, the slave has been -paid for and delivered; no annulment of the bargain can now take -place. Whosoever in the future shall claim before me (the nullity of -the agreement, shall pay the fine). Witnesses: Shamash, Khimar, Zabda, -Kharaman, Mannuakhi, Zikkar, Shamash. - -In the month of Ulul (August) the fifth day in the year of -Nabu-bel-iddin. In the presence of Zikkar Shamash, the officer. - -Contracts of this nature are numerous, and they raise a question on a -point of the history of ancient slavery, which it would be interesting -to have cleared up. What was the origin of these slaves who were at -that time trafficked in, and who do not seem to have had to undergo -the law of the vanquished, and who were so easily carried off after -the seizure of a town? We have no information on this subject, and -we must limit ourselves to register that which is given us in the -above-mentioned texts. - -The proprietor of the slave, Khataï, is a Syrian, whilst the slave, -Lu-akhe, is an Assyrian sold to another Assyrian, Dannaï, for a sum of -money equal to £3 [$15]. - -Sometimes the contract is not so simple. Complications may arise as to -titles of the property or in its manner of transmission. It is also -interesting to study the status of the contracting parties. One fact -seems to be universal, it is that the stranger--Phœnician, Jew, or -Egyptian--had the same civil rights of contracting, selling, or buying -as Assyrian subjects. - -Here is a contract of another kind. It concerns the sale of a house. -Instead of their seal the parties affixed marks by pressing their -thumb-nails into the clay. - - -_Sale of a House_ - -Nail of Sharludari, nail of Ahasshuru, nail of the woman Amat-Sula, -wife of Belduru head of three legions, proprietors of the house to -be sold. A house in course of construction with its beams, columns, -materials, situate in the city of Nineveh, bounded by the house -of Mannuki-akhe, bounded by the house of Ankia, bounded by the -market-place. And Sil-asshur, the Egyptian officer, has acquired it by -means of a mina of the king’s money, from Sharladuri, Ahasshuru, and -the woman Amat-sula, wife of her husband. The price has been definitely -fixed, the house paid for and bought, the annulment of the contract -cannot be allowed. - -No matter who, whoever he may be, in days to come, and no matter at -what epoch, even among these persons, contests the right and contract -of Sil-asshur shall pay ten minas of silver. Witnesses: Shushankhu, -officer of the king, Kharmaza, head of three legions, Razu, captain -of a vessel, Nabu-dur, officer, Kharmaza, captain of a vessel, -Sin-shar-usur, Zidka. - -The sixteenth day of the month Sivan (May) of the year of Zaza, prefect -of the town of Arpad (1692 B.C.). - -Before Shamash-ukin-akhe, Litturu, Nabu-shum-iddin. - -This act is, above all, remarkable for the names of the contracting -parties, from which we can now recognise that people of different -nationalities were allowed to make contracts in Nineveh with the same -rights as the Assyrians. Thus the names of the witnesses Shushankhu -and Kharmaza are Egyptian, and their original form could easily be -restituted. The name of the woman Amat-Sula is Phœnician and reveals -the name of an unknown divinity; literally it means servant of Sula.[f] - - -THE CODE OF KHAMMURABI - -We have purposely approached the subject of Mesopotamian law from the -Assyrian side, because the Assyrian laws represent the later forms of -elaboration of the old Babylonian codes on which they are based. In -conclusion, however, we shall present in its entirety the oldest known, -and at present the most famous, of these ancient codes, that of king -Khammurabi, that the reader may judge for himself as to the character -of the judicial and feudal system that was in vogue in Babylonia in -the third millennium before our era. This extraordinary document will -repay the closest study on the part of anyone who takes the slightest -interest in the evolution of human society. Until a comparatively -recent date the name of Khammurabi, the ruler who first united the -states of the Euphrates valley under one rule, and thus founded the -Babylonian empire, was scarcely known, whereas now we have a large mass -of material dating from his reign--his inscriptions, his letters, and -lastly, most important of all, his code of laws. It is difficult to -obtain more than a vague idea of a country merely from its name, or -from the lists of its kings and their military exploits, which is all -that we possess of most Assyrian and Babylonian kings. The real life of -the people wholly escapes us. This reason alone would make this code -inexpressibly valuable, because, by giving the laws which controlled -the social and commercial life of the people, even to minute details, -it gives a picture of the actual condition of the country. - -Aside from its bearing on Babylonian civilisation, however, this code -is one of the most important monuments in the history of the human -race. It is the oldest known legal code in existence, antedating the -Mosaic code by at least a thousand years, and older than the laws of -Manu. It formed the basis of Babylonian legislation until the fall of -the empire, and was compiled by a king living about 2300 B.C., whose -rule extended from the Tigris to the Mediterranean. Khammurabi is -generally identified with Amraphel, the contemporary of Abraham; and it -cannot be questioned that these laws formed a part of the traditions -which the Hebrews brought with them to their new home. - - -_The Discovery of the Code_ - -The monument containing these laws was not found at Babylon, as might -have been expected, but at Susa (Shushan) in the so-called Acropolis. -The discovery is due to the French excavating expedition under M. de -Morgan, and was made in December and January of 1901-1902. The monument -is a block of black diorite nearly eight feet high. It has been -photographed and published with transcription and translation by Father -V. Scheil,[g] the Assyriologist of the expedition, in the _Mémoires de -la Délégation en Perse_, tome IV, _Textes Élamites Sémitiques_. The -whole inscription has since been translated by Dr. H. Winckler[h] in -_Der Alte Orient_, 4 Jahrgang, Heft 4, 1902, and the code alone by Rev. -C. H. W. Johns,[i] _The Oldest Code of Laws in the World_, Edinburgh, -1903. - -The obverse of the stone contains a representation in bas-relief of -Khammurabi receiving the laws inscribed beneath, from Shamash, the -sun-god and god of right, who is pictured seated on a throne. The king -stands in a respectful attitude before him. The inscription several -times mentions the fact that the laws were given by Shamash; so the -very interesting theory in _The Times_, London, of April 14th, 1903, -that the god in the picture is Bel has not much foundation. This theory -would connect the code more closely with the Biblical narrative. To -quote from _The Times_,[j] “The old Bel was the god who dwelt on the -mountain of the world and gave laws to men and wore on his breast the -tablets of destiny. So here we have a curious proof of the existence -of the tradition of the mountain-given law long before the Mosaic -reception on Sinai.” - -Below the bas-relief on the obverse are sixteen columns of writing with -1,114 lines, and on the reverse there are twenty-eight columns with -2,510 lines. Five columns of the obverse have been erased and the stone -repolished, probably to make room for an inscription of the conquering -Elamite king who carried the stone away from Babylon to Susa. Possibly -one of the dire calamities which Khammurabi, in the inscription, -invokes the gods to send on anyone who should deface his monument, -befell the unfortunate Elamite. - -The writing is in a beautifully clear archaic script often used for -royal inscriptions, even after the cursive writing came into use. There -are a great many tablets dating from the same period written in the -cursive, some of them bearing the impression of seals in the archaic. -Some seven hundred lines of the inscription are devoted to proclaiming -the titles of the king, his care for his subjects, his reason for -erecting the monument, his maledictions on anyone who shall interfere -with it. Some passages in it remind one of the majesty of portions of -the Psalms. It begins: - -“When Anu the supreme, king of the Anunnaki, and Bel, lord of heaven -and earth, who determines the fate of the universe, to Marduk the -eldest son of Ea, god of right, earthly power had assigned, among the -Igigi had made him great, Babylon with his august name had named, -in all the world had exalted him, in the heart (of that city) an -eternal kingdom, whose foundations are firm as heaven and earth, had -established,--then did Anu and Bel call me by name, Khammurabi, the -great prince, who fears god, to establish justice in the land, to -destroy the wicked and base, so that the strong oppress not the weak, -to go forth like Shamash (the sun) over the black heads (_i.e._, men) -to give light to the world, to promote the prosperity of the people.…” - -Immediately following the code Khammurabi resumes: “The just decrees -which Khammurabi, the wise king, has established; for the land a sure -law and a happy reign he has procured. Khammurabi, the protecting -king, I am. From the black heads, which Bel gave me, to be a shepherd -over whom Marduk appointed me, I have not held aloof, have not rested; -places of peace I have provided for them; I opened up a way through -steep passes and sent them aid. With the powerful arms which Zamama and -Ishtar endowed me, with the clear glance that Ea granted me, with the -bravery which Marduk gave me, the enemy above and below I have rooted -out, the deeps I have conquered, established the prosperity of the -country, the dwellers in houses have I made to live in safety; a cause -for fear I have not suffered to exist. The great gods have chosen -me. I am the peace-bringing shepherd whose staff is straight (_i.e._, -sceptre is just), the good shadow which is spread over my city; to my -heart the people of Sumer and Accad I have taken, under my protection -have I caused them to live in peace, sheltered them in my wisdom, so -that the strong may not oppress the weak; to counsel the orphan and -the widow, their head have I raised in Babylon, the city of Anu and -Bel; in E-sagila, the temple whose foundations are firm as heaven and -earth, to speak justice to the land, to decide disputed questions, to -remedy evil, have I written my precious words on my monument; before my -picture, as of a king of justice I have placed them.… At the command of -Shamash, the great judge of heaven and earth, shall justice reign in -the land; by the order of Marduk my lord no destruction shall touch my -statue. In E-sagila, that I love, shall my name be remembered forever; -the oppressed man who has a cause for complaint shall come before my -picture of the king of justice, shall read the inscription, shall -apprehend my precious words, the writing shall explain to him his case, -he shall see his right, his heart shall become glad, (and he shall -say) ‘Khammurabi is a lord who is like a father to his subjects, he -has made the word of Marduk to be feared.’ … Khammurabi, the king of -righteousness, to whom Shamash gave the law, I am.” - -The inscription contains also many references to public works and -historical events which make it one of the most important historical -records ever discovered. One reference to Asshur (Assyria) is -particularly important. It occurs in the introduction to the code and -records the restoration of “its protecting god to the city of Asshur.” -The name Asshur occurs again in a letter written by Khammurabi to -Sin-idinnam, and also in a private letter of the period, the former -published by Mr. L. W. King[k] in 1901. - -We now turn to the code proper, and the following points are especially -noticeable throughout. The idea of responsibility is very clearly -fixed,--a man who hired an animal was responsible for that animal,--if -a boat he was responsible for the boat,--if he stored anything for -another, or carried anything to another, he was responsible so long as -the object was in his hands. Also of builders,--if a man built a house -he was responsible for its solidity; a physician was held responsible -for the life of his patient. - -Secondly, we notice the importance of putting everything in writing--a -marriage without a written contract was invalid; a man who took -goods on deposit, an agent who obtained goods from a merchant, if he -had no document to show for it, could claim no legal aid in case of -disagreement. We have countless contract tablets from this period, -containing the seals and names of witnesses to just such transactions -as are provided for in the code, which show how well this principle was -observed. - -The law of retaliation or _jus talionis_ is another important feature, -as it is prominent also in the Mosaic code. This is expressed by the -familiar phrase “an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth.” The -attempt to make the punishment balance the crime exactly is carried to -such an extent that if a house fell and killed the owner, the builder -was to be put to death, if the owner’s son died, the builder’s son was -killed. In several of the laws we notice peculiarly humane provisions, -showing that the king really had the interests of his subjects at -heart, and that his words on the inscription and his desire to be -a father to his people were not a vain boast. This is especially -noticeable in a regulation concerning debtors (clause 45), in the -provisions for inheritance, and particularly in the clause concerning -the sick wife (148). - -It is not to be supposed that all of the laws found in Khammurabi’s -code date from his reign. Some of them were much older, as is shown -by a difference in the grades of culture represented. Some even -assign different penalties for the same crime (see clauses 6 and 8). -As Prof. Jastrow[l] has pointed out, the ordeal by water cannot have -been invented in the same period as the minute provisions for the -inheritance of property. - -The so-called Sumerian domestic laws which are very similar to those -before us were known prior to the discovery of Khammurabi’s code, and -are known to have been already in use at that time. The code contains -something like 280 clauses, and is arranged in comparatively systematic -order. Space has not permitted the giving of all the provisions in -detail. The plan has been to deal with each class of laws as a whole, -in some cases giving merely the synopsis of a class.[31] - - - _Miscellaneous Regulations_ - - 1. If a man weaves a spell about another man (_i.e._, accuses him), - and throws a curse on him, and cannot prove it, the one who wove - the spell shall be put to death. - - 2. If a man weaves a spell about another man, and has not proved - it, he on whom suspicion was thrown shall go to the river, shall - plunge into the river. If the river seizes hold of him, he who - wove the spell shall take his house. If the river shows him to be - innocent, and he is uninjured, he who threw suspicion on him shall - be put to death. He who plunged into the river shall take the house - of him who wove the spell on him. - - 3. If a man has accused the witnesses in a lawsuit of malice and - has not proved what he said; if the suit was one of life (and - death), that man shall be put to death. - - 4. If he has sent corn and silver to the witnesses, he shall bear - the penalty of the suit. - - 5. If a judge has delivered a sentence, has made a decision - and fixed it in writing, and if afterwards he has annulled his - sentence, that judge for having altered his decision shall be - brought to judgment; for the penalty inflicted in his decision, - twelve-fold shall he pay it, and publicly shall they remove him - from his judgment seat. He shall not come back and shall not sit in - judgment with the other judges. - - 6. If a man has stolen property from the god or palace, that man - shall be put to death; and he who received the stolen goods from - his hands shall be put to death. - - 7. If a man has bought or received in deposit, silver, gold, a man - or woman slave, an ox, a sheep, an ass, or whatever it may be, - from the hands of a son of another or a slave of another, without - witness or contract, that man shall be put to death as a thief. - - 8. If anyone has stolen an ox, a sheep, an ass, a pig, or a boat, - if it belongs to the god or to the palace, he shall return it - thirty-fold; if it belongs to a noble he shall return it ten-fold; - if the thief has nothing with which to repay, he shall be put to - death. - - 9. If anyone who has lost something, finds his something that was - lost in the hand (possession) of another; if the man in whose hand - the lost object was found says: “A trader sold it to me, before - witnesses I paid for it,” and if the owner of the lost object says: - “Witnesses who know my lost object I will bring,” then shall the - purchaser bring the seller who sold it to him, and the witnesses - before whom he bought it, and the owner of the lost object shall - bring witnesses who know his lost goods: the judge shall consider - their words, and the witnesses before whom the purchase was made, - and the witnesses who know the object shall bear testimony before - God. The seller is a thief and shall be put to death. The owner of - the lost object shall receive the object; the buyer shall get back - the money he paid from the house of the seller. - - 10. If the buyer does not bring the seller who sold it to him and - the witnesses before whom he bought it; if the owner of the lost - object brings the witnesses who know his object, the buyer is a - thief and shall be killed; the owner shall get his lost object. - - 11. If the owner of the lost object does not bring his expert - witnesses, then he is a miscreant; he has accused falsely, he shall - die. - - 12. If the seller has gone to his fate, the buyer shall receive - from the house of the seller five times the costs of the suit. - - 13. If that man has not his witnesses at hand, the judge shall give - him a respite of six months. If in six months his witnesses do not - come, that man is a miscreant and shall bear the costs of the suit. - - 14. If anyone steals the minor son of a man, he shall be put to - death. - - - _Regulations concerning Slaves_ - - 15. If anyone has caused a male slave of the palace or a female - slave of the palace, the male slave of a noble or the female slave - of a noble, to go out of the gate, he shall be put to death. - - 16. If anyone harbours in his house a runaway male or female slave - from the palace or the house of a noble, and does not bring them - out at the command of the _majordomo_, the master of the house - shall be put to death. - - 17. If anyone has caught a runaway male or female slave in the - field, and brings him back to his master, the master of the slave - shall give him two shekels of silver. - - 18. If that slave will not name his owner, to the palace he shall - bring him; his case shall be investigated; to his owner one shall - bring him. - - 19. If he retains that slave in his house, and if, later, the slave - is found in his hands, that man shall be put to death. - - 20. If the slave escapes from the house of the one who caught him, - that man shall swear to the owner of the slave in the name of God - and he shall be quit. - - - _Provisions concerning Robbery_ - - 21. If anyone has broken a hole in a house, in front of that hole - one shall kill him and bury him. - - 22. If anyone has committed a robbery and is caught, he shall be - killed. - - 23. If the robber is not caught, the man who has been robbed shall - make claim before God to everything stolen from him, and the town - and its governor within the territory and limits of which the - robbery took place shall give back to him everything he has lost. - - 24. If it was a life, the city and governor shall pay one mina of - silver to his people. - - 25. If a fire breaks out in the house of a man, and some one who - has gone thither to put it out raise his eyes to the goods of the - master of the house, and take the goods of the master of the house, - that man shall be thrown into that fire. - - - _Concerning Leases and Tillage_ - - Special rules governed the estates of officers or constables in the - king’s employ. They seem to have had land given them by the state, - which was inalienable; they might not sell it, deed it to wife or - daughter, or give it in return for a debt. In the absence of the - proprietor he might give the land into the keeping of another to - manage it for him. This was usually done by a son or wife. Three - years’ absence or neglect forfeited his claim to the land. No man - could send a substitute in his place on pain of death for both - himself and the substitute. The king’s officers could buy land in - their own right which they were free to dispose of at pleasure, and - they could also sell the land which was theirs by official right to - another officer. - - 42. If anyone has taken a field to cultivate, and has not made - grain to grow in the field, he shall be charged with not having - done his duty in the field; he shall give grain equal to that - yielded by the neighbouring field to the owner of the field. - - 43. If he has not tilled the field, has let it lie, he shall - give to the owner of the field grain equal to the yield of the - neighbouring field; and the field which he left untilled, he shall - harrow, sow, and return it to its owner. - - 44. If anyone has hired an unreclaimed field for three years, to - open (cultivate) it, but has neglected it, has not opened the - field, in the fourth year he shall harrow the field, hoe it, and - plant it and return it to the owner of the field, and 10 GUR of - grain for every 10 GAN he shall measure out. - - 45. If a man has rented his field to a cultivator for the produce - and he has received his produce, and then a storm has come and - destroyed the harvest, the loss is the cultivator’s. - - 46. If he has not received the produce from his field, but has - given his field on a half or a third share, the grain which is in - the field shall the owner and cultivator share according to their - contract. - - 47. If the cultivator, because in the first year he did not obtain - his living (?), had the field cultivated by another, the owner - of the field shall not blame this cultivator, his field has been - cultivated; at the time of harvest he shall receive grain according - to his contract. - - 48. If a man has a debt and a storm has devastated his field and - carried off the harvest, or if the grain has not grown on account - of a lack of water, in that year he shall give no grain to the - creditor; he shall soak his tablet (in water, _i.e._, alter it), - and shall pay no interest for that year. - - 49. If anyone has borrowed money from a merchant and given a - ploughed field sown with grain or sesame to the merchant and said - to him: “Cultivate the field, harvest and take the grain or sesame - which is thereon;” when the cultivator has raised grain or sesame - in the field, at the time of harvest the owner of the field shall - take the grain or sesame which is in the field, and shall give to - the merchant grain in return for the money with its interest, which - he took from the merchant, and for the support of the cultivator. - - 50. If he has given him an (already) cultivated field (of grain) or - a field of sesame, the grain or sesame which is in the field shall - the owner of the field receive; money and interest to the merchant - he shall give. - - 51. If he has no money with which to pay him, he shall give to the - merchant sesame equal to the value of the money which he received - from the merchant, with interest according to the king’s tariff. - - 52. If the cultivator has not raised grain or sesame in the field, - his contract is not altered. - - - _Concerning Canals_ - - The canals built by Khammurabi are frequently referred to in his - inscriptions so that we expect to find them mentioned in his laws. - Clauses 53-56 are in connection with this subject: - - 53. If anyone is too lazy to keep his dikes in order and fails to - do so, and if a breach is made in his dike and the fields have been - flooded with water, the man in whose dike the breach was opened - shall replace the grain which he has destroyed. - - 54. If he is not able to replace the grain, he and his property - shall be sold, and the people whose grain the water carried off - shall share (the proceeds). - - 55. If anyone opens his irrigation canals to let in water, but is - careless and the water floods the field of his neighbour, he shall - measure out grain to the latter in proportion to the yield of the - neighbouring field. - - 56. If anyone lets in the water and it floods the growth of his - neighbour’s field, he shall measure out to him 10 GUR of grain for - every 10 GAN (of land). - - Each cultivator had an intricate system of small water-ways - covering his land, into which he let water from the main canal - at certain times. When he had watered his field he dammed up the - connection again, but if he neglected to do so the water would keep - on coming in and eventually flood his neighbour’s land. - - If a shepherd let his flock pasture in a field without permission, - he was compelled to return a definite amount of grain to the owner. - Anyone cutting down a tree without permission had to pay one-half - of a mina of silver. - - About thirty-five clauses, from 65 to 100, have been erased. This - gap has been partly filled in from some old fragments of another - supposed copy of this code in the British Museum. One of these - supplementary fragments speaks of house rent: if a tenant has paid - his rent for a whole year, and the landlord turns him out before - the end of his term, the landlord shall pay back to the tenant a - proportionate amount of the money which the tenant gave him. - - - _Commerce, Debt_ - - The reverse of the stele begins with a continuation of the laws - regulating commercial relations, which are extremely important as - showing a highly developed system. If an agent found no opening - where he went, he was to return the capital to the merchant; also - if any mishap befell him in the place to which he went. If he were - robbed by the way, he was to swear before God that the loss was - through no fault of his and could then go free. The agent was to - make out a written statement of the goods received, and received - also a receipt for the money paid to the merchant. Without this - receipt he could lay no claim to his money in case of disagreement. - - Curiously enough the wine sellers appear to have been women. We - read in clause 109: If a wine merchant when rebels meet in her - house does not arrest them and take them to the palace, that wine - merchant shall be put to death. 110. If a votary who does not live - in the temple shall open a tavern or enter a tavern to drink, she - shall be burned. - - [Illustration: THE GOD SHAMASH DICTATING THE CODE OF LAWS TO KING - KHAMMURABI] - - Laws concerning debt are treated of in clauses 113-119. A man might - be imprisoned for debt, or, as in the Mosaic code, he might sell - his wife and children into bondage for debt, but only for three - years. We have a peculiarly doleful picture of a prison of this - period, in a letter dating from the reign of Khammurabi. It - is written by an imprisoned man to his master. He describes his - place of confinement as a “house of want,” and begs for food and - clothing, to keep him from death and being devoured by dogs. If the - debtor died a natural death in his confinement, the case was at an - end, but: - - 116. If the confined man has died in the house of his confinement - as a result of blows or ill-treatment, the owner of the prisoner - shall call his merchant to account. If the man was free-born, his - son (of the merchant) one shall kill; if he was a slave, he shall - pay one-third of a mina of silver, and shall lose possession of - everything which he gave him. - - 117. If anyone has an indebtedness, sells wife, son, or daughter - for gold or gives them into bondage, three years in the house of - their buyer or their taskmaster shall they labour; in the fourth - year shall he let them go free. - - 118. If he gives away a man or woman slave into servitude, and if - the merchant passes them on, sells them for money, there is no - protest. - - 119. If anyone has contracted a debt and sells a slave who has - borne him children, the money which the merchant paid, the owner of - the slave shall pay back to him and buy back his slave. - - Clauses 120-126 are in regard to depositing grain and other - property in another’s keeping. A written document was necessary and - the person who received the deposit made responsible for what had - been intrusted to him. - - 120. If anyone has stored his grain in the house of another for - keeping, and a disaster has happened in the granary, or the owner - of the house has opened the granary and taken out grain, or if he - disputes as to the whole amount which was deposited with him, the - owner of the grain shall pursue (claim) his grain before God, and - the master of the house shall return undiminished to its owner the - grain which he took. - - - _Domestic Legislation, Divorce, Inheritance_ - - The laws referring to domestic legislation are especially - interesting as showing the position of women. We know from other - documents of the period that they could hold property in their own - name and carry on business, and we see here that their position was - respected. - - 127. If anyone has caused a finger to be pointed at a votary or the - wife of a man and has not proved (his accusation against) that man, - one shall bring him before the judge and brand his forehead. - - A contract was necessary for legal marriage: - - 128. If anyone has married a wife but has not drawn up a contract - with her, that woman is not a wife. - - If a man was taken captive and if, during his absence, his wife - married some one else while there was means of subsistence in the - house, she was drowned. But if she had no means of support, her - action was considered justifiable. If, in the latter case, the - husband returned, his wife was to return to him; but the children - of her second marriage remained with their father. If the man was - a fugitive and had abandoned his native city, but returned after a - time and wanted his wife again, she was not to return to him. - - The laws concerning divorce were much like those existing in - Mohammedan countries to-day. If a woman were childless and her - husband wished to divorce her, she received her dowry and marriage - portion and returned to her father’s house. If she had borne - children and her husband still wanted to divorce her, she received - besides her marriage portion sufficient means to bring up her - children; and after they were grown, of whatever they received - they were to give her a son’s share. She was also free to marry - again. If the woman were divorced through a fault of her own, she - received nothing. - - 141. If a man’s wife, who lives in his house, sets her face to go - out, causes discord, wastes her house, neglects her husband, to - justice one shall bring her. If her husband says, “I repudiate - her,” he shall let her go her way, he shall give her nothing for - her divorce. If her husband says, “I do not repudiate her,” her - husband may take another wife; that (first) wife shall stay in the - house of her husband as a slave. - - A woman who wanted a divorce, if she could show fault in her - husband for it, might take her marriage portion and go home; but if - the fault were hers she was thrown into the water. - - A peculiarly humane provision is the following: - - 148. If anyone has taken a wife and a sickness has seized her, and - if his face is set towards taking another wife, he may take (her), - but his wife whom the sickness has seized he may not repudiate her, - she shall live in the house he has built, and as long as she lives - he shall support her. - - 149. If that woman does not desire to live in the house of her - husband, he shall give her the marriage portion she brought from - her father’s house, and she shall go. - - 150. If anyone has given his wife, field, garden, house, or - property, and has left her a sealed tablet; after (the death of) - her husband, her children shall contest nothing with her. The - mother shall leave her inheritance to the child whom she loves; to - a brother she shall not give it. - - Laws of inheritance are more particularly dealt with in clauses - 162-184: - - 162. If anyone has married a wife, and she has borne him children; - if that woman has gone to her fate, of her marriage portion her - father shall claim nothing; her marriage portion belongs to her - children. - - 163. If anyone has married a wife and she has borne him no - children; if that woman has gone to her fate, if the dowry which - that man took from the house of his father-in-law his father-in-law - has returned; on the marriage portion of that woman the husband - shall make no claim, it belongs to the house of her father. - - 164. If his father-in-law has not returned him the dowry, from her - marriage portion he shall deduct all her dowry; and her marriage - portion he shall return to the house of her father. - - 165. If any man to his son, the first in his eyes, has given a - field, garden, and house, and has written a tablet for him; if - afterwards the father has gone to his fate, when the brothers make - a division, the present which the father gave him he shall keep; - in addition, the goods of their father’s house in equal parts they - shall share (with him). - - 166. If a man has taken wives for his sons, for his little son - a wife has not taken, if afterwards the father has gone to his - fate, when the brothers divide the goods of their father’s house, - to their little brother, who has not taken a wife, besides his - portion, money for a dowry they shall give him, and a wife they - shall cause him to take. - - 167. If a man has married a woman, if she has borne him children, - if that woman has gone to her fate; if afterwards he has taken - another wife, who has borne him children, and if afterwards the - father has gone to his fate: the children shall not divide the - property according to their mothers; they shall take the marriage - portion of their mother; their father’s property they shall share - in equal parts. - - 168. If anyone has set his face to cut off his son and says to the - judge, “I cut off my son,” the judge shall inquire into the matter; - and if the son has no grievous offence, which would lead to being - cut off from sonship, the father shall not cut off his son from - sonship. - - 169. If he has a grievous crime against his father to the extent of - cutting him off from sonship, for the first time he (the father) - shall turn away his face; but if he commit a grievous crime a - second time, the father shall cut off his son from sonship. - - 170. If to a man his wife has borne children, and if his servant - has borne him children; if the father during his life has said: - “You are my children,” to the children which his servant bore him, - and has counted them with his wife’s children: afterwards if that - father has gone to his fate, the goods of the father’s house shall - the children of the wife and the children of the servant share on - equal terms. In the division the children of the wife shall choose - (first) and take. - - 171. And if the father, during his life to the children which his - slave bore him has not said, “You are my children,” afterwards - when the father has gone to his fate, the property of the father’s - house the children of the servant shall not share with the children - of the wife. The freedom of the servant and her children shall be - assured. The children of the wife cannot claim the children of the - servant for servitude. The wife shall take her marriage portion and - the gift which her husband gave her and wrote on a tablet for her, - and shall remain in the house of her husband. As long as she lives - she shall keep them, and for money shall not give them; after her - they belong to her children. - - 172. If her husband has not given her a gift, her marriage portion - she shall receive entire; and of the property of her husband’s - house, a portion like a son she shall take. If her children force - her to go out of the house, the judge shall inquire into the - matter, and if a fault is imputed to the children, that woman shall - not go out of the house of her husband. If that woman has set her - face to go, the gift which her husband gave her she shall leave to - her children. The marriage portion which came from her father’s - house she shall keep, and the husband of her choice she shall take. - - 173. If that woman, there where she has entered, to her second - husband has borne children, and if afterward that woman dies, her - marriage portion shall her earlier and her later children divide - between them. - - 174. If to her second husband she has borne no children, her - marriage portion shall the children of her first husband take. - - 175. If a free-born woman has married a palace slave or the slave - of a noble, and has borne children; the owner of the slave on the - children of the free-born woman shall make no claim for servitude. - - 176. And if a free-born woman marries a slave of the palace or - the slave of a noble, and if when he married her she entered - the house of the palace slave or of the nobleman’s slave with a - marriage portion from the house of her father, and from the time - that they set up their house together have acquired property; - if afterward either the slave of the palace or the slave of the - nobleman has gone to his fate, the free-born woman shall take her - marriage portion, and whatever her husband and she since they began - housekeeping have made, into two parts they shall divide; one-half - the owner of the slave shall take, one-half the free-born woman - shall take for her children. - - 176 a. If the free-born woman had no marriage portion, everything - which her husband and she had acquired since they kept house - together, into two parts they shall divide. The owner of the slave - one-half shall take: one-half shall the free-born woman take for - her children. - - 177. If a widow, whose children are still young, has set her face - to enter the house of another without consulting the judge, she - shall not enter. When she enters another house the judge shall - inquire into that which was left from the house of her former - husband; and the goods of her former husband’s house to her later - husband and to that woman (herself) one shall confide, and a tablet - one shall make them deliver. They shall keep the house and bring up - the little ones; no utensil shall they give for money. The buyer - who shall buy a utensil belonging to the children of the widow, - shall lose his money; the property shall return to its owner. - - 178. If a votary or a vowed woman to whom her father has given - a marriage portion, a tablet has written, and on the tablet he - wrote for her did not write, “After her she may give to whom - she pleases,” has not permitted her all the wish of her heart; - afterwards when the father has gone to his fate, her field and - garden shall her brothers take, and according to the value of her - portion they shall give her grain, oil, and wool, and her heart - they shall content. If her brothers have not given her grain, - oil, and wool according to the value of her portion, and have not - contented her heart, she shall give her field and garden to a - cultivator who is pleasing to her, and her cultivator shall sustain - her. The field, garden, and whatever her father gave her she shall - keep as long as she lives, but for money she shall not give it, - to another she shall not part with it; her sonship (inheritance) - belongs to her brother. - - 179. If a votary or a vowed woman to whom her father has given a - marriage portion, and has written her a tablet, and on the tablet - which he wrote her has written, “property where (to whom) it seems - good to her to give (let her give),” has allowed her the fulness - of her heart’s desire: afterwards when the father has gone to his - fate, her property after her death to whomever it pleases her she - shall give; her brothers shall not strive with her. - - 180. If a father to his daughter, a bride or vowed woman, a - marriage portion has not given; after the father has gone to his - fate, she shall receive of the possession of the father’s house a - share like one son. As long as she lives she shall keep it; her - property after her death shall belong to her brothers. - - 181. If a father has vowed to God a hierodule or a temple virgin, - and has gone to his fate, she shall have a share in the possession - of the father’s house equal to one-third her portion as one of his - children. As long as she lives she shall keep it. Her property - after her death shall belong to her brothers. - - 182. If a father to his daughter, a votary of Marduk of Babylon, - has not given a marriage portion, a tablet has not written; after - the father has gone to his fate she shall share with her brothers - in the possession of her father’s house; a third of her share as - his child (she shall receive). Control over it shall not go from - her. The votary of Marduk shall give her property after her death - to whomever it pleases her. - - 183. If a father to his daughter by a concubine has given a - marriage portion, and has given her to a husband and has written - her a tablet; after the father has gone to his fate, in the goods - of the father’s house, she shall not share. - - 184. If a man to his daughter by a concubine a marriage portion has - not provided, to a husband has not given her; after the father has - gone to his fate her brothers shall provide her a marriage portion - according to the value of the father’s house, and to a husband they - shall give her. - - - _Laws concerning Adoption_ - - 185. If a man has taken a small child as a son in his own name and - has brought him up, that foster child shall not be reclaimed. - - 186. If a man has taken a small child for his son, and if when he - took him his father and his mother he offended, that foster child - shall return to the house of his father. - - 187. The son of a familiar slave in the palace service, or the son - of a vowed woman, cannot be reclaimed. - - 188. If an artisan has taken a child to bring up, and has taught - him his handicraft, no one can make a complaint. - - 189. If he has not taught him his handicraft, that foster child - shall return to the house of his father. - - 190. If a man, a small child whom he took for his son and brought - him up, with his own sons has not counted, that foster son shall - return to his father’s house. - - 191. If a man who has taken a small child for his son and has - brought him up, has afterwards made a home for himself and acquired - children, if he sets his face to cut off the foster child; that - child shall not go his way. His adoptive father shall give him of - his goods one-third a son’s share, and then he shall go. Of the - field, garden, and house he shall not give him. - - 192. If the son of a favourite slave or the son of a vowed woman to - the father who brought him up and to the mother who brought him up - say, “Thou art not my father, thou art not my mother,” one shall - cut out his tongue. - - 193. If the son of a palace favourite or the son of a vowed woman - has known the house of his father and has hated the father who - brought him up and the mother who brought him up, and has gone to - the house of his father, one shall tear out his eyes. - - 194. If a man has given his son to a nurse and if his son has died - in the hand of the nurse, and if the nurse, without the consent of - his father or mother, another child has nourished, she shall be - brought to account and because she nourished another child, without - the consent of the father and mother, one shall cut off her breasts. - - - _Laws of Recompense_ - - 195. If a son has struck his father, one shall cut off his hands. - - 196. If one destroys the eye of a free-born man, his eye one shall - destroy. - - 197. If anyone breaks the limb of a free-born man, his limb one - shall break. - - 198. If the eye of a nobleman he has destroyed, or the limb of a - nobleman he has broken, one mina of silver he shall pay. - - 199. If he has destroyed the eye of the slave of a free-born man or - has broken the limb of the slave of a free-born man, he shall pay - the half of its price. - - 200. If he knocks out the teeth of a man who is his equal, his - teeth one shall knock out. - - 201. If the teeth of a freedman he has made to fall out, he shall - pay one-third of a mina of silver. - - 202. If anyone has injured the strength of a man who is high above - him, he shall publicly be struck with sixty strokes of a cowhide - whip. - - 203. If he has injured the strength of a man who is his equal, he - shall pay one mina of silver. - - 204. If he has injured the strength of a freedman, one shall cut - off his ear. - - 205. If the slave of a man has injured the strength of a free-born - man, one shall cut off his ear. - - 206. If a man has struck another in a quarrel and has wounded him, - and that man shall swear, “I did not strike him wittingly,” he - shall pay the doctor. - - 207. If he dies of the blows, he shall swear again, and if it was a - free-born man, he shall pay one-half a mina of silver. - - 208. If it was a freedman, he shall pay one-third a mina of silver. - - 209. If anyone has struck a free-born woman and caused her to let - fall what was in her womb, he shall pay ten shekels of silver for - what was in her womb. - - 210. If that woman dies, one shall put his daughter to death. - - 211. If it was a freedwoman whom he caused to let fall that which - was in her womb, through his blows, he shall pay five shekels of - silver. - - 212. If that woman dies, he shall pay one-half a mina of silver. - - 213. If he has struck a man’s maid-servant and caused her to drop - what was in her womb, he shall pay two shekels of silver. - - 214. If that maid-servant dies he shall pay one-third a mina of - silver. - - - _Regulations concerning Physicians and Veterinary Surgeons_ - - 215. If a doctor has treated a man for a severe wound with a lancet - of bronze and has cured the man, or has opened a tumour with a - bronze lancet and has cured the man’s eye; he shall receive ten - shekels of silver. - - 216. If it was a freedman, he shall receive five shekels of silver. - - 217. If it was a man’s slave, the owner of the slave shall give the - doctor two shekels of silver. - - 218. If a physician has treated a free-born man for a severe - wound with a lancet of bronze and has caused the man to die, or - has opened a tumour of the man with a lancet of bronze and has - destroyed his eye, his hands one shall cut off. - - 219. If a doctor has treated the slave of a freedman for a severe - wound with a bronze lancet and has caused him to die, he shall give - back slave for slave. - - 220. If he has opened his tumour with a bronze lancet and has - ruined his eye, he shall pay the half of his price in money. - - 221. If a doctor has cured the broken limb of a man, or has healed - his sick body, the patient shall pay the doctor five shekels of - silver. - - 222. If it was a freedman, he shall give three shekels of silver. - - 223. If it was a man’s slave, the owner of the slave shall give two - shekels of silver to the doctor. - - 224. If the doctor of oxen and asses has treated an ox or an ass - for a grave wound and has cured it, the owner of the ox or the ass - shall give to the doctor as his pay one-sixth of a shekel of silver. - - 225. If he has treated an ox or an ass for a severe wound and has - caused its death, he shall pay one-fourth of its price to the owner - of the ox or the ass. - - - _Illegal Branding of Slaves_ - - 226. If a barber-surgeon, without consent of the owner of a slave, - has branded the slave with an indelible mark, one shall cut off the - hands of that barber. - - 227. If anyone deceives the barber-surgeon and makes him brand a - slave with an indelible mark, one shall kill that man and bury - him in his house. The barber shall swear, “I did not mark him - wittingly,” and he shall be guiltless. - - - _Regulations concerning Builders_ - - 228. If a builder has built a house for some one and has finished - it, for every SAR of house he shall give him two shekels of silver - as his fee. - - 229. If a builder has built a house for some one and has not made - his work firm, and if the house he built has fallen and has killed - the owner of the house, that builder shall be put to death. - - 230. If it has killed the son of the house-owner, one shall kill - the son of that builder. - - 231. If it has killed the slave of the house-owner, he (the - builder) shall give to the owner of the house slave for slave. - - 232. If it has destroyed property, he shall restore everything he - destroyed; and because the house he built was not firm and fell in, - out of his own funds he shall rebuild the house that fell. - - 233. If a builder has built a house for some one and has not made - its foundations solid, and a wall falls, that builder out of his - own money shall make firm that wall. - - - _Regulations concerning Shipping_ - - 234. If a boatman has caulked (?) a boat of 60 GUR for a man, he - shall give him two shekels of silver as his fee. - - 235. If a boatman has caulked a boat for a man, and has not made - firm his work; if in that year that ship is put into use and it - suffers an injury, the boatman shall alter that boat and shall make - it firm out of his own funds; and he shall give the strengthened - boat to the owner of the boat. - - 236. If a man has given his boat to a boatman on hire, if the - boatman has been careless, has grounded the boat or destroyed - it, the boatman shall give a boat to the owner of the boat in - compensation. - - 237. If a man has hired a boatman and a boat, and has loaded it - with grain, wool, oil, dates, or whatever the cargo was; if that - boatman has been careless, has grounded the ship and destroyed - all that was in it, the boatman shall make good the ship which he - grounded and whatever he destroyed of what was in it. - - 238. If a man has grounded a boat and has refloated it, he shall - pay the half of its price in silver. - - 239. If a man has hired a boatman, he shall give 6 GUR of grain a - year. - - 240. If a freight boat has struck a ferry-boat, and grounded it, - the owner of the grounded boat shall make a statement before God of - everything that was destroyed in the boat and (the owner of) the - freight boat which grounded the ferry-boat shall make good the boat - and whatever was destroyed. - - - _Regulations concerning the Hiring of Animals, Farming, Wages, etc._ - - 241. If a man has forced an ox to too hard labour, he shall pay - one-third a mina of silver. - - 242. If a man hires (the ox) for one year, he shall pay 4 GUR of - grain as the hire of a working ox. - - 243. For the hire of an ox to carry burdens (?) he shall give 3 GUR - of grain to its owner. - - 244. If anyone has hired an ox or an ass, and if in the field a - lion has killed it, the loss is its master’s. - - 245. If anyone has hired an ox and has caused it to die through - ill-treatment or blows, he shall return ox for ox to the owner of - the ox. - - 246. If a man has hired an ox and has broken his leg or has cut its - nape, he shall return ox for ox to the owner of the ox. - - 247. If a man has hired an ox and has knocked out its eye, he shall - give one-half its value in silver to the owner of the ox. - - 248. If anyone has hired an ox and has broken its horn, cut off its - tail, or has injured its nostrils, he shall pay one-fourth of its - price in silver. - - 249. If anyone has hired an ox and God (an accident) has struck him - and he has died, he who hired the ox shall swear by the name of God - and be guiltless. - - 250. If a furious ox in his charge gores a man and kills him, that - case cannot be brought to judgment. - - 251. If an ox has pushed a man (with his horns) and in pushing - showed him his vice, and if he has not blunted his horns, has not - shut up his ox: if that ox gores a free-born man and kills him, he - shall pay one-half a mina of silver. - - 252. If it is the slave of a man he shall give one-third of a mina - of silver. - - 253. If a man has hired a man to live in his field and has - furnished him seed grain (?) and oxen, and has bound him to - cultivate the field; if that man has stolen grain or plants and - they are seized in his possession, one shall cut off his hands. - - 254. If he has taken the seed grain (?), for himself exhausted the - oxen; he shall make restitution according to the amount of the - grain which he took. - - 255. If he has given out the man’s oxen on hire or has stolen the - grain, has not caused it to grow in the field; one shall bring that - man to judgment, for 100 GAN of land he shall measure out 60 GUR of - grain. - - 256. If his community (clan) will not take up his cause, one shall - leave him in the field among the oxen. (?) - - 257. If a man has hired a harvester, he shall give him 8 GUR of - grain for one year. - - 258. If a man has hired an ox driver (?), he shall give him 6 GUR - of grain for one year. - - 259. If a man has stolen a watering wheel (Gis-Apin) from the - field, he shall pay 5 shekels of silver to the owner of the wheel. - - 260. If he has stolen a watering bucket[32] or a plough, he shall - pay three shekels of silver. - - 261. If a man has hired a herdsman to pasture cattle and sheep, he - shall pay him 8 GUR of grain a year. - - 262. If a man, oxen or sheep … [the stone is here defaced.] - - 263. If he has destroyed the oxen or sheep which were given him, ox - for ox and sheep for sheep he shall restore to their owner. - - 264. If a herdsman, to whom oxen and sheep have been given for - pasturing, has received his wages, whatever was agreed upon, and - his heart is contented; if he has diminished the oxen or the sheep, - has lessened the offspring, he shall give offspring and produce - according to the words of his agreement. - - 265. If a herdsman, to whom oxen and sheep have been given for - pasturing, has deceived, has changed the price, or has given them - for money; he shall be brought to judgment and he shall return to - their owner oxen and sheep ten times that which he stole. - - 266. If in the fold a disaster is brought about from God, or if a - lion has killed, the herdsman shall purge himself before God, and - the owner of the fold shall bear the disaster to the fold. - - 267. If the herdsman has been careless and in the fold has caused - loss, the shepherd shall make good in oxen and sheep the loss he - caused in the fold, and shall give them to their owner in good - condition. - - 268. If a man has hired an ox for threshing, 20 KA of grain is its - hire. - - 269. If he has hired an ass for threshing, 10 KA of grain is its - hire. - - 270. If he has hired a young animal for threshing, 1 KA of grain is - its hire. - - 271. If anyone has hired oxen, a cart, and driver, he shall pay 180 - KA of grain for one day. - - 272. If anyone has hired a cart alone, he shall give 40 KA of grain - for one day. - - 273. If anyone has hired a day labourer, from the first of the year - to the fifth month, he shall give him 6 SHE of silver a day; from - the sixth month to the end of the year he shall give him 5 =SHE= of - silver a day. - - 274. If anyone hires an artisan,--The wages of a … are 5 SHE of - silver; the wages of a brick maker (?), 5 SHE of silver; the wages - of a tailor, 5 SHE of silver; the wages of a stone cutter (?) … SHE - of silver; the wages of a … SHE of silver; the wages of a … SHE of - silver; the wages of a carpenter, 4 SHE of silver; the wages of a … - 4 SHE of silver; the wages of … SHE of silver; the wages of a mason - … SHE of silver,--a day he shall give. - - 275. If anyone has hired a (ferry-boat?) its hire is 3 SHE of - silver a day. - - 276. If he has hired a freight boat, he shall give 2½ SHE of silver - a day as its hire. - - 277. If anyone has hired a boat of 60 GUR he shall give one-sixth - of a shekel of silver as its hire. - - - _Regulations concerning the Buying of Slaves_ - - 278. If anyone has bought a man or woman slave and before the end - of the month the bennu-sickness has fallen upon him, he shall - return him to the seller, and the buyer shall take back the money - which he paid. - - 279. If anyone has bought a man or woman slave and a complaint is - made, the seller shall answer for the complaint. - - 280. If anyone has bought another man’s man or woman slave in a - strange land; when he has come into the country and the owner of - the man or woman slave recognises his property; if that man or - woman slave are natives: without money he shall grant them their - freedom. - - 281. If they are from another country, the buyer shall declare - before God the money which he paid; the owner of the man or woman - slave shall give to the merchant the money which he paid, and shall - recover his man or woman slave. - - 282. If a slave has said to his master, “Thou art not my master,” - one shall bring him to judgment as his slave, and his master shall - cut off his ear. - -Having presented this remarkable code in its entirety, it is hardly -necessary to comment upon it at length. It will repay the closest -examination on the part of anyone who is interested in the manners and -customs of this remote period. Prior to the excavations in Mesopotamia, -no historian could have dared hope that we should ever have presented -to us so varied and so authoritative an exposition of the laws that -governed society in any part of the world in the third millennium -before our era. Thanks to the imperishable nature of the materials -on which the Babylonians wrote, this seeming miracle has now come to -pass, and we are in a fair way to have a much more precise and accurate -knowledge of the culture of this ancient people than we are likely ever -to possess regarding European nations of two thousand years later. The -laws that governed the Greeks and Romans of the earlier period, and the -details as to the practicalities of their civilisation, are for the -most part preserved to us only through traditions that utterly lack the -authenticity of such an original document as this code of Khammurabi. -The sands of Egypt have recently given up to us a papyrus roll on -which is inscribed the famous treatise on the constitution of Athens -by Aristotle; and the eagerness with which this document has been -scanned by students of Greek history is in itself an evidence of the -paucity of authoritative documents regarding the classical world during -this relatively recent period. It is peculiarly gratifying then to be -able to go back to so much more remote a period and learn as it were -at first hand such interesting details of the laws that governed the -social intercourse of these forerunners of the Greeks. The fact that -the earliest European civilisation undoubtedly deferred in many ways to -this remoter civilisation of the Orient lends additional importance to -these wonderful documents from old Babylonia.[a] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[30] Small boats similarly constructed are, however, introduced into a -bas-relief, which appears to represent a scene on an Assyrian river or -lake. - -[31] [The translation is based on those mentioned in the introduction -together with a comparison of the Babylonian text as given in -transcription by V. Scheil.[g]] - -[32] [The Egyptians call this _shaduf_. It is an arrangement to draw -water from the canal for irrigation, and is worked by hand, whereas the -wheel for the same purpose (_sakieh_) is turned by an animal.] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. THE RELIGION OF THE BABYLONIANS AND ASSYRIANS - - -It is always extremely difficult for a writer of any nationality to -appreciate the peculiar genius of another nation, even as regards -its political and social history. And when we turn to the question -of religion, the difficulty becomes well nigh an impassable barrier. -Obviously the effort must be made, but we can never feel too secure -in the results; certainly not unless we know the particular bias of -the individual interpreter. Perhaps we cannot better illustrate the -difficulties in question than by making two short quotations, each of -which includes an estimate of Babylonian influence in general, and of -its religious influence in particular. - -One of these estimates runs thus: - -“In spite of the skill and knowledge of the Babylonians, and their -wonderful progress in arts and sciences, they had a religion of the -lowest and most degrading kind. True insight into natural phenomena -was prevented, and progress beyond the surface of things stopped by a -religion which had a multitude of gods, which were supposed to bring -about in an irregular and capricious manner all the changes in nature -and all the misfortunes which happened to the people; thus foresight -and medicine were neglected, and unavailing prayers and useless -sacrifices offered to propitiate the deities, who were imagined to hold -the destiny of the human race in their hands.” - -The other estimate is quite different: - -“The history of Babylonia has an interest of a wider kind than that of -Egypt; from its more intimate connection with the general history of -the human race, and from the remarkable influence which its religion, -its science, and its civilisation have had on all subsequent human -progress. Its religious traditions, carried away by the Israelites who -came out from Ur of the Chaldees (Genesis xi. 31), have through this -wonderful people become the heritage of all mankind, while its science -and civilisation, through the medium of the Greeks and Romans, have -become the basis of modern research and advancement.” - -Now the curious thing is that these contradictory estimates occur in -the same book, and only separated from one another by a few pages. -They were probably not written by the same man, for the edition we -are quoting is one published after the author’s death, and “edited -and brought up to date” by another writer. George Smith was the -author, A. H. Sayce the editor, and both alike have the highest rank -as Assyriologists, and any quotation from either must be considered -as having a high degree of authority. Which, then, is right? Had the -Babylonians a “religion of the lowest and most degrading kind,” or was -it a religion which has had a “remarkable influence upon all subsequent -human progress” through having been adopted by the Hebrews, and through -them becoming “the heritage of all mankind”? - -Or, again, are the two citations less contradictory than they seem, -each being a correct statement of a particular point of view? Did the -Babylonian religion, which the Hebrews are said to have borrowed, -really have elements both of greatness and of degradation, and was -it, therefore, capable of being interpreted in one way or the other, -according to the particular element for the moment considered? Perhaps -this is the fairer view. Possibly these two phases might be found to -pertain to every religion whatsoever. In any event, we shall have -occasion often to quote contradictory views in attempting to get -at the truth about the religions of the various peoples who come -before us. And of a certainty we shall sometimes be left in doubt as -to the real character of the religion in question. So long as the -sects of Christendom cannot agree among themselves as to the correct -interpretation of the particular records which form their common -basis, we can hardly hope to interpret with full justice the religious -contemplations of people of another genius. - -The following account of Assyrian religion by Joachim Menant is based -upon a study of documents from the library of Asshurbanapal, and, as -will be seen, is an exposition of certain details of the subject, -rather than an attempt at a comprehensive analysis. Nevertheless, its -explicit depiction of these details will perhaps give the reader a -clearer idea of the Assyrian religion than could be gained from a more -general treatment. As already pointed out, any interpretation of the -mysteries of an oriental religion must necessarily, in the present -state of our knowledge, leave much to be desired.[a] - -It is rather difficult nowadays to distinguish the link which united -science to astrology and astrology to religion. The Assyrio-Chaldean -dogma is not formulated in a text by which we may grasp the whole, and -thus we are obliged to seek traces of it in fragments of different -sources and of different times, without being able to give them the -unity they must have had in their complete form; in other words, we -cannot reconstruct the Assyrian pantheon as a whole. - -The most superficial examination suffices to show that we are in the -presence of a very complicated polytheism, but there is no text to -explain the hierarchy which must have reigned in the celestial world. -At the summit of this hierarchy one can perceive a divinity, one, and -at the same time divisible. Dogma proclaims this divinity in certain -passages, but when we wish to learn its exact individuality, it eludes -us, so that we may only seize the abstraction. We are led to believe -in a celestial hierarchy of beings inhabiting a superior world and -subordinated to an all-powerful God, who governs gods, world, and men. -He is enthroned in spaces inaccessible to us in our condition, and -appears only in legends; his power intervenes only when the order of -the universe is threatened, as we shall see in the legend of Ishtar, -when the goddess of the dwellings of the dead wishes to keep the -daughter of Sin in the dark dwelling, where she is so boldly detained. - -This all-powerful God does not seem to be accessible to human beings; -secondary divinities revolve about him and seem, like him, to be -pure spirits. In the practice of the religion one has a glimpse of -an assembly of divinities, whose relations with humanity are more -tangible. These gods assume more definite form, as a general thing the -human one often joined with that of various animals, fish, oxen, or -birds. The wings seem to have but a single symbolical signification, to -denote beings of a superior order. - -These gods have a rather definite hierarchy, twelve of them being -known as “great gods.” The one who appears to be the chief varies -according to locality and time. The chances of political conquest seem -to influence him, and he is changed according to the fortunes of war -that give the upper hand to such and such locality where his cult is -followed. - -At Nineveh, the god which seems to have been the highest in the -celestial hierarchy, is Ilu; his character is no further defined and -his symbol is often only the abstract representation of the divinity. - -[Illustration: WINGED BULL DISCOVERED AT ARBAN - -(Layard)] - -In the historical texts of the Assyrian kings we find an enumeration of -the great gods who were invoked by the sovereigns of the earth; their -number and order is not always constant, but such as they are we can -mention: Ilu (Ana), who is often confounded at Nineveh with Asshur; -then Bel (Baal); and lastly Anu. These three divinities appear as the -reflection of the gods of the superior world, which we have already -mentioned, but to which we have been unable to ascribe names. Then -follow the gods more particularly associated with the visible world: -Sin, the god of the moon; Shamash, god of the sun; Bin (Ramman or -Adad), god of the higher regions of the atmosphere, arbitrator of the -heavens and earth, the god who presides over tempests. - -A series of divinities seems especially given over to the -superintendence of the planets: Adar over Saturn, Marduk over Jupiter, -Nergal over Mars, Ishtar over Venus, Nabu over Mercury. - -Ishtar seems always to have a peculiar and special individuality, -notwithstanding that each of the great gods has a spouse who is often -invoked with him, and who seems to complete him. The rôle of the great -spouses of the great gods is not well understood; with Ishtar we can -see Beltis figure, whose name is transformed and often becomes like -that of Ishtar, a collective appellation of all female divinities; -those whose names seem to have a more permanent character are Zarpanit, -the goddess who particularly represents the fertile principle of the -universe, and Tasmit, the goddess of wisdom. All female divinities seem -to have direct relations with humanity, but they often disappear in the -higher and inaccessible world, and then only reveal themselves through -secondary influences. Secondary gods, whose number is infinite, are -born of these divine couples; a tablet from the Nineveh library gives -us the list of twelve sons of Anu with their attributes; of these sons -other divinities are born, but their descent we cannot follow. It is so -with other great gods. - -At Babylon the divinities are the same, but the hierarchy is different; -Bel seems to have replaced Ilu (Ana), and Marduk takes the place of -Asshur. It is easy to be seen that these theogonies come from a common -source, which is every day becoming more accessible to us, but which we -have not yet sufficiently explored to know its exact nature. - -The artistic development at which the Chaldeans had arrived from -the remotest antiquity, allows us easily to suppose that we ought -to discover in the pictured monuments that which the texts have not -yet revealed to us. Unfortunately we cannot fix upon the meaning -of the figures on the engraved stones until we shall have complete -enlightenment from the texts. The significance of a symbol cannot -be guessed at; also it is the most we can do if from all these -representations we are able to recognise the figures of four or -five divinities--Ilu, Nabu, Marduk, Ishtar, and Zarpanit. There is, -moreover, a special reason why we should be most cautious in our -comparisons; we know that when the Assyrians took possession of a -hostile town, they carried away the images of strange divinities, and -restored them to their possessors, after inscribing on these images -the names of Assyrian gods. Therefore we should not trust too much to -an Assyrian inscription to fix on the identification of the image of -a divinity, as deeds of this nature might have been repeated in every -campaign. It is thus, doubtless, that we may explain the fact that, -while in the whole of Mesopotamia the abstract idea of the divinity -was mentioned by the name Ilu, it appears on the monuments of the -Achæmenidæ as Ormuzd. - -The Assyrio-Chaldean cult had a very solemn ritual; we already have a -great number of hymns addressed to the principal divinities; and as -every month and every day of the month was under the protection of -a particular divinity, one may understand that the Assyrio-Chaldean -ritual must have had a considerable development. There were hymns -dedicated to Nabu, Sin, Shamash, Anuit, to Fire, and to the Elements. -Here is a hymn which can give an idea of the lyric poetry of which the -library of Nineveh included numerous fragments: - -“Lord Illuminator of darkness who penetrates obscurity. The Good God, -who uplifts those who are in abjection, who sustains the feeble. The -great gods turn their eyes towards thy light. The spirits of the abyss -eagerly contemplate thy face. The language of praise is addressed -to thee as a single word. The … of their heads seeks the light of -the Southern sun. Like a betrothed thou restest full of joy and -graciousness. In thy splendour thou attainest the limits of Heaven. -Thou art the Standard of this wide World. O God, the men who live afar -off contemplate thee and rejoice.” - -Religious ceremonies bore a relation to external worship; they all -ended in invocation or sacrifice. The cylinder-engraved scenes give us -an idea of these ceremonies; we usually see the priest in an attitude -of adoration or prayer, sometimes alone, but often before an altar, on -which reposes the object of adoration, or that which is going to be -sacrificed. The most usual victim is a ram or a kid. The Assyrian kings -never began an important expedition without having invoked the gods and -held religious ceremonies; after a victory they offered a sacrifice on -the borders of their newly conquered states. These sacrifices generally -took place in the open air; nevertheless, temples were numerous in -Assyria and Chaldea; their traditional form is that of a step-pyramid -(ziggurat); every town had one or two temples of this kind under the -patronage of one of the divinities of the Assyrian pantheon. - -A tablet from the library gives us a list of these different -sanctuaries, where the gifts of the faithful multiplied and accumulated -until the time when war came to disperse them. - -Cosmogony occupies a large place on the tablets of Asshurbanapal’s -library. Amongst all these tablets, those which relate to the creation -of the world, particularly to the history of the flood, have acquired -notoriety. These ancient traditions form a whole which claims the -closest attention. Whatever the philological explanations one may -accept, there is one dominating matter which gives an incontestable -importance to these remains, and this is their relation to the Mosaic -statements. It is certain that the fall of Nineveh antedated the -Babylonian captivity, and that the Bible in its present form postdates -the return from captivity. It is not without interest, therefore, to -compare the biblical accounts with a text, which could not have been -altered from the day it was buried under the ruins of an Assyrian -palace. This is not all; these ancient Assyrian legends are really the -translation of a Sumerian text, which Asshurbanapal had copied and -translated from the libraries of lower Chaldea, and we know positively -that these texts antedate the reign of the ancient Sargon, and are -therefore earlier by several centuries than the time when Abraham must -have left Chaldea. - -It is doubtless not the place here to give way to a discussion on -pure philology; we will simply say this: when we make a mistake in -translating a hymn addressed to the god Sin, and apply it to quite -another divinity of the Assyrian pantheon, it is a deplorable mistake; -but such an error, were it the most gross, would have no influence on -our present prejudices. It is otherwise if we refer to a text which can -influence our intimate beliefs, be it to fortify them, combat them, or -explain their origin. In England and other protestant countries the -discoveries of George Smith acquired a tremendous notoriety, and his -translations are accepted with an eagerness and confidence which a -severe criticism has not justified. In France these discoveries aroused -less curiosity from the first, and Assyriologists who study legendary -texts have done so with a dispassionateness which is all the more -conducive to scientific and correct historic results. - -Nevertheless, from these sources and authorities, translations have -passed into elementary books, where it has been sought to use them -in the support of preconceived ideas, often by altering their true -meaning. We cannot set ourselves too strongly against such proceedings. -It is surely not a new principle, that disinterested science must with -perfect impartiality scrutinise all books, legends, and documents which -claim the attention of the human mind. - -The history of the creation comprises a collection of several tablets, -of which the text was published in 1875, in the _Transactions of the -Society of Biblical Archæology_. This text includes six fragments -forming part of a series of tablets designated in Assyria under the -title of “Enuva” (_i.e._, Formerly).[b] - - -THE ASSYRIAN STORY OF THE CREATION - -Since George Smith first published the tablets various other fragments -have been discovered, the most important new discovery, perhaps, being -made by Mr. L. W. King[j] of a tablet containing a reference to the -creation of man. He found that the tablets belonging to the series are -seven in number, and has published all the hitherto known material in -his _Seven Tablets of Creation_. The following extracts are taken from -his translation: - - When in the height heaven was not named, - And the earth beneath did not yet bear a name, - And the primeval Apsu who begat them, - And chaos, Tiamat, the mother of them both,-- - Their waters were mingled together, - And no field was found, no marsh was to be seen; - When of the gods none had been called into being, - And none bore a name, and no destinies [were ordained] - Then were created the gods in the midst of [heaven] - Lakhmu and Lakhamu were called into being [............] - Ages increased [........] - Then Anshar and Kishar were created, and over them [.......] - Long were the days, then there came forth [........] - Anu, their son, - Anshar and Anu [.........] - And the god Anu [.........] - -Here follow three tablets telling of the revolt of Tiamat and her -defeat, which will be spoken of later on. - -The fifth tablet begins: - - He (Marduk) made the stations for the great gods; - The stars, their images, as the stars of the zodiac he fixed. - He ordained the year and into sections he divided it; - For the twelve months he fixed three stars. - ........ - The Moon-god he caused to shine forth, the night he intrusted to him. - He appointed him, a being of the night, to determine the days. - -The rest of the tablet is rather badly mutilated. The sixth begins: - - When Marduk heard the words of the gods, - His heart prompted him and he devised [a cunning plan]. - He opened his mouth and unto Ea [he spake], - That which he had conceived in his heart he imparted [unto him], - “My blood will I take and bone will I [fashion], - I will make man, that man may........[.......] - I will create man who shall inhabit [the earth] - That the service of the gods may be established and that [their] - shrines [may be built]. - But I will alter the ways of the gods, and I will change [their paths]; - Together shall they be oppressed, and unto evil shall [they......]” - And Ea answered him and spake the word: - -The rest of the tablet is too fragmentary for translation. The seventh -contains the fifty titles of Marduk. - -Besides these seven tablets there are some which contain other accounts -of the creation. One of these refers to the creation of cattle and the -beasts of the field.[a] - - When the gods in their assembly had made [the world] - And had created the heavens and had formed [the earth] - And had brought living creatures into being [......] - And [had fashioned] the cattle of the field, and the beasts of the - field, and the creatures [of the city],-- - After [they had........] unto the living creatures [.......][c] - -The rest is too mutilated for comprehension of anything besides single -words. - - -THE BABYLONIAN RELIGION - -The fact that these tablets as well as so many others of Babylonian -origin were found in an Assyrian library, shows that the Assyrians took -their religion like the rest of their culture from the Babylonians. -Indeed the Assyrian myths, religious doctrines, and observances are so -similar to those of the mother-country that in speaking of Babylonian -religion the Assyrian is usually to be understood as well. The -Babylonian religion in turn was largely influenced by the Summerian -which was an astral religion. The names of the gods are found written -with the same ideograms although they were doubtless pronounced -differently. Many of the texts are found written in Summerian with -interlinear Assyrian translations. - -Babylonian religion as we first see it is in the form of local cults. -Each city with its surrounding district had its own god, whose -authority was supreme. Thus Anu was worshipped in Erech, Bel in Nippur, -Ea in Eridu, Sin in Uru, Shamash in Larsa and Sippar. When these cities -began to be welded together into political systems, the gods also were -put together into an organised pantheon in which political situations -influenced the relations the gods were made to bear to each other. Thus -when Babylon became the capital of the empire its special god, Marduk, -became leader among the gods. - -A second characteristic feature of the Babylonian religion is that it -is based on natural phenomena. The myths are nature myths. The story -of the original creation was in a way the prototype of what happened -every year. The earth is covered with water from the winter rains -(state of chaos). The spring sun (Marduk) fights with and overcomes the -water (Tiamat); the earth appears, green things of all kinds and life -are produced. The story of the flood may have referred to the annual -inundation, with perhaps the added element of severe winds and a tidal -wave from the south. Such inundations have occurred in historic times. -Ishtar’s descent into the lower world marks the autumn when everything -is dry and has been burned up by the fierce summer sun. Ishtar goes -to seek the water of life, which in the Babylonian world was a most -appropriate metaphor, because water actually was the life of the -country. Without it the land was arid and desolate as to-day; with it, -its luxuriant vegetation caused the region about Babylon to be called -the garden of the gods (Karaduniash). - -The creation legend as we have it must have been written after the -consolidation of the empire with Babylon as its capital, because in the -story Marduk, although one of the younger gods, is made the champion -and leader of the others. The tablets on which the legend is contained -now usually go by the name of _enuma elish_, “when above,” from the -opening words. The opening lines of the story relating the creation -of the gods, and the latter part telling of the creation of animals -and man, we have already seen. The version of creation given here is -practically the one Berosus gives of the Babylonians, which is found in -Eusebius and which he quotes from Polyhistor (see Appendix A). - -In the beginning was chaos, consisting of a watery mass. Only two -beings existed--Apsu, the Deep, and Tiamat, the universal mother. -These two represent the two formative elements from whose union the -gods were created. First Lakhmu and Lakhamu were born, then Anshar and -Kishar, and after a long interval the other great gods. Tiamat, after -having brought forth the gods, conceived a hatred for them and created -a large number of monsters to aid her in a battle against them and -gave the command to her son Kingu. She bore: “giant snakes, sharp as -to teeth, and merciless--with poison she filled their bodies as with -blood.” Anshar sends his son Anu against Tiamat, but he is afraid to -face her. After Ea also has been sent in vain, Marduk offers to take -up the fight, but first demands to be recognised by the other gods as -their champion. Anshar summons the great gods to a feast, informs them -of all that has taken place, and calls on them to appoint Marduk as -their defender. The gods do so and hail him with the following words -(the translation of the Assyrian texts is based upon that of Jensen[h] -in his _Cosmologie der Babylonier_): - - Thou art the most honoured among the great gods - Thy fate has no equal, thy decree is Anu. - Marduk, thou art most honoured among the great gods - Thy fate has no equal, thy decree is Anu. - From now on thy word shall not be altered, - To put up and to lower, shall be in thy hand; - What goes out of thy mouth shall be established - Thy decree shall not be resisted. - No one among the great gods shall overstep thy boundary - ........ - Marduk, thou our avenger, - We give thee dominion over the whole world. - -To test his powers the gods place a garment before Marduk and tell -him to bid it disappear and come back again at his word. When he has -accomplished this prodigy the gods are pleased and exclaim “Marduk is -king.” The avenger after equipping himself for the fray goes out to -meet Tiamat and her host, taking with him his thunderbolt, spear, and -net; he is followed by seven winds, which he has created. We take up -the story again at the point where Marduk challenges Tiamat to battle: - - “Stand! I and thou let us fight together--” - When Tiamat heard these words - She became like one demented, and lost her senses. - Then cried out Tiamat wild and loud - Her limbs trembled to their very foundations, - She said an incantation, and spoke a formula, - And of the gods of battle, she asked their weapons. - They drew near, Tiamat and Marduk, wise among the gods, - They advanced to battle, came near to fight-- - Then the lord spread out his net and surrounded her. - He let loose the evil wind that was behind him. - When Tiamat opened her mouth to its full extent, - He sent the evil wind into it, so that she could not close her lips. - Filled her belly with terrible winds - Her heart was … and she opened wide her mouth. - He seized the spear and pierced through her belly - Cut through her inward parts, and pierced her heart. - He overcame her and destroyed her life, - Threw down her body and stood upon it. - When he had killed Tiamat, the leader, - Her might was broken and her host scattered - And the gods, her helpers, who went at her side - Trembled, were afraid, and turned back. - -After Marduk had dealt with the minor rebels - - He returned to Tiamat, whom he had conquered - He cut her in two parts like a fish - He put up one half of her as a cover for the heavens, - Placed before it a bolt and established a watchman-- - And commanded him not to let her waters come forth. - -The rest of the legend deals with the creation and has been mentioned -elsewhere. Professor Gunkel[i] (in his _Schöpfung und Chaos_) in -speaking of this myth says that Tiamat’s offspring, the monsters of the -sea, are the stars in the constellations of the zodiac. The stars are -the children of the night. Marduk is the spring sun, who fights with -the waters, finally subdues them, and brings forth vegetation. This -story of Marduk and his fight with the dragon is sometimes identified -with the Christ story. The Babylonians also appear to have celebrated a -festival at the new year, when the sun turned back from the equator and -left the constellation of the water-man. This may be said to mark the -birth of spring. Three months later when the god has grown sufficiently -strong he fights with the waters (Tiamat Sin) and conquers. - -The Babylonians pictured the earth as a cone-shaped mountain surrounded -by water. Over this was stretched the dome of heaven behind which was -the heavenly ocean and the home of the gods. In the dome were two gates -through which Shamash the sun-god passed out in the morning and entered -at night. The moon and stars were within the dome, and did not pass -through it as did the sun. Underneath the thick crust of the earth’s -surface the space was all filled with water, and within the crust was -Arallu, the home of the dead and land of “no return.” This was supposed -to be surrounded by seven walls. Although the real home of the gods -was beyond the dome of heaven, they usually lived on the earth and had -their council-chamber on the mountain of sunrise, near the gate through -which Shamash came out in the morning. - -The Babylonian gods are very human. They are born, live, love, -fight, and even die, like the people on the earth. The conception is -wholly materialistic. Alfred Jeremias[k] says of this religion: “A -practical streak runs through the religion of the inhabitants of the -Euphrates valley. Their gods are gods of the living; they are in active -intercourse with them as helpers in every action, as rescuers from all -evil. The whole religious interest centres on the necessities of this -world. There is no room for the anxious reflection and philosophising -as to the whence, and whither of the soul, which is so characteristic -of the Egyptians. With death comes an end of strength and life, of -hope and comfort. Hence their religion as such has little to do with -conceptions of another world.” - -The names of the chief gods have been already mentioned. Besides the -_ilani rabuti_, the great gods, there were a hosts of smaller ones, -and a large number of good and evil spirits. Sickness and disease were -supposed to be brought by demons, the children of the under-world who -performed the bidding of Allatu and Nergal, the rulers over hades. -Allatu’s chief messenger was Namtar, the demon of pestilence. The -Annunaki likewise did her errands of destruction. The Babylonians -lived in constant terror of offending some of these divinities, and -a large part of their literature was devoted to magical formulas and -prayers for aid and protection. Before undertaking any deed it was -customary to find out whether or not the omens were favourable. Certain -days were particularly unlucky and on them nothing could be done. The -7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th days of every month were among the unlucky -ones. The later Jewish sabbath is thus seen to have been originally -an unlucky day rather than a holy day. Hugo Winckler has suggested an -ingenious theory for the fact that thirteen has always been considered -an unlucky number. In order to make the Babylonian calendrical system -of lunar months agree with the solar year, it was necessary to insert -an extra month. This thirteenth month was regarded as being in the -way and disturbing calculations. So thirteen came to be regarded as a -superfluous, unlucky number. Another sign of the zodiac was appointed -for this extra month, and this was the sign of the raven. - -A great many of the tablets which have been excavated contain omens. -Omens were drawn from dreams, from the conjunction of stars and -planets, from earthquakes, eclipses, and in short from all natural -phenomena. Connected with this was the magical literature, the hymns, -and penitential psalms. If all a man’s precautions had been in vain -and disease had come upon him, there were magical formulas which might -rescue him from his misery, certain prayers or hymns he might recite. -Every Babylonian had his own protecting god and goddess, to whose care -he was perhaps committed at birth, but the intervention of a priest -was necessary to appease the god. The following prayer, from a tablet -used as prayer-book for the use of priest and penitent, is taken from -King’s[c] _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_: - - O my God, who art angry, accept my prayer, O my goddess, who art - angry, receive my supplication. Receive my supplication and let thy - spirit be at rest. O my goddess, look with pity on me and accept - my supplication. Let my sins be forgiven, let my transgressions be - blotted out. Let the ban be torn away, let the bonds be loosened. - Let the seven winds carry away my sighs. I will send away my - wickedness, let the bird bear it to the heavens. Let the fish carry - off my misery, let the river sweep it away. Let the beast of the - field take it from me. Let the flowing waters of the river wash me - clean. - -To ascertain why the evil had come upon the man, questions like the -following were asked, some of which show an advanced moral code: - - Has he estranged the father from his son or the son from his - father? Has he estranged the mother from her daughter or the - daughter from her mother? Has he estranged the brother from his - brother or the friend from his friend? Has he refused to set a - captive free? Has he shut out a prisoner from the light? has he - committed a sin against a god or against a goddess? Has he done - violence to one older than himself? Has he said yes for no or no - for yes? Has he used false scales? Has he accepted a wrong account? - Has he set up a false landmark? Has he broken into his neighbour’s - house? Has he come near his neighbour’s wife? Has he shed his - neighbour’s blood? - -On one old tablet which has a Summerian interlinear translation the -stricken man turns to Marduk as an intercessor: - - An evil curse like a demon has come upon the man - Sorrow and trouble have fallen upon him - Evil sorrow has fallen upon him - An evil curse, a spell, a sickness, - The evil curse has slain that man like a lamb. - His god has departed from his body, - His guardian goddess has left his side, - He is covered by sorrow and trouble as with a garment, and he is - overwhelmed. - Then Marduk saw him - He entered into the house of his father Ea and said to him: - “O my father, an evil curse like a demon has beset the man.” - Twice he spoke unto him and said - “I know not what that man has done nor whereby he may be cured.” - Ea made answer to his son Marduk: - “O my son, what thou dost not know, what can I tell thee? - O, Marduk, what thou dost not know, what can I tell thee? - What I know, thou knowest, - Go my son Marduk, - Take him to the house of purification - Take away the spell from him, remove the spell from him.” - -A very pessimistic view of life is shown by the following complaint of -a sick man quoted by Jeremias: “The day is sighing, the night a flood -of tears; weeping is the month and misery the year.” - -We have already seen specimens of Babylonian hymnology. The following -hymn to Sin, as translated from Shrader’s[m] work on cuneiform -inscriptions, shows real religious fervour: - - Lord, ruler among the gods, who alone is great on heaven and earth, - Father Nannar, Lord, God Amar, ruler among the gods - ........ - Merciful, gracious father, in whose hand the life of the whole land - is held. - O Lord, thy divinity is like the distant heaven, like the wide sea, - full of majesty. - He who has created the land, founded the temple, called it by name - Father, generator of gods and men, who caused dwellings to be put up, - established sacrifice - Who calls to dominions, gives the sceptre, decides fate for distant - days, - Mighty leader, whose depths no god sees through - Valiant one, whose knees never grow tired, who opens the way for the - gods, his brothers, - Who passes glorious from the depths of heaven to its heights, - Who opens the gate of heaven, makes light for all men. - Father, generator of all, who looks upon living beings … who thinks - upon … - Lord, who utters judgment for heaven and earth, whose decree no one - alters - Who holds fire and water, who directs living beings, What god is like - to thee? - ........ - In heaven who is great? Thou alone art great. - On earth, who is great? Thou alone art great. - When thy word resounds in heaven, the Igigi throw themselves upon their - faces; - When thy word resounds on earth the Anunnaki kiss the ground. - When thy word speeds above like the storm wind, it causes food and - drink to flourish, - When thy word settles upon the east, the green arises, - Thy word makes stall and herd to be fat, expands living beings. - Thy word causes right and justice to arise, so that men speak justice. - Thy word is the distant heaven, the hidden under-world which no one - sees through, - Thy word, who can understand it, who is equal to it? - O Lord, thou hast no rival in heaven in dominion nor on the earth in - power, among the gods thy brothers. - - -THE EPIC OF GILGAMISH - -The close relation existing between mythology and religion hardly -needs to be pointed out. The great epic of the Babylonians and -Assyrians--that of Gilgamish--is of special interest to us since -it contains the Babylonian story of the flood. The hero’s name was -formerly read as Izdubar, as the following quotation from Jeremias[n] -in his _Izdubar-Nimrod_ shows.[a] - -The epic, which was preserved in the royal library of Nineveh in -the seventh century as a precious national possession, gives us a -glimpse into the Babylonian history of a remote past. The poem deals -principally with “kings who ruled the land in by-gone times,” and with -a city “which was old” at the time of the flood, and the epic itself -reaches back into very ancient times. Its scene is laid among cities -in the Euphrates district: Uruk (Erech), Nippur, the “city of ships,” -Sherippak and Babylon. The geographical horizon extends beyond these -cities to the mountain Nisir, east of the Tigris, and southwards, -beyond the Mashu mountain land, clear into the Persian Gulf. The -central point of interest is the city Uruk, called _Uruk supuri_, “the -well guarded.” Among the aristocracy of this city Izdubar makes himself -distinguished, being “perfect in power, like a mountain ox, excelling -the heroes in might.” He overcomes the jealousy of his fellow citizens -and establishes an indigenous kingdom, namely by conquering the tyrant -Khumbaba, who is shown by his name to be of Elamite descent. The -attempt has been made to identify this historical background with the -national uprising of Babylonia, which, according to Berosus, brought -about the downfall of an Elamite dynasty ruling 2450-2250 B.C. That -the tradition really did reach back to this age is proved by Babylonian -seal-cylinders of the oldest kings, which unquestionably reproduce -scenes from the epic, perhaps also the connection of the epic with -certain constellations of the zodiac. - -More important than the historical is the mythological background. -Since Babylonian religion did not belong to the “aristocracy of book -religions,” it is difficult to form a system from the abundance of -religious literature, the views of which have been influenced by -varying popular opinion. Hence the portrayal of the divine world as -found in a finished epic is the more important. As in the inscription -of King Nabunaid, written 2,000 years later, so here we find the -two great divine triads, Anu, Bel, Ea, who represent three parts of -the world according to Babylonian ideas (heaven, earth, ocean), and -Shamash, Sin, Ishtar, who represent the chief heavenly bodies (Sun, -Moon, Venus). - -The relations between gods and men is pictured in a naïve childlike -fashion, as in Homer. Ishtar tries to win the love of the hero Izdubar. -Shamash establishes friendship between the hero and Eabani, the three -great gods Anu, Bel, Ea whisper secrets into his ear. As Ishtar at one -time mounts from out the city to the heaven of her father Bel, so the -gods out of fear of the rising flood “crouch down like dogs at the -portals of heaven”; they flock like flies around the sacrifice and -“smell the good smell.” - -One remarkable feature of the epic should be noticed here, namely, -the importance attached to dreams. The whole action is set in motion -by countless dreams, by means of which the gods show men the future -and give them council. This view is characteristic of Babylonian and -Assyrian religion. The ancient Babylonian king Gudea is shown the -outline of the temple building in a dream. Asshurbanapal on his coming -to the throne receives an address of encouragement from the priestly -class, which is based on a dream of his grandfather Sennacherib, and -in his campaigns inspiring dreams are sent to his soldiers from the -goddess of war.[n] - -Nothing definite is known as to the time of the composition of this -epic. We do not know if the copy in Asshurbanapal’s library was made -from a Babylonian original or not. It is not probable that the whole -was written at one time or by one author. - -The Gilgamish epic comprises twelve tablets. These are mutilated and -broken in places leaving gaps in the story, but they are sufficiently -well preserved to permit us to follow the main thread of the argument. -When the scene opens the city of Erech is suffering under the severe -misfortune of a protracted siege. The inhabitants are in distress and -the gods do nothing to help them. This siege lasts for three years, -during which time the gates of the city remain closed. Then Gilgamish -appears, whether as conqueror or deliverer the mutilated condition -of the tablet leaves in doubt. He was probably the former, since his -rule is very severe and the people complain of his tyrannical acts. -In their distress they appeal to the goddess Aruru, who is elsewhere -associated with Marduk in the creation of mankind, to make a person -who shall rival Gilgamish in strength and power. Aruru accordingly -creates Ea-bani, a creature whose whole body is covered with long hair -like a woman’s. The upper part of his body is like a man but his legs -are those of a beast. This strange being lives among the beasts of the -field, eating and drinking with them. - -Gilgamish fearing that Ea-bani will be sent by the gods against him -sends out a man called the hunter to catch and bring him to Erech. The -hunter lies in wait for him three days, but on account of his great -strength is afraid to attack him and returns to the city. Gilgamish -then sends a harlot from the temple with the hunter, to tempt Ea-bani. -This plan is successful. Ea-bani forsakes his cattle out of love for -Achat, the harlot, and is persuaded by her to return to Erech and meet -Gilgamish. One thinks involuntarily here of the story of Adam and Eve. -There also it is a woman who tempts man and leads him to civilisation. - -Ea-bani would like to match his strength with Gilgamish, but he is -warned in a dream not to do so. Gilgamish is also told in a dream of -Ea-bani’s coming, and the goddess to whom he appeals for interpretation -of his dream advises him to make friends with the approaching hero. The -intervention of Shamash, the sun-god, however, is necessary to persuade -Ea-bani to become a companion and friend to Gilgamish. - -The two heroes then proceed against the Elamite tyrant, Khumbaba. The -epic tells of the long, hard road they have to follow, of their terror, -and of the wonderful cedar grove in which the fortress of Khumbaba is -placed. Gilgamish has several encouraging dreams to cheer them on, -and they eventually succeed in killing the tyrant. On their return -Gilgamish has the misfortune to incur Ishtar’s displeasure. The goddess -sues for his love and invites him to become her husband. He, however, -refuses her favour, even reproaching her for her cruel treatment of -her former lovers, Tammuz among them, all of whom she has forsaken -and destroyed. Ishtar in her rage at being repulsed hastens to her -father, Anu, who creates a divine bull to attack Gilgamish. The latter, -however, with Ea-bani’s help succeeds in conquering the bull. He -sacrifices his magnificent horns to Shamash and proudly boasts that he -will conquer Ishtar as well as the bull. But here his success is at an -end. Ea-bani dies, probably stricken by Ishtar, and Gilgamish himself -is afflicted by her with a dreadful disease, which strikes terror to -his heart at the thought that he must die like his friend. - - Izdubar wept for Ea-bani, his friend; - In sorrow he laid himself down in the field. - “I will not die like Ea-bani, - Grief has entered my soul. - I am afraid of death - And lay me down in the field.” - -Gilgamish then determines to seek Sit-napishtim and beseech his help to -rescue him from disease and death. After various experiences he comes -to the mountain Mashu, the sunset mountain, whose gates are guarded by -scorpion men. They let him enter and he journeys for twenty-four hours -in intense darkness before he emerges into the sunlight and passes by -a tree and grove with precious stones for fruit. He then comes to the -sea coast, ruled over by a princess Sabitum. She advises him to seek -out Arad-Ea, the former pilot of Sit-napishtim, who may possibly carry -him across the waters. Arad-Ea consents, builds a boat with the aid of -Gilgamish and they set out together. The most difficult part of the -voyage is the journey across the “waters of death.” The two finally -reach the island home of Sit-napishtim who, at Gilgamish’s request, -tells the story of his escape from the flood (as translated from -Jeremias[n]): - - Sit-napishtim said to him, to Gishduba (Gilgamish), - “I will reveal to thee, Gishduba, something hidden. - And a secret of the gods will I tell thee. - Shurippak, a city which thou knowest--on the banks of the Euphrates - it is situated-- - This city is old. The gods within it, - Their heart led the great gods to bring up a deluge. - Their father Anu was there, their counsellor, the mighty Bel, - Their herald Ninib, their leader En-nu-gi. - Ninigiazag (Ea) was with them and related their words to a hut of - reeds, saying: “O reed hut, O reed hut! O wall, wall! - Reed hut hear! wall understand! - Thou man of Shurippak, son of Ubaratutu, - Make a house, build a ship, leave thy possessions, seek thy life. - Abandon thy goods, and save thy life. - Bring up living seed of every kind into the ship, - The ship, which thou shalt build. - Its dimensions must be measured; - Its breadth and its strength must suit each other. - Thou shalt place it in the ocean.” - I understood and said to Ea, my lord, - “See, my lord, what thou hast commanded - I shall heed and perform. - But, how shall I answer to the city, to the people and to the elders?” - Ea opened his mouth and spake, said to me, his slave, - “This answer shalt thou say to them: - Because Bel hateth me - No longer will I live in your city, nor lay my head on Bel’s earth. - To the deep will I go down and live with Ea, my lord. - He will then cause it to rain upon ye abundantly. - A large number of birds, a crowd of fishes, - A quantity of animals, abundant harvest.… - -The lines here are too mutilated to make much meaning. According to -some interpretations Sit-napishtim assures his fellow-citizens of -coming prosperity so that they have no misgivings as to his leaving -them; others, on the contrary, indicate that Sit-napishtim made no -secret of the coming deluge. Sit-napishtim then relates how he built -the ship, gives its dimensions, and tells what he put into it. He -continues (Jeremias’[n] translation): - - “I brought up into the ship my whole family, and my dependants, - Cattle of the field, beasts of the field, artisans all together - I brought them up. - Shamash had appointed a signal, - ‘The lord of darkness will send a heavy rain in the evening. - Then enter into the ship and close the door.’ - The appointed time came; - The lord of darkness sent a heavy rain in the evening. - I feared the beginning of the day; - I was afraid to look upon the day. - I entered the ship and closed the door. - To the pilot of the ship, to Puzur-Bel, the boatman, - I intrusted the ship and what was in it. - When the first dawn appeared - A black cloud arose from the foundation of heaven - Ramman thundered within it. - Nabu and Marduk preceded it. - They advanced as leaders over mountain and earth. - Uragal pulled up the anchor; - Ninib went forth and caused the storm to follow. - The Annunaki raised their torches; - They lighted the earth with their beams. - The thunder of Ramman mounted to heaven; - Everything light was turned to darkness.” - -Ramman floods the land, the tempest rages for a whole day, a strong -wind blows the water like mountains upon the people. - - “Brother did not see his brother, men could not be distinguished; - in heaven - The gods were afraid of the deluge. - They quailed, they mounted up to the heaven of Anu. - The gods crouched down like dogs, at the borders of heaven. - Ishtar screamed like a woman in travail. - The lady of the gods cried with a loud voice - ‘Former man has been turned again to clay - Because I counselled an evil thing in the council of the gods.’” - -Ishtar complains that her offspring have become like fish spawn and the -gods weep with her. After six days, however, the storm abates, the sea -becomes quiet. Sit-napishtim looks out of the window and weeps at the -sight that meets his gaze. Mankind is turned to clay, the world is all -sea. After twelve days land appears, and the ship sticks fast on the -top of Mount Nisit, where it remains for six days. - - “When the seventh day drew nigh, - I sent out a dove and let her go. The dove flew hither and thither, - But as there was no resting place for her, she returned. - Then I sent out a swallow and let her go. The swallow flew hither - and thither, - But as there was no resting place for her, she returned. - Then I sent out a raven and let her go. - The raven flew off and saw the diminishing of the waters, - She came near and croaked, but did not return. - Then I brought out (all), offered a sacrifice to the four winds; - I made a libation on the top of the mountain, - I laid out the vessels seven by seven, - Under them I put reed, cedar-wood and incense. - The gods smelled the smell. The gods smelled the good smell. - The gods gathered like flies about the lord of the sacrifice.” - -When Ishtar arrives she bitterly accuses Bel for having destroyed -mankind and refuses to let him approach the sacrifice. Bel on his part -is angry that any man whatever has escaped. Ea interposes, rebukes Bel -for his deed, and tells him that in the future some other device shall -be used to punish mankind. Bel accepts the censure and himself leads -Sit-napishtim and his wife out of the ship and blesses them. They are -then transported to an island at the “mouth of the streams” where they -are to live forever. - -After listening to this story Gilgamish is cured of his disease by -Sit-napishtim who also tells him of a plant which has the power to -prolong life. Gilgamish sets out with Arad-Ea to find it, and their -search is indeed successful; but later on in the journey a demon steals -the plant, and Gilgamish returns sorrowfully home. Here he continues -to mourn for his lost friend Ea-bani. In his desire to see him again -he appeals in turn to Bel, Sin, and Ea to assist him, but they are -powerless to help him. It is Nergal, god of the dead, who grants -his request and “opened the earth, let the spirit of Ea-bani come -out of the earth like a breath of wind.” When asked to describe the -under-world Ea-bani at first answers, “I cannot tell you, my friend, I -cannot tell you,” then he bids him sit down and weep while he gives him -a gloomy account of the place, which closes with the following lines -(Jeremias’ translation): - - “On a couch he lieth, drinking pure water. - He who was killed in battle--thou hast seen it, I have seen it-- - His father and his mother hold his head - And his wife kneels at his side. - He whose corpse lies in the field--thou hast seen it, I have seen it-- - His soul has no rest in the world. - He whose soul has no one to care for it--thou hast seen it, I have seen - it. - The dregs of the cup, the remnants of the feast--what is thrown on the - street, that is his food.”[h] - -This is the end of the epic. It has been suggested that the whole forms -a solar myth and is divided into twelve parts to correspond to the -twelve months. According to this theory the sixth tablet, relating to -Ishtar, and her treatment of Tammuz and her other lovers, corresponds -to the sixth month. It is the month when everything seems dry and dead -after the hot summer sun, and in this month the festival of Tammuz -was celebrated, as a characteristic of which was the weeping for -Tammuz related in Ezekiel viii. 14. The seventh tablet speaking of -Gilgamish’s illness would thus correspond to the seventh month, the one -following the summer solstice, when the power of nature seems to grow -less, and this was attributed to a disease of the sun. - - -ISHTAR’S DESCENT INTO HADES - -This idea is brought out more fully in the legend of Ishtar’s descent -into the under world. It is possible that the story used to be recited -in connection with the festival of Tammuz just mentioned. Ishtar is -pictured as descending into the lower realms, probably in search of -her young husband. The picture it gives us of the conception the -Babylonians had of life after death is very valuable. The poem begins: - - To the land of no return, to the land … - Ishtar the daughter of Sin inclined her ear. - To the house of darkness, the dwelling of Irkalla - To the house from which none who enter ever return - To the road whose course does not turn back. - To the house in which he who enters is deprived of light, - Where dust is their nurture and mud their food. - They see not the light, they dwell in darkness. - They are clothed like birds in a garment of feathers. - On the doors and bolts is spread dust. - When Ishtar reached the gate of the land of no return - She spoke to the porter at the gate - “Porter, open thy gate, - Open thy gate, I will enter. - If thou dost not open thy gate, and I do not enter, - I will strike the door, I will break the bolt, - I will strike the threshold and break down the door. - I will raise up the dead to consume the living, - The dead shall be more numerous than the living!” - The porter opened his mouth and spoke, - Spoke to the powerful Ishtar: - “Stay, my lady, do not break it down, - I will go and announce thy name to the queen Allatu.” - -The porter then informs Allatu that her sister Ishtar stands at the -door. The goddess is displeased at the news but bids the porter open -the door and treat her according to the “ancient laws.” These demanded -that she should lose some part of her apparel at each of the seven -gates of the under-world until she stood naked before the throne of -its goddess. At the first gate the porter takes away her crown and she -asks: “Why, O porter, dost thou take the great crown from my head!” He -answers: “Enter, O lady, for these are the commands of the mistress of -the world.” At each gate Ishtar remonstrates at having her ornaments -taken from her, and each time the porter returns the same answer. - -When Ishtar comes before Allatu, the latter commands her messenger -Namtar to smite the goddess with disease in all parts of her body. -But while Ishtar is being detained in the lower world, all life has -stopped on the earth’s surface. The gods demand her release. A being -is specially created to bring her back. The rest of the story and -the meaning of this and the flood myth is told by C. P. Tiele[o] as -follows:[a] - -The story of Ishtar’s descent into hades is unmistakably a nature -myth, which describes in picturesque fashion her descent into the -under-world to seek the springs of living water, probably the central -force of light and heat in the world. When she is imprisoned there by -Allatu, the goddess of death and of the shadow world, and even visited -with all sorts of diseases, all growth and generation stand still in -the world, so that the gods take council and decide to demand her -release. Ea accordingly creates a wonderful being a kind of priest, -called “his light shineth,” who is to seek out the fountain of life, -and whom Allatu cannot withstand, however much she may scold and -curse. The goddess is set free, returns to the upper world and brings -her dead lover Tammuz back to life by sprinkling him with the water -of immortality. This myth is not cosmological nor ethical, but has -already become a pure anthropomorphic narration, the physical basis for -certain episodes and details of which is often not clear, and which -has a tendency to strengthen belief in immortality. The account of the -flood also, which we have in several versions and which was itself put -together out of various parts, some of them heterogeneous, betrays -the fact that it was put together by a polytheist and originated in a -nature myth. But the nature myths as such lie already so far behind -the author, there is such a naïve humour in the way the gods are -represented, everything happens in such a human fashion--one needs -only to think of Ishtar’s complaint that she has created men but no -brood of fishes, of the sly excuse with which Ea excuses himself to -Bel for having rescued his favourite from the destruction planned by -the latter, one needs only to hear how Bel is preached at by the wise -Ea for his unreasonable and blind passion, and how the great Ishtar -declares him to have forfeited his share of the sacrifice, and then see -how he silently acknowledges his wrong by himself accompanying the man -over whose rescue he had become so excited, and raising him with his -family to a place among the gods--one needs only to think of all this -to see that the narrator made use of the mythological material only to -describe the fall of sinful humanity and at the same time to remind -his hearers that the gods always have means at their command, such as -hunger, pestilence, and wild beasts, to punish the evil-doer.[o] - -The Babylonian view of life after death was particularly gloomy. There -was no hope of anything better. The highest state of happiness pictured -was to lie on a couch and drink clear water; even for the pious it was -a place of gloom. And there was no possibility of escaping from it. -Sit-napishtim tells Gilgamish in this connection that death must come -to all (we translate again from the version of Jeremias[n]): - - So long as houses are built, - So long as contracts are made, - So long as brothers quarrel, - So long as enmity exists, - So long as rivers bear their waves [to the sea] - ........ - The Anunnaki and the great gods determine fate - And Mammetum, the creator of destiny, with them. - They determine life and death, - The days of death are not known.[h] - -We have seen the legend telling of a visit to the lower world; there -are two which tell of visits to heaven. One is in connection with -Etana. In Asshurbanapal’s library were a series of tablets containing -the Etana legend. One portion of the story tells how Shamash helped -Etana to find a plant which would help his wife in child-birth. Another -narrates how Etana mounted to heaven on the back of an eagle. They -pause at different stages to look at the earth beneath them. At the -first stop: “The earth appears like a mountain, the sea has become -a pool.” They go further and the eagle again calls to Etana to look -at the earth. This time the sea looks like a belt around the earth. -The next time he looks the sea has become a mere gardener’s ditch. -After reaching the gate of Anu, Bel, and Ea, the eagle wants to go -still further and persuades Etana to accompany him to Ishtar’s abode. -They fly until the earth appears a mere “garden bed,” but here the -rash attempt of the eagle to reach the highest regions appears to be -punished. The two are hurled down from heaven upon the earth. Another -part of the legend tells of a deceit practised upon the eagle by the -serpent, aided by Shamash, in which the eagle dies a miserable death. - -The second story of a visit to heaven is found in the legend of Adapa. -This legend was on one of the tablets found at Tel Amarna. Adapa is a -son of the god Ea, and is represented as serving in his temple. One -day as he is fishing in the sea the south wind overturns his boat. -Adapa then fights with the south wind and succeeds in breaking its -wings so that it does not blow for seven days. At the end of this -time Anu, in heaven, becomes aware that the south wind has not been -blowing and inquires the reason. When told, he becomes very angry -that anyone should have had the audacity to interfere with any of his -creatures. He accordingly sends for Adapa to appear before him. Ea -gives his son advice as to his conduct, telling him how to secure the -good favour of the two porters at the gate, one of whom is Tammuz. He -tells him further: “When thou comest before Anu, they will offer thee -food of death--do not eat. Water of death they will offer thee--do not -drink. They will offer thee a garment--put it on. They will offer thee -oil--anoint thyself.” Adapa then reaches heaven, and everything happens -as Ea has told him. Only the food and water which are offered him are -of life not of death, and thus Adapa loses his chances of eternal -life. Anu looks at him in amazement and exclaims: “O Adapa, why didst -thou not eat and drink? Now thou canst not live.” Here, as in the case -of Adam in the biblical story, whose name by the way may possibly be -identical with Adapa, we see that a deceit was practised on man. In -each case he is told that the food and water of life will bring him -death, although the Babylonian story differs from the biblical in that -the former freely and gladly accords man knowledge, as represented by -the clothing and oil for anointment, which may be regarded as symbols -of civilisation. - -In the Euphrates valley religion was very closely associated with the -actual life of the nation. The temples were storehouses and banking -establishments; the priests were lawyers and scribes. Every historical -inscription contains a reference to the gods. Victory was due to their -intervention. Nothing was conceived without them. Their festivals -were the great events of the year. The German excavating society has -recently brought to light the old procession street between Babylon and -Borsippa over which the image of the god Nabu used to be carried on -his annual visit to Marduk at Babylon. This street was decorated with -glazed, coloured tiles, representing a stately procession of lions and -other beasts, which show a high grade of artistic talent. - -The Babylonian religion shows its development plainly. In its earliest -phase we have the belief in a great many spirits and demons, who could -be controlled by magic. Then comes the period of local cults followed -by the organised pantheon, in which we see faint signs of a conception -of one god manifested in many forms.[a] - -To sum up in the words of Tiele: From all that has been said it -will be seen that the religion of the Babylonians had at an early -date attained a comparatively high stage of development. It had not -yet crossed the boundary of monotheism but remained a theocratic, -monarchical polytheism; nevertheless it came very near that boundary. -The gods of mythology were already treated with great freedom, and the -disgust which some of their deeds called forth was not disguised. A -comparatively pure and lofty conception of the highest divinity had -already been developed, even if it was called upon by different names. -However much superficiality and formality, however many superstitions -and magical customs may have been connected with the divine worship, it -was yet not lacking in deep religious feeling and moral earnestness, -which is shown particularly in the penitential psalms.[o] - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF WORKMEN AND CART - -(After Layard)] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN CULTURE - - -Of all the revelations regarding the Mesopotamian civilisation which -the researches of Botta and Layard and their followers have brought to -light, none perhaps are more interesting than those that showed the -position which art had attained in those far-off and forgotten times. -It had all along been remembered that powerful political empires had -risen and fallen here, however vaguely the details of the history may -have been preserved. It was recalled, too, that these peoples possessed -religions with the same fundamental elements as the Jewish creeds; but -that they had developed an artistic spirit and artistic craftsmanship -far beyond that of any other people of their time, had been entirely -forgotten. Yet, as we have seen, the most striking and conspicuous -of the monuments restored by the explorations were works of art. We -have obtained many glimpses of these in the preceding pages, and it -will not be necessary here to treat them in very great detail; indeed, -it would be quite impossible to do so within the necessary bounds of -space. Our concern is with the historic relations of the Mesopotamian -art development rather than with the details of the art itself. -Nevertheless, something more than incidental references will be made to -some features of the subject.[a] - -The origin of Babylonian-Assyrian civilisation is lost in the darkness -of prehistoric times, like that of the Egyptians and Chinese. We shall -see that even their oldest monuments display a high grade of artistic -ability and presuppose a long development. The texts on the oldest -monuments are already written in cuneiform; the picture writing in -which this must have originated was already out of use, which shows -a great progress in civilisation. As to the origin of this culture -various suppositions have been made. According to the one which -has made most headway, it was borrowed by the Babylonians from a -non-Semitic race who inhabited the country before them, and then spread -gradually from the Persian Gulf, where it originated or whither it was -brought from without, towards the north. - -It is pure supposition to say that civilisation in Babylonia started -out from the shores of the Persian Gulf and spread from there -towards the north, but it is a supposition which has a high degree -of probability. In this direction points the old legend of the -Babylonians, as Berossus relates it, which describes the origin of -civilisation--the legend of the divine fish-man Oannes, who came up -in the morning from the Erythræan Sea, instructed the inhabitants of -Chaldea, who were still living like animals, in the arts and sciences, -and then in the evening disappeared again under the waves. This -fish-god has long since been recognised as the god who is so frequently -depicted on Babylonian and Assyrian monuments, and it can now hardly be -longer doubted that he, the god of the waters, or rather the source of -light and fire in the waters, is the god Ea. This god with his circle -is without doubt indigenous to southern Chaldea. The oldest and most -important centre of his cult is Eridu, situated close to the sea. His -son Marduk, and the god connected with him whom the Semites call Nabu, -is especially honoured on the islands and coast of the Persian Gulf. -Thus if legend traces the culture of the Chaldeans from the instruction -of this god, this is the origin of the tradition that his worshippers, -who must have been mariners and dwellers on the sea coast, introduced -this civilisation into Chaldea. - -In agreement with this is the fact that the decrees of Ea and the magic -formulæ of Eridu, his chief city situated near the sea, are repeatedly -designated as being very holy and powerful, and as very ancient; also -that the oldest sayings and traditions which are known to us in the -Gisdubas (Gilgamesh) epic, are located precisely in places on the -sea coast or not far distant from it. These were also the centres of -powerful states, as also of the kingdom of Ur, and the oldest monuments -of Chaldean civilisation which have yet become known to us were found -in southern Babylonia at Telloh. - -However, wherever its origin may have been, the great age of Babylonian -culture, of which the Assyrian is only a later branch, stands beyond -doubt. The cylinders of Sargon I as well as the statues found at Telloh -show a high grade of development and presuppose an art which already -has a long past behind it. That the Egyptian culture is younger and -even derived from the Babylonian, and that the latter is thus the -oldest in the world, and at the same time was the mother of all other -civilisations of antiquity, as has been claimed (Hommel), can naturally -not be proved and is still doubtful; but it is not impossible. And -the most remarkable fact is, that at least the plastic art could -never again reach the heights it had already attained in such a gray -antiquity. - -This does not mean to imply that the Babylonians did not further -develop the civilisation, the elements of which they had received from -their predecessors. They assimilated it and developed it independently; -it may even be assumed that they improved on it in more than one -respect, and applied it to higher ends. They also introduced into -it much that was peculiar to them. How far this was the case--what -with them was borrowed and what original, cannot yet be determined -in detail. At any rate we are not justified in attributing to their -non-Semitic teachers, as often happens, everything barbaric, cruel, -and repulsive that still characterises their customs, nor all the -superstitions still connected with their religion. - -The original inhabitants excelled the Semites in artistic spirit and -ability, perhaps also as traders and mariners, and the latter probably -imitated the former, but seldom reached them and never surpassed -them. The Semites, on the other hand, put more depth and earnestness -into their religious life; energetically carried out the monarchic -principle in this, as also in the life of the state; simplified -the writing; enriched the literature, which was thus rendered more -practical, by highly remarkable epic narrations, especially with epic -poems, and even made an attempt to write history. Furthermore, by the -organisation of a capable army, by the warlike talents of their kings -and generals, as also by their unbending character and persevering -will, they established states which endured the most violent upheavals -and changes, and ruled all their neighbours for centuries. If they -were behind their predecessors in some points, they far surpassed them -in others. The conception that one people takes on the culture of -another, quite as one puts on a borrowed dress, is just as foolish as -the conception that a nation relinquishes its own individuality and -originality as soon as it learns something from another. The Greeks of -whom it has now been proved that they owed much to oriental peoples, -the Persians of whom everyone knows that they borrowed most of their -civilisation from Babylon, prove the contrary. The people who brought -its culture to the southern coasts of Babylonia and probably also to -the coasts of Elan and communicated it to the still uncultured races -living there, seems to have belonged to that peaceful, commercial -race which the Hebrews designated as the “sons of Kush,” which was -not unlike the Phœnicians and was placed in the same category; a race -which, while jealous of its independence, was not aggressive, although -inclined to colonisation and to making distant journeys. These dwellers -on the coasts, together with the inland tribes, were then conquered -by the Semites, perhaps after long battles. If, however, they became -in this way, as always, the teachers of their conquerors, the culture -which grew under their influence was none the less a creation, and thus -the inalienable property of the Babylonians. - - -LITERATURE AND SCIENCE - -How high a state of civilisation the Babylonians had reached is shown -by the fact that the invention of writing was a long-accomplished fact -with them. The oldest inscriptions known to us, and which certainly -date as far back as 4000 B.C., are already written in a species of -character which from similarity to the second Egyptian style of writing -has been called hieratic, and it has been proved that this hieratic -style of writing has been evolved from older hieroglyphics, long since -fallen into disuse. - -It is not known whether any other material than stone or clay was used -to write upon, and whether in such case syllabic writing was used or -not. It has been surmised that the Babylonians and Assyrians also used, -and perhaps exclusively at first, papyrus, leather, and other soft -materials to write upon, and engraved upon stone or clay only such -matter as they wished to preserve. This is not improbable, even though -we do not possess any such manuscripts. For as a matter of course the -first named materials could not withstand the Babylonian climate as -well as the Egyptian, and only the last named are proof against fire -and water. It is a fact, however, that the bas-reliefs show the scribes -recording the number of the slain on soft material, probably leather, -as well as upon hard tablets. Whether they also wrote books or letters -on papyrus or leather has not been definitely established. - -However much the writing of the Babylonians and Assyrians may have -been an inheritance from very ancient times, and how much they may be -indebted to the early Chaldeans for the single form and the structure -of the whole system, the cuneiform writing in which they represented -their language was their own invention in more than one respect, since -they did not thoughtlessly use what was ready to hand, but modified and -altered it with deliberation. - -Writing was also used by the Babylonians and Assyrians for purely -literary purposes. The narratives, legends, or poems were inscribed -on tablets of clay, and if in case of a work of greater size, the two -sides covered with microscopic characters did not suffice, a series -of such was used, which were clearly designated and numbered, so that -they were in fact leaves of a book. Generally the title of the whole, -as usual with the Hebrews, the first words and the first words of the -following tablet were inscribed on every tablet. This literature even -if limited to the productions of the imagination, is comparatively -abundant. Although in this respect it may not equal the literature of -some races still living, such as the Chinese, Arabian, Persian, and -Indian, nor that of the ancient times of Greece and India, which in the -last named country grows as luxuriantly as its vegetation, yet on the -other hand, it excels in this respect that of the other Semitic races, -the Hebrews not excepted. This is proved not only by the writings -so far discovered but also by the catalogues of books in Babylonian -libraries or of similar works elsewhere. However, enough has been -brought to light, and in a fair state of preservation, to enable us to -form an opinion of the literary talent of the Babylonians, and to prove -to us what great varieties of it they cultivated. - -[Illustration: BAKED CLAY CYLINDER OF SARGON II, KING OF ASSYRIA, -B.C. 722-705, INSCRIBED WITH A CHRONICLE OF HIS EXPEDITION] - -The Assyrians stand, in a literary sense, in about the same relation -to the Babylonians as the Romans to the Greeks, disciples who never -equalled their masters, although as far as can be seen, even relatively -considered, Roman literature stands higher in relation to Greek -than Assyrian stands in relation to Babylonian. The tendency of the -Assyrians was warlike, and directed to practical ideas: to found a -mighty empire, and to maintain their supremacy was the end for which -they strove. Therefore they were more interested in history than in -creations of the imagination; purely literary work had little charm -for them. Only much later, a desire is awakened in them to become -acquainted with the productions of the Babylonians in this field, and -to acquire as much as possible of it for themselves. And perhaps even -here interest in the ancient religions and national traditions played a -greater rôle than love for poetry. - -The Assyrians seem to have had more taste for what may be designated -the science of the period, than for literature. Here also, they were -following the lead of the Babylonians, and accomplished little beyond -taking possession of the treasures of the Babylonian libraries. The -prestige which attached to the Babylonians in antiquity as the earliest -cultivators of science is well known, although some thought that -they had borrowed it from the Egyptians. Without doubt they reached -the greatest eminence in antiquity in the knowledge of astronomy. -Kalisthenes sent Aristotle astronomical observations from Babylon, -which, according to the most moderate statement, reach back to 1903 -before Alexander, _i.e._, 2324 B.C.; and there is nothing improbable -in this. The number of eclipses mentioned on the astronomical tablets -would lead to a conclusion that there was an even longer period of -recorded calculations. It may be that the Ziggurat of the temples, -which originally had a religious significance, might, in Assyria at -least, have been used as observatories. It has even been surmised -that the Babylonians had some sort of a telescope, and this surmise -rests upon the finding of a lens in the ruins, and upon the fact that -they were acquainted with the planet Saturn, which is invisible to -the naked eye; but this doss not seem probable. One thing is certain, -they gave names to the constellations, especially to the signs of -the Zodiac, which have in part remained in use. They were acquainted -with five planets, and distinguished them very exactly from the other -heavenly bodies. They observed, and with great accuracy, the eclipses -of the sun and moon, perhaps also the sun spots, the comets, the orbit -of Venus, and the position of the Polar star; but they had some very -childish ideas about the causes of eclipses and the character of the -other heavenly phenomena. Naturally the Milky Way did not escape their -observation. They even calculated the regular recurrence of eclipses of -the moon as well as its phases. - -A few of the mathematical tablets extant prove that they had made -great progress in arithmetic and higher mathematics, so indispensable -to the study of astronomy. The prevalent system was the sexagesimal, -with the 60 as the unit, but the decimal system seems to have been -known and used. However in spite of the recognition of the high value -of these researches, they hardly deserve the name of science. These -researches were certainly not undertaken from a love of science. The -prime object, no doubt, was to discover the will of the gods in regard -to the future. The science of mathematics itself was made subservient -to the art of divination. Astronomy was a secondary object, astrology -the principal one. Knowledge was sought of what must happen when there -should be a recurrence of certain phases of stars and heavenly bodies. -All observations of planets, comets, and other stars, of eclipses and -other phenomena, were immediately connected with occurrences on earth, -which at some former time had fallen in conjunction with them and -consequently must be expected again. - -No more were other branches of science besides astronomy cultivated for -their own sakes. Their science of medicine was based almost entirely -upon magic, and appears to have stood on a lower plane than that of the -Egyptians, at least in so far as the still existing inscriptions will -permit us to judge. They indeed used as did the Vedic Indians external -and internal remedies, but they probably regarded them as charms; -whatever progress they may have made in the science of medicine, the -records of it in the ancient inscriptions prove that it was somewhat -less than what we know of the Vedic physicians and their cures. Thus -it is rather an exaggeration to speak of physical, geographical, -grammatical, and mythological writings of the Babylonians and -Assyrians, unless the myths and legends belonging to literature already -discussed are meant. - -There are various reasons for the supposition that each of the -Babylonian libraries according to the studies of the several religious -and scientific schools had a distinctive character. The Assyrian -libraries, on the other hand, being all of later date, had more general -and more varied contents. - -The idea that these libraries were for the use of the general public, -is not well founded, and rather improbable. They were probably designed -in the first place, for the learned men and scribes of the king, as -well as for his own use, for the instruction of his sons, and future -officials, as well as for archives of the state. They do not in the -least prove that culture, learning, and erudition were the property of -all classes in Assyria.[h] - - -_Epistolary Literature_ - -At the same time the large number of written private documents which -have been unearthed--the letters and contract tablets--show that -writing was not an unusual thing among the people as a whole. - -From one point of view these old letters are the most interesting -form of Babylonian literature because they show better than anything -else the real life of the nation. At first thought it may seem that a -correspondence on clay must have been cumbersome, but most of these -little letters were not so large as an ordinary envelope and some of -them were only two or three inches long, and could easily be carried -in the pocket. Some of them were enclosed in an outer envelope of clay -which frequently contained a copy of the real document within. - -In connection with the code of Khammurabi, his correspondence with one -of his officials, Sin-idinnam, is particularly interesting because -in these letters we find references to the same subjects which are -treated of in the laws. In them all, we see Khammurabi attending to -the minutest affairs of his kingdom, taking a personal interest in -everything. It seems to have been a comparatively easy matter to get -the king’s ear. He received letters complaining of things we should -perhaps consider beneath the notice of a powerful king, and he seems to -have devoted careful thought to all. - -The letters of Khammurabi have been edited and translated by Mr. L. W. -King, of the British Museum. They have been also translated by Dr. G. -Nagel[i] for a doctor’s dissertation, at Berlin, and published in the -_Beiträge zur Assyriologie_, vol. IV. Some of the latter’s translations -are given below.[a] - - _To Sin-idinnam say: Thus saith Khammurabi._ Naram-Sin the keeper - of flocks hath said: “To the leaders of the troops have our - shepherd lads been given.” Thus did he say. The shepherd lads of - Apil-Shamash and of Naram-Sin must not be given to the troopers. - Now send to Etil-hi-Marduk and his fellows that they give back the - shepherd lads of Apil-Shamash and of Naram-Sin which they have - taken. - - _To Sin-idinnam say: Thus saith Khammurabi._ The whole canal was - dug, but it was not dug clear into Erech, so that water does not - come into the city. Also … on the bank of the Duru canal has fallen - in. This labour is not too much for the people at thy command to do - in three days. Directly upon receipt of this writing dig the canal - with all the people at thy command, clear into the city of Erech, - within three days. As soon as thou hast dug the canal, do the work - which I have commanded thee. - - _To Sin-idinnam say: Thus saith Khammurabi._ Tummumu of Nippur has - announced to me as follows: “In the place Unaburu (?) I deposited - seventy tons of grain in a granary (?). Avel-ilu has opened the - granary and taken the grain.” Thus did he tell me. See, I am - sending Tummumu to thee with this. Let Avel-ilu be brought before - thee. Examine their dispute. The grain belonging to Tummumu which - Avel-ilu took, he shall give back to Tummumu. - - _To Sin-idinnam say: Thus saith Khammurabi._ See, I have ordered - and sent Sin-aiaba-iddina, Guzalu and Shatammu to the war. They - will reach thee on the 12th day of Marshewan. When they have - reached thee, do thou proceed with them. The cows and flocks of - thy province, put into safe keeping. Also Nabu-malik, Ilu-naditum, - Shamash-mushalim, Sin-usili, Taribum, and Idin-Ninshah shall go - with thee and take part in the war. - - _To Sin-idinnam say: Thus saith Khammurabi._ Immediately upon - receipt of this letter, have all the keepers of thy temple and - Ardi-Shamash, the son of Eriban, the shepherd of the Shamash temple - come before thee, together with their complete account. Send them - to Babylon to give their account. Let them ride day and night. - Within two days they should be in Babylon.[i] - -We also have examples of the private correspondence of the same -period, showing the style of letter one Babylonian wrote to another. -The following remarks and translations of letters are taken from a -dissertation giving letters from the time of Khammurabi.[a] - -The insignificant contents of some of these letters show that letter -writing at that time was a general custom and the theory again and -again thrusts itself forward that a comparatively regular postal -service was already in existence. These letters also show how far -Babylonian commerce extended in the second half of the third century -before Christ. Every letter throws new light upon that far distant past -and helps us to form an ever surer picture of the daily life of the old -Babylonian people. Following are a few examples to give an idea of the -epistolary style. - - _To my father say: Thus speaks Elmeshu. May Shamash and Marduk keep - my father alive forever. Mayest thou, my father, be in health, - mayest thou live. May the protecting deity of my father lift up the - head of my father in favour. To greet my father have I written. - May the prosperity of my father before Shamash and Marduk endure - forever._ After Sin and Ramman had spoken thy name, my father,[33] - thou, my father, didst speak as follows: “As soon as I come to - Der-Ammizadaduga on the Sharku canal, I will send thee, within a - short space, a lamb with five mina of silver.” This didst thou say, - my father. My father made me expectant, but thou hast sent nothing. - Now after thou, my father, hadst started out to Taribu, the - queen, I sent a letter to my father. Thou, my father, hast never - voluntarily sent anyone who brought (even) a silver shekel. In - accordance with the … of Sin and Ramman who have blessed my father, - may my father send me that for which I am eager, so will my heart - not be grieved, and I will pray for my father to Shamash and Marduk. - - _To my lord, say: Thus speaketh Belshunu, thy slave._ Since I have - been confined in prison thou, my lord, hast kept me alive. What is - the reason that for five months my lord has neglected me? The house - in which I am confined is a house of want. Now I have sent the - Mar-abulli (gate-keeper[?]) to you with a letter. I am also ill. - May my lord have pity on me, send me corn and vegetables so that - I may not die. Send me also a dress to cover my nakedness. Either - a half shekel of silver or two mina of wool let him (Mar-abulli) - bring, for my service let him bring it. Let not Mar-abulli be sent - empty away. If he cometh empty, the dogs will devour me. As thou, - my lord, so also every inhabitant of Sippar and Babylon knows that - I am confined without guilt; not because of a _bilshu_, I have - been imprisoned. Thou, my lord, didst send me beyond the river to - carry oil, but the Sutu people met me and took me captive. Speak - a favourable word to the servant of the king’s grand vizir. Send, - that I die not in the house of need. Send one _ka_ of oil and - five _ka_ of salt. What thou didst send a short time ago was not - delivered. Whatever thou sendest, send it well guarded. - - _To my father say: Thus saith Zimri-erah. May Shamash and Marduk - give my father everlasting life._ Ibi-Ninshah the younger brother - of Nur-ilishu has fallen upon Nabu-atpalam and beaten him; he has - also spoken insults concerning me which are not to be endured. I - shall beat the young man! Wherefore has he cursed me? I have as yet - said nothing to the person. I thought to myself: “I will send to my - father, let him send his decision about the matter, and then I will - speak to the person.” Now I have sent a tablet to Nabu-atpalam, for - information in this matter. Up! make a decision in this matter, - send your judgment, give (?) a word. - - _To the secretary of the merchants of Sippar, Iahruru speak: Thus - saith Ammidatitana._ The wool dealer has informed me as follows: - “I have written to the secretary of the merchants of Sippar, - Iahruru to send his spun wool to Babylon, but he has not sent - his spun wool.” Thus has he informed me. Why hast thou not sent - thy spun wool to Babylon? Since thou hast not feared to do this - thing, so send--as soon as thou seest this tablet--thy spun wool to - Babylon.[34] - - _To Appa speak: Thus saith Gimil-Marduk. May Shamash keep thee - alive._ I have spoken in thy behalf to the person in question and - he said; “Let him come so that he may speak.” And the tablets which - thou didst take to examine, take them according to thy examination - and come quickly. - - _To Etil-Shamash-iddina speak: Thus saith Avel-Ruhati. May Shamash - and Ishtar keep thee alive; I am well._ Humtani has given for - Amti-Shamash 8⅚ _kat_ and 15 _she_ of silver. To Musalimma, I will - give the money wherever he commands. I am going into the service of - the king’s daughter. I will quickly send thy desire. Send an answer - to my tablet.[j] - -Among the large number of letters which have been preserved it has -been possible to find more than one written by the same person, and, -by putting these together, to get some idea of the life and character -of the writer. The letters of a certain Bel-Ibni are prominent among -these. They contain allusions to historical events mentioned on the -monuments, thus contributing valuable details to these rather barren -records of events. Bel-Ibni himself was a general in the army of -Ashurbanapal. Below is a translation of one of these letters made by -Dr. C. Johnston,[k] in the _Epistolary literature of the Assyrians and -Babylonians_ in the _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, vol. -XVIII.[a] - - _To the lord of kings, my lord, thy servant Bel-Ibni! May Ashur, - Shamash and Marduk decree length of days, health of mind and body - for the lord of kings, my lord!_ Shuma, the son of Sham-iddina, son - of Gakhal, son of Tammaritu’s sister, fleeing from Elam, reached - the (country of the) Dakkha. I took him under my protection and - transferred him from Dakkha (hither). He is ill. As soon as he - completely recovers his health, I shall send him to the king, my - lord. - - A messenger has come to him (with the news) that Nadan and the - Pukudeans of Til … had a meeting with Nabu-bel-shumate at the - city of Targibati, and they took a neutral oath to this effect: - “According to agreement we shall send you whatever news we may - hear.” To bind the bargain (?) they purchased from him fifty head - of cattle, and also said to him: “Our sheep shall come and graze - in the pasture (?) among the Ubanateans, in order that you may - have confidence in us.” Now (I should advise that) a messenger of - my lord, the king, come, and give Nadan plainly to understand as - follows: “If thou sendest anything to Elam for sale, or if a single - sheep gets over to the Elamite pasture (?) I will not let thee - live.” The king, my lord, may thoroughly rely upon my report.[k] - -Professor Delitzsch in an article in the _Beiträge zur Assyriologie_, -vol. I. entitled _Beiträge zur Erklärung der babylonisch-assyrischen -Brieflitteratur_, has given a translation of a letter from the king to -this same Bel-Ibni: - - _The word of the king to Bel-Ibni: May my greeting make glad thy - heart!_ Concerning thy communication about the Pukudeans on the - river Charru--In the future, whoever loves the house of his lords, - shall communicate whatever he sees and hears to his lords. See! - whilst thou inform me concerning the cause of thy communication.[l] - -[Illustration: BAKED CLAY TABLETS FROM THE LIBRARY OF ASSHURBANAPAL AT -NINEVEH] - -Some of the letters throw light on religious ceremonies, others are -communications from astrologers telling whether or not the signs of the -heavens are propitious for certain undertakings. There are still others -from physicians telling of patients under their care. The following is -translated by Dr. Johnston:[a] - - _To the king, my lord, thy servant, Arad-Nana! Greeting most - heartily to my lord, the king! May Adar and Gula grant health of - mind and body to my lord, the king. A hearty greeting to the son of - the king.…_ With regard to the patient who has a bleeding from his - nose, the Rab-mugi reports: “Yesterday, towards evening, there was - much hemorrhage.” Those dressings are not scientifically applied. - They are placed on the alæ of the nose, oppress the breathing, and - come off when there is hemorrhage. Let them be placed within the - nostrils, and then the air will be kept away and the hemorrhage - restrained. If it is agreeable to my lord, the king, I will go - to-morrow and give instructions; (meantime) let me hear how he - does.[k] - -Several letters have been preserved of a certain Ishtar-duri, who -appears to have lived during the reign of Sargon (722-705 B.C.), and -was perhaps identical with the eponym of the same name in the year -714. Dr. Johnston has translated a communication of his to the king:[a] - - _To the king, my lord, thy servant Ishtar-duri! Greeting to the - king, my lord!_ I send forthwith to my lord, the king, in company - with my messenger, the physicians Nabu-shum-iddina and Nabu-erba, - of whom I spoke to the king, my lord. Let them be admitted to the - presence of the king, my lord, and let the king, my lord, converse - with them. I have not disclosed (to them) the true facts, but have - told them nothing. As the king, my lord, commands, (so) has it been - done. - - Shamash-bel-uçur sends word from Der: “We have no inscriptions - to place upon the temple walls.” I send therefore to the king, - my lord, (to ask) that one inscription be written out and sent - immediately, (and that) the rest be speedily written, so that they - may place them upon the temple walls. - - There has been a great deal of rain, (but) the harvest is gathered. - May the heart of the king, my lord, be of good cheer![k] - - -ART - -Art occupies too prominent a position in the life of the Babylonians -and Assyrians, and they have produced too much that is original and -peculiar to them, for this history to pass over the question in -silence. Even a mere sketch of their culture would be incomplete -without it. At the same time great precaution is necessary. In the -determination of the chronological succession of undated monuments -so much depends on subjective valuation and æsthetic judgment that, -without a long and conscientious study of the history of art, one -is liable to serious error. And the determination of dates largely -influences one’s conception of the progress of Babylonian-Assyrian -art; æsthetic judgment, one’s decision concerning the character, -independence, and value of this artistic effort. - -Here again, as in the language, religion, and in the whole civilisation -of this people the unity of the Babylonian-Assyrian race comes clearly -to light. Whatever differences may exist between Babylonian and -Assyrian art in the conception of detail, in certain peculiarities -of technique, in the choice of subjects, at bottom they are one. It -has ever been characterised as a national school in which one and the -same character prevails, so that a work of art, be it from Telloh, -Babylon, Nineveh, or Kalah, at once shows its connection with it. All -the differences are merely shades, changes caused by time. This is -especially noticeable when one considers what material for example -was used for building. In Babylonia it is difficult to obtain stone; -there are no rocks there. Consequently this material, which had to be -brought from a distance, and was therefore expensive, was kept like -precious and other metals for the decoration of the whole, for pillars, -bas-reliefs, dedicatory inscriptions, etc., or for making a firm -foundation, while dried and burnt bricks were used for the buildings -themselves. Among the Assyrians this difficulty did not exist. -Excellent stone, which was easily worked, was found in close proximity, -and the Assyrians understood how to hew and shape it. In spite of this, -they imitated the Babylonian custom and used mainly bricks for their -buildings. They preferred continually to repair these temples and -palaces, which soon fell into ruin, or else to replace them by others, -rather than to depart from the traditional mode of building of their -ancestors. - -The question has been raised as to whether Babylonian-Assyrian art -may not perhaps have been a daughter of the Egyptian. Without doubt -Assyrian art was at least influenced by it. All the ivory objects -which have yet been found are plainly imitations of Egyptian motives, -although they were certainly not made by Egyptians, and some of -them date from the time of Asshurnazirpal. The lotus ornament also, -which is so often used as a temple decoration, points to an Egyptian -origin. Perhaps, however, the models were not borrowed directly from -the Egyptians. Certain dishes and cups for drink-offering, which -occur in Mesopotamia, as well as in western Asia and southern Europe, -are plainly ornamented with Egyptian cartouches, hieroglyphics, and -symbols, but in such a divergent form that no Egyptian could have made -them; and these objects have the name of the artificer in Aramaic -characters on the border or back. It is thus plainly to be seen that -this Egyptian fashion wandered into Assyria through the influence of -Aramäen artists. - -When it is acknowledged, however, that Egyptian patterns were imitated -by the Assyrians at a comparatively late date, and that Egyptian -motives were borrowed from her artists, it does not by any means -follow that Babylonian-Assyrian art as a whole was of Egyptian origin. -This could be proved only from the oldest monuments to be found in -Babylonia. It was in fact believed, when the art works of Telloh first -became known, that they showed a great similarity to the products of -Egyptian art. They displayed the same simplicity and naïveness, the -same clean-shorn heads and faces, and many other coincidences. The -connoisseurs of art, however, believe differently. The similarity is -great; nevertheless a careful examination shows the independence of -Babylonian art in respect to Egyptian. Thus in the oldest monuments -the same peculiarities, truth and strength, appear, which in the later -development of art among the Assyrians were so greatly exaggerated, -whereas they are wholly lacking in Egyptian figures. - -A further similarity is found between the oldest pyramids in the Nile -valley and the Babylonian-Assyrian Ziggurat. In the first place, -however, the pyramids had a wholly different object from the Ziggurat, -and, in the second place, it must not be forgotten that the Babylonian -temple architecture varies greatly from the Egyptian. If there is any -dependence it is not on the side of the Chaldeans; they did not borrow -their art from the Egyptians. At the same time the similarities are so -remarkable, especially between the old Chaldaic statues and the oldest -productions of Egyptian sculpture, such as the statues of Shafra, -Chufu, and Ra-em-ke, that we are compelled here, as in the case of the -writing, to suppose a common stock out of which both branches grew -independently and in a way peculiar to each. - -The important discoveries made by the French consul, De Sarsac, at -Telloh have first thrown some light on the old Chaldean art in which -the whole Babylonian-Assyrian art has taken its origin. The question -as to whether the works of art found there are Semitic or non-Semitic -does not concern us here. It is more probably the latter. At any rate -we are here confronted with a civilisation preceding the flourishing -period of the known Semitic dominion in Babylonia.[35] A temple was -found there 53 by 31 metres square which shows the same fundamental -plan as the later Chaldean architecture, that is, a structure of burnt -on a foundation of dried brick, the corners exactly facing the points -of the compass (not the side as in Egypt), a Ziggurat in the centre, -the whole, as is seen from stamps on the stones, dating from the time -of the priest-prince Gudra, who is known from other sources, and who -rebuilt or founded this temple. Besides, a large number of larger -and smaller works of art were discovered, cylinders, reliefs, bronze -objects, especially statues, which had been collected either by the -ruler already mentioned or by other priestly princes or kings.[h] - -Before building a temple or palace, a religious ceremony took place -corresponding to what we call to-day laying the corner-stone. Nabuna’id -relates that in the ruins of the oldest Chaldean temples he looked for -the foundation stone, the _temen_ which the original kings had placed -there, and that he had the good fortune to find this corner-stone, -whereas several of his predecessors had excavated only in vain. In -our days such cylindrical tubes have been found covered with close -writing difficult to decipher, which had been placed in little niches -at the corners of the foundation facing the four points of the compass. -Thus at Nimrod, Rawlinson caused excavations to be carried on in one -of the corners of the tower, feeling sure that he would find objects -similar to those which had been met with elsewhere. He relates his -discovery as follows: “At the end of half an hour a small cavity was -found. ‘Bring me,’” said Rawlinson to the man in charge of the digging, -“‘bring me the dedicatory cylinder.’ The workman put his hand into the -hole and showed the cylinder; those present could not believe their -eyes and looked at each other in amazement. The cylinder, covered with -inscriptions, then came out of the hiding-place where it had been -placed probably by the hands of Nebuchadrezzar himself, and where -it had lain for twenty-nine centuries.” In the fruitful excavations -which he undertook at Telloh, De Sarsac made similar discoveries. “I -found,” said he, “at a depth of scarcely thirty centimeters under the -original soil, four cubes of masonry of large bricks and bitumen, -measuring eighty centimeters on each side. In the centre of these cubes -was a cavity of twenty-seven centimeters by twelve and by thirty-five -of depth. This cavity filled with yellow sand enclosed a statuette -of bronze, representing now a man kneeling, again a woman standing, -sometimes also a bull. At the foot of each statue, usually embedded -in the bitumen which lined the cavity, were found two stone tablets, -one white, the other black. It was the black one which usually bore an -inscription in cuneiform characters, like or almost like the one carved -on the figure of bronze.” Moreover De Sarsac in place of statuettes -found cones of clay in the shape of large nails with hemispherical -heads, and having an inscription around the stem.[m] - -It has been believed that three stages of development may be detected -in this ancient art. To the first belong the reliefs, which represent -scenes of war and burial which have not yet been satisfactorily -explained, drawn very awkwardly and comparatively rough and primitive. -This stage represents the infancy of art. To the second stage are -counted the eight statues of Gudea and the one of Ur-ba-’u which are -carved with great skill and fine artistic feeling out of hard stone, as -it appears of diorite. - -The strength which characterises the sculptural efforts of the -Babylonians and especially of the Assyrians, is already manifest, -although without that exaggeration of the muscles and joints which is -so pronounced with the latter. Hands and feet in particular are most -carefully executed. The heads are totally different from the hairy and -bearded Assyrian, or even early Babylonian heads. They are perfectly -clean shaven, but sometimes seemingly decked with an artificial hair -arrangement or something of that sort; all just as in Egypt. In -addition, an attempt to suggest the folds of draperies is seen, which -we do not find among the Babylonians and Assyrians nor the Egyptians, -but only later among the Persians and Greeks. In the third so-called -classic period are placed works of art of most finished execution, -which show a decided advance, among which are pictures, in which beard -and hair are worked out with the greatest care. - -It would be exaggerated scepticism to deny that these art productions -exceed in antiquity, nearly everything found in Babylonia until now. -The only exception could be the beautiful cylinder of the time of -Sargon I, if we assume that this monarch reigned about 3800 B.C., -and that this work of art is of his time. But this is by no means -established as a fact. - -It can also not be denied that these creations of early Chaldaic art, -although in some instances only feeble attempts, in others, however, -are of such finished perfection, that in succeeding periods they were -never excelled and seldom equalled. - -We have here a similar case to one in Egypt, where, for instance, under -the kings of the fourth dynasty, sculpture reached an eminence, which -nothing of later date ever approached, and where the oldest works of -art have a value which none of the Egyptian sculptures of the following -centuries can claim. In both these countries therefore there is an -early, surprisingly rapid development, followed by a speedy decline; -where even in succeeding brilliant epochs no successful attempts to -equal the results of the first florescence were ever made. Such a -phenomenon is all the more striking when it is considered that these -later epochs, whether in Egypt, in Babel, or in Asshur, were by no -means periods of degeneration, but show, although with continual -fluctuations, marked progress in literature, science, government, -and general culture. It seems probable that the cause lies in the -difference of race. The artists who carved the statues of King -Schafra, were no more Semites than, judging from all appearances and -from the facial types of the monarchs, pictured, were the sculptors -who immortalised King Gudea. Later on the Egyptian population became -more and more affected by Semitic elements, and under the increasing -influence of the Semites, art declined. - -Not until under the Saits, who certainly were not descended from a -race intermixed with Semitic blood, did art rise again to a height -which recalled the palmy days of the ancient realm. Thus early Chaldaic -art was the mother of that of Babylonia and Assyria, and the Semites -of Babylon and Asshur proved themselves diligent students, gifted -imitators, who gave to their works also the stamp of their own genius; -but they were never more than students and imitators, they never -produced anything original which might stand in equality by the side -of early Chaldaic art. The Semitic race occupies one of the foremost -positions in the history of civilisation, and is highly talented. But -in architecture and sculpture it has always worked in close connection -with foreign masters, and never produced anything really great by -itself.[36] The further it goes from the ancient centres, where the -great tradition of the former so highly developed art still lived -on, the more unskilful become its productions in this field. Assyria -where the Semitic blood was purer than in Babylonia, and which was -certainly surpassed in art by the latter, Phœnicia, Palestine, and -Arabia, are proofs of this. Only when the Semites have handed down the -old tradition which they have at least preserved, to the Aryans, the -Persians, and Greeks, is there an independent higher development of -plastic art. Be that as it may, considered as artists, the Babylonians -and Assyrians stand foremost among the Semites, but they are indebted -for this to the early Chaldeans. - -The character of the Babylonian-Assyrian building has remained in -general about the same, from the earliest times, until the destruction -of the nation. The architect, more than any other artist, is dependent -upon the nature of the material at his disposal; and this in Babylonia -was almost exclusively in the form of tiles of clay, either dried -in the sun, or baked in the fire. The former, which were made most -skilfully in Babylonia, were generally used for foundations, either -by simply placing them in layers, or cementing them with wet clay or -pitch, or, as in the substructures of the Assyrian palaces, by using -them while still in a moist condition, in order that under the pressure -of the superstructure they might be united in one solid mass. For the -covering of the walls, baked tiles were used. Enamelled or glazed -bricks were used in those parts of the building which were most exposed -to moisture or the changes of the weather. In Assyria where stone -was not expensive this was also used as the outer coating of walls. -This, however, is the only important variation which the Assyrian -architects allowed themselves. Although it would have been easier for -them to erect more beautiful, more pleasing, and certainly more durable -buildings of stone, they were not able to rise to the attempt, although -they had only to carry out and use in larger measure what had already -been found in Chaldea. A short step was indeed taken in this direction. - -The Babylonians already knew how to make wooden pillars or columns, -probably covered with metal, and made use of them in lighter -architecture, as for instance the _Naos_, or canopy over the figures -of the gods. The Assyrians not only copied this, but built columns -of stone, and a certain originality and gracefulness in the capitals -and bases of their pillars is not to be denied. However, the column -never played the same important rôle in their architecture as it does, -for instance, in the Græco-Roman and even in the Egyptian. In their -great buildings they clung almost servilely to the designs handed down -during centuries. The question as to whether the buildings had more -than one story, was formerly almost generally admitted as a fact, but -it is generally denied now, and can really hardly be determined. The -ruins give no positive support to either theory; but a few reliefs give -representations of two-storied buildings. - -Tile construction presents necessarily a certain monotony which is -here accentuated by the absence of windows. To relieve this monotony, -glazing, colouring, or woodwork were resorted to, in case the use of -columns was excluded; sometimes more artistic measures were used, -such as projecting pilasters, which in Chaldea were somewhat crude, -but richly ornamented in Assyria; also mosaics of conical form, or -decorations of vases on the walls. The upper stones of the walls were -decorated with battlements. The inner, as well as the outer walls, had -a stone covering up to a certain height, and higher up a polychromatic -layer of stucco. Ivory, and particularly bronze decorations, were much -employed. In spite of all this, the impression given by Babylonian and -Assyrian buildings is one of massiveness, almost clumsiness, and the -decorations seem childish, paltry, and commonplace. Hence also the -disproportion of length and breadth, in other words the elongated form -of the rooms, whose roof not being supported by columns, had to rest on -the side walls, and whose breadth depended on the length of the roof -beams. - -On the other hand, the almost exclusive use of tiles had this -advantageous result, that it was almost imperative to make prodigal -use of arch and vault construction. That the Chaldaic architects were -the inventors of these constructions, with which the Etruscans were -formerly erroneously credited, cannot be positively affirmed, for they -are also found in Egypt, although seldom made use of there. Without -doubt, however, the Babylonians and Assyrians developed them greatly -and knew how to make use of them with great skill. From the false arch, -which is formed by allowing each succeeding layer of stone to project -over the foregoing one, to the finished arch, all kinds are represented -by them. Not only were all underground canals and sewers, vaults of -masonry, but all gateways ended in arches, and even the ceilings of -some apartments, particularly those in the part of the palaces which -seems to have been the harem were wholly or partially vaulted. - -The Babylonians and Assyrians have built extensively many and great -cities enclosed within mighty walls, extended palaces and peculiar -temples. They cannot be enumerated here or even described in general -terms. - -A few important points, however, may be touched upon. In the first -place it must be noticed that, while in Egypt the monumental buildings -were tombs and temples, in Babylon and Asshur they were mainly palaces. -Although no pains nor expense were spared in the erection of the -temples, they were smaller than the palaces, of which they were in some -cases certainly annexes. - -The tombs were constructed with great care, in order to guard against -the rapid decay of the corpses, yet the inhabitants of Mesopotamia -never reached the same degree of perfection in the embalming of -bodies as the Egyptians: they were also fitted out with everything -that, according to their faith, was necessary for the dead, but they -were piled upon each other, and thus excluded from view. Art was not -expended upon them; on the other hand, however, all known means of -art were used to decorate the residences of the kings and the earthly -habitations of the gods in the most splendid and sumptuous manner. -Their size increased continually. The early Chaldaic palace discovered -at Telloh, had an area of only 53 meters long by 31 broad; the -so-called Wasevas at Warka (Erech) was 200 meters long by 150 broad; -the palace of Sargon II at Dur-Sharrukin covered an area of about 10 -hectares, and contained 30 open courts and more than 200 apartments. -Under the Sargonids the rooms also became larger. One in the palace -of Sennacherib was almost as long as the entire palace at Telloh, -_i.e._, 46 meters long by 12 wide. Another in the palace of Esarhaddon, -which was intended to be 15 meters by 12 meters, remained unfinished, -probably on account of the difficulty of construction. The palace -of Asshurbanapal was of somewhat smaller, though still magnificent -proportions. The great palace of Nebuchadrezzar II, consisting of the -old palace of his father and a new one constructed by him and joined -to the old, has not yet been sufficiently explored, but according to -the descriptions, must have surpassed in splendour, if not in size, -all those of his predecessors. All palaces were constructed on the -same plan, and contained separate living apartments for the king and -his court, for his wives, for the lower court officials, and, as it -appears, also a temple with various sanctuaries and a tower. - -Too little is as yet known of the Babylonian-Assyrian temples to -judge with any certainty of their style of architecture. Here and -there, remains of temples have been found, but it has not yet been -proved that the buildings designated as temples were really devoted to -religious purposes. Most of the temples seem to have been small, at any -rate not intended for large assemblages. The altar stood outside and -consequently the religious services must usually have taken place there. - -Every large town had many temples but always only one Ziggurat. This -constituted only one part of the principal temple, albeit the most -prominent one. There were various kinds of such towers, of three -or more, sometimes seven stories, which were attainable by a single -inclined plane encircling the whole building, or a double one rising -on two sides of it. The ground plan was a perfect square in some, in -others a parallelogram; all rested, however, on a massive substructure, -and seem to have been crowned with a small sanctuary. - -Although these principal temples, including the Ziggurat, were not of -equal extent with the royal palaces, they were nevertheless imposing -buildings, and the towers in particular were erected with much care -and at great expense. It would be wrong to conclude from this ratio of -temples and palaces that the Assyrians were less religious and more -servile than the Egyptians, who, entirely dominated as they were by the -dogma of immortality, lavished more care on the tombs of the dead kings -than on the habitations of the living ones. The valuable decorations -and sculptures which the Assyrians and Babylonians gave to their gods -prove their pious tendency. In reality the whole palace was a sacred -edifice in which the representative of the deity lived on earth with -and beside his god. - -The aid which architecture received from other arts has already been -briefly mentioned. There are still a few particulars to be noticed in -regard to this point. The Assyrians as well as the Babylonians were -skilful workers in bronze. Proofs of this are the bronze door-sill -1½ meters long, found at Borsippa, whose decorations of rosettes and -squares are in very good taste, and particularly the bronze gates at -Balawat, belonging to the 9th century B.C., which are masterpieces of -their kind, and a great number of other remains. - -Painting was also employed to decorate the exterior as well as the -interior of walls. Ornaments and figures were painted with great -skill on stucco, _al fresco_ in such a case, or on tiles which were -afterwards glazed. These tiles were sometimes joined to make one -picture. In what remains of such work it is shown that painting had -attained quite an eminence in Babylon and Asshur. Drawing and grouping -are often very successful, and the treatment has often a certain -breadth. These paintings are also important because it is seen from -them how much conventionality prevailed in Assyrian sculpture. In -painting there is nothing of that exaggerated muscularity nor of the -almost clumsy strength of the sculptured figures. Beard and hair are -not as stiffly curled as in the sculptures, but hang more loosely and -naturally.[h] A beautiful example of glazed tiling has recently been -excavated by the Deutsche Orient Gesellschaft at Babylon. It is in the -so-called Procession street leading from Babylon to Borsippa; on either -side of the street were walls faced with coloured tiles representing -a stately procession of lions and other animals, very artistically -drawn.[a] - -Sculpture, more than painting, was employed in decorating buildings, -the works of which covered the greater part of the palace walls, and -ornamented the gateways, courts, terraces, and apartments. The material -which the sculptor used in Chaldea was usually valuable stone difficult -to procure, such as basalt, dolorite, diorite; in Assyria, generally a -commoner, more easily worked species, such as alabaster and sandstone. -The difference of material naturally influenced the work itself. -Figures of cast bronze are also often found. - -The inscriptions of the Babylonian kings often speak of columns erected -in honour of the gods, of which some were made of solid gold or silver, -others only coated with precious metal, and the Assyrian kings also -mention such dedications. Naturally the columns of precious metal have -not survived, but a great number of stone pillars have been found. It -may be chance, that the greater number of statues in the round are from -Babylon, the greater number of bas-reliefs from Assyria. The objects -of these surviving sculptures are mainly of a religious or historical -character. But rarely does a representation of the domestic life of the -monarch or other social circles appear. - -Only once is a banquet pictured, that of king Asshurbanapal and his -queen. Otherwise no women, except captives, appear in the reliefs. -On the whole little tendency is shown to represent female beauty and -grace, as compared with the Egyptians and especially with the Greeks. -The nude female figure is seldom pictured, and if so, in a repulsively -realistic form, as in the small figures of the mother goddess. Cheerful -or comic scenes, which are not wanting even in Egyptian reliefs and -vignettes, are never found here. Hasty conclusions, however, should not -be drawn from this, and it should not be forgotten, that most of the -surviving reliefs are from the palaces, few from the temples, still -fewer from the tombs, and none at all from private residences. This -is doubtless one of the reasons why representations of domestic or -private life are so scarce. In fact, in a few of the tombs reliefs have -been found whose subjects recall favourite representations in those of -Egypt. Most prevalent certainly, are those scenes relating to religious -and public life. - -In the treatment of these objects, truth is often sacrificed to -certain conventionalities. Thus for instance the Lamassi and Shedi, -the man-headed lions and bulls have five legs, in order that they -may always present four to the eye, whether viewed from the front -or the side; the heads are usually represented in profile with the -eyes in full face, but sometimes in full face, although the image -presents a side view to the beholder, which was also customary in -Egypt; so also, the stiff curling of the hair and beard is unnatural. -Apparently no attempt had ever been made in Egypt to make portraits -of historical personages, and the individual differences of rank and -condition can only be recognised by objects of secondary importance. -There is, however, still some doubt upon this point. There is indeed -a great uniformity, but an attempt at least to differentiate facial -traits cannot be overlooked. Ignoring all accessories, the features -differ among kings and higher courtiers on the one hand, and lower -men-at-arms on the other, among men and eunuchs, among adults and -youths. Wherever the artists of Mesopotamia were not limited by -conventionality,--notably in the representation of animals,--they -have surpassed in accuracy, in truth and strength of representation -all other nations of antiquity, the Greeks hardly excepted. This is -particularly true of the representation of native animals, yet foreign -ones were treated with great skill, although the delineation of these -betrays less practice. Even in the picturing of therianthropic deities, -they remain as true to nature as possible, and with much taste and tact -allow the human attributes of the figure to predominate. Wherever it -is possible to partially or wholly break away from tradition, their -talent is displayed in a manner truly marvellous. Their only prominent -fault is their exaggerated realism, which shows itself not only in the -monstrous drawing of muscles and joints, but also in the disgusting -details of the nude figures of Astarte. - -Too little of the sculpture of the new Babylonian realm has been -preserved to allow judgment of the state of art during this period. -The well known carving of Nebuchadrezzar II on a cameo would force -us to have a very high opinion of it, if convincing reasons did not -argue that, although genuine, it is the work of a foreign, probably a -Cyprian, artist. - -There is no doubt that the art of music was cultivated among the -Babylonians and Assyrians, since the reliefs show musicians very -frequently, at religious festivals, at triumphal greetings of the -victorious king and at festivities. They play singly or in concert, and -also accompany singing. The musical instruments are of various kinds, -and the musicians, who are sometimes very daintily attired, are not -always eunuchs, and are of different ages. - -On the whole it must be conceded, that the Assyrio-Babylonian nation -was artistically inclined and that it cultivated various branches of -art with talent and success. If they, the Assyrians in particular, had -been able to free themselves from tradition, they might have surpassed -their predecessors and teachers. They practised art, however, not for -itself alone, but as a means of glorifying the gods or the kings, and -the historical reliefs at least, are for the greater part nothing -more than illustrations to the inscriptions, a sort of war-report in -pictures. They were not an artistic people like the Greeks. Still -they have produced more and better results in this respect, than all -other nations of their race put together. And although in some special -instances they may have been excelled by the Egyptians, in others they -are far in advance of them. The Assyrians, following the example of the -Babylonians, showed their artistic talents also in the productions of -their industries; art and industry were with them closely related. - -Among the productions to be considered here are primarily the hundreds -of seals, which are still in preservation, and whose number will not -seem so surprising when it is remembered that every Babylonian and -Assyrian of quality had his private seal. In early times these were -always, and in later times generally, cylinders, pierced through -the centre, to be worn around the neck suspended from a cord. The -impression was made by rolling them over moist clay. After the eighth -century conical and half-spherical seals appear. These cylinders are -made of many different materials, at first, of easily carved, later -of harder, material, such as porphyry, basalt, ferruginous marble, -serpentine, syenite and hematite. After that, semi-precious stones -were used, jasper, agate, onyx, chalcedony, rock-crystal, garnet, -etc. In the oldest stones the pictured objects were rather suggested -by indentations and strokes, than actually executed and carved; but -gradually a great skilfulness was attained, and there are beautiful -cuttings in the hard stones also. The execution varied greatly of -course, not only in proportion to the talent of the artist, but also -according to the rank and wealth of the person who gave the commission. -The subjects chosen are mostly of a religious nature, the adoration of -a goddess, an offering of sacrifice, various emblems such as winged -animals, sun, moon, and stars, and very frequently the tree of life, in -whose shadow stand two persons, or which is guarded by two genii. Under -the new Babylonian dominion and under the Achamenides, glyptics as an -art declined rapidly. - -Ceramic art seems not to have occupied a very lofty position in -Babylonia at first. Clay vases and utensils, during a long period made -by hand, are crude and inartistic in earliest times. Gradually with the -introduction of the potter’s wheel, however, they become more graceful -in form, and towards the end of the Assyrian period are enamelled and -decorated with patterns painted in colours. However, Babylonian ceramic -art cannot compete with that of Greece, although it surpasses that of -Egypt. Glass has not been found in large quantities, to be sure, but -quite advanced progress had been made in its manufacture. The Assyrians -and Babylonians showed particular skill in the working of metals. -Bronze, a mixture of copper and tin, was known to them in the earliest -times. They had a knowledge of iron earlier than the Egyptians, and -certainly made much greater use of it. Gold objects are commoner than -those of silver, and lead is seldom used. Ornaments, such as bracelets, -ear-rings, and necklaces are usually cast of precious metal and often -inlaid with pearls. It may be taken as a proof of highly advanced -culture that they used not only spoons, but forks, a luxury introduced -into Europe only at the close of the Middle Ages, and that toilet -articles, such as combs, pins, etc., were ornamented with the greatest -care and skill. - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF WILD SOW AND YOUNG AMONG REEDS - -(Layard)] - -The Assyrians were also more skilled in mechanics than the Egyptians -and were not inferior to them in agriculture. Two reliefs, one -Assyrian, the other Egyptian, give us an opportunity to compare how -each nation overcame the difficulties attending the moving and putting -in place of their enormous collossi of stone. It is shown that the -Assyrians knew the use of the lever, which the Egyptians did not, and -that they took much greater precautions against upsetting the collossi. -How the Babylonians and Assyrians, like the Egyptians and Chinese, made -use of irrigation is well known. On the same tablets with the records -of their deeds of war, the rulers often spoke of the laying out of -canals, the regulating and deepening of the river beds “enduring waters -for the enduring use of town and country,” and associated their own -names with them. On account of the higher altitude of their country -than that of their southern brethren, the Assyrians had to surmount -greater difficulties in achieving such works, but this did not deter -them from rivalry with them. One canal leading from the Upper Zab and -one of its tributaries, irrigated the region between this river and the -Tigris, and also supplied the capital, Kalah, with drinking water. - -Sennacherib did something similar for Nineveh, which together with -its environs was completely dependent upon rain. He had a network of -canals constructed, which were fed, partly by the Khushur, and partly -by the small mountain brooks of the Accad and Tash mountains. Here -also two objects were attained, to furnish Nineveh with good drinking -water, and to make the surrounding country fruitful; for the king had -it all planted with many kinds of plants, among which was the vine. -Floriculture was also much encouraged by the kings of Babylon and -Asshur. They admired beautiful parks in which strange foreign animals -were bred and nurtured. Marduk-bel-iddin, king of Bit-Yakin, apparently -the same who at one time overcame Babylon, owned sixty-seven vegetable -gardens and six parks of which a catalogue still exists, although -he was constantly at war or guarding against the vengeance of the -Assyrians.[h] - - -ASSYRIAN ART - -But the world-historic relations of Mesopotamian art are best brought -out by a study of the later and more perfectly preserved examples -of Assyrian craftsmanship. It was the Assyrian who borrowed more -directly from the Egyptian in developing his art, and who passed on -artistic impulses to the Persians on the one hand, and to the Greeks on -the other. The question to what extent the Assyrians were themselves -influenced by the Mycenæan art of early Greece is one regarding which -students of the subject are not agreed, and which we need not enter -upon here.[a] - -It is impossible to examine the monuments of Assyria without being -convinced that the people who raised them had acquired a skill in -sculpture and painting, and a knowledge of design and even composition, -indicating an advanced state of civilisation. It is very remarkable -that the most ancient ruins show this knowledge in the greatest -perfection attained by the Assyrians. The bas-relief representing -the lion hunt, now in the British Museum, is a good illustration of -the earliest school of Assyrian art yet known. It far exceeds the -sculptures of Khorsabad, Kuyunjik, or the later palaces of Nimrud, in -the vigour of the treatment, the elegance of the forms, and in what -the French aptly term _mouvement_. At the same time it is eminently -distinguished from them by the evident attempt at composition--by the -artistical arrangement of the groups. The sculptors who worked at -Khorsabad and Kuyunjik had perhaps acquired more skill in handling -their tools. Their work is frequently superior to that of the earlier -artists in delicacy of execution--in the details of the features, -for instance--and in the boldness of the relief; but the slightest -acquaintance with Assyrian monuments will show that they were greatly -inferior to their ancestors in the higher branches of art--in the -treatment of a subject and in beauty and variety of form. This decline -of art, after suddenly attaining its greatest perfection in its -earliest stage, is a fact presented by almost every people, ancient -and modern, with which we are acquainted. In Egypt the most ancient -monuments display the purest forms and the most elegant decorations. -A rapid retrogression, after a certain period, is apparent, and the -state of art serves to indicate approximately the epoch of most of her -remains. In the history of Greek and Roman art this sudden rise and -rapid fall are equally well known. Even changes in royal dynasties have -had an influence upon art, as a glance at monuments of that part of the -East of which we are specially treating will show. Thus the sculpture -of Persia, as that of Assyria, was in its best state at the time of -the earliest monarchs, and gradually declined until the fall of the -empire. After the Greek invasion it revived under the first kings of -the Arsacid branch, Greek taste still exercising an influence over the -Iranian provinces. How rapidly art degenerated to the most barbarous -forms, the medals and monuments of the later Arsacids abundantly prove. -When the Sassanians restored the old Persian monarchy and introduced -the ancient religion and sacred ceremonies of the empire, art again -appears to have received a momentary impulse. The coins, gems, and -rock sculptures of the first kings of this dynasty are distinguished -by considerable elegance, and spirit of design, and beauty of form. -But the decay was as rapid under them as it had been under their -predecessors. Even before the Chosroes raised the glory and power of -the empire to its highest pitch, art was fast degenerating. By the time -of Yezdigird it had become even more rude and barbarous than in the -last days of the Arsacids. - -This decline in art may be accounted for by supposing that, in the -infancy of a people, or after the occurrence of any great event having -a very decided influence upon their manners, their religion, or their -political state, nature was the chief, if not the only, object of -study. When a certain proficiency had been attained, and no violent -changes took place to shake the established order of things, the -artist, instead of endeavouring to imitate that which he saw in nature, -received as correct delineations the works of his predecessors, and -made them his types and his models. In some countries, as in Egypt, -religion may have contributed to this result. Whilst the imagination, -as well as the hand, was fettered by prejudices, and even by laws, -or whilst indolence or ignorance led to the mere servile copying of -what had been done before, it may easily be conceived how rapidly -a deviation from correctness of form would take place. As each -transmitted the errors of those who had preceded him, and added to them -himself, it is not wonderful if, ere long, the whole became one great -error. It is to be feared that this prescriptive love of imitation has -exercised no less influence on modern art than it did upon the arts of -the ancients. - -As the earliest specimens of Assyrian art which we possess are the -best, it is natural to conclude that either there are other monuments -still undiscovered which would tend to show a gradual progression, -or that such monuments did once exist, but have long since perished; -otherwise it must be inferred that those who raised the most ancient -Assyrian edifice derived their knowledge directly from another people, -or merely imitated what they had seen in a foreign land. Some are -inclined to look upon the style and character of these early sculptures -as purely Egyptian. But there is such a disparity in the mode of -treatment and in the execution, that the Egyptian origin of Assyrian -art appears to me to be a question open to considerable doubt. That -which they have in common would mark the first efforts of any people of -a certain intellectual order to imitate nature. The want of relative -proportions in the figures and the ignorance of perspective--the -full eye in the side face and the bodies of the dead scattered above -or below the principal figures--are as characteristic of all early -productions of art as they are of the rude attempts at delineation of -children. It is only in the later monuments of Nineveh that we find -evident and direct traces of Egyptian influence: as in the sitting -sphinxes and ivories of Nimrud, and in the lotus-shaped ornaments -of Khorsabad and Kuyunjik; perhaps also in the custom which then -prevailed of inserting the name of the king, or of the castle, upon -or immediately above their sculptured representations. Neither the -ornaments of the earliest palace of Nimrud, nor the costumes, nor the -elaborate nature of the embroideries upon the robes, with the groups -of human figures and animals, nor the mythological symbols, are of an -Egyptian character; they show a very different taste and style. - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF SCRIBES WRITING DOWN THE NUMBER OF HEADS -OF THE SLAIN - -(Layard)] - -The principal distinction between Assyrian and Egyptian art appears to -be that in the one conventional forms were much more strictly adhered -to than in the other. The angular mode of treatment, so conspicuous -in Egyptian monuments, even in the delineation of every object, is not -perceivable in those of Assyria. Had the arts of the two countries -been derived from the same source--or had one been imitated from -the other--they would both surely have displayed the same striking -peculiarity. The Assyrians, less fettered, sought to imitate nature -more closely, however rude and unsuccessful their attempts may have -been; and this is proved by the constant endeavour to show the muscles, -veins, and anatomical proportions of the human figure. - -We must not lose sight of the assertion of Moses of Chorene--derived -no doubt from ancient traditions, if not from direct historical -evidence--that when Ninus founded the Assyrian Empire, a people far -advanced in civilisation and in the knowledge of the arts and sciences, -whose works the conquerors endeavoured to destroy, were already in -possession of the country. Who that people may have been, we cannot -now even conjecture. The same mystery hangs over the origin of the -arts in Egypt and in Assyria. They may have been derived, before the -introduction of any conventional forms, from a common source--from a -people whose very name, and the proofs of whose former existence, may -have perished even before tradition begins. - -The monuments of Assyria furnish us with very important data, as to the -origin of many branches of art, subsequently brought to the highest -perfection in Asia Minor and Greece. I conceive the Assyrian influence -on Asia Minor to have been twofold. In the first place, direct, during -the time of the greatest prosperity of the Assyrian monarchy or -empire, when, as it has been shown, the power of its kings extended -over that country; in the second, indirect, through Persia, after the -destruction of Nineveh. Of the influence exercised upon the arts of -western Asia, during the early occupation of the Assyrians, few traces -have hitherto been discovered, unless the remarkable monuments on the -site of ancient Pteria, or Pterium, belong to this period. The evident -connection between the divinities and sacred emblems worshipped in -various parts of Asia Minor, and those of Assyria will be hereafter -particularly pointed out. The Assyrian origin of these monuments, and -of these religious symbols, once admitted, we shall have no difficulty -in recognising the influence of Assyria on the arts and customs of -Asia Minor. The antiquities of that country, prior to a well-known -period, the Persian occupation, have been but little investigated. -Few remains of an earlier epoch have yet been discovered. That such -remains do exist, perhaps buried under ground, I have little doubt. It -is most probable that, as we have additional materials for inquiry, we -shall be still more convinced of this Assyrian influence, pointed out -by Herodotus, when he declares the founder of the kingdom of Lydia to -have been a descendant of Ninus, and by other authors, who mention the -Syrian, or Assyrian, descent of many nations of Asia Minor. - -But the second, or indirect, period of this influence is very fully -and completely illustrated by the monuments of Asia Minor, of the -time of the Persian domination. The known connection between these -monuments and the archaic forms of Greek art renders this part of the -inquiry both important and interesting. The Xanthian marbles, acquired -for England by Sir Charles Fellows, and now in the British Museum, -are remarkable illustrations of the threefold connection between -Assyria and Persia, Persia and Asia Minor, and Asia Minor and Greece. -Were those marbles properly arranged, and placed in chronological -order, they would afford a most useful lesson, and would enable even -a superficial observer to trace the gradual progress of art from its -primitive rudeness to the most classic conceptions of the Greek -sculptor. Not that he would find either style, the pure Assyrian -or the Greek, in its greatest perfection; but he would be able to -see how a closer imitation of nature, a gradual refinement of taste -and additional study, had converted the hard and rigid lines of the -Assyrians into the flowing draperies and classic forms of the highest -order of art. - -I have termed this second period that of _indirect_ influence, because -the arts did not then penetrate directly into Asia Minor from Assyria, -but were conveyed thither through the Persians. The Assyrian Empire -had already existed for centuries, and had exercised the supreme power -over Asia, before it was disputed by the kingdoms of Persia and Media, -united under one monarch. The Persians were probably a rude people, -possessing neither a literature nor arts of their own, but deriving -what they had from their civilised neighbours. We have no earlier -specimen of Persian writing than the inscription containing the name -of Cyrus, on the ruins supposed to be those of his tomb, at Murghaub -[Pasargarda]; nor any earlier remains of Persian art than the buildings -and sculptures of Persepolis, and other monuments to be attributed -beyond a question to the kings of the Achæmenian dynasty. It has -already been shown that the writing of the Persians was imitated from -the Assyrians, and it can as easily be proved that their sculptures -were derived from the same source. The monuments of Persepolis -establish this beyond a doubt. They exhibit precisely the same mode of -treatment, the same forms, the same peculiarities in the arrangement -of the bas-reliefs against the walls, the same entrances formed by -gigantic winged animals with human heads, and, finally, the same -religious emblems. Had this identity been displayed in one instance -alone, we might have attributed it to chance, or to mere casual -intercourse; but when it pervades the whole system, we can scarcely -doubt that one was a close copy, an imitation, of the other. That the -peculiar characteristics of the Persepolitan sculptures were derived -from the monuments of the second Assyrian dynasty--that is, from -those of the latest Assyrian period--can be proved by the similarity -of shape in the ornaments and in the costume of many of the figures. -Thus, the head-dress of the winged monsters forming the portals is -lofty, squared, and richly ornamented at the top, resembling those of -Khorsabad and Kuyunjik, and differing from the round, unornamented cap -of the older figures at Nimrud. - -The processions of warriors, captives, and tribute-bearers at -Persepolis are in every respect similar to those on the walls of Nimrud -and Khorsabad; we have the same mode of treatment in the figures, the -same way of portraying the eyes and hair. The Persian artist introduced -folds into the draperies; but, with this exception, he certainly did -not improve upon his Assyrian model. On the contrary, his work is -greatly inferior to it in the general arrangement of the groups and in -the elegance of the details. - -From whence the Persians obtained the column and other architectural -ornaments used at Persepolis, it may be more difficult to determine. -We have seen that the column was not unknown to the later Assyrians, -although it does not appear to have been employed in the construction -of their palaces. The Persians, therefore, may have partly derived -their knowledge from them; and partly, perhaps principally, from the -Egyptians, whom, before the foundation of Persepolis, they had already -conquered. It will be observed that the capitals of their columns -frequently assume the shape of Assyrian religious types, the bull for -instance; whilst other portions of them nearly resemble in the form of -their ornaments, though not in their proportions, those of Egypt. - -The Persians introduced into Asia Minor the arts and religion which -they received from the Assyrians. Thus the Harpy Tomb and the monument -usually attributed to Harpagus at Xanthus, and other still earlier -remains, show all the peculiarities of the sculpture of Persepolis, and -at the same time that gradual progress in the mode of treatment--the -introduction of action and sentiment, and a knowledge of anatomy--which -marks the distinction between Asiatic and Greek art. Whilst there was -a manifest improvement in the disposition of the draperies and in the -delineation of the human form, we still remark, even in the latest -works of the Persian period in Asia Minor, the absence of all attempt -to impart sentiment to the features, or even to give more than the side -view of the human face. - -Many architectural ornaments, known to the Assyrians, passed from them, -directly or indirectly, into Greece. The Ionic column is an instance. -We have, moreover, in the earliest monuments of Nineveh that graceful -ornament, commonly called the honeysuckle, which was so extensively -used in Greece, and is to this day more generally employed than any -other moulding. In Assyria, as I have pointed out, it was invested with -sacred properties, and was either a symbol or an object of worship. -That the similarity between the Assyrian and Greek ornament is not -accidental, seems to be proved, beyond a question, by the alternation -of the lotus or tulip, whichever this flower may be, with the -honeysuckle, by the number of leaves or petals of the flower, and by -their proceeding in both from a semicircle, supported by two tendrils -or scrolls. The same ornament occurs, even in India, on a lath erected -by Asoka at Allahabad (about B.C. 250); but whether introduced by the -Greeks--which, from the date of the erection of the monument, shortly -after the Macedonian invasion, is not improbable--or whether derived -directly from another source, I cannot venture to decide. - -[Illustration: ASSYRIAN HARNESS] - -That the Assyrians possessed a highly refined taste can hardly be -questioned when we find them inventing an ornament which the Greeks -afterwards, with few additions and improvements, so generally adopted -in their most classic monuments. Others, no less beautiful, continually -occur in the most ancient bas-reliefs of Nimrud. The sacred bull, with -expanded wings, and the wild goat are introduced, kneeling before -the mystic flower which is the principal feature in the border just -described. The same animals are occasionally represented supporting -disks, or flowers, and rosettes. A bird, or human figure, frequently -takes the place of the bull and goat; and the simple flower becomes a -tree, bearing many flowers of the same shape. This tree, evidently a -sacred symbol, is elaborately and tastefully formed; and is one of the -most conspicuous ornaments of Assyrian sculpture. - -The flowers at the ends of the branches are frequently replaced in -later Assyrian monuments and on cylinders by the fir or pine cone, and -sometimes by a fruit or ornament resembling the pomegranate. - -The guilloche, or intertwining bands, continually found on Greek -monuments, and still in common use, was also well known to the -Assyrians, and was one of their most favourite ornaments. It was -embroidered on their robes, embossed on their arms and chariots, and -painted on their walls. This purity and elegance of taste was equally -displayed in the garments, arms, furniture, and trappings of the -Assyrians. The robes of the king were most elaborately embroidered. -The part covering his breast was generally adorned, not only with -flowers and scroll-work, but with groups of figures, animals, and even -hunting and battle scenes. In other parts of his dress similar designs -were introduced, and rows of tassels or fringes were carried round the -borders. The ear-rings, necklaces, armlets, and bracelets were all -of the most elegant forms. The clasps and ends of the bracelets were -frequently in the shape of the heads of rams and bulls, resembling our -modern jewellery. The ear-rings have generally on the later monuments, -particularly in the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad, the form of a cross. - -In their arms the Assyrians rivalled even the Greeks in elegance of -design. The hilt of the sword was frequently ornamented with four -lions’ heads; two, with part of the neck and shoulders, made the -cross-bar or defence, and two more with extended jaws were introduced -into the handle. The end of the sheath was formed by two entire lions, -clasped together, their heads turned outward and their mouths open. -Sometimes the whole of the sheath was engraved or embossed, with groups -of human figures, animals, and flowers. The handles of the daggers were -no less highly ornamented, being sometimes in the form of the head of a -horse, bull, or ram. The sheath frequently terminated in the head of a -bird, to which a tassel was suspended. The part of the bow to which the -string was attached was in the shape of an eagle’s head. The quiver was -richly decorated with groups of figures and fanciful designs. - -Ornaments in the form of the heads of animals, chiefly the lion, bull, -and ram, were very generally introduced even in parts of the chariot, -the harness of the horses, and domestic furniture. In this respect the -Assyrians resembled the Egyptians.[b] - - -ASSYRIAN SCULPTURE AND THE EVOLUTION OF ART - -The study of a country’s art is interesting, primarily of course -purely as a study in the expression of beauty or in the portraiture -of national types and ideals. The study should not, however, stop -here, but one should consider also the effect each school has had upon -the evolution of the world-art. This phase of Assyrian art has been -examined by the Editor in a paper called “The Influence of Modern -Research on the Scope of World History,” a Prefatory Essay to Vol. -III of the New Volumes of the Ninth Edition of the _Encyclopædia -Britannica_, from which a quotation may be permitted here.[a] - -Whoever would see the story of the evolution of Greek art illustrated, -should go to the British Museum and pass from the Egyptian hall, with -its grotesque colossi, to the Assyrian rooms, with their marvellous -bas-reliefs, and then on to the Elgin marbles from the Parthenon. In -particular, the art treasures of the Assyrian collection should demand -the closest scrutiny. In the Nineveh gallery, for example, where one -finds collections of strange Assyrian books, the walls are flanked -everywhere with bas-reliefs that come from some buried palace that once -stored the literary treasures. - -[Illustration: BATTLE IN A MARSH IN SOUTHERN MESOPOTAMIA - -(Layard)] - -It appears that the kings of that far-off time and land were -connoisseurs of art as well as patrons of literature; and the art -treasures of their palaces certainly form the most striking, if not the -most important, part of the mementoes they have left to us. The more -closely these figures in low relief are examined, the more wonderful -they will seem. They take the place of the Egyptian carvings in the -round; and if they are less striking to first view than the great -sarcophagi, the grotesque gods, and colossal animal forms of that -people, they will prove infinitely more expressive and incomparably -more artistic on closer inspection. For these flat sculptures depict, -not alone gods and sacerdotal scenes, but everyday affairs and the -events of Assyrian history. The bas-relief was clearly the focal point -of Assyrian art. Even the great bulls and lions that guarded the -palace entrances were only partially detached from their background, -and a frescoed statue of King Asshurnazirpal shows the same tendency. -The full rounded statue was not indeed unknown to them, as several -examples testify; but their real _forte_ lay in mural decoration in low -relief. And the particular walls on which the artists mainly expended -their skill, if we may judge from what the ruins have revealed to us, -were not the walls of temples, but the palaces of kings. It is quite -clear that these great conquerors of antiquity were very human, very -like their successors of after times. They loved to have their heroic -deeds, real or alleged, heralded to the world, and recalled incessantly -to their own memories. So one finds whole histories epitomised on -these walls--wars, conquests, victories; the storming of cities, the -slaughter of the enemy, the leading of captives, and bringing of -tribute by subject people--everything, in short, but Assyrian reverses; -the court artist, true to his colours then as now, never made the -mistake of depicting those. - -As historical records these sculptures are of priceless value, both -for what they tell of political history and for the light they throw -on the powers and limitations of antique art. But before you venture -to judge the Assyrian artist in the latter regard, you must pass on to -the room of Asshurnazirpal, and from that to the adjacent room, where -the mural decorations of the dining-hall of the last of the great -Assyrian kings, Asshurbanapal, have been placed _in situ_, reproducing -an effect which they first made in the palace of Nineveh in the seventh -century B.C. Here you may see at once both another phase of royal life -in Assyria and another stage of Assyrian art. Not war, but the chase is -now the theme. King Asshurbanapal is seen in pursuit of the goat, the -wild ass, the lion. The king, of course, towers above his attendants, -though not in the grotesque disproportion of the Egyptian paintings. -To the oriental mind such excessive stature seemed indissoluble from -royal station. One recalls how the mother of Darius, made captive at -Issus, mistook Hephæstion for the king, because he was taller than -Alexander; and how Agesilaus, when he went to Egypt as an ally of the -Egyptians, was held in contempt, despite his renown, because of his -diminutive stature; and one cannot help wondering what would have been -the real aspect of the Assyrian and Egyptian monarchs could they have -been subjected to the camera. Be that as it may, there was apparently -no doubt in the mind of the court artist as to what his chisel should -reveal in this respect, and the king may always be distinguished by his -stature, without regard to his royal robes. Still, it is notable, as a -distinction between Egyptian and Assyrian art, that the realistic eye -of the Assyrian sculptor never let him depict the king as a Brobdingnag -among the pigmies, after the Egyptian fashion. At the most he is a head -taller than those about him. - -The royal hunter pursues his quarry sometimes on foot, more usually -standing in his chariot. His weapon is usually the bow, sometimes the -spear; on one occasion he grapples with the lion, hand to jowl, and -stabs the quarry to the heart with a short sword. The quiet dignity -and royal calm with which the feat is achieved must have insured the -artist a high and enduring place in the royal favour. The action, -however, of the human figures in these sculptures is always sedate and -reposeful, suggestive of reserved strength perhaps, or possibly of the -artist’s limitations. Whichever it is, the real power of the artist is -not shown in the human figures. These, to be sure, are in part strongly -anatomised; in the main, they are fairly proportioned, and, unlike the -Egyptian figures, they have the shoulders drawn in proper perspective. -But the faces are fixed, impassive; the eyes are not in perspective, -and, as a whole, they cannot claim high merit as works of art, viewed -from an abstract modern standpoint. Considered in relation to their -time, they are wonderful enough, so far ahead are they of anything -that we could suppose to have been accomplished in the world of that -day. But they fall far short of the standard which the same artist has -himself given us in animal figures of his composition. It seems as if -the human figures might have been done from memory, whereas the animal -forms are clearly enough from the natural model. Indeed, when we turn -to these animal figures we may criticise them, not with reservation as -to their age, but from the standpoint of modern art, and as individual -figures they will not be found wanting. The three fundamental -canons--“proportion, action, aspect”--have been successfully met. The -lions skulk sullenly from their cages, spring furiously into action, -or roll in death agony at the will of the depicter. The lioness, with -spine broken by an arrow, dragging her palsied hind-quarters, is a -veritable masterpiece. The same is true of many of the figures of -goats, of running and pacing wild asses, and of dogs. As a whole, these -animal frescoes are nothing less than wonderful. It is worth a visit to -London from the remotest land to see these sculptures from the palace -of the old Assyrian king. - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF A WOUNDED LIONESS - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -Still, though these bas-reliefs have intrinsic merits as works of art, -their chief value is for what they teach regarding the evolution of -art in the world. Previously to their discovery it had been supposed -that the stiff formalism of Egyptian sculpture represented the fullest -flight of pre-Grecian art, and that Greek art itself had stepped -suddenly forth, rather a new creation than an evolution. But the pick -and shovel of Layard at Nineveh dispelled that illusion. For these art -treasures, that had lain there under the deposits of centuries, were -found to represent an enormous advance upon Egyptian models, precisely -in the direction of that realism for which Greek art is distinguished. - -If we would judge how direct and unequivocal was the impulse which the -dying nation transferred to the adolescent one in point of art, we -have but to take a few steps in the British Museum, from the Assyrian -rooms to the wonderful hall that holds Lord Elgin’s trophies from -the desecrated Parthenon. Look, then, upon the frieze of bas-relief -that bears the magic name of Phidias. If anything can reconcile us to -the act that deprived Greece of her priceless heirlooms, it is the -fact that they have found lodgment here close beside their oriental -prototypes, where half a million visitors each year may at least have -an opportunity to learn the lesson that human progress is an accretion, -a growth, a building upon foundations; and, specifically, that Greek -art, no less than other forms of human culture, was an evolution, and -not an isolated miracle. For what is the Parthenon frieze, as we now -come to it fresh from the palaces of Nineveh, but an Assyrian fresco -adapted to the needs and ideals of another race and developed by the -genius of a newer civilisation? The profiled figures in low relief -coursing together, are they different in conception from the profiled -figures of the palaces we have just left? The horses of the Parthenon -frieze might almost seem to have stepped bodily from the palaces of -Asshurbanapal. They have gained something in suppleness of limb, have -altered their attitude in a measure, to be sure, thanks to their new -environment. But their type has not changed by so much as an actual -breed of horses might be changed in as many generations. Note the -head, the most typical and characteristic feature of this Grecian -steed. Line for line it is the same head, trappings aside, that we have -just seen at Nineveh. Even the defects of the Assyrian drawing are -there--the too small and slender face, and receding lower jaw, the tiny -ear, the far too full and “chuffy” neck. Possibly no horse in nature -was ever like this, but the Assyrian artist so conceives it; the Greek -copies that conception; and the distorted type will be transmitted down -the generations to the Italian of the Renaissance, to the classical -painters of Spain, the Netherlands, and Germany, and France; nay, -even to the artist of the nineteenth century. The court artist of an -oriental prince of the ninth or tenth century B.C. conceives a certain -ideal; and, following him, a certain type of sculptured horse, such as -the artist who carved it has never seen, steps before the chariot on -Napoleon’s Arc de Triomphe in nineteenth-century Paris.[c] - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF HORSES] - -If Mesopotamian art and literature had been forgotten in succeeding -ages, Chaldean science had not shared the same fate. The fame of the -Babylonian astrology and astronomy was still fresh in the mind of the -Greeks of the day of Diodorus, as we shall see, and it is curious to -reflect that even at this relatively late period after Greece had -passed far beyond the culminating point of her own career the learned -Greek looked upon Chaldean science as something beyond the pale of the -science of his own nation. It would seem as if the cultivated Greek -looked back upon the Babylonian civilisation with something of that -reverence which “modern” European nations have reserved for Greece -itself. It is significant, too, that the Babylonians themselves, even -in the day of their decline, continued to regard the Greeks, along with -the rest of the outside world, as “barbarians” in something more than -the Greek sense of the word. - -The older civilisation always thus regards the younger, regardless of -the actual relative merits of the two. It was an Egyptian priest who -lectured the famous Greek in these words: “O Solon! Solon! You Hellenes -are but children, and there is never an old man who is a Hellene. In -my mind you are all young. There is no old opinion handed down among -you by ancient tradition, nor any science hoary with age”; but the -same words might well have been pronounced by a priest of Chaldea. We -have learned through Diodorus that the Egyptians guarded the secrets -of their science very jealously from the Greeks, who travelled and -sojourned there for the express purpose of learning them; and there is -reason to suppose that much the same reception was accorded the Greek -traveller in Babylonia, since Herodotus seems to have learned so -little there beyond what his own direct observations taught him. - -But how much ground the Babylonian had for this arrogance of -intellectual attitude the modern world had little material for -judging, beyond such general assertions as that of Diodorus, until -the records of the libraries were revealed. Then it was made evident -that as original scientific investigators the Babylonians were no whit -inferior to their contemporaries of the Nile, if, indeed, they were not -superior; that in short they fully merited the praise which classical -tradition accorded them. A people that thus excelled in theoretical -science, no less than in art and literature and in practical -civilisation, has many claims to be considered the foremost nation of -antiquity.[a] - - -A CLASSICAL ESTIMATE OF CHALDEAN PHILOSOPHY AND ASTROLOGY - -“Here it will not be amiss to say something of the Chaldeans (as the -Babylonians call them) and of their Antiquity, that nothing worth -Remark may be omitted,” says Diodorus, as translated in 1700 by Booth. - -“They being the most ancient Babylonians, hold the same station and -dignity in the Common-wealth as the Egyptian Priests do in Egypt: For -being deputed to Divine Offices, they spend all their Time in the study -of Philosophy, and are especially famous for the Art of Astrology. -They are mightily given to Divination, and foretel future Events, -and imploy themselves either by Purifications, Sacrifices, or other -Inchantments to avert Evils, or procure good Fortune and Success. -They are skilful likewise in the Art of Divination, by the flying of -Birds, and interpreting of Dreams and Prodigies: And are reputed as -true Oracles (in declaring what will come to pass) by their exact and -diligent viewing the Intrals of the Sacrifices. But they attain not to -this Knowledge in the same manner as the Grecians do; for the Chaldeans -learn it by Tradition from their Ancestors, the Son from the Father, -who are all in the mean time free from all other publick Offices and -Attendances; and because their Parents are their Tutors, they both -learn every thing without Envy, and rely with more confidence upon the -truth of what is taught them; and being train’d up in this Learning -from their very Childhood, they become most famous Philosophers, -(that Age being most capable of Learning, wherein they spend much -of their time). But the Grecians for the most part come raw to this -study, unfitted and unprepar’d, and are long before they attain to the -Knowledge of this Philosophy: And after they have spent some small time -in this Study, they are many times call’d off and forc’d to leave it, -in order to get a Livelihood and Subsistence. And although some few -do industriously apply themselves to Philosophy, yet for the sake of -Gain, these very Men are opinionative, and ever and anon starting new -and high Points, and never fix in the steps of their Ancestors. But -the Barbarians keeping constantly close to the same thing, attain to a -perfect and distinct Knowledge in every particular. - -“But the Grecians cunningly catching at all Opportunities of Gain, make -new Sects and Parties, and by their contrary Opinions wrangling and -quarelling concerning the chiefest Points, lead their Scholars into a -Maze; and being uncertain and doubtful what to pitch upon for certain -truth, their Minds are fluctuating and in suspence all the days of -their Lives, and unable to give a certain assent unto any thing. For if -any Man will but examine the most eminent Sects of the Philosophers, he -shall find them much differing among themselves, and even opposing one -another in the most weighty parts of their Philosophy. But to return to -the Chaldeans, they hold that the World is eternal, which had neither -any certain Beginning, nor shall have any End; but all agree, that all -things are order’d, and this beautiful Fabrick is supported by a Divine -Providence, and that the Motions of the Heavens are not perform’d by -chance and of their own accord, but by a certain and determinate Will -and Appointment of the Gods. - -“Therefore from a long observation of the Stars, and an exact Knowledge -of the motions and influences of every one of them, wherein they excel -all others, they fortel many things that are to come to pass. - -“They say that the Five Stars which some call Planets, but they -Interpreters, are most worthy of Consideration, both for their motions -and their remarkable influences, especially that which the Grecians -call Saturn. The brightest of them all, and which often portends many -and great Events, they call Sol, the other Four they name Mars, Venus, -Mercury, and Jupiter, with our own Country Astrologers. They give the -Name of Interpreters to these Stars, because these only by a peculiar -Motion do portend things to come, and instead of Jupiters, do declare -to Men before-hand the good-will of the Gods; whereas the other Stars -(not being of the number of the Planets) have a constant ordinary -motion. Future Events (they say) are pointed at sometimes by their -Rising, and sometimes by their Setting, and at other times by their -Colour, as may be experienc’d by those that will diligently observe it; -sometimes foreshewing Hurricanes, at other times Tempestuous Rains, and -then again exceeding Droughts. By these, they say, are often portended -the appearance of Comets, Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, Earthquakes and -all other the various Changes and remarkable effects in the Air, boding -good and bad, not only to Nations in general, but to Kings and Private -Persons in particular. Under the Course of these Planets, they say are -Thirty Stars, which they call Counselling Gods, half of whom observe -what is done under the Earth, and the other half take notice of the -actions of Men upon the Earth, and what is transacted in the Heavens. -Once every Ten Days space (they say) one of the highest Order of these -Stars descends to them that are of the lowest, like a Messenger sent -from them above; and then again another ascends from those below to -them above, and that this is their constant natural motion to continue -for ever. The chief of these Gods, they say, are Twelve in number, to -each of which they attribute a Month, and one Sign of the Twelve in the -Zodiack. - -“Through these Twelve Signs the Sun, Moon, and the other Five Planets -run their Course. The Sun in a Years time, and the Moon in the space -of a Month. To every one of the Planets they assign their own proper -Courses, which are perform’d variously in lesser or shorter time -according as their several motions are quicker or slower. These Stars, -they say, have a great influence both as to good and bad in Mens -Nativities; and from the consideration of their several Natures, may be -foreknown what will befal Men afterwards. As they foretold things to -come to other Kings formerly, so they did to Alexander who conquer’d -Darius, and to his Successors Antigonus and Seleucus Nicator; and -accordingly things fell out as they declar’d; which we shall relate -particularly hereafter in a more convenient time. They tell likewise -private Men their Fortunes so certainly, that those who have found the -thing true by Experience, have esteem’d it a Miracle, and above the -reach of Man to perform. Out of the Circle of the Zodiack they describe -Four and Twenty Stars, Twelve towards the North Pole, and as many to -the South. - -“Those which we see, they assign to the living; and the other that do -not appear, they conceive are Constellations for the Dead; and they -term them Judges of all things. The Moon, they say, is in the lowest -Orb; and being therefore next to the Earth (because she is so small,) -she finishes her Course in a little time, not through the swiftness of -her Motion, but the shortness of her Sphear. In that which they affirm -(that she has but a borrow’d light, and that when she is eclips’d, it’s -caus’d by the interposition of the shadow of the Earth) they agree with -the Grecians. - -“Their Rules and Notions concerning the Eclipses of the Sun are but -weak and mean, which they dare not positively foretel, nor fix a -certain time for them. They have likewise Opinions concerning the -Earth peculiar to themselves, affirming it to resemble a Boat, and to -be hollow, to prove which, and other things relating to the frame of -the World, they abound in Arguments; but to give a particular Account -of ’em, we conceive would be a thing foreign to our History. But this -any Man may justly and truly say, That the Chaldeans far exceed all -other Men in the Knowledge of Astrology, and have study’d it most of -any other Art or Science: But the number of Years during which the -Chaldeans say, those of their Profession have given themselves to the -study of this natural Philosophy, is incredible; for when Alexander -was in Asia, they reckon’d up Four Hundred and Seventy Thousand Years -since they first began to observe the Motions of the Stars. But lest we -should make too long a digression from our intended Design, let this -which we have said concerning the Chaldeans suffice.”[d] - - -THE BABYLONIAN YEAR - -The Babylonian year, according to Eduard Meyer, consisted of simple -lunar months (twenty-nine or thirty days), which, as with the Greeks -and the Mohammedans, was determined by the course of the moon itself. - -To make this year coincide with the course of the sun, an extra month -was intercalated; in olden times this seems to have been done after the -first or the sixth month. - -This year, with the names of its months, was adopted by the Jews at -the time of the Exile, and is still in use with them. The commencement -of their year (Nisan) falls at the time of the spring equinox. The -Babylonians had no continuous chronology; they dated according to the -years of the kings, or, rather, they marked the year according to any -important event which took place in it. Thus we see dates like “on -the 30th Adar in the Sixth year after the conquest of Nisin by King -Rim-Sin.” - -Later on in Babylon, and also in Assyria, they reckoned simply the -years of the kings, from the day of their accession to the throne. The -remainder of the year, in the course of which the predecessor had died, -was therefore considered the first part of the first year of the new -reign, and was very often called “the beginning of the reign” of the -king in question. - -Chronological calculations were reckoned from the same starting-point -as in Egypt. They reckon the calendar year in which a king comes to -the throne as his first year, and hence his death takes place in the -first year of his successor. This is the method of the Ptolemaic canon, -one of the most important chronological monuments of antiquity. It -is the list beginning with Nabonassar (about 747 B.C.) of the native -and Persian kings of Babylonia, to which the Egyptian rulers up to -Alexander are added. It is an addition to the astronomical work of -Ptolemy, and was intended to throw light on the passages relating to -the Babylonian, and later on to the Alexandrian chronological methods. -It is authentic, and is confirmed by the monuments. Yet, in using the -same, it must be recollected that all dates of the Egyptian “vague” -year (and the Egyptian months) are reduced. Therefore the first year of -the Nabonassar era begins on the 1st Tehuti, the 26th February, 747 B.C. - -In Assyria there is also a second and far more common form of -specifying the years. Since a very early date (as far back as the -fourteenth century) it was customary to name the year after some high -official. The year, as such, is called _limmu_, “eponymic year.” -Of course, they had continuous lists of these eponyms; and we have -recovered several fragments. The lists for the years 893 to 666 are -complete, and with fragments we can go still farther back. The kings -frequently used this system, and private persons regularly used this -eponym. - -Some copies of the lists contain accounts of the changes of reigns, -and give short statements of important internal and external events -of the particular years. Thus an eclipse of the sun June 15, 763 -B.C., mentioned therein can be astronomically fixed, and the dates -arrived at thereby concur exactly with the accounts of the Ptolemaic -canon. The chronological history of this epoch is therefore perfectly -determined.[e] - - -THE BABYLONIAN DAY AND ITS DIVISION INTO HOURS - -This being the Babylonian method of reckoning dates, it is interesting -to note on what plan they subdivided the day. Investigations were -made in this line by that indefatigable Irishman, Edward Hincks, from -whose article “On the Assyrio-Babylonian Measures of Time,” in the -_Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy_, we quote.[a] - -I begin with the day and its divisions. - -Our knowledge on this subject is mainly derived from a tablet in the -British Museum, marked K. 15. A paper of mine was read before the Royal -Irish Academy in 1854, and was published in the twenty-third volume of -the _Transactions_ in which this tablet was discussed. As that paper -contained some slight philological errors, I will here repeat the -substance of it, correcting those errors. - -I now translate the inscription on the Tablet as follows, omitting the -customary benedictory formula. “On the sixth day of the month Nisan -the day and the night are equal; six kazabs [kashbu] are the day; six -kazabs [kashbu] are the night.” It is evident that this inscription -records the observation of an equinox; and I will return to the -consideration of it with that view. At present I will only remark that -it points to a double division of the day, or _Nycthemeron_; viz., the -first into the day properly so called, and the night; which were in -this instance equal, though not generally so; the second into twelve -equal kazabs [kashbu]. - -I proceed to the second division of the day into twelve kazabs -[kashbu]. Each of these was equivalent, putting out of sight errors -of observation, to two hours of _mean solar time_, such as we use in -ordinary life. The word kazab [kashbu] is from a Hebrew root meaning -“to fail,” which is applied to streams that run dry. This suggests -the primary signification, “runnings out,” namely, of the water which -had been poured into a vessel with a small hole in the bottom. The -Babylonians measured time by clepsydræ, which, when they had been -filled, would be emptied in two hours of mean time. Such clepsydræ -would maintain a sufficiently accurate division of the day into twelve -kazabs [kashbu] if the first were set to run at apparent noon, the -second when the first had run out, and so on till the thirteenth, which -would be set to run at the next apparent noon, whether the twelfth was -just running out, or had already run out, or had still a little water -in it. - -The kazab [kashbu] is mentioned as an ordinary measure of time in more -than one passage. The distance from the mainland to an island in the -Persian Gulf is said to be a voyage of thirty kazabs [kashbu] (Botta, -41. 48), just as that from Cyprus to Syria is said to be one of seven -days (Botta, 38. 41). Also, in Rawlinson, 42. 13, Sennacherib speaks -of slaughtering his enemies for the space of a journey or march of two -kazabs [kashbu]. This use of the word seems to me a positive proof that -the clepsydræ was in use among the Assyrians and Babylonians generally, -and was not confined to the astronomers. - -There does not appear to me any reason to suppose that a division of -the day from sunrise to sunset into twelve hours, varying in length -according to the season of the year, and again of the night, from -sunset to sunrise into twelve similar hours, was ever known to the -Babylonians. Such a division was in use among the Egyptians, and was -adopted from them by the Greeks, but the Babylonians and Assyrians -knew nothing of it. I may here observe that some modern writers have -committed a strange mistake in supposing the clepsydræ to have been -invented so late as the third century before Christ and at Alexandria. -These writers have confounded two totally different things; viz., the -original invention of the clepsydræ marking mean solar time, which -goes back to remote antiquity, and is almost certainly due to the -Babylonians, and the adaptation of the clepsydræ to the _seasonable_ -(καιρικαὶ) hours of the Egyptians and Greeks, which was accomplished -at the time and place which these writers mention. I have met with -no subdivisions of the kazab [kashbu], and I much doubt whether the -Babylonians had any means of marking such.[f] - - -ASSYRIAN SCIENCE - -The exact sciences were cultivated in Assyria from the earliest times, -nor had natural sciences been neglected. Zoology, botany, mineralogy -are largely represented in the library of Nineveh, and as all these -tablets contain a Sumerian as well as the equivalent Assyrian text, we -are justified in believing that the Ninevites, in this respect, still -followed the traditions of their predecessors. - -We find lists of animals arranged in a certain order which indicates -an attempt at classification; thus the dog, lion, and wolf are in the -same category, whilst the ox, sheep, and goat form another. In the -enumeration of the different animals, there is a very evident design of -establishing genera and families, and of distinguishing species. Thus -we have a family comprising the great Carnivora: the dog, lion, and -wolf; then we have different species in the dog family--such as the dog -itself, the domestic dog, the coursing dog, the small dog, the dog of -Elam, etc. The scientific side of this classification is revealed by an -easily recognised circumstance; thus one finds after the common name a -special nomenclature, which belongs to a scientific classification with -which the Assyrians seem to have been familiar. - -Among the birds similar attempts at classification are evident. Birds -of rapid flight, sea-birds, or marsh birds are differentiated. Insects -form a very numerous class; we see an entire family whose species are -differentiated according as they attack plants, animals, clothing, or -wood. Vegetables seem to be classified according to their usefulness, -or the service that industry can make of them. One tablet enumerates -the uses to which wood can be put, according to its adaptability, for -the timber-work of palaces, the construction of vessels, the making -of carts, implements of husbandry, or even furniture. Minerals occupy -a long series in these tablets. They are classed according to their -qualities, gold and silver forming a division apart; precious stones -form still another, but there is nothing to indicate on what basis a -classification would be established. - -If we pass from the natural sciences to geography, we find the latter -in a synthetic and fairly confused state. Nevertheless several lists -give us a series of the names of towns, rivers, and mountains, arranged -according to their geographical disposition, as we can easily prove. -Sometimes the data are of a practical character, and names are followed -by mention of natural or industrial products of localities, their -revenue taxes, or tributes. But the science, _par excellence_, which -was especially cultivated in Assyria, and which the learned men of -Asshurbanapal connected with the greatest care with antique Chaldean -traditions, was astronomy. - -This science was not indeed born at Nineveh; the Greeks teach us that -astronomical observations were first made in lower Chaldea 1903 years -before Alexander, and consequently 2226 years before Christ. Whatever -the value of this date may be, the tradition of this origin is found in -the works of the Assyrians, who constantly refer to the observations -of their predecessors. Asshurbanapal had sent these learned men to the -old schools of Mesopotamia, Ur, Sippar, Agade, Babylon; there to imbibe -the elements of the science which was the glory of the southern empire. -In the seventh century before our era, observations were carried on -at Nineveh. At this date the fixed stars had long been distinguished -from the planets; the sidereal revolutions, the divisions of the year, -the course of the sun in the different constellations of the zodiac, -periodic return of eclipses, and even the precession of the equinoxes, -had been calculated. These achievements imply long and conscientious -observation, a special intelligence to undertake them, and simple -methods of rigorous calculation. - -We are ignorant as to the nature of the instruments with which the -Assyrio-Chaldeans could observe the stars. The chances of error in -observations by the naked eye are evidently very great, and errors -can only be rectified by multiplied operations and the most minute -calculations. It is known that the determining of the periodicity of -the moon’s eclipses rests on a knowledge of the cycle of 223 lunations -which bring back the same eclipses periodically. It is certain that -the Assyrio-Chaldeans must have also known another cycle of 22,325 -lunations equalling 1805 tropical years plus 8 days, or 1805 Julian -years of 365¼ days; after which the eclipses return with still greater -precision in the same order. How long did it take the human mind to -observe and understand a sufficient number of lunations so as to -combine the data they afforded and deduct the law that Meton formulated -and to which he has given his name? - -In regard to eclipses of the sun, the cycle is so very much greater -that the beginnings of the observations on which the calculations of -their periodicity would rest, would take us back to a period which -is quite beyond the limits of the historic age. Diogenes Laertius -estimates it as 48,863 years. During that time 373 eclipses of the moon -and 832 eclipses of the sun had been observed. When they turned their -attention to the calculations resulting from these observations the -Assyrio-Chaldeans were marvellously helped by their system of notation. -Their numerical system lent itself with ease to the most complicated of -calculations. We must content ourselves with stating the results. As -we were saying a minute ago, the observations were carried on under -Asshurbanapal; the king sent astronomers to different points to study -celestial phenomena, and the results of their labours were sent him. -Here are the terms in which these reports were expressed: - -“To the King, my Lord, his humble servant Ishtar-iddin-apal, chief -astronomer of the town of Arbela writes this: Peace and happiness to -the king my master and may he long prosper. - -“On the 29th day, I observed the node of the moon, the clouds obscured -the field of observation, and we could not see the moon. - -“In the month of Sebat (January) the 1st day during the year -Bel-haran-saduya (648 B.C.).” - -The result of this mission was not satisfactory. The eclipse had been -predicted, but although the state of the atmosphere did not allow of -observation, the attesting of this failure proves the care with which -every circumstance that could serve to explain the phenomenon was -noted. Here is an observation which was entirely successful: - -“To the director of observations my Lord, his humble servant -Nabu-shum-iddin, Great Astronomer of Nineveh writes this: May Nabu and -Marduk be propitious to the director of these observations, my Lord. - -“The 15th day we observed the node of the moon, and the moon was -eclipsed.” - -Here is a more complicated observation: - -“To the king, my Lord, may the Gods Nabu and Marduk be propitious, may -the great gods grant to the king, my master, long life, the benefits of -the flesh and satisfaction of the heart. - -“The 27th day the moon disappeared; the 28th 29th and 30th day we -continually observed the node of the obscuring sun. The eclipse did not -take place. The 1st day (of the following month) we saw the moon during -the first day of the month Tammuz (June) above the star Mercury of -which I have previously sent an observation to the king my master. In -its course during the day of Anu, around the shepherd star (the planet -Venus), it was seen declining: on account of rain the horns were not -very distinctly visible, and so it was in its whole course. The day -Anu I sent the observation of its conjunction, to the king my master. -It was prolonged and was visible above the star of the Chariot in its -course during the day of Baal; it disappeared towards the star of the -Chariot. - -“To the King, my Lord, peace and happiness.” - -The discovery of the precession of the equinoxes is generally -attributed to Hipparchus. It was he, indeed, who taught this fact -to the Greeks, and he estimated its yearly amount as from 36 to 39 -seconds; but it is certain that he learned about it in Chaldea, and -that he obtained the elements of his calculations from the astronomical -observations made on the lower Euphrates. All the astronomical -knowledge of the Ninevite savants had the same point of origin. - -Two thousand years before our era, from the time of a king of Agade -called Sharrukin (Shargani-shar-ali), and who is usually known as -Sargon I (the Ancient), the precession of the equinoxes was an -observed and calculated fact, since it had already brought sufficient -disturbance into the calendar to make a corrective element necessary. -Sargon had given a brilliancy to his century which the learned men -of Nineveh only echoed. In his time there was a library at Agade, -the importance of which we can judge by the fragments which were -preserved at Nineveh. We are certain that at these remote times the -great divisions of the uranographic chart were already determined upon. -Fixed stars were designated according to the different groups or -constellations which were known by the names they have retained to this -day. - -Outside these fixed stars the signs of the zodiac were perfectly -determined in that portion of the celestial vault which the texts -designate by the name of harranu (the way), that is to say, the way of -the stars. These stars were the planets. The Chaldeans knew of seven, -and they were thus known to them: Shamash, the sun; Sin, the moon; -Alap-Shamash, Saturn; Rus, Jupiter; Ashbat, Venus; Sulpa-sadu, Mars; -Nivit-Anu, Mercury. The Ninevite savants borrowed their astronomical -knowledge from the Chaldeans; they made use of the calendar as it was -transmitted to them, and as such it has been used by all nations from -the remotest times up to the present day. - -The Assyrian year was composed of twelve lunar months. It began with -the new moon preceding the vernal equinox. A well-known tablet thus -fixes the day of the equinoxes: “At the sixth day of the month of Nisan -(March) the days and nights are equal (and comprise), six kashbu for -the day and six kashbu for the night. May Nabu and Marduk be propitious -to the King, my Lord.” - -To correct the error resulting from the difference between the lunar -and solar year, a supplementary month was intercalated, the length of -which necessarily varied with circumstances. The Ninevite tablets offer -us calendars arranged in conformity with the different exigencies of -life. Some are purely scientific, and show us the divisions of the year -into days, months, and seasons. Others are formed to meet the needs of -religion, and tell us, by the day, the feasts consecrated to divinities -invoked or honoured by special ceremonies. Others seem to take current -superstitions into account; thus days are marked by a particular -sign, according as they are considered propitious or disastrous. We -see tables constructed to indicate the influence of the stars on each -day of the year, with a mention of appropriate prayers, to propitiate -favourable auguries and ward off those which are fatal. - -The importance of these last documents must not be exaggerated; they -are related to superstitions common to all ages and lands; and, in the -ancient East, as everywhere else, these beliefs merely represent one of -the most curious, but the least interesting phases of the aberrations -of the human mind.[g] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[33] [This probably means that the father had been called to a high -office.] - -[34] [This is a letter from King Ammidatitana, the king who was third -from the end of the first Babylonian dynasty. It is an example of the -usual style of a royal letter.] - -[35] For a description of these monuments and the history of their -discovery, as well as for the conclusions which are to be drawn from -them for the history of art in Mesopotamia, the reader is referred -to De Sarsac’s album of reproductions [l’Art Chaldéen], also to L. -Heerzey, _Les fouilles de Chaldée_ in the _Revue Archæologique_, 1881, -new series, vol. xlii, p. 56 ff. and 257. - -[36] Here of course only architecture and sculpture in general are -intended, without denying that the Semites, also those of Babylonia -and Assyria have accomplished original things in single cases, in -execution, and in certain genres, as, for example, in the reproduction -of animal forms. - - - - -[Illustration: BABYLONIAN KING LION HUNTING] - - - - -APPENDIX A. CLASSICAL TRADITIONS - - Such is the fate of empire: Asshur rose - Where elder thrones and prouder warriors stood; - Before the Memphian priest his precepts chose, - Men reasoned greatly of the highest good; - Before Troy was, or Xanthus rolled in blood, - Armies were ranged in battles’ dread array: - They fought--their glory withered in its bud; - They perished--with them ceased their tyrants’ sway; - New wars, new heroes came--their story passed away.--JAMES GATES - PERCIVAL. - - -It is a curious paradox that our knowledge of this oldest civilisation -should be the very newest and most novel record with which present-day -history has to deal. The Chaldeans, Assyrians, and Babylonians, of -whose accomplishments we speak so confidently to-day, lived out their -national life, and vanished from the earth, as nations, mostly before -civilisation had its dawning in Europe; and for two thousand years they -were but a reminiscence. - -It was reserved for nineteenth century investigators literally to -dig from the earth their lost records, and to read the secrets of -their forgotten history. Marvellous secrets they were, as we shall -see; but before we turn to them, it will be of interest to recall -the reminiscences that did service as the history of these wonderful -peoples for so many centuries. In a few extracts we may set forth -the substance of all that the world remembered of that marvellous -civilisation from the days of Herodotus and Diodorus till the middle -of the nineteenth century. A mixture of fact and fable, it still has -absorbing interest, the more so that we may now compare it with the -surer records brought to light in our own time. Aside from their -intrinsic interest, the classical records have, in this regard, a -unique importance. - -As to the precise classical authorities in question, we have already -become acquainted with Diodorus and Ælianus in the earlier portion -of this work. Another author we shall now have occasion to quote is -Berosus. As to this author and the exact status of his work, we cannot -do better than quote the following critical estimate from the _Babylone -et la Chaldée_ of Joachim Menant. - -“Berosus came of a priestly family and was born in Babylon, about -330 B.C. He himself is authority for the information that he was a -contemporary of Alexander the Great. According to Tatian, he is the -most learned of all Asiatic historians. He was deeply versed in the -ancient traditions of his country and taught them to the Greeks, -through whom they have come down to us. Vitruvius informs us that he -left Babylon and went to live on the island of Cos, where he opened -a school of astrology. He invented, or at least introduced among the -Greeks, a particular kind of time-keeping. There still exist fragments -of astrological works to which Berosus has attached his name, and -owing to the special interests of the writers who have borrowed from -his works, the fame of the astrologer perhaps outshines that of the -historian. Pliny (VII. 37) declares that the Athenians erected a -golden-tongued statue to him in the Gymnasium, on account of his -wonderful predictions. - -“He wrote in Greek, about 280 B.C., a history of ancient Chaldea and -dedicated it to Antiochus Soter. The work consisted of three volumes, -of which we possess now but a few excerpts preserved in the chronicles -of several historiographers who have lived at different periods and -whom it may be well to mention. First of all there is Flavius Josephus, -the great historian of the Jews, born at Jerusalem 33 A.D.; then there -are St. Clement, the Alexandrian catechist (born early in the second -century A.D., died 217), Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea (author of the -_Symbol of Nice_, who lived from 267 to 338), and finally, George -Syncellus (so called from the office he filled under the Bishop of -Constantinople, and who died about the year 800). These writers took -from Berosus only just what was needed for their purposes, and none -in fact seems to have been personally acquainted with the work of the -learned Chaldean. - -“For instance, Syncellus, whose writings show marks of haste and are -by no means free from error, borrows his quotations from Eusebius, -whom he often pretends to correct. Eusebius seems to be indebted to -Julius Africanus, who wrote in the third century of our era, and the -latter in turn mentions his obligation to Alexander Polyhistor, who -flourished twenty-five years before Christ. Now Polyhistor takes his -references from Apollodorus, who lived some years before. Josephus in -all probability used Alexander Polyhistor as his source, although he -does not say so. Clement of Alexandria had at his elbow the works of -King Juba of Mauritania, who reigned about 30 B.C., and who seems to -have taken his material, unfortunately too limited in amount, from the -very works of Berosus, in whom he placed the utmost confidence. - -“One thing is certain, the original text of Berosus in passing through -so many hands and suffering condensation and mutilation must have been -considerably altered. - -“Berosus had free access to those famous clay-tablet libraries which -Pliny describes and whose importance modern research has revealed. As -at Nineveh, there were at Babylon, Borsippa, Orchoë [Erech], and in -the large cities of Chaldea, archives which contained the national -traditions to which the Chaldean priest was obliged to resort. - -“In the days of Berosus the writings in these archives were understood -not only in Babylon, but throughout western Asia. The Assyrio-Chaldean -language was still written in cuneiform characters till the time of -the Seleucidæ and even during the first century B.C. Berosus was thus -enabled to consult these precious sources, and we know that he went -to them. Already in the priceless débris of these curious archives, -fragments in corroboration of Berosus have been discovered, and these -acquisitions only make us regret the more what is irrevocably lost.” - -We shall now take up some of the portions of Berosus’ history -transcribed by later historiographers.[a] - - -THE CREATION AND THE FLOOD, DESCRIBED BY POLYHISTOR - -Berosus, in the first book of his history of Babylonia, informs us -that he lived in the age of Alexander, the son of Philip. And he -mentions that there were written accounts, preserved at Babylon with -the greatest care, comprehending a period of about fifteen myriads -of years; and that these writings contained histories of the heavens -and of the sea; of the birth of mankind; and of the kings, and of the -memorable actions which they had achieved. - -And in the first place he describes Babylonia as a country situated -between the Tigris and the Euphrates; that it abounded with wheat and -barley, and ocrus, and sesame; and that in the lakes were produced -the roots called gongæ, which are fit for food, and in respect for -nutriment similar to barley. That there were also palm trees and -apples, and a variety of fruits; fish also and birds, both those which -are merely of flight, and those which frequent the lakes. He adds, that -those parts of the country which bordered upon Arabia were without -water and barren; but that the parts which lay on the other side were -both hilly and fertile. - -[Illustration: ASSYRIAN BOAT - -(From the Monuments)] - -At Babylon there was (in these times) a great resort of people of -various nations, who inhabited Chaldea, and lived in a lawless manner, -like the beasts of the field. - -In the first year there appeared from that part of the Erythræan Sea -[the Persian Gulf] which borders upon Babylonia, an animal destitute -of reason, by name Oannes [perhaps the same as Anu], whose whole body -(according to the account of Apollodorus) was that of a fish; that -under the fish’s head he had another head, with feet also below, -similar to those of a man, subjoined to the fish’s tail. His voice, -too, and language, was articulate and human; and a representation of -him is preserved even to this day. - -This Being was accustomed to pass the day among men; but took no food -at that season; and he gave them an insight into letters and sciences, -and arts of every kind. He taught them to construct cities, to found -temples, to compile laws, and explained to them the principles of -geometrical knowledge. He made them distinguish the seeds of the earth, -and showed them how to collect the fruits; in short he instructed -them in everything which could tend to soften manners and humanise -their lives. From that time nothing material has been added by way of -improvement to his instructions. And when the sun had set, this Being, -Oannes, retired again into the sea, and passed the night in the deep; -for he was amphibious. After this there appeared other animals like -Oannes, of which Berosus proposes to give an account when he comes -to the history of the kings. Moreover, Oannes wrote concerning the -generation of mankind, and of their civil policy; and the following is -the purport of what he said: - -“There was a time in which there existed nothing but darkness and -an abyss of waters, wherein resided most hideous beings, which were -produced of a twofold principle. There appeared men, some of whom -were furnished with two wings, others with four, and with two faces. -They had one body but two heads: the one that of a man, the other of -a woman; likewise in their several organs, they were both male and -female. Other human figures were to be seen with the legs and horns of -goats; some had horses’ feet; while others united the hind quarters of -a horse with the body of a man, resembling in shape the hippocentaurs. -Bulls likewise were bred there with the heads of men; and dogs with -fourfold bodies, terminated in their extremities with the tails of -fishes. In short, there were creatures in which were combined the limbs -of every species of animal. In addition to these, fishes, reptiles, -serpents, with other monstrous animals, which assumed each other’s -shape and countenance. Of all which were preserved delineations in the -temple of Belus at Babylon. - -“The person who was believed to have presided over them, was a woman -named Omoroca [a Greek form of the Aramaic word ’Amqia, “the ocean”]; -which in the Chaldean language is Thalath; in Greek, Thalassa, the -sea; but which might equally be interpreted the Moon. All things being -in this situation, Belus came, and cut the woman asunder: and of one -half of her he formed the earth, and of the other half the heavens; -and at the same time destroyed the animals within her. All this (he -says) was an allegorical description of nature. For, the whole universe -consisting of moisture, and animals being continually generated -therein, the deity above mentioned took off his own head: upon which -the other gods mixed the blood, as it gushed out, with the earth; -and from thence were formed men. On this account it is that they are -rational, and partake of divine knowledge. - -“This Belus, by whom they signify Jupiter, divided the darkness, and -separated the Heavens from the Earth, and reduced the universe to -order. But the animals, not being able to bear the prevalence of light, -died. Belus, upon this, seeing a vast space unoccupied, though by -nature fruitful, commanded one of the gods to take off his head, and -to mix the blood with the earth; and from thence to form other men and -animals, which should be capable of bearing the air. Belus formed also -the stars, and the sun, and the moon, and the five planets.” - -(Such, according to Alexander Polyhistor, is the account which Berosus -gives in his first book. In the second book was contained the history -of the ten kings of the Chaldeans, and the periods of the continuance -of each reign, which consisted collectively of 120 sars, or 432,000 -years; reaching to the time of the Deluge. For Alexander, enumerating -the kings from the writings of the Chaldeans, after Ardates the IXth, -proceeds to the Xth, who is called by them Xisuthrus, in this manner:) - -After the death of Ardates, his son Xisuthrus reigned 18 sars. In his -time happened a great Deluge; the history of which is thus described. -The Deity, Cronus, appeared to him in a vision, and warned him that -upon the fifteenth day of the month Dæsius [or Dæsia, _i.e._ May and -June] there would be a flood, by which mankind would be destroyed. He -therefore enjoined him to write a history of the beginning, procedure, -and conclusion of all things; and bury it in the city of the Sun at -Sippara; and to build a vessel, and to take with him into it his -friends and relations; and to convey on board everything necessary to -sustain life, together with all the different animals, both birds and -quadrupeds, and trust himself fearlessly to the deep. Having asked the -Deity, whither he was to sail, he was answered, “To the Gods”: upon -which he offered up a prayer for the good of mankind. He then obeyed -the divine admonition: and built a vessel five stadia in length and two -in breadth. Into this he put everything which he had prepared; and last -of all conveyed into it his wife, his children, and his friends. - -After the flood had been upon the earth, and was in time abated, -Xisuthrus sent out birds from the vessel, which, not finding any food, -nor any place whereupon they might rest their feet, returned to him -again. After an interval of some days he sent them forth a second time; -and they now returned with their feet tinged with mud. He made a trial -a third time with these birds; but they returned to him no more: from -whence he judged that the surface of the earth had appeared above the -waters. He therefore made an opening in the vessel, and upon looking -out found that it was stranded upon the side of some mountain; upon -which he immediately quitted it with his wife, his daughter, and the -pilot. Xisuthrus then paid his adoration to the earth: and having -constructed an altar, offered sacrifices to the gods, and, with those -who had come out of the vessel with him, disappeared. - -They who remained within, finding that their companions did not return, -quitted the vessel with many lamentations, and called continually on -the name of Xisuthrus. Him they saw no more; but they could distinguish -his voice in the air, and could hear him admonish them to pay due -regard to religion; and likewise informed them that it was on account -of his piety that he was translated to live with the gods; that his -wife and daughter, and the pilot, had obtained the same honour. To -this he added, that they should return to Babylonia; and, as it was -ordained, search for the writings at Sippara, which they were to make -known to all mankind: moreover, that the place wherein they then were, -was the land of Armenia [in the Hebrew, Ararat]. The rest having heard -these words, offered sacrifices to the gods; and, taking a circuit, -journeyed towards Babylonia. - -The vessel being thus stranded in Armenia, some part of it yet remains -in the Corcyræan [or Gordyæan] Mountains of Armenia; and the people -scrape off the bitumen, with which it had been outwardly coated, and -make use of it by way of an alexipharmic and amulet. And when they -returned to Babylon, and had found the writings at Sippara, they built -cities, and erected temples: and Babylon was thus inhabited again. - - -OTHER CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS - -_Of the Chaldean Kings_ - -This is the history which Berosus has transmitted to us. He tells -us that the first king was Alorus [or Ur, the Babylonian deity] of -Babylon, a Chaldean: he reigned ten sars: and afterwards Alaparus, and -Amelon, who came from Pantibiblon [Greek form of Sippara]: then Ammenon -the Chaldean, in whose time appeared the Musarus Oannes, the Annedotus -from the Erythræan Sea. (But Alexander Polyhistor, anticipating the -event, has said that he appeared in the first year; but Apollodorus -says that it was after forty sars; Abydenus, however, makes the second -Annedotus appear after twenty-six sars.) Then succeeded Megalarus from -the city of Pantibiblon; and he reigned eighteen sars: and after him -Daonus, the shepherd from Pantibiblon, reigned ten sars; in his time -(he says) appeared again from the Erythræan Sea a fourth Annedotus, -having the same form with those above, the shape of a fish blended with -that of a man. Then reigned Euedorachus, from Pantibiblon, for the term -of eighteen sars; in his days there appeared another personage from the -Erythræan Sea like the former, having the same complicated form between -a fish and a man, whose name was Odacon. (All these, says Apollodorus, -related particularly and circumstantially whatever Oannes had informed -them of: concerning these, Abydenus has made no mention.) Then reigned -Amempsinus, a Chaldean from Laranchæ [or Larissa]; and he, being the -eighth in order, reigned ten sars. Then reigned Otiartes, a Chaldean, -from Laranchæ; and he reigned eight sars. And upon the death of -Otiartes, his son Xisuthrus reigned eighteen sars: in his time happened -the great Deluge. So that the sum of all the kings is ten; and the term -which they collectively reigned was a hundred and twenty sars. [From -Eusebius.] - - -_Of the Chaldean Kings and the Deluge_ - -So much concerning the wisdom of the Chaldeans. - -It is said that the first king of the country was Alorus, and that he -gave out a report that God had appointed him to be the Shepherd of the -people: he reigned ten sars: now a sar is esteemed to be three thousand -six hundred years; a ner six hundred; and a sos sixty. - -After him Alaparus reigned three sars: to him succeeded Amillarus from -the city of Pantibiblon, who reigned thirteen sars: in his time came up -from the sea a second Annedotus, a semi-demon very similar in his form -to Oannes: after Amillarus reigned Ammenon twelve sars, who was of the -city of Pantibiblon: then Megalarus of the same place reigned eighteen -sars: then Daos, the shepherd, governed for the space of ten sars, he -was of Pantibiblon [Sippara]; in his time four double-shaped personages -came up out of the sea to land, whose names were Euedocus, Eneugamus, -Eneuboulus, and Anementus: afterwards in the time of Euedoreschus -appeared another Anodaphus. After these reigned other kings, and, -last of all, Sisithrus [Xisuthrus]: so that in the whole the number -amounted to ten kings, and the term of their reigns to an hundred and -twenty sars. (And, among other things not irrelative to the subject, he -continues thus concerning the Deluge): After Euedorechus some others -reigned and then Sisithrus. To him the deity Cronus foretold that on -the fifteenth day of the month Dæsius there would be a deluge of rain: -and he commanded him to deposit all the writings whatever which were in -his possession in the city of the Sun in Sippara. Sisithrus, when he -had complied with these commands, sailed immediately to Armenia, and -was presently inspired by God. Upon the third day after the cessation -of the rain Sisithrus sent out birds, by way of experiment, that he -might judge whether the flood had subsided. But the birds, passing over -an unbounded sea, without finding any place of rest, returned again to -Sisithrus. This he repeated with other birds. And when upon the third -trial he succeeded, for the birds then returned with their feet stained -with mud, the gods translated him from among men. With respect to the -vessel, which yet remains in Armenia, it is a custom of the inhabitants -to form bracelets and amulets of its wood. [From Eusebius.] - - -_Of the Tower of Babel_ - -They say that the first inhabitants of the earth, glorying in their -own strength and size, and despising the gods, undertook to raise a -tower whose top should reach the sky in the place in which Babylon now -stands: but when it approached the heaven, the winds assisted the gods, -and overthrew the work upon its contrivers: and its ruins are said to -be at Babylon: and the gods introduced a diversity of tongues among -men, who till that time had all spoken the same language: and a war -arose between Cronus and Titan. The place in which they built the tower -is now called Babylon, on account of the confusion of the tongues; for -confusion is by the Hebrews called Babel.[37] [From Eusebius.] - - -_Of Abraham [?]_ - -After the Deluge, in the tenth generation, was a certain man among the -Chaldeans renowned for his justice and great exploits, and for his -skill in the celestial sciences. [From Eusebius.] - - -_Of Nabonassar_ - -From the reign of Nabonassar only are the Chaldeans (from whom the -Greek mathematicians copy) accurately acquainted with the heavenly -motions: for Nabonassar collected all the mementos of the kings prior -to himself, and destroyed them, that the enumeration of the Chaldean -kings might commence with him. [From Syncellus.] - - -_Of the Destruction of the Jewish Temple_ - -He (Nabopolassar) sent his son Nebuchadrezzar with a great army against -Egypt, and against Judea, upon his being informed that they had -revolted from him; and by that means he subdued them all, and set fire -to the temple that was at Jerusalem; and removed our people entirely -out of their own country, and transferred them to Babylon, and our city -remained in a state of desolation during the interval of seventy years, -until the days of Cyrus, king of Persia. (He then says, that) this -Babylonian king conquered Egypt, and Syria, and Phœnicia, and Arabia, -and exceeded in his exploits all that had reigned before him in Babylon -and Chaldea. [From Josephus.] - - -_Of Nebuchadrezzar_ - -When Nabopolassar, his (Nebuchadrezzar’s) father, heard that the -governor, whom he had set over Egypt and the provinces of Cœle-Syria -and Phœnicia, had revolted, he was determined to punish his -delinquencies, and for that purpose entrusted part of his army to his -son Nebuchadrezzar, who was then of mature age, and sent him forth -against the rebel: and Nebuchadrezzar engaged and overcame him, and -reduced the country again under his dominion. And it came to pass that -his father, Nabopolassar, was seized with a disorder which proved -fatal, and he died in the city of Babylon, after he had reigned nine -and twenty years. - -Nebuchadrezzar, as soon as he had received intelligence of his father’s -death, set in order the affairs of Egypt and the other countries, and -committed to some of his faithful officers the captives he had taken -from the Jews, and Phœnicians, and Syrians, and the nations belonging -to Egypt, that they might conduct them with that part of the forces -which had heavy armour, together with the rest of his baggage, to -Babylonia: in the meantime with a few attendants he hastily crossed -the desert to Babylon. When he arrived there he found that his affairs -had been faithfully conducted by the Chaldeans, and that the principal -person among them had preserved the kingdom for him: and he accordingly -obtained possession of all his father’s dominions. And he distributed -the captives in colonies in the most proper places in Babylonia: and -adorned the temple of Belus, and the other temples, in a sumptuous -and pious manner, out of the spoils which he had taken in this war. -He also rebuilt the old city, and added another to it on the outside, -and so far completed Babylon that none who might besiege it afterwards -should have it in their power to divert the river so as to facilitate -an entrance into it: and he effected this by building three walls -about the inner city, and three about the outer. Some of these walls -he built of burnt brick and bitumen, and some of brick only. When he -had thus admirably fortified the city, and had magnificently adorned -the gates, he added also a new palace to those in which his forefathers -had dwelt, adjoining them, but exceeding them in height and splendour. -Any attempt to describe it would be tedious: yet notwithstanding its -prodigious size and magnificence, it was finished within fifteen days. -In this palace he erected very high walks, supported by stone pillars; -and by planting what was called a pensile paradise, and replenishing it -with all sorts of trees, he rendered the prospect an exact resemblance -of a mountainous country. This he did to gratify his queen [Amytis], -because she had been brought up in Media, and was fond of a mountainous -situation. [From Josephus.] - - -_Of the Chaldean Kings after Nebuchadrezzar_ - -Nebuchadrezzar, whilst he was engaged in building the above-mentioned -wall, fell sick, and died after he had reigned forty-three years; -whereupon his son Evil-merodachus succeeded him in his kingdom. His -government, however, was conducted in an illegal and improper manner, -and he fell a victim to a conspiracy which was formed against his life -by Neriglissorus, his sister’s husband, after he had reigned about two -years. - -Upon his death Neriglissorus, the chief of the conspirators, obtained -possession of the kingdom, and reigned four years. - -He was succeeded by his son Labarosoarchodus [Labashi-Marduk], who was -but a child, and reigned nine months; for his misconduct he was seized -by conspirators, and put to death by torture. - -After his death, the conspirators assembled, and by common consent -placed the crown upon the head of Nabonidus, a man of Babylon, and -one of the leaders of the insurrection. It was in this reign that the -walls of the city of Babylon which defend the banks of the river were -curiously built with burnt brick and bitumen. - -In the seventeenth year of the reign of Nabonidus, Cyrus came out of -Persia with a great army, and, having conquered all the rest of Asia, -advanced hastily into the country of Babylonia. As soon as Nabonidus -perceived he was advancing to attack him, he assembled his forces and -opposed him, but was defeated, and fled with a few of his adherents, -and was shut up in the city of Borsippus. Upon this Cyrus took -Babylon, and gave orders that the outer walls should be demolished, -because the city appeared of such strength as to render a siege -almost impracticable. From thence he marched to Borsippus to besiege -Nabonidus; but Nabonidus delivered himself into his hands without -holding out the place: he was therefore kindly treated by Cyrus, who -provided him with an establishment in Carmania, but sent him out of -Babylonia. Nabonidus accordingly spent the remainder of his life in -that country, where he died. [From Josephus.[38]] - - -_Of the Feast of Sacea_ - -Berosus, in the first book of his Babylonian history, says: That in the -eleventh month, called Loos [July], is celebrated in Babylon the feast -of Sacea for five days, in which it is the custom that the masters -should obey their domestics, one of whom is led round the house, -clothed in a royal garment, and him they call Zoganes. [From Athenæus.] - - -_A Fragment of Megasthenes Concerning Nebuchadrezzar_ - -Abydenus, in his history of the Assyrians, has preserved the -following fragment of Megasthenes, who says: That Nabucodrosorus -[Nebuchadrezzar], having become more powerful than Hercules, invaded -Libya and Iberia [Spain], and when he had rendered them tributary, he -extended his conquests over the inhabitants of the shores upon the -right of the sea. It is, moreover, related by the Chaldeans that as he -went up into his palace he was possessed by some god; and he cried out -and said: - -“Oh! Babylonians, I, Nabucodrosorus, foretell unto you a calamity which -must shortly come to pass, which neither Belus, my ancestor, nor his -queen Beltis, have power to persuade the Fates to turn away. A Persian -mule shall come, and by the assistance of your gods shall impose upon -you the yoke of slavery; the author of which shall be a Mede, the -vainglory of Assyria. Before he should thus betray my subjects, O! that -some sea or whirlpool might receive him, and his memory be blotted out -forever; or that he might be cast out to wander through some desert -where there are neither cities nor the trace of men, a solitary exile -among rocks and caverns, where beasts and birds alone abide. But for -me, before he shall have conceived these mischiefs in his mind a -happier end will be provided.” - -When he had thus prophesied, he expired, and was succeeded by his -son Evilmaruchus [Evil-merodach], who was slain by his kinsman -Neriglisares; and Neriglisares left Labassoarascus his son; and when -he also had suffered death by violence, they crowned Nabannidochus -[Nabonidus], who had no connection with the royal family; and in his -reign Cyrus took Babylon, and granted him a principality in Carmania. - -And concerning the rebuilding of Babylon by Nabuchodonosor, he -[Megasthenes] writes thus: It is said that from the beginning all -things were water, called the sea; that Belus caused this state of -things to cease, and appointed to each its proper place; and he -surrounded Babylon with a wall; but in process of time this wall -disappeared; and Nabuchodonosor walled it in again, and it remained -so with its brazen gates until the time of the Macedonian conquest. -And after other things he [Megasthenes] says: Nabuchodonosor having -succeeded to the kingdom, built the walls of Babylon in a triple -circuit in fifteen days; and he turned the river Armacale, a branch -of the Euphrates, and the Acracanus; and above the city of Sippara he -dug a receptacle for the waters, whose perimeter was forty parasangs -and whose depth was twenty cubits; and he placed gates at the entrance -thereof, by opening which they irrigated the plains, and these they -called echetognomones (sluices); and he constructed dikes against the -eruptions of the Erythræan Sea, and built the city of Teredon to check -the incursions of the Arabs; and he adorned the palaces with trees, -calling them hanging gardens. [From Abydenus.][b] - - -NINUS AND SEMIRAMIS - -The reader, having already passed in review the chief events of -Mesopotamian history, is aware that the modern historian knows -nothing of a King Ninus, or of any warlike female ruler of Assyria. -Nevertheless this story of Diodorus--the only long account of Assyrian -affairs that has come down to us from antiquity--has true historical -value, as showing the manner of tradition that may be woven about the -half-remembered facts of history. The account has interest for yet -another reason: it is a record that passed current as the authentic -history of Assyria for some eighteen hundred years--from classical -times till after the middle of the nineteenth century.[a] - -Asia was anciently govern’d, says Diodorus, by its own Native Kings, of -whom there’s no History extant, either as to any memorable Actions they -perform’d, or so much as to their Names. - -Ninus is the First King of Assyria that is recorded in History; he -perform’d many great and noble Actions; of whom we have design’d to set -forth something particularly. - -He was naturally of a Warlike Disposition, and very ambitious of Honour -and Glory, and therefore caus’d the strongest of his Young Men to be -train’d up in Martial Discipline, and by long and continual Exercise -inur’d them readily to undergo all the Toyls and Hazards of War. - -Having therefore rais’d a gallant Army, he made a League with Arieus -King of Arabia, that was at that time full of strong and valiant Men. -For that Nation are constant Lovers of Liberty, never upon any Terms -admitting of any Foreign Prince: And therefore neither the Persian, nor -the Macedonian Kings after them, (though they were most powerful in -Arms) were ever able to conquer them. For Arabia being partly Desert, -and partly parcht up for want of Water (unless it be in some secret -Wells and Pits known only to the Inhabitants) cannot be subdu’d by any -Foreign Force. - -Ninus therefore, the Assyrian King, with the Prince of Arabia his -Assistant, with a numerous Army, invaded the Babylonians, then next -bordering upon him: For the Babylon that is now, was not built at -that time; but the Province of Babylon had in it then many other -considerable Cities, whose Inhabitants he easily subdu’d, (being -rude and unexpert in Matters of War,) and impos’d upon them a Yearly -Tribute; but carried away the King with all his Children Prisoners, and -after put them to Death. Afterwards he entered Armenia with a great -Army, and having overthrown some Cities, he struck Terror into the -rest, and thereupon their King Barzanus seeing himself unable to deal -with him, met him with many rich Presents, and submitted himself; whom -Ninus out of his generous disposition, courteously receiv’d, and gave -him the Kingdom of Armenia, upon condition he should be his Friend for -the future, and supply him with Men and Provision for his Wars as he -should have occasion. - -Being thus strengthen’d, he invaded Media, whose King Pharnus coming -out against him with a mighty Army, was utterly routed, and lost most -of his Men, and was taken Prisoner with his Wife and Seven Children, -and afterwards Crucified. - -Ninus being thus successful and prosperous, his Ambition rose the -higher, and his desire most ardent to conquer all in Asia, which lay -between Tanais and Nile; (so far does Prosperity and Excess in getting -much, inflame the Desire to gain and compass more). In order hereunto, -he made one of his Friends Governor of the Province of Media, and he -himself in the meantime marcht against the other Provinces of Asia, -and subdu’d them all in Seventeen Years time, except the Indians -and Bactrians. But no Writer has given any Account of the several -Battels he fought, nor of the number of those Nations he conquer’d; -and therefore following Ctesias the Cnidian, we shall only briefly -run over the most famous and considerable Countries. He over-ran all -the Countries bordering upon the Sea, together with the adjoining -Continent, as Egypt and Phenicia, Celo-Syria, Cilicia, Pamphylia, -Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia, and Lydia; the Province of Troas and -Phrygia upon the Hellespont, together with Propontis, Bithynia, -Cappadocia, and the Barbarous Nations adjoyning upon Pontus, as far -as to Tanais; he gain’d likewise the Country of the Caddusians, -Tarpyrians, Hyrcanians, Dacians, Derbians, Carmanians, Choroneans, -Borchanians, and Parthians. He pierc’d likewise into Persia, the -Provinces of Susiana, and that call’d Caspiana, through those narrow -Straits, which from thence are call’d the Caspian Gates. He subdu’d -likewise many other less considerable Nations, which would be too -tedious here to recount. After much toyl and labour in vain, because -of the difficulty of the Passes, and the multitude of those Warlike -Inhabitants, he was forc’d to put off his War against the Bactrians to -another opportunity. - -Having marcht back with his Army into Syria, he markt out a Place for -the building of a stately City: For in as much as he had surpast all -his Ancestors in the glory and success of his Arms, he was resolv’d to -build one of that state and grandeur as should not only be the greatest -then in the World, but such as none that ever should come after him -should be able easily to exceed. - -The King of Arabia he sent back with his Army into his own Country, -with many rich Spoils, and noble Gifts. And he himself having got a -great number of his Forces together, and provided Mony and Treasure, -and other things necessary for the purpose, built a City near the River -Euphrates, very famous for its Walls and Fortifications; of a long -Form; for on both sides it ran out in length above an Hundred and Fifty -Furlongs; but the Two lesser Angles were only Ninety Furlongs apiece; -so that the Circumference of the whole was Four Hundred and Fourscore -Furlongs. And the Founder was not herein deceived, for none ever after -built the like, either as to the largeness of its Circumference, or the -stateliness of its Walls. For the Wall was an Hundred Foot in Height, -and so broad as Three Chariots might be driven together upon it in -breast: There were Fifteen Hundred Turrets upon the Walls, each of them -Two Hundred Foot high. He appointed the City to be inhabited chiefly by -the richest Assyrians, and gave liberty to People of any other Nation -(to as many as would) to dwell there, and allow’d to the Citizens a -large Territory next adjoining to them, and call’d the City after his -own Name, Ninus. - -When he had finish’d his Work here, he marcht with an Army against the -Bactrians, where he marry’d Semiramis; who being so famous above any -of her Sex (as in History it is related) we cannot but say something of -her here in this Place, being one advanc’d from so low a Fortune, to -such a state and degree of Honour and Worldly Glory. - -There’s a City in Syria, call’d Ascalon, near which is a deep Lake -abounding with Fish, where not far off stands a Temple dedicated to a -famous Goddess call’d by the Syrians Derceto [Dagon], she represents a -Woman in her Face, and a Fish in all other parts of her Body, upon the -account following, as the most Judicious among the Inhabitants report; -for they say, that Venus being angry at this Goddess, caus’d her to -fall into a vehement pang of Love with a beautiful Young Man, who was -among others sacrificing to her, and was got with Child by him, and -brought to Bed of a Daughter; and being asham’d afterwards of what she -had done, she kill’d the Young Man, and expos’d the Child among Rocks -in the Desert, and through Sorrow and Shame cast her self into the -Lake, and was afterwards transform’d into a Fish; whence it came to -pass, that at this very Day the Syrians eat no Fish, but adore them as -Gods. They say that the Infant that was expos’d, was both preserv’d and -nourish’d by a most wonderful Providence, by the means of a great Flock -of Pigeons that nestled near to the Place where the Child lay; for with -their Wings they cherish’t it, and kept it warm; and observing where -the Herdsmen and other Shepherds left their Milk in the Neighbouring -Cottages, took it up in their Bills, and as so many Nurses thrust their -Beaks between the Infants Lips, and so instil’d the Milk: And when the -Child was a Year old, and stood in need of stronger Nourishment, the -Pigeons fed it with pieces of Cheese which they pickt out from the -rest: When the Shepherds return’d, and found their Cheeses pickt round, -they wondred (at first) at the thing; but observing afterward how it -came to pass, they not only found out the cause, but likewise a very -beautiful Child, which they forthwith carry’d away to their Cottages, -and made a Present of it to the King’s Superintendent of his Flocks -and Herds (whose Name was Simma) who (having no Children of his own) -carefully bred up the Young Lady as if she had been his own Daughter, -and call’d her Semiramis, a denomination in the Syrian Language deriv’d -from Pigeons, which the Syrians ever after ador’d for Goddesses. And -these are the Stories told of Semiramis. - -Being now grown up, and exceeding all others of her Sex for the Charms -of her Beauty, one of the King’s great Officers, call’d Menon, was -sent to take an account of the King’s Herds and Flocks: This Man was -Lord President of the King’s Council, and chief Governor of Syria, and -lodging upon this occasion at Simma’s House, at the sight of Semiramis, -fell in love with her, and with much intreaty obtain’d her from Simma, -and carried her away with him to Nineve, where he Marry’d her, and had -by her two Sons, Hypates and Hydaspes: And being a Woman of admirable -Parts as well as Beauty, her Husband was altogether at her Devotion, -and never would do any thing without her Advice, which was ever -successful. - -About this time Ninus having finish’d his City (call’d after his own -Name), prepar’d for his Expedition against the Bactrians; and having -had experience of the greatness of their Forces, the valour of their -Souldiers, and the difficulties of passing into their Country, he -rais’d an Army of the choicest Men he could pick out from all Parts of -his Dominions; for because he was baffl’d in his former Expedition, -he was resolv’d to invade Bactria with a far stronger Army than he -did before. Bringing therefore his whole Army together at a General -Randezvouz, there were numbred (as Ctesias writes) Seventeen Hundred -Thousand Foot, above Two Hundred and Ten Thousand Horse, and no fewer -than Ten Thousand and Six Hundred Hooked Chariots. This number at -the first view seems to be very incredible; but to such as seriously -consider the largeness and populousness of Asia, it cannot be judg’d -impossible. For if any (not to say any thing of the Eight Hundred -Thousand Men that Darius had with him in his Expedition against the -Scythians, and the innumerable Army Xerxes brought over with him -into Greece) will but take notice of things done lately, even as of -Yesterday, he’l more easily credit what we now say. For in Sicily -Dionysius led only out of that one City of Syracuse, an Hundred and -Twenty Thousand Foot, and Twelve Thousand Horse; and lancht out of one -Port, a Navy of Four Hundred Sail, of which some were of Three Tyre -of Oars, and others of Five: And the Romans a little before the Times -of Hannibal, rais’d in Italy of their own Citizens and Confederates, -an Army little less than a Million of Fighting Men; and yet all Italy -is not to be compar’d with one Province of Asia for number of Men. -But this may sufficiently convince them that compute the ancient -Populousness of the Countries by the present depopulations of the -Cities at this day. - -Ninus therefore marching with these Forces against the Bactrians, -divided his Army into Two Bodies, because of the straitness and -difficulty of the Passages. There are in Bactria many large and -populous Cities, but one is more especially Famous, call’d Bactria, -in which the King’s Palace, for greatness and magnificence, and the -Citadel for strength, far excel all the rest. - -Oxyartes reign’d there at this time, who caus’d all that were able, -to bear Arms, and muster’d an Army of Four Hundred Thousand Men. With -these he met the Enemy at the Straights, entering into his Country, -where he suffered Ninus to enter with part of his Army: When he saw -a competent number enter’d, he fell upon them in the open Plain, and -fought them with that resolution, that the Bactrians put the Assyrians -to flight, and pursuing them to the next Mountains, kill’d a Hundred -Thousand of their Enemies; but after the whole Army enter’d, the -Bactrians were overpower’d by number, and were broken, and all fled to -their several Cities, in order to defend every one his own Country. -Ninus easily subdu’d all the rest of the Forts and Castles; but Bactria -itself was so strong and well provided, that he could not force it; -which occasion’d a long and tedious Siege, so that the Husband of -Semiramis (who was there in the King’s Camp) being Love-sick, impatient -of being any longer without his wife, sent for her, who being both -discreet and couragious, and endowed with other noble Qualifications, -readily imbrac’d the opportunity of shewing to the World her own -natural Valour and Resolution; and that she might with more safety -perform so long a Journey, she put on such a Garment as whereby she -could not be discern’d whether she were a Man or a Woman; and so made, -that by it she both preserv’d her Beauty from being scorcht by the heat -in her Journey, and likewise was thereby more nimble and ready for -any business she pleas’d to undertake, being of her self a youthful -and sprightly Lady; and this sort of Garment was in so high esteem, -that the Medes afterwards when they came to be Lords of Asia, wore -Semiramis’s Gown, and the Persians likewise after them. - -As soon as she came to Bactria, and observ’d the manner of the Siege, -how Assaults were made only in open and plain Places most likely to -be enter’d, and that none dar’d to approach the Cittadel, because of -its natural Strength and Fortification, and that they within took more -care to defend the lower and weaker parts of the Walls, than the Castle -where they neglected their Guards, she took some with her that were -skilful in climbing up the Rocks, and with them with much Toyl, pass’d -over a deep Trench, and possess’d her self of part of the Castle; -whereupon she gave a Signal to them that were assaulting the Wall upon -the Plain. Then they that were within the City being suddenly struck -with a Panick Fear at the taking of the Castle, in desperation of -making any further defence forsook the Walls. - -The City being taken in this manner, the King greatly admir’d the -Valour of the Woman, and bountifully rewarded her, and was presently -so passionately affected at the sight of her Beauty, that he us’d all -the Arguments imaginable to persuade her Husband to bestow his Wife -upon him, promising him as a Reward of his Kindness, to give him his -daughter Sosana in Marriage: But he absolutely refus’d; upon which the -King threaten’d him, that if he would not consent, he would pluck out -his Eyes. - -Menon hereupon out of fear of the King’s Threats, and overpower’d with -the Love of his Wife, fell into a distracted Rage and Madness, and -forthwith hang’d himself. And this was the occasion of the advancement -of Semiramis to the Regal state and dignity. - -Ninus having now possess’d himself of all the Treasures of Bactria -(where was abundance of Gold and Silver) and settled his Affairs -throughout the whole Province of Bactria, returned with his Army to his -own Country. - -Afterwards he had a Son by Semiramis, call’d Ninyas, and dy’d leaving -his Wife Queen Regent. She bury’d her Husband Ninus in the Royal -Palace, and rais’d over him a Mount of Earth of a wonderful bigness, -being Nine Furlongs in height, and ten in breadth, as Ctesias says: -So that the City standing in a Plain near to the River Euphrates, the -Mount (many Furlongs off) looks like a stately Cittadel. And it’s said, -that it continues to this day, though Nineve was destroy’d by the Medes -when they ruin’d the Assyrian Empire. - - -SEMIRAMIS BUILDS A GREAT CITY - -Semiramis was naturally of an high aspiring Spirit, ambitious to excel -all her Predecessors in glorious Actions, and therefore imploy’d all -her Thoughts about the building of a City in the Province of Babylon; -and to this end having provided Architects, Artists, and all other -Necessaries for the Work, She got together Two Millions of Men out of -all Parts of the Empire to be imploy’d in the building of the City. -It was so built as that the River Euphrates ran through the middle of -it, and she compass’d it round with a Wall of Three Hundred and Sixty -Furlongs in Circuit, and adorn’d with many stately Turrets; and such -was the state and grandeur of the Work, that the Walls were of that -breadth, as that Six Chariots abreast might be driven together upon -them. Their height was such as exceeded all Mens belief that heard -of it (as Ctesias Cnidius relates). But Clitarchus, and those who -afterwards went over with Alexander into Asia, have written that the -Walls were in Circuit Three Hundred Sixty Five Furlongs; the Queen -making them of that Compass, to the end that the Furlongs should be as -many in number as the Days of the Year: They were of Brick cemented -with Brimstone; in height as Ctesias says Fifty Orgyas; but as some -of the later Writers report, but Fifty Cubits only, and that the -Breadth was but a little more than what would allow two Chariots to -be driven afront. There were Two Hundred and Fifty Turrets, in height -and thickness proportionable to the largeness of the Wall. It is not -to be wondered at, that there were so few Towers upon a Wall of so -great a Circuit, being that in many Places round the City, there were -deep Morasses; so that it was judg’d to no purpose to raise Turrets -there where they were so naturally fortify’d: Between the Wall and the -Houses, there was a Space left round the City of Two Hundred Foot. - -That the Work might be the more speedily dispatcht, to each of her -Friends was allotted a Furlong, with an allowance of all Expences -necessary for their several Parts, and commanded all should be finish’d -in a Years time; which being diligently perfected with the Queen’s -Approbation, she then made a Bridge over the narrowest part of the -River, Five Furlongs in length, laying the Supports and Pillars of the -arches with great Art and Skill in the Bottom of the Water Twelve Foot -distance from each other. That the Stones might be the more firmly -joyn’d, they were bound together with Hooks of Iron, and the Joints -fill’d up with melted Lead. And before the Pillars, she made and placed -Defences, with sharp pointed Angles, to receive the Water before it -beat upon the flat sides of the Pillars, which caus’d the Course of the -Water to run round by degrees gently and moderately as far as to the -broad sides of the Pillars, so that the sharp Points of the Angles cut -the Stream, and gave a check to its violence, and the roundness of them -by little and little giving way, abated the force of the Current. This -bridge was floor’d with great Joices and Planks of Cedar, Cypress and -Palm Trees, and was Thirty Foot in breadth, and for Art and Curiosity, -yielded to none of the works of Semiramis. On either side of the River -she rais’d a Bank, as broad as the Wall, and with great cost drew it -out in length an Hundred Furlongs. She built likewise Two Palaces at -each end of the Bridge upon the Bank of the River, whence she might -have a Prospect over the whole City, and make her Passage as by Keys -to the most convenient Places in it, as she had occasion. And whereas -Euphrates runs through the middle of Babylon, making its course to the -South, the Palaces lye the one on the East and the other on the West -Side of the River; both built at exceeding Costs and Expence. For that -on the West had an high and stately Wall, made of well burnt Brick, -Sixty Furlongs in compass; within this was drawn another of a round -Circumference, upon which were portray’d in the Bricks, before they -were burnt, all sorts of living Creatures, as if it were to the Life, -laid with great Art in curious Colours. This Wall was in Circuit Forty -Furlongs, Three Hundred Bricks thick, and in height (as Ctesias says) a -Hundred Yards, upon which were Turrets an Hundred and Forty Yards high. - -The Third and most inward Wall immediately surrounded the Palace, -Thirty Furlongs in Compass, and far surmounted the middle Wall, both in -height and thickness; and on this Wall and the Towers were represented -the Shapes of all sorts of Living Creatures, artificially exprest in -most lively Colours. Especially was represented a General Hunting of -all sorts of wild Beasts, each Four Cubits high and upwards; amongst -these was to be seen Semiramis on Horseback, striking a Leopard through -with a Dart, and next to her, her Husband Ninus in close Fight with a -Lion, piercing him with his Lance. To this Palace she built likewise -Three Gates, under which were Apartments of Brass for Entertainments, -into which Passages were open’d by a certain Engin. - -This Palace far excell’d that on the other side of the River, both -in greatness and adornments. For the outmost Wall of that (made of -well burnt Brick) was but Thirty Furlongs in compass. Instead of the -curious Portraiture of Beasts, there were the Brazen Statues of Ninus -and Semiramis, the Great Officers, and of Jupiter, whom the Babylonians -call Belus; and likewise Armies drawn up in Battalia, and divers sorts -of Hunting were there represented, to the great diversion and pleasure -of the Beholders. After all these in a low Ground in Babylon, she -sunk a Place for a Pond Four-square, every Square being Three Hundred -Furlongs in length, lin’d with Brick, and cemented with Brimstone, and -the whole Five and Thirty Foot in depth: Into this having first turn’d -the River, she then made a Passage in nature of a Vault, from one -Palace to another, whose Arches were built of firm and strong Brick, -and plaister’d all over on both sides with Bitumen Four Cubits thick. -The Walls of this Vault were Twenty Bricks in thickness, and Twelve -Foot High, beside and above the Arches; and the breadth was Fifteen -Foot. This Piece of Work being finish’d in Two Hundred and Sixty Days, -the River was turn’d into its ancient Channel again, so that the River -flowing over the whole Work, Semiramis could go from one Palace to the -other, without passing over the River. She made likewise Two Brazen -Gates at either end of the Vault, which continu’d to the time of the -Persian Empire. - -In the middle of the City, she built a Temple to Jupiter, whom the -Babylonians call Belus (as we have before said) of which since -Writers differ amongst themselves, and the Work is now wholly decay’d -through length of Time, there’s nothing that can certainly be related -concerning it: Yet it’s apparent it was of an exceeding great height, -and that by the advantage of it, the Chaldean Astrologers exactly -observ’d the setting and rising of the Stars. The whole was built of -Brick, cemented with Brimstone, with great Art and Cost. Upon the top -she plac’d Three Statues of beaten Gold of Jupiter, Juno and Rhea. -That of Jupiter stood upright in the posture as if he were walking; he -was Forty Foot in height, and weigh’d a Thousand Babylonish Talents. -The Statue of Rhea was of the same weight sitting on a Golden Throne, -having Two Lions standing on either side, one at her Knees, and near to -them Two exceeding great Serpents of Silver, weighing Thirty Talents -apiece. Here likewise the Image of Juno stood upright, and weighed -Eight Hundred Talents, grasping a Serpent by the Head in her right -Hand, and holding a Scepter adorn’d with precious Stones in her left. - -For all these Deities there was plac’d a Common Table made of beaten -Gold, Forty Foot long, and Fifteen broad, weighing Five Hundred -Talents: Upon which stood Two Cups weighing Thirty Talents, and near to -them as many Censers weighing Three Hundred Talents: There were there -likewise plac’d Three Drinking Bowls of Gold, one of which dedicated -to Jupiter, weigh’d Twelve Hundred Babylonish Talents, but the other -Two Six Hundred apiece; but all those the Persian Kings sacrilegiously -carry’d away. And length of Time has either altogether consum’d, or -much defac’d the Palaces and the other Structures; so that at this day -but a small part of this Babylon is inhabited, and the greatest part -which lay within the Walls is turn’d into Tillage and Pasture. - -There was likewise a Hanging Garden (as it’s call’d) near the Citadel, -not built by Semiramis, but by a later Prince, call’d Cyrus, for the -sake of a Curtesan, who being a Persian (as they say) by Birth, and -coveting Meadows on Mountain Tops, desir’d the King by an Artificial -Plantation to imitate the Land in Persia. This Garden was Four Hundred -Foot Square, and the Ascent up to it was as to the Top of a Mountain, -and had Buildings and Apartments out of one into another, like unto -a Theater. Under the Steps to the Ascent, were built Arches one -above another, rising gently by degrees, which supported the whole -Plantation. The highest Arch upon which the Platform of the Garden was -laid, was Fifty Cubits high, and the Garden itself was surrounded with -Battlements and Bulwarks. The Walls were made very strong, built at no -small Charge and Expence, being Two and Twenty Foot thick, and every -Sally-port Ten Foot wide: Over the several Stories of this Fabrick, -were laid Beams and Summers of huge Massy Stones each Sixteen Foot -long, and Four broad. - -The Roof over all these was first cover’d with Reeds, daub’d with -abundance of Brimstone; then upon them was laid double Tiles pargeted -together with a hard and durable Mortar (such as we call Plaister -of Paris), and over them after all, was a Covering with Sheets of -Lead, that the Wet which drencht through the Earth, might not rot -the Foundation. Upon all these was laid Earth of a convenient depth, -sufficient for the growth of the greatest Trees. When the Soyl was laid -even and smooth, it was planted with all sorts of Trees, which both for -Greatness and Beauty, might delight the Spectators. The Arches (which -stood one above another, and by that means darted light sufficient one -into another) had in them many stately Rooms of all Kinds, and for all -purposes. But there was one that had in it certain Engins, whereby it -drew plenty of Water out of the River through certain Conduits and -Conveyances from the Platform of the Garden, and no body without was -the wiser, or knew what was done. This Garden (as we said before) was -built in later Ages. - -But Semiramis built likewise other Cities upon the Banks of Euphrates -and Tigris, where she establish’d Marts for the vending of Merchandize -brought from Media and Paretacena, and other Neighbouring Countries. -For next to Nile and Ganges, Euphrates and Tigris are the noblest -Rivers of all Asia, and have their Spring-heads in the Mountains of -Arabia, and are distant one from another Fifteen Hundred Furlongs. They -run through Media and Paretacena into Mesopotamia, which from its lying -in the middle between these Two Rivers, has gain’d from them that Name; -thence passing through the Province of Babylon, they empty themselves -into the Red Sea. These being very large Rivers, and passing through -divers Countries, greatly inrich the Merchants that traffick in those -Parts; so that the Neighbouring Places are full of Wealthy Mart Towns, -and greatly advanc’d the glory and majesty of Babylon. - -Semiramis likewise caus’d a great Stone to be cut out of the Mountains -of Armenia, an Hundred and Twenty Five Foot in length, and Five in -breadth and thickness; this she convey’d to the River by the help -of many Yokes of Oxen and Asses, and there put it Aboard a Ship, -and brought it safe by Water to Babylon, and set it up in the most -remarkable High-way as a wonderful Spectacle to all Beholders. From -its shape it’s call’d an Obelisk (Obelos in Greek signifies a Spit) -and is accounted one of the Seven Wonders of the World. There are -indeed many remarkable and wonderful things to be seen in Babylon; -but amongst these, the great quantity of Brimstone that there flows -out of the Ground, is not to be the least admir’d, which is so much, -that it not only supply’d all their occasions in building such great -and mighty Works, but the common People profusely gather it, and when -it’s dry, burn it instead of Fewel; and though it be drawn out by an -innumerable Company of People, as from a great Fountain, yet it’s as -plentiful as ever it was before. Near this Fountain there’s a Spring -not big, but very fierce and violent, for it casts forth a Sulphureous -and gross Vapour, which suddenly kills every living Creature that comes -near to it; for the Breath being stopt a long time, and all power -of Respiration taken away by the force of the Exhalation, the Body -presently swells so, that the Parts about the Lungs are all in a Flame. - -Beyond the River there is a Morass, about which is a crusty Earth; if -any unacquainted with the Place get into it, at first he floats upon -the Top, when he comes into the Middle he’s violently hal’d away, -and striving to help himself, seems to be held so fast by something -or other, that all his Labour to get loose is in vain. And first his -Feet, then his Legs and Thighs to his Loyns are benumm’d, at length -his whole Body is stupify’d, and then down he sinks to the Bottom, and -presently after is cast up dead to the Surface. And thus much for the -Wonders of Babylon. - - -SEMIRAMIS BEGINS A CAREER OF CONQUEST - -When Semiramis had finish’d all her Works, she marcht with a great Army -into Media, and encamp’d near to a Mountain call’d Bagistan; there she -made a Garden twelve Furlongs in Compass: It was in a plain Champain -Country, and had a great Fountain in it, which water’d the whole -Garden. Mount Bagistan is dedicated to Jupiter, and towards one side -of the Garden has steep Rocks seventeen Furlongs from the Top to the -Bottom. She cut out a Piece of the lower Part of the Rock, and caus’d -her own Image to be carv’d upon it, and a Hundred of her Guard that -were Launceteers standing round about her. She wrote likewise in Syriac -Letters upon the Rock, That Semiramis ascended from the Plain to the -Top of the Mountain by laying the Packs and Fardles of the Beasts that -follow’d her one upon another. - -Marching away from hence, she came to Chaone, a City of Media, where -she incamp’d upon a rising Ground, from whence she took notice of an -exceeding great and high Rock, where she made another very great Garden -in the very Middle of the Rock, and built upon it stately Houses of -Pleasure, whence she might both have a delightful Prospect into the -Garden, and view the Army as they lay incamp’d below in the Plain; -being much delighted with this Place she stay’d here a considerable -Time, giving up her self to all kinds of Pleasures and Delights, -for she forbore marrying lest she should then be depos’d from the -Government, and in the mean time she made Choice of the handsomest -Commanders to be her Gallants; but after they had layn with her she cut -off their Heads. - -From hence she march’d towards Ecbatana, and arriv’d at the Mountain -Zarcheum, which being many Furlongs in Extent, and full of steep -Precipices and craggy Rocks, there was no passing but by long and -tedious Windings and Turnings. To leave therefore behind her an Eternal -Monument of her Name, and to make a short Cut for her Passage, she -caus’d the Rocks to be hew’d down, and the Valleys to be fill’d up with -Earth, and so in a short time at a vast Expence laid the Way open and -plain, which to this day is call’d Semiramis’s Way. - -When she came to Ecbatana, which is situated in a low and even Plain, -she built there a stately Palace, and bestow’d more of her Care and -Pains here than she had done at any other Place. For the City wanting -Water (there being no Spring near) she plentifully supply’d it with -good and wholesom Water, brought thither with a great deal of Toyl and -Expence, after this manner: There’s a Mountain call’d Orontes, twelve -Furlongs distant from the City, exceeding high and steep for the Space -of five and twenty Furlongs up to the Top; on the other side of this -Mount there’s a great Mear which empties it self into the River. At the -Foot of this Mountain she dug a Canal fifteen Foot in Breadth and Forty -in Depth, through which she convey’d Water in great Abundance into the -City. And these are the Things which she did in Media. - -Afterwards she made a Progress through Persia and all the rest of her -Dominions in Asia, and all along as she went she plain’d all the Way -before her, levelling both Rocks and Mountains. On the other hand -in Champain Countries she would raise Eminences on which she would -sometimes build Sepulchres for her Officers and Commanders, and at -other times Towns and Cities. Throughout her whole Expeditions she -always us’d to raise an Ascent, upon which she pitcht her own Pavilion, -that from thence she might have a View of her whole Army. Many Things -which she perform’d in Asia remain to this day, and are call’d -Semiramis’s Works. - -Afterwards she pass’d through all Egypt, and having conquer’d the -greatest Part of Lybia, she went to the Temple of Jupiter Hammon, and -there inquir’d of the Oracle how long she should live; which return’d -her this Answer, That she should leave this World and afterwards be for -ever honour’d by some Nations in Asia, when Ninyas her Son should be -plotting against her. - -When she had perform’d these things, she marcht into Ethiopia, and -having subdu’d many Places in it, she had an Opportunity to see what -was there very remarkable and wonderful. For they say there’s a -foursquare Lake, a hundred and sixty Foot in Circuit, the Water of -which is in Colour like unto Vermilion, and of an extraordinary sweet -Flavour, much like unto old Wine; yet of such wonderful Operation, that -whosoever drinks of it goes presently mad, and confesses all the faults -that ever he had been before guilty of; but some will scarce believe -this Relation. - -The Ethiopians have a peculiar way of burying their Dead; for after -they have embalm’d the Body they pour round about it melted Glass, and -then place it upon a Pillar, so that the Corps may be plainly seen -through the Glass, as Herodotus has reported the thing. But Ctesias of -Cnidus affirms that he tells a Winter-tale, and says that it’s true -indeed that the Body is embalm’d, but that Glass is not pour’d upon the -naked Body, for the Bodies thereby would be so scorch’d and defac’d -that they could not possibly retain any likeness to the dead: And that -therefore they make an hollow Statue of Gold, and put the Body within -it and then pour the melted Glass round upon this Statue, which they -set upon some high Place, and so the Statue which resembles the dead -is seen through the Glass, and thus he says they used to bury those of -the richer Sort; But those of meaner Fortunes they put into Statues of -Silver; and for the poor they make Statues of Potter’s Clay, every one -having Glass enough, for there’s Abundance to be got in Ethiopia, and -ready at hand for all the Inhabitants. But we shall speak more fully of -the Customs and Laws of the Ethiopians and the Product of the Land and -other things worthy of Remark presently when we come to relate their -Antiquities and old Fables and Stories. - - -SEMIRAMIS INVADES INDIA - -Semiramis having settl’d her affairs in Egypt and Ethiopia, return’d -with her Army into Asia to Bactria: And now having a great Army, and -enjoying a long Peace, she had a longing Desire to perform some notable -Exploit by her Arms. Hearing therefore that the Indians were the -greatest Nation in the whole World, and had the largest and richest -Tract of Land of all others, she resolv’d to make War upon them. -Stabrobates was at that time King, who had innumerable Forces, and many -Elephants bravely accoutred and fitted to strike Terror into the Hearts -of his Enemies. For India for the Pleasantness of the Country excell’d -all others, being water’d in every Place with many Rivers, so that the -Land yielded every year a double Crop; and by that Means was so rich -and so abounded with Plenty of all things necessary for the Sustenance -of Man’s Life, that it supply’d the Inhabitants continually with such -things as made them excessively rich, insomuch as it was never known -that there was ever any Famine amongst them, the Climate being so happy -and favourable; and upon that account likewise there’s an incredible -Number of Elephants, which for Courage and Strength of Body far excel -those in Africa. Moreover this country abounds in Gold, Silver, Brass, -Iron and pretious Stones of all sorts, both for Profit and Pleasure. - -All which being nois’d abroad, so stirr’d up the Spirit of Semiramis, -that (tho’ she had no Provocation given her), yet she was resolv’d upon -the War against the Indians. But knowing that she had need of great -Forces, she sent Dispatches to all the Provinces, with Command to the -Governors to list the choicest young Men they could find, ordering the -Proportion of Souldiers every Province and Country should send forth -according to the largeness of it; and commanded that all should furnish -themselves with new Arms and Armour, and all appear in three years time -at a general Randezvouz in Bactria bravely arm’d and accoutred in all -Points. And having sent the Shipwrights out to Phœnicia, Syria, Cyprus, -and other Places bordering upon the Sea-costs, she prepar’d Timber for -them fit for the Purpose, and order’d them to build Vessels that might -be taken asunder and convey’d from place to place wherever she pleas’d. -For the River Indus bordering upon that Kingdom being the greatest in -those parts, she stood in need of many River-boats to pass it in Order -to repress the Indians. But being there was no Timber near that River -she was necessitated to convey the Boats thither by Land from Bactria. - -She further consider’d that she was much inferior to the Indians for -Elephants (which were absolutely necessary for her to make use of) she -therefore contriv’d to have Beasts that should resemble them, hoping by -this Means to strike a Terror into the Indians, who believ’d there were -no Elephants in any place but India. - -To this End she provided three hundred thousand black Oxen, and -distributed the Flesh amongst a Company of ordinary Mechanicks and such -Fellows as she had to play the Coblers for her, and ordered them by -stitching the Skins together and stuffing them with Straw to imitate -the Shape of an Elephant, and in every one of them she put a Man to -govern them, and a Camel to carry them, so that at a distance they -appear’d to all that saw them as if they were really such Beasts. - -They that were imploy’d in this Work wrought at it night and day in a -Place which was wall’d round for the Purpose, and Guards set at every -Gate, that none might be admitted either to go in or out, to the end -that none might see what they were doing, lest it should be nois’d -abroad and come to the Ears of the Indians. - -Having therefore provided Shipping and Elephants in the space of two -years, in the third she randezvouz’d all her Forces in Bactria. Her -Army consisted (as Ctesias says) of three Millions of Foot, two hundred -Thousand Horse, and a hundred Thousand Chariots, and a hundred Thousand -Men mounted upon Camels with Swords four Cubits long. The Boats that -might be taken asunder were two Thousand; which the Camels carry’d -by Land as they did the Mock-Elephants, as we have before declar’d. -The Souldiers made their Horses familiar with these feign’d Beasts by -bringing them often to them, lest they should be terrify’d at the Sight -of them; which Perseus imitated many Ages after when he was to fight -with the Romans, who had Elephants in their Army out of Africa. However -this contrivance prov’d to be of no Advantage either to him or her, as -will appear in the Issue herein a little after related. - -When Stabrobates the Indian King heard of these great Armies and the -mighty Preparations made against him, he did all he could to excel -Semiramis in everything. And first he built of great Canes four -Thousand River-boats: For abundance of these Canes grow in India about -the Rivers and Fenns, so thick as a Man can scarce fathom: And Vessels -made of these Reeds (they say) are exceeding useful, because they’l -never rot or be worm-eaten. - -He was very diligent likewise in preparing of Arms and going from Place -to Place throughout all India, and so rais’d a far greater Army than -that of Semiramis. To his former Number of Elephants he added more, -which he took by hunting, and furnish’d them all with everything that -might make them look terrible in the Face of their Enemies, so that -by their Multitude and the Compleatness of their Armour in all Points -it seem’d above the Strength and Power of Man to bear up against the -violent Shock of these Creatures. - -Having therefore made all these Preparations, he sent Embassadours to -Semiramis (as she was on her March towards him) to complain and upbraid -her for beginning a War without any Provocation or Injury offer’d her; -and by his private Letters taxed her with her whorish Course of Life, -and vow’d (calling the Gods to witness) that if he conquer’d her he -would nail her to the Cross. When she read the Letters, she smil’d, and -said, the Indian should presently have a Trial of her Valour by her -Actions. When she came up with her Army to the River Indus she found -the Enemies Fleet drawn up in a Line of Battle; whereupon she forthwith -drew up her own, and having mann’d it with the stoutest Souldiers, -joyn’d Battle, yet so ordering the Matter as to have her Land-forces -ready upon the Shoar to be assisting as there should be Occasion. After -a long and sharp Fight with Marks of Valour on both sides, Semiramis -was at length victorious, and sunk a Thousand of the Enemies Vessels, -and took a great number of Prisoners. Puffed up with this Success she -took in all the Cities and Islands that lay in the River, and carry’d -away a hundred Thousand Captives. After this the Indian King drew off -his Army (as if he fled for Fear) but in Truth to decoy his Enemies to -pass the River. - -Semiramis therefore (seeing things fall out according to her wish) laid -a broad Bridge of Boats (at a vast Charge) over the River, and thereby -passed over all her Forces, leaving only threescore Thousand to guard -the Bridge, and with the rest of her Army pursu’d the Indians. She -plac’d the Mock-Elephants in the Front that the Enemies Scouts might -presently inform the King what Multitudes of Elephants she had in her -Army: And she was not deceiv’d in her hopes; for when the Spies gave -an Account to the Indians what a great Multitude of these Creatures -were advancing towards them, they were all in amaze, inquiring among -themselves, whence the Assyrians should be supply’d with such a vast -number of Elephants: But the Cheat could not be long conceal’d, for -some of Semiramis’s Souldiers being laid by the Heels for their -Carelessness upon the Guard (through Fear of further Punishment) made -their Escape and fled to the Enemy, and undeceiv’d them as to the -Elephants; upon which the Indian King was mightily encourag’d, and -caus’d Notice of the Delusion to be spread through the whole Army, -and then forthwith march’d with all his Force against the Assyrians, -Semiramis on the other hand doing the like. - -When they approach’d near one to another, Stabrobates the Indian King -plac’d his Horse and Chariots in the Van-guard at a good distance -before the main Body of his Army. The Queen having plac’d her -Mock-Elephants at the like distance from her main Body, valiantly -receiv’d her Enemies Charge; but the Indian Horse were most strangely -terrify’d; for in Regard the Phantasms at a distance seem’d to be real -Elephants, the Horses of the Indians (being inur’d to those Creatures) -prest boldly and undauntedly forward; but when they came near and saw -another sort of Beast than usual, and the smell and every thing else -almost being strange and new to them, they broke in with great Terror -and Confusion, one upon another, so that they cast some of their Riders -headlong to the Ground, and ran away with others (as the Lot happen’d) -into the midst of their Enemies. - -Whereupon Semiramis readily making use of her Advantage, with a Body -of choice Men fell in upon them, and routed them, forcing them back to -their main Body: And though Stabrobates was something astonish’d at -this unexpected Defeat, yet he brought up his Foot against the Enemy -with his Elephants in the Front: He himself was in the right Wing, -mounted upon a stately Elephant, and made a fierce Charge upon the -Queen her self, who happen’d then to be opposite to him in the left. - -And tho’ the Mock-Elephants in Semiramis’s Army did the like, yet they -stood the violent shock of the other but a little while, for the Indian -Beasts being both exceeding strong and stout, easily bore down and -destroy’d all that oppos’d them, so that there was a great Slaughter; -for some they trampl’d under foot, others they rent in pieces with -their Teeth, and toss’d up others with their Trunks into the Air. The -Ground therefore being cover’d with Heaps of dead Carcases and nothing -but Death and Destruction to be seen on every hand, so that all were -full of Horror and Amazement, none durst keep their Order or Ranks any -longer. - -Upon which the whole Assyrian Army fled outright, and the Indian King -encountered with Semiramis, and first wounded her with an Arrow in the -Arm, and afterwards with a Dart (in wheeling about) in the Shoulder, -whereupon the Queen (her Wounds not being mortal) fled, and by the -Swiftness of her Horse (which far exceeded the other that pursu’d her) -she got off. But all making one way to the Bridge of Boats, and such -a vast Multitude of Men thronging together in one strait and narrow -Passage, the Queen’s Souldiers miserably perish’d by treading down one -another under foot, and (which was strange and unusual) Horse and Foot -lay tumbling promiscuously one over another. - -When they came at length to the Bridge, and the Indians at their -Heels, the consternation was so great that many on both sides the -Bridge were tumbled over into the River. But when the greatest part -of those that remain’d had got over, Semiramis caus’d the Cords and -Tenons of the Bridge to be cut, which done, the Boats (which were -before joyn’d together, and upon which was a great Number of Indians -not in the Pursuit) being now divided into many Parts, and carry’d -here and there by the force of the Current, Multitudes of the Indians -were drown’d, and Semiramis was now safe and secure, having such a -Barrier as the River betwixt her and her Enemies. Whereupon the Indian -King being forewarn’d by Prodigies from Heaven and the Opinions of the -Soothsayers, forbore all further pursuit. And Semiramis making Exchange -of Prisoners in Bactria return’d with scarce a third part of her Army. - -A little time after, Semiramis being assaulted by an Eunuch through -the treacherous Contrivance of her Son, remembred the former Answer -given her by the Oracle at the Temple of Hammon, and therefore pass’d -the Business over without punishing of him who was chiefly concern’d -in the Plot: But surrendring the Crown to him, commanded all to obey -him as their lawful King, and forthwith disappear’d as if she had been -translated to the Gods, according to the Words of the Oracle. There -are some which fabulously say she was metamorphos’d into a Pigeon; and -that she flew away with a Flock of those Birds that lighted upon her -Palace: And hence it is that the Assyrians adore a Dove, believing -that Semiramis was enthron’d amongst the Gods. And this was the End -of Semiramis Queen of all Asia, except India, after she had liv’d -Sixty two years, and reign’d Forty two. And these are the Things which -Ctesias the Cnidian reports of her in his History. - - -ANOTHER VIEW OF SEMIRAMIS - -Athenæus, and some other Writers, affirm that she was a most beautiful -Strumpet, and upon that account the King of Assyria fell in Love with -her, and at first was taken into his Favour, and at length becoming -his lawful Wife she prevail’d with her Husband to grant her the sole -and absolute Authority of the regal Government for the space of five -days. Taking therefore upon her the Scepter and royal Mantle of the -Kingdom, the first day she made a sumptuous Banquet and magnificent -Entertainments, to which she invited the Generals of the Army and all -the Nobility, in order to be observant to all her Commands. - -The next day having both great and small at her beck, she committed her -Husband to the Gaol: And in Regard she was of a bold and daring Spirit, -apt and ready to undertake any great Matters, she easily gain’d the -Kingdom, which she held to the time of her old Age, and became famous -for her many great and wonderful Acts: And these are the Things which -Historians variously relate concerning her.[c] - -The second account of Semiramis which Diodorus summarises in the -concluding paragraph above from “Athenæus and some other writers” would -appear to have been widely accepted in classical times. The same story -is told by Ælianus, and is worth quoting, if for nothing else, for the -quaintness of diction of Fleming’s sixteenth century translation. - -“Of Semiramis some say this, and some set downe that, and amonge all -other thinges this (as deserving a monument of sempeternall memorye) -is recorded that shee was the moste bewtifull, the most amiable Lady -and Queene throughout the universall worlde, albeit shee dyd litle -regarde her fine proporcion, her excellent comlynesse, her angelicall -grace: and had no respect to the trymming and decking of her body -with gorgeous garments, and robes of royalty. It fortuned that this -Semiramis, by reason of the rumor and fame of her surpassing beauty, -was sent for into Assiria, that the king of that region might satisfie -himselfe with the sight of her peerelesse majestie, before whose -presence she came according to the tennor of the message. - -“The King of Assiria, had no sooner cast his wanton eye upon her, but -was forthwith inflamed with the fire of affection towardes her. After -certaine circumstances over passed, she required of the King a rich -rewarde, namely, a robe of estate, the government of Asia for five -dayes continuaunce, and the absolute authorytie in all thinges that -were done in the kingdome. Which peticion of the Queene was granted -unto by the King, no deniall made to the contrary. In conclusion when -she was set and established in the throne of majesty, and had gotten -all things (without exception) in the gripes of her aspiryng minde she -commanded the King to be slayne, whereby he was dispossessed of his -dominion, and she presently thereupon enjoyed the scepter and crowne -imperiall over Assiria universall.”[d] - - -REIGN OF NINYAS TO SARDANAPALUS - -To complete our view of the classical traditions regarding Assyria, we -must hear what Diodorus has to tell us of the successors of Semiramis. -Comparison of his account with the lists of Assyrian monarchs, as -now known to us, will show how greatly the perspective of Assyrian -history was foreshortened as viewed by the classical eye, and how -vague appeared the outline of the historical picture. Not even the -names of the greatest of oriental monarchs were remembered, though the -reminiscences of their deeds had not quite been forgotten. We shall -see in subsequent chapters how the names and the accurate records of -the deeds were restored to history. It may be added, however, that -no authentic account of the destruction of Nineveh has been as yet -recovered. For aught that is known to the contrary, the picturesque -story of Sardanapalus, as narrated by Diodorus, may be true in its -essentials, though it is improbable that the name of the last ruler of -Nineveh is correctly given. Still, the rather theatrical character of -the Greek conception of oriental customs is not to be forgotten. - -It should be added that modern historians are not quite agreed as -to the exact period of Assyrian history to which the Sardanapalus -stories were applied. Lenormant was disposed to believe that the -Greek tradition was based upon reminiscences of a relatively early -destruction of Nineveh. It is known that the Assyrian Empire suffered -a partial eclipse after its first period of greatness, and it is -possible that some unknown king of about the tenth century B.C. was the -original of the Sardanapalus fable. Most recent historians, however, -are disposed to think that the Greek story really applies to the final -destruction of Nineveh, and that Asshurbanapal was the historical -monarch whose vaguely remembered deeds gave foundation to the chief -features of the story. The fact that Asshurbanapal was so great a -connoisseur of literature and art, lends a certain colour to this -supposition. It is of course understood that Asshurbanapal was not the -last ruler of Nineveh, and that the Greek myth, if based upon his life, -erred in associating him with the final catastrophe.[a] Here is the -story as Diodorus tells it: - -Ninyas the Son of Ninus and Semiramis, succeeded, and reign’d -peaceably, nothing at all like his Mother for Valour and martial -Affairs. For he spent all his Time shut up in his Palace, insomuch as -he was never seen of any but of his Concubines and Eunuchs; for being -given up wholly to his Pleasures, he shook off all Cares and everything -that might be irksome and troublesome, placing all the Happiness of a -King in a Sordid Indulgence of all sorts of Voluptuousness. But that he -might reign the more securely, and be fear’d of all his Subjects, every -year he rais’d out of every Province a certain number of Souldiers, -under their several Generals, and having brought them in the City, -over every Country appointed such a Governor as he could most confide -in, and were most at his Devotion. At the end of the year he rais’d -as many more out of the Provinces, and sent the former home, taking -first of them an Oath of Fidelity. And this he did, that his Subjects -observing how he always had a great Army ready in the Field, those -of them who were inclin’d to be refractory or rebel (out of fear -of Punishment) might continue firm in their due Obedience. And the -further Ground likewise of this Yearly Change was, that the Officers -and Souldiers might from time to time be disbanded before they could -have time to be well acquainted one with another. For length of Time -in martial Imployments so improves the Skill and advances the Courage -and Resolution of the Commanders, that many times they conspire against -their Princes, and wholly fall off from their Allegiance. - -His living thus close and unseen, was a covert to the Voluptuous Course -of his Life, and in the meantime (as if he had been a God) none durst -in the least mutter anything against him. And in this manner (creating -Commanders of his Army, constituting of Governors in Provinces, -appointing the Chamberlains and Officers of his Houshold, placing of -Judges in their several Countries, and the ordering and disposing of -all other Matters as he thought fit most for his own Advantage) he -spent his Days in Nineve. - -After the same manner almost liv’d all the rest of the Kings for the -space of Thirty Generations, in a continu’d Line of Succession from -Father to Son, to the very Reign of Sardanapalus; in whose time the -Empire of the Assyrians devolv’d upon the Medes, after it had continu’d -above Thirteen Hundred and Sixty Years, as Ctesias the Cnidian says -in his Second Book. But it’s needless to recite their Names, or how -long each of them reign’d, in regard none of them did any thing worth -remembring, save only that it may deserve an Account how the Assyrians -assisted the Trojans, by sending them some Forces under the Command of -Memnon the Son of Tithon. - -For when Teutamus reign’d in Asia, who was the Twentieth from Ninyas -the Son of Semiramis, it’s said the Grecians under their General -Agamemnon, made War upon the Trojans, at which time the Assyrians had -been Lords of Asia above a Thousand Years. For Priam the King of Troy -(being a Prince under the Assyrian Empire, when War was made upon him) -sent Ambassadors to crave aid of Teutamus, who sent him Ten Thousand -Ethiopians, and as many out of the Province of Susiana, with Two -Hundred Chariots under the Conduct of Memnon the Son of Tithon. For -this Tithon at that time was Governor of Persia, and in special Favour -with the King above all the rest of the Princes: And Memnon was in the -Flower of his Age, strong and couragious, and had built a Pallace in -the Cittadel of Susa, which retain’d the Name of Memnonia to the time -of the Persian Empire. He pav’d also there a Common High-way, which is -call’d Memnon’s Way to this day. But the Ethiopians of Egypt question -this, and say that Memnon was their Countryman, and shew several -antient Palaces which (they say) retain his Name at this day, being -call’d Memnon’s Palaces. - -Notwithstanding, however it be as to this matter, yet it has been -generally and constantly held for a certain Truth, that Memnon led to -Troy Twenty Thousand Foot, and Two Hundred Chariots, and signaliz’d his -Valour with great Honour and Reputation, with the Death and Destruction -of many of the Greeks, till at length he was slain by an Ambuscade laid -for him by the Thessalians. But the Ethiopians recover’d his Body, and -burnt it, and brought back his Bones to Tithon. And these things the -Barbarians say are recorded of Memnon in the Histories of their Kings. - -Sardanapalus, the Thirtieth from Ninus, and the last King of the -Assyrians, exceeded all his Predecessors in Sloth and Luxury; for -besides that, he was seen of none out of his Family, he led a most -effeminate Life: For wallowing in pleasure and wanton Dalliances, -he cloathed himself in Womens Attire, and spun fine Wool and Purple -amongst the throngs of his Concubines. He painted likewise his Face, -and deckt his whole Body with other Allurements and proceeded to such -a degree of Voluptuousness and sordid Uncleanness, that he compos’d -Verses for his Epitaph, with a Command to his Successors to have them -inscrib’d upon his Tomb after his Death, which were thus Translated by -a Grecian out of the Barbarian Language (An Epitaph fitter for an Ox -than a Man, says Aristotle), - - What once I gorg’d I now enjoy, - And wanton Lusts me still imploy. - All other things by Mortals priz’d, - Are left as Dirt by me despis’d. - -Being thus corrupt in his Morals, he not only came to a miserable -end himself, but utterly overturn’d the Assyrian Monarchy, which had -continu’d longer than any we read of. - -For Arbaces a Mede, a Valiant and Prudent Man, and General of the -Forces which were sent every Year out of Media to Nineve, was stir’d up -by the Governor of Babylon (his Fellow Soldier, and with whom he had -contracted an intimate familiarity) to overthrow the Assyrian Empire. -This Captain’s Name was Belesis, a most Famous Babylonian Priest, one -of those call’d Caldeans, expert in Astrology and Divinations; of -great Reputation upon the account of foretelling future Events, which -happen’d accordingly. Amongst others, he told his Friend, the Median -General, that he should depose Sardanapalus, and be Lord of all his -Dominions. Arbaces hereupon hearkning to what he said, promis’d him, -that if he succeeded in his Attempt, Belesis should be chief Governor -of the Province of Babylon: Being therefore fully persuaded of the -truth of what was foretold, as if he had receiv’d it from an Oracle, -he enter’d into an Association with the Governors of the rest of the -Provinces, and by feasting and caressing of them, gain’d all their -Hearts and Affections. He made it likewise his great business to get -a sight of the King, that he might observe the Course and manner of -his Life; to this end he bestow’d a Cup of Gold upon an Eunuch, by -whom being introduc’d into the King’s Presence, he perfectly came to -understand his Lasciviousness, and Effeminate course of Life. Upon -sight of him, he contemn’d and despis’d him as a Vile and Worthless -Wretch, and thereupon was much more earnest to accomplish what the -Chaldean had before declar’d to him. At length he conspir’d with -Belesis so far, as that he himself persuaded the Medes and Persians -to a defection, and the other brought the Babylonians into the -Confederacy. He imparted likewise his Design to the King of Arabia, who -was at this time his special Friend. - -And now the Years attendance of the Army being at an end, new Troops -succeeded, and came into their Place, and the former were sent every -one here and there, into their several Countries. Hereupon Arbaces -prevail’d with the Medes to invade the Assyrian Empire, and drew in the -Persians in hopes of Liberty, to join in the Confederacy. Belesis in -like manner persuaded the Babylonians to stand up for their Liberties. -He sent Messengers also into Arabia, and gain’d that Prince (who was -both his Friend, and had been his Guest) for a Confederate. - -When therefore the Yearly Course was run out, all these with a great -number of forces flockt together to Nineve, in shew to serve their Turn -according to custom, but in truth to overturn the Assyrian Empire. The -whole number of Soldiers now got together out of those Four Provinces, -amounted to Four Hundred Thousand Men. All these (being now in one -Camp) call’d a Council of War in order to consult what was to be done. - -Sardanapalus being inform’d of the Revolt, led forth the Forces of the -rest of the Provinces against them; whereupon a Battel being fought, -the Rebels were totally routed, and with a great Slaughter were forc’d -to the Mountains Seventy Furlongs from Nineve. - -Being drawn up a Second time in Battalia to try their Fortune in the -Field, and now fac’d by the Enemy, Sardanapalus caus’d a Proclamation -to be made by the Heralds, that whosoever kill’d Arbaces the Mede, -should receive as a Reward, Two Hundred Talents of Gold, and double the -Sum to him (together with the Government of Media,) who should take him -alive. The like Sum he promis’d to such as should kill Belesis, or take -him alive. But not being wrought upon by these Promises, he fought them -again, and destroy’d many of the Rebels, and forc’d the rest to fly to -their Camp upon the Hills. - -Arbaces being disheartn’d with these Misfortunes, call’d a Council -of War to consider what was fit further to be done: The greater part -were for returning into their own Countries, and possess themselves of -the strongest Places, in order to fit and furnish themselves with all -things further necessary for the War. But when Belesis the Babylonian -assur’d them that the Gods promis’d, that after many Toyls and Labours -they should have good success, and all should end well, and had us’d -several other Arguments (such as he thought best) he prevail’d with -them to resolve to run through all the hazards of the War. - -Another Battle therefore was fought, wherein the King gain’d a third -Victory, and pursu’d the Revolters as far as to the Mountains of -Babylon. In this Fight Arbaces himself was wounded, though he fought -stoutly, and slew many of the Assyrians with his own Hand. - -After so many Defeats and Misfortunes one upon the neck of another, -the Conspirators altogether despair’d of Victory, and therefore -the Commanders resolv’d every one to return to their own Country. -But Belesis, who lay all that Night Star-gazing in the open Field, -prognosticated to them the next day, that if they would but continue -together Five Days, unexpected Help would come, and they would see -a mighty change, and that Affairs would have a contrary aspect to -what they then had; for he affirm’d, that through his Knowledge in -Astrology, he understood that the Gods portended so much by the Stars; -therefore he intreated them to stay so many days, and make trial of his -Art, and wait so long to have an Experiment of the Goodness of the Gods. - -All being thus brought back, and waiting till the time appointed, -News on a sudden was brought that mighty Forces were at hand, sent to -the King out of Bactria. Hereupon Arbaces resolv’d with the stoutest -and swiftest Soldiers of the Army, forthwith to make out against the -Captains that were advancing, and either by fair words to perswade -them to a defection, or by Blows to force them to join with them in -their Design. But Liberty being sweet to every one of them, first -the Captains and Commanders were easily wrought upon, and presently -after the whole Army join’d, and made up one intire Camp together. It -happen’d at that time, that the King of Assiria not knowing any thing -of the Revolt of the Bactrians, and puft up by his former Successes, -was indulging his Sloath and Idleness, and preparing Beasts for -Sacrifice, plenty of Wine, and other things necessary in order to feast -and entertain his Soldiers. - -While his whole Army was now feasting and revelling, Arbaces (receiving -intelligence by some Deserters of the Security and Intemperance of the -Enemy) fell in upon them on the sudden in the Night; and being in due -order and discipline, and setting upon such as were in confusion, he -being before prepar’d, and the other altogether unprovided, they easily -broke into their Camp, and made a great Slaughter of some, forcing the -rest into the City. - - -THE DESTRUCTION OF NINEVEH - -Hereupon Sardanapalus committed the charge of the whole Army to -Salemenus his Wife’s Brother, and took upon himself the defence of the -City. But the Rebels twice defeated the King’s Forces, once in the open -Field, and the Second time before the Walls of the City; in which last -ingagement Salemenus was kill’d, and almost all his Army lost, some -being cut off in the pursuit, and the rest (save a very few) being -intercepted, and prevented from entring into the City, were driven -headlong into the River Euphrates; and the number of the Slain was -so great, that the River was dy’d over with Blood, and retain’d that -Colour for a great distance, and a long course together. - -The King being afterwards besieg’d, many of the Nations (through desire -of Liberty) revolted to the Confederates; so that Sardanapalus now -perceiving that the Kingdom was like to be lost, sent away his Three -Sons and Two Daughters, with a great deal of Treasure into Paphlagonia, -to Cotta, the Governor there, his most intire friend; and sent posts -into all the Provinces of the Kingdom, in order to raise Souldiers, -and make all other Preparations necessary to indure a siege. And he -was the more incouraged to this, for that he was acquainted with an -ancient Prophesy, That Nineve could never be taken by force, till the -River became the City’s Enemy; which the more incourag’d him to hold -out, because he conceiv’d that was never like to be; therefore he -resolv’d to indure the Siege till the Aids which he expected out of the -Provinces came up to him. - -The Enemy on the other hand grown more couragious by their Successes, -eagerly urg’d on the Siege, but made little impression on the Besieg’d -by reason of the strength of the Walls; for Ballistes to cast Stones, -Testudos to cast up Mounts, and Battering Rams were not known in those -Ages. And besides (to say truth) the King had been very careful (as to -what concern’d the defence of the place) plentifully to furnish the -Inhabitants with every thing necessary. The Siege continu’d Two Years, -during which time nothing was done to any purpose, save that the Walls -were sometimes assaulted, and the Besieg’d pen’d up in the City. The -Third Year it happened that Euphrates overflowing with continual Rains, -came up into a part of the City, and tore down the Wall Twenty Furlongs -in length. - -The King hereupon conceiving that the Oracle was accomplish’d, in that -the River was an apparent Enemy to the City, utterly despair’d, and -therefore that he might not fall into the Hands of his Enemies, he -caus’d a huge Pile of Wood to be made in his Palace Court, and heapt -together upon it all his Gold, Silver, and Royal Apparel, and enclosing -his Eunuchs and Concubines in an Apartment within the Pile, caus’d it -to be set on Fire, and burnt himself and them together, which when the -Revolters came to understand, they enter’d through the Breach of the -Walls, and took the City; and cloath’d Arbaces with a Royal Robe, and -committed to him the sole Authority, proclaiming him King. - -When he had rewarded his followers, every one according to their -demerit, and appointed Governors over the several Provinces, Belesis -the Babylonian, who had foretold his advancement to the Throne, put -him in mind of his Services, and demanded the Government of Babylon, -which he had before promis’d him. He told him likewise of a Vow that -he himself had made to Belus, in the heat of the War, that when -Sardanapalus was conquer’d, and the Palace consum’d, he would carry the -Ashes to Babylon, and there raise a Mount near to his Temple, which -should be an eternal Monument to all that sailed through Euphrates, in -memory of him that overturn’d the Assyrian Empire. - -But that which in truth induc’d him to make this Request was, that -he had been inform’d of the Gold and Silver by an Eunuch (that was -a Deserter) whom he had hid and conceal’d: Arbaces therefore being -ignorant of the Contrivance (because all the rest beside this Eunuch, -were consum’d with the King) granted to him liberty both to carry away -the Ashes, and likewise the absolute Government of Babylon without -paying any Tribute. Whereupon Belesis forthwith prepar’d Shipping, -and together with the Ashes carry’d away most of the Gold and Silver -to Babylon. But when the King came plainly to understand the Cheat, -he committed the Examination and Decision of this Theft to the other -Captains who were his Assistants in the deposing of Sardanapalus. -Belesis upon his Trial confess’d the Fact, and thereupon they condemn’d -him to lose his Head. - -But the King being a Man of a noble and generous Spirit, and willing -to adorn the beginning of his Reign with the Marks of his Grace and -Mercy, not only pardon’d him, but freely gave him all the Gold and -Silver which had been carry’d away; neither did he deprive him of -the Government of Babylon, which at the first he conferr’d upon him, -saying, That his former good Services did overballance the Injuries -afterwards. This gracious Disposition of the King being nois’d abroad, -he thereby not only gain’d the Hearts of his People, but was highly -honour’d, and his Name famous among all the Provinces, and all judg’d -him worthy of the Kingdom, who was so compassionate and gracious to -offenders. - -The like Clemency he shew’d to the Inhabitants of Nineve; for though he -dispers’d them into several Country Villages, yet he restor’d to every -one of them their Estates, but raz’d the City to the ground. - -The rest of the Silver and Gold that could be found in the Pile (of -which there were many Talents) he convey’d to Echatana the Seat Royal -of Media. - -And thus was the Assyrian Empire overturn’d by the Medes after it -had continu’d Thirty Generations: from Ninus above Fourteen Hundred -Years.[c] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[37] [Babylon is actually the Greek form of the Assyrian Bab-ilu, -“Gate of God.” The somewhat similar Hebrew word meaning “confusion” is -Bilbool (from balbel). Hence the legend.] - -[38] [It is interesting to note that the name of the last native -king of Babylonia is given correctly by Josephus, who seems here to -follow the Greek writers in preference to the canonical records of -his own race. The latter, it will be recalled, substitute the name of -Belshazzar, a name not borne by any historical Babylonian king.] - - - - -APPENDIX B. EXCAVATIONS IN MESOPOTAMIA, AND THEIR RESULTS - - The consecrated metals found - And ivory tablets, underground, - Winged seraphim, and creatures crown’d - When air and daylight filled the mound, - Fell into dust immediately. - And even as these, the images - Of awe and worship--even as these-- - So, smitten with the sun’s increase, - Her glory mouldered and did cease - From immemorial Nineveh.--ROSSETTI. - - -A wish expressed by Herder early in the nineteenth century, that -explorations might be made in the region of the buried cities of -Babylonia and Assyria, was destined to meet with early realisation. -The exact sites of various of these cities, long utterly forgotten, -were discovered; excavations were made, and a harvest of buried -records brought to light, surpassing in interest and importance the -wildest dreams of anticipation. Not merely the ruins of city walls and -of fallen palaces were exhumed, but with them wonderfully preserved -sculptures and ornaments of surprising artistic excellence; and, more -important still, voluminous written records, historical and literary, -imprinted on slabs and cylinders of brick--the books of the period--in -strange wedge-shaped characters of unknown import, which modern -scholarship soon sufficed to decipher. How these marvellous feats were -accomplished had best be explained before we turn to the historical -records which they brought to light. It is a thrilling record, which -has no exact counterpart elsewhere in history.[a] The story of how the -work was begun is told by that pioneer in the field of Assyriology, Sir -A. H. Layard: - - -THE RUINS OF NINEVEH AND M. BOTTA’S FIRST DISCOVERY - -Were the traveller to cross the Euphrates to seek for such ruins in -Mesopotamia and Chaldea as he had left behind him in Asia Minor or -Syria, his search would be vain. The graceful column rising above the -thick foliage of the myrtle, ilex, and oleander; the gradines of the -amphitheatre covering a gentle slope, and overlooking the dark blue -waters of a lake-like bay; the richly carved cornice or capital half -hidden by the luxuriant herbage, are replaced by the stern, shapeless -mound rising like a hill from the scorched plain, the fragments of -pottery, and the stupendous mass of brickwork occasionally laid bare by -the winter rains. He has left the land where nature is still lovely, -where, in his mind’s eye, he can rebuild the temple or the theatre, -half doubting whether they would have made a more grateful impression -upon the senses than the ruin before him. He is now at a loss to -give any form to the rude heaps upon which he is gazing. Those of -whose works they are the remains, unlike the Roman and the Greek, have -left no visible traces of their civilisation, or of their arts: their -influence has long since passed away. The more he conjectures, the more -vague the results appear. The scene around is worthy of the ruin he is -contemplating; desolation meets desolation: a feeling of awe succeeds -to wonder; for there is nothing to relieve the mind, to lead to hope, -or to tell of what has gone by. These huge mounds of Assyria made a -deeper impression upon me, gave rise to more serious thoughts and more -earnest reflection, than the temples of Baalbec and the theatres of -Ionia. - -In the middle of April I left Mosul for Baghdad. As I descended the -Tigris on a raft, I again saw the ruins of Nimrud, and had a better -opportunity of examining them. It was evening as we approached the -spot. The spring rains had clothed the mound with the richest verdure, -and the fertile meadows, which stretched around it, were covered with -flowers of every hue. Amidst this luxuriant vegetation were partly -concealed a few fragments of bricks, pottery, and alabaster, upon which -might be traced the well-defined wedges of the cuneiform character. -Did not these remains mark the nature of the ruin, it might have been -confounded with a natural eminence. A long line of consecutive narrow -mounds, still retaining the appearance of walls or ramparts, stretched -from its base, and formed a vast quadrangle. The river flowed at some -distance from them: its waters, swollen by the melting of the snows on -the Armenian hills, were broken into a thousand foaming whirlpools by -an artificial barrier, built across the stream. On the eastern bank -the soil had been washed away by the current; but a solid mass of -masonry still withstood its impetuosity. The Arab, who guided my small -raft, gave himself up to religious ejaculations as we approached this -formidable cataract, over which we were carried with some violence. -Once safely through the danger, he explained to me that this unusual -change in the quiet face of the river was caused by a great dam which -had been built by Nimrod, and that in the autumn, before the winter -rains, the huge stones of which it was constructed, squared, and united -by cramps of iron, were frequently visible above the surface of the -stream.[39] It was, in fact, one of those monuments of a great people, -to be found in all the rivers of Mesopotamia, which were undertaken to -ensure a constant supply of water to the innumerable canals, spreading -like network over the surrounding country, and which, even in the days -of Alexander, were looked upon as the works of an ancient nation. No -wonder that the traditions of the present inhabitants of the land -should assign them to one of the founders of the human race! The Arab -explained the connection between the dam and the city built by Athur, -the lieutenant of Nimrod, the vast ruins of which were then before us, -and of its purpose as a causeway for the mighty hunter to cross to the -opposite palace, now represented by the mound of Hammum Ali. He was -telling me of the histories and fate of the kings of a primitive race, -still the favourite theme of the inhabitants of the plains of Shinar, -when the last glow of twilight faded away, and I fell asleep as we -glided onward to Baghdad. - -My curiosity had been greatly excited, and from that time I formed the -design of thoroughly examining, whenever it might be in my power, these -singular ruins. - -It was not until the summer of 1842 that I again passed through Mosul -on my way to Constantinople. I was then anxious to reach the Turkish -capital, and, travelling Tatar, had no time to explore ruins. I had -not, however, forgotten Nimrud. I had frequently spoken to others -on the subject of excavations in this and another mound, to which a -peculiar interest also attached; and at one time had reason to hope -that some persons in England might have been induced to aid in the -undertaking. I had even proposed an examination of the ruins to M. -Coste, an architect who had been sent by the French government, with -its embassy to Persia, to draw and describe the monuments of that -country. - -On my arrival at Mosul, I found that M. Botta had, since my first -visit, been named French consul there; and had already commenced -excavations on the opposite side of the river, in the large mound -called Kuyunjik. These excavations were on a very small scale, and, at -the time of my passage, only fragments of brick and alabaster, upon -which were engraved a few letters in the cuneiform character, had been -discovered. - -[Illustration: EXCAVATIONS AT KUYUNJIK - -(Layard)] - -Whilst detained by unexpected circumstances at Constantinople, I -entered into correspondence with a gentleman in England on the subject -of excavations; but, with this exception, no one seemed inclined to -assist or take any interest in such an undertaking. I also wrote to -M. Botta, encouraging him to proceed, notwithstanding the apparent -paucity of results, and particularly calling his attention to the mound -of Nimrud, which, however, he declined to explore on account of its -distance from Mosul and its inconvenient position. I was soon called -away from the Turkish capital to the provinces; and for some months -numerous occupations prevented me turning my attention to the ruins and -antiquities of Assyria. - -In the meanwhile M. Botta, not discouraged by the want of success which -had attended his first essay, continued his excavations in the mound -of Kuyunjik: and to him is due the honour of having found the first -Assyrian monument. This remarkable discovery owed its origin to the -following circumstances. The small party employed by M. Botta were -at work on Kuyunjik, when a peasant from a distant village chanced -to visit the spot. Seeing that every fragment of brick and alabaster -uncovered by the workmen was carefully preserved, he asked the reason -of this, to him, strange proceeding. On being informed that they were -in search of sculptured stones, he advised them to try the mound on -which his village was built, and in which, he declared, many such -things as they wanted had been exposed on digging for the foundations -of new houses. M. Botta, having been frequently deceived by similar -stories, was not at first inclined to follow the peasant’s advice, but -subsequently sent an agent and one or two workmen to the place. - -After a little opposition from the inhabitants, they were permitted -to sink a well in the mound; and at a small distance from the surface -they came to the top of a wall which, on digging deeper, they found -to be built of sculptured slabs of gypsum. M. Botta, on receiving -information of this discovery, went at once to the village, which was -called Khorsabad. He directed a wider trench to be formed, and to be -carried in the direction of the wall. He soon found that he had opened -a chamber, which was connected with others, and constructed of slabs of -gypsum covered with sculptured representations of battles, sieges, and -similar events. His wonder may be easily imagined. - -A new history had been suddenly opened to him--the records of an -unknown people were before him. He was equally at a loss to account -for the age and the nature of the monument. The art shown in the -sculptures, the dresses of the figures, the mythic forms on the walls, -were all new to him, and afforded no clew to the epoch of the erection -of the edifice, and to the people who were its founders. Numerous -inscriptions, accompanying the bas-reliefs, evidently contained the -explanation of the events thus recorded in sculpture. They were in the -cuneiform, or arrow-headed, character. The nature of these inscriptions -was at least evidence that the building belonged to a period preceding -the conquest of Alexander; for it was generally admitted that after -the subjugation of the west of Asia by the Macedonians, the cuneiform -writing ceased to be employed. But too little was then known of this -character to enable M. Botta to draw any inference from the peculiar -arrangement of the wedges, which distinguishes the varieties used -in different countries. However, it was evident that the monument -appertained to a very ancient and very civilised people; and it was -natural from its position to refer it to the inhabitants of Nineveh--a -city, which, although it could not have occupied a site so distant from -the Tigris, must have been in the vicinity of the place. M. Botta had -discovered an Assyrian edifice, the first, probably, which had been -exposed to the view of man since the fall of the Assyrian Empire. - -M. Botta was not long in perceiving that the building which had been -thus partly excavated, unfortunately owed its destruction to fire; and -that the gypsum slabs, reduced to lime, were rapidly falling to pieces -on exposure to the air. No precaution could arrest this rapid decay; -and it was to be feared that this wonderful monument had only been -uncovered to complete its ruin. The records of victories and triumphs, -which had long attested the power and swelled the pride of the Assyrian -kings, and had resisted the ravages of ages, were now passing away -forever. They could scarcely be held together until an inexperienced -pencil could secure an imperfect evidence of their former existence. - -Almost all that was first discovered thus speedily disappeared; and -the same fate has befallen nearly everything subsequently found at -Khorsabad. A regret is almost felt that so precious a memorial of a -great nation should have been thus exposed to destruction, when no -precaution could keep entire or secure the greater part of it; but as -far as the object of the monument is concerned, the intention of its -founders will be amply fulfilled, and the records of their might will -be more widely spread, and more effectually preserved, by modern art, -than the most exalted ambition could have contemplated. - -M. Botta lost no time in communicating his remarkable discovery to the -principal scientific body in France. Knowing the interest I felt in -his labours, he allowed me to see his letters and drawings as they -passed through Constantinople; and I was amongst the first who were -made acquainted with his success. And here I gladly avail myself of the -opportunity of mentioning, with the acknowledgment and praise which -they deserve, his disinterestedness and liberality, so honourable to -one engaged in the pursuit of knowledge. During the entire period of -his excavations, M. Botta regularly sent me not only his descriptions, -but copies of the inscriptions, without exacting any promise as to the -use I might make of them. That there are few who would have acted thus -liberally, those who have been engaged in a search after antiquities in -the East will not be inclined to deny. - -M. Botta’s communications were laid before the “Académie,” by M. Mohl; -and that body, perceiving at once the importance of the discovery, lost -no time in applying to the Minister of Public Instruction for means to -carry on the researches. The recommendation was attended to with that -readiness and munificence which almost invariably distinguished the -French government in undertakings of this nature. Ample funds to meet -the cost of extensive excavations were at once assigned to M. Botta, -and an artist of acknowledged skill was placed under his orders to draw -such parts of the monument discovered as could not be preserved or -removed. - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF FISH, HILLS, AND TREES] - -With the exception of a few interruptions on the part of the local -authorities, who were suspicious of the objects of the excavations, the -work was carried on with activity and success, and by the beginning of -1845 the monument had been completely uncovered. The researches of M. -Botta were not extended beyond Khorsabad; and having secured many fine -specimens of Assyrian sculpture for his country, he returned to Europe -with a rich collection of inscriptions, the most important result of -his discovery.[b] - - -LAYARD’S DISCOVERIES AT NINEVEH - -It is indeed a matter for regret there is not the space to continue -Layard’s own account of his discoveries. Professor Hommel has -summarised this, however, in an exceedingly satisfactory manner, and -his account is here given. - -Brilliant as Botta’s achievements had been, they were quite cast into -the shade by what the English statesman, Sir (then Mr.) A. H. Layard, -the sole discoverer of Nineveh, had accomplished for all branches of -investigation and knowledge of Assyrian antiquity, by means of the -excavations, principally in Kuyunjik and Nimrud, but also in Neby -Yunus, Kalah Shergat, and other mounds of ruins in the neighbourhood -of Nineveh; these excavations were made with the assistance of Hormuzd -Rassam, who subsequently continued them. We remember how, from as far -back as the year 1840, it was Layard’s ardent desire to be able to -undertake some excavations. He had hailed Botta’s lucky find without -envy, and was indeed the first who, in some letters in the _Malta -Times_ which afterwards went the rounds of many European newspapers, -directed public attention to the newly discovered Assyrian royal -palace, which Botta at first assigned to the Sassanian period. Then, in -the autumn of 1845, the eagerly-looked-for funds were at last obtained -by the munificence of the English ambassador at Constantinople, Sir -Stratford Canning (afterwards Lord Stratford de Redcliffe), to whom -the British Museum already owed the acquisition of the costly marbles -of Halicarnassus. Thus, towards the end of the year 1845, Layard was -able to begin the excavations. He set to work on the Nimrud pile of -ruins, which lies a distance of five hours to the south of Mosul, and -had previously attracted his attention when Botta was still in Mosul. -He laboured under the greatest difficulties, far greater than those -which Botta had to overcome--to see how far this statement is from -exaggeration, Layard’s own account should be perused--the work having -at first to be carried on in profound secrecy so as to excite as little -suspicion as possible in the Turkish authorities and in the population. - -It was not to be long before Layard’s efforts were crowned with -success. By the end of November several bas-reliefs were laid bare, -whose execution appeared to surpass even those of the sculptures of -Khorsabad, and which were accompanied by cuneiform inscriptions. In -spite of many interruptions the work proceeded rigorously, and manifold -were the discoveries thus brought to light. One deserving of special -interest was that of the gigantic head of one of the colossal winged -lions, with men’s heads, which the Assyrians placed at the entrance of -their palaces for the sake of spreading terror amongst the inhabitants -of surrounding districts. For it was everywhere whispered and believed -that none other than Nimrod in person had risen from the earth. All -this had occurred in the spring of the year 1846. The funds for the -excavations lasted till the middle of June 1847; and when Layard -returned to Europe he had laid bare in Nimrud no less than three great -Assyrian royal palaces, namely: the grand northwestern palace, which -Asshurnazirpal had built (884-861 B.C.) on the ruins of an ancient -structure (dating from Shalmaneser I, the founder of Calah, _circa_ -1300 B.C.?); the central palace, probably built by Asshurnazirpal’s -successor, Shalmaneser II (a predecessor of the biblical Shalmaneser), -where was found the famous black obelisk; and lastly, Esarhaddon’s -once magnificent southwestern palace (681-669 B.C.). The northwestern -palace yielded the richest spoil: it was also far better preserved -than the contents of Sargon’s palace at Khorsabad, where Botta had -made his excavations. As Sir Stratford Canning had presented the -British Museum with everything moveable which Layard had discovered and -brought to light, even at the end of this first expedition of Layard’s, -a collection of Assyrian antiquities (principally bas-reliefs and -inscriptions), such as existed nowhere else, was despatched to London. -The unwearied energy of the discoverer of Nineveh succeeded in taking -it unhurt, first to Bassorah, from whence the valuable freight was -forwarded to the ship--truly not the smallest part of the task he had -begun so gloriously, and now still more gloriously accomplished. - -The period which followed was employed by Layard in summarising -the results obtained in a vigorous narrative, furnished with many -illustrations, the work called _Nineveh and its Remains_, which was -published just as Layard was on the point of going to Assyria for the -second time--on this occasion at the expense of the British Museum. -The sensation which the book created in England was enormous, and its -most important result was that henceforth the government turned its -attention to the excavations. So in 1849 Layard was given leave of -absence from his diplomatic post at Constantinople for the purpose of -making new discoveries on Assyrian soil, and Hormuzd Rassam, who had -already been his assistant and happened just then to be in London, was -sent after him (also officially). - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF REPRESENTING A FORTIFIED CITY, A RIVER WITH A -BOAT AND RAFT, AND A CANAL - -(Found at Kuyunjik.--Layard)] - -If on the first expedition Layard had done little more than explore -Nimrud (the ancient Calah), the labours of the second (1849-1851), -were on the contrary practically limited to the mounds of ruins of -Kuyunjik with Neby Yunus, the site of Nineveh itself. Here Botta had -first begun his excavations, but entirely without success, for he had -merely caused diggings to be made to the depth of a few feet, and -without any method, instead of making his chief object the remains of -the platform, on which the buildings he was seeking had been erected. -And it was here that Layard, at the end of his first expedition, and -after having been obliged to dig twenty feet down, had discovered -Sennacherib’s southwestern palace (705-682 B.C.). But the real fruits -of this discovery were now the object of the second undertaking. For if -in this Layard was still occupied with Nimrud, the work there was only -a species of gleaning, the excavations and discoveries in Arban, on the -Khabur and in Bavian were, in comparison with the rest, only a short -trial-trip, and the main thing still remained the minute investigation -and laying bare of the great southwestern palace in Kuyunjik. It was -not till this was finished that he employed the rest of his time and -money in a visit to Babylonia (at the end of 1850), of which, however, -Layard himself says “that they (_i.e._ the discoveries amongst the -ruins of ancient Babylon) were far fewer and of far less importance -than he had expected”; he also gave the first exact description of the -mounds of Niffer, the ancient Nippur, southeast of Babylon. All his -experiences and all the results of this second expedition were set down -by Layard in the _Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon_, -a work, seven hundred pages in length and with many illustrations, -besides plans and maps, which appeared in London as early as the -beginning of the year 1853. - -This popular book had, like the former one, a prodigious success, -and was shortly after translated into German; as a supplement to it -Layard’s great publications were announced, namely, that magnificent -work, the _Monuments of Nineveh_, and a volume of inscriptions which -was the forerunner to the great work on inscriptions published by the -British Museum in five volumes (1861-1884). - -But to return to Layard’s excavations which he resumed in the middle -of October, 1849, at the place where he had interrupted them two -years before. It is simply impossible within a short space to give -a clear idea of what Layard and his workmen, assisted by Hormuzd -Rassam, brought to light before the middle of the year 1850 in that -southwestern palace of Sennacherib which Asshurbanapal restored. Any -one who would form a clear idea of it must peruse Layard’s magnificent -descriptions of it for himself. Assyrian antiquity rose from the earth -and grew more and more distinct, and so intelligible was the language -of the hundreds of bas-reliefs, that, even without understanding the -inscriptions, every one was in a position to construct for himself -a tolerably clear picture of the manners and customs, the life and -occupations, in short, the whole civilisation of the ancient Assyrians, -and this merely from the illustrations in Layard’s two popular books. -But the most important discovery made in this palace, indeed the most -important in its results of all the Assyrian excavations, was the -remains of a regular library of thousands of clay tablets, which were -heaped up in two chambers, covering the floor a foot thick. These -the restorer of the palace, the accomplished king Asshurbanapal (668 -B.C., the Sardanapalus of the Greeks, and Asnapper of the Bible) had -had collected, and had deposited them, partly here, partly (probably -in duplicate) in other palaces, as in particular in the northern -palace, which was also in Kuyunjik, and was discovered by Rassam. -The tablets of gray and yellow clay found in the so-called Lion Room -of Asshurbanapal’s northern palace, were in most cases broken into -smaller or larger fragments, probably because in the general ruin they -had fallen down from the upper story into the space in which they -covered the ground; many, however, were still whole. Of course only -later investigation could succeed in bringing the broken fragments -together again, and then only partially; one of these tablets, restored -by piecing together sixteen fragments, gives the Babylonian story of -the Flood, which George Smith successfully recognised from amongst -the thousands of scattered fragments; the reader will appreciate the -condition in which most of these clay book-pages (to use a paradoxical -expression) have come down to us. The size of the tablets seldom -exceeds nine by six and a half inches; but many, especially tablets -containing contracts, were considerably smaller. The greater number -bore the inscription, “Series of tablets …, tablet number …; Palace of -Asshurbanapal, king of the universe, king of Assyria …,” after which -came a series of phrases, mostly stereotyped, which indicates the -tablet in question as belonging to the library of Asshurbanapal, the -great collector of ancient Babylonian literature in Assyrian character. -In the restored tablet of the Flood, the place of the signature is -clearly recognisable on the first of the columns; it is the last of the -columns, for they are always to be counted from right to left (instead -of from left to right). But especially clear to the eye of a layman is -the addition to the signature, which represents a kind of library mark, -unlike that of the specially prized Ishtar hymn in two languages (S. -M. 954, British Museum); the latter differs somewhat from the ordinary -tenor of these signatures, inasmuch as a whole genealogy is put, -instead of the sentence usual elsewhere; translated literally it runs: - - “(series:) ir shimma dimmir Ninna.”--Complaint to the goddess - Ishtar. - - (The usual number of the tablet is not placed here.) - -He has written and engraved it like its original. - - “Palace of Asshurbanapal, king of Assyria, - Son of Esarhaddon, king of the universe, king of Assyria, ruler - of Babylon, - King of Sumer and Accad, king of the kings of Ethiopia and Egypt, - King of the four regions, son of Sennacherib, - King of the universe, king of Assyria, who puts his trust in the - god Asshur and the goddess Ninlil, in Nabu and Tashmit. - May the god Nabu be thy guide!” - -In general, however, these signatures ran as follows: - - (The first word of the tablet following.) - - “Xth tablet (of the series beginning thus:).… - - “Palace of Asshurbanapal, the king of the universe, the king of - Assyria, to whom Nabu and Tashmit had given ear, who took clear - eyes for the preparation (?) of the writing of tablets, whilst - under the kings my predecessors nothing of the kind (nin shipru - shu’ atu) was attempted--the wisdom of Nabu, (tikip santakki), a - fullness of beauty, did I write, arrange, and engrave on tablets; - to see and read it I placed it in my palace.” - -After which, in some examples, there follows: - - “May the light of Asshur, the king of the gods, be thy guide! - Whosoever shall write his name by my name, - May Asshur and Ninlil (Beltis) destroy him and root his name and - his seed out of the land!” - -The contents of the tablets in which Asshurbanapal caused the wisdom of -the god Nabu (identified by the ancients with Mercury) to be written of -in this fashion, were varied to an extent scarcely conceivable. They -contained the primitive spells and formulas for oaths of the people of -Sumer, as well as the somewhat later hymns to the gods, and penitential -psalms of the Accadian population of northern Babylonia, almost all of -them with interlinear translations into the Semitic language of ancient -Babylon; also legends of Semitic character and epic poems almost -as old as the Accadian hymns; astronomical and astrological texts; -historical inscriptions (as, for instance, those of Agum-kakrime and -the ancient Sargon); chronological lists, calendars, and a great deal -besides; all of which was collected by Asshurbanapal and by him handed -down to posterity. It is hard to say in what direction the literary -pieces thus preserved fail to cast a light on the ancient Babylonians -into whose cultivation the Assyrians were, indeed, once initiated, -and to whom they were in all essentials indebted for their own; it is -certain that we should now be acquainted with no single one of those -primitive magic verses, had not Asshurbanapal had them written out -afresh. And what should we know of the Sumerians and Accadians without -these songs? But this is not enough. A great part of the Asshurbanapal -library consists of philosophical aids to the knowledge and -acquisition of the Sumerio-Accadian language, as well as of the Semitic -Assyrio-Babylonian, and to the writing (the so-called syllabary) as -well as to the spoken language; these aids include vocabularies, -grammatical paradigms, and even collections of phrases in two languages. - -Whilst Layard was exploring the southwestern palace at Kuyunjik, adding -undreamt-of treasures to those acquired in his first expedition to the -country, and finding quantities of new cuneiform texts of the so-called -third species of the Assyrian genus, so that he seemed to have been -the first to gather the materials for the deciphering of this kind -of cuneiform writing, it had been already completed, at least in the -main, by the labours of Saulcy (1849) and, above all, by those of Henry -Rawlinson (1847-1851). Layard’s book, _Nineveh and its Remains_, which -appeared in 1849, had already introduced us into the midst of Assyrian -antiquity, although the inscriptions which accompanied the sculptures -could not yet give us any further information elucidating them. But in -the _Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon_, which appeared -in the beginning of 1853, we already find the correct interpretation -of several Assyrian names of kings, countries, towns, and gods, and -even the correct rendering of the substance of connected historical -inscriptions, which Layard owed to the information communicated in -the interval by Henry Rawlinson and the Irishman, E. Hincks, who had -also brought great acuteness to bear on this department of study. The -numerous fresh historical documents which Layard brought with him -could not have appeared at a more favourable time; above all, the -first of the chests containing Asshurbanapal’s library could not have -entered London at a better moment. For, once a basis was established -for the reading of the cuneiform writing of the Babylonian and -Assyrian languages, all that was needed to advance along the path so -successfully entered upon was new texts, and these now began to flow -in, in abundance.[c] - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF REPRESENTING TIGLATHPILESER III - -(Found at Nimrud.--Layard)] - - -LATER DISCOVERIES IN BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA - -The work of exploration rested entirely between the years 1855 and -1872. Great progress was made, however, in the decipherment of -inscriptions and the popularisation of the results, and the mind of the -public was prepared to appreciate the greatness of the work that was to -follow. - -The importance of George Smith’s decipherment in 1872 of the Babylonian -story of the Deluge was at once recognised, and led to his being -sent to Nineveh in January, 1873, under the auspices of the _Daily -Telegraph_. As soon as he had discovered some further fragments of -the deluge story, however, the newspaper was satisfied, and he was -recalled. On a second expedition, sent out in the same year by the -British Museum, Smith made no startling discoveries. Smith’s work, -while small in amount when compared with that of the early explorers, -brought to light much valuable material, and aroused great enthusiasm -in England. The British Museum sent him on a third expedition in 1876; -but he was prevented from making any excavations, and died of fever on -his way back. - -The next expedition, that of Hormuzd Rassam in 1877, resulted, among -other things, in the identification of the site of Sippar, and the -discovery of numerous interesting inscriptions and of some beautifully -ornamented inscribed bronze plates that had adorned the gates of the -palace of Shalmaneser II. - -In this same year, 1877, M. Ernest de Sarzec, then just appointed -French consul at Bassorah on the Persian Gulf, began that series -of brilliant explorations which he has carried on more or less -continuously ever since. His enthusiasm for archæological research was -backed by an extensive knowledge of the conditions of the country, and -his efforts were rewarded with an unusual degree of success from the -very start. - -The first four years were devoted to an extensive and systematic -excavation of Telloh, a great mound about five miles from the -Shatt-el-khai, in southern Babylonia, and now identified with the -ancient Shirpurla. The first season was marked by the discovery of -two large terra-cotta cylinders, twenty-four inches long and twelve -in diameter. The inscriptions on these cylinders, which contained -fully two thousand lines each, were the longest then known from an -early period. By the end of the four seasons of work a great temple -had been uncovered, one hundred and seventy-five by one hundred feet -in dimensions, and built on a mound from sixteen to twenty feet high. -The bricks of the outer wall, which was five feet thick, were one foot -square and bore the name Gudea. The objects found in the interior of -the temple have proved very important to early Babylonian history. One -room contained eight statues of an early period, all headless, however, -having been mutilated by barbarians of a later time. - -Scarcely less important was De Sarzec’s discovery in 1894 of a chamber -in which were found thirty thousand tablets. While a considerable -proportion of them were religious documents, most of these tablets were -commercial, agricultural, and industrial archives. - -The Louvre has profited greatly by the work of De Sarzec, for a large -part of his discoveries has found its way thither. - -The American expeditions have been among the most successful ones in -this field. The Wolfe expedition of 1884-1885--so called from Miss -Catherine Lorillard Wolfe, who defrayed its expenses--confined its work -to a thorough exploration of the whole field, not only visiting the -sites of previous excavations, but examining many new mounds as well. -The succeeding expeditions have been sent out under the auspices of -the University of Pennsylvania. The first one, in 1888-1889, under the -direction of Dr. John P. Peters, with Professors H. V. Hilprecht and -R. F. Harper as Assyriologists, began excavations at Niffer, the site -of ancient Nippur. They had many difficulties with native tribes and -Turkish officials, but succeeded in making a trigonometrical survey -of all the mounds and obtaining a great number of antiquities of all -sorts. Dr. Peters, however, modestly characterises the expedition as -“more or less of a failure.” - -In 1890 work was begun again. Thousands of tablets and various kinds -of objects were obtained, and were all sent to the Imperial Museum -at Constantinople. Professor Hilprecht was sent to Constantinople to -catalogue the finds. He did the work with great skill and tact, and the -Sultan repaid the University of Pennsylvania for his services by the -gift of a large part of the collection. - -[Illustration: ASSYRIAN STELE] - -The third expedition was sent out in 1893 under the direction of Mr. J. -H. Haynes, who had been the business manager of the first two. With a -single brief interruption of two months in 1894 he carried on the work -steadily until 1896, accomplishing what no European had ever ventured -to attempt before. This expedition and the fourth one, which set out -under Haynes in 1899 and was joined by Hilprecht in 1900, procured many -thousands of tablets and antiquities of other kinds. These finds have -enriched the store of Babylonian literature with vast quantities of -texts, religious, commercial, and historical. - -The first German expedition, in 1897, like the first American, simply -explored Babylonia and Assyria. Then in 1899 Dr. Robert Koldewey, who -had been a member of the first expedition, accompanied by Dr. Bruno -Meissner, went out under the auspices of the German Orient Society. -They went to work at the mound of El-Kasr, Babylon, which covers the -remains of the palace of Nebuchadrezzar. Their first success was in -the finding of a new Hittite inscription and many tablets of the -Neo-Babylonian period. Great results may be expected from their future -work. - -The Turks, themselves, have naturally the best opportunity for carrying -on the work of exploration, for they can count upon the support instead -of the opposition of the officials, and can keep the natives under -control. Thus far one expedition has been sent out. It was under the -direction of Father Scheil, a distinguished Assyriologist, a French -Dominican. Its complete success shows that if the Turkish government -can once be aroused to the importance of the work, greater discoveries -may be expected. - -One of the most important discoveries of cuneiform inscriptions was -made at Tel-el-Amarna in Egypt in 1888. From these tablets, which are -letters and despatches of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV and of many -monarchs of western Asia, much valuable chronological material has been -obtained, as well as much light upon social relations. - -The great discoveries of the past thirty years are but an inspiration -to further exploration. The work is bound to be carried on until the -buried cities have been completely brought to light again.[ad] - - -THE RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATIONS - -We have followed the story of the excavations in Babylonia and Assyria -with some detail because of the unique character of the record. It -remains now to examine the results of these excavations in their -bearings upon the story of history. For, of course, it is the material -supplied by the workers in this field rather than the work itself which -has pertinence in the present connection. - -[Illustration: HUNTING SCENE FROM A BAS-RELIEF IN THE PALACE OF -ASSHURNAZIRPAL] - -Great numbers of historical documents have been restored to us, -sufficing, as has already been suggested, to rebuild the history of the -all but forgotten nations. Such historical documents as are not to be -found in connection with Greece or Rome, or even of the civilisation of -the Middle Ages down to about the tenth century A.D., are supplied us -from the ruins of the Babylonian and Assyrian cities. These documents, -as already pointed out, are in the form of inscriptions on fragments -of brick. These inscriptions, in an altogether unknown character, -were at first enigmatic, but oriental scholarship soon availed to -decipher them. The story of this decipherment must be outlined here -for comparison with the account of the decipherment of the Egyptian -hieroglyphics, which has already been presented. In no other cases -except these two has the historian been called upon to deal with a -great mass of documents written in an absolutely dead language. It -must be remembered that the so-called dead languages of the classical -world were never really forgotten. All through the Middle Ages there -were numberless scholars who had an expert knowledge of Greek and -Latin. Indeed, these languages were the current medium of scholarly -intercourse throughout the dark ages. But the Babylonian and Assyrian -languages, like the Egyptian, were dead in the fullest significance of -the term; that is to say, they were utterly unknown to any human being -for a period of more than two thousand years. Their restoration was one -of the marvels of nineteenth-century scholarship; and while the details -of this feat of scholarship do not properly come within the province of -the historian in the narrower sense, they have such universal interest -that we shall do well to present at least their outline here. - -Before turning to the story of decipherment, however, it will be well -to gain an idea as to the number and the variety and character of the -historical documents in question. And perhaps the best way to do this -will be to take a glance at the contents of the Assyrian collections -in the British Museum, giving particular attention to the marvellous -library of King Asshurbanapal, one of the last of the great rulers of -Assyria--a remarkable collection of books, the discovery of which has -been already referred to in the previous section. Nothing could give -one a more vivid realisation of the character of this ancient oriental -civilisation than the most casual glance at the sample books from this -old library. Having inspected, however casually, this marvellous set -of documents, one is prepared to take up the chronological history of -the Babylonians and the Assyrians with a fresh interest based upon -the comprehension that this people, so long regarded as scarcely more -than mythical, possessed a civilisation strangely comparable in many -essential features to the civilisation of our own time.[a] - - -TREASURES FROM NINEVEH - -The most casual wanderer in the British Museum can hardly fail to -notice two pairs of massive sculptures, in the one case winged bulls, -in the other, winged lions, both human-headed, which guard the entrance -to the Egyptian hall, close to the Rosetta stone. Each pair of these -weird creatures once guarded an entrance to the palace of a king in the -famous city of Nineveh. As one stands before them his mind is carried -back over some twenty-seven intervening centuries, to the days when -the “Cedar of Lebanon” was “fair in his greatness” and the scourge of -Israel. A wave of emotion sweeps over one when he first sees them, and -Byron’s stirring lines, reminiscent of school-day oratory, ring in the -memory: - - The Assyrian came down like the wolf on the fold, - And his cohorts were gleaming in purple and gold, - And the sheen of their spears was like stars on the sea, - When the blue wave rolls nightly on deep Galilee. - -The Assyrian! The ruler of Nineveh! For two thousand five hundred years -he was only a name and a memory; yet here stand great monuments to -testify to the reality of his sometime greatness. - -These huge lions are pertinent in the present connection because of -the inscriptions that are graven across their pedestals. A glance -reveals the strange characters in which these records are written, -graven neatly in straight lines across the stone, and looking, to -casual inspection, like nothing else so much as random flights of -arrow-heads. The resemblance is so striking that this is sometimes -called the arrow-headed character, though it is more generally -known as the wedge or cuneiform character. A strange writing this. -It seems almost incredible that it can really be susceptible of -interpretation and translation into a modern language. And, indeed, -the feat of interpreting it was one of the greatest achievements of -nineteenth-century scholarship; but of this we shall have more to say -in a moment. - -But importance aside, what an interest must now attach to objects with -such a history as belongs to these! The very sculptures before us, for -example, were perhaps seen by Jonah when he made that famous voyage -to Nineveh some seven or eight hundred years B.C. A little later the -Babylonian and the Mede revolted from Assyrian tyranny, and descended -upon the fair city of Nineveh, and almost literally levelled it to -the ground. But these great sculptures, among other things, escaped -destruction, and at once hidden and preserved by the accumulating -débris of the centuries, they stood there age after age, their very -existence quite forgotten. When Xenophon marched past their site with -the ill-starred Expedition of the Ten Thousand, in the year 400 B.C., -he saw only a mound which seemed to mark the site of some ancient ruin; -but so ephemeral is fame that the Greek did not suspect that he looked -upon the site of that city which only two centuries before had been the -mistress of the world. - -So ephemeral is fame! And yet the moral scarcely holds in the sequel; -for we of to-day, in this new, undreamed-of Western world, behold these -mementoes of Assyrian greatness, fresh from their twenty-five hundred -years of entombment, and with them records which restore to us the -history of that long-forgotten people in such detail as it was not -known to any previous generation since the fall of Nineveh. For two -thousand five hundred years no one saw these treasures or knew that -they existed. One hundred generations of men came and went without -once pronouncing the names of Kings Asshurnazirpal or Asshurbanapal. -And to-day, after centuries of oblivion, these names are restored to -history, and, thanks to the character of their monuments, are assured -a permanency of fame that can almost defy time itself. It would be -nothing strange, but rather in keeping with their previous mutations -of fortune, if the names of Asshurnazirpal and Asshurbanapal should be -familiar household words to future generations that have forgotten the -existence of an Alexander, a Cæsar, and a Napoleon. For when Macaulay’s -prospective New Zealander explores the ruins of the British Museum, the -records of the ancient Assyrians will presumably be there unscathed, to -tell their story as they have told it to our generation, although every -manuscript and printed book may have gone the way of fragile textures. - -But the past of the Assyrian sculptures is quite necromantic enough -without conjuring for them a necromantic future. The story of their -restoration is like a brilliant romance of history. Prior to the middle -of the nineteenth century the inquiring student could learn in an hour -or so all that was known in fact and in fable of the renowned city of -Nineveh. He had but to read a few chapters of the Bible and a few pages -of Diodorus to exhaust the important literature of the subject. If -he turned also to the pages of Herodotus and Xenophon, of Justin and -Ælianus, these served chiefly to confirm the suspicion that the Greeks -themselves knew almost nothing more of the history of their famed -oriental forerunners. - -The current fables told of a first king Ninus and his wonderful -queen, Semiramis; of Sennacherib, the conqueror; of the effeminate -Sardanapalus, who neglected the warlike ways of his ancestors, but -perished gloriously at the last, with Nineveh itself, in a self-imposed -holocaust. And that was all. How much of this was history, how much -myth, no man could say; and for all any one suspected to the contrary, -no man could ever know. And to-day the contemporary records of the city -are before us in such profusion as no other nation of antiquity, save -Egypt alone, can at all rival. Whole libraries of Babylonian documents -are at hand that were written twenty or even thirty centuries before -our era. These, be it understood, are the original books themselves, -not copies. The author of that remote time speaks to us directly, hand -to eye, without intermediary transcriber. And there is not a line of -any Hebrew or Greek inscriptions of a like age that has been preserved -to us; there is little enough that can match these ancient books by a -thousand years. When one reads of Moses or Isaiah, Homer, Hesiod, or -Herodotus, he is but following the transcription--often unquestionably -faulty, and probably never in all parts perfect--of successive copyists -of later generations. The oldest known copy of the Bible, for example, -dates from the fourth century A.D.--1000 years after the last Assyrian -records were made, and read, and buried, and forgotten. - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF FROM AN ASSYRIAN PALACE, SHOWING ASSYRIAN -SOLDIERS, PRISONERS BEING FLAYED ALIVE, CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS, ETC.] - -As to the earlier Mesopotamian records, they date back some -5000--perhaps 7000--years B.C.: at least 1000 years before the period -assigned by Archbishop Usher’s long-accepted _Chronology_ for the -creation of the world itself. Solomon, who lived about 1000 B.C., is -accredited with the declaration that “of the making of many books -there is no end.” Modern exegesists tell us that it was not Solomon, -but a later Alexandrian interloper, who actually coined the phrase; -but nevertheless it appears that the saying would have been perfectly -intelligible, in Mesopotamia, not merely to Solomon’s contemporaries, -but to generations that lived long before the Jewish nation, as such, -came into existence. At all events, there was at least one king of -Assyria--namely, Asshurbanapal--who lived only a few generations after -Solomon, and whose palace boasted a library of some 10,000 volumes--a -library, if you please, in which the books were numbered and shelved -systematically, and classified, and cared for by an official librarian. -From this library, records have come to us during the past half-century -that have reconstructed the history of Asiatic antiquity. - -If you would care to see some of these strange documents, you have but -a little way to go from the site of the winged lion here in the British -Museum. Meantime, there are other sculptures here which you can hardly -pass unnoticed. As we pass the human-headed lions and enter the hall of -Asshurnazirpal, we shall see other evidences of Assyrian greatness that -might easily lead our thoughts astray from the writing. Here, forming -the wall, are bas-reliefs on which the famous scene of the lion hunt -is shown; a little farther on are all manner of war scenes; and there -some domestic incidents, the making of bread or a like comestible, and -its baking in an oven; and there again is the interior of a stable with -a man gravely grooming a horse much as it might be done in any stable -to-day. - -All these must not be allowed to distract our attention, for these -graphic illustrations have nothing directly to do with writing. -Here, however, at the end of the hall, are some other bas-reliefs -more pertinent to our present inquiry. That winged god, for example, -carrying a fawn, has a fine flight of arrows across the background -and figures alike, differing in the latter regard from the lion we -have just left. In the hall just beyond are some illustrations of a -different combination of picture and text. Here is the famous obelisk -of Shalmaneser, which, like all the things thus far noted in the -Assyrian collection, was found by Sir Henry Layard at Nineveh. It is -virtually an illustrated book, telling in word and text of the conquest -of many countries by King Shalmaneser II. - -The figures of the upper row report the payment of tribute by “Sua of -Gilzani, who brought silver, gold, lead, vessels of copper, horses, and -dromedaries.” It will be observed, of course, that only one side of -the obelisk is here shown. The other three sides in each case depict -other phases of the payment of the tribute by the same conquered -enemy. The second tier of figures is of peculiar interest, because -it shows the payment of tribute by “Yaua, the son of Khumri.” This -is, as the Bible student interprets it, “Jehu, the son of Omri.” The -conquered Israelite brings “silver and gold, lead and bowls, dishes, -cups, and other vessels of gold,” and the forms of these vessels, as -well as the costumes of the Hebrews themselves, are well shown in the -illustrations. The third row of figures represents the “payment of the -tribute of the land of Musri, consisting of dromedaries, buffaloes, -elephants, apes, and other animals.” The grotesque figures of the -alleged apes, with their altogether human heads, are suggestive as -showing how these strange foreign animals appealed to the imagination -of the Assyrian artist, causing him to depart from that fine realism -which he brought to bear upon the delineation of more familiar animals. -The fourth set of pictures shows the payment of tribute of the land -of Sukhi, and the fifth a not dissimilar tribute from the country of -Patin. The inscriptions at the top and base of the obelisk give details -of the conquests, recording among other things how Shalmaneser captured -1121 chariots and 470 battle horses and the whole camp of Hazael, king -of Damascus. - -Perhaps the most curious example of economy of material in a makeshift -book that the Assyrian collection at the British Museum has to show, -is illustrated in the figure of the god Nabu, which forms part of -the Nineveh collection, and which stands in the hall just beyond the -obelisk of Shalmaneser. Here, as a glance at the illustration will -show, the skirt of the robe of the human figure is used as a ground -for an elaborate inscription. The effect is rather decorative and -distinctly unique. This figure has the further interest of affording -an illustration of what the Assyrian artist could do when he adopted -the expedient, for him unusual, of working in the round. The great -masterpieces of Assyrian art were modelled in bas-relief. Occasionally, -however, the artist attempted the full figure, as in the present -case; but it can hardly be claimed that the success of this is at -all comparable with that attained by the other method. There are -low reliefs in the hunting scenes contained in the dining-hall of -Asshurbanapal, as represented here in the British Museum, that are -real works of art. The wounded lioness dragging her haunches, the -hunted goats, the pacing wild asses, are veritable masterpieces. No -such claim can be made for the god Nabu or for any other full statue -that the excavations of Nineveh have revealed. But on the other hand -the texture of the skirt of this god gives it an abiding interest of a -unique character. - -A further interest attaches to this statue, as to many others of the -Assyrian monuments, because of its bearing upon the religion of that -famous people. Until the discovery of these long-buried monuments, -practically all that was known of the religion of the Babylonians and -Assyrians was contained in the pages of Herodotus. Strange tales he -tells of what he saw in the temples of Babylon, where, as he alleges, -all the women of the city, of whatever class or rank, were obliged -at least once in a lifetime to prostitute themselves for hire. The -inscriptions on the monuments tell us nothing of such practical phases -of worship as this, but they do show that the Assyrians were an -intensely religious people, closely comparable in that regard to their -cousins the Hebrews. Their religion, too, it would appear, was of that -firmly grasped self-sufficient kind which puts aside all doubt; which -assumes as a primordial fact that one’s own view is right; that one’s -gods are the only true gods, and that all the outside world must be -regarded as one’s proper prey. A further illustration of this phase -of the subject will claim our attention when we come to examine the -religious writings of the Assyrians a little more in detail. - -[Illustration: OBELISK OF SHALMANESER II - -(Now in the British Museum)] - -Another illustration of a curiously Assyrian combination of art and -letters is shown in the sculptured lion that guards the entrance -to the next hall. This lion is a memento of the same reign as that -human-headed one at the other doorway, but it is very different in -workmanship, and clearly the product of another artist. For one thing -it is a veritable lion, not a mythical compound beast, except, indeed, -that it shares with the other the peculiarity of a fifth leg. Assyrian -tastes seem to have required that four legs should be visible from -whatever point of view the statue of an animal was regarded; hence -the anomaly. For the rest, this gigantic beast shows many points of -realistic delineation, and it is artistically full of interest. The -head in particular expresses feeling in a most unequivocal way. - -But the most curious characteristic of this sculpture is the way in -which the writing is carried from the slab right across the body of the -animal itself, and also across its front legs. Perhaps this was done at -the command of the king, merely as a convenient expedient that all the -desired records of the conquest might be given a place, but the effect -at a little distance is curiously as if the artist had striven to get -the feeling of hair in a stiff and formal manner, in keeping with the -conventional rendering of the mane. Again it has been suggested that -the writing has been carried across the body of the lion to safeguard -it. There was a not unusual custom among ancient monarchs of scraping -out the inscription of a predecessor and supplanting it with one’s -own. So great a monarch as Ramses II, in Egypt, did not scruple to -do this, and a remarkable case is shown on an Arabian temple where -the conscienceless monarch actually substitutes his own name for the -correct one of the builder, in a tablet claiming authorship of the -temple of which the tablet is a part. That the kings of Assyria had -occasion to fear such jugglery is shown by the inscriptions on the -book tablets in the royal library at Nineveh, where Asshurbanapal, -after telling that the books are of his library, calls a curse upon -any one who shall ever put another name beside his own. Perhaps, then, -King Asshurnazirpal thought to transmit a record of his deeds more -securely to posterity by inscribing them across the back of this lion, -for doubtless the sculpture was considered a masterpiece, and the king -felt, we may suppose, that artistic taste might prevent a sacrilege -which mere conscience would not interdict. - - -THE LIBRARY OF A KING OF NINEVEH - -We come now to the place in the British Museum in which some of these -treasures of the old Assyrian king are guarded. They occupy part -of the series of cases placed down the centre of the room known as -the Nineveh Gallery. Perhaps it is not too much to speak of these -collections as forming the most extraordinary set of documents of all -the rare treasures of the British Museum, for it includes not books -alone, but public and private letters, business announcements, marriage -contracts--in a word, all the species of written records that enter -into the everyday life of an intelligent and cultured community. - -[Illustration: DETAIL FROM THE OBELISK OF SHALMANESER II] - -But by what miracle have such documents been preserved through all -these centuries? A glance makes the secret evident. It is simply a case -of time-defying materials. Each one of these Assyrian documents appears -to be, and in reality is, nothing more or less than an inscribed -fragment of brick, having much the colour and texture of a weathered -terra-cotta tile of modern manufacture. These slabs are usually oval -or oblong in length, and an inch or so in thickness. Each of them was -originally a portion of brick clay, on which the scribe indented the -flights of arrow-heads with some sharp-cornered instrument, after which -the document was made permanent by baking. They are somewhat fragile, -of course, as all bricks are, and many of them have been more or less -crumbled in the destruction of the palace at Nineveh; but to the -ravages of mere time they are as nearly invulnerable as almost anything -in nature. Hence it is that these records of a remote civilisation -have been preserved to us, while the similar records of such later -civilisations as the Grecian have utterly perished; much as the flint -implements of the cave-dweller come to us unchanged, while the iron -implements of a far more recent age have crumbled away. - -Consider even in the most casual way the mere samples that are -exhibited here in the museum. This first case, the label tells -us, contains tablets--sample leaves, if you will--from the famous -“Creation” and “Deluge” series. That is to say, from the book which has -been called the Chaldean Genesis, and which excited such a furor of -attention when George Smith of the British Museum first deciphered part -of its contents, because it seemed to give so striking a clew to the -origin of the sacred book of the Hebrews. The Hebrew legends are very -differently received to-day from what they were even fifty years ago, -thanks to the advance of science; but these Chaldean stories of the -creation and destruction of mankind still have absorbing interest as -historical documents in the story of the mental evolution of our race, -both for what they teach of the ideas of remote generations of men, and -for what they taught the generation of our immediate predecessors about -the true status of comparative mythology. - -It will be recalled that the Assyrians were Semites closely related to -the Hebrews. Indeed, tradition held that Father Abraham, in common with -the ancestors of the Assyrians, came from the land of the Chaldeans. It -is not surprising, therefore, to find that these sacred books of the -Assyrians are replete with the same traditions and give expression to -much the same cast of thought as the sacred books of the Hebrews. Thus, -here we have a closely comparable account of the creation of the world -out of primeval chaos and of the destruction of all but a favoured few -in a universal deluge. Even the story of the sending out from the ark -of first one bird and then another, until finally the raven found a -place to alight, when the ark itself had stranded on a mountain top, is -reproduced with such closeness of detail as practically to demonstrate -a common origin of the two traditions. - -Here, again, is a story of how Sargon, an early king of Agade, was -cast away, Moses-like, in a basket, to be rescued from the waters of -the Euphrates by a compassionate discoverer of his plight. There is -even a tablet which gives intimations of the story of the building of -the Tower of Babel. And with it all there is imbued the same black, -dreadful view of life that actuated the authors of the Old Testament. -Always we are made to feel the threat of the angry deity; always this -religion is a religion of fear. Generosity, brotherly love, compassion, -morality--in a broad sense these words play but little part in the -terminology of the Semite. The Semitic conqueror was notorious for his -cruelty. He loved to persecute his victim, to crucify him, to flay -him alive. The writers of the Hebrew and of the Assyrian books alike -record these deeds without a shudder. They show to the psychologist -a race lacking in imagination, which is the mother of sympathy, but -imbued through and through with egotism. The legends of the sacred -books give further evidence of these same traits. Here before us, among -the other tablets just noted, are the famous stories of the descent of -Ishtar, the Goddess of Love, into the nether regions, and of the trials -and perils which she encountered there, and those that fell upon the -outside world because of her absence. It is recorded that when finally -a messenger was sent from a superior power demanding her release, the -powers of the nether world gave her up unwillingly, but retained the -innocent messenger to torture in her stead; and it probably never -occurred to the mind of the Assyrian soothsayer that it might have been -within the power of the superior gods to release the innocent messenger -as well. - -Another famous set of tablets records the adventures of Gilgamish, -whose heroic trials and mighty deeds suggest the Hercules of the -Greeks. All in all, these religious and mythological texts give us -the closest insight into the moral nature of the Assyrian, not merely -during the period of Asshurbanapal, but for many generations before, -since these sacred books are in the main but copies of old Babylonian -ones, dating from the most remote periods of antiquity. - -The tablets of the next case illustrate a different phase of -Assyrian mental activity. They are virtually books of reference, and -schoolbooks--that is, “Grammatical Tablets, Lists of Cuneiform Signs, -Explanatory Lists of Words, etc.--drawn up for use in the Royal Library -at Nineveh.” They include a tablet of “words and phrases used in legal -documents, to serve as grammatical examples; one column being in the -Sumero-Accadian language, the other an Assyrian translation; also -lists of a verbal formation, and an explanatory list of words”--a -dictionary, if you please! Even more remarkable is a tablet giving a -list of picture characters with the archaic forms of cuneiform signs -to which they were thought to correspond; this list being supplemented -by another in which the archaic forms themselves are interpreted with -the “modern” equivalent. This tablet shows that, in the belief of the -ancient Assyrian, the cuneiform character had been developed, at a -remote epoch, from a purely historical writing (as was doubtless the -case), but that the exact line of this development had faded from the -memories of men in the latter-day epoch of the seventh century B.C. - -In the case beyond are tablets with lists of “Names of Birds, Plants, -Bronze Objects, Articles of Clothing, etc., for reference as an aid -to writing literary compositions.” Then lists of officials, and other -documents relating to the history of Babylonia-Assyria, including -historical inscriptions of Sennacherib. Beyond, a set of letters, -public and private, mostly inscribed on oval bits of clay, three or -four inches long, and sometimes provided with envelopes of the same -material. Of this numerous collection of letters, the one that attracts -most popular attention is that in which King Sennacherib refers to -certain objects given by him to his son Esarhaddon. This is commonly -known as the “will of Sennacherib.” Near this is another letter that -is interesting because it is provided with a baked-clay envelope, into -which the letter slipped as a kernel of a nut into its shell. The -envelope bears the inscription, “To the King, my Lord, from Asshur -Ritsua,” and it is authenticated by two impressions of the writer’s -seal. - -This use of seals, by-the-bye, is quite general, particularly in the -case of official documents. Sometimes, as in the case of a contract -tablet shown here, the witness, in lieu of seal, gives the stamp of -his finger nail, this being equivalent, I suppose, to “John Doe, his -mark.” It is hardly to be supposed that the average Assyrian could -write any more than the average Greek or Roman could, or, for that -matter, the average European of a century ago. The professional -scribe did the writing, of course, whence the necessity for seals -to assure authenticity of even ordinary letters. Doubtless the -art of gem engraving, which the old Chaldeans carried to amazing -perfection, followed by the Greeks and Romans, has been allowed to -decline in recent generations largely because the increasing spread of -education--not to mention gummed envelopes--made seals less and less a -necessity. Perhaps the art may be revived in the age of the typewriter. -But if one stops to speak of seals, he could hardly be restrained -from rushing off to the wonderful collection in the gem department -of the British Museum, where the Græco-Roman intaglios would drive -all thought of other collections from his head,--though even there -the Cyprian finds would lead him back irrevocably to the Babylonian -model,--whereas, for the moment, our true concern is not with seals of -any sort, but with the documents they are purposed to authenticate. - -These documents are of the strangest assortment; and yet not strange, -so precisely similar are they to the official records of modern -communal existence. Thus here is one tablet, of about the year 650 -B.C., recording the sale of a house. There another tells of the leasing -of certain property, for a term of six years, for twelve shekels of -silver. And, capping the climax, here are tablets recording the loan -of money, veritable notes, with even the rate of interest--twenty per -cent--carefully prescribed. One learns that the money broker did a -thriving business in old Nineveh. How near to us those days are, after -all! - -And nearer yet they seem when we pass to the cases of the tablets -of omens and forecasts based upon the position of the stars and -planets, the actions of animals and reptiles, the flight of birds, -and the appearance of newly born offspring. For when superstition is -in question all races are kin, and all times are contemporary. The -European of to-day who shudders when he sees the moon over his left -shoulder, is brother in spirit to the Assyrian astrologer who used -this “astrolabe” to forecast the events of his own immediate future. -And these incantations, religious and magical rites, prayers, hymns, -litanies--do they not make it clear that the Assyrian was indeed our -elder brother? Does this lifted veil then show us a vista of three -millennia, or only of as many generations? At least it serves to -bring home to us--and I doubt if any other exhibit could do it as -forcibly--how slow, how snail-like is the rate of human progress. -Yet, after all, how vain this moralising; for who does not know that -the day when Nineveh saw its prime was only the yesterday of human -civilisation? If one doubted it before, he can doubt no longer, -since he has wandered down the rooms in which the relics from the -library of Asshurbanapal are exhibited, glancing thus casually at the -accommodating English labels. - -Naturally, the stock of material bearing upon this topic has been -constantly increased by new explorations, notably by those of Oppert at -Nineveh, and of De Sarzec at Telloh, by which the French Government has -supplemented the early collections of the pioneer of the work, Botta; -by various German exploring companies; and, more recently, by the -American exploring expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, under -Dr. John P. Peters, which secured such important results at Nippur. -But the greatest repository of all still remains that which Layard and -his assistant and successor in the work, Rassam, followed by George -Smith, secured for the British Museum. The other collections afford -important sidelights; but the main story of Assyrian life and history, -as at present known to us, is told only by the books from the wonderful -library of the palace of Asshurbanapal at Nineveh; and these can be -studied only in the British Museum, or in the publications which the -workers of that institution have from time to time given to the world. - -After glancing at these documents for the first time, none but a -heedless person can fail to have brought home to him a more vivid -picture of the life of antiquity, and a truer historical perspective -than he can previously have possessed. For more than two thousand years -Greek culture has dominated the world, and it has been the custom to -speak of the Greek as if he were the veritable inventor of art and of -culture; but these documents have led to a truer view. Here one looks -back, as it were, over the heads of the Greeks, and catches glimpses of -a people that possessed a high civilisation when the Greeks were still -an upstart nation, only working their way out of barbarism. - -Now it appears to be nothing less than a law of nature that every -nation should look with contempt upon every other nation which it -regards as contemporary. With a highly artistic people, whose chief -pride is their artistic taste, this feeling reaches its climax. The -Greek attitude in this regard is proverbial. But it is just as fixed a -law of nature that every nation should look with reverence upon some -elder civilisation. The Romans adopted the Greek word “barbarian,” and -applied it to all other nations--except the Greeks. The Greeks did not -return the compliment. For them the Romans were parvenus--parvenus to -be looked on with hatred and contempt. I doubt not the Athenian child -gave the deadliest possible insult to his playfellow when he called him -a Roman; just as the Parisian child of to-day reserves the appellation -“_anglais_” as the bitterest anathema of his vocabulary. But when the -Greek turned his eyes in the other direction, and looked out upon -Egyptian and Babylonian civilisation, he was gazing into the past, and -his contempt changed to reverence, precisely as with the Frenchman -of to-day, who looks back with reverence upon the civilisation of -ancient Greece and Rome, while utterly contemning all phases of the -nineteenth-century civilisation save his own. - -It was gladly admitted by the Greeks that these oriental civilisations -had flowered while Greek culture was yet in the bud. Solon, the -law-giver, was reported to have travelled in Egypt, and to have been -mildly patronised by the Egyptian priests as the representative of an -infant race. Herodotus, though ostensibly writing of the Persian war, -devotes whole sections of his history to Egypt, and accepts, as did -his countrymen, the Egyptian claims to immense antiquity without a -scruple. Plato even resided for some years in Egypt, as Diodorus tells -us, in the hope of gaining an insight into the mysteries of oriental -philosophy. - -Regarding the Assyrio-Babylonians, apparently hardly any story was -too fanciful to gain a measure of credence with the classical world. -Herodotus, to be sure, only credits the Assyrians with ruling for -five hundred and twenty years before the overthrow of Nineveh; and -Diodorus, following Ctesias, raises the figure only to about one -thousand four hundred years. But these figures were probably based on -a vague comprehension that Assyria proper had a relatively late period -of flowering, as was, indeed, the fact; and the rumours regarding the -age of Babylonian civilisation as a whole may be best illustrated by -recalling that Cicero thought it necessary to express his scepticism -regarding a claim, seemingly prevalent in his time, that Babylonian -monuments preserve astronomical observations dating back over a period -of two hundred and seventy thousand years. Pliny, on the other hand, -quoting “Epigenes, a writer of first-rate authority,” claims for the -astronomical records only a period of seven hundred and twenty years, -noting also that Berosus and Critodemus still further limit the period -to four hundred and eighty years. But the very range of numbers shows -how utterly vague were the notions involved; and Pliny himself draws -the inference of “the eternal use of letters” among the Babylonians, -indicating that even the minimum period took the matter beyond the -range of western history. - -But for that matter nothing could be more explicit than the testimony -of Diodorus, who, writing some three centuries after what we now speak -of as the “golden age” of Greece, plainly indicates that not Greece but -Mesopotamia was looked to in his day as the classic land of culture. -And we of to-day are enabled--the first of any generation in our -era--to catch glimpses of the data on which that estimate was based, -and to understand, by the witness of our own eyes, that the fabled -glory of ancient Assyria was no myth, but a very tangible reality. - -[Illustration: ASSYRIAN LETTER OF BAKED CLAY AND FRAGMENT OF ITS BROKEN -ENVELOPE - -(Now in the British Museum)] - - -HOW THE ASSYRIAN BOOKS WERE READ - -But all along we have followed the story of these strange books, taking -for granted their meaning as interpreted on the labels, and ignoring -for the moment the great marvel about them, which is not that we have -the material documents themselves, but that we have a knowledge of -their actual contents. The flights of arrow-heads on wall, on slab, -or tiny brick have surely a meaning; but how has any one guessed that -meaning? These must be words--but _what_ words? The hieroglyphics of -the Egyptians were mysterious in all conscience; yet, after all, their -symbols have a certain suggestiveness, whereas there is nothing that -seems to promise a mental leverage in the unbroken succession of these -cuneiform dashes. Yet the Assyrian scholar of to-day can interpret -these strange records almost as readily and as surely as the classical -scholar interprets a Greek manuscript. And this evidences one of the -greatest triumphs of nineteenth-century scholarship; for, since almost -two thousand years, no man has lived, previous to our century, to -whom these strange inscriptions would not have been as meaningless -as they are to the most casual stroller who looks on them with vague -wonderment here in the museum to-day. For the Assyrian language, like -the Egyptian, was veritably a dead language; not, like Greek and Latin, -merely passed from practical everyday use to the closet of the scholar, -but utterly and absolutely forgotten by all the world. Such being the -case, it is nothing less than marvellous that it should have been -restored. - -It is but fair to add that this restoration probably never would have -been effected with Assyrian or with Egyptian had the language, in -dying, left no cognate successor; for the powers of modern linguistry, -though great, are not actually miraculous. But, fortunately, a language -once developed is not blotted out _in toto_; it merely outlives its -usefulness and is gradually supplanted, its successor retaining many -traces of its origin. So, just as Latin, for example, has its living -representatives in Italian and the other Romance tongues, the language -of Assyria is represented by cognate Semitic languages. As it chances, -however, these have been of aid rather in the later stages of Assyrian -study than at the very outset; for the first clew to the message of the -cuneiform writing came through a slightly different channel. - -Curiously enough, it was a trilingual inscription that gave the clew, -as in the case of the Rosetta stone; though with a very striking -difference withal. The trilingual inscription now in question, instead -of being a small portable monument, covers the surface of a massive -bluff at Behistun, in western Persia. Moreover, all three of its -inscriptions are in cuneiform character, and all three are in languages -that, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, were absolutely -unknown. This inscription itself, as a striking monument of unknown -import, had been seen by successive generations. Tradition ascribed -it, as we learn from Ctesias, through Diodorus, to the fabled Assyrian -queen, Semiramis. Tradition is quite at fault in this; but it is only -recently that knowledge has availed to set it right. The inscription, -as is now known, was really written about the year 515 B.C., at the -instance of Darius I, king of Persia, some of whose deeds it recounts -in the three chief languages of his widely scattered subjects. - -The man who, at the actual risk of life and limb, copied this wonderful -inscription, and, through interpreting it, became the veritable “Father -of Assyriology,” was the English general, Sir Henry Rawlinson. His feat -was another British triumph over the same rivals who had competed for -the Rosetta stone; for some French explorers had been sent by their -government, some years earlier, expressly to copy this inscription, and -had reported that to reach the inscription was impossible. But British -courage did not find it so, and in 1835 Rawlinson scaled the dangerous -height and made a paper cast of about half the inscription. Diplomatic -duties called him away from the task for some years, but in 1848 he -returned to it, and completed the copy of all parts of the inscription -that have escaped the ravages of time. And now the material was in -hand for a new science, which General Rawlinson, assisted by a host of -others, soon began to elaborate. - -The key to the value of the Behistun inscription lies in the fact that -its third language is ancient Persian. It appears that the ancient -Persians had adopted the cuneiform character from their western -neighbours, the Assyrians, but in so doing had made one of those -essential modifications and improvements which are scarcely possible to -accomplish except in the transition from one race to another. Instead -of building with the arrow-heads a multitude of syllabic characters, -including many homophones, as had been, and continued to be, the custom -of the Assyrians, the Persians selected a few of these characters, and -ascribed to them phonetic values that were almost purely alphabetical. -In a word, while retaining the wedge as the basal stroke of their -script, they developed an alphabet; making that last wonderful -analysis of phonetic sounds which even to this day has escaped the -Chinese, which the Egyptians had only partially effected and which the -Phœnicians were accredited by the Greeks with having introduced into -the western world. In addition to this all-essential step, the Persians -had introduced the minor, but highly convenient, custom of separating -the words of a sentence from one another by a particular mark, -differing in this regard not only from the Assyrians and the Egyptians, -but from the early Greek scribes as well. - -Thanks to these simplifications, the old Persian language has been -practically restored about the beginning of the nineteenth century, -through the efforts of the German, Grotefend; and further advances -in it were made just at this time by Burnouf in France, and Lassen -in Germany, as well as by Rawlinson himself, who largely solved the -problem of the Persian alphabet independently. So the Persian portion -of the Behistun inscription could at last be partially deciphered. -This, in itself, however, would have been no very great aid towards the -restoration of the languages of the other portions, had it not chanced -fortunately that the inscription is sprinkled with proper names. Now, -proper names, generally speaking, are not translated from one language -to another, but transliterated as nearly as the genius of the language -will permit. It was the fact that the Greek word “Ptolemaios” was -transliterated on the Rosetta stone, that gave the first clew to the -sounds of the Egyptian characters. Had the upper part of the Rosetta -stone been preserved, on which, originally, there were several other -names, Young would not have halted where he did in his decipherment. - -But fortune, which had been at once so kind, and so tantalising in the -case of the Rosetta stone, had dealt more gently with the Behistun -inscription; for no fewer than ninety proper names were preserved in -the Persian portion, and duplicated, in another character, in the -Assyrian inscription. A study of these gave a clew to the sounds of the -Assyrian characters. The decipherment of this character, however, even -with this aid, proved enormously difficult, for it was soon evident -that here it was no longer a question of a nearly perfect alphabet of -a few characters, but of a syllabary of several hundred characters, -including many homophones, or different forms for representing the same -sound. But with the Persian translation for a guide on the one hand, -and the Semitic languages, to which family the Assyrian belonged, on -the other, the appalling task was gradually accomplished, the leading -investigators being General Rawlinson, Professor Hincks, and Mr. Fox -Talbot, in England; Professor Jules Oppert in Paris; and Professor -Eberhard Schrader in Germany; though a host of other scholars soon -entered the field. - -This great linguistic feat was accomplished about the middle of the -century. But so great a feat was it, that many scholars of the highest -standing, including Ernest Renan in France, and Sir George Cornwall -Lewis in England, declined at first to accept the results, contending -that the Assyriologists had merely deceived themselves by creating -an arbitrary language. The matter was put to the test in 1855, at -the suggestion of Mr. Fox Talbot, when four scholars, one being Mr. -Talbot himself, and the others General Rawlinson, Professor Hincks, -and Professor Oppert, laid before the Royal Asiatic Society their -independent translations of an hitherto untranslated Assyrian text. A -committee of the society, including England’s greatest historian of the -century, George Grote, broke the seals of the four translations, and -reported that they found them unequivocally in accord as regards their -main purport, and even surprisingly uniform as regards the phraseology -of certain passages; in short, as closely similar as translations from -the obscure texts of any difficult language ever are. This decision -gave the work of Assyriologists an official status, so to say, and the -reliability of their method has never since been in question. - -Thus it has come about that these inscribed bricks from the palace of -Asshurbanapal, which, when the first of them was discovered, were as -meaningless as so many blank slabs, have been made to deliver up their -message. And a marvellous message it is, as we have already seen. - -Merely to have satisfied a vague curiosity as to the past traditions, -however, would be but a small measure of the intellectual work which -the oriental antiquities have had a large share in accomplishing. Their -message has been one of truly world-historic import. Thanks to these -monuments from Egypt and Mesopotamia, the student of human civilisation -has to-day a sweep of view that hitherto has been utterly withheld from -him. Until the crypts by the Nile and the earth mounds by the Tigris -and Euphrates gave up their secrets, absolutely nothing was known to -scholarship of the main sweep of civilisation more anciently than about -the sixth century B.C. Beyond that all was myth, fable, unauthenticated -tradition. And now the indubitable monuments of civilisation carry us -back over a period at least three times as great. Archbishop Usher’s -famed _Chronology_, which so long dominated the ideas of men, is swept -away, and we learn from evidence graven in stone and baked indelibly -in bricks that in the year 4004 B.C., which our Bible margins still -point out as the year of Creation, vast communities of people, in -widely separated portions of the earth, had attained a high degree of -civilisation. In the year when the proverbial first man wandered naked -in Eden, the actual man lived with thousands of his fellow-men in vast -cities, where he built houses and temples, erected wonderful monuments, -practised such arts as glass-making, sculpture, and painting, and -recorded his thoughts in written words. And from that day to this -stretches the thread of civilisation, unbroken by any universal flood -or other cataclysm. - -Now, to be sure, we are told that Archbishop Usher and his kith and -kin were but gullible and misguided enthusiasts, to have thought they -detected chronological sequence where none such existed; but it was -rank heresy to have propounded such a view until the new monuments gave -us the rudiments of a true chronology. Other evidence had, indeed, -proven the antiquity of the earth and of man himself, but the antiquity -of civilisation still depends upon these oriental monuments alone for -its demonstration. The chronology of ancient history has no other -authenticated source; and chronology, as Professor Petrie has said, is -“the backbone of history.” To be sure, the exact chronology of remote -antiquity is not by any means as fixed and secure as might be desired. -The antiquarian in dealing with the remoter epochs must count by -centuries rather than by years. But the broad outlines of the question -are placed beyond cavil. So long as the danger mark of the flood year -stared the investigator in the face, every foot of earlier chronology -was controversial ground, and each remoter century must battle for -recognition. But now, thanks to the accumulation of evidence, all that -is past, and the most ardent partisans of Hebrew records vie with one -another in tracing back the evidences of civilisation in Egypt and -Mesopotamia, by centuries and by millennia. It is thought by Professor -Hilprecht, that the more recent excavations by the Americans at the -site of Nippur have carried the evidence back to 6000 or perhaps -even 7000 years B.C., and no one’s equanimity is disturbed by the -suggestion, except, possibly, that of the Egyptologist, whose records -as yet pause something like a thousand years earlier, and who feels a -certain jealousy lest his Egyptian of seven thousand years ago should -be proven an uninteresting parvenu. - -But note how these new figures disturb the balance of history. If our -forerunners of eight or nine thousand years ago were in a noonday glare -of civilisation, where shall we look for the much-talked-of “dawnings -of history”? By this new standard the Romans seem our contemporaries -in latter-day civilisation; the “golden age” of Greece is but of -yesterday; the Pyramid builders are only relatively remote. The men who -built the temple of Bel, at Nippur, in the year, let us say, 5000 B.C., -must have felt themselves at a pinnacle of civilisation and culture. As -Professor Mahaffy has suggested, the time of the Pyramids may have been -the veritable autumn of civilisation. Where, then, must we look for its -spring-time? The answer to that question must come, if it comes at all, -from what we now speak of as prehistoric archæology; the monuments from -Memphis and Nippur and Nineveh, covering a mere 10,000 years or so, are -records of later history.[j] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[39] Diodorus Siculus, it will be remembered, states that the stones -of the bridge built by Semiramis across the Euphrates were united by -similar iron cramps, whilst the interstices were filled up with molten -lead. - - - - -BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS - -[The letter [a] is reserved for Editorial Matter] - - -CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE - -[b] G. WEBER, _Allgemeine Weltgeschichte_. - -[c] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - -[d] F. HOMMEL, _Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens_. - -[e] R. W. ROGERS, _History of Babylonia and Assyria_. - -[f] J. P. PETERS, _Nippur_. - - -CHAPTER II. OLD BABYLONIAN HISTORY - -[b] HUGO RADAU, _Early Babylonian History down to the IVth Dynasty of -Ur_. - -[c] A. H. SAYCE, from the article “Babylonia and Assyria,” in the New -Volumes of the Ninth Edition of the _Encyclopædia Britannica_. - -[d] E. A. T. W. BUDGE, _Babylonian Life and History_. - - -CHAPTER III. THE RISE OF ASSYRIA - -[b] H. WINCKLER, _Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens_. - -[c] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - -[d] E. BABELON, _Histoire de l’Orient_. - -[e] C. P. TIELE, _Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte_. - - -CHAPTER IV. FOUR GENERATIONS OF ASSYRIAN GREATNESS - -[b] C. P. TIELE, _Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte_. - -[c] HERODOTUS, _The History of Herodotus_ (translated from the Greek by -William Beloe). - -[g] E. A. T. W. BUDGE, _Annals of Shalmaneser II, Sennacherib, and -Asshurbanipal_. - - -CHAPTER V. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF ASSYRIA - -[b] R. W. ROGERS, _History of Babylonia and Assyria_. - -[c] C. P. TIELE, _Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte_. - - -CHAPTER VI. RENASCENCE AND FALL OF BABYLON - -[b] F. HOMMEL, _Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens_. - - -CHAPTER VII. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA - -[b] A. H. LAYARD, _Nineveh and its Remains_. - -[c] HERODOTUS, _The History of Herodotus_ (translated from the Greek by -William Beloe). - -[d] STRABO, _The Geography of Strabo_ (translated from the Greek by J. -Falconer and H. C. Hamilton). - -[e] A. H. L. HEEREN, _Historical Researches into the Politics, -Intercourse, and Trade of the Principal Nations of Antiquity_ (Asiatic -Nations). - -[f] JOACHIM MENANT, _La Bibliothèque du Palais de Ninive_. - - -CHAPTER VIII. THE RELIGION OF THE BABYLONIANS AND ASSYRIANS - -[b] JOACHIM MENANT, _La Bibliothèque du Palais de Ninive_. - -[c] L. W. KING, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_. - -[h] P. JENSEN, _Cosmologie der Babylonier_. - -[i] H. GUNKEL, _Schöpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit_. - -[j] L. W. KING, _Seven Tablets of Creation_. - -[m] EBERHARD SCHRADER, _Die Keilinschriften und Das Alte Testament, 3rd -edition_. - -[n] A. JEREMIAS, _Izdubar Nimrod_. - -[o] C. P. TIELE, _Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte_. - - -CHAPTER IX. BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN CULTURE - -[b] A. H. LAYARD, _Nineveh and its Remains_. - -[c] HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, “The Influence of Modern Research on the -Scope of World History,” Prefatory Essay in Volume III of the New -Volumes of the Ninth Edition of the _Encyclopædia Britannica_. - -[d] DIODORUS SICULUS, _The Historical Library_ (translated from the -Greek by G. Booth). - -[e] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_. - -[f] EDWARD HINCKS, from an article “On the Assyrio-Babylonian Measures -of Time,” in Volume XXIV of the _Transactions of the Royal Irish -Academy_, 1874. - -[g] JOACHIM MENANT, _La Bibliothèque du Palais de Ninive_. - -[h] C. P. TIELE, _Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte_. - -[i] G. NAGEL, in _Beiträge zur Assyriologie_, Vol. IV. - -[j] M. MONTGOMERY, _Briefe aus der Zeit Hammurabis_. - -[k] C. JOHNSTON, in the “Epistolary Literature of the Assyrians and -Babylonians” in the _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, Vol. -XVIII. - -[l] FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, article “Beiträge zur Erklärung der -babylonisch-assyrischen Brieflitteratur” in _Beiträge zur -Assyriologie_, Vol. I. - -[m] F. LENORMANT, _Histoire ancienne de l’Orient_. - - -APPENDIX A. CLASSICAL TRADITIONS - -[b] ISAAC PRESTON CORY, _Ancient Fragments_. - -[c] DIODORUS SICULUS. _The Historical Library_, (translated from the -Greek by G. Booth). - -[d] CLAUDIUS ÆLIANUS, _The Variable History of Ælianus_ (translated -from the Greek by A. Fleming). - - -APPENDIX B. EXCAVATIONS IN MESOPOTAMIA AND THEIR RESULTS - -[b] A. H. LAYARD, _Nineveh and its Remains_. - -[c] F. HOMMEL, _Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens_. - -[d] R. W. ROGERS, _History of Babylonia and Assyria_. - -[j] HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, _The History of the Art of Writing_. - - - -A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY - -BASED ON THE WORKS QUOTED, CITED, OR EDITORIALLY CONSULTED IN THE -PREPARATION OF THE PRESENT HISTORY, WITH CRITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES - - * * * * * - -=Ælianus=, Claudius, The Variable History of Ælianus. Translated -by A. Fleming. London, 1576.--=Ainsworth=, W., Researches in -Assyria, Babylonia, and Chaldea. London, 1842; Chaldeans of Central -Kurdestan.--=Amiaud=, A., in de Sarzec’s Découvertes en Chaldée. Paris, -1814, 2 vols.; (in collab. with =F. Scheil=) Les inscriptions de -Salmanasar. Paris, 1890.--=Aures=, A., Traité de métrologie assyrienne. -Paris, 1891. - - * * * * * - -=Babelon=, E., Manuel d’archéol. orientale. Paris, 1888.--=Bertin=, -G., Babylonian Chronology and History. London, 1892; The -Pre-Akkadian Semites. London, 1886.--=Bewsher=, Lieut., Mesopotamia: -Sheriat-el-Beyta to Tell Ibrahim.--=Bezold=, C., The Tell-el-Amarna -Tablets in the British Museum. London, 1892; Catalogue of the Cuneiform -Tablets in the Kuyunjik collection in the British Museum. London, -1889; Überblick über die babylonisch-assyrische Literatur. Leipsic, -1886.--=Billerbeck=, A., Susa. Leipsic, 1893.--=Birch=, S., Records -of the Past. London, 1873, 12 vols.--=Bonavia=, E., Flora of the -Assyrian Monuments. London, 1894.--=Boscawen=, W. St. C., Lectures on -the History of Assyria. London, 1886; Assyria and Babylonia. London, -1836.--=Botta=, P. E., and =Flandrin=, E., Monuments de Ninive. Paris, -1849-1850, 5 vols. - - _Paul Émil Botta_ was born at Turin December 6, 1802, and died - at Achères, near Poissy, France, March 29th, 1870. He was French - consul at Alexandria, and in 1842 was transferred to the office of - vice-consul at Mosul, of which he was the first titulary consul. - In December, 1842, he studied the tumulus which covered the right - bank of the Tigris opposite Mosul; superficially explored Kuyunjik; - and then at Khorsabad discovered (from March to October, 1843) the - remains of the town and palace of Doursaryonkin, founded by Sargon - II, king of Assyria. The objects found during these discoveries - were transported to France in 1846, and form the main contents of - the Musée Assyrien of the Louvre. - -=Brandis=, J., Über den historischen Gewinn aus der Entzifferung der -Assyr. Inschriften. Berlin, 1856.--=Brown=, F. T., Assyriology. New -York, 1885.--=Bruce=, P., Three Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, King of -Babylonia, B.C. 625-604; In Amer. Jour. of Sem. Lang., vol. 16, p. -178. Chicago, 1900.--=Brünnow=, R. E., Classified List of All Simple -and Compound Cuneiform Ideographs. Leyden, 1887-1889.--=Bruston=, -C. A., Les inscriptions assyriennes et l’Ancien Testament. Paris, -1875.--=Budge=, E. A. W., Babylonian Life and History. London, 1884; -The History of Esar-Haddon. London, 1880; Annals of Shalmanasser II, -Sennacherib and Assurbani-Pal. London, 1880; A Guide to the Babylonian -and Assyrian Antiq. of the British Museum. London, 1900. - - * * * * * - -=Cara=, P. C. de, Gli Hethei-Pelasgi. Rome, 1895.--=Cartwright=, J., -Travels through Syria, Mesopotamia, etc. London, 1911.--=Cassas=, L. -F., Voyage Pittoresque en Syrie. Paris, 1799.--=Cavaniol=, H., Les -monuments en Chaldée, en Assyrie et à Babylone. Paris, 1870.--=Clercq=, -L. de, Antiquités assyriennes. Paris, 1888.--=Cloquet=, L., L’art -monumental des égyptiens et des assyriens. Paris, 1896. - - * * * * * - -=Delattre=, A. J., Esquisse de géographie assyrienne. Paris, 1883; Les -inscriptions historiques de Ninive, etc. Paris, 1879; L’Asie occid. -dans les inscriptions assyriennes. Brussels, 1885; L’assyriologie -depuis onze ans. Paris, 1891; L’exactitude en histoire d’après un -Assyriologiste. Louvain, 1888.--=Delitzsch=, Friedrich, Die Entstehung -des ältestens Schriftsystems. Leipsic, 1897; Handel, Recht und Sitte -im alten Babylonien (in Velhagen and Klasing’s Monatshefte, Jahr. 13, -Vol. II, p. 47. Berlin, 1899); Assyrische Studien. Leipsic, 1874. - - _Friedrich Delitzsch_, the son of Franz Delitzsch, was born - at Erlangen, September 3, 1850. Professor of Assyriology in - the University of Berlin, he devoted himself to the study of - Assyriology, and attained a wide reputation as an Assyriologist. - He was appointed Professor of Assyriology at the University of - Leipsic. His writings have been mostly upon the subject of Assyria - and ancient Assyrian life, and he has made some translations from - the works of other historians, notably George Smith’s _Chaldean - Account of Genesis_. He made a deep sensation in Germany in 1902 - by his lecture on “Babel and the Bible,” in which he pointed out - the similarity of the story of Moses in the bulrushes to the - ancient legend of the birth of Sargon I, king of Babylon; noted - the Babylonian custom of resting every seventh day, the word being - shabattu (whence Sabbath), and many other points in which the - Babylonian influence is shown in the Bible. - -=Dieulafoy=, J., La Perse et la Chaldée. Paris, 1887.--=Diodorus=, S., -The Historical Library, London, 1700.--=Duncker=, M., Geschichte des -Alterthums. Leipsic, 1878, 6 vols. English translation: The History of -Antiquity. London, 1880, 6 vols. - - * * * * * - -=Edwards=, C., The Witness of Assyria. London, 1893.--=Epping=, C., -Astronomisches aus Babylon. Freiburg, 1889.--=Evans=, G., An Essay -on Assyriology. London, 1883.--=Evetts=, B. T. A., Cylinders of -Sennacherib. London, 1889; Inscription of the Reign of Evil-Merodach, -Neriglissar and Laborosoarchod. Leipsic, 1892. - - * * * * * - -=Feer=, H. L., Les Ruines de Ninive. Paris, 1864.--=Ferguson=, J., The -Palaces of Niniveh and Persepolis Restored. London, 1857.--=Fontane=, -M., Histoire Universelle. Paris, 1881-1889, 6 vols. - - _Marius Fontane_ was born at Marseilles, September 4, 1838. He was - destined to follow a commercial career, and was sent by a French - house in Marseilles to represent it in the Orient. While there - he was brought into relations with M. Ferdinand de Lesseps, and - became his private secretary. Through the efforts of M. de Lesseps, - Fontane was successively associated as secretary-general to the - Suez and Panama Canal Companies. M. Fontane was early drawn into - literary work, and in spite of his official duties found time to - devote much attention to political economy, religion, learning, and - history in all its branches. In his Universal History he devotes - much space to questions of race and primitive religions in the - historical evolution of humanity. Marius Fontane has come into - prominence largely through his writings on the subject of history, - but also through his explorations in the countries lying about the - Isthmus of Suez. - -=Fradenburg=, J. N., Fire from Strange Altars. Cincinnati, -1891.--=Fraser=, J. B., Mesopotamia and Assyria, from the Earliest Ages -to the Present Time. New York, 1892. - - * * * * * - -=Gatschet=, A. S., Historic Documents from the XIVth Century B.C. (In -Amer. Anthropologist, vol. 10, p. 121. Washington, 1897.)--=Ginzel=, -F. K., Die astronomischen Kentnisse der Babylonier und ihre -culturhistorische Bedeutung. Leipsic, 1901.--=Goss=, W. H., Hebrew -Captives of the Kings of Assyria. London, 1890.--=Guyard=, S., Mélanges -d’Assyriologie. Paris, 1883.--=Goodspeed=, George S., A History of -Babylonia and Assyria. New York, 1903. - - * * * * * - -=Halévy=, J., Documents religieux de l’Assyrie. Paris, 1882; La -nouvelle évolution de l’accadisme. Paris, 1878; Aperçu grammatical -sur l’allographie assyro-babylonienne. Paris, 1885; Essai sur les -inscriptions du Safa. Paris, 1882; Recherches critiques sur l’origine -de la civilisation babylonienne. Paris, 1876. - - _Joseph Halévy_, of Jewish origin, was born at Adrianople, December - 15, 1827. He came to study at Paris, and became a naturalised - Frenchman. In 1868 he visited northern Abyssinia to study the - Jewish religion of the Falashas. (The Falashas are a Hamitic tribe - which professes the Jewish religion, and claims descent from Hebrew - immigrants who followed the queen of Sheba.) In 1869 he was sent - to Yemen on a mission of the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles - Lettres. He remained there two years, and brought back six hundred - and eighty-three Sabaic inscriptions. In 1872 he received a gold - medal from the Société de Géographie and the Volney prize from - the Institut. He afterwards became Professor of Ethiopian at the - École pratique des hautes études. He was one of the most active - collaborators in the _Journal Asiatique_, and wrote frequently - on the most disputed questions concerning the philology and - the archæology of the East to the Académie des Inscriptions. - His theories as to the origins of the Mesopotamian peoples and - languages made a profound impression on all the scholarly world, - and while they have met with bitter opposition they are entitled - to all the consideration that is due to such deep and tireless - research. - -=Harkness=, M. E., Assyrian Life and History. London, 1883.--=Harper=, -R. F., Assyrian and Babylonian Letters. London, 1892-1902, 8 -vols.--=Havet=, E., Mémoire sur la date des écrits. Paris.--=Heeren=, -A. H. L., Historical Researches, etc. Oxford, 1839, 2nd ed., -5 vols.--=Hegel=, G. W. F., Lectures on the Philosophy of -History. London, 1857.--=Helm=, O. (in collab. with =Hilprecht=, -H. V.), Chemische Untersuchung von altbabylonischen Kupferund -Bronze-Gegenständen und deren Alters-Bestimmung (in Berl. Gesellsch. f. -Anthrop. Verh.). Berlin, 1901.--=Herder=, J. G. von, Outlines of the -Philosophy of History of Man. London, 1803, 2 vols. - - _Johann Gottfried von Herder_ was born at Mohrungen, East Prussia, - August 25, 1744. His education was mostly private. His first - writings appeared when he was about twenty years of age. His first - considerable work, _Fragmente über die neure deutsche Literatur_, - appeared in 1767. This work attracted the favourable attention of - Lessing, and made him widely known. In 1776 he obtained the post of - upper court preacher and upper member of the Consistory at Weimar. - At this post he passed the rest of his life. “He possessed a power - of intuition which must be considered in many cases as prophetic, - and which made him a pathfinder whose traces are followed up to - the present day.” His _Study of the Philosophy of History_ will - naturally be compared with the work on the same subject by his - contemporary Hegel. It created almost a furor of excitement in - its day, and may still be read with interest and profit by every - earnest student of history. Its essential attitude of mind appears - peculiarly archaic in our day, evidencing the utterly changed - point of view from which history is regarded in our generation. - Herder, like most other philosophical historians of his time, - saw everywhere the hand of God in history, and was firmly imbued - with the idea that all human events were but the working out of a - divine plan, the broad outlines of which had been fully revealed - to man. The modern historian tries to be a scientist rather than a - philosopher, and he finds scant proof of this basis on which Herder - worked, but views or attempts to view the course of world-history - as a candid or impartial investigator of facts and of rational - human motives, feeling by no means sure that he grasps the full - import of any metaphysical theological bearings of these facts and - motives, if such there be. Yet for this very reason the writings of - Herder have a peculiar value, as they not alone evidence the mental - grasp of the age in which they were written, but serve at the same - time to point out a significant difference between that time and - our own. - -=Herodotus=, The History of Herodotus. London, 1806, 2nd ed., 4 -vols.--=Heuzey=, L., Un palais chaldéen. Paris, 1888. La construction -du roi Our-Nina d’après les levés et les notes de M. de Sarzec (in Rev. -d’Assyr. et d’Archéol., vol. 4, p. 87. Paris, 1898).--=Hilprecht=, -H. V., The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania -(Old Babylonian Inscriptions), Am. Phil. Soc. Philadelphia, 1896; -Recent Researches in the Bible Lands. Philadelphia, 1896; The Recent -Excavations of the University at Nippur (in Univ. of Pennsylvania Bul., -vol. 2, p. 87, and vol. 3, p. 373, Philadelphia, 1899). - - _Hermann Hilprecht_ was born at Hohenerxleben, Germany, June 28, - 1859. He is at present professor in the University of Pennsylvania. - Professor Hilprecht was interested from the outset in the - expedition of the University of Pennsylvania to Babylonia, to which - we have more than once referred. At a later stage he was curator - and scientific director of the expedition, in which Mr. Haynes had - charge of the field-work, 1893-95 and 1897-1900, after Dr. Peters’ - retirement. Though he spent but a month in actual field-work, he - spent several years in working up at Constantinople or Philadelphia - the ample supply of materials which the various expeditions - procured, and his results, as published from time to time, have - been noted everywhere as distinct and important additions to our - technical knowledge of Assyriology. The greatest popular interest - in these discoveries perhaps grows out of the light that they throw - on the extreme antiquity of Babylonian history. Dr. Peters and - Professor Hilprecht both assure us that the secure records gained - by the excavations of Nippur carry the history of Babylonia back to - a period at least a thousand years earlier than the date ascribed - by Archbishop Usher’s long-famed chronology for the creation of the - world, and Professor Hilprecht’s latest investigations justify the - belief that the earliest records from Nippur are not newer than the - year 7000 B.C. - -=Hincks=, E., On the Assyrio-Babylonian Measures of Time. Dublin, -1874.--=Hird=, W. G., Monumental Records. London, 1889.--=Hoefer=, J. -C. F., Mémoires sur les ruines de Ninive. Paris, 1850.--=Hommel=, F., -Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. Berlin, 1885; Semitische Völker -und Sprachen. Leipsic, 1881; Abriss der babylonisch-assyrischen und -israel. Gesch. Leipsic, 1880; Der babylonische Ursprung der aegypt. -Kultur. München, 1892. - - _Fritz Hommel_ was born at Ansbach, July 31, 1854. Professor of - Semitic Languages in the University of Munich. Professor Hommel is - a distinguished member of that band of German students who have - made orientalism their life-work. His particular studies have had - to do chiefly with the Semitic race. His history of Babylonia - and Assyria is one of the most recent and certainly among the - most comprehensive and authoritative works on the subject that - have yet been written. As Professor Hommel is yet a comparatively - young man, he very naturally belongs to the advanced school of - Assyriologists, and his work may be looked to with confidence for - an expression of the furthest present advance of research. In - particular, Professor Hommel is distinguished as an ardent champion - of the Babylonian or Chaldean origin of the Phœnician alphabet - in opposition to the theory of de Rougé, which ascribed to it an - Egyptian origin. Most of Hommel’s publications are to be had only - in the original German. - -=Howorth=, H. H., The Early History of Babylonia (in Engl. Hist. Rev., -vol. 13, pp. 1, 209, vol. 14, p. 625, vol. 16, p. 1); On the Earliest -Inscriptions from Chaldea (in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Archeol., vol. 21, p. -289, London, 1899). - - * * * * * - -=Jastrow=, M., The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria. Boston, 1898; -Nabopolassar and the Temple to the Sun-god at Sippar (in Amer. Jour, -of Sem. Lang.; Chicago, 1899, vol. 15, p. 65).--=Jensen=, P., Kish (in -Ztschr. für Assyriologie; Berlin, 1901, vol. 15): Assyrisch-babylon, -Mythen und Epen (in Keilschrftl. Bibl.; Berlin, 1900, vol. 6): Die -Cosmologie der Babylonier. Strassburg, 1890.--=Johnson=, C., The Fall -of the Assyrian Empire (in studies in honour of B. L. Gildersleeve; -Baltimore, 1902, p. 113): The Fall of Nineveh (in Amer. Orient. Soc. -Journ.; New Haven, 1901, vol. 22, pt. 1, p. 20).--=Justinius=, Justin’s -History of the World. London, 1875.--=Jeremias=, A., Hölle und Paradies -bei den Babyloniern. Leipsic, 1900. - - * * * * * - -=Kaulen=, F., Assyrien und Babylonien, nach den neuesten Entdeckungen. -Freiburg, 1891, 4th ed.--=Kennedy=, J., Early Commerce of Babylonia -with India, etc. London, 1898.--=King=, L. W., Babylonian Religion and -Mythology, London, 1899; Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, etc. -London, 1898-1900, 3 vols. - - _Leonard William King_ was born in London, December 8, 1869, and - educated at Rugby and King’s College, Cambridge. As assistant in - the department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquity of the British - Museum, he has made very extensive studies in the literature of - Babylonia and Assyria. He has collected and arranged many series - of cuneiform inscriptions, besides adding much to the literature - on both Babylonia and Assyria. His writings are for the most part - rather technical. - -=Kinns=, S., Graven in the Rock. London, 1891.--=Knudtzon=, J. A., -Assyr. Gebete an den Sonnengott. Leipsic, 1893, 2 vols.--=Kohler=, -J., and =Peisser=, F. E., Aus dem babylonischen Rechtleben. Leipsic, -1890.--=Koldewey=, R., in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie. Dec., -1887.--=Krall=, J., Grundriss der altorientalischen Geschichte. Wien, -1899.--=Krüger=, J., Geschichte der Assyrier und Iranier, vom XIII, bis -zum V. Jahrh. v. C. Frankfurt, 1856. - - * * * * * - -=Langlois=, V., Le Dunuk-Dasch, tombeau de Sardanapale à Tarsovo (in -Rev. Archéol.; Paris, 1853, vol. 10).--=Laurent=, A., La Magie et -la Divination de l’Orient. Paris, 1894.--=Layard=, A. H., Nineveh -and its Remains. London, 1849, 2 vols.; Nineveh and Babylon. London, -1853; Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and Babylonia. London, 1887; -Monuments of Nineveh. London, 1849-1854. - - _Sir Austin Henry Layard_ was born in Paris, of English parentage, - March 5, 1817. He spent the years of his early youth in Florence. - On returning to England he began the study of law. In 1839 he - took an extended tour, chiefly within the Turkish Empire. Here - he learned Persian and Arabic. In 1842 he spent some months in - exploring the antiquities of southwestern Persia. It was during - this expedition that he became interested in the excavations - being made at the supposed site of Nineveh by M. Botta. In 1845 - he returned to Mosul and began his series of researches. The - material that he gathered in this expedition greatly enriched - the oriental department of the British Museum; and by means of - the cuneiform inscriptions found the ancient oriental history - was completely reconstructed. In 1852 he made a second series of - excavations in Assyria, adding largely to his former discoveries. - The same year he was elected to Parliament. In 1854 he visited - Crimea, witnessing some battles there. He was chosen lord rector of - Aberdeen University in 1855, and in 1866 became a trustee of the - British Museum. Shortly after this he was elected foreign member - of the Institute of France. In 1869, Ambassador to Spain; in 1878, - to Constantinople. He died July 5, 1894. The name of this famous - Englishman will always be indelibly associated with the origin of - the science of Assyriology. To Layard it was chiefly due that the - once famous but long almost forgotten city of Nineveh was exhumed - and its buried treasures given to the world. The story of these - exhumations is a part of the history of Assyria-Babylonia, and has - already been told. - -=Lehmann=, C., Altbabylon, Maass und Gewicht. Berlin, 1889; -Beiträge zur alten Geschichte. Leipsic, 1901; Shamasshumukin, König -von Babylonia, 668-669 v. C. Leipsic, 1892; Zwei Hauptprobleme -der altorientalischen Chronologie und ihre Lösung. Leipsic, -1898.--=Lenormant=, F., Les dieux de Babylone et de l’Assyrie. Paris, -1877; Lettres assyriologiques, 2nd series; Études accadiennes. Paris, -1879-1880; Chaldean Magic: Origin and Development. London, 1877; -Premières civilisations. Paris; in collab. with =Chevalier=, E., A -Manual of the Ancient History of the East. London, 1869-1870, 2 vols.; -in collab. with =Babelon=, E., Histoire ancienne de l’Orient. Paris, -1881-1886. - - _François Lenormant_ was born in Paris 17th January, 1837; died - there 10th December, 1883. His education was private. Early in - life he showed a special aptitude and liking for the study of the - oriental languages. He travelled extensively in Egypt, Turkey, and - Greece, and became prominent for his researches in the Accadian - languages. In 1874 he was appointed Professor of Archæology at the - Bibliothèque, Paris. The son of an archæologist of distinguished - merit, Lenormant grew up in an atmosphere of scholarship, and - early evinced a keen taste for all that pertained to archæology. - He entered the field of Assyriology in its infancy, and soon - became known as a leader among the masters in that field, and his - early death was regarded everywhere as one of the severest blows - which oriental archæology could have received. Lenormant was - regarded by his fellow-workers as having a peculiar genius for his - task, and his taste for literary work was no less keen than his - scholarship. The fact that his great work on Oriental History was - at once translated into English vouches for its popular interest. - Unfortunately he did not live to complete his still more important - work on the same subject, to which the last years of his life were - devoted. - -=Lincke=, A. A., Bericht über die Fortschritte der Assyriologie, -1886-1893. Leipsic, 1894.--=Lindl=, E., Die Datenliste der ersten -Dynastie von Babylon; in Beiträge zur Assyriologie. Leipsic, -1901.--=Loftus=, W. K., Chaldea and Susiana. London, 1857.--=Lotz=, -W., Die Imschriften Tiglathpileser I. Leipsic, 1880.--=Lyon=, G., -Keilschrifttexte Sargon’s, Königs von Assyrien, 722-705 v. C. Leipsic, -1883. - - * * * * * - -=Maccalester=, S. H., Babylon and Nineveh. Boston, 1892.--=Macphail=, -S. E., Monumental witness to Old Testament History. London, -1879.--=Martin=, G., La campaigne de Sennakerib en Palestine, etc. -Montauban, 1892.--=Martin=, F., Textes religieux assyriens et -babyloniens. Paris, 1900.--=Maspero=, G. C. C., Histoire ancienne -des peuples de l’Orient. Paris, 1886; The Struggle of the Nations. -London, 1896; The Dawn of Civilisation. London, 1897; Life in Ancient -Assyria. London, 1892.--=Meissner=, B., Beiträge zum altbabylonischen -Privatrecht. Leipsic, 1893.--=Menant=, J., Babylone et la Chaldée. -Paris, 1875; Découvertes assyriennes. La Bibliothèque du palais de -Ninive. Paris, 1880; Empreintes de cachets assyrio-chaldéens relevés -au Musée britannique sur des contrats d’intériet privé. Paris, 1883; -Les pierres gravées de la Haute-Asie. Recherches sur la glyptique -orientale. Paris, 1883, 1886; Les noms propres assyriens; recherches -sur la formation des expressions idéographiques. Paris, 1861; -Hammourabi (King of Babylon) Inscriptions. Paris, 1873; Les langues -perdues de la Perse et de l’Assyrie. Paris, 1890; Annales des rois -d’Assyrie. Paris, 1874; Ninive et Babylone. Paris, 1888; Les fausses -antiquités de l’Assyrie. Paris, 1888. - - _Joachim Menant_ was born at Cherbourg, France, 16th April, - 1820. The life of this famous orientalist furnishes yet another - illustration of the practical man of affairs who finds also time - for the most abstruse scholarship. Throughout a long life until - 1890, when at the ripe age of three score years and ten, he was - retired with the title of Honorary Councillor. Menant lived the - practical everyday life of a magistrate, and practised this - profession with such assiduity and judgment as to attain the - highest distinction. Yet, at the same time, he found leisure hours - enough to make himself everywhere recognised as one of the most - accomplished of Assyriologists. A comparatively young man, when - the discoveries of Botta and Layard and their successors first - brought the Assyrian treasures to the attention of the world, - Menant seemed from the very first to have been seized with a - desire to investigate the strange inscriptions from Nineveh. He - was among the first who undertook the investigation of the strange - cuneiform writing and from then till now he has kept well in the - van of the constantly growing company of Assyriologists. The list - of his works is little more than a succession of papers on one or - another of the subjects most intimately connected with this field. - Most of them are of a technical character, and, therefore, have - necessarily appeared only to a limited audience. In one or two - instances, however, and notably in the case of the little book - on the library of Asshurbanapal, he has descended to the popular - level, and has shown himself capable of handling the most abstruse - topics in a way to make them delightfully interesting to the least - scholarly of readers. Strange to say, this beautiful little book - has never been hitherto translated into English, and a like neglect - has attended nearly all the other publications of the author. It - is difficult to find an explanation of this neglect unless it be - the author’s well-known attitude towards the status of the ancient - Hebrew records. On more than one occasion he has expressed the - opinion that to single out the Jews among the peoples of antiquity - as the one important race of their time is wofully to distort the - perspective of history. Needless to say such an opinion as this - throws one counter to the prejudices of a large proportion of - people, including the mass of Assyriologists among the rest. - -=Ménard=, L., Histoire des anciens peuples de l’Orient. Paris, -1883.--=Meyer=, E., Geschichte des Alterthums. Stuttgart, 1884, etc., 5 -vols., in progress.--=Monaco=, A., Orientalia. Rome, 1891.--=Muecke=, -Ch., Von Euphrat zum Tiber. Untersuchungen zur alten Geschichte. -Leipsic, 1899.--=Mueller-Simonis=, P., Relations des missions -scientifiques. Washington, 1892.--=Mürdter=, F., Gesch. Babyloniens und -Assyriens. Stuttgart, 1891. - - * * * * * - -=Niebuhr=, B. G., Lectures on Ancient History. London, 1852, -2 vols.--=Niebuhr=, M., Geschichte Assurs und Babels. Berlin, -1854.--=Niebuhr=, C., Die erste Dynastie von Babel (in Vorderasiat. -Ges. Mitt., vol. 3, p. 43). Berlin, 1897; Studien zur Geschichte des -alten Orientes. Leipsic, 1894; Die Chronologie der Geschichte Israels, -Aegyptens, Babyloniens und Assyriens von 2000-700 v. Chr. Leipsic, -1895.--=Nikel=, J., Herodot und die Keilschriftforschung. Paderborn, -1896. - - * * * * * - -=Oppert=, J., Babylone et Chaldée. Paris, 1874; L’immortalité de l’âme -chez les Chaldéens. Paris, 1875; The Real Chronology of the Babylonian -Dynasties. London, 1888 (in collab. with J. =Menant=); Documents -juridiques de l’Assyrie et de la Chaldée. Paris, 1877; Histoire des -empires de Chaldée et d’Assyrie. Versailles, 1865 (in collab. with J. -=Menant=); Fastes de Sargon. Paris, 1863; Expédition scientifique en -Mésopotamie. Paris, 1859-1863, 2 vols.; Fragments mythologiques. Paris, -1882; Fragments de cosmogonie chaldéenne. Paris, 1879; La fixation de -la Chronologie des derniers rois de Babylone. Paris, 1893; La condition -des esclaves à Babylone. Paris, 1888; Les inscriptions assyriennes des -Sargonides et les fastes de Ninive. Paris, 1863. - - _Jules Oppert_ was born at Hamburg, 9th July, 1825. Professor - Oppert is a German by birth but a Parisian by adoption. His - whole oriental studies have been not alone made in Paris, but - many of them under the direct auspices of the French Government, - so that Frenchmen are perhaps justified in claiming him almost - as a fellow-countryman. Professor Oppert has that comprehensive - scholarship which is characteristic rather of the German than - the Frenchman. He is a philologist and linguist of the broadest - type. Unfortunately for the general public the German cast of his - mind shows itself still further in his apparent contempt for the - literary graces. He is a scholar who works for scholars, and it is - but seldom that he has written anything which comes well within the - grasp of the general public. His is, therefore, a name which one - meets everywhere in pursuing the literature of Assyriology, but the - results of whose investigations must usually come to the general - reader, as it were, through an interpreter. - - * * * * * - -=Peiser=, F. E., Keilinschriftliche Aktenstücke. Berlin, 1890; Studien -zur Oriental. Alterthumskunde. Berlin, 1897. (In Vorderasiat, Ges. -Mitt. 1897, 4 vols.); Babylon, Verträge. Berlin, 1890; A Sketch of -Babylonian Society (in Smithsonian Institute. Annual Report, 1898. -Washington, 1899).--=Perrot=, G., A History of Art in Assyria. London, -1884.--=Peters=, J. P., Nippur, or Explorations and Adventures, -etc. New York and London, 1897, 2 vols.; Some Recent Results of the -University of Pennsylvania, Excavations at Nippur (in Amer. Jour. of -Archeol., vol. 10, pp. 13, 352, 439, Princeton, 1895); The Seat of the -Earliest Civilisation in Babylon and the Date of its Beginnings (in -Amer. Orient. Soc. Jour., New Haven, 1896). - - _Dr. John Punnett Peters_ was formerly professor of Hebrew in the - University of Pennsylvania; at present rector of St. Michael’s - Protestant Episcopal Church, New York City. For more than a - generation after the discoveries of Botta and Layard and their - successors in Mesopotamia had been furthered by companies of - English and French and German explorers, America had taken no part - in the work, but in 1880, the University of Pennsylvania determined - to make amends for this neglect by sending out a fully equipped - exploring party. The leader of this movement, and the man who - personally conducted the explorations of the first two years in the - field, was Professor J. P. Peters. Through his energetic efforts - the numberless difficulties that such an enterprise involves were - overcome, and some most important discoveries were made. The chief - of these was the location of the Babylonian city of Nippur, the - site of that ancient temple of Bel, which was, as Dr. Peters points - out, to many generations of old Babylonians and Assyrians what - the temple of Jerusalem has been to the peoples of Christendom. - His discoveries at Nippur have added greatly to the work that has - been carried on at Babylon and Nineveh, and “helped to carry our - knowledge of civilised man two thousand years farther back than - was known less than half a century ago.” At Nippur he discovered - what is probably the oldest known temple in the world. Both his - expeditions met with very bitter and determined opposition from - government officials and wandering inhabitants in the vicinity of - Nippur, and it is mainly due to his fearless determination that - successful excavations were finally made. - -=Pinches=, T. G., Religious Ideas of the Babylonians. London, 1893; -Notes. London, 1892; Sumerian or Cryptography (in Royal Asiatic Soc. -Jour.; 1900, p. 75, 1900); The Babylonian and Assyrian Cylinder-Seals -of the British Museum (in Jour. Brit. Archeol. Assoc.; vol. 41, -p. 396, London, 1885). The Bronze Gates of Balawat in Assyria (in -Jour. Brit. Archeol. Assoc.; vol. 35, p. 233, London, 1879); The -Temples of Ancient Babylonia (in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Archeol., vol. 22, -p. 358, London, 1900).--=Place=, V., Ninive et l’Assyrie. Paris, -1867-1890.--=Pognon=, H., Inscription de Meron-Nerar, roi d’Assyrie. -Paris, 1884. Les inscriptions babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. Paris, -1887.--=Prévost-Paradol=, L. A., Essai sur l’histoire universelle. -Paris, 1890, 2 vols. - - * * * * * - -=Radau=, H., Early Babylonian History. New York, 1900.--=Ragozin=, Z. -A., The Story of Chaldea (Stories of the Nations). London, 1888; Media, -Babylon and Persia. London, 1889; Assyria. London, 1888.--=Ranwolf=, -L., Journey into Syria, Armenia, Mesopotamia.--=Rassam=, H., -Excavations and Discoveries in Assyria. London; Asshur and the Land of -Nimrod. Cincinnati, 1897; Babylonian Cities. London, 1883. - - _Hormuzd Rassam_ was born of Chaldean Christian parents at Mosul, - Turkey, in 1826. In 1845 he became acquainted with Austin H. - Layard, who was then exploring Assyrian ruins, and becoming much - interested in the work of Layard, he accompanied him to England - in 1847, continuing his studies in that country. In 1864 he was - sent by the British Government on a mission to Abyssinia to - secure the release of several Europeans who were held prisoners - by King Theodore, but he was himself imprisoned for two years - by that king. Shortly after securing his release he visited the - Babylonian-Assyrian region for the British Museum, and while on - this expedition and others following, he made many important - discoveries. Notable among these discoveries are the bronze gates - of Balawat, from the time of Shalmaneser II (858-824 B.C.), and - the Abu-Habba tablet, recording the restoration of the temple - by Nabu-apal-iddin, a contemporary of Shalmaneser II. The name - of Rassam is associated with that of Layard, and with the early - history of Assyriology. Rassam was primarily an explorer; he - assisted Layard in his earlier work at Nineveh, and himself - carried on the investigations for the British Government after - Layard had been called to other fields. Rassam has never become an - Assyriologist in the technical acceptance of the term, contenting - himself generally with securing the material on which the - investigations of numerous scholars have been based. The greatest - single feat which he accomplished was the discovery of the now - famous library of Asshurbanapal. He has himself told the story - of his discoveries in books that are not so widely known as they - deserve to be. - -=Rawlinson=, G., The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient World. 2nd -ed. London, 1871; A Manual of Ancient History. Oxford, 1869; Herodotus. -London, 1858-75, 4 vols.; Papers in Jour. Royal Asiatic Soc.; vols. -X, XI, XII. London, 1885; The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. -London, 1861-1891. - - _George Rawlinson_ (brother of Sir Henry Rawlinson) was born at - Chadlington, Oxfordshire, England, in 1815. He was educated at - Swansea and at Ealing School. He graduated from Trinity College, - Oxford, with classical honours, in 1838. He was elected Fellow of - Exeter College in 1840. In 1859, as Bampton Lecturer, he delivered - his famous lecture on _Historical Evidences of the Truth of the - Scriptural Records_. He was chosen Camden Professor of Ancient - History in 1861, and in 1872 was made Canon of Canterbury. His - historical writings cover nearly the entire history of the Ancient - Orient. Some one has said of Canon Rawlinson that his scholarship - is of a peculiarly German type, and the criticism would seem to - be essentially just. Few other Englishmen of our generation have - covered so wide a field of history, and covered it so thoroughly as - has Professor Rawlinson. The whole field of southwestern Asia in - antiquity he has made peculiarly his own, and in a series of widely - circulated books he has imparted his knowledge to the world, some - of them, as that on the Parthian Monarchy, dealing with nations - that other historians had very much neglected. All of this work, - as has been said, is based upon scholarly investigations that - might justly be said to be profound. If in his estimate of certain - portions of this history, in particular as regards the newer ideas - of the chronology of the remoter periods, Professor Rawlinson has - hardly kept pace with the leaders of the newest generation, this - is certainly not more than one should expect in one whose memories - carry him back to the very beginnings of the “time” controversy. - The Canon died in 1902. - -=Rawlinson=, H. C., Outline of the History of Assyria. London, -1852.--=Records of the Past= (=Birch=, S.). London, 1873, 12 -vols.--=Revue d’Assyriologie=. Paris, 1886, etc.--=Rich=, C. I., -Babylonia and Persepolis: Memoirs on the Ruins of Babylon. London, -1818.--=Robertson=, H. S., Voices of the Past from Assyria and -Babylonia. London, 1900.--=Rogers=, R. W., History of Babylonia and -Assyria. London, 1901, 2 vols. - - * * * * * - -=Sachau=, E., Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien. Leipsic, 1885; Am -Euphrat und Tigris. Leipsic, 1900.--=Sarzec=, G. C. E., de, Découvertes -en Chaldée. Paris, 1884-1893, 2 vols. - - _Gustave Charles Ernest Chocquin de Sarzec_ was born 11th August, - 1836. After the discoveries of Botta and Layard had shown the - scientific world what neglected treasure-houses were to be found - in Mesopotamia, it was natural that explorers should seek out - the other fields of ancient activity, in particular those to the - south in Old Babylonia, and yet older Chaldea. Among those who - went into the latter field most successfully was M. de Sarzec. His - explorations at Tello, one of the oldest seats of Mesopotamian - civilisation revealed a vast quantity of most interesting - antiquities of a type in many ways different from those of the - comparatively recent Assyrian period. In particular the statues - in the round, which seem to have been a common form of artistic - expression with the ancient Chaldeans, have interest because of - their difference from the bas-reliefs that were the favourite - sculptures of the artists of Nineveh. In the interpretation of the - large store of material which De Sarzec secured he had had the - assistance of M. Layon Heuzey and M. Amiaud. - -=Sayce=, A. H., Lectures on the Religions of Ancient Assyria and -Babylonia. London, 1888; Ancient Empires of the East. London, 1884; -Assyria: its Princes, Priests, and People. London, 1882; Babylonians -and Assyrians: Life and Customs. New York, 1899; Social Life among -the Assyrians. London, 1893; Primer of Assyriology. London, 1894; The -Races of the Old Testament. London, 1891; Fresh Light from the Ancient -Monuments. London, 1884. - - _Archibald Henry Sayce_, born at Shirehampton, near Bristol, 25th - September, 1846. Deputy Professor of comparative Philology at - Oxford from 1876 to 1890; at present Professor of Assyriology at - Oxford. The well-known Oxford Professor has been one of the most - versatile and active of orientalists. He seems equally at home - whether the field be Egypt, Mesopotamia, or Assyria, and he is a - writer of such indefatigable industry that scholarly works on one - subject or another are constantly coming from his pen. Professor - Sayce is by no means a closet student only but is a traveller of - wide experience, and latterly it has become his custom to spend his - winters and springs house-boating in Egypt. He has a rare merit - of combining the utmost scholarship with a capacity for clear - presentation of his subject, and his works are therefore almost as - well known to the general reader as they are to the specialist. - In each generation there are but a few men who combining these - traits act as interpreters between the land of scholarship and the - abiding place of ordinary mortals and among these in our generation - Professor Sayce takes a foremost rank. - -=Saulcy=, L. F. J. C., de, Recherches sur la chronologie des empires -de Ninive, de Babylone et d’Ekbatane. Paris, 1854.--=Schäfer=, B., -Die Entdeckungen in Assyrien und Aegypten in ihrer Beziehung zur -heiligen Schrift. Wien, 1896.--=Schmidt=, V., Assyriens of Aegyptens -gamle Historie. Copenhagen, 1872-1877.--=Schrader=, E., Cuneiform -Inscriptions and the Old Testament. London, 1873, 2 vols.; Die -Höllenfahrt der Istar ein altbabylon. Epos; Giessen, 1874; Eine -Sammlung von Übersetzungen der wichtigsten Texte (Keilinschriftliche -Bibliothek). Berlin, 1889-1901, vols. 1-6; Keilinschriften und -Geschichtsforschung. Giessen, 1878. - - _Eberhard Schrader_ was born at Brunswick, Germany, 5th January, - 1836. He studied at the gymnasium in Brunswick and in the - University at Göttingen. Shortly after finishing his studies - in Göttingen he was appointed Professor of Hebrew and Semitic - Languages at Zürich, and later he filled corresponding chairs - at Giessen and Jena. In 1875 he was given a professorship and - made a member of the Royal Academy at Berlin. He also edited - _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_. Only a few of his works have - been translated into English, most notable among these being _The - Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament_. - -=Smith=, G., Assyrian Discoveries. London, 1875; Assyria, from -the Earliest Times. London, 1875; The Chaldean Genesis. London, -1881; The History of Babylon. London, 1877; History of Sennacherib -(from inscriptions). London, 1878; History of Asshurbanipal (from -inscriptions). London, 1871; Assyria from the Earliest Times to the -Fall of Nineveh. New York, 1876. - - _George Smith_ was born in London, England, 26th March, 1840. He - is said to have first become interested in Assyriology from having - to engrave some cuneiform plates for publication. He at once took - up the study, and a little later was appointed to a position - in the Assyrian department of the British Museum. He very soon - became one of the great promoters of Assyriology. With Sir Henry - Rawlinson he edited vols. III-IV of _The Cuneiform Inscriptions - of Western Asia_. In 1872 he discovered among the clay books of - the British Museum fragments of a story of the Deluge, similar to - the biblical version. Soon after this he visited Nineveh to make - further search for clay books in Asshurbanapal’s palace, and his - expedition was very successful. The Deluge story proved to be - part of a great poem written on twelve tablets. He made two other - expeditions for the Museum, but on the last one was stricken with - fever and died at Aleppo, 19th August, 1876. George Smith was - known among orientalists as a man who had a peculiar instinct for - the translation of obscure texts. He devoted his entire life to - oriental studies, and came to be recognised as one of the foremost - of orientalists. - -=Spiegel=, F., Die altpersischen Keilinschriften 2nd ed. Leipsic, -1881.--=Strabo=, The Geography of Strabo. London, 1854, 3 -vols.--=Strassmaier=, J. N., Babylonische Texte. Leipsic, 1889; -Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor, König von Babylon (609-561). Leipsic, -1889.--=Streck=, M., Die alte Landschaft Babylonien nach den arabischen -Geographen. Leyden, 1900, 2 vols. - - * * * * * - -=Talbot=, W. H. Fox (in Records of the Past). London, 1856, 18 vols.; -Inscription of Tiglath Pileser I, King of Assyria, B.C. 1150 (in Jour. -Royal Asiatic Soc.). London, 1857. - - _William Henry Fox Talbot_ was born 11th February, 1800, at Laycock - Abbey, near Chippenham, England. He was educated at Harrow and at - Trinity College, Cambridge, gaining the Porson prize there in 1820. - Contributed papers to the Royal Society in 1822, and in the same - year began a series of optical researches and experiments which - afterward played an important part in photography. In connection - with his scientific studies he devoted much of his time to the - study of archeology, and in later life gave his entire time to it. - He shares the honour with Sir Henry Rawlinson and Dr. Hincks of - being one of the first to decipher the cuneiform inscriptions of - Nineveh. He died at Laycock Abbey, 17th September, 1877. Talbot was - a master in the field of Assyriology. He was, indeed, one of the - first to gain distinction in this line, and in a peculiar sense one - of the founders of the science. - -=Taylor=, W. C., Students’ Manual of Ancient History. London, -1882.--=Tiele=, C. P., History of Assyria. London, 1886; Eastern Asia -according to the most recent Discoveries. London, 1894; Comparative -History of Egyptian and Mesopotamian Religion; Babyl.-assyr. -Geschichte. Gotha, 1886-1888, 2 vols. (in Records of the Past). London, -1873, 18 vols. - - _Cornelis Petrus Tiele_ was born at Leyden, Holland, 16th December, - 1830. He was educated in the university of that city, giving - especial attention to the study of philosophy and history. In - 1877 he was appointed to the chair of History and Religion in the - University of Leyden. His numerous publications on history and - philosophy have been widely translated. Professor Tiele enjoys - the distinction somewhat rare among his countrymen of a quite - cosmopolitan reputation. As an authority on ancient religions he - has no superior, and his writings are almost as well known in - Germany, France, England, and America as in his native Holland. - - * * * * * - -=Valbuena=, R. F., Egipto y Asiria resucitados la parte. Madrid, -1895.--=Van den Berg=, E., Petite histoire ancienne des peuples de -l’Orient. Paris, 1883.--=Vaux=, W. G. W., Nineveh and Persepolis. -London, 1880.--=Vigoroux=, F., La Bible et les découvertes en Assyrie. -Paris, 1887. - - * * * * * - -=Wachsmuth=, C., Einleitung in das Studium d. alten Geschichte. -Leipsic, 1895.--=Wahrmund=, A., Babylonierthum und Christenthum. -Leipsic, 1882.--=Ward=, W. H., Notes on Original Antiquities. -Baltimore, 1887; Report on the Wolfe Expedition to Babylonia. Boston, -1886; The Babylonian Caduceno (in Amer. Orient. Soc. Jour., vol. 14). -New Haven, 1890; The Story of the Serpent and the Tree (in Amer. -Antiq. and Orient. Jour., vol. 20, p. 211). Chicago, 1898.--=Weber=, -G., Allgemeine Weltgeschichte. Leipsic, 1857-1880, 15 vols.--=Weiss=, -J. B. von, Geschichte des Orients. 1886.--=Weissbach=, F. H., Zur -Lösung der sumerischen Frage. Leipsic, 1897; Über einige neuere -Arbeiten zur babyl. pers. Chronologie (in Deutsche Morgenland. Ges. -Zeitch., vol. 55, p. 195. Leipsic, 1901).--=Wernicke=, C., Geschichte -des Alterthums. 1890.--=Wilberforce=, R. F., The Five Empires. -London, 1899.--=Winckler=, H., Sammlung von Keilschrifttexten. -Leipsic, 1893-1894; Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Geschichte. -Leipsic, 1889; Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. Leipsic, 1892; -Altorientalische Forschungen, Leipsic, 1893-1897; Völker und Staaten -des alten Orients. Leipsic, 1900.--=Woltmann=, A. K., History of -Painting. London, 1880, 2 vols.--=Wood=, R., The Ruins of Palmyra. - - * * * * * - -=Zimmern=, H., The Babylonian and the Hebrew Genesis. London, 1901. - - - - -[Illustration: BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA. - -BORMAY & CO.] - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Historians' History of the World -in Twenty-Five Volumes, Volume 1, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORIANS' HISTORY OF WORLD, VOL 1 *** - -***** This file should be named 51514-0.txt or 51514-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/5/1/51514/ - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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