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diff --git a/old/51511-0.txt b/old/51511-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index beabc3a..0000000 --- a/old/51511-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11235 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of An encyclopedist of the dark ages: Isidore -of Seville, by Ernest Brehaut - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: An encyclopedist of the dark ages: Isidore of Seville - -Author: Ernest Brehaut - -Release Date: March 20, 2016 [EBook #51511] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENCYCLOPEDIST OF THE DARK AGES *** - - - - -Produced by Clarity, Ramon Pajares Box and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - * Italics are denoted by underscores as in _italics_. - - * Small caps are represented in upper case as in SMALL CAPS. - - * Obvious printer errors have been silently corrected. - - * Original spelling was kept, but variant spellings were made - consistent when a predominant usage was found, except the - variants “encyclopedia”, “encyclopaedia”, “encyclopædia”, and - their derivatives, which are preserved as printed. - - * Footnotes have been numbered in a single series. Each footnote - is placed at the end of the paragraph which includes its anchor. - - * Illustrations have been slightly moved so that they do not - break up paragraphs while remaining close to the text they - illustrate. - - * Other emendations made: - p. 14: “Yerra” → “Terra” - p. 141: placement of anchor for note [267] conjectured. None - found. - p. 210: “25.” → “9.” and - “of the stock of Cham, who stock of Sem” → “of the stock - of Sem”, both after checking the Latin original. - p. 233: Added “[ON UNIVERSE AND EARTH]” as a general title to - “Books XIII and XIV” chapter, both in this page and in - the Table of Contents. - p. 243: placement of anchor for note [347] conjectured. None - found. - p. 264: Added “[ISIDORE’S USE OF THE WORD _TERRA_]” as a title - to Appendix I, taken from the Table of Contents. - - - - - AN ENCYCLOPEDIST OF THE - DARK AGES - - ISIDORE OF SEVILLE - - _In saeculorum fine doctissimus_ - (_Ex concilio Toletano viii, cap. 2_) - - - BY - ERNEST BREHAUT, A. M. - - - SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS - FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY - IN THE - FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE - IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY - - NEW YORK - 1912 - -[Illustration] - - - - -PREFACE - - -The writer of the following pages undertook, at the suggestion of -Professor James Harvey Robinson, to translate passages from Isidore’s -_Etymologies_ which should serve to illustrate the intellectual -condition of the dark ages. It soon became evident that a brief -introduction to the more important subjects treated by Isidore would -be necessary, in order to give the reader an idea of the development -of these subjects at the time at which he wrote. Finally it seemed -worth while to sum up in a general introduction the results of this -examination of the _Etymologies_ and of the collateral study of -Isidore’s other writings which it involved. - -For many reasons the task of translating from the _Etymologies_ has -been a difficult one. There is no modern critical edition of the -work to afford a reasonable certainty as to the text; the Latin, -while far superior to the degenerate language of Gregory of Tours, is -nevertheless corrupt; the treatment is often brief to the point of -obscurity; the terminology of ancient science employed by Isidore is -often used without a due appreciation of its meaning. However, the -greatest difficulty in translating has arisen from the fact that the -work is chiefly a long succession of word derivations which usually -defy any attempt to render them into English. - -In spite of these difficulties the study has been one of great -interest. Isidore was, as Montalambert calls him, _le dernier savant -du monde ancien_, as well as the first Christian encyclopaedist. His -writings, therefore, while of no importance in themselves, become -important as a phenomenon in the history of European thought. His -resort to ancient science instead of to philosophy or to poetry is -suggestive, as is also the wide variety of his ‘sciences’ and the -attenuated condition in which they appear. Of especial interest is -Isidore’s state of mind, which in many ways is the reverse of that of -the modern thinker. - -It is perhaps worth while to remark that the writer has had in mind -throughout the general aspects of the intellectual development of -Isidore’s time: he has not attempted to comment on the technical -details—whether accurately given by Isidore or not—of the many -‘sciences’ that appear in the _Etymologies_. The student of the -history of music, for example, or of medicine as a technical subject, -will of course go to the sources. - -The writer is under the greatest obligation to Professors James -Harvey Robinson and James Thomson Shotwell for assistance and advice, -as well as for the illuminating interpretation of the medieval period -given in their lectures. He is also indebted to Mr. Henry O. Taylor -and Professors William A. Dunning and Munroe Smith for reading -portions of the manuscript. - - E. B. - -COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK, FEBRUARY, 1912. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PART I - INTRODUCTION - - CHAPTER I - ISIDORE’S LIFE AND WRITINGS - - PAGE - 1. Importance of Isidore 15 - a. Place in history of thought 15 - b. Influence 17 - - 2. Historical setting 18 - a. The Roman culture in Spain 18 - b. Assimilation of the barbarians 18 - c. Predominance of the church 19 - - 3. Life 20 - a. Family 20 - b. Leander 20 - c. Early years and education 21 - d. Facts of his life 22 - - 4. Impression made by Isidore on his contemporaries 23 - Braulio’s account 23 - - 5. Works 24 - a. Braulio’s list 24 - b. Works especially important as giving Isidore’s - intellectual outlook 25 - (1) _Differentiae_ 26 - Stress on words 26 - (2) _De Natura Rerum_ 27 - View of the physical universe 27 - General organization of subject-matter 28 - (3) _Liber Numerorum_ 29 - Mysticism of number 29 - (4) _Allegoriae_ 29 - (5) _Sententiae_ 29 - (6) _De Ordine Creaturarum_ 30 - c. His main work—the _Etymologies_ 30 - (1) Description 30 - (2) Contents 31 - (3) Antiquarian character 32 - (4) Leading principle of treatment—word derivation 33 - (5) Inconsistency of thought 34 - (6) Circumstances of production 34 - - - CHAPTER II - ISIDORE’S RELATION TO PREVIOUS CULTURE - - 1. Dependance on the past 35 - - 2. Ignorance of Greek 35 - - 3. Relation to Latin writers 37 - a. The function of the Christian writers 37 - b. The development of the pagan thought 37 - (1) The encyclopædias 38 - (a) Characteristics 38 - Decay of thought 38 - Epitomizing tendency 39 - Literary scholarship 39 - Scientific scholarship 40 - (b) Method of production 40 - (c) Acceptability of encyclopædias to the - church fathers 41 - (d) Debt of Isidore to them 41 - (2) The encyclopædias of education 43 - - 4. The personal element contributed by Isidore 44 - - 5. Sources used by Isidore 45 - a. Confusion of the tradition 45 - b. Investigations and their results 45 - - - CHAPTER III - ISIDORE’S GENERAL VIEW OF THE UNIVERSE - - 1. Introductory considerations 48 - a. The difficulties in ascertaining the world-view 48 - (1) Inconsistencies 48 - (2) Unexplained preconceptions 48 - b. Conditions favoring the construction of a world-view 49 - - 2. The physical universe 50 - a. Form of the universe 50 - Question of the sphericity of the earth 50 - Greek cosmology versus Christian cosmology 54 - b. Size of the universe 54 - c. Constitution of matter 55 - The four elements 55 - Properties 55 - Cosmological bearing 57 - Bearing on the physical constitution of man 59 - Use of the theory in medicine 59 - Phenomena of meteorology explained by the theory 60 - Seasons 61 - d. Parallelism of man and the universe 62 - - 3. The solidarity of the universe 63 - a. Strangeness of Isidore’s thinking 63 - b. The conception of solidarity 64 - c. Number 64 - d. Allegory 65 - - 4. The supernatural world 67 - a. Contrast between mediæval and modern views 68 - b. Method of apprehending the supernatural world 68 - c. Relative importance of natural and supernatural 68 - (1) In nature 68 - (2) In man 69 - (3) Asceticism 70 - d. Inhabitants of supernatural world 70 - (1) Theology 70 - (2) Angelology 70 - (3) Demonology 72 - - 5. View of secular learning 73 - a. Philosophy 73 - (1) Conception of philosophy 73 - (2) Attitude toward pagan philosophy 74 - b. Poetry 74 - c. Science 75 - (1) Attitude toward pagan science 75 - (2) Condition of pagan science 76 - (3) Low place accorded to science 76 - (4) Science harmonized with religious ideas 77 - (5) Perversity of pagan scientists 78 - - 6. View of the past 79 - a. Pagan past as a whole dropped 79 - b. Idea of the past dominated by Biblical tradition 79 - c. Importance of Hebrew history 80 - - - CHAPTER IV - ISIDORE’S RELATION TO EDUCATION - - 1. Problem of Christian education 81 - - 2. Cassiodorus’ solution 82 - a. Theology 83 - b. The seven liberal arts 83 - - 3. The educational situation in Spain 84 - - 4. Isidore’s solution 85 - a. Attitude toward the secular subject-matter 85 - b. Comprehensive educational scheme 86 - (1) First eight books of the Etymologies 86 - (2) The higher and the lower education 87 - - 5. Bearing of Isidore’s educational scheme on the development - of the universities 88 - - - PART II - THE ETYMOLOGIES - - BOOK I - ON GRAMMAR - Introduction 89 - Analysis 92 - Extracts 95 - - BOOK II - 1. ON RHETORIC (chs. 1–21) - Introduction 105 - Analysis 107 - Extracts 111 - 2. ON LOGIC (chs. 22–30) - Introduction 113 - Analysis 115 - Extracts 115 - - BOOK III - 1. ON ARITHMETIC (chs. 1–9) - Introduction 123 - Extracts (chs. 1–9) 125 - 2. ON GEOMETRY (chs. 10–14) - Introduction 131 - Translation (chs. 10–14) 132 - 3. ON MUSIC (chs. 15–23) - Introduction 134 - Extracts (chs. 15–23) 136 - 4. ON ASTRONOMY (chs. 24–71) - Introduction 140 - Extracts (chs. 24–71) 142 - - BOOK IV - ON MEDICINE - Introduction 155 - Extracts 158 - - BOOK V - 1. ON LAWS (chs. 1–25) - Introduction 164 - Extracts (chs. 1–25) 166 - 2. ON TIMES (chs. 28–39) - Introduction 173 - Extracts (chs. 28–39) 175 - - BOOKS VI-VIII - [THEOLOGY] - Introduction 183 - Analysis 184 - Extracts—Book VI. On the Books and Services of the - Church 185 - Extracts—Book VII. On God, the Angels and the - faithful 192 - Extracts—Book VIII. On the Church and the different - sects 196 - - BOOK IX - ON LANGUAGES, RACES, EMPIRES, WARFARES, CITIZENS, - RELATIONSHIPS - Introduction 207 - Analysis 208 - Extracts 208 - - BOOK X - ALPHABETICAL LIST OF WORDS - Extracts 214 - - BOOK XI - ON MAN AND MONSTERS - Analysis 215 - Extracts 215 - - BOOK XII - ON ANIMALS - Introduction 222 - Analysis 223 - Extracts 223 - - BOOKS XIII AND XIV - [ON UNIVERSE AND EARTH] - Introduction 233 - Analysis 233 - Extracts—Book XIII. On the Universe and its parts 234 - Extracts—Book XIV. On the Earth and its parts 243 - - BOOK XV - ON BUILDINGS AND FIELDS - Analysis 248 - Extracts 249 - - BOOK XVI - ON STONES AND METALS - Analysis 252 - Extracts 253 - - BOOK XVII - ON AGRICULTURE - Analysis 258 - BOOK XVIII - ON WAR AND AMUSEMENTS - Analysis 258 - Extracts 259 - - BOOK XIX - ON SHIPS, BUILDINGS AND GARMENTS - Analysis 261 - - BOOK XX - ON PROVISIONS AND UTENSILS USED IN THE HOUSE AND IN - THE FIELDS - Analysis 263 - - APPENDIX I - Isidore’s Use of the Word _Terra_ 264 - - APPENDIX II - Subdivisions of Philosophy 267 - - BIBLIOGRAPHY 270 - - - - -PART I - -INTRODUCTION - - - - -CHAPTER I - -ISIDORE’S LIFE AND WRITINGS - - -The development of European thought as we know it from the dawn -of history down to the Dark Ages is marked by the successive -secularization and de-secularization of knowledge.[1] From the -beginning Greek secular science can be seen painfully disengaging -itself from superstition. For some centuries it succeeded in -maintaining its separate existence and made wonderful advances; -then it was obliged to give way before a new and stronger set of -superstitions which may be roughly called Oriental. In the following -centuries all those branches of thought which had separated -themselves from superstition again returned completely to its cover; -knowledge was completely de-secularized, the final influence in -this process being the victory of Neoplatonized Christianity.[2] -The sciences disappeared as living realities, their names and a few -lifeless and scattered fragments being all that remained. They did -not reappear as realities until the medieval period ended. - - [1] _Cf._ S. Reinach, _Orpheus_, p. 36. - - [2] Neoplatonism, the last phase in the decline of ancient - philosophy, profoundly influenced the Christian philosophy of - patristic and medieval times, for which it prepared the way. The - “first principle” of this philosophy was “the supra-rational, - that which lies beyond reason and beyond reality.” It was from - this source that Christian mysticism and contempt for empirical - knowledge were largely drawn. It has been said that Catholic - Christianity “conquered Neoplatonism after it had assimilated - nearly everything that it possessed.” Its influence was far - greater in the eastern than in the western empire. See Harnack, - _History of Dogma_, vol. i, App. 3, for a brief account of - Neoplatonism. See also _Encycl. Brit._, 11th edition, Art. - “Neoplatonism.” - -This process of de-secularization was marked by two leading -characteristics; on the one hand, by the loss of that contact with -physical reality through systematic observation which alone had given -life to Greek natural science, and on the other, by a concentration -of attention upon what were believed to be the superior realities -of the spiritual world. The consideration of these latter became so -intense, so detailed and systematic, that there was little energy -left among thinking men for anything else. - -At the point where this de-secularizing process was complete, at -the opening of the seventh century, lived the Spanish bishop and -scholar, Isidore of Seville. His many writings, and especially his -great encyclopedia, the _Etymologies_, are among the most important -sources for the history of intellectual culture in the early middle -ages, since in them are gathered together and summed up all such dead -remnants of secular learning as had not been absolutely rejected by -the superstition of his own and earlier ages; they furnish, so to -speak, a cross-section of the debris of scientific thought at the -point where it is most artificial and unreal. - -The résumé that Isidore offers is strikingly complete. In this -respect he surpasses all the writers of his own and immediately -preceding periods, his scope being much more general than that of -his nearest contemporaries, Boethius and Cassiodorus. He goes back -here to the tradition of the encyclopedists of the Roman world, -Varro, Verrius Flaccus, Pliny, and Suetonius, by the last of whom he -is believed to have been especially influenced. Few writers of any -period cover the intellectual interests of their time so completely. -To understand Isidore’s mental world is nearly to reach the limits of -the knowledge of his time.[3] - - [3] Nihil enim Isidorus intentatum reliquit: facultates omnes - attigit, scientias humanas divinasque pertractavit, scriptores - veteres profanos et sacros evolvit, atque in suum usum - descripsit; nec contentus etymologico suo opere scientiarum - encyclopaediam comprehendere, multa singillatim in sacrarum - litterarum interpretatione disseruit, multa in omni alio - theologiae genere, multa in philosophicis atque astronomicis - argumentis, multa in re litteraria, chronologica et historica. - Arevalo, _Prolegomena in Editionem S. Isidori Hispalensis_, cap. - 1, 3. - -The influence which he exerted upon the following centuries was -very great. His organization of the field of secular science, -although it amounted to no more than the laying out of a corpse, -was that chiefly accepted throughout the early medieval period. The -innumerable references to him by later writers,[4] the many remaining -manuscripts,[5] and the successive editions of his works[6] after the -invention of printing, indicate the great rôle he played.[7] From the -modern point of view the real benefit he conferred upon succeeding -centuries was that in his encyclopaedic writings he presented to -the intelligent the fact that there had been and might be such -a thing as secular science; while the blunders in which he was -continually involved, and the shallowness of his thinking, offered -a perpetual challenge to the critical power of all who read him. -There was contained in his writings also, as we shall see, the embryo -of something positive and progressive, namely, the organization of -educational subjects that was to appear definitely in the medieval -university and dominate education almost to the present day. - - [4] Arevalo in his _Prolegomena_, cap. 33, collects passages - containing “laudes Isidori” from medieval writers, including - Fredegarius, Alcuin, William of Malmesbury, Vincent of Beauvais, - and others. Isidore is cited by Petrarch in a way which shows - that he was much read in his time. Petrarch is giving authorities - for his theory of poetry, and after mentioning Varro and - Suetonius, he says: “Then I can add a third name, which will - probably be better known to you, Isidore.” _Cf._ Robinson and - Rolfe, _Petrarch_, p. 263. - - [5] Ac portenti quidem simile est, quot mihi antiquissimi Isidori - Codices in Urbis (Rome) bibliothecis sed maxime in Vaticana - occurrerint. Arevalo, _Prolegomena_, cap. 1, 7. Manuscripts of - Isidore’s works are numerous also in Spain and France. - - [6] The editions of Isidore’s complete works are as follows: - (1) that of de la Bigne published at Paris in 1580; (2) that of - Grial, Madrid, 1599; (3) that of du Breul, Paris, 1601; that - of Arevalus, Rome, 1796. Arevalus, in the _Prolegomena_ to his - edition, enumerates ten editions of the _Etymologies_ between - 1477 and 1577. Others of Isidore’s works appeared also in - frequent separate editions. - - [7] See Cañal, _San Isidoro_, ch. 7. - - -For a fuller understanding of Isidore’s historical setting some -attention must be given to the country in which he lived. Spanish -culture in the early middle ages seems to have been relatively -superior. It is well known that the country had been thoroughly -Romanized. How complete the process had been may be judged from -the list of men of Spanish birth who had won distinction in the -wider world of the empire; it includes the two Senecas, Lucan, -Quintilian, Martial, Hyginus, Pomponius Mela, Columella, Orosius, -and the two emperors, Trajan and Hadrian. In fact Spain had lost its -individuality and had become an integral part of the Roman world, -little inferior in its culture even to Italy itself; and the close -of Roman rule found the people of Spain speaking the Latin language, -reading the Latin literature, and habituated to Roman institutions -and modes of thought. - -Moreover the continuity of this ancient culture had been perhaps less -rudely disturbed in Spain than elsewhere by the shock of the barbaric -invasions. Here its geographical situation stood the country in good -stead; the barbarian frontier was far away and the chances were that -barbarians destined by fortune to enter Spain would first spend much -time in aimless wandering within the empire, with consequent loss of -numbers and some lessening of savagery. Such, at least, was the case -with the Visigoths, who alone of the barbarians proved a permanent -factor in the country’s development. They were first admitted to -the empire in 376, and must have passed largely into the second -generation before they began to penetrate into Spain, while the -real conquest by them did not begin until much later. “At the time -of their appearance as a governing aristocracy in Spain” they “had -become by long contact with the Romans to all intents and purposes a -civilized people.”[8] They were thus in a position to coalesce with -the Romanized natives, and that this was largely brought to pass is -shown by the conversion of the Arian Goths to orthodoxy, the removal -of the ban of intermarriage between the two races, the use of Latin -in all official documents, and finally by the establishment of a -common law for both peoples. The “sixty-one correct hexameters” of -the Visigothic king Sisebutus (612–620),[9] compared, for instance, -with the absolutely hopeless attempts of Charlemagne two centuries -later to learn the art of tracing letters,[10] show plainly that -Spanish culture had not sunk to the level of that of other parts of -the western empire.[11] - - [8] Martin A. S. Hume, _The Spanish People_, p. 45. - - [9] See Teuffel and Schwabe, _History of Roman Literature_, vol. - ii, sec. 495, 1, and _Poetae Latini Minores_, 5, 357. - - [10] See Einhard, _Vita Caroli Magni_ in _Monumenta Germaniae - Historica, Scriptores_ (Pertz ed.), vol. ii, p. 456. - - [11] Another factor in the history of Spain at this time that may - have had a slight influence on the culture of the country was - the reoccupation of the southeastern part of the country by the - Eastern Empire, which lasted from Justinian’s time down to 628. - The region so held included even Seville for some years. - -In this cultural struggle which had taken place between the native -population and their Visigothic rulers the contest between orthodox -Christianity and Arianism had been of prime importance, and its -settlement of the utmost significance. Since the Spaniards upheld -the orthodox faith and the Visigoths were Arians, the victory of -orthodoxy was a victory of the native element over the newcomers. By -this victory, therefore, a position of predominance unusual for the -time was given to the Spanish church organization, and the bishops, -the leaders of the church in the struggle, became the most powerful -men in the nation. Their power was further strengthened by the -weakening of the secular power when the Visigothic royal line became -extinct and it proved impossible to secure a successor to it from -among the families of the turbulent nobility. From the conversion of -the Visigoths in 587 to the invasion of the Saracens, Spain was a -country dominated by bishops.[12] - - [12] For the history of Spain under the Visigoths, see Lavisse - et Rambaud, _Histoire Générale_, vol. i, chap. 3 (by M. A. - Berthelot), and Altamira, _Historia de España_, vol. i, c. 1. - - -Of Isidore’s life surprisingly little is known, considering the bulk -and importance of his writings and his later fame.[13] All that -can be ascertained of his family is that it belonged originally -to Cartagena, that it was of the orthodox religion, and that the -names of its members are Roman.[14] It is extremely probable that -it belonged to the Hispano-Roman element of the population. That -Isidore and his two brothers were bishops may be taken to show that -of whatever origin the family was, it was one of power and influence. - - [13] In the _Acta Sanctorum, Aprilis 1_ (April 4) is the life of - Isidore supposed to have been written by Lucas Tudensis (13th - century). Arevalo also gives a life by Rodericus Cerratensis - (also 13th century). These ‘lives’ are full of fables and cannot - be trusted as sole authorities for any detail of Isidore’s career. - - [14] Severianus, Leander, Fulgentius, Florentina. - -A word may be said of his elder brother, Leander, who was a man of -perhaps greater force than Isidore himself. Born at Cartagena, he -became a monk, and later, bishop of Seville. He was the chief leader -of the orthodox party in its struggle against “the Arian insanity”, -and in the heat of the conflict was obliged to absent himself from -Spain for a time. He visited Constantinople and there became the -friend of Gregory the Great.[15] Returning to Spain, we find him, -under king Reccared in 587, presiding over the council of Toledo, at -which the Visigothic kingdom turned formally from Arianism. Leander -was a man of action rather than a writer, but according to Isidore -he engaged in controversy with the heretical party, “overwhelming -the Arian impiety with a vehement pen and revealing its wickedness”. -He wrote also a little book, which we still have, “On the training -of nuns and contempt for the world”,[16] and contributed music and -prayers to the church service. There seems to be no doubt that -Leander was the foremost churchman of his time in Spain. The prestige -of his name must have made it easier for his successor, Isidore, to -devote himself to the intellectual rather than to the administrative -leadership of the church.[17] - - [15] Gregory’s _Moralia_ is dedicated to Leander. - - [16] _Sancti Leandri Hispalensis Episcopi Regula sive de - institutione virginum et contemptu mundi_, in Migne, _Patr. - Lat._, vol. 72, col. 866–898. - - [17] Isidori _De Viris Illustribus Liber_, cap. 41. - -As to Isidore’s early years our only authentic information is that -his parents died while he was still young, and left him in the care -of Leander. It is very probable, however, that he looked forward from -the beginning to the clerical life which his brothers had chosen and -that he therefore went through the educational routine as laid down -for churchmen, which was practically the only formal education of the -time. The best proof of this lies in the fact that Isidore wrote -text-books of the liberal arts—a task that would have been well-nigh -impossible to one who had not been drilled in them in his youth.[18] - - [18] In one of Isidore’s letters, addressed to Duke Claudius - (Claudio duci), he says: “_Memento communis nostri doctoris - Leandri_.” This seems to point to formal instruction given by - Leander, and possibly to the existence of a school at Seville. - Migne, _P. L._ 83, col. 905. - -Isidore succeeded his brother Leander in the bishopric of Seville -probably in the year 600.[19] His few remaining letters, written in -the stilted religious phraseology of the day, give the impression -that he was much consulted on ecclesiastical and political matters, -and that he held a position of primacy among the Spanish bishops; -but on the whole they contain remarkably little that is of personal -interest. From the records of the councils we learn that he presided -at the second council of Seville in 619, and probably also at the -fourth of Toledo in 633.[20] According to a contemporary account -written by a cleric named Redemptus, he died in April of 636. No -other details of importance are known about his life. His career must -have been a placid and uneventful one, and evidently much of his time -was spent on his voluminous writings, which were the means by which -he won his great ascendancy over the minds of his contemporaries.[21] - - [19] Isidore, in his life of Leander (_De Viris Illustribus_, - cap. 41), says: “(Leander) fluorit sub Reccaredo (d. 601) ... - cujus etiam tempore vitae terminum clausit.” Ildephonsus, in his - life of Isidore (d. 636), says of him, “Annis fere quadraginta - tenens pontificatus honorem” (Migne, _P. L._ 82, col. 68). - Gregory the Great has a letter to Leander and one to Reccared - belonging to the year 598–599 (Migne, _P. L._ 77, col. 1050–1056). - - [20] Gams, _Kirchengeschichte von Spanien_ ii, 2, pp. 89, 101. - - [21] Contemporary sources for Isidore’s life are: the passage - in the _regula_ of his brother Leander (Migne, _P. L._ 72, col. - 892); the correspondence of Isidore (Migne, _P. L._, 83, col. - 893); Braulio’s _Introduction_ to Isidore’s works (Migne, _P. L._ - 82, col. 65); the life of Isidore given by Ildephonsus, bishop - of Toledo (d. 667) in his continuation of Isidore’s _De Viris - Illustribus_; and the letter of the clerk Redemptus, describing - Isidore’s death (Migne, _P. L._ 82, col. 68). - -Perhaps the most reliable account of the impression which -Isidore made on the men of his own time is given in the somewhat -ponderous _Introduction_ to his works furnished by his friend and -correspondent, Braulio, bishop of Saragossa:[22] - - [22] Sancti Braulionis, Caesaraugust. episcopi _Praenotatio - librorum Isidori_, Migne, _P. L._ 82, col. 65. - - Isidore, a man of great distinction, bishop of the church - of Seville, successor and brother of bishop Leander, - flourished from the time of Emperor Maurice and King - Reccared. In him antiquity reasserted itself—or rather, our - time laid in him a picture of the wisdom of antiquity: a - man practiced in every form of speech, he adapted himself - in the quality of his words to the ignorant and the - learned, and was distinguished for unequalled eloquence - when there was fit opportunity.[23] Furthermore, the - intelligent reader will be able to understand easily from - his diversified studies and the works he has completed, - how great was his wisdom.... God raised him up in recent - times after the many reverses of Spain (I suppose to revive - the works of the ancients that we might not always grow - duller from boorish rusticity), and set him as a sort of - support. And with good right do we apply to him the famous - words of the philosopher:[24] “While we were strangers in - our own city, and were, so to speak, sojourners who had - lost our way, your books brought us home, as it were, so - that we could at last recognize who and where we were. - You have discussed the antiquity of our fatherland, the - orderly arrangement of chronology, the laws of sacrifices - and of priests, the discipline of the home and the state, - the situation of regions and places, the names, kinds, - functions and causes of all things human and divine.” - - [23] The reference in this passage is undoubtedly to the - difference between the colloquial Latin and that of the scholar. - The same consideration may perhaps explain the decidedly peculiar - comment of Ildephonsus on Isidore as a public speaker: “Nam - tantae jucunditatis affluentem copiam in eloquendo promeruit, ut - ubertas admiranda dicendi ex eo in stuporem verteret audientes, - ex quo audita bis, qui audisset non nisi repetita saepius - commendaret.” Migne, _P. L._ 82, col. 68. - - [24] This passage is found in Cicero, _Academica Posteriora_ 1, - 3, and is addressed to Varro. - -From this characterization, as well as from the very brief life by -another contemporary, Bishop Ildephonsus of Toledo, it is evident -that Isidore impressed his own age chiefly as a writer and man of -learning. Both Braulio and Ildephonsus give lists of his works. That -of the former, who was Isidore’s pupil and correspondent, is the -fuller, and may be regarded as the more reliable. With its running -comment on the content of each title, it is as follows: - - I have noted the following among those works [of - Isidore] that have come to my knowledge. He wrote - the _Differentiae_, in two books, in which he subtly - distinguished in meaning what was confused in usage; the - _Proœmia_, in one book, in which he stated briefly what - each book of the Holy Scriptures contains; the _De Ortu - et Obitu Patrum_, in one book, in which he describes with - sententious brevity the deeds of the Fathers, their worth - as well, and their death and burial; the _Officia_, in - two books, addressed to his brother Fulgentius, bishop of - Astigi, in which he described in his own words, following - the authority of the Fathers, why each and every thing is - done in the church of God; the _Synonyma_, in two books, in - which Reason appears and comforts the Soul, and arouses in - it the hope of obtaining pardon; the _De Natura Rerum_, in - one book, addressed to King Sisebut, in which he cleared - up certain obscurities about the elements by studying - the works of the church Fathers as well as those of the - philosophers; the _De Numeris_, in one book, in which he - touched on the science of arithmetic, on account of the - numbers found in the Scriptures; the _De Nominibus Legis - et Evangeliorum_, in one book, in which he revealed what - the names of persons [in the Bible] signify mystically; - the _De Haeresibus_, in one book, in which, following the - example of the Fathers, he collected scattered items with - what brevity he could; the _Sententiae_, in three books, - which he adorned with passages from the _Moralia_ of Pope - Gregory; the _Chronica_, in one book, from the beginning - of the world to his own time, put together with great - brevity; the _Contra Judaeos_, in two books, written at - the request of his sister Florentina, a nun, in which he - proved by evidences from the Law and the Prophets all that - the Catholic faith maintains; the _De Viris Illustribus_, - in one book, to which we are appending this list; one book - containing a rule for monks, which he tempered in a most - seemly way to the usage of his country and the spirits of - the weak; the _De Origine Gothorum et Regno Suevorum et - etiam Vandalorum Historia_, in one book; the _Quaestiones_, - in two books, in which the reader recognizes much material - from the old treatments; and the _Etymologiae_, a vast - work which he left unfinished, and which I have divided - into twenty books, since he wrote it at my request. And - whoever meditatively reads this work, which is in every - way profitable for wisdom, will not be ignorant of human - and divine matters. There is an exceeding elegance in his - treatment of the different arts in this work in which he - has gathered well-nigh everything that ought to be known. - There are also many slight works, and inscriptions in the - church of God, done by him with great grace.[25] - - [25] Braulio’s list mentions a _Liber de Haeresibus_ which - does not appear in Arevalo’s edition, and fails to mention the - _Liber de Ordine Creaturarum_ and the _Epistolae_, which are - included. Ildephonsus’s list is still less complete, leaving out - the _Proœmia_, _Allegoriae_, _Numeri_, _Officia_, _Regula_, _De - Ordine Creaturarum_, _Chronicon_, _De Viris Illustribus_, and the - _Epistolae_. - -For the present purpose, which is to ascertain something of the -intellectual outlook of the dark ages, the _Etymologiae_ is, of -course, of prime importance, since it contains in condensed -form nearly everything that Isidore has written elsewhere. A -passing attention, however, should be given to some of his other -works, especially those of the more secular sort, in which his -characteristic ideas are frequently developed with greater fullness -than in the _Etymologies_ itself. These include in particular the -_Differentiae_, the _De Natura Rerum_, the _Liber Numerorum_, the -_Allegoriae_, the _Sententiae_, and the _De Ordine Creaturarum_. - -The _Differentiae_ is in two books, the first of which treats of -differences of words, and the second, of differences of things. The -plan of the first book is alphabetical; words are ranged in pairs and -distinguished from each other. Usually these words are synonyms, and -directions are given for their proper use; as, _populus_ and _plebs_, -_recens_ and _novus_, _religio_ and _fides_; but frequently words -of similar sound are distinguished; as, _vis_ and _bis_, _hora_ and -_ora_, _hos_ and _os_, _marem_ and _mare_. From these latter valuable -hints on the Latin pronunciation of the time may be obtained. - -The second book, _On Differences of Things_, treats in a brief way -of such distinctions as those between _deus_ and _dominus_; between -the nativity of Christ and of man; between angels, demons, and men; -angelic and human wickedness; _animus_ and _anima_; the grace of God -and the will of man; the life of action and that of contemplation. - -The introductory remarks of the _Differentiae_ are worth translating, -since they reveal one of the most marked characteristics of Isidore’s -thinking, the stress that he laid on words. They are as follows: - - Many of the ancients sought to define the differences of - words, making some subtle distinction between word and - word. But the heathen poets disregarded the proper meanings - of words under the compulsion of metre. And so, beginning - with them, it became the custom for writers to use words - without proper discrimination. But although words seem - alike, still they are distinguished from one another by - having each an origin of its own.[26] Cato was the first - of the Latins to write on this subject,[27] after whose - example I have in part written myself of a very few, and - have in part taken them from the books of the writers.[28] - - [26] Quadam propria origine. - - [27] Cato did not himself write on synonyms. But Isidore probably - got this idea from the fact that synonyms were excerpted from his - writings by later grammarians. See Teuffel, _History of Roman - Literature_, 121, 6. - - [28] Migne, _P. L._ 83, col. 9. - -The _De Natura Rerum_[29] is a work of great importance for an -understanding of Isidore’s view of the physical universe. The -preface is of especial interest as giving some hints of his methods -of literary work and of his attitude toward pagan writers. It is -addressed to Sisebutus, who was king of the Visigoths from 612 to -620.[30] It runs as follows: - - [29] There is a critical edition of _De Natura Rerum_ by G. - Becker, Berlin, 1857. - - [30] Isidore describes this ruler in his _History of the Goths_ - as _scientia literarum magna ex parte imbutus_. See Migne, _P. L._ - 83, col. 1073. - - Although, as I know, you excel in talent and eloquence and - in the varied accomplishments of literature (_vario flore - literarum_), you are still anxious for greater attainment, - and you ask me to explain to you something of the nature - and causes of things. I, on my part, have run over the - works of earlier writers, and am not slow to satisfy your - interest and desire, describing in part the system of the - days and months; the goals of the year, as well, and the - changes of the seasons; the nature also of the elements; - the courses of the sun and moon, and the significance of - certain stars;[31] the signs of the weather, too, and of - the winds; and besides, the situation of the earth, and the - alternate tides of the sea. And setting forth all things - as they are written by the ancients, and especially in the - works of catholic writers, we have described them briefly. - For to know the nature of these things is not the wisdom of - superstition, if only they are considered with sound and - sober learning. Nay, if they were in every way far removed - from the search for the truth, that wise king would by no - means have said: “Ipse mihi dedit horum quae sunt scientiam - veram ut sciam dispositionem coeli et virtutes elementorum, - conversionum mutationes, et divisiones temporum, annorum - cursus et stellarum dispositiones.” - - [31] “The higher meaning.” Compare _De Natura Rerum_, chapter - 26, 4: “Per hunc Arcturum, id est, Septentrionem, Ecclesiam - septenaria virtute fulgentem intelligimus.” - - Wherefore, beginning with the day, whose creation appears first - in the order of visible things, let us expound those remaining - matters as to which we know that certain men of the heathen and - of the church have opinions, setting down in some cases both - their thoughts and words, in order that the authority of the - very words may carry belief. - -The general organization of the matter treated by Isidore in the _De -Natura Rerum_ is worth noticing. The preface quoted above indicates -that the order of treatment is to follow the order of creation. -The first topic, therefore, suggested by the creation of light, -we should expect to be the phenomenon of light. Instead of this -it is the day, in the calendar sense, that is described, with the -natural sequel of the week, month, and year as collections of days. -This section really constitutes a brief account of the elements of -chronology. Next created are the heavens; so we have next astronomy, -presented in a condensed form, to which are appended a few chapters -on meteorological matters, such as thunder, clouds, the rainbow, -wind, and finally pestilence, which comes in appropriately here as -being “a corruption of the air”. The topic next in order, following -the first chapter of Genesis, is the sea; and after that, the dry -land. It should be noted that this view of the physical universe -according to the order of its creation, corresponds roughly to the -analysis of matter into the four elements, fire, air, water, earth. -As will be shown later, such correspondences are an important factor -in the intellectual outlook of the time. This was the kind of mental -connection with which people were familiar.[32] - - [32] See p. 64. - -The _Liber Numerorum_ contains nothing arithmetical in the modern -sense of the word, in spite of Braulio’s statement that in it -Isidore “touched on the science of arithmetic”.[33] Its fuller title -is “The book of the numbers which occur in the Holy Scriptures”, -and the body of the book is taken up with the mystic significance -of each number from one to twenty, omitting seventeen, and also -of twenty-four, thirty, forty, forty-six, fifty, and sixty. The -method of treatment indicates an advanced mysticism of numbers. The -book is not so much an attempt to show the significance of numbers -occurring in particular connections, as it is a generalized guide -to their mystical interpretation, laying down rules to govern the -interpretation of each number, no matter where it occurs. It should -be remarked that this was really “the science of number” of the dark -ages, and that Braulio’s use of the term “arithmetic” as applying to -it was in accordance with the best usage of the time.[34] - - [33] See p. 24. - - [34] See p. 126. - -The _Allegoriae_ is of a character similar to the _Liber Numerorum_. -It contains in brief form the principal allegories which were read -into the books of the Old and the New Testaments, and is evidently -meant to constitute a sort of reference book for Scriptural allegory. -It possesses little interest. - -One of the most important of the writings of Isidore is the -_Sententiae_, in three books. It is a systematic treatise on -Christian doctrine and morals,[35] and is culled chiefly from the -_Moralia_ of Gregory the Great. As might be guessed from its source, -it is not a work of an enlightened character. However, while it is -largely taken up with the technicalities of Christian thinking, it is -frequently valuable as affording fuller and more specific statements -on some matters of interest than are found elsewhere in Isidore’s -works. Isidore and Gregory were in substantial agreement in their -attitude toward life, but there are indications that in some respects -Isidore was not quite as thorough-going as his model.[36] - - [35] “La Suma Teológica del Siglo VII.” Menéndez y Pelayo, - _Estudios de Crítica Literaria_, vol. 1, p. 149. - - [36] If Isidore had been as thorough-going as Gregory in - depreciating the secular he certainly would not have written the - _Etymologies_. His strongest anti-secular spirit is shown in the - chapter (13) _de libris gentilium_ of the _Sententiae_ where, - following Gregory, he denounces “all secular learning.” It is - pretty plain, however, that he is here following his model rather - than working out his own position, and in the last section of the - chapter he modifies what he has said by admitting that grammar - may “avail for life if only it is applied to better uses.” - -Among Christian scholars from the beginning there had been a -desire to bring the traditional ideas of pagan cosmography into -subordination to the Christian scheme. This impulse was strongly, -though blindly, felt by Isidore, and it led to his several attempts -at a comprehensive account of the universe. Perhaps the most -interesting of these is the _De Ordine Creaturarum_, which differs -from the others by including the spiritual as well as the material -universe. The difference did not make for rationality, and in this -short work Isidore is seen at his scientific worst. As in the _De -Natura Rerum_, the dominating factors in the description of the -physical universe are the first chapter of Genesis and the theory of -the four elements. - -That one of Isidore’s books which is of by far the greatest -importance for an understanding of the secular thought of the day, is -the _Etymologies_. This is a sort of dictionary or encyclopedia of -all knowledge.[37] As Braulio puts it, it contained “about all that -ought to be known”, and it may be taken as representing the widest -possible scope of secular knowledge that an orthodox Spaniard of the -dark ages could allow himself. Indeed, so hospitable an attitude -toward profane learning as Isidore displayed was unparalleled in his -own period, and was never surpassed throughout the middle ages. - - [37] It is not of great length—three hundred and twenty-eight - quarto pages in the reprint of Arevalo’s edition in Migne, - _Patrologiae Latinae_, with about one-fifth of each page occupied - by footnotes. - -The encyclopedic character of the _Etymologies_ may best be realized -by a general view of its contents. The titles of the twenty books -into which it is divided are as follows: - -Etymologiarum Libri XX. - - 1. de grammatica. - 2. de rhetorica et dialectica. - 3. de quattuor disciplinis mathematicis. - 4. de medicina. - 5. de legibus et temporibus. - 6. de libris et officiis ecclesiasticis. - 7. de Deo, angelis, et fidelium ordinibus. - 8. de ecclesia et sectis diversis. - 9. de linguis, gentibus, regnis, militia, civibus, affinitatibus. - 10. vocum certarum alphabetum. - 11. de homine et portentis. - 12. de animalibus. - 13. de mundo et partibus. - 14. de terra et partibus. - 15. de aedificiis et agris. - 16. de lapidibus et metallis. - 17. de rebus rusticis. - 18. de bello et ludis. - 19. de navibus, aedificiis et vestibus. - 20. de penu et instrumentis domesticis et rusticis. - -To the modern reader, familiar with the names of only the modern -sciences, this series of titles, which includes an almost complete -list of the ancient sciences, may not be very illuminating. For -this reason it is perhaps allowable to translate them, where it -is possible to do so, into their modern equivalents. Thus we have -grammar (Bk. 1), rhetoric and logic (Bk. 2), arithmetic, geometry, -music, astronomy (Bk. 3), medicine (Bk. 4), law and chronology -(Bk. 5), theology (Bks. 6–8), human anatomy and physiology (Bk. -11), zoölogy (Bk. 12), cosmography and physical geography (Bks. -13–14), architecture and surveying (Bk. 15 and part of Bk. 19), -mineralogy (Bk. 16), agriculture (Bk. 17), military science (Bk. -18). This partial enumeration of the subjects treated in Isidore’s -_Etymologies_ forms an imposing array, and serves to explain -something of the importance of the work in the history of thought. - -The secret of this inclusiveness lay, however, not in an expanded, -but in a contracted interest. Although Isidore is not surpassed in -comprehensiveness by any one of the line of Roman encyclopedists -who preceded him, in the quality of his thought and the extent of -his information he is inferior to them all. Secular knowledge had -suffered so much from attrition and decay that it could now be -summarized in its entirety by one man. - -In spite of this it is very clear that if Isidore had treated these -topics with any degree of reference to the actual realities of his -own time, he would have left us a work of inestimable value. But he -did not do so; he drew, not upon life, but upon books for his ideas; -there was no first-hand observation. Moreover, the books which he -consulted were, as a rule, centuries old.[38] He tells us practically -nothing concerning his own period, in which so many important changes -were taking place. For example, there are repeated and detailed -references to the founding and early history of Rome, but no direct -allusion to the political and social changes brought about by the -disintegration of the Roman Empire; trifles attributed to a period -thirteen centuries earlier seemed to interest him more than the -mighty developments of his own epoch. Again, although he writes upon -law, he does not appear to have heard of the Justinian code issued -a century before;[39] and in his chronology he fails to mention the -proposal for a new era in chronology made also a century before his -time by Dionysius the Less.[40] - - [38] See p. 46. - - [39] See p. 165. - - [40] See p. 175. - -Throughout the _Etymologies_ there is a leading principle which -guides Isidore in his handling of the different subjects, namely, -his attitude toward words. His idea was that the road to knowledge -was by way of words, and further, that they were to be elucidated by -reference to their origin rather than to the things they stood for. -This, in itself, gave an antiquarian cast to his work. His confidence -in words really amounted to a belief, strong though perhaps somewhat -inarticulate, that words were transcendental entities. All he had to -do, he believed, was to clear away the misconceptions about their -meaning, and set it forth in its true original sense; then, of their -own accord, they would attach themselves to the general scheme of -truth. The task of first importance, therefore, in treating any -subject, was to seize upon the leading terms and trace them back -to the meanings which they had in the beginning, before they had -been contaminated by the false usage of the poets and other heathen -writers; thus the truth would be found. It was inevitable that, with -such a preconception, Isidore’s method in the _Etymologies_ should be -to treat each subject by the method of defining the terms belonging -to it. - -It is plain, then, that Isidore used the dictionary method in the -_Etymologies_ not as a matter of convenience, but on philosophic -grounds. His unthinking confidence in words was, however, -ill-rewarded. It merely furnished a plan of treatment which evaded -consecutive thought, and made it possible for his work to be a mass -of contradictions, as it really is in very many points. Indeed, the -task of combining in one work the ill-digested ideas of the school of -Christian thought of his day and conflicting ideas borrowed from the -pagans would not have been possible except to a writer who did not -reason on his material, but was satisfied, as was Isidore, to give -the derivation and meaning of his terms in the blind trust that a -harmonious whole was thus constituted. - -We have some information in regard to the production of the -_Etymologies_.[41] It was a work undertaken at the request of -Braulio, bishop of Saragossa, and it occupied the last years of -Isidore’s life. Parts of it, however—presumably those that could be -used as text-books—were in circulation before his death. Braulio -is our authority for the statement that the work as a whole was -left unfinished, and that he himself divided it into twenty books, -Isidore having made no division except that by subjects. As the brief -preface, addressed to Braulio, informs us, the work was the product -of long-continued reading, and contained verbatim extracts from -previous writers, as well as Isidore’s own comments. - - [41] The circumstances under which the _Etymologies_ was written - are referred to in Braulio’s _Introduction_ and in the life of - Isidore by Ildephonsus (both in Migne, _P. L._ 82, col. 65–68); - in the correspondence between Braulio and Isidore (Migne, _P. L._ - 83, col. 910–914); and in the preface of the _Etymologies_. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -ISIDORE’S RELATION TO PREVIOUS CULTURE - - -It has been shown that by a combination of circumstances, -geographical, political, and religious, Spain in Isidore’s day was -more fortunately situated than the remainder of western Europe. -Conditions there were ripe for an expansion of intellectual interest -beyond the narrow bounds to which the growth of religious prejudice -and the uncertainties of life had reduced it. In this expansion, in -which it was Isidore’s part to lead, it was inevitable that the chief -element should be an attempt to re-appropriate what had been lost -in the preceding centuries, and to adapt it in some measure to the -changed conditions of life and thought which had arisen. - -Isidore’s relation to previous culture must, therefore, be examined. -It appears certain, although perhaps it cannot be proved, that he was -completely cut off from that world of thought, both Christian and -pagan, which was expressed in the Greek language. The tradition of -wide linguistic learning which was attached to him after his death -and has not been questioned until recent times, has really nothing -to rest upon.[42] Isidore himself does not claim a knowledge of -Greek, and he seems to have relied on translations for whatever his -works contain that is of Greek origin.[43] He nowhere quotes a Greek -sentence, and since the _Etymologies_ and others of his works are -practically made up of quotations, it seems strange that he did not -do so if he had resorted at all to Greek authors. The detached Greek -words, and the Greek phrases that occur rarely in his works, are -practically all given as derivations of Latin words; and when it is -remembered that such detached words and phrases had been extremely -common in Latin literature for centuries, it becomes plain that their -use by Isidore does not necessarily indicate that he had a reading -knowledge of Greek. His case is similar to that of many intelligent -persons of the present day who are able to trace words to Latin and -Greek roots without being able to read these languages.[44] - - [42] The oft-repeated expression, _Latinis, Graecis et Hebraicis - litteris instructus_, found in the _Vita Sancti Isidori_, - deserves no attention. There is no historical basis for the - assertion that Isidore knew Greek or Hebrew. In view of the - time, it would be more reasonable to demand proof that he did - know them rather than that he did not. As to his knowledge of - Greek, see Dressel, _De Isidori Originum Fontibus_ in _Rivista di - Filologia_, vol. iii (1874–75), p. 216. The legend of Isidore’s - wide linguistic learning persists, however, even in the 11th - edition of the _Encyclopedia Britannica_. See Art. “Encyclopedia.” - - [43] _Cf._ _Etym._, 2, 2, 1; 2, 25, 1 and 9; 3, 2. See pp. 111, 120, - 125. - - [44] The point has been made that Isidore shows his ignorance - of the Greek language by the mistakes he made in the use of - Greek words in his derivations. A few examples selected almost - at random may be useful in this connection, although it must be - remembered that the possibility of corruption in the text is - always great. - - (a) 3, 22, 6. “Chordas autem dictas a corde.” - (b) 3, 22, 8. “Lyra dicta ἀπὸ τὸ λυρεῖν a varietate vocum.” - (c) 12, 1, 35. “Camur enim Graecum verbum curvum significat.” - - Why Isidore in (a) does not give the natural derivation from - χορδή is not clear unless his knowledge of Greek was very - slight. λυρεῖν, in (b), is a form that is not found in Greek. - In (c) _camur_ is not a Greek word written in Roman letters, as - Isidore apparently thought. See Harper’s _Latin Dictionary_. - Compare also the form in which Aristotle’s περὶ ἑρμηνείας is - cited: _de perihermeniis_, _praefatio perihermeniarum_, _in libro - perihermeniarum_ (2, 27). Isidore’s Greek has given his editors - much trouble. See Migne, _Patr. Lat._ 81, 328, for comment upon - it by Vulcanius, who edited the _Etymologies_ in 1577. - -What aspects, then, of the Latin literary tradition, which alone -has to be taken into account, are of importance as giving an -understanding of Isidore and his works? - -To him, no doubt, the literary past seemed to be filled chiefly -with the succession of Christian writers from Tertullian to -Gregory the Great. These, starting out with a religion to which a -primitive cosmology was tenaciously attached, were really engaged -in amalgamating with it the less hostile items of the Graeco-Roman -intellectual inheritance. Men like Augustine were occupied in -de-secularizing the knowledge of their times; that is, in reshaping -it so that it should fill a subordinate place in the religious scheme -and so support that scheme, or at least not be in opposition to it. -Orosius’ feat of reshaping history so that it was subservient to -religion, is a good example of what was going on in every field. -Such secular knowledge as was allowed to exist was brought into -more or less close relation to the religious ideas that dominated -thinkers, and whatever could not be thus reshaped tended to be -rejected and forgotten. The nearest approach to an exception to this -is found in the subjects that had formed the educational curriculum -of the Greeks and Romans. These offered robust opposition to -de-secularization; and though they were attenuated to almost nothing, -they succeeded in maintaining their separate existence. This process -of de-secularization was about complete by the time of Cassiodorus; -in him we have an intellectual outlook that recognizes, outside of -the religious scheme, only the seven liberal arts.[45] - - [45] See p. 83. - -On the other hand, there was the pagan literary tradition, which -owed all the value that it possessed to contact with Greek culture. -Except in the field of legal social relations, the Romans made no -original contribution to civilization. They had no proper curiosity -concerning the universe, and so could do no thinking of vital -importance concerning it. Anything approaching scientific thought in -the modern sense was absolutely unknown to them. Therefore, while -most of their writers were prosaic and secular in their habit of -mind and free from mystical leanings, the intellectual possession of -the Romans was not of the close-knit rational character which would -have enabled them to resist successfully the avalanche of Oriental -superstition which descended on the Western world in the centuries -after the conquest of the East.[46] Secular thought in the Roman -civilization was thus doomed to undergo a process of decay. - - [46] For a brief account of Oriental influences in Roman - religion, see Dill, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the - Western Empire_ (London, 1898), ch. 4. - -The branch of pagan Latin literature which throws most light on -the character of Isidore’s _Etymologies_ is the succession of -encyclopedias which constituted so conspicuous a feature of literary -history under the Empire. The chief writers in this field, in order -of time, were Varro, Verrius Flaccus, the elder Pliny, Suetonius, -Pompeius Festus, and Nonius Marcellus. While the motives and causes -that impelled them to their task were doubtless many and intricate, -consideration of a few paramount influences by which they were -affected will explain much of the character of their work, and -will indicate the origin of the main peculiarities of Isidore’s -encyclopaedia. - -In the first place, it is in these encyclopaedias, which profess to -cover the fields of literary scholarship and natural science, that -the intellectual decline most clearly reveals itself. They may be -regarded on the one hand as representing the successive stages in the -decay of the intellectual inheritance, and in them we may trace the -way in which the array of ordered knowledge was steadily losing in -both content and quality. Viewed, on the other hand, as a totality, -and considered with reference to the impulses that led to their -production, they are again symptomatic of degeneration; they stand -as the most thorough-going example of the epitomizing tendency which -permeated Roman thought and which evidenced its decline. Written as -they were by the intellectual leaders of their day, they represent -a curious reversal of the modern situation, since where the leaders -in the modern expansion of thought have devoted themselves to -specialized inquiry, those of the Roman empire gave their attention -to compiling and arranging the whole body of knowledge rather than to -extending it at any point. The conditions of their time drove them to -_generalize_ rather than to specialize. - -These encyclopedias are pervaded by a tone of literary scholarship. -It was a peculiarity of Latin literature that philology was almost -as old as poetry. The Roman poetry was a mere reflection of the -Greek, the poets invariably knowing Greek and either translating -from it or following Greek models. Poetry so produced was inevitably -artificial and in need of elucidation. These conditions favored the -rapid growth of criticism; grammar, word derivation, philology, -antiquarian history were favorite studies from early times, engaging -the attention even of leading Romans. There was even a sort of -literary science; for example, Varro’s geography, which was meant to -include the geographical allusions of the poets. A mass of scholarly -lore was thus accumulated and this soon became unwieldy. It was the -function of Varro and Verrius Flaccus especially to reduce this mass -to order and to bring it into such shape that it could be referred -to readily. To effect the latter object Verrius Flaccus introduced -the method of alphabetical arrangement, using this for the first -time in his great work _De Verborum Significatu_. These two writers -gave, then, in their encyclopedic works a survey of the apparatus for -literary criticism, including a sort of literary science, and the -whole succession of encyclopedic writers was greatly influenced by -the example which they set. - -In the works of Pliny and Suetonius, who followed Varro and Verrius -Flaccus, natural science is brought into the foreground. The change, -however, was but slight. The natural science of the Romans was -anything but scientific; neither experiment, systematic observation, -nor research had ever been practiced among them. Their science was -an affair of books and was of an authoritative character. Even -the poets were looked upon as possessing scientific knowledge and -were seriously quoted to maintain scientific theses. There was no -real distinction between the natural and philological sciences of -the time, and therefore the encyclopedia of literary criticism was -closely allied with that of natural science. - -As illustrating the character of the encyclopedias it is worth while -to notice more fully the method by which they were produced. As -has been suggested, Roman scholars and scientists under the Empire -were little more than note-takers. Pliny the Elder is the typical -example of this tendency; a student of extraordinary diligence, his -study consisted in reading, making extracts, and compiling them. -Such was the origin of his _Natural History_. He left to his nephew, -in addition, the legacy of “one hundred and sixty common-place -books, written on both sides of the scroll and in very small -hand-writing”.[47] The full effect of the tendency thus illustrated -cannot be perceived, however, if we think merely of the process -as it was carried on by Pliny, for he consulted chiefly original -works; when, later, extracts began to be made from works that -were themselves compiled from extracts, when epitomes began to be -epitomized, a state of confusion and feebleness of thought inevitably -ensued. This is the condition which is exemplified in the two latest -of the Roman encyclopedists, Pompeius Festus and Nonius Marcellus, -and the tradition is continued in Isidore. - - [47] Younger Pliny, _Epistles_, 3, 5. - -The body of knowledge gathered together under all these influences -possessed little of a positive nature. It was informed by no general -ideas of a striking character and it entirely lacked the element -of reasoned proof. Since its science was a science of authority, -it was easy for the Christian writers to modify it by substituting -the authority of the Scriptures for that of pagan writers. In fact, -the encyclopedias furnished to the church fathers secular knowledge -in a particularly convenient and unobjectionable form. Augustine, -especially, made great use of Varro. It can be seen that this -literary form was better adapted than any other to pass with unbroken -continuity from ancient into medieval literature. - -It is then to the succession of Roman encyclopedists that we -must go to explain the method, spirit, and content of Isidore’s -_Etymologies_. A comparison of the organization of the material -and of the sub-titles of Isidore’s work with those of the Roman -writers,[48] so far as they are known, shows the extent of his -indebtedness. The literary and philological flavor, the stress on -word history and derivation, the pseudo-science based on authority, -the conspicuous tendency to confusion and feebleness of thought, the -habit of heedless copying that we find in an aggravated form in the -_Etymologies_, all these are inherited characteristics that betray -the origin of the work. - - [48] An outline of the contents of leading encyclopædic works, so - far as known, is here given for purposes of comparison with the - contents of the _Etymologies_. - - Marcus Terentius Varro, 116–28 B.C. - _Antiquitatum Rerum Humanarum et Divinarum Libri XLI._ - _Rerum Humanarum Libri XXV._ - Bk. 1. Introduction. - 2–7. de hominibus. - 8–13. de locis (8, Rome; 11, Italy; 12, remaining Europe; - 13, Asia and Africa). - 14–19. de temporibus (14, introduction; 15, de saeculis; 16, de - lustris; 17, de annis; 18, de mensibus; 19, de diebus). - 20–25. de rebus. - - _Rerum Divinarum Libri XVI._ - Bk. 26. Introduction. - 27–29. de hominibus. - 30–32. de locis. - 33–35. de temporibus. - 36–38. de rebus. - 38–41. de diis. - - This encyclopedia stands for the interests of the scholarly - antiquarian rather than for those of the man interested in - natural science. The work itself is lost, but the nature of its - contents is fairly well known, thanks to St. Augustine. For - further information regarding Varro’s encyclopedic works, see - Boissier, _Étude sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. Varron_, Paris, - 1861; and _Geschichte der Römischen Literatur_, Martin Schanz, - München, 1909, Erster Teil, Zweite Hälfte, 187, 188. - - Verrius Flaccus (flourished under Augustus). - _De Verborum Significatu._ - - The work itself has been lost, as also the greater part of the - abbreviation of it to twenty books made by Pompeius Festus before - 200 A.D. Festus’s abridgement was further abridged by Paulus - Diaconus in Charlemagne’s time. It is regarded as certain that - material in Isidore’s _Etymologies_ came directly or indirectly - from the _De Verborum Significatu_. Nettleship, _Lectures and - Essays_, Oxford, 1885. - - Pliny the Elder (23–79 A.D.). - _Naturalis Historiae Libri XXXVII._ - Bk. 1. Contents and lists of sources. - 2. Description of the universe. - 3–6. Geography. - 7. Man. - 8. Animals. - 9. Fishes. - 10. Birds. - 11. Insects. - 12–27. Trees, shrubs, plants, including medicinal botany. - 27–32. Medicinal zoölogy. - 32–37. Metals, colors, stones, and gems, especially from the - artist’s point of view. - - Dressel, _De Isidori Originum Fontibus_, pp. 243–247, in _Rivista - di filologia_, 1874–75, gives an incomplete list of Isidore’s - borrowings from Pliny. He points out Isidore’s carelessness in - borrowing in one case where he shows that what Pliny tells us of - the _echineis_, Isidore hastily assigns to the _mullus_. _Cf._ - Isidore 12, 6, 25, with Pliny, 32; 8, 9, 70, 138–39. - - Suetonius Tranquillus (last of first century and first half of second). - _Prata._ - - This work is lost. It was an encyclopedia in at least ten books, - of which the titles of some books and fragments have been - recovered, a large portion of them from the _Etymologies_ and - _De Natura Rerum_. Among the subjects were _leges_, _mores_, - _tempora_, _mundus_, _animantium naturae_. Isidore quotes - Suetonius twice. See A. Reifferscheid, _C. Suetoni Tranquilli - Reliquiae_, Leipzig, 1860, pp. 155 _et seq._, and Schanz, - _Geschichte der Römischen Literatur_, Dritter Teil, pp. 47–66. - - Nonius Marcellus (early fourth century). - _Compendiosa Doctrina ad Filium._ - Bks. 1–12. Grammatical in character, including one book, (5) - _De Differentia Similium Significationum_. - 13. de genere navigiorum. - 14. de genere vestimentorum. - 15. de genere vasorum vel poculorum. - 16. de genere calciamentorum. - 17. de coloribus vestimentorum. - 18. de genere ciborum vel potorum. - 19. de genere armorum. - 20. de propinquitatum vocabulis. - - This work is, in part, in dictionary form (Bks. 1–6). There is - much resemblance between passages in Nonius Marcellus and in the - _Etymologies_, which Nettleship believes to be due to the use of - a common source. Nettleship, “Nonius Marcellus,” in _Lectures and - Essays_. Lindsay, _Nonius Marcellus_, Oxford, 1901. - -But though the example which was furnished by the Roman -encyclopedists was by far the strongest literary factor which -influenced Isidore in the composition of the _Etymologies_, it was -not the only one of importance. A minor type of encyclopedia, that -of education, occurs in Latin literature. The first example of it is -furnished by Varro in his _Disciplinarum Libri IX_;[49] this work -had, however, disappeared before Isidore’s time. Varro found no -successor until the fourth century, when Martianus Capella wrote his -account of the seven liberal arts,[50] giving thus a comprehensive -treatment of the subject-matter of education. He was followed in -the sixth century by Cassiodorus, whose _De Artibus et Disciplinis -Liberalium Litterarum_ Isidore certainly had before him when he -wrote the account of the seven liberal arts which occupies the first -three books of the _Etymologies_. Isidore’s work therefore appears -to be a fusion of the minor encyclopedia of education and the major -encyclopedia of all knowledge. - - [49] _Disciplinarum Libri IX._ Bk. 1. Grammar. Bk. 2. Dialectic. - Bk. 3. Rhetoric. Bk. 4. Geometry. Bk. 5. Arithmetic. Bk. 6. - Astrology. Bk. 7. Music. Bk. 8. Medicine. Bk. 9. Architecture. - (Conjectural list of disciplines given by Ritschl, _Opusc._ 3, p. - 312.) - - [50] Martianus Capella, _De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_. - -We are now in a position to form a clearer judgment of the -personal element which Isidore contributed to the composition of -the _Etymologies_. It is worth while in the first place to point -out that the essentials of the work are derived from the pagan, -not the Christian, side of the Latin tradition. This in itself -showed a commendable initiative, considering that it was the age of -Gregory the Great. It was Isidore’s function to adjust the secular -learning thus obtained to a new and lower level of thought and to -the Christian philosophy of the time. The way in which this was -accomplished constitutes the only original element in the treatment -of the subject-matter. The adjustment was secured partly by an -amalgamation of the pseudo-science of the church fathers with that -found in the encyclopedic writings, and by the inclusion of the three -books which deal with religious matters, but chiefly by the new -spirit in which secular knowledge was conceived. The works of Pliny -and Suetonius were surveys of what was known; that of Isidore was a -survey of “what ought to be known”. For his age secular knowledge was -valuable, not for itself, but for edification. In theory, at least, -it was Isidore’s notion that such knowledge might “avail for life if -applied to the better uses”. - - -The question of the actual sources used by Isidore in the -_Etymologies_ and in his other works of a secular nature is a -difficult one. The literary tradition of the period preceding -his, which was mainly a time of compiling and epitomizing, is so -complicated and confused that the student cannot be certain, when -he finds the exact wording of a writer in the work of another who -preceded him, that the former has borrowed from the latter. Both may -have borrowed from another source or even from two different sources -identical as respects the passage in question.[51] In the task of -ascertaining Isidore’s sources the difficulties already enumerated -are increased by the loss of important works upon which it is pretty -certain that he drew,[52] and also by his habit of quoting the -sources quoted by his authorities as if they were his own.[53] - - [51] See p. 91. - - [52] _E.g._ Suetonius, _Prata_. - - [53] See pp. 106, 114. - -However, although there has been no thorough-going investigation of -this question, much has been accomplished by students interested in -sections of the _Etymologies_, such, for example, as those on music -and law. Classical scholars also have investigated his sources in a -more general way, but their efforts have been not so much directed -to the elucidation of Isidore himself as inspired by the hope of -recovering some fragments of the classical authors. The varying -conclusions reached show that no great certainty has been attained, -but it is possible to give a tentative list of sources which will -indicate roughly the nature of the influences which contributed to -form Isidore’s ideas.[54] It seems probable that his working library -contained works of the following authors: Lactantius, Tertullian, -Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine, Orosius, Cassiodorus, Suetonius, Pliny, -Solinus, Hyginus, Sallust, Hegesippus, the abridger of Vitruvius, -Servius, the scholia on Lucan, and Justinus. - - [54] Dressel, _De Isidori Originum Fontibus_, in _Rivista di - filologia_, 1874–75, discusses Isidore’s method of using his - sources, and gives a list of writers and works to which he - traces passages in Isidore, giving usually a list of the latter. - The writers include Sallust, Justinus, Hegesippus, Orosius, - Pliny, Solinus, the abridger of Vitruvius, Lucretius, Hyginus, - Cassiodorus, Servius, the scholia on Lucan. - - Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, Oxford, 1885, devotes - attention chiefly to the encyclopedic tradition, treating of - Verrius Flaccus, the _Glosses_ of Placidus, the _Noctes Atticae_ - of Gellius, Nonius Marcellus, and Servius. He treats of Isidore - only by the way, and lays stress on his debt to Suetonius, - _Prata_, and Verrius Flaccus, _De Verborum Significatu_. See pp. - 330–336, and for opinion of Latin encyclopedic tradition, pp. - 283–285. - - Reifferscheid, _Suetoni Reliquiae_, recovers several passages of - Suetonius from Isidore. - - C. Schmidt, _Quaestiones de musicis scriptoribus Romanis imprimis - de Cassiodoro et Isidoro_, traces Isidore’s _De Musica_ to an - unknown Christian writer. - - G. Becker, editor of _De Natura Rerum_, Berlin, 1857, discusses - the sources of that work especially, tracing it to Suetonius, - Solinus, and Hyginus on the one hand, and Ambrose, Clement, - Augustine, on the other. - - H. Hertzberg, _Die Chroniken des Isidors, Forsch. zur deutschen - Geschichte_, 15, 280 _et seq._, discusses the sources of - Isidore’s _Chronica_, which he traces to Jerome’s translation of - Eusebius with later continuations. The same writer also treats of - the sources of _The History of the Goths_ (Gött. 1874). - - H. Usener, _Anecdoton Holderi_ (Bonn, 1877), p. 65, asserts that - Isidore did not use Cassiodorus’ encyclopedia of the liberal - arts. - - M. Conrat, _Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des Römischen - Rechts im früheren Mittelalter_ (Leipzig, 1891) treats of the - sources of Isidore’s _Leges_, pp. 151 _et seq._; as also Voigt, - _Jus Naturale_, 1, 576 _et seq._, and Dirksen, _Hinterlassene - Schriften_, 1, 185 _et seq._ - - Arno Schenk, _De Isidori Hispalensis de natura rerum libelli - fontibus_, Jena, 1909, finds that Isidore wrote the _De Natura - Rerum_ and the _Etymologiae_ from his collection of excerpts - which is drawn from Ambrose, Clement, Augustine, Jerome, the - scholiast on Germanicus, Hyginus, Servius, the scholia on Lucan, - Solinus, Suetonius, and a number of the Roman poets. This - dissertation is largely meant to show that Reifferscheid in - his work, _Suetoni Reliquiae_, had gone too far in attributing - passages found in Isidore to Suetonius. - - M. Klussman, _Excerpta Tertullianea in Isidori Hispalensis - Etymologiis_, Hamburg, 1892, gives a list of nearly seventy - passages borrowed by Isidore from Tertullian, at the same time - pointing out that credit for the passages is nowhere assigned to - the latter. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -ISIDORE’S WORLD VIEW - - -Is it possible to ascertain from the writings of Isidore what was the -general view of the universe and the attitude toward life held in the -sixth and seventh centuries? - -On first thought it seems doubtful. As has been indicated, his works, -and especially the _Etymologies_, form a mosaic of borrowings, whose -ultimate origin is to be traced to unnumbered writings in both Greek -and Latin, and in both Christian and pagan literatures. We find side -by side in Isidore the ideas of Aristotle, Nicomachus, Porphyry, -Varro, Cicero, Suetonius, Moses, St. Paul, Origen, and Augustine, -to mention only a few; and these ideas, although as a rule they -have undergone degeneration, are sometimes in the original words -or a close rendering of them. If viewed closely they are a mass of -confusion and incoherence. This is natural; such eclectism as had -existed for centuries in the Roman, pagan and Christian, systems -of thought is not compatible with consistency. Incoherence in the -intellectual possession was inevitable; equally inevitable was an -increasing indifference to incoherence and even inability to perceive -it. The words of a writer of such a period must therefore not be -pressed too hard. Too close an investigation would land the inquirer -in hopeless confusion. - -Furthermore, even in writers far more consecutive in their thinking -than Isidore, there are often fundamental preconceptions which are -naively taken for granted, and which, although unstated, serve as -points around which to mass ideas. If the reader does not happen to -approach the subject with the same preconceptions, a misapprehension -is likely to result. It is the business of the critic to grasp -these preconceptions and place the reader on the same plane of -understanding, as it were, so that he can follow the meaning as -it lay in the mind of the writer. Sometimes this undertaking is -possible, but in the case of a writer like Isidore, whose ideas are -often hazy and whose work is a conglomerate of ten centuries, it may -easily be impossible.[55] - - [55] For example, Isidore evidently had a theory as to the - origin and value of language, but he does not state it anywhere, - although innumerable times he approaches the subject in an - oblique sort of way. See p. 99. Again, he never tells us whether - he believed the earth to be flat or spherical; he uses at one - time language that belongs to the spherical earth, and at - another, language that can have sense only if he believed the - earth to be flat. Here we have not only no definite statement - of the conception—although it must have existed in his mind, - considering the frequency of his writings on the physical - universe—but we have in addition the puzzle of deciding which set - of expressions used in this connection was meaningless to him. - See pp. 50–54 and Appendix. - -However, it must be remembered that such an absence of an acute -self-consciousness as is indicated in the condition just described, -is exactly the thing that enables men to perform feats of an -astonishing character in constructing a world-philosophy, if -perchance they have a taste in that direction. Their minds, not -being irritated or roused by any perception of inconsistency, rest -happy in the conviction that all is explained, and remain oblivious -of that sense of mystery which forms the background of modern -scientific thought. As tested from this point of view the medieval -period afforded the conditions for a complacent and authoritative -world-philosophy, such as in fact it did possess. - -The difficulties in ascertaining the world view held by Isidore are, -then, considerable; but, since he was the leading representative of -the intellect of the dark ages, and the only important writer on -secular subjects in two centuries of western European history, the -attempt to ascertain it seems worth while. In making this attempt, -however, it is necessary to keep these difficulties of interpretation -in mind; the danger is that we shall lay too much stress on the minor -inconsistencies which he probably was not aware of, and so fail to -see that large general consistency which, because of his lack of -critical sensitiveness, he was able to believe that he found. - -Isidore’s physical universe[56] in its form is geocentric, and is -bounded by a revolving sphere which he believed to be made of fire, -and in which the stars are fixed. The question of the number of -spheres he treats in an inconsistent way, sometimes speaking of seven -concentric inner spheres, and sometimes of only one.[57] The relative -size of sun, earth, and moon is accurately given—though, it appears, -not without misgiving[58]—and also the cause of eclipses of both the -sun and the moon. - - [56] For Isidore’s physical universe in general, see _Etym._ 3, - 24–71; 13, 4–6; _De Natura Rerum_, 9–27. See pp. 142–154, 234, - 243. - - [57] Isidore seems to have kept an open mind on the question - of the number of the spheres. He says: _de numero eorum_ - [_coelorum_] _nihil sibi praesumat humana temeritas_. _D. N. R._, - 13, 1. - - [58] See 2, 24, 2 (p. 116). - -The subject of greatest interest in this connection is, of course, -the question whether or not Isidore believed in the sphericity of the -earth. It is maintained by some authorities that this notion was not -lost at any time during the middle ages. Isidore certainly believed -that the heavens constituted a sphere or spheres, and that the sun -and moon revolved in circles around the earth. He states the theory -of the zones correctly in two passages,[59] applying it, however, -not to the spherical earth but to the sphere of the heavens. On the -other hand, he frequently gives expression to notions belonging to a -primitive cosmology.[60] The suspicion is aroused, therefore, that -when he was stating astronomical ideas, he was usually simply copying -what perhaps he did not understand. A passage that seems to settle -the matter is found in _De Natura Rerum_. It shows that the fact that -he could state such a theory as that of the zones correctly, is no -proof that he understood its application to the earth. A translation -of the passage follows: - - [59] 3, 44; 13, 6. See p. 146. - - [60] See Appendix I. - - In describing the universe the philosophers mention five - circles, which the Greeks call παράλληλοι that is, zones, - into which the circle of lands is divided.... Now let us - imagine them after the manner of our right hand, so that - the thumb may be called the Arctic circle, uninhabitable - because of cold; the second, the summer circle, temperate, - inhabitable; the middle (finger), the equinoctial - (_Isemerinus_) circle, torrid, uninhabitable; the fourth, - the winter circle, temperate, inhabitable; the fifth, the - Antarctic circle, frigid, uninhabitable. The first of these - is the northern, the second, the solstitial, the third, - the equinoctial, the fourth, the winter circle, the fifth, - the southern.... The following figure shows the divisions - of these circles. (Fig. 1.) Now, the equinoctial circle is - uninhabitable because the sun, speeding through the midst - of the heaven, creates an excessive heat in these places, - so that, on account of the parched earth, crops do not grow - there, nor are men permitted to dwell there, because of - the great heat. But, on the other hand, the northern and - southern circles, _being adjacent to each other_, are not - inhabited, for the reason that they are situated far from - the sun’s course, and are rendered waste by the great rigor - of the climate and the icy blasts of the winds. But the - circle of the summer solstice which is situated _in the - east, between the northern circle and the circle of heat_, - and the circle which is placed _in the west, between the - circle of the heat and the southern circle_, are temperate - for the reason that they derive cold from one circle, heat - from the other. Of which Virgil [says]: - - “Between these and the middle [zone] two are granted to - wretched mortals by the gift of the gods.” - - Now, they who are next to the torrid circle are the - Ethiopians, who are burnt by excessive heat.[61] - - [61] De Quinque Circulis. - - “In definitione autem mundi circulos aiunt philosophi quinque, - quos Graeci παραλλήλους—id est, zonas—vocant, in quibus dividitur - orbis terrae.... Sed fingamus eas in modum dextrae nostrae, ut - pollex sit circulus ἀρτικός, frigore inhabitabilis; secundus - circulus θερινὸς, temperatus habitabilis; medius circulus - ἰσημερινὸς, torridus inhabitabilis; quartus circulus χειμερινὸς, - temperatus habitabilis; quintus circulus ἀνταρτικὸς, frigidus - inhabitabilis. Horum primus septentrionalis est, secundas - solstitialis, tertius aequinoctialis, quartus hiemalis, quintus - australis.... - - “Quorum circulorum divisiones talis distinguit figura (Fig. I). - - 3. “Sed ideo aequinoctialis circulus inhabitabilis est, quia - sol per medium coelum currens nimium his locis facit fervorem, - ita ut nec fruges ibi nascantur propter exustam terram, nec - homines propter nimium ardorem habitare permittantur. At contra - _septentrionalis et australis circuli sibi conjuncti_ idcirco non - habitantur, quia a cursu solis longe positi sunt, nimioque caeli - rigore ventorumque gelidis flatibus contabescunt. - - 4. “Solstitialis vero circulus, qui _in Oriente inter - septentrionalem et aestivum_ est collocatus, vel iste qui - _in Occidente inter aestivum et australem_ est positus, ideo - temperati sunt eo quod ex uno circulo rigorem, ex altero calorem - habeant. De quibus Virgilius: - - “Has inter mediamque duae mortalibus aegris - Munere concessae divum. - - “Sed qui proximi sunt aestivo circulo, ipsi sunt Aethiopes nimio - calore perusti.” _De Natura Rerum_, ch. x. - -[Illustration: FIG. 1] - -The explanation of the passage and of the figure which illustrates it -seems to be that Isidore accepted the terminology of the spherical -earth from Hyginus[62] without taking the time to understand it—if -indeed he had the ability to do so—and applied it without compunction -to the flat earth. He evidently thought that _zona_ and _circulus_ -were interchangeable terms,[63] and his “circles” did not run around -the circumference of a spherical earth, but lay flat on a flat earth, -where they filled with sufficient completeness the _orbis terrae_ -or circle of the land.[64] The adjustment of the two conflicting -theories was extremely crude, since it involved placing the arctic -and antarctic circles side by side, and the two temperate circles one -in the east and one in the west. - - [62] The two passages in which Isidore states the theory of - the zones correctly are from Hyginus, _Poeticon Astronomicon_ - (_Mythographi Latini_, ed. Muncker, Amsterdam, 1691). _Cf._ p. - 146. - - [63] For a similar confusion of _sphaera_ and _circulus_ see - Appendix I. - - [64] That this was Isidore’s conception of the land surface is - evident from many passages (_e.g._, see p. 244) and is made - certain from his map (p. 5). This map is found in an old edition - of the _Etymologies_ (_Libri Etymologiarum ... et de Summo Bono - Libri III_, Venetiis, 1483) in the library of Union Theological - Seminary. - -By such a blunder as this may be measured the stagnation of the -secular thought of the time. Of Greek science only remnants were in -existence, and these were regarded with indifference. Writers like -Isidore might use them, but they did not hesitate to mangle and -distort them. Moreover they were given only second place even in the -science of the day; the first place was held by the notions of the -natural world expressed in the Scriptures. Each one of these, no -matter how primitive or how figurative, had to be taken seriously -into account and given its proper weight in building up the general -scheme. In this intellectual activity Isidore is more at home than -when he is handling the ideas of the pagans, as may be perceived -from his discussion of the shape of the firmament: “As to its shape, -whether it covers the earth from above like a plate, or like an -egg-shell shuts the whole creation in on every side, thinkers take -opposite views. For the mention the Psalmist makes of this when -he says: _Extendas coelum sicut pellem_,[65] does not conflict -with either opinion, since when his own skin covers any animal, it -envelopes equally every part all around, and when it is removed from -the flesh and stretched out, there is no doubt that it can form a -chamber either rectangular or curved.”[66] - - [65] _Cf. Psalms_, 104, 2. - - [66] _De Ordine Creaturarum Liber_, 4, 1–2. - -The vastness of the physical universe is an idea not presented in -Isidore’s writings. It was for his mind really a small universe, and -one limited sharply by definite boundaries both in time and space. -It had begun at the creation, its matter being constituted at that -time out of nothing, and it was to have an end as sharply marked. It -extended from the earth to the sphere of the heavens which revolved -about the earth, and what was beyond scarcely appears even as a -question. It was a universe in which high winds might, and sometimes -did, dislodge particles from the fiery heavens;[67] and in which the -sun approached so close to some of the inhabitants of the earth as to -scorch them.[68] In truth, Isidore’s universe was reduced to rather -stifling proportions. - - [67] 3, 71, 3. - - [68] _De Natura Rerum_, ch. 10. - -A fundamental part of Isidore’s world-philosophy was his view of the -constitution of matter. This is closely bound up with his conception -of the form of the universe, and it is also the most important of his -ideas in the field of natural science. - -He believed in the existence of the four elements, earth, air, fire, -and water,[69] and that they were the visible manifestations of one -underlying matter.[70] They were not mutually exclusive but “all -elements existed in all”, and it was possible for one element to be -transmuted into another. Their properties were not invariable, but -as a rule fire is spoken of as hot and dry; air, hot and wet; water, -wet and cold; earth, cold and dry. It will be observed that each -successive pair of elements had a common quality: thus fire and air -shared the quality of ‘hot’; air and water, that of ‘wet’; water -and earth, that of ‘cold’; earth and fire, that of ‘dry’. It was -by the aid of these common qualities, which served as means, that -the elements could be more easily thought of as passing into each -other.[71] - - [69] For a clear account of the theory of the four elements - in medieval thought see _Les Quatre Elements_, J. Leminne in - _Mémoires couronées par l’Académie Royale de Belgique_, v. 65, - Bruxelles, 1903. - - [70] _Etym._, 13, 3. _Cf. D. N. R._, 11. - - [71] The theory of atoms is also stated by Isidore. See p. 235. - It is not used, however, and is not fully stated. The part played - in the theory by atoms of different sizes is not mentioned, and - although “the void” is mentioned, its importance is not brought - out. - -It should be remarked that the general idea is the same as that of -modern chemistry in so far as it assumes that there are elements and -attributes properties to them. The difference is that the modern -chemist insists that the properties shall be fixed for each element, -while Isidore has no consciousness of such a necessity. For instance, -in a chapter of _De Natura Rerum_ he attributes two separate sets -of properties to the four elements, without realizing at all the -confusion of such a procedure. Again, from the point of view of the -best ancient conception of the four elements, Isidore is equally at -fault. For Aristotle the names given to them had been merely labels. -He perceived in the natural world two significant sets of opposing -qualities, namely, hot and cold, wet and dry. These sets of opposing -qualities interpenetrated one another: the result was four possible -combinations, namely, hot and dry, hot and wet, cold and wet, cold -and dry. His elements designated merely these combinations and were -nothing more than conventional names for them. Isidore, however, took -the names of the elements in a literal sense.[72] The label itself -had become important, while what stood behind it and gave it its -value was regarded as almost meaningless. What has happened here is -typical of the whole development of ancient thought down to Isidore’s -time. - - [72] See Art. “Chemistry,” _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th - edition. - -Of Aristotle’s conception of a fifth element, the _quinta essentia_, -or ether, superior to the others and permeating them, Isidore shows -merely a trace. He says in one passage that “ether is the place -where the stars are, and it signifies that fire which is separated on -high from all the universe”.[73] He offers also another definition in -which he confuses three of the elements of Aristotle: “Ether is the -upper, fiery air”.[74] - - [73] _Etym._, 13, 5, 1. - - [74] _Diff._, 1, 82. - -The theory of the four elements, as has been already indicated, has -a cosmological bearing. In the universe at large the elements were -thought of as tending to arrange themselves in strata according to -weight. Isidore says it is proved “that earth is the heaviest of all -things created; and therefore, they say, it holds the lowest place in -the creation, because by nature nothing but itself can support it. -And we perceive that water is heavier than air in proportion as it is -lighter than earth.... Fire, too, is apprehended to be in its nature -above air, which is easily proved even in the case of fire that burns -in earthy substance, since as soon as it is kindled, it directs its -flame toward the upper spaces which are above the air, where there is -an abundance of it, and where it has its place.”[75] - - [75] _De Ordine Creat. Liber_, 4, 5–6. _Cf. D. N. R._, 11. The - problem of “the waters above the firmament,” which occupied the - minds of the church fathers so much, and which is at variance - with the cosmological side of the theory of the four elements, - Isidore seems inclined to settle by regarding it as a miracle. - _Cf. D. N. R._, 14. - -Thus the physical universe consists of the four kinds of matter, -stratified according to the principle of weight. The notion was -one in frequent use,[76] and it was brought into relation with -animate existence by assigning to each of the four strata a peculiar -population. Thus the fiery heavens were occupied by angels; the air, -by birds and demons; the water, by fishes; the earth, by man and -other animals.[77] - - [76] In the _De Natura Rerum_ and the _De Ordine Creaturarum_, as - well as in Books XIII-XIV of the _Etymologies_, Isidore follows - the order of the four elements in describing the universe. His - fidelity to this order, as well as the variations of emphasis and - of minor treatment which he introduced into it, are of interest. - These may be exhibited in parallel form as follows: - - _Etymologies_ _De Natura _De Ordine - _Books xiii and xiv_ Rerum_ Creaturarum_ - - xiii, chaps. 4–6 chaps. 9–27 4–6 - - Fire Astronomy Astronomy, fuller Astronomy, briefer, - (the with an account of - heavens) the angels, the - inhabitants of the - element of fire - - xiii, 7–12 28–39 7–8 - - Air The atmosphere and The same, fuller The same, briefer, - meteorological with an account of - phenomena demons, the - inhabitants of - the air - - xiii, 12–22 40–44 9 - - Water A description of The same in very The same, briefer, - water with a much abbreviated without the - geography form geography - of the water - surface of the - earth - - xiv, 1–9 45–48 10–15 - - Earth A description of the The same in very The same, briefer than - dry land with a much abbreviated in _De Natura Rerum_, - geography of the form with an account - land surface of of men as the - the earth inhabitants of this - element, their - nature and future - life - - This table indicates the great stress Isidore laid upon the - cosmological side of the theory of the four elements, as well - as his tendency to use his large general ideas in relating the - individual branches of knowledge. Here astronomy, meteorology, - and geography are thus grouped together, and angelology is put - into relation with astronomy and demonology with meteorology. - - [77] _Etym._, 13, 3, 3, and 8, 11, 17. - -The theory of the four elements was fertile in every branch of the -natural science of medieval times. Isidore uses it, for example, to -explain the physical constitution of man: - - Man’s body is divided among the four elements. For he has - in him something of fire, of air, of water, and of earth. - There is the quality of earth in the flesh, of moisture - in the blood, of air in the breath, of fire in the vital - heat. Moreover, the four-fold division of the human body - indicates the four elements. For the head is related to the - heavens, and in it are two eyes, as it were the luminaries - of the sun and moon. The breast is akin to the air, because - the breathings are emitted from it as the breath of the - winds from the air. The belly is likened to the sea, - because of the collection of all the humors, the gathering - of the waters as it were. The feet, finally, are compared - to the earth, because they are dry like the earth. Further, - the mind is placed in the citadel of the head like God - in the heavens, to look upon and govern all from a high - place.[78] - - [78] _Diff._, 2, 17, 48. - -In another passage Isidore tells us that fire has its seat in the -liver, and that “it flies thence up to the head as if to the heavens -of our body. From this fire the rays of the eyes flash, and from the -middle of it, as from a center, narrow passages lead not only to the -eyes but to the other senses”.[79] - - [79] _Diff._, 2, 17, 67. - -Naturally the four elements play a great part in medicine. They are -related to the four humors, blood, yellow bile, black bile, and -phlegm. “Each humor imitates its element; blood, air;[80] yellow -bile, fire; black bile, earth; phlegm, water. Health depends on the -proper blending of these humors.”[81] It appears to have been the -belief of the time that the humors possessed each the same qualities -as the corresponding element. Medical reasoning might confine itself -to the four humors or it might go back of them to the four elements, -as in the explanation of vertigo, where the diagnosis indicates, -apparently, the transmutation of one element into another. Isidore -says: “The _arteriae_ [air passages] and veins produce a windiness in -man’s head from a resolving of moisture, and make a whirling in his -eyes whence it is called vertigo”.[82] - - [80] Here blood and the element, air, are related; the passage - quoted in the preceding paragraph shows a similar relation - between blood and the element water. Such inconsistencies are - extremely common. - - [81] _Etym._, 4. 5. - - [82] _Etym._, 4, 7, 4. - -That notions of such a loose, semi-philosophical nature should -survive while the solid empirical content of medical science faded -away, is characteristic of the decline of thought which culminated -in the dark ages. The science of medicine had cut itself loose from -concrete things, and attached itself almost exclusively to the vague -philosophical conceptions from which even the best Greek thinkers had -not been able to free it. - -The phenomena of meteorology, also, were explained largely by the -four elements. The upper air was believed to be akin to the fire -above it, and was therefore calm and cloudless; while the lower air -was supposed to be cloudy and disturbed by storms because of its -proximity to water, the next element below it in the series.[83] -Further, the belief in the possibility of the transmutation of -elements was of use here. Air, for example, might be transmuted -into water, or water into air.[84] As Isidore puts it: “[air] -being contracted, makes clouds; being thickened, rain; when the -clouds freeze, snow; when thick clouds freeze in a more disordered -way, hail; being spread abroad, it causes fine weather, for it is -well-known that thick air is a cloud, and a rarified and spread-out -cloud is air.”[85] - - [83] _Etym._, 13, 7, 1. - - [84] _Etym._, 13, 3. - - [85] _Etym._, 13, 7. Almost side by side with this explanation of - rain is another which says that rains “arise from an exhalation - from land and sea, which being carried aloft falls in drops on - the lands, being acted upon by the sun’s heat, or condensed by - strong winds,” 13, 10, 2. Lightning is explained as caused by the - collision of clouds (13, 9, 1); thunder, by their bursting (13, - 8); the rainbow, by the sun shining into a hollow cloud (13, 10, - 1). - -[Illustration: FIG. 2] - -The most remote fields are invaded by the four elements. It is -by reference to them that the seasons are explained. Here use is -made rather of their properties than of the elements themselves. -“The spring is composed of moisture and heat; the summer, of fire -and dryness; the autumn, of dryness and cold; the winter, of cold -and moisture.”[86] From this the transition is easy to another -far-fetched application of the theory. The four quarters of the -universe, East, West, North, and South, are connected with the four -seasons, and thus with the four elements. This conception seemed to -Isidore so important that he introduced a figure to illustrate it. -(_Fig. II._) - - [86] _D. N. R._, 7, 4. _Cf. Etym._, 5, 35, 1. - -[Illustration: FIG. 3] - -The old notion that man is a microcosm or parallel of the universe -on a small scale, was familiar to Isidore. As has been shown, he -believed that man was composed of the same four elements as the -universe, and that they were distributed in him in much the same way -as in it. It was going only a step further for him to declare that -“all things are contained in man, and in him exists the nature of all -things”;[87] after which it was easy “to place man in communion with -the fabric of the universe”[88] by means of a figure. (_Fig. III._) - - [87] _Sent._, 1, 11, 1. - - [88] “Mundus est universitas omnis, quae constat ex coelo - et terra.... Secundum mysticum sensum, mundus competenter - homo significatur, quia sicut ille ex quatuor concretus est - elementis, ita et iste constat quatuor humoribus uno temperamento - commistis. Unde et veteres hominem in communionem fabricae - mundi constituerunt. Siquidem Graece mundus κόσμος, homo autem - μικρόκοσμος, id est minor mundus, est appellatus.” _D. N. R._, 9, - 2, and 3. _Cf._ 11, 3. - -The idea of the parallelism of man and the universe, when thus -literally conceived, was a fruitful one. Man could be explained by -the universe. And the process could be reversed and the universe -also explained by man, since man may be observed in his entirety and -his life history may be easily followed, while that of the universe -may not. Isidore doubtless took this view, for he says: “The plan of -the universe is to be inquired into according to man alone. For just -as man passes to his end through definite ages, so too the universe -is passing away during this prolonged time, since both man and the -universe decay after they reach their growth.”[89] The division of -the life of the universe, for example, into six definite ages, which -he incorporated into his chronology, was given greater certainty and -meaning from the similar division of man’s life into six ages. - - [89] _Sentent._, 1, 8, 1–2. - -The wide scope assigned by Isidore to the action of the four -elements—which scope includes the immaterial as well as the -material—is completely alien to the modern way of thinking; as is, -also, the bringing of the universe, the year, and man, into so -intimate and specific a connection. Still more difficult is it for us -to grasp such an idea as that the ounce “is reckoned a lawful weight -because the number of its scruples measures the hours of the day -and night”;[90] or that “the Hebrews use twenty-two letters of the -alphabet, following the [number of] books in the Old Testament”.[91] -And the climax is reached when he expresses the notion that a man -bursts into tears as soon as he casts himself down on his knees, -because the knees and the eyes are close together in the womb.[92] - - [90] _Etym._, 16, 25, 19. - - [91] _Etym._, 1, 3, 4. _Cf._ 6, 1, 3. - - [92] _Etym._, 11, 1, 109. _Cf. Diff._, 2, 17, 56 and 71. - -Although these examples of Isidore’s thinking afford excellent -proof of his incoherence and lack of logical consecutiveness, -their explanation goes deeper. Like all primitive thinkers, those -of medieval times were firmly convinced of the solidarity of the -universe; they felt its unity much more strongly than they did its -multiplicity; what we regard as separate kinds of phenomena and -separate ways of viewing the universe they regarded as of necessity -closely inter-related. There were no categories of thought that -were for them mutually exclusive; they carried their ideas without -hesitation from the material into the immaterial, and from the -natural into the supernatural. No conception established in one -sphere seemed impertinent in any other. It was this state of mind -that enabled the medieval thinker to take such erratic leaps from one -sphere of thought to another, without any feeling of uncertainty or -any fear of getting lost.[93] - - [93] While this mode of viewing the universe had its origin - in pagan antiquity, and even earlier, its scope was greatly - enlarged by Christian thinkers. Living in a world whose general - constitution and purpose they thought they thoroughly understood, - they were confident that even in its smallest details there could - be perceived a conscious adaptation to the whole. This idea they - often carried so far as seemingly to leave no place for chance - or convention. Each trifling matter was given a meaning that was - greater than itself. - -Perhaps nothing illustrates more clearly the erratic thinking to -which this idea of the solidarity of the universe led, than the way -in which Isidore reasons about number. To his mind the fact, for -instance, that “God in the beginning made twenty-two works” explains -why there are twenty-two sextarii in the bushel; and that “there -were twenty-two generations from Adam to Jacob, and twenty-two books -of the Old Testament as far as Esther, and twenty-two letters of -the alphabet out of which the divine law is composed”,[94] were -additional explanations for the same thing. A like connection is -found in his statement that “the pound is counted a kind of perfect -weight because it is made up of as many ounces as the year has -months”.[95] - - [94] _Etym._, 16, 26, 10. - - [95] _Etym._, 16, 25, 20. - -Isidore’s conceptions in regard to number, indeed, deserve to be -ranked closely after the theory of the four elements as affording -to him “paths of intelligence” through the universe, material and -immaterial. Both in the world at large and in the microcosm of man -the harmony of “musical numbers” is an essential;[96] and number is -also an essential factor in every part and aspect of the universe. -“Take number from all things,” he says, “and all things perish.”[97] -However, his idea of the importance of number in the world is equaled -only by the vagueness with which he conceived its operations as a -working principle. Here he takes absolute leave of the logic which, -in his account of the four elements, he had already so often left -behind. The best he could do, in describing the actual operation of -this principle, was to make lists of instances in which the same -number occurred, and no matter how unrelated the spheres of thought -thus connected, to assume their close interrelation and explanation -of one another. - - [96] _Etym._, 3, 23, 2. - - [97] _Etym._, 3, 4, 3. - -It is now clear that according to Isidore’s way of thinking, a fact -belonging to one set of phenomena might be caused or explained by -something totally different in another sphere. This being so, it was -inevitable that there should be an effort to pass from the known to -the unknown along the path thus suggested. When we reflect that, for -the medieval thinker, there were three kinds of knowledge—namely, -knowledge of the material, the moral, and the spiritual—and that -they were in an ascending scale of value, it will appear equally -inevitable that this effort to pass from the known to the unknown -should be mainly an effort to pass from the material and obvious to -the intangible and unseen, though more real, spiritual world. In this -consideration we have the chief explanation of medieval allegory.[98] - - [98] The explanation suggested accounts for the prevalence of - allegory in medieval times. Among the less comprehensive and - not characteristically medieval causes for it must be reckoned - the influence of the parables that are explained in the New - Testament, the occasional grossness of Biblical characters and - language which called for an interpretation that would remove - offence and offer edification, the congenial activity which - allegorizing offered to the pious mind, and, finally, the fact - that by a clever use of allegorical interpretation some desired - end might be obtained. - -In Isidore we find that allegorical interpretation is a thing -of little spontaneity. The allegorizing of the Scriptures had -long before his time settled down into a system. In his _Certain -Allegories of the Holy Scriptures_ a list is given of the most -noted mystical interpretations of Scripture, a dry enumeration, -with now and then an interesting side-light upon the opinion of the -time. The extent to which the Scripture was subject to allegorizing -may be guessed from the fact that Isidore specifies that “the ten -commandments must be taken literally”.[99] Allegory is applied also -to the phenomena of nature. In _De Natura Rerum_ Isidore makes -a regular practice of first giving the explanation of natural -phenomena and following this with the “higher meaning”. Thus the -sun has Christ for its allegorical meaning; the stars, the saints; -thunder is “the rebuke from on high of the divine voice”, or it may -be “the loud preaching of the saints, which dins with loud clamor in -the ears of the faithful over all the circle of the lands”.[100] In -the _Etymologies_ this “higher meaning” of natural objects is rarely -given. - - [99] Migne, _P. L._, 83, col. 303. “Inter haec igitur omnia - decem praecepta solum ibi quod de Sabbato positum est figurate - observandum praecipitur. Quam figuram nos intelligendam, non - etiam per otium corporale celebrandam, suscipimus. Reliqua tamen - ibi praecepta proprie praecepta sunt, quae sine ulla figurata - significatione observantur. Nihil enim mystice significant, - sed sic intelliguntur ut sonant. Et notandum quia sicut decem - plagis percutiuntur Aegyptii, sic decem praeceptis conscribuntur - tabulae, quibus regantur populi Dei.” The Scriptures were for - Isidore _un vasto simbolismo_ (Cañal, _San Isidoro_, p. 51). - - [100] _D. N. R._, 29, 2. - -The view held in the dark ages of the natural and the supernatural -and of their relative proportions in the outlook on life, was -precisely the reverse of that held by intelligent men in modern -times. For us the material universe has taken on the aspect of -order; within its limits phenomena seem to follow definite modes of -behavior, upon the evidence of which a body of scientific knowledge -has been built up. Indeed at times in certain branches of science -there has been danger of a dogmatism akin to, if the reverse of, that -which prevailed in medieval times with reference to the supernatural. -On the other hand, the certainty that once existed in regard to -the supernatural world has faded away; no means of investigating -it that commands confidence has been devised, and any idea held -in regard to it is believed to be void of truth if inconsistent -with the conclusions reached by science. In all these respects the -attitude of Isidore and his time is exactly opposite to ours. To -him the supernatural world was the demonstrable and ordered one. -Its phenomena, or what were supposed to be such, were accepted as -valid, while no importance was attached to evidence offered by the -senses as to the material. It may even be said that the supernatural -universe bulked far larger in the mind of the medieval thinker than -does the natural in that of the modern, and it was fortified by an -immeasurably stronger and more uncritical dogmatism. - -It is evident, therefore, that if we compare the dogmatic world-view -of the medieval thinker with the more tentative one of the modern -scientist, allowance must be made for the fact that they take hold -of the universe at opposite ends. Their plans are so fundamentally -different that it is hard to express the meaning of one in terms of -the other. - -Isidore’s method of apprehending the supernatural world can hardly -be called mysticism. With mysticism we associate intuition and -exalted feeling, and the examples that have been given of Isidore’s -thinking in terms of allegory and number, show that he thought of the -supernatural in the same prosaic and literal way as he did of the -natural; there was no break for him between them, nor was there any -change of intellectual atmosphere when he crossed the line. So the -higher sense at least of the term ‘mystic’ must be denied him. His -share in the mysticism of his age, which he accepted unquestioningly, -was not a positive one; he exhibits rather the negative side of -mysticism, the intellectual haziness, slothfulness and self-delusion -by which it was so often accompanied in medieval times. - -Isidore believed that in point of time the supernatural preceded the -natural. He says that God “created all things out of nothing”,[101] -and, again, that “the matter from which the universe was formed -preceded the things created out of it not in time, but in origin, in -the same sense as sound precedes music”.[102] It is evident that he -regarded the material as an emanation from the spiritual. With such -an origin the material world was naturally subservient to spiritual -control, and miracles caused little wonder. They “are not contrary -to nature, because they are caused by the divine will, and the will -of the Creator is the nature of each created thing.... A miracle, -therefore, does not happen contrary to nature, but contrary to -nature as known.”[103] The supernatural thus not only preceded, but -dominated, the natural. Finally, the universe was to disappear at the -end of six ages, and all was to be reabsorbed in the supernatural. -The world of nature, then, was merely a passing incident in a greater -reality that contained it. - - [101] _De Natura Rerum_, 14, 2. - - [102] _Sent._, 1, 8, 6. - - [103] _Etym._, 11, 3, 1 and 2. - -As in the universe at large, so in man the supernatural completely -overshadows the natural. The soul is all-important and theory in -regard to it is precise and dogmatic. “As to the soul,” Isidore says, -“the philosophers of this world have described with great uncertainty -what it is, what it is like, where it is, what form it has, and what -its power is. Some have said it is fire; others, blood; others that -it is incorporeal and has no shape. A number have believed with rash -impiety that it is a part of the divine nature. But we say that it is -not fire nor blood, but that it is incorporeal, capable of feeling -and of change; without weight, shape, or color. And we say that the -soul is not a part, but a creature of God, and that it is not of the -substance of God, or of any underlying matter of the elements, but -was created out of nothing.”[104] He says further, that the soul “has -a beginning but cannot have an end”.[105] All the activities by which -life is manifested are considered as parts or functions of the soul. -Dum contemplatur, spiritus est; dum sentit, sensus est; dum sapit, -animus est; dum intelligit, mens est; dum discernit, ratio est; dum -consentit, voluntas est; dum recordatur, memoria est; et dum membra -vegetat, anima est.[106] - - [104] _Diff._, 2, 100. - - [105] _Diff._, 2, 92. - - [106] _Diff._, 2, 97. - -In contrast with the soul the body scarcely deserves to be spoken -of except with disparagement. Its goods are to be unhesitatingly -sacrificed to those of the supernatural element in man, or rather, -they are not regarded as goods at all. “It is advantageous,” Isidore -says, “for those who are well and strong to become infirm, lest -through the vigor of their health they be defiled by illicit passions -and the desire for luxury”.[107] The present life of the body has no -value; it is brief and wretched. “Holy men desire to spurn the world -and devote the activity of their minds to things above, in order to -convey themselves back to the place from which they have come, and -withdraw from the place into which they have been cast.”[108] Thus -philosophy of the supernatural culminated in asceticism. - - [107] _Sentent._, 3, 3, 5. - - [108] _Sentent._, 3, 16, 5. - -Isidore’s supernatural world has its inhabitants, and in dealing with -these he has a theology, an angelology, and a demonology; in all of -which fields his ideas are more precise and clear-cut than where he -speaks of the material world. - -His theology is of little interest; it consists in the orthodox view -of the time, accepted without a shadow of criticism. He says, “We -are not permitted to form any belief of our own will, or to choose -a belief that someone else has accepted of his own. We have God’s -apostles as authorities, who did not themselves choose anything of -what they should believe, but they faithfully transmitted to the -nations the teaching received from Christ. And so even if an angel -from heaven shall preach otherwise, let him be anathema”.[109] - - [109] _Etym._, 8, 3, 2–3. - -The minor inhabitants of Isidore’s supernatural world, the angels and -demons, offer a more practical interest. They represent the stage -of development at which the old polytheism of the Jews had adjusted -itself to monotheism, but had by no means faded out of existence. -Indeed, it is plain that at this time the immediate concern of the -ordinary man was with these spirits, good and bad; while between man -and God there were, for the most part, only mediate relations. - -The number of these spirits was very great; each place had its angel, -as had each man,—and, presumably, a demon as well. The seraphim, -the highest order in the hierarchy of angels, were a multitude in -themselves. We may surmise that for Isidore, as for Jerome, the -entire human population of the world was as nothing compared with the -entire population of spirits.[110] - - [110] Jerome, _In Isaiam_, Lib. xi, ch. 40. “Ita universa gentium - multitudo supernis ministeriis et angelorum multitudini comparata - pro nihilo ducitur.” _Cf. Etym._, 7, 5, 19. - -The good angels are marshalled in a hierarchy of nine orders, to -which they were assigned in order of merit at the beginning of the -world, and to each of these a specified task is given. For example, -the order named virtues (_virtutes_) has charge of miracles; and the -business of the seraphim is “to veil the face and feet of God”.[111] -The nature of the angels is described succinctly in a paragraph of -the _Differentiae_: - - [111] _Etym._, 7, 5, 24. - - Angels are of spiritual substance; they were created before - all creatures and made subject to change by nature, but - were rendered changeless by the contemplation of God. - They are not subject to passion, they possess reason, are - immortal, perpetual in blessedness, with no anxiety for - their felicity, and with foreknowledge of the future. They - govern the world according to command; they take bodies - from the upper air;[112] they dwell in the heavens.[113] - - [112] For appearance to man. _Cf._ Angeli corpora in quibus - hominibus apparent, de superno aere sumunt. _Sentent._, 1, 10, 19. - - [113] _Diff._, 2, 41. - -The special virtue of the good angels is subjection to God. “There is -no greater iniquity for them than to wish to glory not in God but in -themselves”.[114] The gaps in their ranks caused by the fall of the -bad angels were to be filled from the number of the elect.[115] - - [114] _Sentent._, 1, 10, 16. - - [115] _Sentent._, 1, 10, 13. - -The demons, or bad angels, were created along with the good; indeed -the devil, their leader, was first created of all the angels. It -was “before the time of the visible universe” that their fall took -place; at that time they lost “all the good of their natures” and all -possibility of pardon.[116] They are the “enemies of mankind” and -are “sent on the service of vengeance”. The only restraint on their -malignity is that they are obliged to obey God. Isidore sums up their -activities in a fear-inspiring way: - - [116] _De Ord. Creat._, 8, 7–10. - - They unsettle the senses, stir low passions, disorder - life, cause alarms in sleep, bring diseases, fill the mind - with terror, distort the limbs, control the way in which - lots are cast, make a pretence at oracles by their tricks, - arouse the passion of love, create the heat of cupidity, - lurk in consecrated images; when invoked they appear; they - tell lies that resemble the truth; they take on different - forms, and sometimes appear in the likeness of angels.[117] - - [117] _Diff._, 2, 41. - -Their capacity for evil tasks is increased by their superior -intelligence, which retains “the keen perception of the angelic -creation”.[118] Their power of foreknowledge, and, in addition, -the duration of their experience, make the struggle against them -a hopeless one for man. They are also incredibly persistent: “The -devil never rests from his attack on the just man”, who is “sometimes -reduced to straits of despair”.[119] - - [118] _Sentent._, 1, 10, 17. - - [119] _Sentent._, 3, 5, 35–36. - -It is evident that these demons were an all-pervading factor in the -life of the time. They were conceived of as entering the mind, both -waking and sleeping, and furnishing it with the very material for -thought and action. The Christian, by the aid of the good angels, -was alone able to defeat them, and, moreover, he alone realized the -necessity of combating them. The pagans of the pre-Christian era, on -the other hand, were believed to have been willing victims. The trail -of demonic influence could be found in every department of their life -and thought, especially in their religion, which was very close to -demon worship, and in their philosophy and poetry.[120] - - [120] See pp. 199–206. - - -It is of interest to notice in detail Isidore’s scale of values for -secular learning, as shown in opinions expressed throughout his -works. How did the fields of thought that had filled the horizon of -the thinker of classical times, appear in the perspective of the dark -ages? - -Philosophy,[121] in the first place, no longer stands for any active -principle; all its old aspect of metaphysical and ethical inquiry -has been lost. It is merely a container in which minor subjects -are arranged in a comprehensive plan, and the only interest which -it presents, as philosophy, is to be found in the question of what -minor subjects are included and how they are grouped. Here Isidore is -more inconsistent than usual. He gives three plans of the field of -knowledge, all substantially differing from one another in details -and all strikingly different from his own marshaling of all knowledge -in the _Etymologies_. The only reflection of value suggested by -the treatment of philosophy in Isidore’s works is that in being -de-secularized it has completely lost its essential content. It can, -therefore, no longer be a source of offence to any Christian. - - [121] Four definitions are given, 2, 24, 3 and 9. _Cf._ 8, 6, 1; - _Diff._, 2, 149. See pp. 116–119. For the marshaling of the minor - subjects under philosophy see Appendix II. - -The pagan philosophy, however, was a different thing. It was known -to have been concerned with the same problems as was Christian -theology. It had thus a certain right to exist and a certain value, -but this terminated with the appearance of Christianity. As Isidore -puts it, “the philosophers of this world certainly knew God, but the -humility of Christ displeased them and they went astray”; “they fell -in with wicked angels and the devil became their mediator for death -as Christ became ours for life”.[122] After Christian theology had -settled beyond the shadow of a doubt the problems that had occupied -the pagan philosophers, these latter could cause only trouble. Pagan -philosophy now stood only for a perversion of the wisdom which was -found in its true form in the books of the Scriptural canon and the -works of the church Fathers. Its “errors” were believed to be the -source of the heresies in the church. “The same material is used and -the same errors are embraced over and over again by philosophers and -heretics”.[123] - - [122] _Sentent._, 1, 17, 1–4. - - [123] _Etym._, 8, 6, 23. In books VII and VIII of the - _Etymologies_, where the subjects taken up appear to be treated - in the order of merit, the place of the pagan philosophers in - the list is an instructive one. The list is as follows: God, - the persons of the Trinity, angels, patriarchs, prophets and - martyrs, the clergy, the faithful, heretics, pagan philosophers, - poets, sibyls, magi, the heathen, and heathen gods, who are the - equivalent of demons. See p. 196, note. - -Isidore’s idea of the function of poetry is a peculiar one. “It is -the business of the poet,” he says, “to take veritable occurrences -and gracefully change and transform them to other appearances by a -figurative and indirect mode of speech”.[124] From this it might -be inferred that he thought that the use of poetry was to furnish -material for allegorical interpretation. He ranks the poets of -pagan antiquity below the philosophers, and brings serious charges -against them. He asserts that they have “disregarded the proper -meanings of words under the compulsion of metre” and have thus been -guilty of introducing a great amount of confusion into thought -and language.[125] His most vigorous indictment of pagan poetry, -however, is that it had its origin in the pagan religions, which he -identifies with demon worship. He quotes Suetonius to establish this -point: “When men ... first began to know themselves and their gods, -they used for themselves a modest way of living and only necessary -words, while for the worship of their gods they devised magnificence -in each”. This “magnificence” of speech is alleged to have been -poetry.[126] With such opinions, he naturally desired the ostracism -of poetry. “The Christian is forbidden to read their lies.”[127] - - [124] 8, 7, 10. - - [125] See p. 26. - - [126] 8, 7, 1. - - [127] _Sentent._, 3, 13, 1. It seems extremely probable that - Isidore did not quote from the poets directly but merely - appropriated along with other material the quotations contained - in the sources which he consulted. - -Toward pagan philosophy and poetry, then, Isidore’s attitude is -hostile, and it is very improbable that he ever wasted any time -on them. But in the field of secular knowledge apart from these -subjects he has, within limits, a use for the inheritance left by -pagan Rome. It is his chief claim to recognition that he was not -absolutely content with the de-secularized science that he found in -Ambrose, Jerome and Augustine, but had the independence to go behind -it and draw upon its original sources in Roman literature. The spirit -in which he did this, however, was not the spirit of revolt, but -apparently only a natural desire for more extended information. His -critical faculty did not warn him that in seeking this information -from pagan sources he was passing from one intellectual atmosphere -to another; his mind was too literal and plodding and dwelt too much -on details to notice when it was on dangerous ground. His resort -to pagan science was not always happy in its result; but the many -blunders which he made cannot affect the merit of his enterprise in -going beyond the circle of Christian writers; and it must be said -for his version of secular knowledge, as contained in his secular -writings, that, poor as it was, it was one without which the middle -ages would have been a great deal poorer. - -As a matter of fact, Isidore did not leave the science of the Roman -Empire in a state much worse than that in which he found it. It had -been undergoing a process of decay for centuries. At their best the -Roman men of science had been unable even to appropriate the more -abstract parts of Greek science. They were governed throughout by a -short-sighted practicality, as when, for instance, in the case of the -mathematical sciences they tried to take over results without taking -the method of reaching or verifying them. In the natural sciences -their inferiority was only less marked. Here the absence of critical -method permitted the incorporation of many superstitious notions. -As has been pointed out, the Roman science was wholly a science of -authority, and the greatest scientist was the greatest accumulator -of previous authorities. Thus throughout its course in the Roman -world science had been beating a retreat. By Isidore’s time these -forces of short-sighted utilitarianism, the spirit of subservience to -authority, and superstition, had brought it to a state of inoffensive -feebleness such that it was more welcome to the Christian than was -either poetry or philosophy. - -This Roman pseudo-science could not, however, hold an important -place in the thinking of the time: the fundamental conceptions that -prevailed forbade it. The material world held a low place, as we have -seen; on every side evidence can be found of an ascending scale of -values from the material through the moral to the spiritual. Upon -this idea is founded “the triple method of interpretation”[128] used -in the Scriptures and elsewhere, and with it is connected the triple -division of knowledge into natural science, ethics, and theology. -There was not only an ascending scale of value for the different -sorts of knowledge, but an ascending scale of validity. Spiritual -truth and moral truth transcended the truth of material facts, whose -stubbornness had been forgotten and had not yet been re-discovered. -Yet, with all this depreciation of the material, it in some measure -reasserted itself: as the literal meaning had to be grasped in the -Scriptures before the higher meaning could be educed, so the material -world had to be recognized before its higher meaning could be -ascertained. This was the basis for science in the philosophy of the -dark ages. - - [128] “Illud trimodum intelligentiae genus,” _Diff._, 2, 154. - _Cf._ “Tripliciter autem scribitur, dum non solum historialiter - vel mystice sed etiam moraliter quid in unum quodque gerere - debeat edocetur.” _Contra Judaeos_, 2, 20. See also _De Ord. - Creat._, 10, 4–7 and _Etym._, 6, 1, 11 (p. 186). - -In this way Isidore’s pseudo-science was brought into harmony with -religion. Natural science was, indeed, concerned with the lowest -and faintest form of reality, namely, the material world; but even -material things had their spiritual implications, and because of -this were worthy of an orderly survey. The _De Natura Rerum_, in -which each term is explained first as it relates to the natural -world and then as to its higher meaning, shows how science played -the subordinate part just indicated. It is of great interest at this -point to notice that Isidore’s successor, Rabanus Maurus, in his -comprehensive encyclopedia _De Universo_, which follows Isidore’s -_Etymologies_ closely, adds, however, the higher meanings which -Isidore had left out in his work.[129] It is the importance of -natural science from this point of view that Isidore has in mind in a -passage in the _Sententiae_: “It does no harm to anyone if, because -of simplicity, he has an inadequate idea of the elements, provided -only he speaks the truth of God. For even though one may not be able -to discuss the incorporeal and the corporeal natures, an upright life -with faith makes him blessed.”[130] - - [129] _De Universo_ is published in Migne, _Patr. Lat._, 3. - In the preface Rabanus says: “Much is set forth in this work - concerning the natures of things and the meanings of words and - also as to the mystical signification of things. Accordingly - I have arranged my matter so that the reader may find the - historical and mystical explanations of each thing set together - (_continuatim positam_); and so may be able to satisfy his desire - to know both significations.” Isidore’s _Etymologies_ is said to - have been left unfinished (quamvis imperfectum ipse reliquerit. - Braulio’s _Introduction_. See p. 25). The conjecture may be - offered that the finishing of the work might have meant chiefly - the insertion of “the higher meaning”. - - [130] _Sentent._, 2, 1, 14. - -He is far, however, from expressing complete approval of pagan -science; the perversity of the pagan scientists forbids this. “The -philosophers of the world are highly praised for the measuring of -time, and the tracing of the course of the stars, and the analysis -of the elements. Still, they had this only from God. Flying proudly -through the air like birds, and plunging into the deep sea like -fishes, and walking like dumb animals, they gained knowledge of the -earth, but they would not seek with all their minds to know their -Maker”.[131] - - [131] _Sentent._, 1, 17, 2. - -In judging the quality of Isidore’s science as science, we must -remember that he is separated from Pliny, his great predecessor in -the encyclopedic field, by nearly six centuries, and that those six -centuries form a period of continuous intellectual decline; and, -further, we must bear in mind the fact that Pliny himself sometimes -copied what he did not understand, and was so little of a scientist -as even to welcome the marvelous.[132] After this, what can be -expected from Isidore? That he wrote what he did write, at the time -he did, is in itself the astonishing fact. His work is the only -symptom of intellectual life in two centuries of Western European -history. - - [132] Cuvier, _Histoire des Sciences Naturelles_, vol. i, pp. - 260–280. - - -Isidore’s view of the past was as simple and dogmatic as his -view of the universe at large; in fact it was conditioned by his -world-view. The acceptance of Christianity and the new scale of -values thus introduced had of necessity involved the projection of -the new interests into the past. The legendary background of the new -religion had accelerated the process. The past, as seen by writers -of the pagan civilization and as reflecting the interests of that -civilization, now became of no service, and, as a whole, was dropped. -The pagan histories were regarded as written by men whose point -of view was wholly false and mischievous, even though sometimes -their facts might be correct. They were approached by the Christian -re-adjusters of history in much the same spirit as that in which -the modern historian goes to the medieval chronicle, though with an -opposite aim: the modern historian is after what is social and human, -while Augustine and Orosius were after illustrations of the ways of -God to man.[133] - - [133] _Cf._ Isidore’s attitude: “The histories of the gentiles do - no harm where they tell of what is profitable,” 1, 41, 1. See p. - 103. - -By Isidore’s time, then, the Christian view of the past had -become completely de-secularized. Biblical tradition dominated -all historical thinking. On the six days of creation was centered -special attention. This point, at which the natural emanated from -the supernatural, fascinated the medieval thinker as the doctrine -of evolution does the modern. It formed the touch-stone by the aid -of which was interpreted not only the material world,[134] but also -the course of history. In parallelism with the six days and the six -periods in man’s life, the history of the world was divided with -absolute definiteness into six ages. Isidore himself was living in -the sixth and last of these, “the residue of which was known to God -alone”.[135] His view of the past had no perspective; or rather, it -had an inverted perspective, because the increasing confusion of -every department of the sublunar world led him to dwell in preference -upon the earlier time when the course of history was confined to the -pure stream of Hebrew tradition, when the supernatural manifested -itself more frequently, and when even the names of personages were -charged with prophetic meaning. - - [134] See p. 28 and note. - - [135] 5, 38, 5; 5, 39. - -In this inverted perspective the history of the Hebrews naturally -formed a prominent part. The Hebrew people of antiquity and their -language, which is traced back to Adam, were _the_ original race -and language. It was only “at the building of the tower after the -flood that the diversity of languages arose”. On this occasion not -only did the different languages of later history appear, but at -the same time and as a result, the different races of mankind were -constituted.[136] All languages, then, and all races, are variants -of the Hebrew type. Isidore believed that even in his time some of -the nations could be traced back and identified with the original -Hebrew stock by etymologizing on their names. Others, however, had -cast aside their old names and taken others, “either from kings or -countries or customs or other causes”, and the genealogy of these he -believed to be irretrievably lost.[137] - - [136] 9, 1, 1. - - [137] 9, 2, 132. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -ISIDORE’S RELATION TO EDUCATION - - -The question of perpetuating the pagan range of educational subjects -presented a great difficulty to the leaders of patristic and early -medieval thought, so great a difficulty that some of them were almost -more ready to discard education than to try to separate it from its -heathen entanglements. In both the Greek and Roman worlds formal -education had been late in developing; as a consequence its tone was -wholly secular. Its object was to put the youth of the ruling classes -in touch with the culture and life of the time. The subjects found -most serviceable for study were literature, rhetoric, and philosophy. -The sciences known to the ancients gradually gained a foot-hold also, -and instruction began to be given in a number of them, including -geometry, music, arithmetic, astronomy, medicine, and architecture. -Finally, the subject-matter of education settled down to the -stereotyped list of seven subjects, known as “the seven liberal -arts”, from which there was apparently little deviation in later -Roman and medieval times.[138] This formal education of the Romans -was so well established and enjoyed such prestige that in spite of -Christian hostility it continued to flourish until the increasing -disorganization of society in the fifth and sixth centuries made the -continuance of secular schools impossible. - - [138] The basis on which the canon of the seven liberal arts - was formed is indicated by a passage in Martianus Capella, who - makes Apollo say in regard to the exclusion of medicine and - architecture from it that “their attention and skill is given to - mortal and earthly things, and they have nothing in common with - the ether and the gods; it is not unseemly to reject them with - loathing.” (Ed. Eyssenhardt, IV, 13). The Christian Isidore held - much the same notion as the pagan Capella. He believed that the - order of the seven liberal arts terminating in astronomy was one - whose object was “to free souls entangled by secular wisdom from - earthly matters and set them at meditation upon the things on - high” (3, 71, 41). See also pp. 65, 77. It is plain enough that - education in both the pagan and Christian spheres was strongly - affected by the mystical tendency of the time, and it is not too - much to say that the seven liberal arts stand not so much for the - impracticality of a “gentleman’s” education as for that desirable - in the education of a mystic. - -Upon their disappearance the whole burden of maintaining education -fell upon the church. In the church organization the effective -bodies for such an activity were the groups of clergy attached to -cathedrals and to monasteries. There was no system established -by a central authority and enforced by public opinion to guide -the efforts made by these bodies, and it is plain that in each -case educational facilities for the training of priests would be -provided in accordance with the intelligence and character of the -different bishops and abbots. Where the ecclesiastical authorities -were ignorant or careless, the training of the priest or monk must -have degenerated to a sort of apprenticeship. The evidence which we -possess of the illiteracy[139] of the clergy would lead us to infer -that in the dark ages education, in any sense worthy of the name, was -sporadic, the product of the happy coincidence of opportunity and an -ecclesiastic intelligent enough to realize it.[140] - - [139] _Cf._ Cañal, _San Isidoro_ (Sevilla, 1897), p. 23. - - [140] _Cf._ Roger, _L’Enseignement des lettres classiques - d’Ausone à Alcuin_ (Paris, 1905), pp. 126–129. - -The first comprehensive effort[141] to deal with the educational -situation from the Christian standpoint was made by Cassiodorus -and was designed expressly to meet the needs of the inmates of a -monastery in Southern Italy. Naturally he put forth his main endeavor -on the side of what may be called theology, but, in addition, he felt -impelled to give very brief and vague accounts of the seven liberal -arts, which he was reluctantly forced to consider as an indispensable -preparation for the former study.[142] - - [141] Of Augustine’s treatises on grammar, dialectic, rhetoric, - geometry, arithmetic, and music, all but that on music were - lost within a very short time. They could have had but little - influence. _Cf. Retract._, 1, c. 6, and Teuffel and Schwabe, - _History of Roman Literature_, Sect. 440, 7. - - [142] M. Aurelii Cassiodori, _De Institutione Divinarum - Litterarum_ and _De Artibus ac Disciplinis Liberalium - Litterarum_. In Migne, _P. L._, vol. 70. - -Cassiodorus’ attitude toward these preliminary studies is a curious -one. He believed that their subject-matter was to be found scattered -through the Scriptures and that “the teachers of secular learning” -had gathered together the disjointed bits of information and -organized them into the seven liberal arts. As a consequence he -thought that a knowledge of these arts was of assistance when any -passage relating to them was met in the reading of the Scriptures. -In spite of this, however, it seems to have been his opinion that -the less use made of them the better, and that, if ignorance of the -liberal arts was a fault, it was certainly one of a minor character -and had the advantage of not endangering the Christian’s faith.[143] -With Cassiodorus the problem of education was little more than that -of securing a training sufficient to enable one to read and study -the Scriptures. The speculation cannot be avoided as to whether, -if Christianity had depended, like Druidism, on an oral tradition, -Cassiodorus might not have been willing to dispense with education -altogether. - - [143] Cassiodorus, _De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum_, - Migne, _P. L._, 70, 1108 and 1141. In the former of these - passages Cassiodorus discusses also the question whether there - should be absolute reliance on divine aid in the interpretation - of the Scriptures—in which connection he cites miraculous - interpretations by illiterate persons—or “whether it is better - to continue in the use of the ordinary learning.” He decides on - the whole for the latter course. The fact that Cassiodorus wrote - an account of the seven liberal arts shows perhaps that he was - more benighted in his theory than in his practice. Gregory the - Great, however, was more consistent and thorough-going. He stands - as the typical example of extreme illiberality in the history - of European education. His position is shown in the notorious - letter addressed to the Bishop of Vienne: “A report has reached - us which we cannot mention without a blush, that thou expoundest - grammar to certain friends; whereat we are so offended and - filled with scorn that our former opinion of thee is turned to - mourning and sorrow.... If hereafter it be clearly established - that the rumor which we have heard is false and that thou art not - applying thyself to the idle vanities of secular learning (_nugis - et secularibus litteris_), we shall render thanks to our God.” - Gregory the Great, Ep. ix. 54. The translation is that given in - R. Lane-Poole, _Medieval Thought_. - -Isidore is the second writer to deal comprehensively with the -subject-matter of Christian education. Before giving an account, -however, of the way in which he met the problems that were presented -to him, it is necessary to glance at the educational situation as -it then existed in Spain. It appears from the enactments of the -councils of Toledo in the sixth and seventh centuries that the clergy -as a body were beginning to be concerned for the education of their -order.[144] An article of the council of 531 directs that as soon as -children destined for the secular clergy are placed under the control -of the bishop, “they ought to be educated in the house of the church -under the direction of the bishop by a master appointed for the -purpose”.[145] Another article[146] says that “those who receive such -an education” should not presume to leave their own church and go to -another “since it is not fair that a bishop should receive or claim -a pupil whom another bishop has freed from boorish stupidity and the -untrained state of infancy”. It is further directed that those who -were “ignorant of letters” should not become priests. An article -of the fourth council of Toledo in 633, at which Isidore probably -presided, orders that “whoever among the clergy are youths should -remain in one room of the atrium, in order that they may spend the -years of the lustful period of their lives not in indulgence but in -the discipline of the church, being put in charge of an older man of -the highest character as master of their instruction and witness of -their life”.[147] These passages all refer to cathedral schools, but -there is evidence equally good of the existence of similar schools in -the monasteries.[148] Such, then, were the practical conditions, as -far as known, which determined the educational activity of Isidore’s -time. - - [144] The second council of Toledo (531) devoted especial - attention to the subject of preparation for the priesthood. See - Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio_ (Florence, 1764), vol. 8 - (_Concilium Toletanum II_). - - [145] Mansi, vol. 8, p. 785. - - [146] Cap. 2. - - [147] Mansi, vol. 10, p. 626 (_Concilium Toletanum_, IV, Cap. 24). - - [148] Isidore’s _Regula Monachorum_, 20, 5. - -The spirit in which Isidore approached the task of furnishing a -comprehensive treatment of the secular subject-matter of education -was the one proper to his age. He held that its place was a -subordinate one. He seems to be expressing his own and not a borrowed -view when he says that “grammarians are better than heretics, for -heretics persuade men to drink a deadly draught, while the learning -of grammarians can avail for life, if only it is turned to better -uses”.[149] The same depreciation of the independent value of -secular studies is reflected in his statement that the order of the -seven liberal arts in the curriculum was one intended to secure a -progressive liberation of the mind from earthly matters and “to set -it at the task of contemplating things on high”.[150] He evidently -believed that it was the function of the seven liberal arts to raise -the mind from a lower or material to a higher or spiritual plane of -thought.[151] - - [149] See p. 30. - - [150] _Etym._, 3, 71, 41. - - [151] To this conception of the time, that the secular side of - education was a necessary evil, of which a minimum use must - be made, the school disciplines had in reality been adapting - themselves for centuries by their growing formalism and loss - of content. Among the seven liberal arts rhetoric is the - best example of the former characteristic. It was so purely - conventional a discipline in Isidore’s time that, even though - he wrote of it, he confesses that it made no impression on him, - either good or bad. “When it is laid aside,” he says, “all - recollection vanishes.” The loss of content, on the other hand, - is best seen in Isidore’s account of the four mathematical - sciences, especially in that of geometry, which consists of - nothing more than a few definitions. - -In the _Etymologies_, as has been noticed, Isidore has combined -the encyclopedia of education, as exemplified in the works of -Martianus Capella and Cassiodorus, and the encyclopedia of the -whole range of knowledge, of which the works of Varro, Pliny, and -Suetonius are leading examples. The first three of the twenty books -which are comprised in the _Etymologies_ are evidently educational -texts; the last twelve as evidently belong to the encyclopedia of -all knowledge.[152] The question is in which of these divisions -the intervening books should be classed. If we look to Isidore’s -predecessors for guidance on this point, we find that Capella gives -only the seven liberal arts, while Cassiodorus gives not only a -comprehensive account of preparatory studies in the form of the seven -liberal arts, but adds in his _De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum_ -a treatment of the higher, or religious, education of the monk. The -supposition that Isidore followed the example of Cassiodorus is the -more natural one. Their educational purpose was much the same: -Cassiodorus had in mind the training of the monk, while Isidore -was concerned with the education of the priest. It is, all things -considered, more natural to suppose that Isidore is giving in Books -I-VIII of his _Etymologies_ a comprehensive survey of the education -of the secular clergy, than to suppose that his educational texts -stopped short at the end of the seven liberal arts. - - [152] See p. 31 for outline of contents. - -If this supposition is correct, the outline of this survey is -as follows: Grammar (Bk. I), Rhetoric and Dialectic (Bk. II), -Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, Astronomy (Bk. III), Medicine (Bk. IV), -Laws and Times (Bk. V), the books and services of the church (Bk. -VI), God, the angels, and the orders of the faithful (Bk. VII), the -church and the different sects (Bk. VIII). The inclusion of medicine, -law, and chronology, which were not in the corresponding plan of -Cassiodorus,[153] meant merely an enlargement of his scheme to fit -it for the slightly different purpose which Isidore had in mind. The -reason for the inclusion of these subjects is the practical one: in -the absence of any other educated class priests were obliged to have -some slight knowledge of medicine and law, while the intricacy of the -church calendar of the time made chronology a professional necessity. - - [153] However, Cassiodorus had in the _De Institutione Divinarum - Litterarum_ a chapter entitled “On monks having the care of the - infirm”. In this he urged upon them the reading of a number of - medical works (those of Dioscorides, Hippocrates, Galen, Caelius - Aurelianus, and “various others”. Migne, _P. L._, 70, 1146). - -At first sight this plan of educational subjects would seem to be at -variance with our accepted idea that the seven liberal arts covered -the whole field of preparatory training. A closer examination shows, -however, that in form at least Isidore kept them in a class by -themselves; and when he passes from them to medicine he is careful -to specify that it is not one of the liberal arts, but forms a -“second philosophy”.[154] By this he means that medicine—and the same -may be assumed for laws and times—is placed in the higher and not the -preparatory stage of education, and that in this sphere it plays a -minor part. - - [154] 4, 13. See also p. 163. - -If, then, this view of the subject-matter of the first eight books of -the _Etymologies_ is correct, it will be admitted that in Isidore’s -organization of education a significant step has been taken. In -the education of the Greek and Roman world there was nothing to -parallel the medieval and modern university development, which has -been characterized until recently by the three professional schools -of law, medicine, and theology. In Isidore’s plan we have, for the -first time, as professional studies, first, what corresponds to the -later theology, and, in subordination to this, the subjects of law, -medicine and chronology. It is evident, therefore, that we have here -in embryo, as it were, the organization of the medieval university; -law and medicine have only to be secularized and freed from their -subordination to theology, and the medieval university in its -complete form appears. - - - - -PART II - -THE ETYMOLOGIES - - - - -BOOK I - - -ON GRAMMAR - - -INTRODUCTION - -Grammar did not appear as a separate body of knowledge until a -late period in the Greek civilization. The merest ground-work of -the science had sufficed to meet all the demands of education, of -philosophy, and of a literature in course of production; for its -development it was necessary to await a period of literary criticism. -When the Alexandrian scholars began to compare the idiom of Homer -with that of their own day, the requisite stimulus for the scientific -study of language was given, and grammar may be regarded as dating -from the Alexandrian age. - -What was at that time termed grammar, γραμματική, included far more -than the modern science; it was the study of literature at large. The -grammarian might have nothing to do with what we call grammar, but -be a student of textual criticism or mythology. Any sort of study -undertaken for the purpose of elucidating the poets was grammatical. -Like the modern professor of literature, the only invariable -characteristic of the grammarian was his literary point of view.[155] - - [155] See Sandys, _History of Classical Scholarship_, pp. 6–10. - -The grammatical studies of the Romans were patterned closely after -those of the Greeks; the Greek terminology and organization of the -science were adopted without change. The Roman interest in the -subject was no doubt heightened by the fact that the Roman culture -was a bilingual one; thus a broad basis for the study was furnished, -and naturally much attention was given to the derivation of words. -A large number of scholarly works was produced, and the inferiority -of the borrowed Roman culture is perhaps less noticeable in this -department than in any other. - -It was inevitable that this ‘grammar’, in a condensed form, should -come to be used in common education. Its outlines, however, were -rather vague, and many of its departments did not lend themselves -to the concise statement necessary in a text-book. The first Greek -school grammar, the τεχνὴ γραμματικὴ[156] of Dionysius Thrax, which -was destined to be the basis of all the school grammars of antiquity, -appeared about 80 B.C. It is noticeable that although the definition -of grammar that is given[157] is the definition of the grammar of -the scholars, the subjects actually treated are little more than the -parts of speech. It was natural that there should be this gap between -promise and performance. For a long time no doubt this mere outline -was filled in by the oral interpretation of the masterpieces in -the manner of the scholars; but when these ceased to be studied, in -the early medieval period, the study of grammar was confined to the -material offered in the text-books.[158] - - [156] It is still in existence. The best text is that of Uhlig, - 1883 (Leipzig). - - [157] “Grammar is a practical knowledge of the usages of - language as generally current among poets and prose writers. It - is divided into six parts: (1) trained reading with due regard - to prosody; (2) explanation according to poetical figures; (3) - ready statement of dialectical peculiarities and allusions; (4) - discovery of etymology; (5) an accurate account of analogies; - (6) criticism of poetical productions, which is the noblest - part of grammatic art.” _The Grammar of Dionysius Thrax_, - translated by T. Davidson (St. Louis, 1874), p. 3. In contrast - to this definition the body of the work is devoted to reading, - punctuation, the alphabet, syllables, and the parts of speech. - - [158] The older definition or its substance was still retained, - however. See p. 97. Its retention is rather an evidence of - conservatism than a proof of the continued study of the poets. - -The first of the Romans to produce a school grammar was Remmius -Palaemon, who flourished in the first half of the first century. He -had many successors in the later centuries of the Roman Empire, and -the literary tradition of the school grammar continued unbroken into -the Middle Ages. The most influential exponent of the subject was -Aelius Donatus, whose _Ars_, written in the fourth century, was used -throughout the Middle Ages. The chief writers of grammatical texts in -the centuries preceding Isidore were Victorinus, Donatus, Diomedes, -Charisius, and Martianus Capella in the fourth; Consentius and Phocas -in the fifth; and Cassiodorus in the sixth. No new contributions -were being made to the science, and these writers had no other -resource than to copy their predecessors, which they did in a slavish -manner.[159] The verbal similarity in all of them is so strong that -it is impossible to trace with certainty the immediate source of any -one of the later writers. - - [159] The following list of passages gives some idea of the way - in which grammatical works were produced in this age. - - Vox sive sonus est aer ictus, id est percussus, sensibilis - auditu quantum in ipso est. Probi, _Instituta Artium_ in Keil, - _Grammatici Latini_, vol. vi, p. 4, 13. - - Vox est aer ictus sensibilis auditu, quantum in ipso est. Donati, - _Ars Grammatica_. _Ibid._, vol. iv, p. 367, 5. - - Vox est aer ictus sensibilis auditu, verbis emissa, et exacta - sensus prolatio. Sergii, _Explanationum in artem Donati, Liber - I._, _Ibid._, vol. iv, p. 487, 4. - - Vox est aer auditu percipibilis quantum in ipso est. Marius - Victorinus, _Ars Grammatica_. _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 4, 13. - - Vox quid est? Aer ictus sensibilisque auditu quantum in ipso est. - Maximus Victorinus, _Ars Grammatica_. _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 189, 8. - - Vox articulata est aer percussus sensibilis auditu quantum in - ipso est. Cassiodorus, _Institutio de Arte Grammatica_. _Ibid._, - vol. vii, p. 215, 4. - - Vox est aer ictus sensibilis auditu, quantum in ipso est. - Isidore, _Etymologiae_, 1, 15. - - These grammars are almost altogether made up of definitions which - had become stereotyped. - -Isidore’s account of grammar is of somewhat more than the average -length[160] found in these text-books, but its lack of solid -substance, in which it differs from the books of the fourth century, -measures the decline in intellectual grasp and thoroughness of the -two intervening centuries. Donatus, Servius, and even Capella, stick -closely to the technique of the subject and are thorough-going; their -books are calculated to afford a severe discipline to the student. -But in Isidore a feebleness in handling the subject is evident; he -is apparently unaware of the superior importance of such subjects as -conjugation and declension, and he is very easily led into confusion -by the trains of thought suggested by his frequent derivations.[161] - - [160] The greater length of his treatment is due to the fact - that he includes more subjects than do the preceding writers of - text-books. A comparison of his table of contents with those of - Cassiodorus, Martianus Capella, Donatus, and Servius shows that - he professes to cover much more than they; he has ten topics that - do not appear in Donatus’ _Ars Grammatica_, and a greater number - that do not appear in Servius, Capella, or Cassiodorus. - - [161] See especially his definition of verbum, 1, 9, 1. - - -ANALYSIS[162] - - [162] The analysis is meant to indicate briefly the formal - organization of the subject. It is followed by selected - passages in translation, which, while illustrating the - technical treatment, are meant rather to give what is of more - general interest. It must be remembered that this treatment by - selected passages fails to give a just idea of the meagerness, - attenuation, and confusion of the material considered as a whole. - - A. Introductory. - 1. Definition of _ars_ and _disciplina_ (ch. 1). - 2. Definition of the seven liberal arts (ch. 2). - 3. The Hebrew and Greek alphabets (ch. 3). - 4. The Latin alphabet (ch. 4). - - B. Grammar. - 1. Definition and divisions[163] (ch. 5). - 2. Parts of speech (chs. 6–14). - a. _de nomine_ (ch. 7). - _Propria_ (four sub-classes of proper nouns are - given). - _Appellativa_ (twenty-eight sub-classes of common - nouns are given). - _Nominis comparatio_ (comparison of adjectives). - _Genera_ (genders). - _Numerus._ - _Figura_ (simple and compound nouns). - _Casus._[164] - b. _de pronomine_[165] (ch. 8). - c. _de verbo_ (ch. 9). - _Formae_ (desiderative, inchoative and - frequentative verbs). - _Modi_ (indicative, imperative, optative, - conjunctive, infinitive, impersonal). - _Conjugationes._[166] - _Genera_ (active, passive, neuter, common, and - deponent verbs). - d. _de adverbio_[167] (ch. 10). - e. _de participio_ (the participle) (ch. 11). - f. _de conjunctione_ (ch. 12). - g. _de praepositionibus_ (ch. 13). - h. _de interjectione_ (ch. 14). - 3. Articulate speech (ch. 15). - 4. The syllable (ch. 16). - 5. Metrical feet[168] (ch. 17). - 6. Accent[169] (chs. 18, 19). - 7. Punctuation (ch. 20). - 8. Signs and abbreviations (_Notae_) (chs. 21–26). - a. _Notae sententiarum_ (critical marks used in - manuscripts). - b. _Notae vulgares_ (shorthand). - c. _Notae militares_ (abbreviations used in military - rolls). - d. _Notae litterarum_ (cipher-writing). - e. _Notae digitorum_ (sign language). - 9. Orthography (ch. 27). - 10. Analogy[170] (ch. 28). - 11. Etymology (ch. 29). - 12. Glosses (ch. 30). - 13. Synonyms (ch. 31). - 14. Barbarisms, solecisms[171] and other faults[172] (chs. 32–34). - 15. Metaplasms (poetic license in changing the forms of words) - (ch. 35). - 16. _Schemata_ (rhetorical figures) (ch. 36). - 17. Tropes[173] (ch. 37). - 18. Prose (ch. 38). - 19. Metres[174] (ch. 39). - 20. The fable (ch. 40). - 21. History (chs. 41–44). - - [163] See p. 97. - - [164] A set of terms unfamiliar to the modern student of grammar - is given under this head. Nouns having six distinct case-forms - are called _hexaptota_; those having five, _pentaptota_, and so - on. See 1, 7, 33. - - [165] Pronouns are classified according to use into _finita_, - _infinita_, _minus quam finita_, _possessiva_, _relativa_, - _demonstrativa_; and according to origin into _primigenia_ and - _deductiva_. - - [166] Three conjugations are given. - - [167] Note part of the definition: “Adverbium autem sine verbo - non habet plenam significationem, ut hodie: adjicis illi verbum, - hodie scribo, et juncto verbo implesti sensum.” 1, 10, 1. - - [168] Isidore asserts that there are one hundred and twenty-four - sorts of metrical feet, “four of two syllables, eight of three, - sixteen of four, thirty-two of five, sixty-four of six.” 1, 17, 1. - - [169] The ten so-called accents of the grammarians are described: - the acute, the grave, the circumflex, the marks to indicate long - and short vowels, the hyphen, the comma, the apostrophe, the - rough and smooth breathing. - - [170] This section is to be explained by reference to the - chief controversy in the history of the science of grammar in - classical times, that between analogy and anomaly, or whether - grammatical regularity or irregularity was the more basic - phenomenon. In Capella’s grammar _analogia_ is the heading under - which declensions of nouns and conjugations of verbs are given, - while exceptions are grouped under the heading _anomala_. See - Martianus Capella, Eyssenhardt, pp. 75–97. Also Sandys, _History - of Classical Scholarship_, Index. - - [171] Solecism is “the failure to put words together according to - the correct method”, while barbarism includes blunders in the use - of single words. 1, 33, 1. - - [172] Chiefly a parade of long words, like _perissologia_, - _macrologia_, _tapinosis_, _cacosyntheton_, etc. 1, 34. - - [173] A large number of poetical figures are described. This - section is probably nothing but an evidence of conservatism, - since Isidore certainly did not include a study of the poets in - his scheme of education. - - [174] A number of metres are described and some attention is - given to different kinds of poetry, such as the elegiac, bucolic, - hymn, cento, etc. - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 2. On the seven liberal arts.[175] - - [175] Du Breul has _disciplinis_, not _artibus_. - -1. The disciplines belonging to the liberal arts are seven. First, -grammar, that is, practical knowledge of speech. Second, rhetoric, -which is considered especially necessary in civil causes because of -the brilliancy and copiousness of its eloquence. Third, dialectic, -called also logic, which separates truth from falsehood by the -subtlest distinctions. - -2. Fourth, arithmetic, which includes the significance and the -divisions of numbers. Fifth, music, which consists of poems and -songs. - -3. Sixth, geometry, which embraces measurements and dimensions. -Seventh, astronomy, which contains the law of the stars. - - -Chapter 3. On the ordinary letters. - -1. The foundations of the grammatic art are the ordinary letters, -which elementary teachers[176] are occupied with, instruction in -which is, as it were, the infancy of the grammatic art. Whence Varro -calls it _litteratio_. Letters are signs of things, symbols of words, -whose power is so great that without a voice they speak to us the -words of the absent; for they introduce words by the eye, not by the -ear. - - [176] _Librarii et calculatores._ - -2. The use of the letters was invented in order to remember things. -For things are fettered by letters in order that they may not escape -through forgetfulness. For in such a variety of things all could not -be learned by hearing and held in the memory. - -4. Latin and Greek letters have evidently come from the Hebrew. For -among the latter _aleph_ was first so named; then [judging] by the -similarity of sound it was transmitted to the Greeks as _alpha_; -likewise to the Latins as _a_. For the borrower fashioned the letter -of the second language according to similarity of sound, so that we -can know that the Hebrew language is the mother of all languages and -alphabets.[177] - - [177] From Jerome, _ad Soph._, in Migne, _Patr. Lat._, 6, 7, 30. - -7. The letter Υ Pythagoras of Samos first made, after the model of -human life, whose lower stem denotes the first of life, which is -unsettled and has not yet devoted itself to the vices or the virtues. -The double part which is above, begins in youth; of which the right -side is steep, but leads to the blessed life; the left is easier, but -leads down to ruin and destruction.... - -8. Among the Greeks there are five mystic letters.[178] The first -is Υ, which denotes human life, of which we have just spoken. The -second is Θ, which denotes death. For judges used to place this -letter, theta, at the names of those whom they condemned to death; -and it is called theta ἀπὸ τοῦ θανάτου, _i.e._, from death. Whence -also it has a weapon through its middle, _i.e._, the sign of death. -Of which a certain one speaks thus: - - O multum ante alias infelix littera theta! - - [178] This sentence, as many others, is in the accusative and - infinitive without any governing verb. - -9. The third is Τ, indicating the shape of the cross of the Lord.... -The remaining two, the first and the last, Christ claims for himself. -For he is himself the beginning, himself the end, saying: “I am α -and ω,” for they pass into one another in turn, and alpha passes in -regular succession to ω and again ω returns to alpha; in order that -the Lord might show in himself that he was the way from the beginning -to the end and from the end to the beginning. - - -Chapter 4. On the Latin alphabet. - -17. The nations gave the names of the letters in accordance with the -sound in their own language, noting and distinguishing the sounds of -the voice. After they had noted them, they gave them names and forms; -and they made the forms in part at pleasure, in part according to the -sound of the letters; as, for example, i and o, of which one has a -slender stem, just as it has a thin sound; the sound of the other is -gross (_pinguis_), just as its form is full. - - -Chapter 5. On grammar. - -1. Grammar is the science of speaking correctly, and is the source -and foundation of literature.[179] This one of the disciplines was -discovered next after the ordinary letters, so that those who have -already learned the letters may learn by it the method of speaking -correctly. Grammar took its name from letters, for the Greeks call -letters γράμματα. - - [179] _Liberalium litterarum._ - -4. The divisions of the grammatic art are enumerated by certain -authorities as thirty; namely, eight parts of speech, the articulate -voice, the letter, the syllable, metrical feet, accent, marks -of punctuation, signs and abbreviations, orthography, analogy, -etymology, glosses, synonyms, barbarisms, solecisms, [other] faults, -metaplasms, schemata, tropes, prose, metres, fables, histories. - - -Chapter 6. On the parts of speech. - -1. Aristotle first taught two parts of speech, the noun and the verb. -Then Donatus defined eight. But all revert to these two chief ones, -that is, to the noun and the verb, which indicate the person and the -act. The remainder are appendages, and trace their origin to these. - -2. For the pronoun arises from the noun and performs its function, -as _orator_, _ille_. The adverb arises from the noun, as _doctus_, -_docte_. The participle from the noun and verb, as _lego_, _legens_. -But the conjunction and preposition and interjection are included in -those mentioned.[180] Many therefore have defined five parts because -these are superfluous. - - [180] _In complexum istarum cadunt._ - - -Chapter 21. On critical marks (_notae sententiarum_). - -1. In addition there were certain marks in the writings of -celebrated authors, which the ancients set in poems and histories to -discriminate among the passages. A mark is a separate form placed -like a letter, to indicate some judgment about a word, thought or -verse. There are twenty-six marks used in annotating verses, which -are enumerated below with their names.[181] - - [181] See _Etym._, 1, 21, 2–28. - - -Chapter 22. On shorthand. - -1. Ennius[182] first invented 1,100 shorthand signs. The use of the -signs was that scribes wrote whatever was said in public meeting -or in court, several standing by at one time and deciding among -themselves how many words and in what order each should write. -At Rome Tullius Tiro, Cicero’s freedman, was the first to invent -shorthand, but only for prepositions.[183] - - [182] The grammarian. - - [183] _Notas sed tantum praepositionum._ Probably abbreviations - for prepositions and other connectives that were in frequent use. - -2. After him Vipsanius Philargius and Aquila, Maecenas’s freedman, -each added a number of signs. Then Seneca, collecting them all and -arranging them and increasing their number, raised the total to -5,000. The signs (_notae_) are so-called because they _denote_ words -or syllables by marks,[184] and bring them again to the _notice_ -of readers, and they who have learned them are now properly called -_notarii_. - - [184] _Praefixis characteribus._ - - -Chapter 27. On orthography. - -1. Orthography is Greek, and it means in the Latin correct writing; -for ὀρθή in the Greek means correct, and γραφή means writing. -This branch of knowledge teaches us how we ought to write. For as -the art[185] treats of the inflection of the parts of speech, so -orthography deals with the knowledge of writing, as, for example, - -_ad_, when it is a preposition, takes the letter _d_; when it is a -conjunction, the letter _t_. - - [185] Among the seven liberal arts grammar is the art _par - excellence_. - -2. _Haud_, when it is an adverb of negation, is terminated by -the letter _d_ and is aspirated at the beginning; but when it is -a conjunction, it is written with the letter _t_ and is without -aspiration. - -7. Forsitan ought to be written with _n_ at the end, because its -uncorrupted form is _forte si tandem_. - - -Chapter 29. On etymology. - -1. Etymology is the derivation of words,[186] when the force of a -verb or a noun is ascertained through interpretation. This Aristotle -called σύμβολον, and Cicero, _notatio_, because it explains the names -of things;[187] as, for example, _flumen_ is so called from _fluere_, -because it arose from flowing. - - [186] _Cf. Quintilian_, 1, 6, 28. - - [187] Quia nomina et verba rerum nota facit. - -2. A knowledge of etymology is often necessary in interpretation, -for, when you see whence a name has come, you grasp its force -more quickly. For every consideration of a thing is clearer when -its etymology is known. Not all names, however, were given by the -ancients in accordance with nature, but certain also according to -whim, just as we sometimes give slaves and estates names according to -our fancy. - -3. Hence it is that the etymologies of some names are not found, -since certain things have received their name not according to the -quality in which they originated, but according to man’s arbitrary -choice. Etymologies are given in accordance with cause, as _reges_ -from _regere_, that is, _recte agere_; or origin, as _homo_ because -he is from the earth (_humus_); or from contraries, as _lutum_ (mud) -from _lavare_—since mud is not clean—and _lucus_ (sacred grove), -because being shady it has little light (_parum luceat_). - -4. Certain words also were formed by derivation from other words; as -_prudens_ from _prudentia_. Certain also from cries, as _graculus_ -(jackdaw) from _garrulitas_. Certain also have sprung from a Greek -origin, and have changed over into the Latin, as _silva_,[188] -_domus_. - - [188] _Cf._ 17, 6, 5, where _silva_ (_xilva_) is derived from - ξύλον (wood). - -5. Other things have derived their names from the names of places, -cities, or rivers. Many also are drawn from the languages of foreign -peoples; whence their derivation is perceived with difficulty; for -there are many barbarous words unknown to the Greeks and Latins. - - -Chapter 32. On barbarism. - -1. Barbarism is the uttering of a word with an error in a letter or -in a quantity: a letter, as _floriet_, when _florebit_ is correct; a -quantity, if the first syllable is prolonged instead of the middle -one, as _latebrae_, _tenebrae_. And it is called barbarism from the -barbarian peoples, since they were ignorant of the purity of Latin -speech; for each nation becoming subject to the Romans, transmitted -to Rome along with their wealth their faults, both of speech and of -morals. - - -Chapter 37. On tropes. - -1. Tropes are so named by the grammarians from a Greek word which -in Latin means _modi locutionum_. They are turned from their own -meaning to a kindred meaning that is not their own. And it is very -difficult to comment on the names of them all, but Donatus gave for -practice a list of thirteen selected from the whole number. - -2. Metaphor is the assumption of a transfer of meaning in some word, -as when we say _segetes fluctuare_ (the grain-fields billow), _vites -gemmare_, when we do not find any waves or gems in these things, but -the words are transferred from the old application to a new one. -These and other tropical forms of speech are veiled with figurative -cloaks with reference to the things to be understood, with the view -that they may exercise the intelligence of the reader, and may not be -cheap because they are unadorned and easily apprehended. - -22. Allegory is the saying of things that do not belong to the -matter in hand (_alienoloquium_), for one thing is said, another is -understood; as, _tres in littore cervos conspicit errantes_, where -the three leaders of the Punic war, or the three Punic wars are -indicated; and in the _Bucolics_, _aurea mala decem misi_, _i.e._, -ten pastoral eclogues to Augustus. There are many species of this -figure, of which seven are conspicuous: irony, antiphrasis, enigma, -charientismus, paroemia, sarcasmus, astysmus. - -23. It is irony where the thought is given a contrary meaning by the -manner of speech. By this figure something is said cleverly, either -in the way of accusation or insult, as the following: - - Vestras, Eure, domos, illa se jactet in aula - Aeolus, et clauso ventorum carcere regnet. - -And why _aula_ (palace) if it is _carcer_ (prison)! It is made -clear by the manner of speech, for the manner of speech says -_carcer_. _Jactet in aula_ is irony, and the whole is expressed in a -contradictory manner of speech by the figure of irony which mocks by -praising. - -24. Antiphrasis is language to be understood to the contrary, as, -_lucus_ (sacred grove), since it is without light (_lux_) because of -the excessive gloom of the woods.... - -25. Between irony and antiphrasis there is this difference, that -irony indicates by the manner of speaking alone what is meant, -as when we say to a man doing ill, “Bonum est quod facis”. But -antiphrasis indicates the contrary not by the voice of the speaker, -but only in the words, whose derivation is the opposite [of their -meaning]. - - -Chapter 39. On metres. - -4. Whatever is measured by verse feet is a poem (_carmen_). It -is thought that the name was given because it was pronounced -rhythmically (_carptim_), or ... because they who sang such things -were supposed to be out of their minds (_mente carere_). - -9. ... [The hexameter] excels the rest of the metres in authority, -being alone of them all fitted as well to the greatest tasks as to -the small, and with an equal capacity for sweetness and delight.... -It is also older than the other metres. It is proved that Moses -was the first to use it in the song of Deuteronomy, long before -Pherecydes and Homer. Whence also it is evident that the making of -poems was older among the Hebrews than among the nations. Since Job, -too, who goes back as far as Moses, sang in hexameter verse, [using] -the dactyl and the spondee. - -12. Hecataeus of Miletus is said to have been the first among the -Greeks to compose this metre; or, as others think, Pherecydes of -Syros, and this metre before Homer was called Pythian, after Homer, -heroic. - -17. It is manifest that David the prophet was the first to compose -and sing hymns in praise of God. Later among the nations Timothoe who -(_quae_) lived in the time of Ennius, long after David, wrote the -first hymns in honor of Apollo and the Muses. _Hymni_ is translated -from the Greek to the Latin as _laudes_. - -25. Among grammarians they are wont to be called _centones_ who -[take] from the poems of Homer and Virgil with a view to their own -works, and put together in patchwork fashion many bits found here and -there to suit each subject. - -26. Proba, wife of Adelphos, composed at great length a cento from -Virgil about the structure of the universe and the gospels,[189] the -subject-matter being made up verse by verse, and the verses being -arranged appropriately to suit the subject-matter. And a certain -Pomponius, among other poems (_otia_) of his own pen, wrote _Tityrus_ -from the same poet in honor of Christ. - - [189] _De Fabrica mundi et Evangeliis._ - - -Chapter 41. On history. - -1. History is the story of what has been done, and by its means what -has taken place in the past is perceived. It is called in the Greek -_historia_, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱστορεῖν, that is from seeing (_videre_) and -learning (_cognoscere_). For among the ancients no one wrote history -unless he had been present and witnessed what was to be described. -For we understand what we see better than we do what we gather by -hearsay. - -2. For what is seen is told without lying. This discipline belongs -to grammar because whatever is worth remembering is entrusted to -letters.... - - -Chapter 42. On the first writers of history. - -1. Moses was the first among us to write a history of the beginning -of the world. Among the nations Dares Phrygius was the first to -publish a history of the Greeks and Trojans, which they say was -written by him on palm-leaves. - -2. And after Dares, Herodotus is considered the first historian in -Greece. After whom Pherecydes was famous, at the time when Esdras -wrote the law. - - -Chapter 43. On the usefulness of history. - -1. Histories of the heathen do no harm to their readers where they -tell what is useful. For many wise men have put past deeds into their -histories for the instruction of the present. - -2. Besides, in history the total reckoning of past times and years is -embraced and many necessary matters are examined in the light of the -succession of consuls and kings. - - -Chapter 44. On the sorts of history. - -1. There are three sorts of history. The doings of one day are called -_ephemeris_. Among us this name is _diarium_.... - -2. What is arranged according to separate months is called -_kalendaria_. - -3. _Annales_ are the deeds of the years, one by one. For whatever was -related in the commentaries from year to year as worthy of memory, in -peace and war, by sea and land, they named annals from the deeds of a -year. - -4. But history is a thing of many years or times, and through -diligence in it the yearly commentaries are put into books. Between -history and annals there is this difference, that history belongs to -the times which we see, and annals belong to years which our age does -not know. Whence Sallust is made up of history; Livy, Eusebius and -Hieronymus of annals and history. - - - - -BOOK II - - -ON RHETORIC - - -INTRODUCTION - -Rhetoric held a position in the ancient world that the modern reader -has difficulty in understanding. Democratic government, including -the popular administration of justice, at a time when all discussion -was necessarily oral, created an ideal condition in Athens and the -other Greek states for the development of oratory. In the life of the -Roman republic, too, there was enough of the popular element to make -public speaking of the greatest importance. The art of rhetoric was -therefore in close touch with the real interests of life. It was not -merely a school discipline, but a preparation for a definite activity -that held a high place in the esteem of the people, and it embodied -a set of sensible ideas on public speaking in which the tendency -to over-elaboration and artificiality characteristic of scholastic -disciplines was kept in check by the wholesome influences that came -from practical application. - -With the establishment of the Roman Empire public discussion of -political matters quickly disappeared, and forensic oratory for the -same reason tended to decline. Thus the chief element which had -given vitality to ancient rhetoric was eliminated. Roman oratory, -however, died hard. It nursed itself on various pretences and shows. -Much of the old interest in oratory turned back on rhetoric, which -was thus exposed to a double danger, as an educational discipline -that had lost connection with practical life and as a subject that -had become too fashionable. When once the new influence had gained -headway a strong tendency to artificiality was revealed. Rhetoric -became scholastic and ridiculously overburdened with classification -and terminology; it grew more lifeless as it grew more systematic. -Interest then gradually subsided. Treatises grew shorter and drier, -and consisted largely of long lists of terms defined without critical -understanding of their meaning. The subject now held its place by the -mere force of authority. - -This was the state of rhetoric in Isidore’s time, and his treatment -reflects the condition to which it had been reduced. He says that -“it is easy for the reader to admire but impossible to understand” -the books on rhetoric, and, further, that when they are laid aside -“all recollection vanishes.” From a writer with this attitude little -need be expected. His few miserable pages, compared with Quintilian’s -interesting treatise, measure fully the decline of rhetoric during -the first six centuries A.D. What Isidore gives is merely a summary, -so cursory and disjointed that it frequently cannot be understood -without liberal reference to the fuller treatises of his predecessors. - -In Isidore’s _De Rhetorica_ practically the whole of Cassiodorus’ -text-book on this subject is incorporated without acknowledgment. Two -authorities, Victorinus and Cicero, are quoted,[190] but on referring -to Cassiodorus it becomes plain that even here Isidore is merely -copying his authority’s citation of authority. However his brief -chapter on law cannot be paralleled in any extant treatise before his -time and its insertion must be credited to his initiative. - - [190] Isidore, _Etym._, 2, 19, 14, “Praeterea secundum Victorinum - enthymematis est altera definitio. Ex sola propositione, sicut - jam dictum est, ita constat. ‘Si tempestas vitanda est, non est - navigatio requirenda.’” - - Cassiodorus, _De Rhet._ Halm, _Rhetores Latini_, p. 500. - “Praeterea secundum Victorinum enthymematis est altera definitio. - Ex sola propositione, sicut jam dictum est, ita constat - enthymema, ut est illud: ‘si tempestas vitanda est, non est - navigatio requirenda.’” - - Isidore, _Etym._, 2, 9, 18. “Hunc Cicero ita facit in arte - rhetorica.” - - Cass. in Halm, p. 500, 18. “Hunc Cicero facit in arte rhetorica.” - - -ANALYSIS[191] - - [191] The analytical treatment of this subject is obviously - carried to an absurd degree. The whole activity of the orator is - analyzed into five parts: _inventio_, _dispositio_, _elocutio_ - (wording), _memoria_, _pronuntiatio_. The whole subject-matter - is analyzed into three parts: deliberative, epideictic, - forensic. All court cases are analyzed from the point of view - of the defence, according to _status_, that is, according to - the nature of the leading point in the case. The speech itself - (_oratio_) is analyzed into four parts: introduction, narrative, - argument and conclusion. All cases are analyzed again according - to the psychological impression they make on the audience. All - arguments are analyzed into regular and irregular syllogisms. - Even negation, giving the lie, is analyzed into several sorts. - Rhetorical figures are analyzed elaborately. - - I. Definition (ch. 1). - II. Chief writers (ch. 2). - III. Divisions (ch. 3). - 1. _Inventio._ - 2. _Dispositio._ - 3. _Elocutio._ - 4. _Memoria._ - 5. _Pronuntiatio._ - IV. The three kinds of cases (ch. 4). - 1. _Deliberativum._[192] - 2. _Demonstrativum._[193] - 3. _Judiciale._[194] - V. The two-fold status of cases[195] (ch. 5). - 1. _Rationalis._ - a. _Conjectura._[196] - b. _Finis._[197] - (1) _Juridicialis._[198] - (a) _Absoluta._[199] - (b) _Assumptiva._[200] - (_a_) _Concessio._[201] - _Purgatio._[202] - _Deprecatio._[203] - (_b_) _Remotio criminis._[204] - (_c_) _Relatio criminis._[205] - (_d_) _Comparatio._[206] - (2) _Negotialis._[207] - c. _Qualitas._[208] - d. _Translatio._[209] - 2. _Legalis._ - a. _Scriptum et voluntas._[210] - b. _Leges contrariae._[211] - c. _Ambiguitas._[212] - d. _Collectio._[213] - e. _Definitio legalis._[214] - VI. The three-fold division of controversies[215] (ch. 6). - 1. Simple. - 2. Compound. - 3. Complex. - VII. The four parts of a speech[216] (ch. 7). - 1. _Exordium._ - 2. _Narratio._ - 3. _Argumentatio._ - 4. _Conclusio._ - VIII. The five modes of cases[217] (ch. 8). - 1. _Honestum._ - 2. _Admirabile._[218] - 3. _Humile._ - 4. _Anceps._ - 5. _Obscurum._ - IX. Argumentation (ch. 9). - 1. _Inductio._ - 2. _Ratiocinatio._[219] - a. _Enthymema._ - b. _Epicherema._ - c. _Mendacium._[220] - X. Law[221] (ch. 10). - XI. The sententious saying (ch. 11). - XII. Confirmation and denial (ch. 12). - XIII. Personification and expression of character (chs. 13–14). - XIV. Kinds of subjects (ch. 15). - _Finitum._ - _Infinitum._ - XV. Style and diction (ch. 16). - XVI. The three ways of speaking (ch. 17). - _Humile._ - _Medium._ - _Grandiloquium._ - XVII. Parts of a sentence (ch. 18). - XVIII. Faults to be avoided[222] (chs. 19–20). - XIX. Figures[223] (ch. 21). - - [192] “In which there is discussion of what ought or ought not - to be done in regard to any of the practical affairs of life.” - 2, 4, 1. The _genus deliberativum_ is divided into _suasio_ and - _dissuasio_, and each of these again, under the three headings, - _honestum_, _utile_, _possibile_. - - [193] Epideictic; divided into _laus_ and _vituperatio_, 2, 4. - - [194] Forensic rhetoric. - - [195] Under this heading we have the chief effort of ancient - rhetoric to be helpful to the defense in cases brought before - the courts. The term _status_ meant the crucial point in a case, - and its subdivisions are intended to include the chief kinds of - crucial points upon which the advocate must base his speech. The - inference in both Isidore and Cassiodorus is that there is only - one status in a case, but Quintilian (3, 6, 21) expressly says - that there are more than one, and that the chief status in a case - “is the strongest point in it on which the whole matter chiefly - turns.” - - In this section Isidore borrows from Cassiodorus almost without - change in the wording. In one case he has made a serious blunder - in copying: the subdivisions that Cassiodorus places under - _qualitas_, Isidore has placed under _finis_. (Cass., _De Rhet._, - Halm, p. 496.) - - [196] “When an act that is imputed to a person is denied by - another” (2, 5, 3), and the balancing of evidence is the method - of deciding. - - [197] “When it is maintained that the act that is the matter of - accusation is not that [specified], and its nature is shown by - the use of definitions.” 2, 5, 3. - - [198] “In which the nature of justice and right and the abstract - grounds of reward and punishment are gone into.” 2, 5, 5. - - [199] Term left undefined. - - [200] “Which of itself offers no satisfactory ground for defence - but seeks for defence beyond its own limits.” 2, 5, 5. - - [201] “When the accused does not deny the act but demands that it - be pardoned.” 2, 5, 6. - - [202] “When the deed is confessed but guilt is denied” on the - ground of ignorance, accident, or necessity. 2, 5, 8. - - [203] “When the accused confesses that he has committed the wrong - and has done so purposely, and still demands that he be pardoned, - which kind can be of very rare occurrence.” 2, 5, 8. - - [204] “When the accused endeavors energetically to divert the - charge made against him from himself and his guilt to another.” - 2, 5, 6. - - [205] “When it is urged that there is justification because - another had committed a wrong before.” 2, 5, 7. - - [206] “When some other honorable or expedient act of another is - alleged, for the accomplishing of which the act specified in the - accusation is asserted to have been done.” 2, 5, 7. - - [207] “In which there is discussion of what is just in view of - civil custom and equity.” 2, 5, 5. - - [208] “When the nature of the case is inquired into; and since - the dispute is concerned with the real meaning and classification - of the matter at stake, this is called the _constitutio - generalis_.” 2, 5, 3. This is the general heading under which all - the sub-heads classified under _finis_ should have been placed. - Isidore made a mistake in copying from Cassiodorus, in whom the - classification is correct. - - [209] “When the case depends on this, that it is not the proper - person who brings the action, or that it is not before the proper - court, at the proper time, according to the proper law, charging - the proper crime, demanding the proper punishment.” 2, 5, 4. - - [210] “When the words seem to be at variance with the intention - of the writer.” 2, 5, 9. - - [211] “When two or more laws are perceived to be in conflict with - one another.” 2, 5, 9. - - [212] “When what is written seems to have two or more meanings.” - 2, 5, 10. - - [213] “When from what is written another thing also which is not - written is inferred.” 2, 5, 10. - - [214] “When inquiry is made as to what is the force of a word.” - 2, 5, 10. - - [215] A division applying only to the _genus deliberativum_. - - [216] Six are usually given. Cassiodorus has _exordium_, - _narratio_, _partitio_, _confirmatio_, _reprehensio_, - _conclusio_. Halm, _Rhetores Latini Minores_, p. 497. - - [217] An analysis of cases according to the emotional effect they - are likely to have on the audience. - - [218] “Ut admirentur (judices) quenquam ad defensionem eius - accedere.” Halm, 316, 34, from Sulpitius Victor. - - [219] The irregular syllogism. Each sub-head is exhaustively - analyzed. - - [220] Giving the lie as conclusion of an irregular syllogism. - - [221] A short account of the nature of law. This sub-head is not - found in the text-books on rhetoric before Isidore’s time. - - [222] In the use of letters, words, and sentences. - - [223] _Figurae verborum et sententiarum._ Samples of the former - are _anadiplosis_, _paradiastole_, _antimetabole_, _exoche_; - of the latter (forty-seven in all), _coenonesis_, _parrhesia_, - _aposiopesis_, _aetiologia_, _epitrochasmus_. Cf. p. 107, note. - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On rhetoric and its name. - -1. Rhetoric is the science of speaking well in civil questions for -the purpose of persuading to what is just and good. It is called -rhetoric in the Greek ἀπὸ τοῦ ῥητορίζειν, that is, from eloquence of -speech. For speech among the Greeks is called ῥῆσις, and the orator -ῥήτωρ. - -2. Rhetoric is allied to the grammatic art. For in grammar we learn -the science of speaking correctly, and in rhetoric we discover in -what way to express what we have learned. - - -Chapter 2. On the discoverers of the art of rhetoric. - -1. This discipline was invented by Gorgias, Aristotle and Hermagoras -among the Greeks, and translated into Latin by Tullius and -Quintilian, but with such eloquence and variety that it is easy for -the reader to admire, impossible to understand. - -2. For while he holds the parchment the connected discourse as it -were cleaves to his memory, but presently when it is laid aside all -recollection vanishes. Perfect knowledge of this discipline makes the -orator. - - -Chapter 3. On the name of the orator and the parts of rhetoric. - -1. The orator is the good man skilled in speaking. ‘The good man’ -means nature, character, accomplishments (_artibus_). ‘Skilled in -speaking’ means studied eloquence, which consists of five parts: -invention, ordering, diction and style, memory, delivery, and the -purpose, which is to persuade of something. - -2. Skill in speaking consists in three things: nature, learning, -practise; nature, that is, talent; learning, knowledge; practice, -continuous labor. These are the things that are looked to not only in -the orator but in every artist with a view to accomplishment. - - -Chapter 4. The three kinds of causes. - -1. There are three kinds of causes: deliberative, epideictic, -judicial. The deliberative kind is that in which there is a -discussion as to what ought or ought not to be done in regard to -any of the practical affairs of life. The epideictic, in which a -character is shown to be praiseworthy or reprehensible. - -2. The judicial, in which opinion as to reward or punishment with -reference to an act of an individual is given. - - -Chapter 16. Style and diction. - -2. One must use good Latin and speak to the point. He speaks good -Latin who constantly uses the true and natural names of things, and -is not at variance with the style and literary refinement of the -present time. Let it not be enough for him to be careful of what he -says, without saying it in a clear, attractive manner; nor that only, -without saying what he says wittily also. - - -Chapter 21. On figures. - -1. Speech is amplified and adorned by the use of figures. Since -direct, unvaried speech creates a weariness and disgust both of -speaking and hearing, it must be varied and turned into other forms, -so that it may give renewed power to the speaker, and become more -ornate and turn the judge from an aloof countenance and attention. - - -ON DIALECTIC - - -INTRODUCTION - -In tracing the fortunes of logic through the period of decadence and -the dark ages the effect upon it of a transition from a pagan to a -Christian environment need scarcely be taken into consideration. -Such marks of degeneration as it shows must be attributed simply to -the general decay of thought, which was marked in both pagan and -Christian spheres. By its character logic was well adapted to pass -from the service of Greek philosophy and science to that of Christian -theology: it had been worked out mainly as a method of Greek science, -which was especially backward in the fields where induction plays a -large part; consequently the Greek logic is not inductive. It is the -logic of universals ready-made, and it has nothing to do with their -making; it receives universals as authoritative. It was therefore -most welcome to Christian thinkers, since it was precisely adapted to -“the task of drawing out the implications of dogmatic premises.”[224] - - [224] H. W. Blunt, Art. “Logic,” in _Encycl. Brit._, 11th ed. - See also Rashdall, _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_ - (Oxford, 1895), vol. i, p. 36. - -It was not until a very late period that logic appeared in the Latin -language in the form of a school text. In fact, with the exception -of Varro’s Dialectic in his “Nine Books of the Disciplines,” which -has been lost, there were no writings on logic in the Latin down to -the fourth century. Instruction in the subject was apparently given -in Greek and to but few pupils. In the fourth century, however, -Greek was going out of use, and it became necessary, if logic was -to be saved in the schools, to have Latin text-books.[225] The need -was met by a line of text-writers, of whom Marius Victorinus (c. -350) was the first. The oldest Latin school-book on logic that has -survived, however, is that of Martianus Capella. Neither he nor his -two successors, Cassiodorus and Isidore, were versed in the subject; -they were merely compilers of educational encyclopedias. Such was the -perfunctory origin of the Latin text-books on logic.[226] - - [225] It was thought that the Latin vocabulary was not well - suited to the expression of the ideas of logic. _Cf._ Martianus - Capella, _De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_ (ed. Eyssenhardt) - where Dialectica is about to speak: “Ac mox Dialectica, quanquam - parum digne latine loqui posse crederetur, tamen promptiore - fiducia restrictisque quadam obtutus vibratione luminibus etiam - ante verba formidabilis, sic exorsa.” - - [226] It is true that the works of Boethius, which were not - school texts, served to revivify the subject, but his influence - was very slight in this respect until long after Isidore’s - time. M. Manitius, _Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des - Mittelalters_ (München, 1911), pp. 29–32. - -The reader of Isidore’s account of logic is struck by the enthusiasm -displayed. Speaking of Aristotle’s Categories he says: “This work -of Aristotle’s should be read attentively, since, just as is stated -therein, all that a man says is included in the ten categories.”[227] -Further on he quotes the saying that “Aristotle dipped his pen in -intellect when he wrote the _Perihermeniae_.”[228] Again, a study of -Apuleius “will introduce the reader advantageously with God’s help to -great paths of understanding.”[229] All of these passages, however, -come word for word from Cassiodorus. Isidore’s enthusiasm as well as -his bibliography seems to lack genuineness.[230] - - [227] 2, 26, 15. _Cf._ Cass. Migne, _P. L._, vol. lxx, col. 1170. - - [228] 2, 27, 1. _Cf._ Cass. Migne, _P. L._, vol. lxx, col. 1170. - - [229] 2, 28, 22. _Cf._ Cass. Migne, _P. L._, vol. lxx, col. 1173. - - [230] The substance of Isidore’s _De Dialectica_ is taken chiefly - from Cassiodorus. A number of passages seem to be based on - Martianus Capella: for example, _Etym._, 2, 31, 1, on Martianus - Capella (Eyssenhardt), 118, 8 ff.; _Etym._, 2, 31, 4–5, on M. C., - 118, 15–25; _Etym._, 2, 31, 7, on M. C., 120, 9 ff. - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Definition of dialectic (chs. 22, 23). - 1. Distinction between dialectic and rhetoric. - II. Definition of philosophy (ch. 24). - III. The Isagoges[2] of Porphyry (ch. 25). - 1. The five predicables: genus, species, differentia, proprium, - accidens. - IV. The Categories of Aristotle (ch. 26). - V. Aristotle’s _De perihermeniis_[231] (ch. 27). - 1. Thought as expressed in language. - VI. The syllogisms (ch. 28). - 1. Categorical syllogisms. - 2. Hypothetical syllogisms. - VII. Definition (ch. 29). - The fifteen kinds of definition. - VIII. Arguments (_topica_) (ch. 30). - The twenty-two _loci_ of arguments. - IX. Opposites (ch. 31). - - [231] Isidore’s ignorance of Greek has been inferred from his use - of the forms, _isagogae_ and _perihermeniae_. See p. 36. - - -EXTRACTS - -Book II, Chapter 22. On dialectic. - -1. Dialectic is the discipline elaborated with a view of ascertaining -the causes of things. In itself it is the sub-division of philosophy -that is called logical, _i.e._, rational, capable of defining, -enquiring and expressing precisely. For it teaches in the several -kinds of questions how the true and false are separated by discussion. - -2. The first philosophers used dialectic in their discourses, but -they did not reduce it to the practical form of an art. After them -Aristotle systematized the subject-matter of this branch of learning, -and called it dialectic, because there is discussion of words -(_dictis_) in it; for λεκτὸν means _dictio_. And dialectic follows -after the discipline of rhetoric because they have many things in -common. - - -Chapter 23. On the difference between the dialectical and the -rhetorical art. - -1. Varro, in the nine books of the _Disciplinae_, distinguished -dialectic and rhetoric by the following simile: “Dialectic and -rhetoric are as in man’s hand the closed fist and the open palm, the -former drawing words together, the latter scattering them.” - -2. If dialectic is keener in expressing things precisely, rhetoric -is more eloquent in persuading to the belief it desires. The former -seldom appears in the schools, the latter goes without a break [from -the schools] to the law-court. The former gets few students, the -latter often whole peoples. - -3. Before they come to the explanation of the Isagoge, philosophers -are wont to give a definition of philosophy, in order that the things -which concern it may be shown more easily. - - -Chapter 24. On the definition of philosophy. - -1. Philosophy is the knowledge of things human and divine, united -with a zeal for right living. It seems to consist of two things, -knowledge and opinion. - -2. It is knowledge when anything is known with definiteness; -opinion, when a thing lurks as yet in uncertainty and seems in no -way established, as for example, whether the sun is [only] as large -as it seems or greater than all the earth; likewise whether the moon -is a sphere or concave; and whether the stars adhere to the heavens -or pass in free course through the air; of what size the heaven -itself is and of what material it is composed; whether it is quiet -and motionless or revolves with incredible speed; how great is the -thickness of the earth, or on what foundations it continues poised -and supported. - -3. The word philosophy, translated into Latin, means _amor -sapientiae_. For the Greeks call amor φιλὸν, and sapientiae σοφίαν. -The sub-division of philosophy is three-fold: first, natural -philosophy, which in Greek is called _physica_, in which there is -discussion of the search into nature; the second, moral, which -in Greek is called _ethica_, in which the subject is morals; the -third, rational, which in the Greek is called _logica_, in which the -discussion is as to how the truth itself is to be sought in respect -to the causes of things or the conduct of life. - -4. In physics, then, the cause of inquiry, in ethics, the manner of -living, in logic, the method of understanding, are concerned. Among -the Greeks, Thales of Miletus, one of the seven wise men, was the -first to search into natural philosophy. For this man first regarded -with contemplative thought the causes of the heavens and the force of -the things of nature. And this division of philosophy Plato afterward -divided into four separate parts, namely, into arithmetic, geometry, -music, astronomy. - -5. Socrates first established ethics with a view to correcting and -ordering conduct, and he devoted all his attention to the discussion -of right living, dividing it into the four virtues of the soul, -namely, wisdom, justice, fortitude, temperance. - -6. Wisdom is engaged with things, and by it the evil is distinguished -from the good. Fortitude, by which adversity is endured with -calmness. Temperance, by which lust and concupiscence are bridled. -Justice, by which through righteous judgment his own is rendered to -each. - -7. Plato added logical philosophy, which is called rational, and by -it he analyzed the causes of things and of conduct, and examined -their force in a rational way, dividing it into dialectic and -rhetoric. It is called logical, that is, rational, for among the -Greeks λόγος means both word and reason. - -8. The divine utterances also consist of these three kinds of -philosophy. For they are wont to discuss nature, as in Genesis or -Ecclesiastes; or conduct, as in Proverbs and here and there in all -the books; or logic, instead of which our [philosophers] assert the -claim of theology,[232] as in the Song of Songs or the Gospels. - - [232] Du Breul has _theologia_; Arevalus, _theorica_. - -9. Likewise some of the teachers have defined philosophy in its -name and parts as follows: “Philosophy is the probable knowledge of -divine and human affairs, as far as is possible for man.” Otherwise: -“Philosophy is the art of arts and the science of sciences.” Again: -“Philosophy is the meditation upon death, a definition which better -suits the Christians, who trampling on worldly ambition, live in the -intercourse of learning after the likeness of their future country.” - -10. Others have defined the scheme of philosophy as made up of -two parts, of which the former is contemplative, the latter -practical. The contemplative (_inspectiva_) is divided into natural, -theoretical, and divine. Theoretical is divided into four parts, into -arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy. - -11. Practical (_actualis_) philosophy is divided into moral, -economic, and civil. Contemplative is the name given that in which, -passing beyond the visible, we enjoy some contemplation of the divine -and celestial, and behold them with the mind alone, since they pass -beyond the bodily gaze. - -12. Natural philosophy is the name given when the nature of each and -every thing is discussed, since nothing arises contrary to nature -in life, but each thing is assigned to those uses for which it was -purposed by the Creator, unless perchance by God’s will it is shown -that some miracle appears. - -13. It is called divine philosophy when we discuss the ineffable -nature of God or the spiritual beings that are in some degree of a -lofty nature. - -14. The science which considers abstract quantity is called -theoretical. For that is called abstract quantity which we separate -from the material, or from other accidents, by the intellect, and -treat by reasoning alone, as _e.g._, equal, unequal, and other -matters of this kind.... - -16. Further, that is called practical philosophy which by its -workings makes problems clear, of which there are three parts, moral, -economic, and civil. That is called moral by which an honorable -custom (_mos_) of living is sought and practices tending to virtue -are established. That is called economic (_dispensativa_) in which -the order of domestic affairs is wisely arranged. That is called -civil by which the advantage of a whole state is secured. - - -Chapter 25. On the Isagoges of Porphyry. - -1. After the definitions of philosophy in which all things are -embraced under general heads, let us now describe the Isagoges of -Porphyry. Isagoge in the Greek means _introductio_ in the Latin, -being meant for those, it is plain, who are beginning philosophy, and -containing an explanation of first principles. In regard to anything -whatever it is made clear what its nature is, by unfailing definition -of the substance. - -2. For setting down first the genus, then the species, we subjoin -also other things that are possibly related, and by setting aside -common qualities we make distinctions, continually interposing -differences until we arrive at the proper quality of that which we -are examining, its meaning being made definite, as, for example: -_Homo est animal rationale, mortale, terrenum, bipes, risus capax_. - -3. When the genus _animal_ is mentioned the substance of man is -declared. For with reference to man the genus is animal; but since -it has a wide application, the species, _terrenum_, is added and now -what belongs to the air or water is excluded. And a difference is -added, as, for example, _bipes_, which is given on account of the -animals that go on several feet. Likewise _rationale_, because of the -animals which lack reason; and _mortale_, because man is not an angel. - -4. Afterwards, when the common qualities had been set aside, the -property was added at the end, for it is the characteristic of man -alone to laugh. In this way the complete definition to indicate man -was reached. Aristotle and Tully held that the full definition of -this science consisted of genus and differences. - -5. Later certain authorities, expressing their position more fully, -in their teaching divided perfect substantial definition into five -divisions, as if into five organic parts. And the first of these -deals with genus, the second with species, the third with difference, -the fourth with proper quality, the fifth with accident. - - -Chapter 26. On the categories of Aristotle. - -1. Next follow the categories of Aristotle, which in Latin are called -_praedicamenta_, within which all discourse is embraced throughout -its various meanings. - -5. There are ten sorts of categories, namely, _substantia_, -_quantitas_, _qualitas_, _relatio_, _situs_, _locus_, _tempus_, -_habitus_, _agere_, _pati_. - -15. This work of Aristotle ought to be read with attention, since, -as has been observed, whatever man speaks is included within the ten -categories. It will help also to the understanding of the books that -are devoted either to rhetoric or to logic.[233] - - [233] This passage is copied from Cassiodorus and is not an - indication that Isidore had read the work of Aristotle that is - mentioned. - - -Chapter 27. On Interpretation (_de Perihermeniis_). - -1. There follows next the book On Interpretation, which is extremely -subtle and guarded in its various formulas and repetitions, of which -it is said: “Aristotle when he wrote the Perihermeniae dipped his pen -in intellect.” - - -Chapter 28. On syllogisms. - -1. Next follow the syllogisms of dialectic, wherein the advantage and -excellence of that whole art is exhibited, the inferences of which -greatly aid the reader in searching out the truth, so that the common -error of deceiving an adversary by the sophisms of false conclusions -disappears. - -2. There are three formulae of categorical syllogisms. To the first -formula belong nine modes.... - -12. To the second formula belong four modes.... - -16. To the third formula belong six modes. - -22. Let him who desires to understand fully these formulas of -the categorical syllogisms read the book entitled _Apuleii -Perihermeniae_, and he will learn matters that are treated with -subtlety.[234] And by their clearness and well-weighed character -they will introduce the reader advantageously with God’s help to -great paths of understanding. Now let us come to the hypothetical -syllogisms in order. - -23–25. The modes of the hypothetical syllogisms that have a -conclusion are seven.... If anyone desires to know more fully the -modes of the hypothetical syllogisms let him read Marius Victorinus’ -book entitled _De Syllogismis Hypotheticis_.[234] - - [234] A recommendation copied word for word from Cassiodorus. - -26. Next let us approach the topic of dialectical definitions, which -have such surpassing worth that they may rightly be called the clear -manifestations of speech, and in a sense the guides to expression. - - -Chapter 29. On the division of definitions, abbreviated from the book -of Marius Victorinus. - -1. The definition of the philosophers is that which in describing -things sets forth what the thing in itself is—not, of what sort it -is—and how it ought to be made up of its parts. For it is a brief -statement separating the nature of each thing from its class, and -marking it off by its peculiar meaning. Definitions are divided -into fifteen sorts. The first kind of definition is the substantial -(οὐσιώδης), which is named definition in the proper and true -sense, as, for example, _Est homo animal rationale, mortale, risus -disciplinaeque capax_. This definition descends through species and -differences and comes to the property, and expresses most fully what -man is. - -16. Now let us come to the _topica_, which are the seats of -arguments, the fountains of ideas, and the sources of speech. - - -Chapter 30. On the topics. - -1. _Topica_ is the science of finding arguments. The division -of the _topica_ or the _loci_ from which arguments are derived -is three-fold. For some inhere in the very thing that is under -discussion; there are others, called _affecta_ (closely connected), -which are known to be derived in a certain sense from other things; -others, which are taken from outside [the subject].... - -18. It is clearly a wonderful thing that whatever the nimbleness and -variety of the human mind could discover, searching for ideas in -different cases, could have been gathered into unity; that free and -spontaneous intelligence is limited. For wherever it turns, whatever -thoughts it enters on, the mind must fall upon some of those that -have been described. - - - - -BOOK III - -ON THE FOUR MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES - - -ON ARITHMETIC - - -INTRODUCTION - -In examining Isidore’s _De Arithmetica_ two peculiarities of the -development of the subject should be borne in mind. In the first -place, the predominant position among the mathematical sciences which -Isidore claims for arithmetic was one acquired by it comparatively -late. Owing perhaps to the awkwardness of the Greek notation of -number[235] geometry had been developed first, and historically -arithmetic was an off-shoot from geometry and borrowed its -terminology largely from it.[236] It was not given an independent -form until the time of Nicomachus (fl. 100 A.D.) whose _Introductio -Arithmetica_ was “the first exhaustive work in which arithmetic -was treated quite independently of geometry.”[237] Once it become -independent, arithmetic, instead of geometry, came to be regarded as -the fundamental mathematical science. The old tradition is reflected -in Martianus Capella’s order of subjects, in which geometry is -placed first and arithmetic second, while the newer tradition is seen -in the order of Cassiodorus and Isidore, who both have passages also -emphasizing the fundamental character of arithmetic. - - [235] “The cumulative evidence is surely very strong that the - alphabetic numerals were first employed in Alexandria early - in the third century B.C.” J. Gow, _A Short History of Greek - Mathematics_ (Cambridge, 1884), p. 48. - - [236] We have in Isidore, for example, the terms _numerus - trigonus_, _numerus quadratus_, _numerus quinquangulus_, and - _linealis_, _superficialis_, and _circularis numerus_. - - [237] Cajori, _Hist. of Math._, p. 72. - -The second peculiarity is one which will surprise the modern reader -who is familiar with arithmetic as a utilitarian study. The ancient -_arithmetica_ had nothing to do with the art of reckoning, which was -called _logistica_.[238] The science and the art of numbers were -completely divorced and the latter was excluded from the higher -education as we have it in the seven liberal arts. Consequently we -can expect nothing practical in Isidore’s _De Arithmetica_. Nothing -is said of methods of calculation, elementary or advanced, and, as a -matter of course, nothing is to be found here on such topics as the -use of the abacus[239] or the method of computing Easter, though the -latter was the greatest mathematical problem of the time. - - [238] Gow, speaking of the Greek ἀριθμητική, says: “Its aim was - entirely different from that of the ordinary calculator, and it - was natural that the philosopher who sought in numbers to find - the plan on which the creator worked, should begin to regard with - contempt the merchant who wanted only to know how many sardines - at ten for an obol he could buy for a talent.” Gow, _op. cit._, - p. 72. - - [239] Cantor believes that the use of the abacus had been - forgotten before Isidore’s time, _cf._ “calculator a calculis, - id est a lapillis minutis quos antiqui in manu tenentes numeros - componebant.” _Etym._, 10, 43. See Cantor, _Vorlesungen über - Geschichte der Mathematik_ (Leipzig, 1894–1900), vol. i, p. 774. - -Isidore’s source in the _De Arithmetica_ was Cassiodorus,[240] whom -he copies with little change; while Cassiodorus’ work was apparently -a bare abstract of Boethius’ translation of Nicomachus. Isidore’s -account is of great brevity and contains a number of unexplained -technical terms. - - [240] Isidore adds to the account as found in Cassiodorus a few - remarks about numbers in the Scriptures, some derivations of - numbers, and the sections on the means and on infinity. - - -EXTRACTS - -PREFACE. Mathematics is called in Latin _doctrinalis scientia_. It -considers abstract quantity. For that is abstract quantity which -we treat by reason alone, separating it by the intellect from the -material or from other non-essentials, as for example, equal, -unequal, or the like. And there are four sorts of mathematics, -namely, arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy. Arithmetic is the -science of numerical quantity in itself. Geometry is the science of -magnitude and forms.[241] Music is the science that treats of numbers -that are found in sounds. Astronomy is the science that contemplates -the courses of the heavenly bodies and their figures, and all the -phenomena of the stars. These sciences we shall next describe at a -little greater length in order that their significance may be fully -shown. - - [241] Du Breul has _magnitudinis et formarum_; Arevalo, - _magnitudinis formarum_. - - -Chapter 1. On the name of the science of arithmetic. - -1. Arithmetic is the science of numbers. For the Greeks call number -ἀριθμός. The writers of secular literature have decided that it is -first among the mathematical sciences since it needs no other science -for its own existence. - -2. But music and geometry and astronomy, which follow, need its aid -in order to be and exist. - - -Chapter 2. On the writers. - -1. They say that Pythagoras was the first among the Greeks to write -of the science of number, and that it was later described more -fully by Nicomachus, whose work Apuleius first, and then Boethius, -translated into Latin. - - -Chapter 3. What number is. - -1. Number is multitude made up of units. For one is the seed of -number but not number. _Nummus_ (coin) gave its name to _numerus_ -(number), and from being frequently used originated the word. - -_Unus_ derives its name from the Greek, for the Greeks call _unus_ -ἕνα, likewise _duo_, _tria_, which they call δύο and τρία. - -2. _Quattuor_ took its name from a square figure (_figura quadrata_). -_Quinque_, however, received its name from one who gave the names -to numbers not according to nature but according to whim. _Sex_ and -_septem_ come from the Greek. - -3. For in many names that are aspirated in Greek we use _s_ instead -of the aspiration. We have _sex_ for ἑξ, _septem_ for ἕπτα, and also -the word _serpillum_ (thyme) for _herpillum_. _Octo_ is borrowed -without change; they have ἔννεα, we _novem_; they δέκα, we _decem_. - -4. _Decem_ is so-called from a Greek etymology, because it ties -together and unites the numbers below it. For to tie together and -unite is called among them δεσμεύειν.[242] - - [242] This derivation points to a soft _c_ in _decem_. - - -Chapter 4. What numbers signify. - -1. The science of number must not be despised. For in many passages -of the holy scriptures it is manifest what great mystery they -contain. For it is not said in vain in the praises of God: “Omnia in -mensura et numero et pondere fecisti.” For the senarius, which is -perfect in respect to its parts,[243] declares the perfection of the -universe by a certain meaning of its number. In like manner, too, the -forty days which Moses and Elias and the Lord himself fasted, are not -understood without an understanding of number. - - [243] Six was regarded as a perfect number, because it is equal - to the sum of all its factors. - -3. So, too, other numbers appear in the holy scriptures whose natures -none but experts in this art can wisely declare the meaning of. It -is granted to us, too, to depend in some part upon the science of -numbers, since we learn the hours by means of it, reckon the course -of the months, and learn the time of the returning year. Through -number, indeed, we are instructed in order not to be confounded. Take -number from all things and all things perish. Take calculation from -the world and all is enveloped in dark ignorance, nor can he who -does not know the way to reckon be distinguished from the rest of the -animals. - - -Chapter 5. On the first division into _even_ and _odd_. - -1. Number is divided into even and odd. Even number is divided into -the following: evenly even, evenly uneven, and unevenly even, and -unevenly uneven.[244] Odd number is divided into the following: prime -and uncompounded, compounded, and a third class which comes between -(_mediocris_) which in a certain way is prime and uncompounded, but -in another way secondary and compounded. - - [244] _Pariter par, et pariter impar, et impariter par et - impariter impar._ Since these all profess to be divisions of even - number, the word odd is not used in the translation. - -2. An even number is that which can be divided into two equal parts, -as II, IV, VIII.[245] An odd number is that which cannot be divided -into equal parts, there being one in the middle which is either too -little or too much, as III, V, VII, IX, and so on. - - [245] To remind the reader of Isidore’s notation Roman numerals - are kept wherever he used them. - -3. Evenly even number is that which is divided equally into even -number, until it comes to indivisible unity, as for example, LXIV has -a half XXXII, this again XVI; XVI, VIII; VIII, IV; IV, II; II, I, -which is single and indivisible. - -4. Evenly uneven is that which admits of division into equal parts, -but its parts soon remain indivisible, as VI, X, XVIII, XXX, and L, -for presently, when you divide such a number, you run upon a number -which you cannot halve. - -5. Unevenly even number is that whose halves can be divided again, -but do not go on to unity, as XXIV. For this number being divided -in half makes XII, divided again VI, and again, III; and this part -does not admit of further division, but before unity a limit is found -which you cannot halve. - -6. Unevenly uneven is that which is measured unevenly by an uneven -number, as XXV, XLIX; which, being uneven numbers, are divided -also by uneven factors, as, seven times seven, XLIX, and five times -five, XXV. Of odd numbers some are prime, some compounded, some mean -(_mediocris_). - -7. Prime numbers are those which have no other factor except unity -alone, as three has only a third, five only a fifth, seven only a -seventh, for these have only one factor. - -Compound numbers are they which are not only measured by unity, but -are produced by another number, as IX, XV, XXI, XXV. For we say three -times three are nine, and seven times three are XXI, and three times -five are XV, and five times five are XXV. - -8. Mean (_mediocris_) numbers are those which in a certain fashion -seem prime and uncompounded and in another fashion secondary and -compounded. For example, when IX is compared with XXV, it is prime -and uncompounded, because it has no common factor except unity -alone, but if it is compared with XV it is secondary and compounded, -since there is in it a common factor in addition to unity, that is, -III. Because three times three make nine, and three times five make -fifteen.[246] - - [246] The division into even, odd, and numbers sharing the - characteristics of even and odd numbers goes back to Nicomachus. - It is not a logical division, as the second class contains the - third. See Gow, p. 90. - -9. Likewise of even numbers some are excessive, others defective, -others perfect.[247] Excessive are those whose factors being added -together exceed its total, as for example, XII. For it has five -factors: a twelfth, which is one; a sixth, which is two; a fourth, -which is three; a third, which is four; a half, which is six. For one -and two and three and four and six being added together make XVI, -which is far in excess of twelve.... - - [247] _Superflui, diminuti, perfecti._ - -10. Defective numbers are those which being reckoned by their factors -make a less total, as for example, ten.... - -11. The perfect number is that which is equalled by its factors, -as VI.... The perfect numbers are, under ten, VI; under a hundred, -XXVIII; under a thousand, CCCCXCVI. - - -Chapter 6. On the second division of all number. - -1. All number is considered either with reference to itself or -in relation to something. The former is divided as follows: -some are equal, as for example, two; others are unequal, as for -example, three.[248] The latter is divided as follows: some are -greater, some are less. The greater are divided as follows: into -_multiplices_ (multiple), _superparticulares_, _superpartientes_, -_multiplices superparticulares_, _multiplices superpartientes_. -The less are divided as follows: _Sub-multiplices_ (sub-multiple), -_sub-superparticulares_, _sub-superpartientes_, _sub-multiplices -sub-superparticulares_, _sub-multiplices sub-superpartientes_. - - [248] The examples are found in Du Breul. They do not appear in - Arevalo. - -6. ... The _superparticularis numerus_ is when a greater number -contains in itself a lesser number with which it is compared, and at -the same time one part of it. - -7. For example; III when compared with II contains in itself two -and also one, which is the half of two. IV when compared with III, -contains three and also one, which is the third of three. Likewise V, -when compared with IV, contains the number four and also one, which -is the fourth part of the said number four, and so on. - -8. The _superpartiens numerus_ is that which contains the whole of -a lesser number and in addition two parts of it, either thirds or -fifths or other parts. For example, when V is compared with III, the -number five contains three and in addition to this two parts of it. - - -Chapter 7. On the third division of all number. - -1. Numbers are abstract or concrete. The latter are divided as -follows: first, lineal; second, superficial; third, solid. Abstract -number is that which is made up of abstract units. For example, III, -IV, V, VI, and so on. - -2. Concrete number is that which is made up of units that are not -abstract, as for example, the number three, if it is understood of -magnitude, whether line, superficies, or solid, is called concrete. - -4. The number of superficies is that which is constituted not only by -length but also by breadth, as triangular, square, pentangular, or -circular numbers, and the rest that are contained in a plane surface -or superficies. - -5. The circular number, when it is multiplied by itself, beginning -with itself, ends with itself. For example, _Quinquies quini vicies -quinque_. - -6. ... The spherical number is that which being multiplied by the -circular number begins with itself and ends with itself; for example, -five times five are twenty-five, and this circle being multiplied by -itself makes a sphere, that is, five times XXV make CXXV. - - -Chapter 8. On the distinction between arithmetic, geometry, and music. - -1. Between arithmetic, geometry and music there is a difference in -finding the means. In arithmetic in the first place you find it in -this way. You add the extremes and divide and find the half; as for -example, suppose the extremes are VI and XII, you add them and they -make XVIII. You divide and get IX, which is the mean of arithmetic -(_analogicum arithmeticae_), since the mean is surpassed by the last -by as many units as it surpasses the first. For IX surpasses VI by -three units, and XII surpasses it by the same number. - -2. According to geometry you find it this way. The extremes -multiplied together make as much as the means multiplied, for -example, VI and XII multiplied make LXXII; the means VIII and IX -multiplied make the same. - -3. According to music you find it in this way: The mean is exceeded -by the last term by the part by which it exceeds the first term, as -for example, VI is surpassed by VIII by two units, which is a third -part, and by the same part the mean VIII is surpassed by the last -term which is XII. - - -Chapter 9. That infinite numbers exist. - -1. It is most certain that there are infinite numbers, since at -whatever number you think an end must be made I say not only that it -can be increased by the addition of one, but, however great it is, -and however large a multitude it contains, by the very method and -science of numbers it can not only be doubled but even multiplied. - -2. Each number is limited by its own proper qualities, so that no -one of them can be equal to any other. Therefore in relation to one -another they are unequal and diverse, and the separate numbers are -each finite, and all are infinite. - - -ON GEOMETRY - - -INTRODUCTION - -In spite of the high development of geometry among the Greeks it -never took root as a pure science in the western Roman world,[249] -and neither the various practical applications of its principles -nor its use as a disciplinary educational subject sufficed to -fasten thoughtful attention upon it; in consequence, it lost almost -its entire content. As it appears in the four writers who treat -of it in later Roman and early medieval times, Martianus Capella, -Boethius,[250] Cassiodorus, and Isidore, it furnishes a striking -commentary upon the intellectual conservatism that could retain -without a suspicion of criticism a subject that was no longer -anything but empty form. - - [249] Cantor, _Vorlesungen über Geschichte der Mathematik_, vol. - i, p. 521. - - [250] The authenticity of the work on geometry that has been - handed down under Boethius’ name is questioned. (See Cantor, - _ibid._, pp. 536 _et seq._) It contains the complete proof - of only three of Euclid’s propositions. It also contains - calculations of areas of geometrical figures. See edition of - Friedlein (Leipzig, 1867). - -The substance of Isidore’s _De Geometria_ comes with little change -from Cassiodorus. It is noteworthy that these two writers have -nothing that does not go with the subject according to the modern -conception of it, and do not follow the example of their predecessor -Martianus Capella,[251] in whose account of the seven liberal arts -the void caused by the loss of the proper content of geometry is -filled with geography. - - [251] _Cf._ Martianus Capella’s definition: “Geometria vocor - quod permeatam crebro admensamque tellurem eiusque figuram, - magnitudinem, locum, partes et stadia possim cum suis rationibus - explicare neque ulla sit in totius terrae diversitate partitio - quam non memoris cursu descriptionis absolvam.” Eyssenhardt, 198, - 30. - - -TRANSLATION[252] - - [252] The whole of Isidore’s _De Geometria_ is here given, - with the exception of a few passages that are untranslatable. - It is given as a whole to enforce attention to the loss of the - traditional content, partial or complete, which was so striking - a feature of all the members of the quadrivium in early medieval - times. - - -Book III, Chapter 10. On the inventors of geometry and its name. - -1. The science of geometry is said to have been discovered first by -the Egyptians, because when the Nile overflowed and all their lands -were overspread with mud, its origin in the division of the land by -lines and measurements gave the name to the art. And later, being -carried further by the keenness of the philosophers, it measured the -spaces of the sea, the heavens, and the air. - -2. For, having their attention aroused, students began to search into -the spaces of the heavens, after measuring the earth; how far the -moon was from the earth, the sun itself from the moon, and how great -a measure extended to the summit of the sky; and thus they laid off -in numbers of stades with probable reason the very distances of the -sky and the circuit of the earth. - -3. But since this science arose from the measuring of the earth, it -took its name also from its beginning. For _geometria_ is so named -from the earth and measuring. For the earth is called γῆ in Greek, -and measuring, μέτρον. The art[253] of this science embraces lines, -intervals, magnitudes, and figures, and in figures, dimensions and -numbers. - - [253] _Hujus ars disciplinae_. _Ars_ may be equal to ‘hand-book’ - here. - - -Chapter 11. On the four-fold division of geometry. - -1. The four-fold division of geometry is into plane figures, -numerical magnitude, rational magnitude, and solid figures. - -2. Plane figures are those which are contained by length and breadth. -Numerical magnitude is that which can be divided by the numbers of -arithmetic. - -3. Rational magnitudes are those whose measures we can know, and -irrational, those the amount of whose measurement is not known. - -4. Solid figures are those that are contained by length, breadth, and -thickness, which are five in number, according to Plato. - - -Chapter 12. On the figures of geometry. - -1. The first of the figures on a plane surface is the circle, a -figure that is plane, and has a circumference, in the middle of which -is a point upon which everything converges (_cuncta convergunt_) -which geometers call the center, and the Latins call the point of the -circle. - -2. A quadrilateral figure is one on a plane surface, and it is -contained by four straight lines.... - -3. A sphere is a figure of rounded form equal in all its parts. - -A cube is a solid figure which is contained by length, breadth, and -thickness. - -5. A cone (_conon_) is a solid figure which narrows from a broad base -like the right-angled triangle. - -6. A pyramid is a solid figure which narrows to a point from a broad -base like fire. For fire in Greek is called πῦρ. - -7. Just as all number is contained within ten so the outline of every -figure is contained within the circle. - - -Chapter 13. On the first principles of geometry. - -1. ... A point is that which has no part. A line is length without -breadth. A straight line is one which lies evenly in respect to its -points. A superficies is that which has length and breadth alone. - - -Chapter 14. On the numbers of geometry. - -1. You search into the numbers of geometry as follows: the extremes -being multiplied, amount to as much as the means multiplied; as for -example, VI and XII being multiplied, make LXXII; the means VIII and -IX being multiplied, amount to the same. - - -ON MUSIC - - -INTRODUCTION - -As an educational subject music is the oldest of those grouped under -the heading of the seven liberal arts. In Plato’s time music and -gymnastic were the staples of education, and the former term meant -chiefly the study of poetry, with music in the proper sense of the -word as a mere adjunct. As the different subjects, such as grammar, -rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, appeared in the curriculum, the field -of music narrowed and it held a less commanding place. Conflicting -points of view in regard to it appear to have arisen. The older -educational tradition connected music with grammar and the other -literary studies. On the other hand, the influence of the Pythagorean -theory of number and of its application to music tended to dissociate -grammar and music, and to place the latter in relation to the -mathematical sciences. It has been noticed that among the older -Roman writers from whom evidence on this matter can be drawn—Cicero, -Varro, Seneca, Quintilian, and others—the association of music and -grammar appears the natural one, while in the Roman writers of the -second, third, and fourth centuries both traditions prevail, with -an increasing preference for placing music among the mathematical -sciences, where it finally found itself when the canon of the seven -liberal arts was formed, and where it remained to the end of the -middle ages.[254] - - [254] Schmidt, _Questiones de musicis scriptoribus Romanis, - imprimis de Cassiodoro et Isidoro_ (Darmstadt, 1899). This - dissertation is in part an examination of the question whether - the Roman writers associated music with grammar or the - mathematical sciences in their enumerations of educational - subjects. It contains a useful list of passages bearing on the - seven liberal arts. - -In Isidore little is to be found to justify the mathematical -environment of music. It is true that at times he defines it as a -mathematical science[255] and he insists on the musical view of the -universe as a necessary complement to other views. “Without music,” -he says, “there can be no perfect knowledge, for there is nothing -without it. For even the universe itself is said to have been formed -under the guidance of harmony.”[256] But, with the exception of a -paragraph on the musical mean, his treatment is entirely taken up -with the non-mathematical aspect of the subject, and the definition -“music is the practical knowledge of melody”[257] is the one that -more closely fits the occasion. - - [255] Five definitions of music are given by Isidore, two making - no allusion to its mathematical character. They are as follows: - - “Musica est peritia modulationis sono cantuque consistens.” - _Etym._, 3, 15, 1. - - “Musica est disciplina quae de numeris loquitur qui inveniuntur - in sonis.” _Etym._, 3, Preface. - - “Musica est disciplina quae de numeris loquitur qui ad aliquid - sunt his qui inveniuntur in sonis.” _Etym._, 2, 24, 15. - - “Musica quae in carminibus cantibusque consistit.” _Etym._, 1, 2, - 2. - - “Musica est ars spectabilis voce vel gestu, habens in se - numerorum ac soni certam dimensionem cum scientia perfectae - modulationis. Haec constat ex tribus modis, id est, sono, verbis, - numeris.” _Diff._, ii, cap. 39. - - [256] _Etym._, 3, 17, 1. - - [257] _Etym._, 3, 15, 1. - -The treatment[258] of music is of about the same length as that of -arithmetic, and is devoted mainly to definitions of musical terms and -brief descriptions of wind and stringed instruments. It appears that -Isidore knew nothing of music in a technical sense.[259] - - [258] C. Schmidt, _op. cit._, after a detailed comparison of - passages, concludes that Isidore did not obtain his material for - _De Musica_ from Cassiodorus or Augustine, but that all three go - back independently to an original work produced by an unknown - Christian writer. However, the numerous identical passages in - Cassiodorus and Isidore would indicate that the latter had used - the former at least as a guide in plagiarism. See Schmidt, pp. - 26–52, and compare Dressel, _De Isidori Originum Fontibus_ - (Turin, 1874), pp. 5 and 6. - - [259] Woodridge in the _Oxford History of Music_ (Oxford, - 1901), vol. i, p. 33, note, says of Isidore’s _De Musica_, that - it “clearly reveals the complete ignorance of his time. His - dicta upon music are chiefly crude and misleading paraphrases - from Cassiodorus and others, from which it is evident that the - signification of the terms employed had completely escaped him. - Modes are not mentioned by him [but _cf._ 3, 20, 7] and keys and - genera are confounded together.” - - -EXTRACTS - -Book III, Chapter 15. On music and its name. - -1. Music is the practical knowledge of melody, consisting of sound -and song; and it is called music by derivation from the Muses. And -the Muses were so-called ἀπὸ τοῦ μῶσθαι, that is, from inquiring, -because it was by them, as the ancients had it, that the potency of -songs and the melody of the voice were inquired into. - -2. Since sound is a thing of sense it passes along into past time, -and it is impressed on the memory. From this it was pretended by the -poets that the Muses were the daughters of Jupiter and Memory. For -unless sounds are held in the memory by man they perish, because they -cannot be written. - - -Chapter 16. On its discoverers. - -1. Moses says that the discoverer of the art of music was Jubal, who -was of the family of Cain and lived before the flood. But the Greeks -say that Pythagoras discovered the beginnings of this art from the -sound of hammers and the striking of tense cords. Others assert that -Linus of Thebes, and Zethus, and Amphion, were the first to win fame -in the musical art. - -2. After whose time this science in particular was gradually -established and enlarged in many ways, and it was as disgraceful to -be ignorant of music as of letters. And it had a place not only -at sacred rites, but at all ceremonies and in all things glad or -sorrowful. - - -Chapter 17. On the power of music. - -1. And without music there can be no perfect knowledge, for there is -nothing without it. For even the universe itself is said to have been -put together with a certain harmony of sounds, and the very heavens -revolve under the guidance of harmony. Music rouses the emotions, it -calls the senses to a different quality. - -2. In battles, too, the music of the trumpet fires the warriors, and -the more impetuous its loud sound the braver is the spirit for the -fight. Also, song cheers the rowers. For the enduring of labors, too, -music comforts the mind, and singing lightens weariness in solitary -tasks. - -3. Music calms overwrought minds also, as is read of David, who by -his skill in playing rescued Saul from an unclean spirit. Even the -very beasts and snakes, birds and dolphins, music calls to hear its -notes. Moreover whatever we say or whatever emotions we feel within -from the beating of our pulses, it is proven that they are brought -into communion with the virtues through the musical rhythms of -harmony. - - -Chapter 18. On the three parts of music. - -1. There are three parts of music, namely, _harmonica_, _rhythmica_, -_metrica_. _Harmonica_ is that which distinguishes in sounds the -high and the low. _Rhythmica_ is that which inquires concerning the -succession of words as to whether the sound fits them well or ill. - -2. _Metrica_ is that which learns by approved method the measure of -the different metres, as for example, the heroic, iambic, elegiac, -and so on. - - -Chapter 19. On the triple division of music. - -1. It is agreed that all sound which is the material of music is of -three sorts. First is _harmonica_, which consists of vocal music; -second is _organica_, which is formed from the breath; third is -_rhythmica_, which receives its numbers from the beat of the fingers. - -2. For sound is produced either by the voice, coming through the -throat; or by the breath, coming through the trumpet or tibia, for -example; or by touch, as in the case of the cithara or anything else -that gives a tuneful sound on being struck. - - -Chapter 20. On the first division of music which is called -_harmonica_. - -1. The first division of music, which is called _harmonica_, that is, -modulation of the voice, has to do with comedians, tragedians, and -choruses, and all who sing with the proper voice.[260] This [coming] -from the spirit and the body makes motion, and out of motion, sound, -out of which music is formed, which is called in man the voice. - - [260] _Qui voce propria canunt._ - -2. _Harmonica_ is the modulation of the voice and the concord or -fitting together of very many sounds. - -3. _Symphonia_ is the managing of modulation so that high and -low tones accord, whether in the voice or in wind or stringed -instruments. Through this, higher and lower voices harmonize, so that -whoever makes a dissonance from it offends the sense of hearing. -The opposite of this is _diaphonia_, that is, voices grating on one -another or in dissonance. - -7. _Tonus_ is a high utterance of voice. For it is a difference and -measure of harmony which depends on the stress and pitch of the -voice. Musicians have divided its kinds into fifteen parts, of which -the hyperlydian is the last and highest, the hypodorian the lowest of -all. - -8. Song is the modulation of the voice, for sound is unmodulated, and -sound precedes song. - - -Chapter 21. On the second division, which is called _organica_. - -1. The second division, organica, has to do with those [instruments] -that, filled with currents of breath, are animated so as to sound -like the voice, as for example, trumpets, reeds, Pan’s pipes, organs, -the pandura, and instruments like these.[261] - - [261] The pandura was a stringed instrument! In the succeeding - sections these instruments are briefly described, and the - sambuca, another stringed instrument, is also included. - - -Chapter 22. On the third division, which is called _rhythmica_. - -1. The third division is _rhythmica_, having to do with strings and -instruments that are beaten, to which are assigned the different -species of cithara, the drum, and the cymbal, the sistrum, acitabula -of bronze and silver, and others of metallic stiffness that when -struck return a pleasant tinkling sound, and the rest of this -sort.[262] - - [262] Other instruments mentioned are _psalterum_, _lyra_, - _barbitos_, _phoenix_, _pectis_, _indica_, _aliae quadrata forma - vel trigonali_, _margaritum_, _ballematica_, _tintinnabulum_, - _symphonia_. - -2. The form of the cithara in the beginning is said to have been like -the human breast, because as the voice was uttered from the breast so -was music from the cithara, and it was so-called for the same reason. -For _pectus_ is in the Doric language called κίθαρα. - - -Chapter 23. On the numbers of music. - -1. You inquire into the numbers according to music as follows: -setting down the extremes, as for example, VI and XII, you see by how -many units VI is surpassed by XII, and it is by VI units; you square -it; six times six make XXXVI. You add those first-mentioned extremes, -VI and XII; together they make XVIII; you divide XXXVI by XVIII; -two is the result. This you add to the smaller amount, VI namely; -the result will be VIII and it will be the mean between VI and XII. -Because VIII surpasses VI by two units, that is by a third of six, -and VIII is surpassed by XII by four units, a third part [of twelve]. -By what part, then, the mean surpasses, by the same is it surpassed. - -2. Just as this proportion exists in the universe, being constituted -by the revolving circles, so also in the microcosm—not to speak of -the voice—it has such great power that man does not exist without -harmony.[263] - - [263] The general sense of the passage: “ut sine ipsius - perfectione etiam homo symphoniis carens non consistat.” 3, 23, - 2. See p. 65. - - -ON ASTRONOMY - - -INTRODUCTION - -The science of astronomy, in its history from the great period -of Greece down to the dark ages, furnishes almost as complete a -spectacle of decay as does geometry. It is quite certain “that -Aristarchus taught the annual motion of the earth around the sun, and -both he and Seleukus taught the diurnal rotation of the earth,”[264] -but the general scientific development of the age was not sufficient -to assimilate this advanced theory, and astronomers went back to a -geocentric universe. Strange to say, the later rise of practical -astronomy at Alexandria, and the development of pure mathematics, -did not secure a return to the more advanced theory, the efforts of -the later astronomers being devoted, not to a reconsideration of the -fundamental theses of the subject, but to putting the geocentric -theory on a secure mathematical basis. The greatest of these -astronomers, Ptolemy (second century A.D.), left in his _Syntaxis_ a -comprehensive summing up of mathematical astronomy. - - [264] J. L. E. Dreyer, _History of the Planetary Systems from - Thales to Kepler_ (Cambridge, 1906), p. 141. - -Among the Romans no scientists arose to assimilate the results of the -work of the Greeks, and sound ideas as to the form of the universe -were rare even in the most intelligent circles. Since systematic -observation was not practiced, and a knowledge of the higher -mathematics did not exist among the Romans, their astronomy was a -matter of tradition and authority. Therefore upon the acceptance of -Christianity and the realization that there was a conflict between -the Greek and the Hebrew cosmologies, it was a comparatively easy -matter to accept the Scriptures instead of the secular writers as the -source of authority. - -In Isidore’s ideas on cosmology a curious inconsistency appears. On -the one hand, he shows that he regards the words of the Scripture as -the final authority, and he frequently gives expression to primitive -notions in accord with the Hebrew cosmology. On the other hand, he -displays a greater liberality than is shown by his predecessor, -Cassiodorus, or by any other Christian writer in the Latin language -up to his time, in borrowing from the pagan writers on astronomy. -The explanation of this may be that it was a natural reaction -from dogmatic narrowness, made possible for him by the favorable -conditions offered by contemporary Spain; but the more probable -supposition is that his natural vagueness of mind and lack of -critical power enabled him to be much more liberal in effect than he -in reality would have wished to be.[265] - - [265] See Introduction, p. 51. - -Another feature of Isidore’s _De Astronomia_ that deserves notice -is his attitude toward the forbidden science of astrology.[266] He -denies a fundamental assumption of the science, namely, that Mercury -and Venus, for example, have as planets an influence analogous to -their characters in mythology, and he asserts that the names of the -planets and fixed stars, as used in astrology, have no validity. This -was vigorous reasoning for the dark ages, and to all appearance it -completely cut away the foundation of astrology.[267] Nevertheless -Isidore believed that astrology had some truth—the magi who announced -the birth of Christ were, he believed, astrologers—but this truth -arose “out of a deadly alliance of men and bad angels.” His -attitude, then, seems to be that astrologers may forecast the future, -but that their ability to do so depends on the assistance of demons, -and that the drawing up of nativities is merely a pretence to cloak -this partnership. - - [266] Tannery in his _Recherches sur l’histoire de l’astronomie - ancienne_ (Paris, 1893), has an interesting discussion of the - successive names of the science of the heavenly bodies. He - attributes the revival of the older term astronomy about the - end of the third century A.D., to the association of the term - astrology with divination. In Varro the name used was astrology. - - [267] 3, 71, 21–40. See pp. 152–4. - -Little is known of astronomy as a subject in the Roman schools. It -no doubt formed part of the curriculum, but apparently no text-book -was produced between the time of Varro and that of Martianus Capella. -The three school treatises of late Roman and early medieval times, -written by Capella, Cassiodorus, and Isidore, were all the work -of educational encyclopedists from whom nothing of a scientific -character could be expected. - - -EXTRACTS - -Book III, Chapter 24. On the name of astronomy. - -1. Astronomy is the law of the stars, and it traces with inquiring -reason the courses of the heavenly bodies, and their figures, and the -regular movements of the stars with reference to one another and to -the earth. - - -Chapter 25. On its discoverers. - -1. The Egyptians were the first to discover astronomy. And the -Chaldeans first taught astrology and the observance of nativity. -Moreover, Josephus asserts that Abraham taught astrology to the -Egyptians. The Greeks, however, say that this art was first -elaborated by Atlas, and therefore it was said that he held the -heavens up. - -2. Whoever was the discoverer, it was the movement of the heavens -and his rational faculty that stirred him, and in the light of the -succession of seasons, the observed and established courses of the -stars, and the regularity of the intervals, he considered carefully -certain dimensions and numbers, and getting a definite and distinct -idea of them he wove them into order and discovered astrology. - - -Chapter 26. On its teachers. - -1. In both Greek and Latin there are volumes written on astronomy by -different writers. Of these Ptolemy[268] is considered chief among -the Greeks. He also taught rules by which the courses of the stars -may be discovered.[269] - - [268] Du Breul has _Ptolemaeus, rex Alexandriae_. - - [269] The canons by which Ptolemy calculated the position of the - planets. Isidore makes no further reference to them. - - -Chapter 27. The difference between astronomy and astrology. - -1. There is some difference between astronomy and astrology. -For astronomy embraces the revolution of the heavens, the rise, -setting, and motion of the heavenly bodies, and the origin of their -names. Astrology, on the other hand, is in part natural, in part -superstitious. - -2. It is natural astrology when it describes the courses of the -sun and the moon and the stars, and the regular succession of the -seasons. Superstitious astrology is that which the mathematici -follow, who prophesy by the stars, and who distribute the twelve -signs of the heavens among the individual parts of the soul or body, -and endeavor to predict the nativities and characters of men from the -course of the stars. - - -Chapter 28. On the subject-matter of astronomy. - -1. The subject-matter of astronomy is made up of many kinds. For it -defines what the universe is, what the heavens, what the position and -movement of the sphere, what the axis of the heavens and the poles, -what are the climates of the heavens, what the courses of the sun and -moon and stars, and so forth. - - -Chapter 29. On the universe and its name. - -1. _Mundus_ (the universe) is that which is made up of the heavens -and earth and the sea and all the heavenly bodies. And it is called -_mundus_ for the reason that it is always in _motion_. For no repose -is granted to its elements. - - -Chapter 30. On the form of the universe. - -1. The form of the universe is described as follows: as the universe -rises toward the region of the north, so it slopes away toward the -south; its head and face, as it were, is the east, and its back part -the north. - - -Chapter 31. On the heavens and their name. - -1. The philosophers have asserted that the heavens are round, in -rapid motion, and made of fire, and that they are called by this name -(_coelum_) because they have the forms of the stars fixed on them, -like a dish with figures in relief (_coelatum_). - -2. For God decked them with bright lights, and filled them with -the glowing circles of the sun and moon, and adorned them with the -glittering images of flashing stars. - - -Chapter 32. On the situation of the celestial sphere. - -1. The sphere of the heavens is rounded and its center is the earth, -equally shut in on every side. This sphere, they say, has neither -beginning nor end, for the reason that being rounded like a circle it -is not easily perceived where it begins or where it ends. - -2. The philosophers have brought in the theory of seven heavens of -the universe, that is, globes with planets moving harmoniously, and -they assert that by their circles all things are bound together, and -they think that these, being connected, and, as it were, fitted to -one another, move backward and are borne with definite motions in -contrary directions. - - -Chapter 33. On the motion of the same. - -1. The sphere revolves on two axes, of which one is the northern, -which never sets, and is called Boreas; the other is the southern, -which is never seen, and is called Austronotius. - -2. On these two poles the sphere of heaven moves, they say, and -with its motion the stars fixed in it pass from the east all the -way around to the west, the _septentriones_ near the point of rest -describing smaller circles. - - -Chapter 34. On the course of the same sphere. - -1. The sphere of heaven, [moving] from the east towards the west, -turns once in a day and night, in the space of twenty-four hours, -within which the sun completes his swift revolving course over the -lands and under the earth. - - -Chapter 35. On the swiftness of the heavens. - -1. With such swiftness is the sphere of heaven said to run, that if -the stars did not run against its headlong course in order to delay -it, it would destroy the universe. - - -Chapter 36. On the axis of the heavens. - -1. The axis is a straight line north, which passes through the center -of the globe of the sphere, and is called axis because the sphere -revolves on it like a wheel, or it may be because the Wain is there. - - -Chapter 37. On the poles of the heavens. - -1. The poles are little circles which run on the axis. Of these one -is the northern which never sets and is called Boreas; the other is -the southern which is never seen, and is called Austronotius. - - -Chapter 38. On the _cardines_ of the heavens. - -1. The _cardines_ of the heavens are the ends of the axis, and are -called _cardines_ (hinges) because the heavens turn on them, or -because they turn like the heart (_cor_). - - -Chapter 40. On the gates of the heavens. - -1. There are two gates of the heavens, the east and the west. For by -one the sun appears, by the other he retires. - - -Chapter 42. On the four parts of the heavens. - -1. The _climata_ of the heavens, that is, the tracts or parts, are -four, of which the first part is the eastern, where some stars -rise; the second, the western, where some stars set; the third, the -northern, where the sun comes in the longer days; the fourth, the -southern, where the sun comes in the time of the longer nights. - -4. There are also other _climata_ of the heavens, seven in number, -as if seven lines from east to west, under which the manners of men -are dissimilar, and animals of different species appear; they are -named from certain famous places, of which the first is Meroe; the -second, Siene; the third, Catachoras, that is Africa; the fourth, -Rhodus; the fifth, Hellespontus; the sixth, Mesopontus; the seventh, -Boristhenes.[270] - - [270] For map showing the _climata_ see Konrad Miller, _Die - ältesten Weltkarten_ (Stuttgart, 1895), vol. iii, p. 127. - - -Chapter 43. On the hemispheres. - -1. A hemisphere is half a sphere. The hemisphere above the earth -is that part of the heavens the whole of which is seen by us; the -hemisphere under the earth is that which cannot be seen as long as it -is under the earth. - - -Chapter 44. On the five circles of the heavens. - -1. There are five zones in the heavens, according to the differences -of which certain parts of the earth are inhabitable, because of their -moderate temperature, and certain parts are uninhabitable because of -extremes of heat and cold. And these are called zones or circles for -the reason that they exist on the circumference of the sphere. - -2. The first of these circles is called the Arctic, because the -constellations of the Arcti are visible enclosed within it; the -second is called the summer tropic, because in this circle the sun -makes summer in northern regions, and does not pass beyond it but -immediately returns, and from this it is called tropic. - -3. The third circle is called ἰσημερινὸς, which is equivalent to -_equinoctialis_ in Latin, for the reason that when the sun comes to -this circle it makes equal day and night (for ἰσημερινὸς means in -Latin day equal to the night) and by this circle the sphere is seen -to be equally divided. The fourth circle is called Antarctic,[271] -for the reason that it is opposite to the circle which we call Arctic. - - [271] This order is repeated in 13, 6. - -4. The fifth circle is called the winter tropic (χειμερινὸς -τροπικός), which in the Latin is _hiemalis_ or _brumalis_, because -when the sun comes to this circle it makes winter for those who are -in the north and summer for those who dwell in the parts of the -south. - - -Chapter 47. On the size of the sun. - -1. The size of the sun is greater than that of the earth and so from -the moment when it rises it appears equally to east and west at the -same time.[272] And as to its appearing to us about a cubit in width, -it is necessary to reflect how far the sun is from the earth, which -distance causes it to seem small to us. - - [272] This passage indicates Isidore’s belief in a flat earth. - See pp. 51–54. - - -Chapter 48. On the size of the moon. - -1. The size of the moon also is said to be less than that of the -sun. For since the sun is higher than the moon and still appears to -us larger than the moon, if it should approach near to us it would -be plainly seen to be much larger than the moon. Just as the sun is -larger than the earth, so the earth is in some degree larger than the -moon. - - -Chapter 49. On the nature of the sun. - -1. The sun, being made of fire, heats to a whiter glow because of the -excessive speed of its circular motion. And its fire, philosophers -declare, is fed with water, and it receives the virtue of light and -heat from an element opposed to it. Whence we see that it is often -wet and dewy. - - -Chapter 50. On the motion of the sun. - -1. They say that the sun has a motion of its own and does not turn -with the universe. For if it remained fixed in the heavens all -days and nights would be equal, but since we see that it will set -to-morrow in a different place from where it set yesterday, it is -plain that it has a motion of its own and does not move with the -universe. For it accomplishes its yearly orbits by varying courses, -on account of the changes of the seasons. - -2. For going further to the south it makes winter, in order that the -land may be enriched by winter rains and frosts. Approaching the -north it restores the summer, in order that fruits may mature, and -what is green in the damp weather may ripen in the heat. - - -Chapter 51. What the sun does. - -1. The rising sun brings the day, the setting sun the night; for day -is the sun above the earth, night is the sun beneath the earth. From -the sun come the hours; from the sun, when it rises, the day; from -the sun, too, when it sets, the night; from the sun the months and -years are numbered; from the sun come the changes of the seasons. - -2. When it runs through the south it is nearer the earth; when it -passes toward the north it is raised aloft. God has appointed for -it different courses, places, and times for this reason, lest if it -always remained in the same place all things should be consumed by -its daily heat—just as Clement says: “It takes on different motions, -by which the temperature of the air is moderated with a view to the -seasons, and a regular order is observed in its seasonal changes and -permutations. For when it ascends to the higher parts it tempers the -spring, and when it comes to the summit of heaven it kindles the -summer heats; descending again, it gives autumn its temperature. And -when it returns to the lower circle it leaves to us the rigor of -winter cold from the icy quarter of the heavens.” - - -Chapter 52. On the journey of the sun. - -1. The eastern sun holds its way through the south, and after it -comes to the west and has bathed itself in ocean, it passes by -unknown ways beneath the earth, and again returns to the east. - - -Chapter 53. On the light of the moon. - -1. Certain philosophers hold that the moon has a light of its own, -that one part of its globe is bright and another dark, and that -turning by degrees it assumes different shapes. Others, on the -contrary, assert that the moon has no light of its own, but is -illumined by the rays of the sun. And therefore it suffers an eclipse -if the shadow of the earth is interposed between itself and the sun. - - -Chapter 56. On the motion of the moon. - -1. The moon governs the times by alternately losing and recovering -its light. It advances like the sun in an oblique, and not a -vertical course, for this reason, that it may not be opposite the -center of the earth and often suffer eclipse. For its orbit is near -the earth. The waxing moon has its horns looking east; the waning, -west; rightly, because it is going to set and lose its light. - - -Chapter 57. On the nearness of the moon to the earth. - -1. The moon is nearer the earth than is the sun. Therefore having a -narrow orbit it finishes its course more quickly. For it traverses -in thirty days the journey the sun accomplishes in three hundred and -sixty-five. Whence the ancients made the months depend on the moon, -the years on the course of the sun. - - -Chapter 58. On the eclipse of the sun. - -1. There is an eclipse of the sun as often as the thirtieth moon -reaches the same line where the sun is passing, and, interposing -itself, darkens the sun. For we see that the sun is eclipsed when the -moon’s orb comes opposite to it. - - -Chapter 59. On the eclipse of the moon. - -1. There is an eclipse of the moon as often as the moon runs into -the shadow of the earth. For it is thought to have no light of its -own but to be illumined by the sun, whence it suffers eclipse if the -shadow of the earth comes between it and the sun. The fifteenth moon -suffers this until it passes out from the center and shadow of the -interposing earth and sees the sun and is seen by the sun. - - -Chapter 60. On the distinction between _stella_, _sidus_, and -_astrum_. - -1. _Stellae_, _sidera_, and _astra_ differ from one another. For -_stella_ is any separate star. _Sidera_ are made of very many stars, -as Hyades, Pleiades. _Astra_ are large stars as Orion, Bootes. But -the writers confuse these names, putting _astra_ for _stella_ and -_stella_ for _sidera_.[273] - - [273] Isidore does not observe the distinctions he lays down - here. He does not seem to have known that Orion and Bootes were - constellations. - - -Chapter 61. On the light of the stars. - -1. Stars are said to have no light of their own, but to be lighted by -the sun like the moon. - - -Chapter 62. On the position of the stars. - -1. Stars are motionless, and being fixed are carried along by the -heavens in perpetual course, and they do not set by day but are -obscured by the brilliance of the sun. - - -Chapter 63. On the courses of the stars. - -1. Stars either are borne along or have motion. Those are borne along -which are fixed in the heavens and revolve with the heavens. Certain -have motion, like the planets, that is, the wandering stars, which go -through roaming courses, but with definite limitations. - - -Chapter 64. On the varying courses of the stars. - -1. According as stars are carried on different orbits of the heavenly -planets, certain ones rise earlier and set later, and certain rising -later come to their setting earlier. Others rise together and do not -set at the same time. But all in their own time revolve in a course -of their own. - - -Chapter 65. On the distances of the stars. - -1. Stars are at different distances from the earth and therefore, -being of unequal brightness, they are more or less plain to the -sight; many are larger than the bright ones which we see, but being -further away they appear small to us. - - -Chapter 66. On the circular number of the stars. - -1. There is a circular number of the stars by which it is said to be -known in what time each and every star finishes its orbit, whether in -longitude or latitude.[274] - - [274] Du Breul has in addition: _latitudo intelligitur per - signiferum, longitudo per proprium excursum_. - -2. For the moon is said to complete its orbit in eight years, Mercury -in twenty, Lucifer in nine, the sun in nineteen, Pyrois in fifteen, -Phaeton in twelve, Saturn in thirty. When these are finished, -they return to a repetition of their orbits through the same -constellations and regions. - -3. Certain stars being hindered by the rays of the sun become -irregular, either retrograde or stationary, as the poet relates, -saying: - - Sol tempora dividit aevi - Mutat nocte diem, radiisque potentibus astra - Ire vetat, cursusque vagos statione moratur. - - -Chapter 67. On the wandering stars. - -1. Certain stars are called _planetae_, that is, wandering, because -they hasten around through the whole universe with varying motions.... - - -Chapter 68. - -1. _Praecedentia_ or _antegradatio_ of stars is when a star seems to -be making its usual course and [really] is somewhat ahead of it. - - -Chapter 69. - -1. _Remotio_ or _retrogradatio_ of stars is when a star, while moving -on its regular orbit, seems at the same time to be moving backward. - - -Chapter 70. - -1. The _status_ of stars means that while a star is continuing its -proper motion it nevertheless seems in some places to stand still. - - -Chapter 71. On the names of stars. - -3. _Stellae_ is derived from _stare_, because the stars always remain -(_stant_) fixed in the heavens and do not fall. As to our seeing -stars fall, as it were, from heaven, they are not stars but little -bits of fire that have fallen from the ether, and this happens when -the wind, blowing high, carries along with it fire from the ether, -which as it is carried along gives the appearance of falling stars. -For stars cannot fall; they are motionless (as has been said above) -and are fixed in the heavens and carried around with them. - -16. A comet is so-called because it spreads light from itself as -if it were hair (_comas_). And when this kind of star appears it -indicates pestilence, famine, or war. - -17. Comets are called in the Latin _crinitae_ because they have a -trail of flames resembling hair (_in modum crinium_). The Stoics say -there are over thirty of them, and certain astrologers have written -down their names and qualities. - -20. The planets are stars which are not fixed in the heavens like the -rest, but move along in the air.... Sometimes they move towards the -south, sometimes towards the north, generally in a direction opposite -to that of the universe, sometimes with it, and their Greek names are -Phaeton, Phaenon, Pyrois, Hesperus, Stilbon. - -21. To these the Romans have given the names of their gods, that -is, of Jupiter, Saturn, Mars, Venus, Mercury. Deceiving themselves -and wishing to deceive [others] into worship of these gods, who had -bestowed upon them somewhat in accordance with the desire of the -world, they pointed to the stars in heaven, saying that that was -Jove’s star, that Mercury’s, and the empty idea arose. This erroneous -belief the devil cherished, but Christ destroyed. - -22. Moreover as to the constellations which are given names by the -heathen, in which the likeness of living creatures is traced by means -of the stars, like Arctos, Aries, Taurus, Libra, and others, they who -first discerned constellations in a number of stars were influenced -by superstitious vanity and imagined a bodily form, giving them, -because of certain reasons, the likenesses and names of their gods. - -23. For they named Aries, the first constellation—to which, as to -Libra, they assign the middle line of the universe[275]—after Jupiter -Ammon, on whose head image makers fix the horns of a ram (_arietis -cornua_). - - [275] The celestial equator. - -24. This the heathen set as the first among the constellations -because in the month of March, which is the beginning of the year, -they say the sun is moving in that constellation. - -26. Cancer, too, they so named because when the sun comes to that -constellation in the month of June, it begins to move backward in the -manner of a crab (_in modum cancri_), and brings in the shorter days; -for in this creature front and rear are indistinguishable and it -advances either way, so that its fore part may be behind and its back -part before. - -32. Moreover _Aquarius_ and _Pisces_ they named from the rainy -season, because heavier rains fall in winter when the sun turns at -these constellations. And it is a wonderful folly of the heathen that -they have raised to the heavens not only fish, but rams also, and -he-goats and bulls, she-bears and dogs, crabs and scorpions. They -have also placed among the stars of heaven an eagle and a swan, in -memory of Jove, because of the myths about him. - -33. They believed, too, that Perseus and his wife Andromeda were -received into the heavens after their death, so they marked out -likenesses of them in the stars, and did not blush to call them by -their names. - -37. But by whatever fashion of superstition these are named by men, -they are nevertheless stars, which God made at the beginning of the -universe and ordained to mark the seasons with regular motion. - -38. Therefore observations of these constellations, or nativities, or -the rest of the superstition that attaches itself to the observance -of the stars—that is, to a knowledge of the fates—and is doubtless -opposed to our faith, ought to be ignored by Christians in such a way -that it would seem they had not been written. - -39. But a good many, enticed by the fairness and brightness of the -constellations, have in their blindness fallen into the errors of the -stars, so that they endeavor to foreknow future events by the noxious -computations that are called _mathesis_; but not only the teachers of -the Christian religion, but also Plato and Aristotle and others of -the heathen, moved by truth, condemned them with unanimous opinion, -saying that confusion as to [future] things was produced rather from -such a belief. - -40. For if, as they say, men are driven by the compulsion of their -birth to various kinds of acts, why should the good deserve praise, -or the evil feel the vengeance of the law.... - -41. This succession of the seven secular disciplines was terminated -in astronomy by the philosophers for this purpose forsooth, that it -might free souls, entangled by secular wisdom, from earthly matters, -and set them at meditation upon the things on high. - - - - -BOOK IV - - -ON MEDICINE[276] - - [276] Subjects of medical interest are treated also in book xi - (parts of the body, monstrous births, etc.), in book xii (healing - springs), and in book xxii (diet). There is also a chapter (39) - on pestilence in _De Natura Rerum_. - - -INTRODUCTION - -The Greek science of medicine was one which reached a high degree of -development. As early as the fifth century B.C. it appears in the -school of Hippocrates, divested of nearly all trace of its origin in -superstition and magic, and largely relying on careful observation -and interpretation of symptoms. This school already possessed a -considerable body of recorded observations. At Alexandria, later, -further progress was made, especially in the subject of anatomy. At -this time the dissection—and even vivisection—of the human body was -practiced, though there are few traces of it earlier, and later it -was forbidden. The last great land-mark in the history of ancient -medicine is to be found in the works of Galen (second century A.D.) -who summed up, extended, and interpreted the medical knowledge of -preceding times. - -In medicine, however, as in Greek science generally, theoretical -and philosophical elements often prevailed to the detriment of -the pragmatical. Examples of this are to be seen in the theory of -the four humors, first found in the Hippocratic writings; in the -belief of the Methodist school, which held that disease consisted -in the contraction and relaxation of the pores (πόροι); and in the -doctrines of the Pneumatic school, which maintained that health and -disease resulted from the influence of the universal soul (πνεῦμα). -A reaction against this tendency is evidenced by the empirics, who -professed to reject all general notions and to rely on experience -alone. However, the increasing predominance of the theoretical -is shown in the case of Galen, who secured his ascendency over -succeeding ages by his extravagant theoretical system rather than by -his really great practical knowledge. - -No contribution to medicine was made by the Romans. Although the -profession appeared among them in the second century B.C., it -remained a thing apart, in the hands of Greek physicians.[277] Of -the three chief writers on the subject in the Latin language, two, -Celsus and Pliny, were not physicians but encyclopedists, who were -necessarily compilers rather than scientists.[278] The only writer of -importance who approached his work from a professional standpoint was -Caelius Aurelianus, and his book is of importance chiefly because its -Greek original is lost.[279] This neglect of medicine is explained -in part by the fact that physicians stood low in the social scale. -Another more powerful influence was the increasing fashionableness -of Oriental religions with their superstition and addiction to magic -practices. Toward the close of the empire the decline was rapid in -medicine as in other fields. Abridgements, which cut down quality -unconsciously as much as they did quantity consciously, held the -field. Itinerant quacks and “folk-medicine” gradually ousted the lay -profession until finally what little science remained was in the -hands of priests and monks, who needed a smattering of the subject -for the people of their parishes, and the inmates of monasteries and -hospitals.[280] - - [277] Galen was one of these. - - [278] Max Neuberger, _Geschichte der Medizin_ (Stuttgart, - 1906–1911), vol. i, pp. 310–321. - - [279] _Ibid._, vol. ii, p. 61 _et seq._ - - [280] Neuberger, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 240–278 for an account - of medicine in the early middle ages. - -Isidore does not say for what purpose he wrote his _De Medicina_, -whether to serve as a text-book to aid in the education of the -clergy in the way indicated above, or merely in the spirit of -the encyclopedist. A number of considerations point strongly to -the former conclusion. In the first place, medicine is placed in -juxtaposition with the seven liberal arts, and is separated from -subjects more nearly akin to it. Secondly, the attitude which Isidore -displays in speaking of medicine is one which remembers that this -subject was once classed with the liberal arts. He feels called upon -to explain why “the art of medicine is not included among the liberal -disciplines”, and his explanation is one drawn from the pedagogical -sphere; he tells us that medicine is “a second philosophy”, by -which he means to say that it belongs to the highest stage of -education, but plays therein a minor part. Finally, we must remember -that Cassiodorus, whose comprehensive plan of education had great -influence with Isidore, had recognized the need of medical knowledge -in the education of the clergy, as shown in his chapter “On monks -having the care of the infirm”. - -It is not known what were the immediate sources of Isidore’s _De -Medicina_. The ultimate authority for his account of diseases is -the work of the Methodist Caelius Aurelianus, whose eight books -containing a classification of diseases into acute and chronic are -reproduced by Isidore in two chapters that occupy the greater part of -the space that he devoted to medicine. - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On medicine. - -1. Medicine is that which guards or restores the health of the body, -and its subject-matter deals with diseases and wounds. - -2. And so it includes not only those things which are presented in -the art (_ars_) of those who are called _medici_ in the proper sense, -but food, drink, and covering as well; in short, all the guarding and -defence by which our body is protected against blows and accidents -from the outside. - - -Chapter 2. On its name. - -1. Its name is believed to have been given to medicine from _modus_, -that is, moderation, so that not enough but a little be used. For -nature is made sorrowful by much and rejoices in the moderate. Whence -also they who drink in quantities and without ceasing of herb juices -(_pigmenta_) and antidotes, are troubled. For all immoderation brings -not welfare but danger. - - -Chapter 3. On the founders of medicine. - -1. Apollo is called among the Greeks the author and founder of the -art of medicine. His son, Aesculapius, enlarged it by his fame and -work. But after Aesculapius perished by a thunder-bolt, the business -of curing is said to have been forbidden and the art disappeared with -its author. - -2. And it remained unknown for nearly five hundred years down to the -time of Artaxerxes, king of the Persians. Then Hippocrates, born in -the island of Cos, his father being Asclepius, brought it back to the -light of day. - - -Chapter 4. On the three schools (_haereses_) of medicine. - -1. And so these three men founded as many schools. The first, -_Methodica_,[281] was established by Apollo, and it follows -remedies and charms. The second, _Empirica_,[282] that is, relying -on experience, was established by Aesculapius, which depends not on -the interpretation of symptoms, but on experience alone. The third, -_Logica_,[283] that is, rational, was invented by Hippocrates. - - [281] This school was really founded in the first century B.C. - According to it disease consists in a contraction or relaxation - of the pores (_strictus status_ or _laxus status_). Nothing but - the supposed general condition of the body was of importance. - Neuberger, _Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. 1, pp. 303–309. - - [282] A school that appeared in the third century B.C., and - corresponded in medicine to the skeptical movement in philosophy. - All _a priori_ reasoning was rejected. _Ibid._, vol. 1, pp. - 276–284. - - [283] The classical school of medicine founded by Hippocrates. - Isidore fails to mention the Pneumatici and the Eclectici - (_ibid._, vol. 1, pp. 327–336), other prominent schools of - medicine. - -2. For the latter, separating the qualities of ages, districts, and -diseases, examined the practice of the art in a rational way. The -_Empirici_, then, follow experience alone; the _Logici_ add reason -to experience; the _Methodici_ observe neither the elements, nor -seasons, nor ages, nor causes, but the substances of diseases alone. - - -Chapter 5. On the four humors of the body. - -1. Health is the integrity of the body and the compound -(_temperantia_) made by nature from hot and moist which is the blood, -whence also it has been named _sanitas_, as it were _sanguinis -status_ (state of the blood). - -2. Under the general name of _morbus_ (disease) all disorders of the -body are embraced, to which the ancients gave the name of _morbus_ -in order to indicate by the very name the power of death (_mortis_) -which arises from it. Between health and disease the mean is cure, -and unless it harmonizes with the disease it does not lead to health. - -3. All diseases arise from the four humors, that is, from blood, -bile, black bile, and phlegm. Just as there are four elements so also -there are four humors, and each humor imitates its element: blood, -air; bile, fire; black bile, earth; phlegm, water. There are four -humors, as four elements, which preserve our bodies. - -4. _Sanguis_[284] (blood) took its name from a Greek source, because -it invigorates, sustains and gives life to the body. _Cholera_[285] -(bile) the Greeks named because it is ended in the space of one -day, whence it was named _cholera_, that is, _fellicula_, that is, -effusion of bile (_fel_). For the Greeks call bile χολή. - - [284] The derivation which Isidore had in mind was probably ζῆν - (to live). - - [285] The sentence is a confused one. Isidore probably had in - mind the derivation of _cholera_ from χολή and ῥέω. - -5. _Melancholia_ (black bile) is named because an abundance of bile -has been mixed with the dregs of black blood.... - -6. _Sanguis_ in the Latin is so-called because it is _suavis_, whence -men in whom _sanguis_ is predominant are pleasant and bland. - -7. _Phlegma_ they have named because it is cold. For the Greeks call -cold φλέγμονα. According to these four humors the well are governed, -and from them the diseases of the infirm arise. For when they have -grown too great beyond the course of nature, they cause illnesses. - -8. From blood and bile acute disorders come, which the Greeks call -ὀξέα; from phlegm and black bile troubles of long standing, which the -Greeks call χρόνια. - - -Chapter 6. On acute diseases. - -1. _Oxea_ is acute disease which either quickly passes or more -quickly kills, as pleurisy, phrensy, for ὀξὺ in Greek means swift and -sharp. χρόνια is prolonged bodily disease which lingers through many -seasons, as gout, phthisis.... Certain disorders have received their -names from causes proper to them. - -2. _Febris_ (fever) is derived from _fervor_, for it is an excess of -heat. - -3. Frenzy is so-called because the mind is affected, since the Greeks -call the mind φρένες, or else because they gnash (_infrendant_) with -the teeth, for _frendere_ means to strike the teeth together. It is -excitement with exasperation and dementia caused by the power of bile. - -17. Pestilence is a contagion, and when it seizes one it quickly -passes to more. It is produced from a corruption of the air, and -makes its way by penetrating into the inward parts. Although this -is generally caused by the powers of the air, still it is certainly -not caused against the will of Omnipotent God.... It is a disease so -acute that it affords no time to hope for life or death, but a sudden -weakness and death come at the same moment. - - -Chapter 7. On chronic diseases. - -3. _Scotoma_ took its name from an accidental quality, because -it brings a sudden darkness to the eyes along with a whirling -(_vertigo_) of the head. Now there is a whirling as often as the wind -rises and starts the dust going round and round. - -4. So too in man’s head the air passages[286] and the veins produce a -windiness from the resolving of moisture[287] and make a whirling in -his eyes whence _vertigo_ is named. - - [286] _Arteriae._ Compare “Sanguis per venas in omne corpus - diffunditur et spiritus per arterias.” Cicero, _N. D._, 2, 55, - 138. - - [287] Referring to the idea that the elements could pass into one - another. See p. 60. - -5. Epilepsy took its name because while seizing the mind it also -holds the body. For the Greeks call seizure ἐπιληψία. And it comes -from the melancholy humor whenever it becomes abundant and has turned -toward the head. This disorder is also called _caduca_ (the falling -sickness), because the sick man falls and suffers from spasms. - -6. The common herd call these also _lunatici_ because their -madness[288] comes upon them according to the course of the moon.... - - [288] Du Breul has _insania daemonum_. - - -Chapter 8. On diseases that appear on the surface of the body. - -11. Leprosy is a scaly roughness of the skin, like _lepidus_ -(pepper-wort), whence it took its name, and its color now turns to -black, now to white, now to red. On the body of a man leprosy is -diagnosed in this way, if a varied color appears here and there -between sound parts of the skin, or if it spreads everywhere in such -a way as to make all of one unnatural color. - -12. The _morbus elephantiacus_[289] is so called from the resemblance -to an elephant, whose naturally hard and rough skin gave the name to -the disease among men, because it makes the surface of the body like -the hide of an elephant; or it may be because it is a great disorder, -like the animal itself from which it has derived its name. - - [289] A kind of leprosy. - - -Chapter 9. On remedies and medicines. - -1. The curative power of medicine must not be despised. For we -remember that Isaiah sent something of medicinal nature to Hezekiah -when he was sick, and Paul the apostle said a little wine was good -for Timothy. - -3. There are three kinds of cures in all. The first is the dietetic; -the second, the pharmaceutical; the third, the surgical. Diet -(_diaeta_) is the observance of the law of life. Pharmacy is curing -by medicines. Surgery is cutting with the knife; for with the knife -is cut away that which does not feel the healing of medicines.... - -5. Every cure is wrought either by contraries or by likes. By -contraries, as cold by warm and dry by moist, just as in man pride -cannot be cured except by humility. - -6. By likes, as a round bandage is put on a round wound, or an oblong -one on an oblong wound. For the very bandage is not the same for all -wounds, but like is fitted to like.... - -7. _Antidotum_ in the Greek means in the Latin _ex contrario datum_. -For contraries are cured by contraries in the medical system. On -the other hand likes are cured by likes, as for example, πικρὰ -which means bitters because its taste is bitter. It received a -suitable name because the bitterness of disease is dispelled by its -bitterness. - - -Chapter 13. On the beginning of medicine.[290] - - [290] _De initio medicinae._ - -1. Inquiry is made by certain why the art of medicine is not included -among the liberal disciplines. Because of this, that they embrace -separate subjects, but medicine embraces all. For the physician is -commanded to know grammar, in order to be able to understand and set -forth what he reads. - -2. In like manner rhetoric, too, that he may be able to define by -true arguments the diseases which he treats. Moreover logic, to -scrutinize and cure the causes of infirmities by the aid of reason. -So, too, arithmetic, on account of the number of hours in paroxysms -and of the days in periods. - -3. In the same manner geometry, on account of the qualities of -districts and the situations of places, in respect to which it -teaches what one ought to observe. Moreover, music will not be -unknown to him, for there are many things that are read of as -accomplished by this discipline in the case of sick men, as it is -read of David that he saved Saul from an unclean spirit by the art of -melody. The physician Asclepiades, too, restored one who was subject -to frenzy to his former health by music. - -4. Lastly, he will know astronomy, by which to contemplate the -system of the stars and the change of the seasons, for as a certain -physician says, our bodies change too, along with the qualities -of the heavens. Hence it is that medicine is called “a second -philosophy”. For both disciplines claim the whole man. For as by one -the soul is cured, so is the body by the other. - - - - -BOOK V - - -ON LAWS[291] - - [291] The _De Legibus_ constitutes Isidore’s formal account of - law. In bk. ii a chapter is devoted to the subject of law as a - sub-division of rhetoric; it consists of definitions of general - terms. In bk. ix there are chapters on citizens, and on degrees - of kinship, which have a legal bearing. _Cf._ also bk. xviii, 15. - - -INTRODUCTION - -There was a marked difference between the development of law and that -of the other subjects so far treated by Isidore in the _Etymologies_. -The latter were of Greek origin, and, with the exception of rhetoric, -they appeared as strangers in the Roman environment and never formed -an integral part of Roman culture. Instead, they suffered from -continuous decay, and by the time of the disintegration of the Roman -state they were reduced to such a condition that the “fall of Rome” -meant nothing to them. On the other hand, law was an indigenous -product of Roman society, upon which the Roman intellect had expended -its greatest and most successful efforts, and although it inevitably -shared in the general intellectual deterioration of the time, and -showed a marked decline after the period of the great jurists, -the beginning of its rapid decay is coincident in each section of -western Europe with the close of Roman rule. Thus “the fall of Rome” -played much the same part in the history of law as the transition -from a Greek to a Roman environment had done for the bulk of the -intellectual possession of the ancient civilization. After this event -law was on terms of equality with the other branches of knowledge, -and within two centuries, as judged by its presentation in the -_Etymologies_, it was reduced to as low an estate as they. - -Isidore’s _De Legibus_ is divided into two distinct parts. The first -is of a general nature, and embraces such topics as law-givers, _jus -civile_, _jus gentium_, _jus naturale_, why laws are made, and what -character a law ought to have. The second part is more specific; -it treats of legal instruments, the law of property, crimes, and -punishments. The whole forms a scholastic conglomerate of elements -derived from every stage in the development of Roman law and exhibits -a point of view that is philological and Christian as much as legal. - -Because of its importance in the history of law, this book of the -_Etymologies_ has been subjected to more detailed study than any -other, but in spite of this its sources have not been clearly -determined. In addition to the Scriptures and Isidore’s authorities -on word derivation, he is believed to have drawn on the _Breviarium -Alaricianum_, the Theodosian code, the text-books of Gaius and -Ulpian, and the _Sentences_ of Paulus. Although the Justinian code -was issued a century before the compilation of the _Etymologies_, it -seems improbable that Isidore made any use of it, or had even heard -of it.[292] - - [292] Considering the intellectual stagnation of the time, it - seems quite possible that the Justinian code was unheard of - wherever it was not actually the law of the land. Vinogradoff - gives the conclusion of modern scholarship as to this when he - says (_Roman Law in Medieval Europe_, London, 1909, p. 8): “The - _Corpus Juris_ of Justinian, which contains the main body of law - for later ages, including our own, was accepted and even known - only in the East and in those parts of Italy which had been - reconquered by Justinian’s generals. The rest of the western - provinces still clung to the tradition of the preceding period, - culminating in the official code of Theodosius II (A.D. 437).” - Compare also Conrat, _Die Epitome Exactis Regibus_, Introd., - pp. 248–257; Flach, _Droit Romain au Moyen Age_ (Paris, 1890), - especially pp. 52–57. Conrat, in his _Geschichte der Quellen und - Literatur des Römischen Rechts in Früheren Mittelalter_, pp. - 150–153, maintains, first, that there is no trace of evidence - elsewhere in Isidore’s works, of a knowledge of the existence of - the Justinian code; and, second, that the internal evidence in - the _De Legibus_ points to the use of other sources. See also - Ureña, _Historia Crítica de la Literatura Jurídica Española_ - (Madrid, 1897), vol 1, p. 294. - -The purpose of the _De Legibus_ was, no doubt, to serve as a -text-book.[293] The amount of space given to it, which is about the -average of that allotted to each of the liberal arts, and the fact -that it treats of law in a general way, point to this conclusion. Its -position in the _Etymologies_, following, with Medicine, immediately -after the liberal arts, is also an indication of its educational -character. The best proof of this, however, is found in the number -of separate manuscripts in which the _De Legibus_ is reproduced in a -catechetical form.[294] At least eight of these are in existence, and -the earliest of them is attributed to the ninth century. - - [293] The _De Legibus_ should not be regarded as a text-book for - a law school, but for the subject of law as forming a minor part - of the preparation of a priest. See Introd., p. 87, and Flach, - _op. cit._, the fourth section of which (pp. 104–128) deals with - the teaching of law from the sixth to the eleventh century. - - [294] For an account of separate MSS. of Isidore’s _De Legibus_ - (often containing also legal matter from bks. ii, ix and xviii), - see Joseph Tardif, _Un Abrégé Juridique des Etymologies d’Isidore - de Seville_ in _Mélanges Julien Havet_ (Paris, 1895). - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On law-givers. - -1. Moses first of all set forth the divine laws in the sacred -writings for the Hebrew people. King Phoroneus was the first to -establish laws and courts for the Greeks. - -2. Mercurius Trismegistus first gave laws to the Egyptians. Solon -first legislated for the Athenians. Lycurgus first made rules of law -for the Lacedaemonians and pretended Apollo’s authority for them. - -3. Numa Pompilius, who succeeded Romulus in the kingdom, was the -first to give laws to the Romans. Later, when the people could not -endure their quarrelsome magistrates they appointed decemvirs to -write the laws, and they translated the laws from the books of Solon -into the Latin language, and set them up on twelve tables. - -4. These men were A. Claudius, T. Genutius, P. Sextius, Spur. -Viturius, C. Julius, A. Manlius, Ser. Sulpitius, P. Curiatius, T. -Romilius, Sp. Postumius. These were the decemvirs chosen to write the -laws. - -5. The consul Pompeius was the first who wished to arrange the laws -systematically, but he did not persevere, through fear of detractors. -Then Caesar began to do it, but he was slain. - -6. By degrees the old laws became obsolete through time and neglect; -but a mention of them seems necessary although they are not in use -now. - -7. The new laws began with the emperor Constantine and the rest who -followed him, but they were confused and in disorder. Later, in -imitation of Gregorianus and Hermogenianus, the younger Theodosius -arranged a code of constitutions from the time of Constantine, under -the title of each emperor, which he called Theodosian from his own -name. - - -Chapter 2. On laws human and divine. - -1. All laws are either divine or human. Divine laws depend on nature, -human laws on customs; and so the latter differ, since different laws -please different peoples. Divine law is _fas_; human law is _jus_. To -pass through another’s property is of divine but not of human law. - - -Chapter 3. On the difference between _jus_, _leges_, _mores_. - -1. _Jus_ is the general term and _lex_ is a kind of _jus_. _Jus_ is -so-called because it is just (_justum_). All _jus_ is made up of laws -and customs. - -2. _Lex_ is the written ordinance. _Mos_ is custom approved by its -antiquity, or unwritten _lex_. For _lex_ is derived from _legere_ (to -read), because it is written. - -3. _Mos_ is old custom and is drawn merely from _mores_. _Consuetudo_ -(custom) is a sort of _jus_ established by _mores_, which is taken -instead of _lex_ when _lex_ fails. And it makes no difference whether -it depends on writing or reason, since reason commends written law -also. - -4. Moreover if _lex_ is in accordance with reason, all that is in -accordance with reason will be _lex_, as far as it agrees with -religion, is in harmony with knowledge, and is beneficial for -salvation. And _consuetudo_ is so-called because it is in common use. - - -Chapter 4. On _jus naturale_. - -1. _Jus_ is either natural, or civil, or universal (_jus gentium_). -_Jus naturale_ is what is common to all peoples, and what is observed -everywhere by the instinct of nature rather than by any ordinance, as -the marriage of man and woman, the begetting and rearing of children, -the common possession of all,[295] the one freedom of all, the -acquisition of those things that are taken in the air or sea or on -the land. - - [295] _Communis omnium possessio._ - -2. Likewise the restoring of property entrusted or lent, the -repelling of violence by force. For this, or whatever is like this, -is nowhere considered unjust, but natural and fair. - - -Chapter 5. On _jus civile_. - -1. _Jus civile_ is what each people or state has enacted as its own -law, for human and divine reasons. - - -Chapter 6. On _jus gentium_. - -1. _Jus gentium_ is the seizing, building, and fortifying of -settlements, wars, captivities, servitudes, postliminies, treaties, -peaces, truces, the obligation not to violate an ambassador, the -prohibition of intermarriage with aliens. And [it is called] _jus -gentium_ because nearly all nations observe it. - - -Chapter 7. On _jus militare_. - -1. _Jus militare_ is the ceremony of beginning war, the obligation -in making a treaty, the going out against the enemy when the signal -is given, and the joining of battle; likewise the retreat when the -signal is given; likewise the punishment of a soldier’s fault if a -post should be deserted. Likewise the amount of pay, the grades of -office, and the honor of rewards, as when a crown or a necklace is -given. - -2. Likewise the determination of the booty, and the just division -according to rank of persons and labors undergone, likewise the share -of the commander. - - -Chapter 8. On _jus publicum_. - -1. _Jus publicum_ has to do with sacred things, and priests and -magistrates. - - -Chapter 9. On _jus quiritium_. - -1. _Jus quiritium_ is the law proper to the Romans, by which none -is bound but the _Quirites_, that is, the Romans, as in regard to -inheritances, declarations of entry upon inheritances, guardianships, -acquiring by prescription; which laws are found among no other -people, but they are proper to the Romans and made for them alone. - -2. The _jus quiritium_ is made up of laws, plebiscites, decrees of -the senate, constitutions and edicts of emperors and opinions of -jurists. - - -Chapter 10. On _lex_. - -1. _Lex_ is the enactment of the people, by which the elders, -together with the plebeians, passed some law. - - -Chapter 11. On plebiscites. - -1. Plebiscites (_scita_) are what the common people alone enact.... - - -Chapter 12. On the _senatus consultum_. - -1. A _senatus consultum_ is that which the senators alone determine -in council for the people. - - -Chapter 13. On the constitution or edict. - -1. A constitution or edict is what the king or emperor enacts or -proclaims. - - -Chapter 14. On the responses of the jurists (_responsa prudentum_). - -1. They are the responses which the jurisconsults are said to make -to men who consult them. From this the responses of Paulus were so -named. For there were certain wise men and judges of equity who -composed and published institutions of civil law, by which they -settled the suits and contentions of disputants. - - -Chapter 15. On consular and tribunitian laws. - -1. Certain laws are named from those who secured their enactment, -as consular, tribunitian, Julian, Cornelian. Papius and Poppaeus, -_consules suffecti_[296] under Caesar Octavianus, carried a law which -was called from their names _Papia Poppaea_, offering rewards to -fathers for rearing children. - - [296] Holding the consulate for part of the year only. - -2. Under the same emperor, Falcidius, a tribune of the people, -carried a law that no one should bequeath property in such a way that -a fourth, at least, should not remain for the heirs. And it was named -the _lex Falcidia_ from him. Aquilius also secured the passage of a -law which is called _Aquilia_ to the present time. - - -Chapter 16. On the _lex satyra_. - -1. A _lex satyra_ is one which speaks at the same time of many -things, being so called from the abundance of things, as it were from -_saturitas_ (fullness); whence to write satire is to compose poems -with varied contents, as those of Horace, Juvenal, and Persius. - - -Chapter 17. On the Rhodian laws. - -1. The Rhodian laws are the laws of commerce on the sea, being so -called from the island of Rhodes where was a great trade in ancient -times. - - -Chapter 18. On privileges. - -1. Privileges (_privilegia_) are laws applying to individuals, -private laws, as it were. For _privilegium_ is so called because it -is applied to a private person (_in privato feratur_). - - -Chapter 19. What law can do. - -1. Every law either permits something, as that a brave man should -compete for a prize, or forbids, as that no one should be allowed to -ask the sacred maidens in marriage, or punishes, as that he who has -committed murder should suffer capital punishment. For human life is -governed by the reward or punishment of the law.[297] - - [297] Reading _legis_ for _eius_. See 2, 10. - - -Chapter 20. Why law was made. - -1. Laws were made in order that the boldness of men may be checked by -fear of them, and innocence be safe among the wicked, and the power -of harm bridled among the wicked by the dread of punishment. - - -Chapter 21. What law ought to be. - -1. Law will be honorable, just, possible, according to nature, -according to the custom of the country, adapted to the place and -time, necessary, useful, clear also, lest it contain anything in -its obscurity that tends to fraud, drawn up for no one’s private -advantage, but for the common good of all citizens. - - -Chapter 24. On legal instruments. - -1. _Voluntas_ (will) is the general name for all legal instruments, -and it has received this name because it issues from free will, not -from compulsion. - -2. _Testamentum_ (will) is so named because, unless the testator -dies, what is written in it cannot be established or known, since -it is closed and sealed; and it is called _testamentum_ because -it is not in effect until the burial of the testator (_testatoris -monumentum_); whence the Apostle says: _Testamentum in mortuis -confirmatur_. - -3. _Testamentum_ has not only this meaning in the Holy Scriptures, -that it is in effect only when the testators are dead, but they also -called every agreement (_pactum et placitum_) _testamentum_; for -Laban and Jacob made a _testamentum_ which was certainly to be in -effect while they were living. And in the Psalms is read: _Adversum -te testamentum disposuerunt_; and many others of the sort. - -4. The _tabulae_ of a will are so called because not only wills but -letters were written on hewn _tabulae_ (boards) before paper and -parchment were used. Whence letter-carriers are called _tabularii_. - -5. The testament of the civil law is made valid by the signature of -five witnesses. - -6. The testament of the praetorian law is sealed with the seals -of seven witnesses; the former testament is made in the presence -of citizens, and from that is called _civile_; the latter in the -presence of the praetors, and thence is of the praetorian law. - -7. A _testamentum holographum_ is one wholly written and signed in -the hand-writing of the maker. From this it got its name. For the -Greeks use the word ὅλον for whole, and γραφή for writing. - -8. A testament has no legal force if its maker has forfeited his -civil rights, or if it has not been made in due form. - -9. A testament is _inofficiosum_ where an attempt has been made to -disinherit the children and recourse has been had to persons outside -[the family] without regard to the duty of natural affection.[298] - - [298] See Muirhead, _The Law of Rome_, p. 249. - -10. The _testamentum ruptum_ is so named because it is made void -through the birth of a posthumous child who is neither disinherited -nor made an heir by name. - -11. A testament is suppressed when it is not publicly made known, to -the injury of heirs or legatees or freedmen; and although it is not -kept secret, it nevertheless is thought to be suppressed if it is not -made known to the aforesaid persons. - -12. _Nuncupatio_ (nuncupative will) is when the testator reads -the will aloud, saying: “These things I thus give and bequeath -as they are written on these tablets and on this wax; and do you -Roman citizens be my witness”, and this is called _nuncupatio_. For -_nuncupare_ means to name and confirm openly. - -13. The _jus liberorum_ is the right of childless couples to name -each other as heir in the place of children. - -23. _Emptio_ (purchase) and _venditio_ (sale) is an exchange of goods -and a contract arising from agreement. - -24. _Emptio_ (purchase) is so called because it is _a me tibi_ (from -me to you); _venditio_ is as it were _venundinatio_, that is, from -_nundinae_ (market day). - -27. _Donatio usufructuaria_ is so named because the giver retains the -usufruct of the thing, the title vesting in him to whom it has been -given. - - -Chapter 25. On property (_rebus_). - -3. _Res_ is derived from possessing rightly (_recte_); _jus_ from -possessing justly (_juste_).... What is wickedly possessed is not the -owner’s. He possesses wickedly who uses his own wickedly or takes -possession of another’s.... He who is captured by greed is possessed, -not possessing. - -4. _Bona_ belong to the honorable or noble, and they are called -_bona_ so that they may not have a base use but men may use them for -good things. - -5. _Peculium_ belongs properly to minors or slaves. For _peculium_ is -that which the father or master allows his son or slave to treat as -his own.... - - -ON TIMES[299] - - [299] In his “On Times,” Isidore is apparently condensing what - he has written elsewhere. The first part of it, which gives an - account of the divisions of time—the moment, hour, day, week, - month, year, and so forth—is drawn from _De Natura Rerum_, - which in turn was based on Suetonius, Solinus, Hyginus, of the - heathen writers, and Ambrosius, Clement, and Augustine, of the - Christian. (See p. 46.) In the second part, which consists of a - brief chronology, Isidore condensed his _Chronicon_, which was - drawn from Eusebius as translated and modified by Jerome, and - supplemented by the later work of Prosper, Victor Tunnensis, and - Joannis Biclarensis. The sources of the _Chronicon_ have been - thoroughly discussed by H. Hertzberg, _Ueber die Chronicon des - Isidors von Sevilla_ in _Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte_ - (Göttingen, 1875), vol. xv. - - -INTRODUCTION - -To the early and medieval Christian chronology was a subject of -absorbing interest. For him the course of the world’s history was -authoritatively laid down in the Biblical account, and looking back -over it he thought he saw that it was passing by well-marked stages -to an end that was to be as sharply defined as its beginning had -been. It was inevitable that there should be an attempt to plot its -progress and even to form some general notion as to its end. For -this purpose the Greek chronology was accepted in its entirety and -extended by a set of extravagant assumptions, acceptable to the -uncritical minds of the time, back to the beginning of the world. By -this means an authoritative chronological exposition of past time -was secured, such as under wise interpretation would disclose more -clearly the rate and manner in which God’s purpose was working itself -out.[300] - - [300] At the same time chronology was incidentally made to show - in a statistical way what a great priority Hebrew civilization - had over its pagan rivals. _Cf._ pp. 79, 80. - -The chronology presented by Isidore traces the course of time along -the line of the Roman emperors from Heraclius back to Julius Caesar, -and then by way of the Ptolemaic dynasty to Alexander the Great. Here -a transition is made to the Persian kings, who are followed back to -Darius near the beginning of the fifth age. The four ages between -the captivity of the Jews and the creation are marked by Biblical -personages only. - -There are two matters of importance to be noted in connection with -the _De Temporibus_.[301] Isidore is the first to introduce into -formal chronology the division of the world’s history into six ages. -The idea was not his, however; he was merely putting into practice -a suggestion given repeatedly in Augustine’s writings,[302] and used -by Orosius in his _History Against the Pagans_. In the second place, -it should be remarked that Isidore shows no signs of being aware of -the proposal of Dionysius Exiguus for an era beginning with the birth -of Christ. It is true that Isidore’s sixth age is supposed to begin -at that time,—although as a matter of fact it begins at the death -of Julius Caesar,[303]—but his era is a world era beginning at the -creation. - - [301] In some respects Isidore’s chronology is peculiar, and - differs from any known chronology of world-history of the time. - For example, where Hieronymus gives the time from the flood to - Abraham as 1072 years, Isidore gives it as 942 years; and where - Africanus put the birth of Christ in the year 5500 of the world, - Isidore put it in 5197. See Hertzberg, p. 376. Again, only the - full years are noticed, the fractions of the older chronologies - being either counted as integers or ignored, though this is not - done according to any system. For table showing irregularities - here, see _ibid._, p. 325, notes 3 and 4. - - [302] E.g. _De Civitate Dei_, xxii, 30. - - [303] 5, 38, 5. - - -EXTRACTS - -Book V, Chapter 28. On the word _chronica_. - -1. _Chronica_ is the Greek word which in Latin is rendered _series -temporum_ (succession of times), such as Eusebius, bishop of -Caesarea, wrote in Greek and the priest Hieronymus translated into -Latin; for χρόνος in Greek is translated by _tempus_ in the Latin. - - -Chapter 29. On moments and hours. - -1. Time is divided into moments, hours, days, months, years, lusters, -generations (_saecula_), ages. A moment is the least and briefest -time, so-called from the motion (_motu_) of the stars. - -2. ... _Hora_ is a Greek name and still has a Latin sound. For _hora_ -is a limit (_finis_) of time, just as _horae_ are the limits of the -sea and of streams and the borders of garments.[304] - - [304] _Hora_ (hour) and _ora_ (coast or border) are confused. - - -Chapter 30. On days. - -5. The days are named from the gods (_dii_) whose names the Romans -bestowed on certain heavenly bodies. They named the first day from -Sol, which is the chief of the heavenly bodies just as this same day -is the chief of all the days. - -6. The second they named from Luna, which is next to Sol in splendor -and size and borrows its light from it. The third they named from the -star of Mars, which is called Pyrois; the fourth, from the star of -Mercurius, which certain ones name Stilbon. - -7. The fifth, from the star of Jupiter, which they call Phaeton; the -sixth, from the star of Venus, which they call Lucifer, which has -more light than all the other stars. - -The seventh day, from the star of Saturnus, which being placed in the -seventh heaven is said to complete its course in thirty years. And -the heathen gave names to the days from the seven stars because they -thought that some influence was active upon themselves through the -same [stars], saying that they had life (_spiritus_) from Sol, body -from Luna, ability and eloquence from Mercurius, pleasure from Venus, -blood from Mars, self-control (_temperantia_) from Jupiter, and the -humors from Saturn. Such indeed was the folly of the heathen who -created such ridiculous imaginations. But among the Hebrews the first -day is called _una Sabbati_, which among us is _dies Dominicus_, -which the heathen have dedicated to Sol. The second day of the week -is _secunda Sabbati_, which the heathen call _dies Lunae_; the third -day of the week, _tertia Sabbati_, which they call _dies Martis_; the -fourth day of the week, _quarta Sabbati_, which is called _Mercurii -dies_ by the pagans; the fifth day of the week, _quinta Sabbati_, -that is, fifth day from _dies Dominicus_, which among the heathen -is called _dies Jovis_: the sixth day of the week, _sexta Sabbati_, -which is called by them _dies Veneris_. The seventh from _dies -Dominicus_ is _Sabbatum_, which the gentiles have devoted to Saturnus -and have named _dies Saturni_. Sabbatum is translated from the Hebrew -into the Latin as _requies_, because God rested on that day from all -his works. - -The ecclesiastical method of speaking the names of the days comes -better from the lips of Christians; still, if custom should perchance -influence anyone so that what he disapproves of in his heart comes -forth from his mouth, let him know that all those from whom these -days were named were men, and on account of certain services of -a human sort (_mortalia_), since they were very powerful and were -prominent in this world, divine honors were bestowed on them by their -admirers, both in respect to the days and the stars, but first the -stars were named after men and then the days were named after the -stars. - - -Chapter 31. On night. - -1. _Nox_ is derived from _nocere_ (to injure) because it injures the -eyes. And it has the light of the moon and stars in order that it may -not be without beauty, and that it may comfort all who work by night, -and that the light may be sufficiently tempered for certain creatures -that cannot endure the light of the sun. - -3. Night is caused either because the sun is worn out with his long -journey and is weary when he comes to the last stretch of heaven and -blows out his weakened fires; or because he is driven under the lands -with the same force with which he carried his light over them, and -thus the shadow of the earth makes night. Whence Virgilius says: - - Ruit Oceano nox - Involvens umbra magna terramque polumque. - - -Chapter 33. On months. - -1. The word _mensis_ is Greek, being derived from the word for moon. -For in the Greek language the moon is called μήνη; whence among the -Hebrews the regular (_legitimi_) months are reckoned not from the -circle of the sun, but from the course of the moon, which is from new -moon to new moon. - -2. Because of the swifter course of the moon and the fear that an -error of reckoning might arise because of its speed, the Egyptians -began to reckon the day of the month from the course of the sun, -since the slower course of the sun could be comprehended more easily. - - -Chapter 34. On the solstices and equinoxes. - -2. There are two solstices: first, the summer solstice, eight days -before the Kalends of July, from which time the sun begins to return -to the lower circles; the second, the winter solstice, eight days -before the Kalends of January, when the sun begins to make for the -higher circles, whence the day of the winter solstice is the shortest -and that of the summer solstice the longest. - -3. Likewise there are two equinoxes: one in the spring and the other -in the autumn, which the Greeks call ἰσημερίαι. These equinoxes are -the eighth day before the Kalends of April and the eighth day before -the Kalends of October, because the year formerly was divided into -two parts only, that is, into the summer and the winter solstice, and -into two hemispheres. - - -Chapter 35. On the seasons. - -1. There are four seasons of the year: spring, summer, autumn, -winter. And they are called seasons (_tempora_) from tempering,[305] -since they are tempered in turn by moisture, dryness, heat, and cold. - - [305] _A communionis temperamento._ - -2. It is known that after the creation of the universe the seasons -were divided into three months each, according to the quality of the -sun’s course.... And the ancients make the following divisions of -these seasons: in the first month spring is called _novum_, in the -second, _adultum_, in the third, _praeceps_.[306] - - [306] So in the case of summer, autumn, and winter. - -7–8. These seasons are assigned also to separate parts of the -heavens. The spring is given to the Orient, because then all things -arise (_oriuntur_) from the earth; summer to the South, because its -division is more intense in its heat; winter to the North, because -it is torpid with colds and perpetual frost; autumn to the Occident, -because it has serious diseases. Whence, too, the leaves of the trees -fall. The bordering of cold and heat and the contending of opposite -airs causes the autumn to abound in diseases. - - -Chapter 36. On years. - -1. The year is the circle of the sun when it returns to the same -place in relation to the stars, after three hundred and sixty-five -days.... - -3. There are three kinds of years. For the year is the lunar, of -thirty days, the solstitial, which contains twelve months, or the -great year, when all the planets return to the same place, which -happens after many solstitial years. - - -Chapter 38. On generations and ages. - -5. Age (_aetas_) is used properly in two ways: for it is either the -age of man, as infancy, prime, old age; or the age of the world, -whose first age is from Adam to Noe; the second, from Noe to Abraham; -the third, from Abraham to David; the fourth, from David to the -migration of Judah to Babylon; the fifth, from then to the coming of -the Saviour in the flesh; the sixth, which is now in progress and -which will continue until the world is ended. - -6. Julius Africanus was the first of our [writers] to set forth -in the style of simple history, in the time of Marcus Aurelius -Antoninus, the passing of these ages by generations and reigns. Then -Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, and the priest Hieronymus of holy -memory, published a complex history of chronological tables, using -reigns and dates at the same time.[307] - - [307] The reference in “complex history” (_complicem historiam_) - is to the parallel sets of chronological tables of the histories - of different peoples given by Eusebius. - -7. Then others, among them especially Victor, bishop of the church of -Tununa, reviewed the histories of earlier writers and filled out the -deeds of subsequent ages down to the consulate of the second emperor -Justinus. - -8. We have noted with what brevity we could the total of these times -from the beginning of the world to the emperor Augustus Heraclius and -Suinthilanus, king of the Goths, adding at the side a column of dates -by the evidence of which the total of past time may be known. - - -Chapter 39. On the ordering of times (chronology).[308] - - [308] Sufficient of Isidore’s chronology is translated to give an - idea of its method and of the events mentioned in it. His dates - for the six ages of the world are as follows: - - First age 0–2242. - Second age 2242–3184. - Third age 3184–4125. - Fourth age 4125–4610. - Fifth age 4610–5155. - Sixth age 5155-? - - The world according to Isidore’s chronology was in its 5825th - year. Although Isidore professes to start the sixth age with the - birth of Christ, he really starts it with the beginning of the - reign of Augustus. See _Chronicon_; Migne, _P. L._, vol. 83, col. - 1038. - -1. The first age contains at its beginning the creation of the world. -On the first day under the name of light God created the angels; on -the second, under the name of firmament, the heavens; on the third, -under the name of parting, the waters and the land; on the fourth -day, the lights of heaven; on the fifth, living things of the waters; -on the sixth, living things of the land and man, whom he called Adam. - - [Years] - - 2. Adam in his 230th year begat Seth, from whom - [sprang] the children of God. 230 - - Seth in his 205th year begat Enos, who began to call - upon the name of the Lord. 435 - - Enos in his 190th year begat Cainan. 625 - - Cainan in his 170th year begat Malaleel. 795 - - - _Second Age_ - - 5. Sem in the second year after the flood begat - Arphaxad, from whom sprang the Chaldeans. 2244 - - Arphaxad in his 135th year begat Sala, from whom - sprang the Samaritans and Indians. 2379 - - Sala in his 130th year begat Heber, from whom - sprang the Hebrews. 2509 - - 6. Heber in his 144th year begat Phaleg. The tower - was built. 2643 - - Phaleg in his 130th year begat Ragan. The gods - are first worshiped. 2773 - - Ragan in his 132nd year begat Seruch. The kingdom - of the Scythians begins. 2905 - - 7. Seruch in his 130th year begat Nachor. The - king of the Egyptians appears. 3035 - - Nachor in his 79th year begat Tharam. The kingdom - of the Scythians and the Sycionii appears. 3114 - - Tharam in his 70th year begat Abraham. Zoroaster - discovered magic. 3184 - - - _Third Age_ - - 12. Abdon ruled eight years. Troy was captured. 4025 - - Samson ruled twenty years. Ascanius founded Alba. 4045 - - The priest Eli ruled forty years. The ark of the - covenant was captured. 4085 - - Samuel ruled forty years. Homer is believed to - have lived at this time. 4125 - - - _Fourth Age_ - - 13. David ruled forty years. Carthage is founded - by Dido. Gad, Nathan and Asaph prophesied. 4165 - - Solomon ruled forty years. The temple at Jerusalem - was built. 4205 - - - _Fifth Age_ - - 19. The captivity of the Hebrews, seventy years. - Judith writes history. 4680 - - Darius, thirty-four years. The captivity of the - Jews is ended. 4714 - - Xerxes, twenty years. The tragedians Sophocles - and Euripides are famous. 4734 - - 20. Artaxerxes, forty years. Esdras renews the law - which was burned. 4774 - - Darius, called also Nothus, nineteen years. This - time possessed Plato and Gorgias, the first teacher - of rhetoric. 4793 - - 25. Ptolemaeus, eight years. The art of rhetoric - begins at Rome. 5118 - - Dionysius, thirty years. Pompey takes Judaea. 5148 - - Cleopatra, two years. Egypt is conquered by the - Romans. 5150 - - Julius Caesar, five years. He was the first to - possess sole authority. 5155 - - - _Sixth Age_ - - 26. Octavian, fifty-six years. Christ is born. 5211 - - Tiberius, twenty-three years. Christ is crucified. 5234 - - Caius Caligula, four years. Matthew wrote his - gospel. 5238 - - 27. Claudius, fourteen years. Mark published his - gospel. 5252 - - Nero, fourteen years. Peter and Paul are put to - death. 5266 - - Vespasian, ten years. Jerusalem was destroyed by - Titus. 5276 - - 41. Tiberius, six years. The Lombards take Italy. 5779 - - Mauritius, twenty-one years. The Goths become - Catholic. 5800 - - Phocas, eight years. The Romans are defeated by - the Persians. 5808 - -42. Eraclius is now governing the empire in his seventeenth year. - -The Jews in Spain are being made Christian. The remainder of the -sixth age is known to God alone. - - - - -BOOKS VI-VIII - - -THEOLOGY[309] - - [309] These three books are not grouped by Isidore under one - name. There apparently was no name in existence by which to - designate them, as _theologia_ was not applied, commonly at - least, to Christian doctrine before Abelard’s time. - - -INTRODUCTION - -After the five books devoted to the seven liberal arts there follow -three which are grouped together by unity of subject and are sharply -differentiated from the remainder of the _Etymologies_, which is -prevailingly secular in tone. The contents of these three form a -summary of the non-secular thought of the time.[310] Their presence -in the midst of an encyclopedia of secular learning is to be -explained, as we have seen, by the probability that their purpose was -educational, and that they are to be regarded as the texts of the -final stage in the priestly training. They thus form the conclusion -of Isidore’s educational encyclopedia.[311] - - [310] The sources of bks. vi-viii differ from those of the - remaining books of the _Etymologies_ in being almost exclusively - Christian. Isidore himself, in his non-secular writings, covers - more fully the subjects which he here treats in a summary - fashion. Compare bk. vi, chaps. 1 and 2, with _Proemia in - Libros Veteris ac Novi Testamenti_; bk. vii, chaps. 6 and 7, - with _Expositiones Mysticorum Sacramentorum_ and _De Ortu et - Obitu Patrum_; bk. viii, chaps. 1–5, with _Sententiarum Libri - Tres_; bk. vi, chap. 19, and bk. vii, chaps. 12, 13, with _De - Ecclesiasticis Officiis_. - - [311] See pp. 43, 86. - - -ANALYSIS - - I. The books and services of the Church (Book VI). - 1. The Old and New Testaments (ch. 1). - 2. The writers and names of the holy books (ch. 2). - 3. Books (chs. 3–14). - a. Libraries. - b. Translators. - c. Writers of many books. - d. Kinds of books. - e. Writing materials. - 4. The canons of the Gospels (ch. 15). - 5. The canons of the Councils (ch. 16). - 6. The Easter cycle and other feasts (ch. 17). - 7. The services of the Church (ch. 18). - II. God, the angels and the orders of the faithful (Book VII). - 1. God (ch. 1). - 2. The Son of God (ch. 2). - 3. The Holy Spirit (ch. 3). - 4. The Trinity (ch. 4). - 5. The angels (ch. 5). - 6. The meaning of biblical names (chs. 6–10). - 7. Martyrs (ch. 11). - 8. The clergy (ch. 12). - 9. Monks (ch. 13). - 10. The remainder of the faithful (ch. 14). - III. The Church and the different sects (Book VIII). - 1. The Church and the synagogue (ch. 1). - 2. Religion and faith (ch. 2). - 3. Heresy (chs. 3–5). - a. The heresies of the Jews. - b. The heresies of the Christians. - 4. Heathen philosophers (ch. 6). - 5. Poets (ch. 7). - 6. Sibyls (ch. 8). - 7. Magi (ch. 9). - 8. Pagans (ch. 10). - 9. Heathen gods (ch. 11). - - -BOOK VI - -ON THE BOOKS AND SERVICES OF THE CHURCH - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On the Old and New Testaments. - -1. The Old Testament is so-called because when the New came it was -at an end, of which the Apostle speaks: Vetera transierunt, et ecce -facta sunt omnia nova. - -2. The New Testament is so-called because it brings in the new. For -men do not learn it, except those renewed from their former state -through grace and now belonging to the New Testament, which is the -kingdom of heaven. - -3. The Hebrews accept on Esdras’ authority twenty-two books of -the Old Testament, according to the number of their letters,[312] -dividing them into three series, namely, the Law, the Prophets, and -the Hagiographi. - - [312] Of the alphabet. - -4. The first series of the Law is accepted in five books, of which -the first is Beresith, which is Genesis; the second, Veele Samoth, -which is Exodus; the third, Vaicra, which is Leviticus; the fourth, -Vajedabber, which is Numbers; the fifth, Elleaddebarim, which is -Deuteronomy. - -6. The second series is that of the Prophets, in which eight books -are contained, of which the first is Josue Ben-Nun, which in Latin is -called Jesu Nave; the second, Sophtin, which is Judges; the third, -Samuel, which is the first of Kings; the fourth, Malachim, which is -the second of Kings; the fifth, Isaias; the sixth, Jeremias; the -seventh, Ezechiel; the eighth, Thereazer, which is called ‘Of the -Twelve Prophets,’ which books are taken as one since they are placed -together on account of their brevity. - -7. The third is the series of the Hagiographi, that is, those who -write what is holy, in which are nine books, of which the first is -Job; the second, the Psalms; the third, Misse, which is the Proverbs -of Solomon; the fourth, Cohaleth, which is Ecclesiastes; the fifth, -Sir Hassirim, which is the Song of Songs; the sixth, Daniel; the -seventh, Dibrehajamin, which is Verba dierum, _i.e._, Paralipomenon -(Chronicles); the eighth, Esdras; the ninth, Esther. And all of these -together, five, eight, and nine, make twenty-two just as they were -inclusively given above. - -8. Certain add Ruth and Cinoth, which in the Latin is Lamentatio -Jeremiae, to the hagiographa and make twenty-four volumes of the Old -Testament, like the twenty-four elders who stand in the sight of the -Lord. - -9. There is with us a fourth series consisting of those books of the -Old Testament which are not in the Hebrew canon. Of which the first -is the book of Wisdom (Sapientiae); the second, Ecclesiasticus; the -third, Thobias; the fourth, Judith; the fifth and sixth, of the -Machabees. Although the Jews set these aside as apocryphal, still the -church of Christ honors and preaches them among the divine books. - -10. In the New Testament are two series: first the Evangelic, in -which are Matthew, Mark, Luke and John; second, the apostolic, in -which are Paul in fourteen epistles, Peter in two, John in three, -James and Jude in one each, the Acts of the Apostles and the -Apocalypse of John. - -11. Moreover the whole of each Testament is triply divided, that -is, into history, morals, and allegory. Again those three have many -divisions, for example, what was done and said by God, what by the -angels, or by men, what was foretold by the prophets of Christ and -his body; what of the devil and his members; what of the old and the -new people; what of the present age, and the coming kingdom, and the -judgment. - - -Chapter 2. On the writers and names of the sacred books. - -1. These are said to be the authors of the Old Testament according -to the Hebrew tradition. First Moses wrote a cosmography of divine -history in five volumes, which is named Pentateuch. - -8. The book of Josue received its name from Jesus, son of Nave, whose -history it contains, and the Hebrews assert that the same Josue was -its writer, in the text of which, after the crossing of the Jordan, -the kingdoms of the enemy are overthrown and the land divided among -the people, and by the separate cities, villages, mountains and -boundaries the spiritual realms of the church and the heavenly -Jerusalem are prefigured. - -18. Solomon, son of David, king of Israel, wrote three volumes -according to the number of his names, of which the first is in Hebrew -Misle, which the Greeks name Parabolae, the Latins, Proverbia, -because in it he sets forth figurative expressions and likenesses of -the truth under the form of a parallel. - -19. The truth itself he has reserved to its readers to understand. -The second book is called Coheleth, which in the Greek is -Ecclesiastes, in Latin, Concionator, because its discourse is not -especially addressed to one, as in Proverbs, but generally to all, -teaching that all things which we see in the universe are perishable -and short-lived, and for this reason little to be desired. - -20. The third book he called Sir hassirim, which is translated -Cantica Canticorum in the Latin, where in a marriage song he sings in -mystic fashion the union of Christ and the church.... - -21. The songs in these three books are said to be written in -hexameter and pentameter verse as Josephus and Hieronymus say. - -40. These are the four Evangelists whom the holy spirit indicated in -Ezechiel in the four animals. And there are four animals, because the -faith of the Christian religion is spread by their preaching through -the four quarters of the world. - -41. And they were called animals (_animalia_) because the Gospel of -Christ is preached by them on account of the soul (_anima_) of man. -And they were full of eyes within and without, since they perceive -that what was said by the prophets and what had been promised was -being fulfilled. - -42. And their legs were straight because there is nothing crooked in -the Gospels. And as for the six wings apiece that cover their legs -and faces, those things which were hid are revealed at the coming of -Christ. - -50. These are the writers of the sacred books who, speaking by the -holy spirit for our edification, wrote both the precepts of living -and the rule for believing. - -51. In addition to these there are other volumes called apocrypha, -and they are called apocrypha, that is, set aside, because they are -doubted. For their origin is hidden and was not clear to the Fathers -from whom the authority of the genuine scriptures has come down to -us by a most certain and well-known tradition. In these apocrypha, -although some truth is found, there is no canonic authority, on -account of the many things that are false, and it is rightly judged -by the wise that they ought not to be believed [to be the work] of -those to whom they are ascribed. - -52. For many [works] were brought forward by the heretics under the -name of the prophets, and many of later origin under the name of the -apostles, and all of those after careful examination were separated -from the authority of the canon, under the name of apocrypha. - - -Chapter 4. On translators. - -1. This man [Ptolemy Philadelphus] asked Eleazer the high-priest -for the Scriptures of the Old Testament, and had them translated -from Hebrew into Greek by seventy translators, and kept them in the -library of Alexandria. - -2. Being placed separately in separate cells they so translated all, -by the influence of the holy spirit, that nothing was found in the -text of any one of them, that was different in the rest, even in the -order of the words. - -5. The priest, Hieronymus, being expert in the three languages, -translated the Scriptures also from Hebrew into Latin and expressed -them with eloquence, and his translation is rightly preferred to the -rest. For it is nearer to the literal, and plainer because of the -clearness of its expression, and truer, as being done by a Christian -translator. - - -Chapter 7. Those who wrote much. - -1. Marcus Terentius Varro among the Latins wrote innumerable books. -Among the Greeks also Chalcenterus is extolled with marvelous praises -because he wrote so many books that no one of us could even copy in -his own hand-writing as many works of other men. - -2. Of our own writers, too, among the Greeks, Origen in his toil upon -the Scriptures surpassed both Greeks and Latins in the number of his -works. Hieronymus asserts that he had read 6,000 of his books. - -3. However Augustine surpassed the zeal of all these by his genius -and wisdom. For he wrote so much that no one is able in the days and -nights even to read his books, far less to write them. - - -Chapter 16. On the canons of the councils. - -5. Among the rest of the councils we know there are four venerable -synods which embrace the whole faith in its chief heads, like the -four Gospels or the four rivers of Paradise. - -6. Of these the first, the Nicene synod of 318 bishops, was held when -Constantine was emperor. In it the blasphemy of the Arian perfidy -was condemned, which the same Arius gave utterance to concerning the -inequality of the holy Trinity. The same holy synod in the creed -defined God the son as consubstantial with God, the father. - -7. The second synod of 150 fathers gathered at Constantinople under -Theodosius the elder, and condemning Macedonius, who denied that the -Holy Spirit was God, proved that the Holy Spirit was consubstantial -with the Father and the Son, giving the form of the creed which the -whole confession, Greek and Latin, preaches in the churches. - -8. The third synod, the first of Ephesus, of 200 bishops, was held -under Theodosius II, and it condemned with a just anathema Nestorius, -who asserted that there were two persons in Christ, and showed that -the one person of the Lord Jesus Christ was immanent in the two -natures. - -9. The fourth synod of 630 priests was held at Chalcedon under -Martianus, and it condemned by the unanimous vote of the fathers -Euthyches, abbot of Constantinople, who asserted that the nature of -the Word of God and of flesh was one, and his defender, Dioscorus, -bishop of Alexandria, and Nestorius himself a second time, along with -the remaining heretics, the same synod stating that Christ the Lord -was so born of the virgin that we confess in him the substance both -of the divine and of the human nature. - -These four are the principal synods, stating most fully the doctrine -of faith; and whatever councils there are which the holy Fathers, -full of the spirit of God, have ratified, after the authority of -these four, they continue established in all strength. - - -Chapter 17. The cycle of Easter. - -10. After the completion of this [95-year cycle][313] a return -must be made to the beginning. In ancient times the church used to -celebrate Easter on the 14th of the moon at the same time as the -Jews, whatever day it came on; this way of celebrating the holy -Fathers forbade at the council of Nicaea, giving directions to make -inquiry not only for the Easter moon and month, but also to observe -the day of the resurrection of the Lord, and because of this they -extended Easter from the 14th of the moon to the 21st, in order that -the _dies Dominicus_ might not be left out. - - [313] This passage is preceded by a table indicating the date - of Easter for 95 years (627–721). It is clear that although - Isidore was not acquainted with the plan of Dionysius Exiguus - to institute the Christian era, he was acquainted with the - essentials of his Easter table. Dionysius had given the dates - for Easter in five 19-year cycles, dating from 525; in Isidore - this is continued for the years 627 to 721. Isidore’s table - consists merely of parallel columns of the days of the month - and corresponding days of the moon on which Easter fell. Each - date is marked C or E, abbreviations for _communis annus_ and - _embolismus_ which describe respectively the year of twelve and - that of thirteen lunar months in use in the Hebrew chronology. - A further abbreviation, B, stands opposite each fourth year, to - mark the leap-years. The years are not numbered according to - any era, and the assignment of dates, 627–721, is inferred from - the dates given for Easter. See Ideler, _Chronologie_, vol. ii, - p. 290 (Berlin, 1826). Isidore does not make it plain that he - understood the mathematics of the computation of Easter. It is - of interest that in 643 the fourth synod of Toledo passed an - enactment to secure a common observance of Easter throughout the - Spanish churches, no doubt according to this Easter-table. See - Gams, _Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien_ (Regensburg, 1874), - vol. ii, part 2, p. 94. - -12. The eve of Easter is spent in watching because of the coming of -our King and God, that the time of the resurrection may find us not -sleeping but waking. And the reason for this night is a double one, -either because he received life at that time when he suffered, or -because he is to come for judgment at the same hour at which he arose. - -13. And we celebrate Easter in such a way as not merely to call to -memory the death and resurrection of Christ but also to consider the -rest that is told about him with reference to its mystic meaning (_ad -sacramentorum significationem_). - -14. For on account of beginning the new life, and on account of -the new man which we are bidden to put on and to put off the old, -purging away the old ferment in order that we may be a new sprinkling -(_conspersio_), since Christ is sacrificed as our Pascha (Passover); -on account of this newness of life, then, the first month in the -months of the year is mystically assigned to the Easter festival. - -15. And that Easter is celebrated on a day in the third week, that -is, a day that occurs between the fourteenth and twenty-first, this -signifies that in the whole time of the world, which is based on the -unit of seven days, this mystery has now opened a third time. - -16. For the first time is before the law, the second under the law, -the third under grace. Wherein the mystery before hidden in the -prophetic allegory is now plain, and the resurrection of the Lord is -on the third day on account of these three periods of the world. - -17. As to the fact that Easter day is sought through seven days from -the fourteenth to the twenty-first, this is done on account of the -number seven, by which the meaning of completeness is often figured, -which is also assigned to the church itself because it is universal. -For this reason also John, the apostle, writes to the seven churches. - -18. And by the name of the moon in the Scriptures, on account of its -mutability it is signified that the church as yet is established -[only] in the mortality of the flesh. - -19. An observance of different opinions as to the feast of Easter -sometimes produces error. For the Latins seek for the moon of the -first month from the third day before the Nones of March to the third -before the Nones of April, and if the fourteenth day of the moon -comes on Sunday, they postpone Easter to another Sunday. - -20. The Greeks observe the moon of the first month from the eighth -before the Ides of March to the day of the Nones of April, and -if the fifteenth day of the moon comes on the Lord’s day, they -celebrate Easter. A difference of this sort between them disturbs the -regularity of the Easter canon. - - -BOOK VII - -ON GOD, THE ANGELS, AND THE ORDERS OF THE FAITHFUL - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On God. - -1. The most blessed Hieronymus, a man of the greatest learning and -skilled in many languages, first rendered into the Latin language -the meaning of the Hebrew names. And leaving out many for brevity, I -propose to insert certain of them in this work with their meanings in -addition. - -2. For the explanation of words sufficiently indicates what they -mean. For certain have the reason for their names in peculiar causes. -And at the beginning we set down ten names by which God is called -among the Hebrews.... - - -Chapter 5. On angels. - -2. The word angel is the name of a function, not of a nature; for -they are always spirits, but are called angels when they are sent. - -3. And the license of painters makes wings for them in order to -denote their swift passage in every direction, just as also in the -fables of the poets the winds are said to have wings on account of -their velocity.... - -4. The sacred writings testify that there are nine orders of -angels, namely, angels, archangels, thrones, dominions, virtues, -principalities, powers, cherubim and seraphim. And we shall explain -by derivation why the names of these functions were so applied. - -5. Angels are so called because they are sent down from heaven to -carry messages to men.... - -6. Archangels in the Greek tongue means _summi nuntii_ in the Latin. -For they who carry small or trifling messages are called angels; and -they who announce the most important things are called archangels.... -Archangels are so called because they hold the leadership among -angels.... For they are leaders and chiefs under whose control -services are assigned to each and every angel. - -17. Certain functions of angels by which signs and wonders are done -in the world are called virtues, on account of which the virtues are -named. - -18. Those are powers to whom hostile virtues are subject, and they -are called by the name of powers because evil spirits are constrained -by their power not to harm the world as much as they desire. - -19. Principalities are those who are in command of the hosts of the -angels. And they have received the name of principality because -they send the subordinate angels here and there to do the divine -service.... - -20. Dominions are they who are in charge even of the virtues and -principalities, and they are called dominions because they rule the -rest of the hosts of the angels. - -21. Thrones are the hosts of angels who in the Latin are called -_sedes_; and they are called thrones because the creator presides -over them, and through them accomplishes his decisions. - -22. Cherubim ... are the higher hosts of angels who, being placed -nearer, are fuller of the divine wisdom than the rest.... - -24. The seraphim in like manner are a multitude of angels, and the -word is translated from the Hebrew into the Latin as _ardentes_ or -_incendentes_, and they are called _ardentes_ because between them -and God no other angels stand, and therefore the nearer they stand in -his presence the more they are lighted by the brightness of divine -light. - -25. And they veil the face and feet of God sitting on his throne, and -therefore the rest of the throng of angels are not able to see fully -the essence of God, since the seraphim cover him. - -28. To each and every one, as has been said before, his proper duties -are appointed, and it is agreed that they obtained these according -to merit at the beginning of the world. That angels have charge over -both places and men, an angel testifies through the prophet, saying: -“Princeps regni Persarum mihi restitit” (Dan. x. 13). - -29. Whence it is evident that there is no place that angels have not -charge of. They have charge also over the beginnings of all works. - -30. Such is the order or classification of the angels who after -the fall of the wicked stood in celestial strength. For after the -apostate angels fell, these were established in the continuance of -eternal blessedness. - -32. As to the two seraphim that are read of in Isaiah, they show in a -figure the meaning of the Old and the New Testament. But as to their -covering the face and feet of God, it is because we cannot know the -past before the universe, nor the future after the universe, but -according to their testimony we contemplate only the intervening -time. - - -Chapter 6. On men who received prophetic names. - -1. Most of the men of early times have the origin of their names -in appropriate causes. And their names have been given in such a -prophetic way that they are in harmony with either their future or -their antecedent causes. - -2. However we shall now examine merely their literal meaning in -history, without touching on the inner meaning of the spirit. - - -Chapter 11. On martyrs. - -4. There are two kinds of martyrs, one in open suffering, the -other in the hidden virtue of the spirit. For many, enduring the -lyings-in-wait of the enemy and resisting all carnal desires, have -become martyrs even in time of peace, because they have sacrificed -themselves in their heart to the omnipotent God, and if they had -lived in time of persecution, they could have been martyrs in reality. - - -Chapter 12. On the clergy. - -4. The order of bishops is four-fold, namely, patriarchs, -archbishops, metropolitans, and bishops. - -5. Patriarch in the Greek tongue means highest of the fathers, -because he holds the first, that is, the Apostolic place, and he is -honored by such a name because he holds the highest office, as for -example, the patriarch of Rome, Antioch or Alexandria. - - -BOOK VIII[314] - -THE CHURCH AND THE DIFFERENT SECTS - -EXTRACTS - - [314] It is worth noticing that in bks. vii and viii Isidore - gives a list of the whole hierarchy of supernatural and human - existences beginning with God and ending with the devil. An - inspection of the order of subjects will suggest to the reader - that he was arranging them in order of merit. If this supposition - is correct, the table of contents of these two books is a very - significant one, as throwing light upon Isidore’s scale of values - for the divine, the human and the demonic. - - -Chapter 1. On the church and the synagogue. - -4. The church began at the place where the holy spirit came from -heaven and filled those who were sitting together. - -5. In view of its present sojourn in strange parts the church is -called Sion, because from the distant viewpoint of this sojourn it -contemplates the promise of heavenly things, and therefore it has -received the name Sion, that is, contemplation. - -6. Moreover in view of the peace of the future land it is called -Jerusalem, for Jerusalem means vision of peace. For there, all -suffering ended, it shall possess with near contemplation the peace -which is Christ. - - -Chapter 3. On heresy. - -1. _Haeresis_ is so-called in the Greek from choosing, because, -forsooth, each one chooses for himself what seems to him to -be better, as the Peripatetic philosophers, the Academic, the -Epicureans, and the Stoics, or as others who, following perverse -belief, have departed from the church of their own free will. - -2. And so heresy is named in the Greek from its meaning of choice, -since each at his own will chooses what he pleases to teach or -believe. But we are not permitted to believe anything of our own -will, nor to choose what someone has believed of his. - -3. We have God’s apostles as authorities, who did not themselves of -their own will choose anything of what they should believe, but they -faithfully transmitted to the nations the teaching received from -Christ. And so, even if an angel from heaven shall preach otherwise, -he shall be called anathema. - - -Chapter 5. On the heresies of the Christians. - -69. There are also other heresies[315] without founders or names: -some of whom believe that God has three forms; and others say that -the divinity of Christ is capable of suffering; and others set a date -in time to the generation of Christ by the Father. Others believe -that by the descent of Christ the liberation of all[316] in the lower -regions was accomplished; others deny that the soul is the image of -God; others think that souls are changed to demons and to animals of -every sort; others hold different views about the constitution of the -universe; others think there are innumerable universes; others make -water co-eternal with God; others go on their bare feet; others do -not eat in company with men. - - [315] A list of heresies precedes. - - [316] Du Breul, _hominum_ instead of _omnium_. - -70. These heresies have arisen against the catholic faith and have -been condemned beforehand by the apostles and the holy fathers, or -by the councils, and while they are not consistent with one another, -being divided among many different errors, they still conspire with -one assent against the church of God. But whoever understands the -holy Scripture otherwise than as the sense of the Holy Spirit, by -whom it was written, demands, though he do not withdraw from the -church, he can be still called a heretic. - - -Chapter 6. On the heathen philosophers. - -1. Philosophers are so-called by a Greek name, which in Latin means -_amatores sapientiae_. For he is a philosopher who has a knowledge of -divine and human things, and keeps wholly to the way of right living. - -2. The name of the philosophers is said to have first originated with -Pythagoras. For when the ancient Greeks boastfully named themselves -sophists, that is, wise men, or teachers of wisdom, he was asked -what he professed to be, and he modestly replied that he was a -philosopher, that is, lover of wisdom, since to make a profession of -wisdom seemed very arrogant. - -3. And so in later times it became the practice to give only the -name of philosopher, no matter how great the learning in matters -pertaining to wisdom each seemed to himself or to others to possess. -And these philosophers are divided into three classes: for they are -either natural philosophers (_physici_), or moral (_ethici_), or -rational (_logici_). - -4. The natural philosophers are so-called because they treat of -nature.... - -5. The moral philosophers are so-called because they discuss -morals.... - -6. The rational philosophers are so named because they add -reason to nature and morals.... These are divided into their -schools, some having names from their founders, as _Platonici_, -_Epicurei_, _Pythagorici_; others from their places of meeting, as -_Peripatetici_, _Stoici_, _Academici_. - -7. The _Platonici_ are named from the philosopher Plato. They assert -that God is the creator of souls, the angels of bodies; they say that -after many cycles of years souls return to different bodies. - -9. [The Stoics] assert that no one is happy without virtue. They -claim that every sin is equally sinful, saying: “He is as guilty -who steals chaff as he who steals gold, he who kills a waterfowl as -he who kills a horse; for it is not the thing but the spirit (_non -animal sed animus_) that makes the sin.” - -10. These also say that the soul perishes with the body. They love -the virtue of self-control, and seek eternal glory although they -assert that they are not immortal. - -11. The _Academici_ are named from Academia, Plato’s villa at Athens, -where he taught. These believe that all things are uncertain; but -although it must be admitted that many things which God willed to -surpass the understanding of man, are uncertain and hidden from us, -yet there are very many things which can be received by the senses -and apprehended by man. - -15. The Epicureans are named from Epicurus, a certain philosopher, a -lover of vanity not of wisdom, whom the very philosophers themselves -called a swine because he wallowed in carnal filth and asserted that -bodily pleasure was the highest good, and even said that the universe -was not formed and ruled by a divine Providence. - -16. But he assigned the origin of things to atoms, that is, to -indivisible material bodies, from the chance combination of which all -things arise and have arisen. He said that God did nothing, that all -things are corporeal, that the soul is not different from the body. -And so he said, “I shall not exist after I die.” - -22. These errors of the philosophers have given rise also to heresies -in the church.... - -23. When it is said that the soul perishes, Epicurus is honored; and -the denial of the resurrection of the flesh is taken from all the -philosophers; and where matter is put on an equality with God, it is -the teaching of Zeno; and where anything is read about a God of fire, -Heraclitus comes in. The same material is used and the same errors -are embraced over and over by heretics and philosophers. - - -Chapter 7. On poets. - -1. Tranquillus thus tells why poets were so named: “When men putting -off savagery first began to have a settled mode of life and to obtain -a knowledge of themselves and their gods, they contrived a modest -way of living and necessary words for themselves, but sought for -magnificence in each for the worship of their gods. - -2. And so, just as they made temples more beautiful than the homes -of that time, and images larger than men’s bodies, so they thought -that [the gods] must be honored with an eloquence even more stately, -and they extolled their merits in splendid words and pleasure-giving -verse.” - -10. The function of a poet is in this, that by the aid of a -figurative and indirect mode of speech he gracefully changes and -transforms to a different aspect what has really taken place. But -Lucan is not placed in the number of poets because he seems to have -composed a history, not a poem. - - -Chapter 8. On the sibyls. - -3. The most learned authors relate that there were ten Sibyls. Of -whom the first was the Persian; the second, the Libyan; the third, -the Delphian, born in the temple of the Delphian Apollo, who foretold -the Trojan wars and very many of whose verses Homer inserted in his -work; the fourth, the Cimmerian in Italy; the fifth, the Erythraean, -Herophyla by name, born in Babylon, who foretold to the Greeks on -their way to Ilium that they would perish and Homer would write lies; -she was called Erythraean because her verses were found in that -island; the sixth, the Samian.... - -5. The seventh, the Sibyl of Cumae, who brought nine books to -Tarquinius Priscus in which were written the secrets[317] of Rome.... - - [317] Reading _secreta_ for _decreta_. - -6. The eighth, the Sibyl of Hellespont, born in Trojan territory, who -is said to have lived in the days of Solon and Cyrus.... The ninth, -who prophesied at Ancyra. The tenth, the Sibyl of Tibur, Albunea by -name. - -7. Verses of all these are published, in which it is manifestly -proved that they wrote many things about God and Christ and the -heathen. The Erythraean Sibyl, however, is said to be the most -celebrated and famous of them all. - - -Chapter 9. On the magi. - -1. The first of the magi was Zoroaster, king of the Bactrians, whom -Ninus, king of the Assyrians, slew in battle, and of whom Aristotle -writes that on the evidence of his works it is clear that he composed -2,000,000 verses. - -2. This art was enlarged by Democritus many centuries later when -Hippocrates was famous for his knowledge of medicine.... - -3. And so this vanity of the magic arts flourished during many -generations in the whole world by the teaching of the bad angels, -through a certain knowledge of the future and the summoning up of -infernal spirits. Their inventions are divinations, auguries, the -so-called oracles, and necromancy. - -4. And there is no miracle in the feats of the magicians, whose arts -of wickedness reached such perfection that they actually resisted -Moses by wonders very like his, turning twigs to serpents and water -to blood. - -5. It is said that there was a very famous magician, Circe, who -turned Ulysses’ companions into beasts. We also read of a sacrifice -which the Arcadians offered to their god Lycaeus when all who ate of -it were changed to the shapes of beasts. - -6. And it is plain that the famous poet wrote of a certain woman who -excelled in the magic arts: “She promises to soothe by her charms the -minds of whomsoever she wishes, and to cause others cruel anxieties; -to stay the current in the stream, to turn the stars back. She -summons the spirits of the dead at night; you shall hear the earth -bellow beneath your feet and see the ash trees come down the mountain -side.”[318] - - [318] Verg. _Aen._ 4, 487–491, not quoted directly but taken from - Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_, 21, 6. - -7. Why should I tell further of the sorceress—if it is right to -believe it—how she summoned the soul of the prophet Samuel from the -secret places of hell and presented him to the gaze of the living—if -we are to believe that it was the soul of the prophet and not some -fantastic deceit created by the trickery of Satan. - -8. Prudentius, too, tells of Mercury: “It is said that he recalled -the souls of the dead to the light by the power of the wand he held, -and others he condemned to death.” And a little later he adds: “The -wicked art can summon unsubstantial forms with its magic murmur and -utter incantations over sepulchral ashes, and others it can deprive -of life.” - -9. The magi are they who are usually called _malefici_ because of the -greatness of their guilt. They throw the elements into commotion, -disorder men’s minds, and without any draught of poison they kill by -the mere virulence of a charm. - -10. ... They summon demons, and dare to work such juggleries that -each one slays his enemies by evil arts. They use blood also, and -victims, and often touch dead bodies. - -11. Necromancers are they by whose incantations the dead appear to -revive and prophesy and answer questions.... To summon them blood is -thrown on a corpse; for they say demons love blood, and therefore as -often as necromancy is practiced blood is mixed with water, that they -may be more easily attracted owing to the color of blood. - -12. The _hydromantii_ are so named from water. For it is hydromancy -to summon the shades of demons by looking into water and to see their -likenesses or mockeries, and to be told some things by them, while -the pretence is made that it is actually the dead who are being -questioned by the aid of blood.[319] - - [319] From Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_, bk. vii. cap. 35. - -13. This sort of divination is said to have been introduced by the -Persians. Varro says there are four kinds of divination, namely, -by earth, air, water, fire; hence geomancy, hydromancy, aeromancy, -pyromancy. - -14. _Divini_ (sooth-sayers) are so called as if they were _Deo pleni_ -(full of God); for they pretend that they are full of divinity and -they guess men’s future by a deceitful cleverness. - -There are two sorts of [this] divination, skill and frenzy. - -16. _Arioli_ (sooth-sayers) are so named because they utter their -execrable prayers at the altars (_aras_) of idols and make funeral -offerings, and because of their solemn observances they receive -responses from demons. - -23. The _genethliaci_ are so named because of their observance of -natal days. They lay out men’s nativities according to the twelve -constellations of heaven, and by the course of the stars endeavor to -foretell the characters, deeds, and fortunes of the new-born, that -is, under what sign each has been born, and what result it has for -the life of him who is born. - -25. At first the interpreters of the stars were called _magi_, as is -read of those who announced the birth of Christ in the Gospel; later -they had only the name of _mathematici_. - -26. A knowledge of this art was granted up to the time of the Gospel, -that when Christ was born no one after that should read the nativity -of anyone from heaven. - -30. To these belong also the _ligatures_, with their accursed -remedies, which medical science condemns, whether in charms or in -signs or in suspending and binding articles. - -31. In all these the demonic art has arisen from a pestilential -association of men and bad angels. Whence all must be avoided by -Christians and rejected and condemned with thorough-going malediction. - - -Chapter 10. On the heathen. - -2. The Gentiles are they who are without the law and have not yet -believed. Moreover they are called Gentiles because they are in their -con-genital state, that is, just as in the flesh they have plunged -down into sin, to wit, serving idols and not yet regenerate. - - -Chapter 11. On the gods of the heathen. - -1. They whom the pagans assert to be gods are known to have been men -at one time, and in accordance with the life and services of each one -they began to be worshiped among their own people after their death, -as, in Egypt, Isis; in Crete, Jove; among the Moors, Juba; among the -Latins, Faunus; among the Romans, Quirinus. - -2. ... And in their praises the poets, too, have helped, and by -writing poems have raised them up to the heavens. - -3. It is said that the invention of certain arts has given rise to -worship, as medicine for Aesculapius, craftsmanship for Vulcan. And -they get their names from their activities, as Mercurius because he -is in charge of merchandise; Liber from liberty. - -4. There were also certain brave men and founders of cities, upon -whose death men, because they loved them, made images of them, so as -to have some comfort from the contemplation of their likenesses, but -this error, it is now plain, so insinuated itself among later men by -the influence of demons, that the persons whom earlier men honored -for the sake of memory and nothing else, were believed by their -successors to be gods, and were worshiped. - -5. The use of images arose when, because of longing for the dead, -likenesses or representations were made of them as if they had -been received into heaven. And demons substituted themselves to -be worshiped on earth in their place, and persuaded deceived and -wretched men that sacrifices should be made to them. - -12. While wicked pride, whether of men or of demons, commands and -desires this worship, on the other hand pious humility, whether of -men or of holy angels, refuses it when offered to them and shows to -whom it is due. - -15. Demons, they say, were named by the Greeks as if δαήμονας, that -is, clever and knowing about things. For they foreknow many things -that are to come, and because of this they are wont to give some -responses. - -16. For there is in them a knowledge of things greater than is in -human weakness, partly by the keenness of their subtler sense, partly -by the experience of very long life, partly by God’s command as -revealed by the angels. They are strong in the nature of their aerial -bodies. - -17. Before their transgression, indeed, they had celestial bodies. -But they fell and changed to an aerial quality, and they are not -allowed to occupy the purer stretches of yonder airy space, but those -misty parts, and this serves as a sort of prison for them until the -time of judgment. These are the apostate angels, and their chief is -the devil. - -18. The devil (_diabolus_) in Hebrew means flowing downward (_deorsum -fluens_), because he despised a calm station at heaven’s height and -fell in downward ruin by the weight of his pride; but in Greek devil -means accuser, whether because he reports the guilty deeds to which -he is himself the tempter, or because he accuses the innocence of -the elect with false crimes. Whence the angel’s voice says in the -Apocalypse: “The accuser of our brethren has been cast down, who -accused them in the sight of God day and night.” - -19. _Satanas_ signifies in Latin the adversary, or deserter. He is -the adversary, for he is the foe of truth, and struggles to resist -the virtues of the holy; and the deserter, because he became an -apostate and did not stand by the truth in which he was created; and -the tempter, because he demands that the uprightness of the just be -tried, as is written in Job. - -20. Antichrist is so named because he is going to oppose Christ. It -is not as certain simple-minded persons understand, that he is called -Antichrist because he is going to come before Christ, that is, that -Christ will come after him; not so, but Antichrist in the Greek means -in the Latin _contrarius Christo_, for ἀντὶ in Greek means _contra_ -in Latin. - -21. For when he comes he will say falsely that he is Christ, and he -will fight against him, and will oppose the sacraments of Christ, in -order to destroy the Gospel of truth. - -22. For he will try to repair the temple at Jerusalem and to restore -all the ceremonies of the old law; moreover he is Antichrist who -denies that Christ is God, for he is opposed to Christ; all who -go out of the church and are cut off from the unity of faith are -themselves Antichrist. - -37. They say that _Janus_ is the gate (_janua_), as it were, of the -universe, or the heavens or the months; they make Janus with two -faces because of the East and the West; when they make him with four -faces and call him the double Janus they refer this to the four -quarters of the universe or to the four elements or seasons. But when -they make this pretence they make a monster, not a god. - -56. They say that Diana [Apollo’s] sister is at the same time Luna -and the divinity of roads. And they represent her as a maiden because -nothing grows on a road. And both [Apollo and Diana] are falsely -represented as having arrows because the sun and moon send their rays -from heaven down to the earth. - -81. _Pan_ is a Greek name; the Latin is _Silvanus_; the god of the -country people whom they invented to represent nature, whence he is -called Pan, that is, _all_. For they pretend that he is made out of -every kind of element. - -82. For he has horns to represent the rays of the sun and moon; he -has a skin, marked by spots, because of the stars of heaven; his face -is red to represent the ether; he carries a Pan’s-pipe of seven reeds -because of the harmony of the heavens in which are seven sounds, and -the seven notes of the voice. - -89. These[320] and others are the fabulous imaginations of the -heathen, and, being rightly understood, they are such that their -worship, though in ignorance, brings damnation. - - [320] The reference is to heathen gods. - -100. They say _manes_ are the gods of the dead, whose power, they -assert, is between the moon and the earth.... - -101. _Larvae_ they say are demons made from men who have been wicked. -It is said to be their nature to terrify little ones and to gibber in -dark corners. - - - - -BOOK IX - - -ON LANGUAGES, RACES, EMPIRES, WARFARE, CITIZENS, RELATIONSHIPS - - -INTRODUCTION - -In spite of the apparent lack of unity indicated by the title, the -subject of Book IX may be fairly described as mankind. It is true -that language is the first topic, but it is brought in merely because -Isidore believed that differences of race were based on differences -of language. It is followed by a survey of the races of mankind, -ending with an account of the races that had won military prominence. -Isidore then turns to man within the state and treats of him first as -a soldier and then as a citizen. Finally man is taken up as a member -of the family, and an account of family relationship and of marriage -is given.[321] - - [321] Isidore gives a table of “the prohibited degrees” within - which marriage was forbidden by the rule of the church. Since - the introduction of Christianity these had been steadily - extended until in Isidore’s lifetime intermarriage within the - seventh degree was prohibited by Pope Gregory. The analogy - between the wide extension of “the prohibited degrees” in the - dark ages and that found among primitive peoples generally is - remarkable. Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, p. 297, - says: “As a rule among primitive peoples unaffected by modern - civilization, the prohibited degrees are more numerous than in - advanced communities, the prohibitions in many cases referring - even to all the members of a tribe or clan.” For an account of - this development of marriage, see Westermarck, _op. cit._, p. - 308, and Smith and Cheetham’s _Christian Antiquities_, art. - “Prohibited Degrees.” This social phenomenon of the dark ages - is a development parallel to the recrudescence of the primitive - in the intellectual sphere which is illustrated in so marked a - manner in the _Etymologies_ (_cf._ pp. 50–54). - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Languages (ch. 1). - II. Mankind (ch. 2). - 1. Mankind the descendants of the sons of Noah (Secs. 2–37). - 2. General view of the peoples of the earth with their Hebrew - origin where known (Secs. 37–135). - III. Empires, rulers, and warfare (ch. 3). - IV. Terms relating to civil life (ch. 4). - V. The family (chs. 5–7). - 1. The direct line (ch. 5). - 2. Relatives and degrees of relationship, with the “prohibited - degrees” (ch. 6). - 3. Marriage (ch. 7). - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On the languages of the nations. - -1. The diversity of languages arose after the flood, at the building -of the tower; for before that proud undertaking divided human society -among different languages (_in diversos signorum sonos_) there -was one tongue for all peoples, which is called Hebrew. This the -patriarchs and prophets used, not only in their conversation, but in -the sacred writings as well. At first there were as many languages -as peoples, then more peoples than languages, because many peoples -sprang from one language. - -3. There are three sacred languages, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and -they are supreme through all the world. For it was in these three -languages that the charge against the Lord was written above the -cross by Pilate. Wherefore, because of the obscurity of the holy -Scriptures, a knowledge of these three languages is necessary, in -order that there may be recourse to a second if the expression in one -of them leads to doubt of a word or its meaning. - -4. But the Greek tongue is considered most famous among the tongues -of the nations. For it is more resonant than the Latin and all other -tongues, and its variety is discerned in its five divisions: of which -the first is called κοινή, that is, debased or common, which all use. - -5. The second is Attic, that is, the Athenian speech which all the -writers of Greece used. The third is Doric, which the Egyptians have -and the Sicilians. The fourth is Ionic. The fifth, Aeolic, which -the Aeoles spoke. In observing the Greek tongue there are definite -distinctions of this sort; for their language is divided in this way. - -6. Certain have asserted that there are four Latin languages, namely, -the early, the Latin, the Roman, the corrupted. The early is that -which the oldest Italians used in the time of Janus and Saturn, a -rude speech, as is shown in the songs of the Salii; the Latin, which -they spoke in Latium under Latinus and the kings of Tuscia, in which -the twelve tables were written. - -7. The Roman, which began to be spoken by the Roman people after -the kings were driven out, which was used by the poets Naevius, -Plautus, Ennius, Virgilius, the orators Gracchus, Cato, Cicero, and -the rest. The corrupted Latin, which, after the empire was extended -more widely, burst into the Roman state along with customs and men, -corrupting the soundness of speech by solecisms and barbarisms. - -10. Every language, Greek, Latin, or of other nations, any man can -grasp by hearing it, or can get from a teacher by reading. Though a -knowledge of all languages is difficult for anyone, still no one is -so sluggish that, situated as he is in his own nation, he should not -know his own nation’s language. For what else is he to be thought -except lower than the brute animals? For they make the sound that -is proper to them, but he is worse who lacks a knowledge of his own -language. - -11. What sort of language God spoke at the beginning of the world -when he said “Let there be light”, it is difficult to discover. For -there were no languages yet. Likewise [it is hard to learn] in what -tongue he spoke later to man’s external ear, especially when he spoke -to the first man or to the prophets, or when God’s voice sounded -corporally[322] as when he said, “Thou art my beloved son”, where it -is believed by certain authorities that he used that one and single -language that existed before there was a diversity of language. -However among the different nations it is believed that God speaks -to them in that same tongue which they themselves use, so as to be -understood by them. - - [322] _Corporaliter._ - -12. God speaks to men, not through the agency of invisible substance, -but by an embodied being, in which form he has willed to appear to -men when he has spoken. The Apostle says also: “If I speak with the -tongues of men and of angels”, where the question arises in what -tongue angels speak. Not that angels have languages, but this is said -figuratively. - -13. Likewise it is asked what tongue men will speak in future. The -answer is nowhere found.... - -14. And we have written first about tongues and later about nations -for the reason that nations have arisen from tongues, not tongues -from nations. - - -Chapter 2. On names of Nations. - -2. The nations among whom the earth is divided are seventy-three. -Fifteen from Japhet, thirty-one from Cham, twenty-seven from -Sem, which make seventy-three, or rather, as calculation shows, -seventy-two, and as many languages began to exist throughout the -lands, and increasing they filled the provinces and islands. - -9. ... These[323] are the nations of the stock of Sem, possessing the -southern land from the sun-rise all the way to the Phoenicians. - -25. ... These[323] are the nations of the stock of Cham, who hold all -the southern part from Sidon all the way to the Strait of Cadiz. - - [323] The names of the nations are enumerated in the preceding - sections. - -37. These are the nations of the stock of Japhet, which possessed -the half of Asia and all Europe as far as the British Ocean, leaving -names to both places and peoples from Mt. Taurus to Aquilo, of which -at a later time a great many were changed, but the rest remain as -they were. - -38. For the names of many peoples have remained in part, so that it -is evident to-day whence they were derived, as the Assyrians from -Assur, the Hebrews from Heber, but they have changed in part, through -length of time, so that the most learned men scanning the oldest -histories have with difficulty been able to find the origins, not of -all, but of some of them. - -39. ... And if all things should be considered, it is evident that -a greater number of peoples have changed their names than have kept -them, and different reasons have imposed different names on them. For -the Indi were so-called from the river Indus which bounds them on the -west. - -40. The Seres[324] obtained a name from their own town, a people -lying toward the East, among whom wool taken from trees is woven. - - [324] The name China appeared for the first time in the - _Christian Topography_ of Cosmas Indicopleustes. It does not - appear in the _Etymologies_. - -89. The Goths are believed to have been named from Magog, son of -Japhet, from the likeness of the last syllable. These the ancients -called Getae, rather than Goths, a race brave and very powerful, of -lofty massive stature, fear-inspiring in the matter of arms.... - -96. The Vindilicus is a river bursting forth in the extremity of -Gaul, near which stream the Vandals are said to have dwelt, and to -have derived their name from it. - -97. The nations of Germany are so-called because their bodies are -of monstrous size, and their tribes are terrible, being inured to -the fiercest cold, and they have derived their characteristics from -the rigor of the climate, of fierce spirit and always unconquerable, -living on plunder and hunting. Of these there are very many -tribes, varying in their armor and in the color of their dress and -with different languages, and the derivation of their names is -doubtful.... The frightfulness of their barbarism contributes a -certain fearfulness of sound to their very names. - -100. The tribe of Saxons, dwelling on the shores of the Ocean and -among pathless marshes, brave and active. And from this they get -their name, because they are a hardy and very strong race of men, and -one that surpasses other tribes in piracy. - -101. It is believed that the Francs were so-called from a certain -leader. Others think that their name comes from the savagery of their -character. For their customs are uncouth, and they have a natural -fierceness of spirit. - -102. Certain suspect that the Britons were so-called according to -the Latin because they are stupid (_bruti_), a people situated in -the midst of the Ocean, separated by the sea, as it were, beyond the -circle of lands. - -105. In accordance with diversity of climate, the appearance of men -and their color and bodily size vary and diversities of mind appear. -Thence we see that the Romans are dignified, the Greeks unstable, the -Africans crafty, the Gauls fierce by nature and somewhat headlong in -their disposition, which the character of the climates brings about. - -132. The Anthropophagi, a very fierce people, situated in the -direction of the Seres. And they are named Anthropophagi because they -eat human flesh. And just as in the case of these, so in the case of -other peoples throughout the ages, names have been changed either -because of kings, or countries, or customs, or some other causes, so -that the first origin of their name is not evident, owing to distance -of time. - -133. Moreover those who are called Antipodes, because they are -believed to be opposite to our feet, so that, being as it were placed -beneath the earth, they tread in footsteps that are opposed to our -feet. It is by no means to be believed, because neither the solid -texture nor the center of the earth admits it. Besides, this is not -established by any historical evidence, but the poets arrive at this -conclusion by a sort of reasoning. - - -Chapter 3. On kingdoms and terms used in warfare. - -2. Whole nations have enjoyed sovereignty each in its own turn, as -the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, Egyptians, Greeks, whose turns the -lot of time so rolled around that one was destroyed by another. Amid -all the kingdoms of the earth, however, two are said to be more -glorious than the rest; that of the Assyrians first, then that of the -Romans, being separated and distinguished from one another both in -time and place. - -3. For as the former was earlier and the latter later, so the -former arose in the East and the latter in the West; finally at the -destruction of the former the beginning of the latter immediately -appeared. All other kingdoms and all other kings are regarded as -appendages of these. - - - - -BOOK X - - -ALPHABETICAL LIST OF WORDS[325] - - [325] This is the only part of the _Etymologies_ in which Isidore - gives up every principle of organization of his subject-matter - except the alphabetical one. Elsewhere the terms are grouped - according to their meaning, with sometimes traces of alphabetical - order in the groups, but here the dictionary method alone is used. - - -EXTRACTS - -1. Though the derivation of words by the philosophers involves -this belief, that _homo_ comes from _humanitas_, _sapiens_ from -_sapientia_, because _sapientia_ exists before _sapiens_, still -another special cause is evident in the derivation of certain names, -as _homo_ from _humus_, whence in a true sense _homo_ is so called. -And we have set down certain of these derivations in this work for -the sake of example. - -44. _Compilator_, one who mixes the words of other men with his own -as painters are wont to mix and pound different things in a mortar. -Of this crime the famous poet of Mantua was once accused when he had -translated certain verses of Homer and mingled them with his own, -and when he was called by his rivals a plunderer of the ancients he -replied: “Magnarum esse virium clavam Herculi extorquere de manu”. - -194. _Nepos_,[326] so called from a certain kind of scorpion that -eats its own young, excepting one which has a seat upon its back; -this one, being saved, eats its father. Whence men who eat up in -luxury the goods of their parents are called _Nepotes_. - - [326] Grandson, sometimes has meaning of prodigal, spendthrift. - -235. _Rationator_, so-called, a great man because he can give a -reason for all the things which are allowed to be wonderful. - - - - -BOOK XI[327] - - -ON MAN AND MONSTERS - - [327] In the first part of book xi are contained the remnants of - the sciences of human anatomy and physiology as the ancients had - known them. The second part is devoted to unnatural births, which - were regarded as having a prophetic meaning, and to monstrous - races. It is not known what were Isidore’s immediate sources for - bk. xi. Most of the natural science of the later Roman empire, - however, was drawn ultimately from Pliny. To correspond to - Isidore’s topics in this book of the _Etymologies_, comparative - anatomy and physiology are found in Pliny’s _Natural History_, - bk. xi, ch. 44 _et seq._, and chapters on monstrous races - (_Gentium mirabiles figurae_) and on unusual and unnatural births - (_prodigiosi, monstruosi partus_) are found in bk. vii. - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Man and his parts (ch. 1). - A description of the human body. - II. The six ages of man (ch. 2). - III. Monsters. - 1. Monstrous births (ch. 3, 1–11). - 2. Monstrous races (ch. 3, 12–27). - 3. The imaginary monsters of pagan mythology (ch. 3, 28–39). - 4. Transformations (ch. 4). - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On man and his parts. - -4. _Homo_ is so named because he is made of _humus_ (earth), as it is -told in Genesis: “Et creavit Deus hominem de humo terrae.” And the -whole man made up of both substances, that is, of the union of soul -and body, is termed _homo_ by an abuse of the word. - -6. Man is two-fold, the inner and the outer. The inner man is the -soul (_anima_); the outer man, the body. - -7. _Anima_ received its name from the heathen, for the reason that -it is wind (_ventus_). Wind is called in the Greek ἄνεμος; and we -seem to live by drawing air into the mouth. But this is most clearly -false, because _anima_ comes into being long before air can be -received into the mouth, because it is already alive in the womb of -the mother. - -8. _Anima_ therefore is not air, as certain have thought who have not -been able to form a conception of an incorporeal nature. - -9. The evangelist asserts that _spiritus_ is the same thing as -_anima_, saying: “Potestatem habeo ponendi animam meam et rursus -potestatem habeo sumendi eam.” And in regard to the _anima_ of the -Lord at the time of the passion, the same evangelist thus spoke, -saying: “et inclinato capite emisit spiritum.” - -10. For what is it to send forth the _spiritus_, if not to lay down -the _anima_. But the _anima_ is so called because it lives, and the -_spiritus_ because of its spiritual nature, or because it breathes -(_inspiret_) in the body. - -11. Likewise _animus_ is the same as _anima_. But _anima_ is of life, -_animus_ of wisdom. Whence the philosophers say that even without -_animus_ the life remains, and without the mind, _anima_ endures.... - -12. ... It is not _anima_, but what excels in _anima_ that is called -_mens_, its head or eye, as it were. Whence man himself is called -the image of God in respect to _mens_. However all those things are -united to _anima_ so that it is one thing. The _anima_ has received -different names according to the working of different causes. - -13. ... When it gives life to the body, it is _anima_; when it -wills,[328] it is _animus_; when it knows, it is _mens_; when it -recollects, it is _memoria_; when it judges what is right, it is -_ratio_; when it breathes, it is _spiritus_; when it is conscious of -anything, it is _sensus_.... - - [328] _Vult._ - -14. _Corpus_ is so called because being corrupted, it perishes. For -it is perishable and mortal and must sometime be dissolved. - -16. The body is made up of the four elements. For earth is in the -flesh; air in the breath; moisture in the blood; fire in the vital -heat. For the elements have each their own part in us, and something -is due them when the structure is broken up.... - -18. The bodily senses are five: sight, hearing, smell, taste, touch. -Two of these open and close; two are always open. - -56. The arteries are so named because the air, that is, the breath, -is carried by them from the lungs; or because they retain the breath -of life in their narrow and close passages, whence they emit the -sounds of the voice, which would all sound alike if the movement of -the tongue did not create differences of the voice. - -77. _Lac_ (milk) derives its name from its color, because it is a -white liquor, for the Greeks call white λεῦκος and its nature is -changed from blood; for after the birth whatever blood has not yet -been spent in the nourishing of the womb flows by a natural passage -to the breasts, and whitening by their virtue, receives the quality -of milk. - -86. _Ossa_ (bones) are the solid parts of the body. For on these all -form and strength depend. _Ossa_ are named from _ustus_ (burned), -because they were burned by the ancients, or as others think, from -_os_ (the mouth), because there they are visible, for everywhere else -they are covered and concealed by the skin and flesh. - -92. _Terga_, because it is on the back that we lie flat on the earth -(_terra_); men alone can do this, for dumb animals lie either on the -belly or on the side; whence the word _tergum_ is applied to them -mistakenly. - -108. The knees are the meeting-points of the thighs and lower legs; -and they are called knees (_genua_) because in the womb they are -opposite to the cheeks (_genae_). For they adhere to them there and -they are akin to the eyes, the revealers of tears and of pity. For -the knees (_genua_) are so called from the cheeks (_genae_). - -109. In short they assert that man in his beginning and first -formation is so folded up that the knees are above, and by these the -eyes are shaped so that there are deep hollows. Ennius says: “Atque -genua comprimit artagena.” Thence it is that when men fall on their -knees they at once begin to weep. For nature has willed that they -remember their mother’s womb where they sat in darkness, as it were, -until they should come to the light. - -118. _Cor_ is derived from a Greek term—what they call καρδία -(heart)—or, it may be, from _cura_ (cure). For in it dwell all -anxious thought and wisdom. And it is near the lungs for this reason, -that when it is fired by anger it may be cooled by the liquid of the -lungs. It has two arteries, of which the left has more blood, the -right, more air. From it also is the pulse we find in the right arm. - -120. The _pulsus_ (pulse) is so called because it beats (_palpitet_), -and by its evidence we perceive that there is sickness or health. -Its motion is two-fold; a simple motion which is made up of a single -beat, and a composite, made up of several movements—irregular and -unequal. And these movements have definite limits.... - -121. The veins are so called because they are the passages of the -flowing blood, and its streamlets spread through all the body, by -which all the parts are moistened. - -124. The Greeks call the lungs πλεύμων, because they are the bellows -of the heart and in them is πνεῦμα, that is, _spiritus_, by which -they are stirred and moved, whence they are called _pulmones_.... - -125. _Jecur_ (liver) has its name because in it fire (_ignis_) has -its seat, and from there it flies up into the head. Thence it spreads -to the eyes and the other organs of sense and the limbs, and by its -heat it changes into blood the liquid that it has appropriated from -food, and this blood it furnishes to the several parts to feed and -nourish them. In the liver pleasure resides and desire, according to -those who dispute about natural philosophy. - -127. The spleen is so called from corresponding to (_supplementum_) -the liver on the opposite side in order that there may be no vacuum, -and this certain men believe was formed with a view to laughter. For -it is by the spleen we laugh, by the bile we are angry, by the heart -we are wise, by the liver we love. And while these four elements -remain, the animal is whole. - - -Chapter 3. On human monstrosities. - -1. Portents, Varro says, are those births which seem to have taken -place contrary to nature. But they are not contrary to nature, -because they come by the divine will, since the will of the creator -is the nature of each thing that is created. Whence, too, the heathen -themselves call God now nature, now God. - -2. A portent, therefore, happens not contrary to nature, but contrary -to known nature.... - -4. Certain creations of portents seem to have been made with future -meanings. For God sometimes wishes to indicate what is to come by -disgusting features at birth, as also by dreams and oracles, that he -may give forewarning by these, and indicate to certain nations or -certain men coming destruction. This has been proved by many trials. - -5. ... But these portents which are sent in warning, do not live -long, but die as soon as they are born. - -12. And just as there are monstrous individuals in separate races of -men, so in the whole human kind there are certain monstrous races, as -the Gigantes, Cynocephali, Cyclopes, and the rest. - -15. The Cynocephali are so called because they have dogs’ heads and -their very barking betrays them as beasts rather than men. These are -born in India. - -16. The Cyclopes, too, the same India gives birth to, and they are -named Cyclopes because they are said to have a single eye in the -midst of the forehead. These have the additional name ἀγριοφαγίται -because they eat nothing but the flesh of wild beasts. - -17. The Blemmyes, born in Libya, are believed to be headless trunks, -having mouth and eyes in the breast; others are born without necks, -with eyes in their shoulders. - -18. In the remote east, races with faces of a monstrous sort are -described. Some without noses, with formless countenances; others -with lower lip so protruding that by it they shelter the whole face -from the heat of the sun while they sleep; others have small mouths, -and take sustenance through a narrow opening by means of oat-straws; -a good many are said to be tongueless, using nod or gesture in place -of words. - -19. They say the Panotii in Scythia have ears of so large a size that -they cover the whole body with them. For πᾶν in Greek means all, and -ὦτα, ears. - -21. The Satyrs are manikins with upturned noses; they have horns on -their foreheads, and are goat-footed, such as the one St. Anthony saw -in the desert. And he, being questioned, is said to have answered the -servant of God, saying, “I am mortal, one of the inhabitants of the -waste, whom the heathen, misled by error, worship as the Fauns and -Satyrs.” - -23. The race of the Sciopodes is said to live in Ethiopia. They have -one leg apiece, and are of a marvelous swiftness, and the Greeks call -them Sciopodes from this, that in summertime they lie on the ground -on their backs and are shaded by the greatness of their feet. - -24. The Antipodes in Libya have feet turned backward and eight toes -on each foot. - -28. Other fabulous monstrosities of the human race are said to exist, -but they do not; they are imaginary. And their meaning is found in -the causes of things, as Geryon, King of Spain, who is said to have -had a triple form. For there were three brothers of such harmonious -spirit that it was, as it were, one soul in three bodies. - - -Chapter 4. On transformations to beasts. - -2. Moreover they affirm with no fabulous lying but with historic -proof, that Diomedes’ companions were changed to birds. And certain -say that witches are created from human beings. For the shapes of the -wicked change for their many villanies, and they turn bodily into -beasts, whether by magic charms or by the use of herbs. - -3. Many creatures go through a natural change and by decay pass -into different forms, as bees [are formed] by the decaying flesh of -calves, as beetles from horses, locusts from mules, scorpions from -crabs. - - - - -BOOK XII - - -ON ANIMALS - - -INTRODUCTION - -The history of zoölogical knowledge during the ten centuries from -Aristotle to Isidore may be indicated with sufficient clearness by -enumerating three of the works that survive. They are Aristotle’s -“History of Animals”, the zoölogical part (Books VIII-XI) of Pliny’s -“Natural History”, and Isidore’s “On Animals”. On the first, -belonging to the fourth century B.C., Cuvier has pronounced judgment -as “one of the greatest monuments that the genius of man has raised -to the natural sciences”.[329] Pliny, four centuries later, is -commended by Cuvier for his industry and learning, but reproached -for his predilection for the fabulous, and his absolute lack of -scientific order and of the scientific spirit.[330] Six centuries -later a résumé of zoölogical knowledge is given in the _Etymologies_, -which is of no value except for the information it gives of the -benighted character of the medieval intellect. - - [329] Cuvier, _Histoire des Sciences Naturelles_, vol. i, p. 166. - - [330] Cuvier, vol. i, p. 264. - -Isidore’s zoölogy is shown in a better light, however, when it is -compared with that of the _Physiologus_,[331] his great rival in -this field throughout the Middle Ages. This is a collection of -fabulous accounts of animals, with the moral and spiritual lessons -that were drawn from them. In it the ancient science is seen in -its most de-secularized form; nature knowledge is made absolutely -subservient to religious teaching, and in the process actual -knowledge is driven out and fable takes its place. It must be -reckoned to Isidore’s credit that he resisted the temptation to give -“the higher meaning”. - - [331] The _Physiologus_ probably originated at Alexandria in the - first century A.D., and was translated into the Latin about the - end of the fourth century. It was very popular with the church - fathers. Isidore’s _De Animalibus_ exhibits its influence in many - passages. See Lauchert, _Physiologus_ (Strassburg, 1891), p. 103. - A Greek version of the _Physiologus_ is given by Lauchert and a - Latin by Cahier in _Mélanges d’Archéologie_, Paris, vols. ii, - iii, iv (1851–53). - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Flocks and herds and beasts of burden (ch. 1). - II. Wild beasts (ch. 2). - III. Small creatures (ch. 3). - IV. Serpents (ch. 4). - V. Worms (ch. 5). - VI. Fishes (ch. 6). - VII. Birds (ch. 7). - VIII. Small flying creatures (ch. 8). - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On flocks and work animals. - -1. Adam first named all living creatures, assigning a name to each in -accordance with its purpose at that time, in view of the nature it -was to be subject to. - -2. But the nations have named all animals in their own languages. -But Adam did not give those names in the language of the Greeks or -Romans or any barbaric people, but in that one of all languages which -existed before the flood, and is called Hebrew. - -9. A sheep is a domesticated animal with soft wool, harmless and calm -in disposition. - -10. The wether (_vervex_) is so called from its strength (_vires_) -... or because it has a worm (_vermen_) in its head, and, excited by -the itch of these worms, they butt one another and fight and smite -one another with great fury. - -17. And so these animals (_Ibices_), as we have said, remain among -the loftiest rocks, and if ever they perceive the hostile presence -of wild beast or of man they throw themselves down from the highest -summits, and land unharmed on their horns. - -18. [Deer] are foes of snakes, and when they feel that they are -weighed down with weakness they draw snakes out from their holes by -the breath of their nostrils and overcoming the deadly poison[332] -they refresh themselves by eating them. They made known the plant -dittany. For they eat it, and shake out the arrows that have stuck in -them. - - [332] _Superacta pernicie veneni._ - -19. They give a wondering attention to the whistling sound of the -Pan’s pipes. They listen sharply with up-pricked ears, not with -hanging ears. If ever they swim across great rivers or seas, they lay -the head on the haunch of the one in front, and following one another -in turn they feel no weariness from the weight. - -43. Horses have a high spirit; for they prance in the fields, they -scent war, they are roused by the trumpet-sound to battle, they are -roused by the voice and urged to the race, they grieve when they are -beaten, they are proud when they win a victory. Certain know the -enemy in battle, so that they bite the foe. Some recall their own -masters, and forget obedience if their masters are changed; some -allow none but their masters to mount them; when their masters are -slain or are dying, many shed tears. The horse is the only creature -that weeps for man and feels the emotion of grief.... - - -Chapter 2. On beasts of prey. - -5. When lions sleep, their eyes are on the watch; when they walk -about they obliterate their tracks with their tails that the hunter -may not find them. When a cub is born it is said to sleep for three -nights and three days. Then the shaking, as it were, of the ground -where it lies, because of its father’s roaring, is said to awaken the -sleeping cub. - -6. Toward man the nature of the lion is kind, so that they cannot -become angry unless attacked. Their pity is shown by continual -examples. For they spare the fallen, they allow captives they meet to -return home; they do not kill man unless very hungry. - -17. The Gryphes are so called because they are winged quadrupeds. -This kind of wild beast is found in the Hyperborean Mts. In every -part of their body they are lions, and in wings and head are like -eagles, and they are fierce enemies of horses. Moreover they tear men -to pieces. - -20. They say the urine [of the lynx] is changed to the hardness of -a precious stone, which is called _lincurius_, and by the following -proof it is shown that the lynxes are conscious of this; for when -they have urinated, they cover the urine with sand as well as they -can, from a sort of meanness of nature, lest such a product be turned -to the advantage of man. - -21. _Castores_ (beavers) are so named from castrating. For their -testicles are useful for medicine and therefore when they perceive -a hunter, they castrate themselves and cut away their potency by a -bite. Of these Cicero speaks in _Scauriana_: “They ransom themselves -by that part of the body for which they are most sought.” - -24. [The wolf] is a ravenous beast and greedy for blood, and of it -the country people say that a man loses his voice if a wolf sees him -first. And therefore if a person is suddenly silent, they say, “It is -the wolf in the fable”. But if the wolf perceives that he has been -noticed first, he lays aside his boldness.... - -25. ... No creature is more sagacious than dogs, for they have more -understanding than other animals. - -26. For they alone recognize their names, love their masters, guard -their masters’ houses, risk their lives for their masters, of their -own free will rush upon the prey with their master, do not abandon -even their master’s dead body. And finally their nature is such that -they cannot exist without men. In dogs two things are to be regarded, -courage and speed. - -38. _Musio_ is so called because it is a foe to mice (_muribus_). -Common people call it cat (_catus_) because it catches [mice]. Others -say, because it sees (_catat_). For it has such sharp sight that it -overcomes the darkness of the night by the brightness of its eyes. - - -Chapter 3. On small animals. - -1. _Mus_ (mouse) is a tiny animal; it has a Greek name;[333] but any -word that is derived from it becomes Latin. Others say _mures_ are so -named because they are born from the _humor_ (moisture) of the earth. -For _mus_ is equivalent to _terra_, and from the word comes _humus_ -too. The liver of these creatures grows at the full moon, just as -certain things that belong to the sea grow, which grow smaller again -when the moon lessens. - - [333] The Greek is μῦς. - -3. _Mustella_ (weasel) is so called, being, as it were, _mus longus_ -(long mouse); for _telum_ (missile) is so called from its length. -This creature, somewhat wily in its disposition, moves and changes -its nest in the house when it is nursing its young. It chases -snakes and mice. And there are two sorts of weasels. For one is a -creature of the woods, and is of a different size, which the Greeks -call ἴκτιδες. The other wanders about in houses. Now they have an -erroneous idea who say that the weasel conceives in its mouth, and -gives birth through its ear.[334] - - [334] A notion found in the _Physiologus_. - -4. In Sardinia is a very tiny creature, spider-shaped, which is -called _solifuga_, because it shuns the daylight. It is very common -in silver mines, secretly creeping along, and it poisons those who -unknowingly sit down on it. - -8. _Grillus_ (cricket or grasshopper) has its name from the sound of -its voice. This creature walks backward, tunnels the earth, makes a -loud sound at night. The ant goes hunting it, having itself lowered -by a hair into its hole, first blowing the dust out, that it may not -hide itself, and thus it is dragged out in the embrace of the ant. - -9. _Formica_ (ant) is so called because it carries morsels (_ferat -micas_) of grain. Its wisdom is great. For it looks forward to the -future and in summer makes ready food to be eaten in winter. At the -harvest, too, it picks out wheat and refuses to touch barley. After -it rains it always puts out the grain [to dry]. It is said there are -ants in Ethiopia of a dog’s shape, and these dig up golden sands with -their feet, and they watch them in order that no one may carry them -off, and those that do seize them, they pursue till they kill. - -10. _Formicoleon_ (ant-lion) has its name for this, that it is a lion -of the ants, or at least ant and lion at the same time. For it is a -small creature that is very hostile to ants. It hides itself in the -sand and kills the ants as they are carrying grains. And it is called -lion and ant because it is, as it were, an ant to other animals, but -a lion to ants.[335] - - [335] This animal is of literary origin and illustrates the - danger of a literary science. For some reason the Septuagint - translators translated the Hebrew word for lion in Job 4:11 by - the word μυρμηκολέων. The commentators later on, in their efforts - to explain the term, evolved a new animal, a compound of ant and - lion. See Lauchert, _Geschichte des Physiologus_, p. 21, and art. - “Physiologus” in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th ed. - - -Chapter 4. On serpents. - -3. The serpent has received its name because it crawls (_serpit_) -with unnoticed steps; for it does not go with strides that are -observable, but creeps on by the trifling impulses of its scales. But -those that go on four feet, like lizards and newts, are called not -serpents but reptiles. Now serpents are reptiles because they creep -(_reptant_) on their belly and breast; and there are as many poisons -as there are genera; as many deaths as there are species; as many -dolors, as colors. - -4. The dragon (_draco_) is the largest of all serpents and of all -living things upon earth. This the Greeks call δράκοντα. And it was -taken into the Latin so that it was called _Draco_. And frequently -being dragged from caves it rushes into the air, and the air is -thrown into commotion on account of it. And it is crested, has a -small face and narrow blow-holes through which it draws its breath -and thrusts out its tongue. And it has its strength not in its teeth -but in its tail, and it is dangerous for its stroke, rather than for -its jaws. - -5. It is harmless in the way of poison, but poison is not necessary -for it to cause death, because it kills whatever it has entangled -in its folds. And from it the elephant is not safe because of its -size. For it lies in wait near the paths by which elephants usually -go, and entangles the elephant’s legs in its folds, and kills it by -strangling. It grows in Ethiopia and in India, in the very burning of -perennial heat. - -12. It is said that when the asp begins to feel the influence of -the wizard who summons her forth with certain forms of words suited -thereto, in order that he may bring her out from her hole—when the -asp is unwilling to come forth, she presses one ear against the -earth, and the other she closes and covers up with her tail, and so -refuses to hear those magical sounds, and does not come out at the -incantation. - -36. The Salamander is so called because it is strong against fire; -and amid all poisons its power is the greatest. For other [poisonous -animals] strike individuals; this slays very many at the same time; -for if it crawls up a tree, it infects all the fruit with poison and -slays those who eat it; nay, even if it falls in a well, the power -of the poison slays those who drink it. It fights against fires, and -alone among living things, extinguishes them. For it lives in the -midst of flames without pain and without being consumed, and not only -is it not burned, but it puts the fire out. - - -Chapter 5. On worms. - -1. A worm is a creature that as a rule comes into being without -any begetting from flesh or wood or any earthy substance, although -sometimes they are born from eggs, as the scorpion. Worms belong -either to earth or water or air[336] or flesh or leaves or wood or -clothes. - - [336] _Aranea, vermis aeris_, 12, 5, 2. - -3. _Sanguissuga_, a water worm, is so named because it sucks blood. -For it lies in wait for drinkers, and when it is carried into their -throats or fastens itself anywhere, it draws the blood, and when it -has taken its fill of gore, it vomits it out, to suck in again fresh -blood. - - -Chapter 6. On fishes. - -3. Certain kinds of fishes are amphibious, being so called because -they have the practice of walking on land and of swimming in the -water. - -4. Men gave names to the beasts of the field and wild animals and -birds, before the fishes, because they were seen and known first. And -later, when the kinds of fishes had been learned by degrees, names -were applied either from their likeness to land animals, or to suit -the species, whether in regard to habits, color, shape, or sex. - -6. [Fish receive their names] from sex, as the _musculus_ (mussel) -because it is the masculine of whale, for by union with the mussel it -is said this monster conceives. - -8. There are huge sorts of whales with bodies the size of mountains, -like the whale that received Jonah, whose belly was of such magnitude -that it held something like a hell, the prophet saying: “He heard me -from the belly of hell”. - -14. _Thynni_ (tunnies) have a Greek name. They appear in spring-time. -They come in on the right side and go out on the left. They are -supposed to do this because they see more keenly with the right eye -than with the left. - -25. _Mullus_, so called because it is _mollis_ (soft) and most -tender, by eating which they relate that lust is held in check and -that the keenness of the sight is dimmed; moreover men who have often -eaten it have a fishy smell. The killing of a mullet in wine brings a -distaste for wine to those who have drunk thereof. - -34. _Echeneis_, a small fish, half-a-foot long, took its name because -it holds a ship[337] back by clinging to it. Though the winds rush -and the gusts rage it is seen nevertheless that the ship stands still -as if rooted in the sea, and does not move, not because the fish -holds it back but merely because it clings to it. - - [337] ἔχω, ναῦς. - -35. The uranoscope is so called from an eye which it has in its head, -by which it always looks upward. - -41. The likeness of the eel (_anguilla_) to the snake (_anguis_) has -given it its name. Its origin is in mud. Whence whensoever it is -taken, it is so slippery that the more determinedly one squeezes it -the quicker it slips away. They say, too, that a river of the east, -the Ganges, produces them three hundred feet long. If an eel is -killed in wine they who drink of it have a loathing for wine. - -43. Lamprey (_muraena_) the Greeks term μύραινα, because it coils -itself in circles. They say that this fish is of the female sex only, -and that it conceives from the serpent. On this account it is enticed -by the fishermen by hissing like a serpent, and it is taken. It is -killed with difficulty by the stroke of a club but at once by that of -a ferule. It is certain that it has its life in its tail, for if the -head is struck it is hard to kill it, but when its tail is struck it -dies at once. - -53. Mussels (_musculi_) as we have said before are shell-fish, and -oysters conceive from their milk, and they are called _musculi_ as if -it were _masculi_. - -56. Certain relate what is incredible, that ships go more slowly if -they carry a tortoise’s right foot. - - -Chapter 7. On birds. - -3. Birds (_aves_) are so called because they have no definite roads -(_viae_) but speed hither and thither through pathless (_avia_) ways. - -9. Many names of birds were evidently made up from the sound of their -cry, as _grus_, _corvus_, _cygnus_, _pavo_, _ulula_, _cuculus_, -_graculus_, and so on. For the variety of their cry told men what -they were to be called. - -10. The eagle (_aquila_) is so called from its sharpness (_acumine_) -of sight. For it is said to possess such power of vision that when -it is borne over the sea with motionless wing and is not visible to -human sight, even from such a lofty place it sees the fishes swim, -and descending like a missile from an engine it seizes its booty and -flies with it to the shore. - -11. It is also said not to lower its gaze from the rays of the sun, -and for this reason it lifts its young ones in its talons and exposes -them to the rays of the sun, and keeps as worthy of its kind those -which it sees keep a motionless gaze, and drops down as degenerate -whatever ones it sees turning their gaze downward. - -18. The swan (_cygnus_) is so called from singing, because it pours -forth sweet song in modulated tones. And it sings sweetly for the -reason that it has a long curving neck, and it must needs be that the -voice, struggling out by a long and winding way, should utter various -notes. - -19. They say that in the Hyperborean regions when cithara players -lead, many swans fly up and sing very harmoniously. - -44. The crow (_cornix_), a bird full of years, has a Greek name[338] -among the Latins, and augurs say it increases a man’s anxieties by -the tokens it gives, that it reveals ambushes, and foretells the -future. It is great wickedness to believe this, that God entrusts his -counsels to crows. - - [338] _Cornix_ is not a Greek word, as Isidore seems to imply. - Its nearest Greek equivalent is κορώνη. - -66. To the hoopoe (_upupa_) the Greeks give its name because it -attends to (_consideret_) human excrements and feeds on stinking -filth, a most foul bird, helmeted with upstanding crests, always -lingering at graves and human excrements. And whoever anoints himself -with its blood, on going to sleep will see demons choking him. - -67. _Tuci_, which is the name the Spaniards give to cuckoos -(_cuculi_), were evidently named from their peculiar cry. These -have a time for coming, perched on the shoulders of kites because -of their short and weak flights, in order that they may not grow -weary and fail in the long spaces of the air. Their saliva produces -grasshoppers. [The cuckoo] eats the eggs it finds in the sparrow’s -nest, and substitutes its own, which the sparrow receives and sets on -and cares for. - -79. All kinds of flying things are born twice. For first the eggs are -born, then by the heat of the mother’s body they are formed and given -life. - - -Chapter 8. On small winged creatures. - -1. Bees (_apes_) are so called because they hold to one another by -the feet, or it may be because they are born without feet (_pes_). -For it is only later on that they get feet and wings. These are -skilful in the business of producing honey, they dwell in homes -allotted to them, they arrange their dwellings with a skill that -makes no mistake, they store the hive from various flowers, and -forming their wax-cells, they fill the camp with unnumbered young, -and they have an army and kings, they make wars, flee from smoke, and -are enraged by noise. - -2. A good many have proved by experiment that these spring from the -carcasses of cattle. For in order to create them the flesh of slain -calves is beaten, in order that worms may be created from the rotten -gore, and these afterward turn to bees. In a correct sense bees -(_apes_) are so called because they spring from _boves_ as hornets -from horses, drones from mules, wasps from asses. - - - - -BOOKS XIII AND XIV - -[ON UNIVERSE AND EARTH] - - -INTRODUCTION - -In books XIII and XIV Isidore gives a complete and systematic account -of the material universe, taking up and treating in order the -heavens, the atmosphere, water, and earth. His treatment of the last -two is especially full and constitutes a geographical description of -the earth’s surface as known at his time.[339] - - [339] _Cf._ Beazley, _The Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 366–67. - See also p. 53, note. - - -ANALYSIS - - I. The universe (Bk. XIII, ch. 1). - II. Atoms (ch. 2). - III. Elements (ch. 3). - IV. The heavens (chs. 4–6). - 1. The parts of the heavens.[2] - 2. The circles of the heavens.[340] - V. The air and the clouds (chs. 7–11). - 1. Thunder. - 2. Lightning. - 3. The rainbow and cloud forms. - 4. The winds. - VI. Waters (chs. 12–22). - 1. Springs. - 2. The sea. - 3. The ocean. - 4. The Mediterranean. - 5. Bays, etc. - 6. Lakes. - 7. The abyss. - 8. Rivers. - VII. The dry land (Bk. XIV, ch. 1). - 1. The circle of lands (chs. 2–5). - (1) Asia. - (2) Europe. - (3) Africa. - 2. Islands (ch. 6). - 3. Promontories (ch. 7). - 4. Mountains, etc. (ch. 8). - 5. The lower parts of the earth (ch. 9). - - [340] Repeated with little change from _De Astronomia_. See pp. - 145, 146. - - -BOOK XIII - -ON THE UNIVERSE AND ITS PARTS - -EXTRACTS - -PREFACE.—In this book, as it were in a brief outline we have -commented on certain causes in the heavens, and the sites of the -lands, and the spaces of the sea, so that the reader may run them -over in a little time, and learn their etymologies and causes with -compendious brevity. - - -Chapter 1. On the universe. - -1. The universe is the heavens, the earth, the sea, and what in -them is the work of God, of whom it is said: “And the universe was -made by him”. The universe (_mundus_) is so named in Latin by the -philosophers because it is in continued motion (_motu_), as for -example, the heavens, the sun, moon, air, seas. For no rest is -permitted to its elements, and therefore it is always in motion. - -2. Whence also the elements seem to Varro living creatures, since, he -says, they move of themselves. The Greeks have borrowed a name for -the universe from ornament, on account of the variety of the elements -and the beauty of the stars. For it is called among them κόσμος, -which means ornament. For with the eyes of the flesh we see nothing -fairer than the universe. - -3. It is agreed that there are four _climata_, that is, tracts of the -universe: East, West, North, South. - - -Chapter 2. On the atoms. - -1. The philosophers call by the name of atoms certain parts of bodies -in the universe so very minute that they do not appear to the sight, -nor admit of τομή, that is, division, whence they are called atoms. -These are said to flit through the void of the whole universe with -restless motions, and to move hither and thither like the finest dust -that is seen when the rays of the sun pour through the windows. From -these certain philosophers of the heathen have thought that trees -are produced, and herbs and all fruits, and fire and water, and all -things are made out of them. - -2. Atoms exist either in a body, or in time, or in number, or in the -letters. In a body as a stone. You divide it into parts, and the -parts themselves you divide into grains like the sands, and again you -divide the very grains of sand into the finest dust, until if you -could, you would come to some little particle which is now [such] -that it cannot be divided or cut. This is an atom in a body. - -3. In time, the atom is thus understood: you divide a year, for -example, into months, the months into days, the days into hours, the -parts of the hours still admit of division, until you come to such an -instant of time and fragment of a moment as it were, that it cannot -be lengthened by any little bit and therefore it cannot be divided. -This is the atom of time. - -4. In numbers, as for example, eight is divided into fours, again -four into twos, then two into ones. One is an atom because it is -indivisible. So also in case of the letters. For you divide a -speech into words, words into syllables, the syllable into letters. -The letter, the smallest part, is the atom and cannot be divided. -The atom is therefore what cannot be divided, like the point in -geometry.... - - -Chapter 3. On the elements. - -1. _Hyle_[341] is the name the Greeks apply to the first material of -things, which is in no way formed, but has a capacity for all bodily -forms, and out of it these visible elements are shaped. Wherefore -they have derived their name from this source.[342] This _hyle_ the -Latins called _materia_, for the reason that everything in the rough -from which something is made, is always called _materia_.... - - [341] ὕλη. - - [342] I.e., _elementa_ = _hylementa_. - -2. The Greeks moreover call the elements στοιχεῖα,[343] because they -are akin to one another in the harmony of like quality and a sort of -common character, for they are said to be allied with one another -in a natural way, now tracing their origin from fire all the way to -earth, now from earth all the way to fire, so that fire fades into -air, air is thickened to water, water coarsened to earth, and again -earth is dissolved into water, water refined into air, air rarefied -into fire. - - [343] The word στοιχεῖον means “one in a series.” - -3. Wherefore all elements are present in all, but each of them has -received its name from that which it has in greater degree. And they -have been assigned by divine providence to the living creatures that -are suited to them, for the Creator himself filled the heaven with -angels, the air with birds, the sea with fish, the earth with men and -other living creatures. - - -Chapter 5. On the parts of the heavens. - -1. Ether is the place in which the stars are, and it signifies that -fire which is separated on high from the whole universe. Ether is the -element itself; and _aethra_ is the glow of the ether and is a Greek -word. - - -Chapter 7. On the air and the clouds. - -1. Air is emptiness, having more rarity mixed with it than the other -elements. Of it Virgil says: - - _Longum per inane secutus._ - -Air (_aer_) is so called from αἴρειν (to raise), because it supports -the earth or, it may be, is supported by it. This belongs partly to -the substance of heaven, partly to that of the earth. For yonder thin -air where windy and gusty blasts cannot come into existence, belongs -to the heavenly part; but this more disordered air which takes a -corporeal character because of dank exhalations, is assigned to -earth, and it has many subdivisions: for being set in motion it makes -winds; and being vigorously agitated, lightnings and thunderings; -being contracted, clouds; being thickened, rain; when the clouds -freeze, snow; when thick clouds freeze in a more disordered way, -hail; being spread abroad, it causes fine weather; for it is known -that thick air is a cloud and that a cloud that thins and melts away, -is air. - -2. ... Now the thickening of the air makes clouds. For the winds -gather the air together and make a cloud. Whence is the expression: -“Atque in nubem cogitur aer.” - - -Chapter 8. On thunder. - -1. Thunder (_tonitruum_) is so called because its sound terrifies -(_terreat_), for _tonus_ is sound. And it sometimes shakes everything -so severely that it seems to have split the heavens, since when a -great gust of the most furious wind suddenly bursts into the clouds, -its circular motion becoming stronger and seeking an outlet, it tears -asunder with great force the cloud it has hollowed out, and thus -comes to our ears with a horrifying noise. - -2. One ought not to wonder at this since a vesicle, however small, -emits a great sound when it is exploded. Lightning is caused at the -same time with the thunder, but the former is seen more quickly -because it is bright and the latter comes to our ears more slowly.... - - -Chapter 9. On thunder-bolts. - -1. ... Clouds striking together make thunder-bolts: for in all things -collision creates fire, as we see in the case of stones, or when -wheels rub together, or in the woods. In the same way fire is created -in the clouds; whence they are clouds before, lightnings later. - -2. It is certain that it is from wind and fire that thunder-bolts -are formed in the clouds, and that they are launched by the impulse -of the winds; and the fire of a thunder-bolt has greater force in -penetrating because it is made of subtler elements than our fire, -that is, the fire we make use of.... - - -Chapter 10. On the rainbow and the causes of clouds. - -1. The rainbow is so called from its resemblance to a bent bow. Its -proper name is Iris and it is called Iris, as it were _aeris_ (of -the air), because it comes down through the air to earth. It comes -from the radiance of the sun when hollow clouds receive the sun’s ray -full in front, and they create the appearance of a bow, and rarified -water, bright air, and a misty cloud under the beams of the sun -create those varied hues. - -2. Rains (_pluviae_) are so called because they flow, as if -_fluviae_. They arise by exhalation from earth and sea, and being -carried aloft they fall in drops on the lands, being acted upon by -the heat of the sun or condensed by strong winds. - -13. Shadow (_umbra_) is air that lacks sun, and is so called because -it is made when we interpose ourselves in the rays of the sun. It -moves and is ill-defined, because of the motion of the sun and the -force of the wind. As often as we move in the sun, it seems to move -with us, because wherever we encounter the rays of the sun, we take -the light from that place, and so the shadow seems to walk with us -and to imitate our motions. - - -Chapter 11. On the winds. - -2. There are four chief winds. The first of these is from the east, -_Subsolanus_, and _Auster_ from the south, _Favonius_ from the west, -and from _Septentrio_ (north) a wind of the same name blows. These -winds have kindred winds one on each side. - -3. _Subsolanus_ has on its right _Vulturnus_, on its left _Eurus_; -_Auster_ has on its right _Euroauster_, on its left _Austroafricus_; -_Favonius_ on its right _Africus_, on its left _Corus_. Further, -_Septentrio_ has on its right _Circius_, on its left _Aquilo_. These -twelve winds surround the globe of the universe with their blasts. - -20. ... In the spring and autumn the greatest possible storms appear -when it is neither full summer nor full winter, whence, as [the time] -is an intervening one, bordering on both seasons, storms are caused -from the conjunction of contrary airs. - - -Chapter 12. On the waters. - -2. The two most powerful elements of human life are fire and water, -whence they who are forbidden fire and water are seriously punished. - -3. The element of water is master of all the rest. For the waters -temper the heavens, fertilize the earth, incorporate air in their -exhalations, climb aloft and claim the heavens; for what is more -marvelous than the waters keeping their place in the heavens! - -4. It is too small a thing to come to such a height; they carry with -them thither swarms of fishes; pouring forth, they are the cause of -all growth on the earth. They produce fruits, they make fruit trees -and herbs grow, they scour away filth, wash away sin, and give drink -to all living things. - - -Chapter 13. On the different qualities of waters. - -5. Linus, a fountain of Arcadia, does not allow miscarriages to take -place. In Sicily are two springs, of which one makes the sterile -woman fertile, the other makes the fertile, sterile. In Thessaly are -two rivers; they say that sheep drinking from one become black; from -the other, white; from both, parti-colored. - -10. Hot springs in Sardinia cure the eyes; they betray thieves, for -their guilt is revealed by blindness. They say there is a spring in -Epirus in which lighted torches are extinguished, and torches that -are extinguished are lighted. Among the Garamantes they say there is -a spring so cold in the daytime that it cannot be drunk, so hot at -night that it cannot be touched. - - -Chapter 14. On the sea. - -2. ... The depth of the sea varies; still the level of its surface is -invariable. - -3. Moreover that the sea does not increase, though it receives all -streams and all springs, is accounted for in this way; partly that -its very greatness does not feel the waters flowing in; secondly, -because the bitter water consumes the fresh that is added, or that -the clouds draw up much water to themselves, or that the winds carry -it off, and the sun partly dries it up; lastly, because the water -leaks through certain secret holes in the earth, and turns and runs -back to the sources of rivers and to the springs. - - -Chapter 15. On the ocean. - -1. _Oceanus_ is so named by both Greeks and Latins because it flows -like a circle around the circle of the land; it may be from its speed -because it runs swiftly (_ocius_); or because like the heavens it -glows with a dark purple color. _Oceanus_ is, as it were, κυάνεος -(dark purple). It is this that embraces the shores of the lands, -approaching and receding with alternate tides. For when the winds -breathe in the depths, it either pushes the waters away or sucks them -back. - -2. And it has taken different names from the neighboring lands; -as _Gallicus_, _Germanicus_, _Scythicus_, _Caspius_, _Hyrcanus_, -_Atlanticus_, _Gaditanus_. The Gaditanian strait was named from -_Gades_ where the entrance to the _Mare Magnum_ first opens from the -Ocean. Whence when Hercules had come to Gades he placed the columns -there, believing that there was the limit of the circle of the lands. - - -Chapter 16. On the Mediterranean Sea. - -1. The _Mare Magnum_ is that which flows from the west out of the -Ocean and extends toward the South, and then stretches to the North. -And it is called _Magnum_ because the rest of the seas are smaller in -comparison with it. It is also called Mediterranean because it flows -through the midst of the land (_per mediam terram_) as far as the -Orient, separating Europe and Africa and Asia. - - -Chapter 20. On the abyss. - -1. The abyss is the deep water which cannot be penetrated; whether -caverns of unknown waters from which springs and rivers flow; or the -waters that pass secretly beneath, whence it is called abyss. For all -waters or torrents return by secret channels to the abyss which is -their source. - - -Chapter 21. On rivers. - -6. Certain of the rivers have received their names from causes -peculiar to them, and of these some which are told of as famous in -history should be mentioned. - -7. Geon is a river issuing from Paradise and surrounding the whole -of Ethiopia, being called by this name because it waters the land of -Egypt by its flood, for γῆ in the Greek means _terra_ in the Latin. -This river is called Nile by the Egyptians, on account of the mud -which it brings, which gives fertility. - -8. The river Ganges, which the holy Scriptures call Phison, issuing -from Paradise, takes its course toward the regions of India.... It is -said to rise in the manner of the Nile and overflow the lands of the -East. - -9. The Tigris, a river of Mesopotamia, rises in Paradise, and flows -opposite the Assyrians (_contra Assyrios_), and after many windings -flows into the Dead Sea. And it is called by this name because of its -velocity, like a wild beast that runs with great speed. - -10. The Euphrates, a river of Mesopotamia, greatly abounding in -gems, rises in Paradise and flows through the midst of Babylonia.... -It irrigates Mesopotamia in certain places just as the Nile does -Alexandria. Sallust, however, a most reliable author, asserts that -the Tigris and the Euphrates arise from one source in Armenia, and -going by different ways are far separated, an intervening space of -many miles being left, and the land which is enclosed by them is -called Mesopotamia. Therefore as Hieronymus noted, there must be a -different explanation of the rivers of Paradise. - -24. Tanus was the first king of the Scythians, from whom the river -_Tanais_ is said to have been named. It rises in the Riphaean forest, -and separates Europe from Asia, flowing in the midst between two -divisions of the world, and emptying into the Pontus. - -35. Certain rivers were overwhelmed in the flood, and shut off by the -mass of the lands, but certain ones which were not, burst forth by -passages that were at that time violently formed from the abyss. - - -Chapter 22. On floods. - -2. The first flood occurred under Noah, when the Omnipotent, offended -at man’s guilty deeds, covered the whole circle of the lands[344] -and destroyed all, and there was one stretch of sky and sea; and we -observe the proof of this to the present time in the stones which we -are wont to go to see in the distant mountains, which have mingled -in them the shells of mussels and oysters, and besides are often -hollowed by the waters. - - [344] _Orbis._ - -3. The second flood was in Achaea in the time of the patriarch Jacob -and of Ogygius, who was the founder and king of Eleusina, and gave -his name to the place and time. - -4. The third flood was in Thessaly in the time of Moses and -Amphictyon, who reigned third after Cecrops. At which time a flood -of waters destroyed the greater part of the peoples of Thessaly, a -few escaping by taking refuge in the mountains, especially on mount -Parnassus, on whose circuit Deucalion then possessed dominion. And -he received those who fled to him on rafts, and warmed and fed them -on the twin peaks of Parnassus, and so the fables of the Greeks say -that the human race was re-created from stones—because of the inborn -hardness of the heart of man. - - -BOOK XIV - -ON THE EARTH AND ITS PARTS - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On the earth. - -1. The earth is placed in the middle region of the universe, being -situated like a center at an equal interval from all parts of -heaven; in the singular number it means the whole circle;[345] in -the plural[346] the separate parts; and reason gives different -names for it; for it is called _terra_ from the upper part where it -suffers attrition (_teritur_); _humus_ from the lower and _humid_ -part, as for example, under the sea; again, _tellus_, because we -take (_tollimus_) its fruits; it is also called _ops_ because it -brings opulence.[347] It is likewise called _arva_, from ploughing -(_arando_) and cultivating. - - [345] _Orbem._ - - [346] _Terrae._ - - [347] _Opem fert frugibus._ - -2. Earth in distinction from water is called dry; since the Scripture -says that “God called the dry land, earth”. For dryness is the -natural property of earth. Its dampness it gets by its relation to -water. As to its motion (earthquakes) some say it is wind in its -hollow parts, the force of which causes it to move. - -3. Others say that a generative water moves in the lands, and causes -them to strike together, _sicut vas_, as Lucretius says. Others -have it that the earth is sponge-shaped, and its fallen parts lying -in ruins cause all the upper parts to shake. The yawning of the -earth also is caused either by the motion of the lower water, or by -frequent thunderings, or by winds bursting out of the hollow parts of -the earth. - - -Chapter 2. On the circle of lands.[348] - - [348] See Map, p. 5. - -1. The circle of lands (_orbis_) is so called from its roundness, -which is like that of a wheel, whence a small wheel is called -_orbiculus_. For the Ocean flowing about on all sides encircles its -boundaries. It is divided into three parts; of which the first is -called Asia; the second, Europe; the third, Africa. - -2. These three parts the ancients did not divide equally; for Asia -stretches from the South through the East to the North, and Europe -from the North to the West, and thence Africa from the West to the -South. Whence plainly the two, Europe and Africa, occupy one-half, -and Asia alone the other. But the former were made into two parts -because the Great Sea enters from the Ocean between them and cuts -them apart. Wherefore if you divide the circle of lands into two -parts, East and West, Asia will be in one, and in the other, Europe -and Africa. - - -Chapter 3. On Asia. - -1. Asia was so called from the name of a certain woman who held -dominion over the East in the time of the ancients. Lying in the -third part of the circle of lands it is bounded on the east by the -sun-rise, on the south by the ocean, on the west by our sea, on the -north by lake Maeotis and the river Tanais. It has many provinces -and regions, of which I shall briefly explain the names and sites, -beginning with Paradise. - -2. Paradise is a place lying in the parts of the Orient, whose name -is translated out of the Greek into the Latin as _hortus_. In the -Hebrew it is called Eden, which in our tongue means delight. And -the two being joined mean garden of delight; for it is planted with -every kind of wood and fruit-bearing tree, having also the tree of -life; there is neither cold nor heat there, but a continual spring -temperature. - -3. And a spring, bursting forth from its center, waters the whole -grove, and divides into four rivers that take their rise there. -Approach to this place was closed after man’s sin. For it is hedged -in on every side by sword-like flame,[349] that is, girt by a wall of -fire whose burning almost reaches the heaven. - - [349] Romphaea flamma. _Cf. Etym._, 18, 6, 3. - -4. A guard of cherubim, too, that is, of angels, is set over the -burning of the fiery rampart to ward off evil spirits, in order that -the flames may keep men off, and good angels, bad ones, that the -approach to Paradise may not be open to any flesh or to the spirit of -wickedness. - -5. India is so called from the river Indus, by which it is bounded -on the west. It stretches from the southern sea all the way to -the sun-rise, and from the north all the way to Mount Caucasus, -having many peoples and cities and the island of Taprobana, full of -elephants, and Chryse and Argyra, rich in gold and silver, and Tyle, -which never lacks leaves on its trees. - - -Chapter 4. On Europe. - -2. Europe, which was parted off to form a third part of the circle, -begins at the river Tanais, passing to the west along the Northern -ocean as far as the limits of Spain. Its Eastern and Southern parts -begin at the Pontus, extend along the whole Mare Magnum, and end at -the island of Gades. - - -Chapter 5. On Libya (Africa). - -3. It begins at the boundaries of Egypt,[350] extending along the -South through Ethiopia as far as Mt. Atlas. On the north it is -bounded by the Mediterranean Sea, and it ends at the strait of -Gades, having the provinces Libya Cyrenensis, Pentapolis, Tripolis, -Byzacium, Carthago, Numidia, Mauritania Stifensis, Mauritania -Tingitana, and in the neighborhood of the sun’s heat, Ethiopia. - - [350] Egypt is regarded as part of Asia. 14, 3, 27–28. - -14. Ethiopia is so called from the color of its people, who are -scorched by the nearness of the sun. The color of the people betrays -the sun’s intensity, for there is never-ending heat here. Whatever -there is of Ethiopia is under the south pole. Towards the west it is -mountainous, sandy in the middle, and toward the eastern region, a -desert. Its situation extends from the Atlas Mts. on the west to the -bounds of Egypt on the east. It is bounded on the south by the ocean, -on the north by the river Nile. It has many peoples, of diverse -appearance and fear-inspiring because of their monstrous aspect. - -17. Besides the three parts of the circle there is a fourth part -across the Ocean on the South,[351] which is unknown to us on account -of the heat of the sun, in whose boundaries, according to story, the -Antipodes are said to dwell. - - [351] Extra tres autem partes orbis, quarta pars trans Oceanum - interior est in Meridie. - - -Chapter 6. On Islands. - -2. Britannia, an island of the Ocean, completely separated from the -circle of lands by the sea that flows between, is called by the name -of its people. It lies in the rear of the Gauls and looks toward -Spain. Its circuit is 4,875 miles; there are many large rivers in it -and hot springs, and an abundant and varied supply of metals. Jet is -very common there, and pearls. - -3. Thanatos, an island of the Ocean in the Gallic sea, separated from -Britain by a narrow strait, with fields rich in grain and a fertile -soil. It is called Thanatos from the death of snakes, for it is -destitute of them itself, and earth taken thence to any part of the -world kills snakes at once. - -4. Thyle is the furthest island in the Ocean, between the region of -North and that of West,[352] beyond Britain, having its name from the -sun, because there the sun makes its summer halt, and there is no day -beyond it; whence the sea there is sluggish and frozen. - - [352] See p. 145. - -6. Scotia, the same as Hibernia, an island very near Britain, -narrower in the extent of its lands but more fertile; this reaches -from Africa towards Boreas, and Iberia and the Cantabrian ocean are -opposite to the first part of it. Whence, too, it is called Hibernia. -It is called Scotia because it is inhabited by the tribes of Scots. -There are no snakes there, few birds, no bees; and so if any one -scatters among beehives stones or pebbles brought thence, the swarms -desert them. - -8. The Happy Isles (_Fortunatae insulae_) ... lie in the Ocean -opposite the left of Mauretania, very near the West, and separated -from one another by the sea. - -12. Taprobana is an island lying close to India on the Southeast, -where the Indian Ocean begins, extending in length eight hundred and -seventy-five miles, in width, six hundred and twenty-five. It is -separated [from India] by a river that flows between. It is all full -of pearls and gems. Part of it is full of wild beasts and elephants, -but men occupy part. In this island they say that there are two -summers and two winters in one year, and that the place blooms twice -with flowers. - -21. Delos is said to be so named because after the flood which is -said to have come in the time of Ogygius, when continuous night had -overshadowed the circle of lands for many months, it was lightened -by the rays of the sun before all lands, and got its name from that, -because it was first made visible to the eye. For the Greeks call -visible δῆλος. - - -Chapter 9. On the under parts of the Earth. - -9. Gehenna is a place of fire and sulphur, which they think is so -named from the valley sacred to idols which is near the wall of -Jerusalem, which was filled in former time with bodies of the dead. -For there the Hebrews used to sacrifice their own sons to demons, and -the place itself was called Gehennon. Therefore the place of future -punishment where sinners are to be tortured is denoted by the name of -this place. (We read in Job) that there is a double Gehenna, both of -fire and of frost. - -11. Just as the heart of an animal is in its midst, so also -_infernus_ is said to be in the midst of the earth. - - - - -BOOK XV - - -ON BUILDINGS AND FIELDS - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Cities (ch. 1). - Of India (6), Persia (7–10), Mesopotamia (12–13), Syria - (14–15), Palestine (16–26), Phoenicia (27–28), Egypt - (31–36), Asia Minor (37–41), Greece (43–48), Italy (49–62), - Gaul (63–65), Spain (66–72), Northern Africa (74–77). - II. Architecture.[353] - 1. City architecture (ch. 2). - a. Kinds of cities (3–14). - b. Walls (17–21). - c. Gates, squares, sewers, etc. (22–46). - 2. Dwellings (ch. 3). - 3. Buildings for religious purposes (ch. 4). - 4. Storehouses (ch. 5). - 5. Workshops (ch. 6). - 6. Entrances (ch. 7). - 7. Parts of buildings (ch. 8). - 8. Defences (ch. 9). - 9. Tents (ch. 10). - 10. Tombs (ch. 11). - 11. Buildings in the country (ch. 12). - III. Fields, landmarks, land-measures[354] (chs. 13–15). - IV. Roads (ch. 16). - - [353] Architecture appears in a disintegrated form in the - _Etymologies_ (bks. xv, chs. 2–12; xix, chs. 8–19). A comparison - with Vitruvius’s work on architecture (translated by J. Gwilt, - London, 1880) shows that the main differences between the - subjects treated by Isidore and those in Vitruvius’s work lie in - the omission by the former of the account of building materials - (bk. ii), temple architecture, water supply (bk. viii), dialling, - and mechanics. - - [354] See Introd., p. 32. The two chapters, “De Mensuris Agrorum” - and “De Itineribus,” together with three chapters of bk. xvi, “De - Ponderibus,” “De Mensuris,” “De Signis,” are given in Hultsch, - _Metrologicorum Scriptorum Reliquiae_, Leipzig, 1886 (_Scriptores - Romani_ in vol. ii). Hultsch finds (vol. ii, 34) that Isidore - made use of Columella and a number of minor writers on these - subjects. - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 1. On cities. - -5. The Jews assert that Shem, son of Noah, whom they call -Melchisedeck, was the first after the flood to found the city of -Salem in Syria, in which was the kingdom of the same Melchisedeck. -This city the Jebusaei held later, from whom it got the name -Jebus, and so the two names being united, Jebus and Salem became -Hierusalem, and this was later called Hierosolyma by Solomon, as if -Hierosolomonia. - -42. Constantinople, a city of Thrace, Constantine called after his -own name, the only city equal to Rome in deeds and power. This -was first founded by Pausanias, king of the Spartans, and called -Byzantium, because it extends between the Adriatic and the Propontis, -or because it is a store-house for the wealth of land and sea.[355] -Whence Constantine judged it very fit to become his store-house for -land and sea. And it is now the seat of Roman power, and the capital -of the whole Orient, as Rome is of the Occident. - - [355] Isidore probably had in mind some derivation of Byzantium, - which would explain his meaning here, but he gives no hint of - what it was. - -66. Caesaraugusta Tarraconensis,[356] a town of Spain, was both -founded and named by Caesar Augustus, excelling all the cities of -Spain in the beauty of its site and in its attractions (_deliciis_), -and more famous than all, and distinguished (_florens_) for the -graves of the sainted martyrs. - - [356] Saragossa. - -67. The Africans under Hannibal occupied the coast of Spain and built -Carthago Spartaria, which presently was captured and made a colony by -the Romans, and gave its name also to the province. But now it has -been destroyed and reduced to desolation by the Goths. - -69. Caesar Augustus built Emerita after he had taken Lusitania and -certain islands of the Ocean, giving it a name from the fact that he -placed his veteran soldiers there. For veterans, freed from service, -are called _emeriti_. - -70. Olyssipona (Lisbon) was founded and named by Ulysses, and at this -place, as historians say, the heavens are separated from the earth -and the seas from the lands. - -71. Hispalis (Seville) Julius Caesar founded, and called it Julia -Romula from his own name and the name of the city of Rome. It is -called Hispalis from its situation, because it is placed on marshy -ground, the stakes (_palis_) being driven deep, that it might not -slip because of its slippery and unsteady foundations. - -72. Gades is a town founded by the Carthaginians who also founded -Carthago Spartaria. - - -Chapter 4. On sacred buildings. - -8. Fanes (_Fana_) are so called from Fauns to whom the heathen -blindness erected temples wherein those who sought for guidance might -hear the responses of demons. - -9. _Delubra_, the name the ancients gave to temples having springs -in which they washed themselves (_diluebantur_) before entering.... -These are at the present time sanctuaries with sacred springs in -which the regenerate faithful purify themselves, and they were well -called _delubra_ with a sort of prophetic meaning; for they are for -the washing away of sins. - - -Chapter 15. On land measurements. - -1. Measure is whatever limit is set in respect to weight, capacity, -length, height and mind (_animus_). And so the ancients divided the -circle of lands into parts, the parts into provinces, the provinces -into regions, the regions into districts, the districts into -territories, the territories into fields, the fields into centuries, -the centuries into acres (_jugera_), the acres into _climata_ [about -sixty feet square], then the _climata_ into _actus_ [120 x 4 ft.], -perches, paces, grades (_gradus_), cubits, feet, palms, inches, -(_uncia_), and fingers. For so clever were they. - - - - -BOOK XVI - - -ON STONES AND METALS[357] - - [357] Pliny’s five books (xxxiii-xxxvii) on mineralogy in his - _Natural History_ are the chief source upon which later writers - drew. An epitome of them, or rather, an epitome of an epitome, - was made by Solinus in the third century. This underwent a - further revision in the sixth century. Isidore is supposed to - have used both the epitome and the original, as well as an - unknown source, from which he drew the medical virtues of the - precious stones. _Cf._ King, _The Natural History, Ancient and - Modern, of Precious Stones_ (London, 1865), p. 6. - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Kinds of earth (ch. 1). - II. Earthy substances made out of water (_de glebis ex - aqua_[358]) (ch. 2). - III. Common stones (ch. 3). - IV. The less common stones (ch. 4). - V. Marbles (ch. 5). - VI. Gems (chs. 6–15). - 1. Green gems (ch. 7). - 2. Red gems (ch. 8). - 3. Purple gems (ch. 9). - 4. White gems (ch. 10). - 5. Black gems (ch. 11). - 6. Parti-colored gems (ch. 12). - 7. Crystalline gems (ch. 13). - 8. Glowing gems (ch. 14). - 9. Gold-colored gems (ch. 15). - VII. Glass (ch. 16). - VIII. Metals (chs. 17–24). - 1. Gold (ch. 18). - 2. Silver (ch. 19). - 3. Bronze (ch. 20). - 4. Iron (ch. 21). - 5. Lead (ch. 22). - 6. Tin (ch. 23). - 7. Amber (ch. 24). - IX. Weights (ch. 25). - X. Measurements (chs. 26, 27). - Abbreviations for units of measurement (ch. 27). - - [358] Asphalt, alum, salt, soda, etc. - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 4. On the less common stones. - -3. _Gagates_ (jet) was first found in Cilicia, thrown up by the -water of the river Gagates. Whence it was named, although it is -very abundant in Britain. It is black, flat, smooth, and burns when -brought near to fire. Dishes cut out of it are not destructible. If -burned it puts serpents to flight, betrays those who are possessed by -demons, and reveals virginity. It is wonderful that it is set on fire -by water and extinguished with oil. - -19. _Amiantos_ (amianth) ... resists all poisons, especially those of -the magi. - - -Chapter 7. On green gems. - -8. Certain believe that the jasper gives both attractiveness and -safety to its wearers, but to believe this is a sign not of faith but -of superstition. - -9. The topaz is of the green sort and it glitters with every color. -It was found first in an island of Arabia in which Troglodyte -pirates, worn out with hunger and storm, discovered it when they -pulled the roots of herbs. This island was sought for afterward, and -was at length found by seamen, being all covered with clouds. And on -this account the place and the gem received the name from cause. For -τοπάζειν in the Troglodyte language denotes seeking. - -12. Heliotropium[359] ... receives the sun-light after the manner of -a looking-glass, and reveals the eclipses of the sun, showing the -moon passing under. In the case of this gem there is also a most -manifest proof of the shamelessness of the magi, because they say its -wearer is not visible if he takes an infusion of the plant heliotrope -and in addition utters certain charms. - - [359] Striped jasper. - - -Chapter 8. On red gems. - -1. ... The magi assert that [coral] resists thunder-bolts,—if it is -to be believed. - - -Chapter 10. On white gems. - -4. _Galactites_ (milk-stone) is milk-white, and being rubbed it -gives a white fluid that tastes like milk, and being tied on nursing -mothers it increases the flow of milk. If it is hung on the necks of -children it is said to create saliva, and it is said to melt in the -mouth and take away the memory. - - -Chapter 13. On crystals. - -1. It is said that crystal glitters and is of a watery color because -it is snow that has hardened into ice in the course of the years.... -It is produced in Asia and Cyprus, and especially in the Alps of -the north, where there is no hot sun even in summer. Therefore the -ice itself is bared, and hardening through the years gives this -appearance which is called crystal. This, being set opposite to the -rays of the sun, so seizes upon its flame that it sets fire to dry -fungi or leaves. Its use is to make cups, but it can endure nothing -but what is cold. - -2. _Adamas_ ... Though this is an unconquerable despiser of the steel -and of fire, yet it is softened by the fresh, warm blood of stags, -and then is shattered by many blows of an iron instrument. - -3. It is said to reveal poisons as does amber (_electron_), to drive -away useless fears, to resist evil arts. - - -Chapter 14. On glowing gems. - -7. _Dracontites_ is forcibly taken from the brain of a dragon, and -unless it is torn from the living creature it has not the quality of -a gem; whence magi cut it out of dragons while they are sleeping. For -bold men explore the cave of the dragons, and scatter there medicated -grains to hasten their sleep, and thus cut off their heads while they -are sunk in sleep, and take out the gems. - - -Chapter 15. On yellow gems. - -17. _Glossoptera_ is like the human tongue whence it took its name. -It is said to fall from heaven when the moon is in eclipse, and the -magi attribute great power to it, for they think that to it the -motions of the moon are due. - -21. There are also certain gems which the heathen use in certain -superstitions. - -22. By the fragrance of the _liparia_,[360] they relate that all -wild beasts are summoned. By the _ananchitis_[360] in divination -by water they say the likenesses of demons are summoned. By the -_synochitis_[360] they assert that the shades of those below that -have been summoned forth, are held. - - [360] Unknown. - -23. _Chenelites_ is the eye of the Indian tortoise, of a varied -purple. By means of this magi pretend that the future is foretold, if -it is put on the tongue. - -25. _Hyaenia_ is a stone found in the eye of the hyena and they say -that if it is placed under the tongue of a man he foretells the -future. - - -Chapter 20. On bronze. - -4. Corinthian bronze is a mixture of all metals, and it was first -made by accident at Corinth, when the city was taken and burned. For -when Hannibal had taken the city, he piled all the statues of bronze -and gold and silver into one heap and burned them. - - -Chapter 21. On iron. - -2. There is no body with elements so dense, so closely interlacing -and interwoven, as iron; whence in it there is hardness and cold. - - -Chapter 25. On weights. - -1. It is a delight to learn the manner of weights and measures. For -all corporeal substances, as it is written, from the highest even -to the lowest, are ordered and shaped within the limits of measure, -number, and weight. To all corporeal things nature has assigned -weight. Its own weight regulates everything. - -2. Moses, who preceded all the philosophers of the nations in time, -first told us of measures and numbers and weight in different -passages in the Scripture. Phidon of Argos was the first to establish -a system of weights in Greece. - -19. _Uncia_ ... And it is reckoned a lawful weight for this reason, -that the number of its scruples measures the hours of the day and -night, or because reckoned twelve times it makes a pound. - -20. _Libra_ (pound) is made up of twelve ounces, and thence is -counted a kind of perfect weight, because it is made up of as many -ounces as a year is months. And it is called _libra_ because it is -_libera_ (free) and embraces all the aforementioned weights within -itself. - -23. _Centenarium_ is a weight of one hundred pounds. And this weight -the Romans established because of the perfection of the number one -hundred. - - -Chapter 26. On measures. - -1. Measure is the limiting of something in amount or time. It has -to do with either corporeal substance or time. It has to do with -corporeal substance as, for example, the length or shortness of men, -pieces of timber, and columns; even the sun has a measure proper to -its circle, which geometricians dare to inquire into. It has to do -with time as, for example, hours, days, years; whence we say that we -measure the feet of the hours. - -2. But speaking in a limited sense, measure (_mensura_) is so named -because by it fruits and grain are meted, that is, wet and dry -measure, as _modius_ (peck), _artabo_ (three and half modi), _urna_ -(pitcher), _amphora_ (jar). - -10. _Modius_ (peck) is so named because after its own mode it is -perfect. It is a measure of forty-four pounds, that is, of twenty-two -_sextarii_. The cause of this number is derived from this, that in -the beginning God made twenty-two works. For on the first day he -made seven, that is, matter in the rough, angels, light, the upper -heavens, earth, water, and air. On the second day, the firmament -alone. On the third day, four things: the seas, seeds, sowing, and -plantings. On the fourth day, three things: the sun and moon and -stars. On the fifth day, three: fishes, and creeping things of the -water, and flying creatures. On the sixth day, four: wild beasts, -flocks, creeping things of the earth, and man. And in all twenty-two -kinds were made in the six days. And there are twenty-two generations -from Adam to Jacob, from whose seed sprang all the people of Israel, -and twenty-two books of the Old Testament as far as Esther, and -twenty-two letters of the alphabet out of which the doctrine of -the divine law is composed. According to these precedents a modius -of twenty-two _sextarii_ was established by Moses according to the -measure of the holy law, and although different nations in their -ignorance add weight to this measure or detract from it, still among -the Hebrews it is kept unchanged by divine ordinance. - - -Chapter 27. Abbreviations for weights. - -1. The marks for weight are unknown to most and thence they cause -readers to err. So let us add their shapes and characters as they -were set down by the ancients.[361] - - [361] Twenty-one of these are named. - - - - -BOOK XVII - - -ON AGRICULTURE - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Writers on rural affairs (ch. 1). - II. The cultivation of the fields (ch. 2). - III. Grains (ch. 3). - VI. Leguminous plants (ch. 4). - V. Vines (ch. 5). - VI. Trees (chs. 6–7). - 1. Species of trees (ch. 7). - VII. Aromatic shrubs (ch. 8). - VIII. Aromatic and common herbs (ch. 9). - IX. Vegetables (chs. 10, 11). - - - - -BOOK XVIII - - -ON WAR AND AMUSEMENTS - - -ANALYSIS - - I. War[362] (chs. 1–14). - 1. Kinds of war (ch. 1). - 2. Triumphs (ch. 2). - 3. Standards (ch. 3). - 4. Trumpets (ch 4). - 5. Armor (chs. 5–14). - a. Swords (ch. 6). - b. Spears (ch. 7). - c. Arrows (ch. 8). - d. Quivers (ch. 9). - e. Slings (ch. 10). - f. The battering ram (ch. 11). - g. Shields (ch. 12). - h. Coats of mail (ch. 13). - i. Helmets (ch. 14). - II. The law-court (_de foro_) (ch. 15). - III. Spectacles[363] (chs. 16–59). - 1. Gymnastic contests (chs. 17–26). - 2. The circus (chs. 27–41). - 3. The theatre (chs. 42–51). - 4. The amphitheatre (chs. 52–58). - 5. Condemnation of spectacles (ch. 59). - IV. Gambling (chs. 60–68). - V. Ball-playing (ch. 69). - - [362] The information on military matters contained here and in - bk. ix was drawn ultimately from the succession of Roman writers - on military science. The chief of these were Frontinus, Hyginus, - Vegetius. - - [363] The title, _De Spectaculis_, and much of the material - are drawn from Tertullian’s _De Spectaculis_. See M. Klussman, - _Excerpta Tertullianea in Isidori Hispalensis Etymologiis_ - (Hamburg, 1892). - - -EXTRACTS - -Chapter 16. On spectacles. - -1. Spectacles, as I think, is the general name given to pleasures -which defile not of themselves, but through those things that take -place there. - -3. The origin of the word (_ludus_) is of no consequence when the -origin of the thing is idolatry.... On this account the stain of its -origin must be regarded, lest one should regard as good what took its -origin in evil. - - -Chapter 27. On the sports of the circus. - -1. The sports of the circus (_ludi circenses_) were established on -account of worship, and because of the honoring of the heathen gods. -Whence those who view them seem to be furthering the worship of evil -spirits. For horse-racing was in former times practiced by itself, -and its ordinary practice at least was no guilt, but when this -natural practice was included in the games, it was transferred to the -worship of demons. - - -Chapter 41. On the colors at the races.[364] - - [364] Compare Tertullian, _De Spectaculis_, chs. 6–9. - -1. The same heathen have associated the colors worn by the horses -with the elements: likening the red to the sun, that is, to fire; the -white to air; the green to earth; the blue to the sea. Likewise they -wished the red to run in summer because they are of a fiery color -and all things are of a golden hue at that time; the white in winter -because it is icy and everything is white; the green during the -verdure of spring, because then the vine leaves are thickening. - -2. They also consecrated the red to Mars from whom the Romans are -sprung, because the Roman standards are adorned with scarlet or -because Mars delights in blood. The white [they consecrated] to -western breezes and fine weather, the green to flowers and earth, the -blue to the sea or air because they are of a caerulean color, the -golden or saffron to fire and the sun, and the purple to Iris, which -we call the bow, because Iris has many colors. - -3. And so while under this pretence they pollute themselves with the -gods and the elements of this world, they are known to be certainly -worshiping the same gods and elements. Whence you ought to notice, -Christian, how many unclean gods they have around. Therefore the -place which many spirits of Satan have seized shall be alien to you. -For all that place the devil and his angels have filled. - - -Chapter 45. On tragedians. - -1. Tragedians are they who sang in mournful verse the ancient deeds -and crimes of guilty kings, while the people looked on. - - -Chapter 46. On comedians. - -1. Comedians are they who represented by song and gesture the doings -of men in private life, and in their plays set forth the defilement -of maidens and the love affairs of harlots. - - -Chapter 59. On the execration of these. - -1. These spectacles of cruelty and this gazing upon vanities were -established not only by the fault of men but by the command of -demons. Wherefore a Christian ought to have nothing to do with the -madness of the circus, with the shamelessness of the theatre, with -the cruelty of the amphitheatre, with the atrocity of the arena, -with the luxury of the _ludus_. For he denies God who ventures on -such things, becoming a violator of the Christian faith—he who seeks -afresh that which he long before renounced in baptism, that is, the -devil, his parades and his works. - - - - -BOOK XIX - - -ON SHIPS, BUILDINGS, AND GARMENTS[365] - - [365] At this point in his work Isidore turns from the ‘sciences’ - to the useful arts. - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Ships[366] (chs. 1–6). - 1. Seamen (ch. 1, 3–7). - 2. Kinds of ships (ch. 1, 8–27). - 3. Parts of ships (ch. 2). - 4. Sails (ch. 3). - 5. Ropes (ch. 4). - 6. Nets (ch. 5). - II. Furnaces of smiths (ch. 6). - 1. Tools of smiths (ch. 7). - III. Buildings (chs. 8–18). - 1. Construction (ch. 10). - 2. Adornment (chs. 11–17). - 3. Tools for building (ch. 18). - IV. Workers in wood (ch. 19). - V. Garments (chs. 20–29). - 1. Weaving (ch. 20). - 2. The dress of a priest under the law (ch. 21). - 3. The names of other articles of clothing (ch. 22). - 4. Peculiar costumes of certain peoples (ch. 23). - 5. Men’s garments (ch. 24). - 6. Women’s garments (ch. 25). - 7. Bedding, tablecloths, and so forth (ch. 26). - 8. Wools (ch. 27). - 9. Colors of garments (ch. 28). - 10. Instruments for making cloth (ch. 29). - VI. Ornaments (chs. 30–32). - 1. Head ornaments for women (ch. 31). - 2. Rings (ch. 32). - VII. Girdles (ch. 33). - VIII. Footwear (ch. 34). - - [366] For a similar subject and treatment, compare _De Genere - Navigiorum_, in Nonius Marcellus’s encyclopedia. See p. 43. - - - - -BOOK XX - - -ON PROVISIONS AND UTENSILS OF THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE FIELDS - - -ANALYSIS - - I. Tables (ch. 1). - II. Food (ch. 2). - III. Drink (ch. 3). - IV. Dishes. - 1. For food (ch. 4). - 2. For drink (ch. 5). - 3. For wine and water (ch. 6). - 4. For oil (ch. 7). - V. Cooking utensils (ch. 8). - VI. Receptacles (ch. 9). - VII. Lamps (ch. 10). - VIII. Beds and seats (ch. 11). - IX. Vehicles (ch. 12). - X. Other utensils (ch. 13). - XI. Tools for the country (ch. 14). - XII. Tools for the garden (ch. 15). - XIII. Horse trappings (ch. 16). - - - - -APPENDIX I - -[ISIDORE’S USE OF THE WORD _TERRA_] - - -Further light on Isidore’s conception of the earth can be gained by -noticing his use of the word _terra_ in the following passage, and -comparing the passage with that from Hyginus on which it is based. - - Isidore. Hyginus. - - Nunc terrae positionem definiemus - et mare quibus locis interfusum - videatur, ordine exponemus. - - Terra, ut testatur Hyginus, Terra mundi media regione - mundi media regione collocata, collocata, omnibus partibus - omnibus partibus coeli aequali dissidens intervallo, - aequali dissidens intervallo centrum obtinet sphaerae. - centrum obtinet. Hanc mediam dividit axis in - dimensione totius terrae. - - Oceanus autem regione Oceanus autem regione - circumductionis spherae profusus circumductionis spherae profusus, - prope totius orbis alluit prope totius orbis alluit - fines. Itaque et siderum fines. Itaque et signa occidentia - signa occidentia in eum cadere in eum decidere existimantur. - existimantur. Sic igitur et terras - contineri poterimus explanare. - Regio autem terrae dividitur Nam quaecumque regio est quae - trifariam e quibus una pars inter Arcticum et Aestivum finem - Europa, altera Asia, tertia collocata est, ea dividitur - Africa vocatur. Europam trifariam e quibus una pars, - igitur ab Africa dividit mare Europa; altera, Asia; tertia, - ab extremis oceani finibus, et Africa vocatur. Europam igitur ab - Herculi columnis. Asiam autem Africa dividit mare ab extremis - et Libyam cum Aegypto Oceani finibus, et Herculi - disterminat ostium Nili fluvii, columnis. Asiam vero et Libyam - quod Canopicon appellatur. cum Aegypto disterminat os Nili - Asiam ab Europa Tanais dividit fluminis quod Canopicon - bifariam se conjiciens in appellatur. Asiam ab Europa - paludem, quae Maeotis appellatur. conjiciens in paludem quae - Asia autem, ut ait beatissimus Maeotis appellatur. (_Hygini - Augustinus, a meridie per Poeticon Astron., Mythographi - orientem usque ad septentrionem Latini_, Thomas Muncherus, - pervenit. Europa vero a Amsterdam, 1681, vol. i, p. 353.) - septentrione usque ad occidentem, - atque inde Africa ab occidente - usque ad meridiem. - - Unde videntur orbem dimidium - duae tenere, Europa et Africa. - Alium vero dimidium sola Asia. - Sed ideo illae duae partes factae - sunt, quia inter utramque ab - Oceano ingreditur, quidquid - aquarum terras influit, et hoc - mare Magnum nobis facit. Totius - autem terrae mensuram geometrae - centum octoginta millium - stadiorum aestimaverunt. (_De - Natura Rerum_, ch. 48.) - -In the passage from Hyginus, _terra_ in the singular is the spherical -earth occupying the centre of the sphere formed by the universe. The -ocean is on the surface of this spherical earth, and it washes “the -limits of the circle of lands”. For this reason the heavenly bodies -“are [popularly] supposed to set in it.” Hyginus then turns to the -dry land (_terras_), and describes the land surface “between the -boundaries of the Arctic and torrid zones” as divided into three -parts, Europe, Asia, and Africa. - -In Isidore _terra_ means in the first instance, dry land, in the -second—if he realized the meaning of Hyginus—the sphere; in the -third, the dry land; in the fourth, the sphere. There is no evidence -that Isidore was conscious of having made these transitions. He -entirely omits the sentence in which Hyginus passes from the subject -of the spherical earth to that of the lands. It is clear that Isidore -has fallen into the same confusion here as in the passage quoted on -p. 51; he uses the terminology of the spherical earth, while having -no conception of anything but the flat earth.[367] - -The difficulty offered by the word _sphera_ in the passage quoted -above from Isidore, is not insuperable, since it is clear from the -following passage that he was not very definite in his notion of what -a sphere was. A sphere and a circle apparently meant about the same -thing to him. - - [367] For passages illustrating Isidore’s cosmology, see _Etym._, - 2, 24, 2; 3, 52, 1; 3, 47; 9, 2, 133; 11, 3, 24; 13, 1, 1. See - also pp. 50–58 and notes. - - Cujus perfectionem spherae vel circuli multis - argumentationibus tractans, rationabile Plato Fabricatoris - mundi insinuat opus. Primo, quod ex una linea constat. - Secundo, quod sine initio est et sine fine. Tertio, quod a - puncto efficitur. Denuo, quod motum ex se habeat. Deinde - quod careat indicio angulorum, et quod in se ceteras - figuras omnes includat, et quod motum inerrabilem habeat, - siquidem sex alii motus errabiles sunt, ante, a tergo, - dextra, laevaque, sursum, deorsum. Postremo, et quod - necessitate efficiatur, ut haec linea ultra circulum duci - non possit. D. N. R., 12, 5. - - - - -APPENDIX II - -SUBDIVISIONS OF PHILOSOPHY - - -Philosophy was regarded by Isidore as a comprehensive term embracing -all knowledge. He gives its subdivisions as follows: - - I. - Arithmetica - Naturalis Geometria - or Musica - Physica Astronomia - - Prudentia - Moralis Justitia - Philosophia or Fortitudo - Ethica Temperantia - - Rationalis Dialectica - or Logica - Logica - -That Isidore felt the need of an adjustment of this plan to the -Christian scheme of things is to be perceived in the statement with -which he accompanies it, that the Scriptures are made up of the three -kinds of philosophy, natural, moral, and rational; and in the further -statement that Christian scholars asserted the claims of Christian -doctrine (_theorica_) to take the place of rational or logical -philosophy.[368] - - [368] 2, 24, 3–8. See pp. 73–74, 116–119. - - II. - - Arithmetica - Naturalis Geometria - Musica - Astronomia - - Inspectiva Doctrinalis - - Divinalis - - Philosophia[369] - - Moralis - - Actualis Dispensativa - - Civilis - - - III. - - Arithmetica - Geometria - Musica - Physica Astronomia - or Astrologia - Naturalis Mechanica - Medicina - - Philosophia[370] Logica or Dialectica - Rationalis Rhetorica - - Prudentia - Ethica or Justitia - Moralis Fortitudo - Temperantia - - [369] 2, 24, 10–16. - - [370] _Diff._, 2, 39. - -In connection with this outline also an attempt at adjustment is -made. Christian doctrine is placed, somewhat inappropriately, -under the head of ethical philosophy: “Wisdom (_prudentia_) is the -recognition of the true faith and the knowledge of the Scriptures, in -which one must have regard for the triple method of interpretation. -The first is that by which certain things are taken literally -without any figure, as the Ten Commandments; the second is that by -which certain things in the Scriptures are taken in a double sense, -both in the definite historic meaning and in accordance with the -understanding of figures, as in regard to Sara and Hagar; first, -because they existed in reality, second, because the two Testaments -are figuratively denoted by them. The third kind is that which is -taken in a spiritual sense only, as the Song of Songs. For if it is -understood according to the sound of the words and their literal -force, the result is bodily wantonness rather than the excellence of -the inner meaning. After the definition of wisdom let us now give the -parts of justice (_justitia_), of which the first is to fear God, to -venerate religion, to honor parents, to love the fatherland, to help -all, to harm none, to embrace the bonds of brotherly love, to face -the dangers of others, to bring aid to the wretched, to repay a good -turn, to observe equity in judgments.” (_Diff._, 2, 39.) - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY[371] - - [371] The list given here is not a complete list of works - consulted. The wide range of topics included in Isidore’s - encyclopedia has made it necessary to consult a great many books, - and the great modern encyclopedias have been used continuously, - especially the 11th edition of the _Encyclopedia Britannica_. - - -I. SOURCES - - Boetius, A. M. S. _Opera._ Migne, Patrologia Latina, vols. 63, 64. - - Boetius, A. M. S. _De Institutione Arithmetica libri duo, de - Institutione Musica libri quinque. Accedit Geometria quae fertur - Boetii._ Edited by Friedlein, Leipzig, 1867. - - _Breviarium Alaricianum._ Edited by Conrat, Leipzig, 1903. - - Cassiodorus. _Opera._ Migne, Patr. Lat., vols. 69, 70. - - Dionysius Thrax. _Ars Grammatica._ Uhlig, editor. Leipzig, 1883. - - Einhard. _Vita Caroli_ in _Monumenta Germaniae Historica, - Scriptores_ (ed. Pertz). - - _Grammatici Latini._ 7 vols. Edited by H. Keil, Leipzig, - 1857–1880. - - Hyginus, C. Julius. _Poeticon Astronomicon_, in vol. 1 of - _Mythographi Latini_, edited by Thomas Muncker, Amsterdam, 1691. - - Isidore of Seville. _De Natura Rerum._ G. Becker, editor. Berlin, - 1857. - - Isidore of Seville. _Opera._ Migne, Patr. Lat., vols. 81–84 (a - reprint of the edition of Arevalus, Rome, 1796). - - Isidore of Seville. _Opera._ Edited by Du Breul. Paris, 1601. - - Isidore of Seville. _De Rhetorica_, in Halm, _Rhetores Latini - Minores_. - - Martianus Capella. _De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii._ Edited - by Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1866. - - _Metrologicorum Scriptorum Reliquiae_ (2d vol., _Scriptores - Romani_). Edited by F. Hultsch, Leipzig, 1866. - - Orosius. _Historiarum adversus paganos libri VII._ Edited by - Zangemeister, Leipzig, 1889. - - _Physiologus._ Greek version contained in Lauchert’s _Geschichte - des Physiologus_. Strassburg, 1889. - - Plinius Secundus, Gaius. _Naturalis Historiae Libri XXXVII._ - Edited by L. Janus, Leipzig, 1854–65. - - _Rhetores Latini Minores._ Edited by C. F. Halm, Leipzig, 1863. - - Tertullianus. _De Spectaculis_ in _Opera Omnia_, Migne, _P. L._, - vol. i. - - -II. SECONDARY WORKS - - Altamira, R. _Historia de España y de la civilización española._ - 4 vols. Barcelona, 1900–11. - - Ball, W. W. R. _A Short Account of the History of Mathematics._ - London, 1901. - - Baas, J. H. _Outlines of the History of Medicine and the Medical - Profession._ Translated and, in conjunction with the author, - revised and enlarged by H. E. Handerson. N. Y., 1889. - - Beazley, C. R. _The Dawn of Modern Geography: A History of - Exploration and Geographical Science from the Conversion of the - Roman Empire to A.D. 1420._ London, 1897–1906. - - Boissier, G. _Étude sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. Varron._ - Paris, 1861. - - Boissier, G. _La Fin du paganisme; étude sur les dernières luttes - religieuses en occident au 4ème siècle._ 2 vols. Paris, 1891. - - Bury, J. B. _History of the Later Roman Empire from Arcadius to - Irene._ 2 vols. London, 1889–92. - - Cahier, C. _Physiologus_ (Latin version), Mélanges d’Archéologie - (1851–53), Paris. - - Cajori, F. _A History of Elementary Mathematics._ New York, 1907. - - _Cambridge Medieval History_, planned by J. B. Bury, edited by H. - M. Gwatkin and J. P. Whitney. Vol. 1. New York, 1911. - - Cañal, Carlos. _San Isidoro. Exposición de sus obras e - indicaciones acerca de la influencia que han ejercido en la - civilización española._ Sevilla, 1897. - - Cantor, M. _Die Römischen Agrimensoren und ihre Stellung in der - Geschichte der Feldmesskunst._ Leipzig, 1875. - - Cantor, M. _Vorlesungen über Geschichte der Mathematik._ 3 vols. - Leipzig, 1894–1900. - - Chaignet, A. E. _La Rhétorique et son histoire._ Paris, 1888. - - Christ, W. _Geschichte der Griechischen Literatur._ München, - 1905. Müller’s _Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft_. - - Conrat, M. _Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des Römischen - Rechts im früheren Mittelalter._ Leipzig, 1891. - - Conrat, M. _Die Epitome Exactis Regibus._ Berlin, 1884. - - Coussemaker, E. de. _Histoire de l’harmonie au Moyen Age._ Paris, - 1852. - - Cumont, F. _Les Religions orientales dans la paganisme romaine._ - Paris, 1906. - - Cuvier, G. L. C. F. D. _Histoire des sciences naturelles chez - tous les peuples connus._ Paris, 1841–45. - - Delambre, J. B. J. _Histoire de l’astronomie ancienne._ 2 vols. - Paris, 1817. - - Delambre, J. B. J. _Histoire de l’astronomie du moyen âge._ - Paris, 1819. - - Dill, S. _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western - Empire._ 2d ed. London, 1899. - - Dressel. _De Isidori Originum Fontibus_ in _Rivista di - Filologia_, vol. 3 (1874–75). - - Dreyer, J. L. E. _History of the Planetary Systems from Thales to - Kepler._ Cambridge, 1906. - - Ebert, A. _Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters - im Abendlande bis zum Beginne des 11 Jahrhundert._ 3 vols. - Leipzig, 1880–89. French translation by Aymeric and Condamin. - Paris, 1884. - - Flach, J. _Études critiques sur l’histoire du droit romain au - moyen âge avec textes inédits._ Paris, 1890. - - Gams, P. B. _Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien._ 3 vols. - Regensberg, 1862–79. - - Gleditsch, H. _Metrik der Griechen und Römer mit einem Anhang - über die Musik der Griechen_, 1901. (In Müller, _Handbuch der - klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_.) - - Gow, J. _A Short History of Greek Mathematics._ Cambridge, 1884. - - Günther, S. _Abriss der Geschichte der Mathematik und der - Naturwissenschaften in Altertum._ An appendix to _Geschichte - der alten Philosophie_ (München, 1894) (Müller’s _Handbuch der - klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_). - - Harnack, A. _History of Dogma_, translated from the 3d German - edition by N. Buchanan. 7 vols. Boston, 1897–1900. - - Hertzberg, H. _Die Chroniken des Isidors_ in _Forschungen zur - deutschen Geschichte_, vol. 15. - - _Histoire générale du IVe siècle à nos jours_: ouvrage publié - sous la direction de MM. E. Lavisse et A. Rambaud. Tome premier, - Les Origines (395–1095). - - Hoefer, F. _Histoire des mathématiques._ Cinquième édition. - Paris, 1902. - - Ideler, C. L. _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen - Chronologie._ 2 vols. Berlin, 1825–26. - - King, C. W. _The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious - Stones and Gems, and of the Precious Metals._ London, 1865. - - Klussman, M. _Excerpta Tertullianea in Isidori Hispalensis - Etymologiis._ Hamburg, 1892. - - Lauchert, F. _Geschichte des Physiologus._ Strassburg, 1891. - Relation of Isidore’s _De Animalibus_ to the _Physiologus_, pp. - 103 ff. - - Leminne, J. _Les quatre elements, le feu, l’air, l’eau, la terre. - Histoire d’une hypothèse_, in Mémoires couronnées par l’Académie - Royale de Belgique, vol. 65. - - Lindsay, W. M. _Nonius Marcellus, De Compendiosa Doctrina._ - Oxford, 1903. - - Manitius, M. _Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur des - Mittelalters._ München, 1911. (In Müller’s _Handbuch der - klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_.) - - Menéndez y Pelayo. _Estudios de Crítica Literaria._ 2 vols. (San - Isidoro in vol. 1). 2d edition. 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O. _The Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages._ New - York, 1901. - - Taylor, H. O. _The Medieval Mind; a History of the Development of - Thought and Emotion in the Middle Ages._ 2 vols. London, 1911. - - Teuffel, W. S. _Geschichte der Römischen Literatur._ Sechste - Auflage, neu bearbeitet von W. Kroll und F. Skatsch. 2 vols. - Leipzig, 1910. Translated from the 5th German edition by G. C. W. - Warr, 1891. - - Tozer, H. F. _A History of Ancient Geography._ Cambridge, 1897. - - Ueberweg, F. _History of Philosophy._ Translated by Morris. New - York, 1885. - - Ueberweg, F. _System of Logic and History of Logical Doctrines._ - Translated by Lindsay. London, 1871. - - Vinogradoff, P. _Roman Law in Medieval Europe._ London, 1909. - - Volkmann, R. _Rhetorik._ München, 1890. In Müller’s _Handbuch der - klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_. - - White, A. D. _Warfare of Science with Theology._ 2 vols. N. Y., - 1898. - - Wulf, M. de. _History of Medieval Philosophy._ 3d edition. - Translated by P. Coffey, London, 1909. - - Wolf, R. _Geschichte der Astronomie._ München, 1877. - - Woodridge, H. E. _The Oxford History of Music._ Vol. 1, _The - Polyphonic Period_. Oxford, 1901. - - - - -VITA - - -The writer of this thesis was born in Prince Edward Island, Canada. -He attended Dalhousie College, from which he graduated in 1894 with -high honors in the Classics. He entered Harvard University in 1895, -and received the degree of A. B. in 1896, and A. M. in 1897. From -1898 to 1908 he was Instructor, Assistant Professor and Professor of -Latin at Colorado College, and from 1908 to 1911 Professor of History -at the same institution. He spent the years 1908–9 and 1911–12 in -the school of Political Science of Columbia University. He has taken -courses with Professors Burgess, Dunning, Osgood, Robinson, Shotwell, -and Sloane of Columbia. 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