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diff --git a/old/51470-0.txt b/old/51470-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 78956b9..0000000 --- a/old/51470-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,45750 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Narrative and Critical History of America, -Vol. V (of 8), by Various, Edited by Justin Winsor - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. V (of 8) - The English and French in North America 1689-1763 - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Justin Winsor - -Release Date: March 16, 2016 [eBook #51470] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. V (OF 8)*** - - -E-text prepared by Giovanni Fini, Dianna Adair, Bryan Ness, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the more than 270 original illustrations. - See 51470-h.htm or 51470-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51470/51470-h/51470-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51470/51470-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - https://archive.org/details/narrcrithistory05winsrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: y^e). Multiple superscripted characters - are enclosed by curly brackets (example: M^{rs}). - - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -The English and French in North America 1689-1763 - - -[Illustration] - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -Edited by - -JUSTIN WINSOR - -Librarian of Harvard University -Corresponding Secretary Massachusetts Historical Society - -VOL. V - - - - - - - -Boston and New York -Houghton, Mifflin and Company -The Riverside Press, Cambridge - -Copyright, 1887, -By Houghton, Mifflin & Co. -All rights reserved. - -The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. -Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. - - - - - CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - [_The cut on the title shows the medal struck to commemorate the fall - of Quebec._] - - CHAPTER I. - - PAGE - - CANADA AND LOUISIANA. _Andrew McFarland Davis_ 1 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: La Présentation, 3; Autograph of Callières, 4; - of Vaudreuil, 5; of Beauharnois, 7; of La Jonquière and of - La Galissonière, 8; One of Céloron’s Plates, 9; Portrait of - Lemoyne d’Iberville, with Autograph, 15; Environs du Mississipi - (1700), 22; Portrait of Bienville, with Autograph, 26; - Autograph of Lamothe, 29; of Lepinay, 31; Fac-simile of Bill - of the Banque Royale, 34; Plans of New Orleans, 37, 38; View - of New Orleans, 39; Map of the Mississippi, near New Orleans, - 41; Fort Rosalie and Environs, 47; Plan of Fort Chartres, 54; - Autograph of Vaudreuil, 57. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 63 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of La Harpe, 63; Portrait of - Charlevoix, with Autograph, 64; Autograph of Le Page, 65; - Map of the Mouths of the Mississippi, 66; Autograph of De - Vergennes, 67; Coxe’s Map of Carolana, 70. - - EDITORIAL NOTES 75 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Portrait of John Law, 75; his Autograph, 76. - - CARTOGRAPHY OF LOUISIANA AND THE MISSISSIPPI BASIN UNDER THE - FRENCH DOMINATION. _The Editor_ 79 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Louisiana, in Dumont, 82; Huske’s Map - (1755), 84; Map of Louisiana, by Le Page du Pratz, 86. - - - CHAPTER II. - - NEW ENGLAND, 1689-1763. _The Editor_ 87 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of New England (1688), 88; Elisha Cooke, - the Elder, 89; Seal of Massachusetts Province, 93; Bellomont, - 97; Samuel Sewall, 100; Hertel, Seigneur de Rouville, 106; The - Four Maquas (Indians), _opp._ 107; Draft of Boston Harbor, - _opp._ 108; Ground Plan of Castle William, _opp._ 108; British - Soldiers (1701-1714), 109; Gurdon Saltonstall, with Autograph, - 112; William Dummer, 114; Jeremiah Dummer, 115; Elisha Cooke, - the Younger, 117; Thomas Prince, 122; Boston Light and Province - Sloop, 123; Increase Mather, 125; Mather Byles, 128; George - II., 130; Popple’s Map of New England, 134; An English Fleet, - 136; Benjamin Pollard, 138; Autograph of Benning Wentworth, - 139; Portrait and Autograph of George Berkeley, 140; William - Shirley, 142; Popple’s Chart of Boston Harbor, 143. - - CRITICAL ESSAY. _The Editor_ 156 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Hannah Adams, 160; John Gorham Palfrey, 161. - - EDITORIAL NOTES 164 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Rhode Island Twelve-Pence Bill, 172; Rhode - Island Three-Shillings Bill, 173; New Hampshire Five-Shillings - Bill, 174; New Hampshire Three-Pounds Bill, 175; Plan of Fort - Halifax, 182; Autograph of Wm. Lithgow, 182; of Jabez Bradbury, - 183; Flanker of Fort Halifax, 183; Restoration of Fort Halifax, - 184; Block House (1714), 185; Plans of Fort Anson, 187. - - - CHAPTER III. - - MIDDLE COLONIES. _Berthold Fernow_ 189 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Jacob Leisler, 189; of Lord - Cornbury, 192; of Governor Fletcher, with Seal, 194; of - Lovelace, 196; of Governor Hunter, with Seal, 196; of Rip van - Dam, 198; of Governor Clinton, with Seal, 202; of Governor - James De Lancey, with Seal, 205; of Governor Cadwallader - Colden, with Seal, 206; of Governor Robert Monckton, with Seal, - 206. - - CRITICAL ESSAY. (_Manuscript sources, by Mr. Fernow_) 231 - - (_Cartography and Boundaries of the Middle Colonies, by Mr. - Fernow and the Editor_) 233 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Cadwallader Colden’s Map in fac-simile, 237; - Map of Pennsylvania (1756), 239. - - EDITORIAL NOTES 240 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Daniel Horsmanden, 242; Views of - New York (1732), 250; (1746), 251; (1761), 251; Plans of New - York City (1695), 253; of New York and Perth Amboy Harbor - (1732), 254; of New York (1755), 255; (1763), 256; (1764, by - Bellin), 257; Heap’s East Prospect of Philadelphia (1754-1761), - 258. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA. _The Editor_ 259 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Frederick, Lord Baltimore, 262; Alexander - Spotswood, 266; Robert Dinwiddie, with Autograph, 269. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 270 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Maryland, _opp._ 273; Map of Virginia - (1738), 274; William Byrd, 275; Map of Northern Neck of - Virginia (1736-1737), 277; William and Mary College, 279; - Autograph of Hugh Jones, 280; Map of Part of Colonial Virginia, - _opp._ 280; Fac-simile of Title of _Apostolic Charity_, by - Thomas Bray (1700), 283. - - - CHAPTER V. - - THE CAROLINAS. _William J. Rivers_ 285 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of North Carolina (1663-1729), 285; - Autographs of the Lords Proprietors (Clarendon, Ashley, - Albemarle, G. Carteret, Craven, John Berkeley, Will. Berkeley, - James Colleton), 287; Map of Cooper and Ashley Rivers, 315; - Plan of Charlestown, S. C. (1732), 330; View of Charlestown - (1742), 331. - - CRITICAL ESSAY. _The Editor_ 335 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of John Locke, 336; Shapley’s - Sketch-Map of the Carolina Coast (1662), 337; Map (1666), 338; - Lederer’s Map (1669-1670), 339; Morden’s Map (1687), 341; Plan - of Charlestown (1704), 343; Autographs of John Archdale and - John Oldmixon, 344; Carolina War-Map (1711-1715), 346; Indian - Map of South Carolina (1730), 349; Moll’s Map of Carolina - (1730), 351; Autograph of George Chalmers, 353. - - NOTE ON THE LATER HISTORIES OF CAROLINA. _The Editor_ 354 - - - CHAPTER VI. - - THE ENGLISH COLONIZATION OF GEORGIA, 1733-1752. _Charles C. - Jones, Jr._ 357 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: General Oglethorpe, 362; Map of South - Carolina and Georgia (1733), 365; Early View of Savannah, - 368; Tomo-chi-chi Mico, 371; Map of the County of Savannah - (Urlsperger), 373; Map of Coast Settlements before 1743, 375; - Map of Coast from St. Augustine to Charlestown, S. C., with - Map of Simon’s Island (Urlsperger), 379; Plan of St. Augustine - (1763), 381; Map of Coast of Florida (1742), 382; Map of Harbor - and Town of St. Augustine (1742), 383; Whitefield, 388. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 392 - - ILLUSTRATION: Handwriting of Oglethorpe, 393. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - THE WARS ON THE SEABOARD: ACADIA AND CAPE BRETON. _Charles C. - Smith_ 407 - - ILLUSTRATION: A French Frigate, 412. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 418 - - AUTHORITIES ON THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS OF NEW ENGLAND AND - ACADIA, 1688-1763. _The Editor_ 420 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autographs of John Gyles, 421; of Francis - Nicholson and Samuel Vetch, 422; View of Annapolis Royal, 423; - Autographs of Vaudreuil, 424; of the Signers of the Conference, - January 16, 1713-14 (J. Dudley, Francis Nicholson, William - Tailer, W. Winthrop, Elisha Hutchinson, Samuel Sewall, J. - Addington, Em. Hutchinson, Penn Townsend, Andrew Belcher, Edw. - Bromfield, Ichabod Plaisted), 425; Fac-simile of the Title of - Penhallow’s _History_ (1726), 426; of Church’s _Entertaining - Passages_ (1716), 427; Bellin’s Map of Port Royal, 428; View - of Gut of Annapolis, 429; Autograph of Thomas Westbrook, - 430; of John Lovewell, 431; Plan of Lovewell’s Fight, 433; - Autographs of R. Auchmuty and W. Vaughan, 434; Portrait of - Sir William Pepperrell, with Autograph, 435; his Arms, 436; - Autographs of Edward Tyng and John Rous, 437; Gibson’s Picture - of the Siege of Louisbourg, fac-simile, _opp_. 437; Autograph - of Peter Warren, 439; of Richard Gridley, 440; Bellin’s Map of - Cape Breton (1746), 440; Gridley’s Plan of Louisbourg (1745), - 441, 442, 443; Plan of Attack on Louisbourg (1745), 444; Map of - the Siege (1745), 445; Pepperrell’s Plan of the Siege (1745), - 446; View of Louisbourg, 447; Plan of Island Battery, 448; View - of the Entrance of Mines Basin, 449; View of Cape Baptist, 449; - Autograph of Paul Mascarene, 450; Plan of Forts Beauséjour and - Gaspereau, 451; Autograph of Charles Lawrence, 452; Map of Fort - Beauséjour and Adjacent Country, 453; Colonel Monckton, with - Autograph, 454; Autograph of John Winslow, 455; his Portrait, - 456; Autograph of Colonel Murray, 460; Admiral Boscawen, with - Autograph, 464; Map of Siege of Louisbourg (1758), 465; Views - of Louisbourg and Harbor, 466; Portrait of General Wolfe, 467; - Plan of Siege of Louisbourg (1758), 468, 469; Plan of the - Attack, 470. - - MAPS AND BOUNDS OF ACADIA. _The Editor_ 472 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Lahontan’s Map of Acadia, 473; Map of the French - Claim (1755), 478; of the English Claim (1755), 479; Jefferys’ - Map of Nova Scotia, 480-481. - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - THE STRUGGLE FOR THE GREAT VALLEYS OF NORTH AMERICA. _The - Editor_ 483 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: French Soldier (1700), 484; British Infantry - Soldier (1725), 485; Popple’s Map of Lakes Champlain and George - (1732), 486; View of Quebec (1732), 488; British Footguard - (1745), 489; French Soldier (1745), 489; Colden’s Map of the - Region of the Great Lakes, 491; Autographs of Duquesne, 492; - of Contrecœur, 493; of Jumonville, 493; of Villiers, 494; - French Soldiers (1755), 497; Map of Fort Duquesne and - Vicinity, 497; Contemporary Plan of Braddock’s Defeat, 499; - Autograph of Sir William Johnson, 502; his Portrait, 503; - Autograph of Montcalm, 505; Portraits of Lord Loudon, 506, - 507; Plan of Albany, 508; Plan of Fort Frederick at Albany, - 509; Autograph of Loudon, 510; The Forts at Oswego, 511; Fort - Edward and Vicinity, 512, 513, 514; Fort St. Jean, 515; Fort - William Henry, 516; View of the Site of Fort William Henry, - 517; Plan of Attack on Fort William Henry, 518; Fort at German - Flats, 519; Autograph of James Abercromby, 521; Lord Howe, - 522; View of Ticonderoga, 523; Plan of Attack on Ticonderoga - (1758), 524; Fort Frontenac, 525; Mante’s Map of Lake George, - 526; Autograph of Jeff. Amherst, 527; Fort Stanwix, 528; - Autographs of Generals Forbes and Vaudreuil, 530; Portrait of - General Amherst, 531; Fort Pitt, 532; The New Fort Pitt, 533; - Fort Niagara, 534; Fort George on Lake George, 535; Modern - Map of Lake George, 536; Plan of Ticonderoga, 537; of Crown - Point, 537; View of the Ruins of Crown Point, 538; Plan of - Isle-aux-Noix, 539; Portrait of General Wolfe, 541; Plan of the - Siege of Quebec (1759), 542; Contemporary Plan of Quebec, 543; - Bougainville, 546; British Soldiers, 547; Montcalm, 548; Plan - of Quebec as Surrendered, 549; View of Heights of Abraham, with - Wolfe’s Monument, 551; Map of the Campaign of Lévis and Murray, - 552; Plan of Quebec (1763), 553; View of Montreal (1761), 554; - Plans of Montreal (1763, 1758), 555, 556; Map of Routes to - Canada (1755-1763), 557; Robert Rogers, 558. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 560 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: French Soldiers (1710), 562; Bonnecamp’s - Map, 569; Fort Cumberland and Vicinity, 577; Contemporary Map - of Dieskau’s Campaign, 585; Clement’s Plan of the Battle of - Lake George, 586; Map of Forts George and Ticonderoga - (1749-1760), 588; Crown Point Currency of New Hampshire, 590; - General Townshend, 607. - - NOTES 611 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of William Smith, 618; Portrait of - Garneau, 619; of James Grahame, 620. - - INDEX 623 - - - - - NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL - - HISTORY OF AMERICA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -CANADA AND LOUISIANA. - -BY ANDREW McFARLAND DAVIS, - -_American Antiquarian Society_. - - -THE story of the French occupation in America is not that of a people -slowly moulding itself into a nation. In France there was no state -but the king; in Canada there could be none but the governor. Events -cluster around the lives of individuals. According to the discretion -of the leaders the prospects of the colony rise and fall. Stories -of the machinations of priests at Quebec and at Montreal, of their -heroic sufferings at the hands of the Hurons and the Iroquois, and of -individual deeds of valor performed by soldiers, fill the pages of the -record. The prosperity of the colony rested upon the fate of a single -industry,—the trade in peltries. In pursuit of this, the hardy trader -braved the danger from lurking savage, shot the boiling rapids of the -river in his light bark canoe, ventured upon the broad bosom of the -treacherous lake, and patiently endured sufferings from cold in winter -and from the myriad forms of insect life which infest the forests in -summer. To him the hazard of the adventure was as attractive as the -promised reward. The sturdy agriculturist planted his seed each year -in dread lest the fierce war-cry of the Iroquois should sound in his -ear, and the sharp, sudden attack drive him from his work. He reaped -his harvest with urgent haste, ever expectant of interruption from the -same source, always doubtful as to the result until the crop was fairly -housed. The brief season of the Canadian summer, the weary winter, the -hazards of the crop, the feudal tenure of the soil,—all conspired to -make the life of the farmer full of hardship and barren of promise. The -sons of the early settlers drifted to the woods as independent hunters -and traders. The parent State across the water, which undertook to say -who might trade, and where and how the traffic should be carried on, -looked upon this way of living as piratical. To suppress the crime, -edicts were promulgated from Versailles and threats were thundered -from Quebec. Still, the temptation to engage in what Parkman calls the -“hardy, adventurous, lawless, fascinating fur-trade” was much greater -than to enter upon the dull monotony of ploughing, sowing, and reaping. -The Iroquois, alike the enemies of farmer and of trader, bestowed their -malice impartially upon the two callings, so that the risk was fairly -divided. It was not surprising that the life of the fur-trader “proved -more attractive, absorbed the enterprise of the colony, and drained the -life-sap from other branches of commerce.” It was inevitable, with the -young men wandering off to the woods, and with the farmers habitually -harassed during both seed-time and harvest, that the colony should at -times be unable to produce even grain enough for its own use, and that -there should occasionally be actual suffering from lack of food. It -often happened that the services of all the strong men were required to -bear arms in the field, and that there remained upon the farms only old -men, women, and children to reap the harvest. Under such circumstances -want was sure to follow during the winter months. Such was the -condition of affairs in 1700. The grim figure of Frontenac had passed -finally from the stage of Canadian politics. On his return, in 1689, he -had found the name of Frenchman a mockery and a taunt.[1] The Iroquois -sounded their threats under the very walls of the French forts. When, -in 1698, the old warrior died, he was again their “Onontio,” and they -were his children. The account of what he had done during those years -was the history of Canada for the time. His vigorous measures had -restored the self-respect of his countrymen, and had inspired with -wholesome fear the wily savages who threatened the natural path of -his fur-trade. The tax upon the people, however, had been frightful. -A French population of less than twelve thousand had been called upon -to defend a frontier of hundreds of miles against the attacks of a -jealous and warlike confederacy of Indians, who, in addition to their -own sagacious views upon the policy of maintaining these wars, were -inspired thereto by the great rival of France behind them. - -To the friendship which circumstances cemented between the English and -the Iroquois, the alliance between the French and the other tribes -was no fair offset. From the day when Champlain joined the Algonquins -and aided them to defeat their enemies near the site of Ticonderoga, -the hostility of the great Confederacy had borne an important part -in the history of Canada. Apart from this traditional enmity, the -interests of the Confederacy rested with the English, and not with -the French. If the Iroquois permitted the Indians of the Northwest -to negotiate with the French, and interposed no obstacle to the -transportation of peltries from the upper lakes to Montreal and Quebec, -they would forfeit all the commercial benefits which belonged to their -geographical position. Thus their natural tendency was to join with -the English. The value of neutrality was plain to their leaders; -nevertheless, much of the time they were the willing agents of the -English in keeping alive the chronic border war. - -[Illustration: LA PRÉSENTATION. - -[After a plan in the contemporary Mémoires _sur le Canada_, -1749-1760, published by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec -(_réimpression_), 1873, p. 13.—ED.]] - -Nearly all the Indian tribes understood that the conditions of trade -were better with the English than with the French; but the personal -influence of the French with their allies was powerful enough -partially to overcome this advantage of their rivals. This influence -was exercised not only through missionaries,[2] but was also felt -through the national characteristics of the French themselves, which -were strongly in harmony with the spirit of forest life. The Canadian -bushrangers appropriated the ways and the customs of the natives. They -were often adopted into the tribes, and when this was done, their -advice in council was listened to with respect. They married freely -into the Indian nations with whom they were thrown; and the offspring -of these marriages, scattered through the forests of the Northwest, -were conspicuous among hunters and traders for their skill and courage. -“It has been supposed for a long while,” says one of the officers of -the colony, “that to civilize the savages it was necessary to bring -them in contact with the French. We have every reason to recognize the -fact that we were mistaken. Those who have come in contact with us have -not become French, while the French who frequent the wilds have become -savages.” Prisoners held by the Indians often concealed themselves -rather than return to civilized life, when their surrender was provided -for by a treaty of peace.[3] - -[Illustration] - -Powerful as these influences had proved with the allies of the French, -no person realized more keenly than M. de Callières, the successor of -Frontenac, how incompetent they were to overcome the natural drift of -the Iroquois to the English. He it was who had urged at Versailles the -policy of carrying the war into the province of New York as the only -means of ridding Canada of the periodic invasions of the Iroquois.[4] -He had joined with Frontenac in urging upon the astute monarch who had -tried the experiment of using Iroquois as galley-slaves, the impolicy -of abandoning the posts at Michilimakinac and at St. Joseph. His -appointment was recognized as suitable, not only by the colonists, -but also by Charlevoix, who tells us that “from the beginning he had -acquired great influence over the savages, who recognized in him a man -exact in the performance of his word, and who insisted that others -should adhere to promises given to him.” He saw accomplished what -Frontenac had labored for,—a peace with the Iroquois in which the -allied tribes were included. The Hurons, the Ottawas, the Abenakis, -and the converted Iroquois having accepted the terms of the peace, -the Governor-General, the Intendant, the Governor of Montreal, and -the ecclesiastical authorities signed a provisional treaty on the 8th -of September, 1700. In 1703, while the Governor still commanded the -confidence of his countrymen, his career was cut short by death. - -[Illustration] - -The reins of government now fell into the hands of Philippe de -Vaudreuil, who retained the position of governor until his death. -During the entire period of his administration Canada was free from -the horrors of Indian invasion. By his adroit management, with the aid -of Canadians adopted by the tribes, and of missionaries, the Iroquois -were held in check. The scene in which startled villagers were roused -from their midnight slumber by the fierce war-whoop, the report of the -musket, and the light of burning dwellings, was transferred from the -Valley of the St. Lawrence to New England. Upon Vaudreuil must rest the -responsibility for the attacks upon Deerfield in 1704 and Haverhill in -1708, and for the horrors of the Abenakis war. The pious Canadians, -fortified by a brief preliminary invocation of Divine aid, rushed upon -the little settlements and perpetrated cruelties of the same class -with those which characterized the brutal attacks of the Iroquois upon -the villages in Canada. The cruel policy of maintaining the alliance -with the Abenakis, and at the same time securing quiet in Canada by -encouraging raids upon the defenceless towns of New England, not only -left a stain upon the reputation of Vaudreuil, but it also hastened the -end of French power in America by convincing the growing, prosperous, -and powerful colonies known as New England that the only path to -permanent peace lay through the downfall of French rule in Canada.[5] - -Aroused to action by Canadian raids, the New England colonies -increased their contributions to the military expeditions by way of -Lake Champlain and the St. Lawrence, which had become and remained, -until Wolfe’s success obviated their necessity, the recognized method -of attack on Canada. During Vaudreuil’s time these expeditions were -singularly unfortunate. Some extraneous incident protected Quebec each -year.[6] It is not strange that such disasters to the English were -looked upon by the pious French as a special manifestation of the -interest taken in Canada by the Deity. Thanks were given in all parts -of the colony to God, who had thus directly saved the province, and -special fêtes were celebrated in honor of Notre Dame des Victoires. - -The total population of Canada at this time was not far from eighteen -thousand. The English colonies counted over four hundred thousand -inhabitants. The French Governor, in a despatch to M. de Pontchartrain, -called attention, in 1714, to the great disproportion of strength -between the French and English settlements, and added that there could -be little doubt that on the occasion of the first rupture the English -would make a powerful effort to get possession of Canada. The English -colonies were in themselves strong enough easily to have overthrown -the French in America. In addition, they were supported by the Home -Government; while Louis XIV., defeated, humiliated, baffled at every -turn, was compelled supinely to witness these extraordinary efforts -to wrest from him the colonies in which he had taken such personal -interest. Well might the devout Canadian offer up thanks for his -deliverance from the defeat which had seemed inevitable! Well might -he ascribe it to an interposition of Divine Providence in his behalf! -Under the circumstances we need not be surprised that a learned prelate -should chronicle the fact that the Baron de Longueuil, before leaving -Montreal in command of a detachment of troops, “received from M. de -Belmont, _grand vicaire_, a flag around which that celebrated recluse, -Mlle. Le Ber, had embroidered a prayer to the Holy Virgin,” nor that it -should have been noticed that on the very day on which was finished “a -nine days’ devotion to Notre Dame de Pitié,” the news of the wreck of -Sir Hovenden Walker’s fleet reached Quebec.[7] Such coincidences appeal -to the imagination. Their record, amid the dry facts of history, shows -the value which was attached to what Parkman impatiently terms this -“incessant supernaturalism.” To us, the skilful diplomacy of Vaudreuil, -the intelligent influence of Joncaire (the adopted brother of the -Senecas), the powerful aid of the missionaries, the stupid obstinacy of -Sir Hovenden Walker, and certain coincidences of military movements in -Europe at periods critical for Canada, explain much more satisfactorily -the escape of Canada from subjection to the English during the period -of the wars of the Spanish Succession. - -Although Vaudreuil could influence the Iroquois to remain at peace, -he could not prevent an outbreak of the Outagamis at Detroit. This, -however, was easily suppressed. The nominal control of the trade of the -Northwest remained with the French; but the value of this control was -much reduced by the amount of actual traffic which drifted to Albany -and New York, drawn thither by the superior commercial inducements -offered by the English. - -The treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, established the cession of Acadia to -the English by its “ancient limits.” When the French saw that the -English pretension to claim by these words all the territory between -the St. Lawrence River and the ocean, was sure to cut them off by water -from their colony at Quebec, in case of another war, they on their part -confined such “ancient limits” to the peninsula now called Nova Scotia. -France, to strengthen the means of maintaining her interpretation, -founded the fortress and naval station of Louisbourg. - -About the same time the French also determined to strengthen the -fortifications of Quebec and Montreal; and in 1721 Joncaire established -a post among the Senecas at Niagara.[8] - -In 1725 Vaudreuil died. Ferland curtly says that the Governor’s -wife was the man of the family; but so far as the record shows, the -preservation of Canada to France during the earlier part of his -administration was largely due to his vigilance and discretion. Great -judgment and skill were shown in dealing with the Indians. A letter -of remonstrance from Peter Schuyler bears witness that contemporary -judgment condemned his policy in raiding upon the New England colonies; -but in forming our estimate of his character we must remember that the -French believed that similar atrocities, committed by the Iroquois in -the Valley of the St. Lawrence, were instigated by the English. - -[Illustration] - -The administration[9] of M. de Beauharnois, his successor, who arrived -in the colony in 1726, was not conspicuous. He appears to have been -personally popular, and to have appreciated fairly the needs of Canada. -The Iroquois were no longer hostile. The days of the martyrdom of the -Brebeufs and the Lallemands were over.[10] In the Far West a company -of traders founded a settlement at the foot of Lake Pepin, which -they called Fort Beauharnois. As the trade with the Valley of the -Mississippi developed, routes of travel began to be defined. Three of -these were especially used,—one by way of Lake Erie, the Maumee, and -the Wabash, and then down the Ohio; another by way of Lake Michigan, -the Chicago River, a portage to the Illinois, and down that river; a -third by way of Green Bay, Fox River, and the Wisconsin,—all three -being independent of La Salle’s route from the foot of Lake Michigan to -the Kankakee and Illinois rivers.[11] By special orders from France, -Joncaire’s post at Niagara had been regularly fortified. The importance -of this movement had been fully appreciated by the English. As an -offset to that post, a trading establishment had been opened at Oswego; -and now that a fort was built at Niagara, Oswego was garrisoned. The -French in turn constructed a fort at Crown Point, which threatened -Oswego, New York, and New England. - -The prolonged peace permitted considerable progress in the development -of the agricultural resources of the country. Commerce was extended as -much as the absurd system of farming out the posts, and the trading -privileges retained by the governors, would permit. Postal arrangements -were established between Montreal and Quebec in 1721. The population -at that time was estimated at twenty-five thousand. Notwithstanding -the evident difficulty experienced in taking care of what country the -French then nominally possessed, M. Varenne de Vérendrye in 1731 fitted -out an expedition to seek for the “Sea of the West,”[12] and actually -penetrated to Lake Winnipeg. - -The foundations of society were violently disturbed during this -administration by a quarrel which began in a contest over the right -to bury a dead bishop. Governor, Intendant, council, and clergy took -part. “Happily,” says a writer to whom both Church and State were -dear, “M. de Beauharnois did not wish to take violent measures to make -the Intendant obey him, otherwise we might have seen repeated the -scandalous scenes of the evil days of Frontenac.” - -[Illustration] - -After the fall of Louisbourg, in 1745, Beauharnois was recalled, and -Admiral de la Jonquière was commissioned as his successor; but he did -not then succeed in reaching his post. It is told in a later chapter -how D’Anville’s fleet, on which he was embarked, was scattered in 1746; -and when he again sailed, the next year, with other ships, an English -fleet captured him and bore him to London. - -[Illustration] - -In consequence of this, Comte de la Galissonière was appointed Governor -of Canada in 1747. His term of office was brief; but he made his mark -as one of the most intelligent of those who had been called upon to -administer the affairs of this government. He proceeded at once to -fortify the scattered posts from Lake Superior to Lake Ontario. He -forwarded to France a scheme for colonizing the Valley of the Ohio; -and in order to protect the claims of France to this vast region, -he sent out an expedition,[13] with instructions to bury at certain -stated points leaden plates upon which were cut an assertion of these -claims. These instructions were fully carried out, and depositions -establishing the facts were executed and transmitted to France. He -notified the Governor of Pennsylvania of the steps which had been -taken, and requested him to prevent his people from trading beyond -the Alleghanies,[14] as orders had been given to seize any English -merchants found trading there. An endeavor was made to establish at -Bay Verte a settlement which should offset the growing importance of -Halifax, founded by the English. The minister warmly supported La -Galissonière in this, and made him a liberal money allowance in aid -of the plan. While busily engaged upon this scheme, he was recalled. -Before leaving, he prepared for his successor a statement of the -condition of the colony and its needs.[15] - -[Illustration: FAC-SIMILE OF ONE OF CÉLORON’S PLATES, 1749. - -[Reduced from the fac-simile given in the _Pennsylvania Archives_, -second series, vi. 80. Of some of these plates which have been found, -see accounts in Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 62, and _Dinwiddie -Papers_, i. 95, published by the Virginia Historical Society. Cf. also -Appendix A to the _Mémoires sur le Canada depuis 1749 jusqu’à 1760_, -published by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, 1873 -(_réimpression_).—ED.]] - -By the terms of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, France in 1748 acquired -possession of Louisbourg. La Jonquière, who was at the same time -liberated, and who in 1749 assumed the government under his original -appointment, did not agree with the Acadian policy of his predecessor. -He feared the consequences of an armed collision with the English in -Nova Scotia, which this course was likely to precipitate. This caution -on his part brought down upon him a reprimand from Louis XV. and -positive orders to carry out La Galissonière’s programme. In pursuance -of these instructions, the neck of the peninsula, which according to -the French claim formed the boundary of Acadia, was fortified. The -conservatism of the English officer prevented a conflict. In 1750, -avoiding the territory in dispute, the English fortified upon ground -admitted to be within their own lines, and watched events. On the -approach of the English, the unfortunate inhabitants of Beaubassin -abandoned their homes and sought protection under the French flag. - -Notwithstanding the claims to the Valley of the Ohio put forth by -the French, the English Government in 1750 granted to a company six -hundred thousand acres of land in that region; and English colonial -governors continued to issue permits to trade in the disputed -territory. Following the instructions of the Court, as suggested by -La Galissonière, English traders were arrested, and sent to France as -prisoners. The English, by way of reprisal, seized French traders found -in the same region.[16] The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had provided -for a commission to adjust the boundaries between the French and the -English possessions. By the terms of the treaty, affairs were to remain -unchanged until the commission could determine the boundaries between -the colonies. Events did not stand still during the deliberations of -the commission; and the doubt whether every act along the border was a -violation of the treaty hung over the heads of the colonists like the -dispute as to the boundaries of Acadia, which was a constant threat of -war. The situation all along the Acadian frontier and in the Valley -of the Ohio was now full of peril. To add to the difficulty of the -crisis in Canada, the flagrant corruption of the Intendant Bigot, with -whom the Governor was in close communication, created distrust and -dissatisfaction. Charges of nepotism and corruption were made against -La Jonquière. The proud old man demanded his recall; but before he -could appear at Court to answer the charges, chagrin and mortification -caused his wounds to open, and he died on the 17th of May, 1752. -Thereupon the government fell to the Baron de Longueuil till a new -governor could arrive. - -Bigot, whose name, according to Garneau, will hereafter be associated -with all the misfortunes of France upon this continent, was Intendant -at Louisbourg at the time of its fall. Dissatisfaction with him on -the part of the soldiers at not receiving their pay was alleged as an -explanation of their mutinous behavior. He was afterward attached to -the unfortunate fleet which was sent out to recapture the place. Later -his baneful influence shortened the days and tarnished the reputation -of La Jonquière. - -In July, 1752, the Marquis Duquesne de Menneville assumed charge of the -government, under instructions to pursue the policy suggested by La -Galissonière. He immediately held a review of the troops and militia. -At that time the number of inhabitants capable of bearing arms was -about thirteen thousand. There existed a line of military posts from -the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, composed of Quebec, Montreal, -Ogdensburg, Kingston, Toronto, Detroit, the Miami River, St. Joseph, -Chicago, and Fort Chartres. The same year that Duquesne was installed, -he took preliminary steps toward forwarding troops to occupy the Valley -of the Ohio, and in 1753 these steps were followed by the actual -occupation in force of that region. Another line of military posts was -erected, with the intention of preventing the English from trading in -that valley and of asserting the right of the French to the possession -of the tributaries of the Mississippi. This line began at Niagara, -and ultimately comprehended Erie, French Creek,[17] Venango, and Fort -Duquesne. All these posts were armed, provisioned, and garrisoned. - -All French writers agree in calling the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle -a mere truce. If the sessions of the commissioners appointed to -determine the boundaries upon the _ante-bellum_ basis had resulted -in aught else than bulky volumes,[18] their decision would have been -practically forestalled by the French in thus taking possession of all -the territory in dispute. To this, however, France was impelled by the -necessities of the situation. Unless she could assume and maintain this -position, the rapidly increasing population of the English colonies -threatened to overflow into the Valley of the Ohio; and the danger was -also imminent that the French might be dispossessed from the southern -tributaries of the St. Lawrence. Once in possession, English occupation -would be permanent. The aggressive spirit of La Galissonière had led -him to recommend these active military operations, which, while they -tended to provoke collision, could hardly fail to check the movement -of colonization which threatened the region in dispute. On the Acadian -peninsula the troops had come face to face without bloodshed. The -firmness of the French commander in asserting his right to occupy the -territory in question, the prudence of the English officer, the support -given to the French cause by the patriotic Acadians, the military -weakness of the English in Nova Scotia,—all conspired to cause the -English to submit to the offensive bearing of the French, and to avoid -in that locality the impending collision. It was, however, a mere -postponement in time and transfer of scene. The gauntlet thrown down -at the mouth of the St. Lawrence was to be taken up at the headwaters -of the Ohio. - -The story of the interference of Lieutenant-Governor Dinwiddie; of -George Washington’s lonely journey in 1753 across the mountains with -Dinwiddie’s letter; of the perilous tramp back in midwinter with -Saint-Pierre’s reply; of the return next season with a body of troops; -of the collision with the detachment of the French under Jumonville; of -the little fort which Washington erected, and called Fort Necessity, -where he was besieged and compelled to capitulate; of the unfortunate -articles of capitulation which he then signed,—the story of all these -events is familiar to readers of our colonial history; but it is -equally a portion of the history of Canada.[19] The act of Dinwiddie -in precipitating a collision between the armed forces of the colonies -and those of France was the first step in the war which was to result -in driving the French from the North American continent. The first -actual bloodshed was when the men under Washington met what was claimed -by the French to be a mere armed escort accompanying Jumonville to an -interview with the English. He who was to act so important a part in -the war of the American Revolution was, by some strange fatality, the -one who was in command in this backwoods skirmish. In itself the event -was insignificant; but the blow once struck, the question how the war -was to be carried on had to be met. The relations of the colonies to -the mother country, and the possibility of a confederation for the -purpose of consolidating the military power and adjusting the expenses, -were necessarily subjects of thought and discussion which tended toward -co-operative movements dangerous to the parent State. Thus in its -after-consequences that collision was fraught with importance. Bancroft -says it “kindled the first great war of revolution.” - -The collision which had taken place could not have been much longer -postponed. The English colonies had grown much more rapidly than the -French. They were more prosperous. There was a spirit of enterprise -among them which was difficult to crush. They could not tamely see -themselves hemmed in upon the Atlantic coast and cut off from access -to the interior of the continent by a colony whose inhabitants did -not count a tenth part of their own numbers, and with whom hostility -seemed an hereditary necessity. It mattered not whether the rights of -discovery and prior occupation, asserted by the French, constituted, -according to the law of nations, a title more or less sound than that -which the English claimed through Indian tribes whom the French had by -treaty recognized as British subjects. The title held by the strongest -side would be better than the title based upon international law. -Events had already anticipated politics. The importance of the Ohio -Valley to the English colonies as an outlet to their growing population -had been forced upon their attention. To the French, who were just -becoming accustomed to its use as a highway for communication between -Canada and Louisiana, the growth of the latter colony was a daily -instruction as to its value. - - * * * * * - -The Louisiana which thus helped to bring the French face to face with -their great rivals was described by Charlevoix as “the name which -M. de La Salle gave to that portion of the country watered by the -Mississippi which lies below the River Illinois.” This definition -limits Louisiana to the Valley of the Mississippi; but the French -cartographers of the middle of the eighteenth century put no boundary -to the pretensions of their country in the vague regions of the West, -concerning which tradition, story, and fable were the only sources of -information for their charts. The claims of France to this indefinite -territory were, however, considered of sufficient importance to be -noticed in the document on the Northwestern Boundary question which -forms the basis of Greenhow’s _History of Oregon and California_. -The French were not disturbed by the pretensions of Spain to a large -part of the same territory, although based upon the discovery of the -Mississippi by De Soto and the actual occupation of Florida. Neither -were the charters of those English colonies, which granted territory -from the Atlantic to the Pacific, regarded as constituting valid claims -to this region. France had not deliberately set out to establish a -colony here. It was only after they were convinced at Versailles that -Coxe, the claimant of the grant of “Carolana,” was in earnest in his -attempts to colonize the banks of the Mississippi by way of its mouth, -that this determination was reached. As late as the 8th of April, -1699, the Minister of the Marine wrote: “I begin by telling you that -the King does not intend at present to form an establishment at the -mouth of the Mississippi, but only to complete the discovery in order -to hinder the English from taking possession there.” The same summer -Pontchartrain told the Governor of Santo Domingo[20] that the “King -would not attempt to occupy the country unless the advantages to be -derived from it should appear to be certain.” La Salle’s expedition in -1682 had reached the mouth of the river. His Majesty had acquiesced in -it without enthusiasm, and with no conviction of the possible value of -the discovery. He had, indeed, stated that “he did not think that the -explorations which the Canadians were anxious to make would be of much -advantage. He wished, however, that La Salle’s should be pushed to a -conclusion, so that he might judge whether it would be of any use.” - -The presence of La Salle in Paris after he had accomplished the journey -down the river had fired the imagination of the old King, and visions -of Spanish conquests and of gold and silver within easy reach had -made him listen readily to a scheme for colonization, and consent to -fitting out an expedition by sea. When the hopes which had accompanied -the discoverer on his outward voyage gave place to accounts of the -disasters which had pursued his expedition, it would seem that the -old doubts as to the value of the Mississippi returned.[21] It was at -this time that Henri de Tonty, most faithful of followers, asked that -he might be appointed to pursue the discoveries of his old leader.[22] -Tonty was doomed to disappointment. His influence at Court was not -strong enough to secure the position which he desired. In 1697[23] the -attention of the Minister of the Marine was called by Sieur Argoud to -a proposition made by Sieur de Rémonville to form a company for the -same purpose. The memorial of Argoud vouches for Rémonville as a friend -of La Salle, sets forth at length the advantages to be gained by the -expedition, explains in detail its needs, and gives a complete scheme -for the formation of the proposed company. From lack of faith or lack -of influence this proposition also failed. It required the prestige of -Iberville’s name, brought to bear in the same direction, to carry the -conviction necessary for success. - -Pierre Le Moyne d’Iberville was a native of Canada. He was born on -the 16th of July, 1661,[24] and was reared to a life of adventure. -His name and the names of his brothers, under the titles of their -seigniories, are associated with all the perilous adventure of the -day in their native land. They were looked upon by the Onondagas as -brothers and protectors, and their counsel was always received with -respect. Maricourt, who was several times employed upon important -missions to the Iroquois, was known among them under the symbolic name -of Taouistaouisse, or “little bird which is always in motion.” In 1697, -when Iberville urged upon the minister the arguments which suggested -themselves to him in favor of an expedition in search of the mouth of -the Mississippi, he had already gained distinction in the Valley of -the St. Lawrence, upon the shores of the Atlantic, and on the waters -of Hudson’s Bay.[25] The tales of his wonderful successes on land -and on sea tax the credulity of the reader; and were it not for the -concurrence of testimony, doubts would creep in as to their truth. -It seemed as if the young men of the Le Moyne family felt that with -the death of Frontenac the days of romance and adventure had ended in -Canada; that for the time being, at least, diplomacy was to succeed -daring, and thoughts of trade at Quebec and Montreal were to take the -place of plans for the capture of Boston and New York. To them the -possibility of collision with Spaniards or Englishmen was an inducement -rather than a drawback. Here perhaps, in explorations on the shores -of the Gulf of Mexico, courage and audacity might find those rewards -and honors for which the opportunity was fast disappearing in Canada. -Inspired by such sentiments, the enthusiasm of Iberville overcame the -reserve of the King. The grandeur of the scheme began to attract his -attention. It was clear that the French had not only anticipated the -English in getting possession of the upper waters of the great river, -but their boats had navigated its current from source to mouth. - -[Illustration: Le Moyne D’Iberville - -This follows an engraving in Margry, vol. iv. J. M. Lemoine -(_Maple Leaves_, 2d series, 1873, p. 1) styles him “The Cid of New -France.”—ED.] - -If they could establish themselves at its entrance, and were able to -control its navigation, they could hold the whole valley. Associated -with these thoughts were hopes of mines in the distant regions of the -upper Mississippi which might contribute to France wealth equal to -that which Spain had drawn from Mexico. Visions of pearl-fisheries in -the Gulf, and wild notions as to the value of buffalo-wool, aided -Iberville in his task of convincing the Court of the advantages to be -derived from his proposed voyage. - -In June, 1698, two armed vessels were designated for the -expedition,—the “Badine,” which was put under the command of -Iberville, and the “Marin,” under the Chevalier de Surgères. The -correspondence between the Minister of the Marine and Iberville during -the period of preparation shows that the Court earnestly endeavored to -forward the enterprise. - -Rumors were rife that summer at Rochelle that an expedition was fitting -out at London[26] for the purpose of establishing a colony of French -Protestants on the banks of the Mississippi. On the 18th of June -Iberville wrote to the Minister to warn him of the fact. He had turned -aside as a joke, he says, the rumors that his expedition was bound to -the Mississippi, and he suggests that orders be sent him to proceed -to the River Amazon, with which he could lay such stories at rest and -deceive the English as to his movements. The instructions with which he -was provided allege that he was selected for the command because of his -previous record. He was left free to prosecute his search for the mouth -of the river according to his own views. After he should have found -it, he was to fortify some spot which should command its entrance. He -was to prevent, at all hazards, any other nation from making a landing -there. Should he find that be had been anticipated in the discovery, -still he was to effect a landing if possible; and in case of inability -to do so, he was to make a careful examination of affairs and report. - -On the morning of the 24th of October, 1698,[27] the “Badine” and the -“Marin” sailed from Brest, at which port they had put in after leaving -Rochelle. They were accompanied by two transports, which formed a part -of the expedition. The two frigates and one of the transports arrived -at Santo Domingo on the 4th of December. The other transport arrived -ten days after. The frigate “François,” under Chasteaumorand, was here -added to the fleet as an escort to the American coast. On the 31st of -December they sailed from Santo Domingo, and on the 23d of January, -1699, at half-past four in the evening, land was seen distant eight -leagues to the northeast. In the evening fires were observed on shore. -Pursuing a course parallel with the coast, they sailed to the westward -by day and anchored each night. The shore was carefully reconnoitred -with small boats as they proceeded, and a record of the soundings -was kept, of sufficient accuracy to give an idea of the approach to -the coast. On the 26th they were abreast of Pensacola,[28] where they -found two Spanish vessels at anchor, and the port in possession of an -armed Spanish force, with whom they communicated. Still following the -coast to the westward, they anchored on the 31st off the mouth of the -Mobile River. Here they remained for several days, examining the coast -and the islands. They called one of these islands Massacre Island, on -account of the large number of human bones which they found upon it. -Not satisfied with the roadstead, they worked along the coast, sounding -and reconnoitring; and on the 10th of February came to anchor at a -spot where the shelter of some islands furnished a safe roadstead. -Preparations were at once begun for the work of exploration, and on the -13th Iberville left the ships for the mainland in a boat with eleven -men. He was accompanied by his brother Bienville with two men in a bark -canoe which formed part of their equipment. His first effort was to -establish friendly relations with the natives. He had some difficulty -in communicating with them, as his party was mistaken for Spaniards, -with whom the Indians were not on good terms. His knowledge of Indian -ways taught him how to conquer this difficulty. Leaving his brother -and two Canadians as hostages in their hands, he succeeded on the 16th -in getting some of the natives to come on board his ship, where he -entertained them by firing off his cannons. On the 17th he returned -to the spot where he had left his brother, and found him carrying on -friendly converse with natives who belonged to tribes then living upon -the banks of the Mississippi. The bark canoe puzzled them; and they -asked if the party came from the upper Mississippi, which in their -language they called the “Malbanchia.” Iberville made an appointment -with these Indians to return with them to the river, and was himself -at the rendezvous at the appointed time; but they failed him. Being -satisfied now that he was near the mouth of the Mississippi, and that -he had nothing to fear from the English, he told Chasteaumorand that -he could return to Santo Domingo with the “François.” On the 21st that -vessel sailed for the islands. - -On the 27th the party which was to enter the mouth of the river left -the ships. They had two boats, which they speak of as _biscayennes_, -and two bark canoes. Iberville was accompanied by his brother -Bienville, midshipman on the “Badine;” Sauvolle, _enseigne de vaisseau_ -on the “Marin;” the Récollet father Anastase, who had been with -La Salle; and a party of men,—stated by himself in one place at -thirty-three, and in another at forty-eight.[29] - -On the afternoon of the 2d of March, 1699, they entered the river,—the -Malbanchia of the Indians, the Palissado of the Spaniards, the -Mississippi of to-day. - -After a careful examination of the mouth of the river, at that time -apparently in flood, Iberville set his little party at the hard work -which was now before them, of stemming the current in their progress -up the stream. His search was now directed toward identifying the -river, by comparison with the published descriptions of Hennepin, and -also by means of information contained in the Journal of Joutel,[30] -which had been submitted to him in manuscript by Pontchartrain. At the -distance, according to observations of the sun, of sixty-four leagues -from the mouth of the river, he reached the village of the Bayagoulas, -some of whom he had already seen. At this point his last doubt about -the identity of the river was dissipated; for he met a chief of the -Mougoulachas clothed in a cloak of blue serge, which he said was given -to him by Tonty. With rare facility, Iberville had already picked up -enough of the language of these Indians to communicate with them; and -Bienville, who had brought a native up the river in his canoe, could -speak the language passably well. “We talked much of what Tonty had -done while there; of the route that he took and of the Quinipissas, -who, they said, lived in seven villages, distant an eight days’ -journey to the northeast of this village by land.” The Indians drew -rude maps of the river and the country, showing that when Tonty left -them he had gone up to the Oumas, and that going and coming he had -passed this spot. They knew nothing of any other branch of the river. -These things did not agree with Hennepin’s account, the truth of which -Iberville began to suspect. He says that he knew that the Récollet -father had told barefaced lies about Canada and Hudson’s Bay in his -Relation, yet it seemed incredible that he should have undertaken to -deceive all France on these points. However that might be, Iberville -realized that the first test to be applied to his own reports would be -comparison with other sources of information; and having failed to find -the village of the Quinipissas and the island in the river, he must -by further evidence establish the truth or the falsity of Hennepin’s -account. This was embarrassing. The “Marin” was short of provisions, -Surgères was anxious to return, the position for the settlement had not -yet been selected, and the labor of rowing against the current was hard -on the men, while the progress was very slow. Anxious as Iberville was -to return, the reasons for obtaining further proof that he was on the -Mississippi, with which to convince doubters in France, overcame his -desires, and he kept on his course up the river. On the 20th he reached -the village of the Oumas, and was gratified to learn that the memory of -Tonty’s visit, and of the many presents which he had distributed, was -still fresh in the minds of the natives. Iberville was now, according -to his reckoning, about one hundred leagues up the river. He had been -able to procure for his party only Indian corn in addition to the -ship’s provisions with which they started. His men were weary. All the -testimony that he could procure concurred to show that the route by -which Tonty came and went was the same as that which he himself had -pursued, and that the division of the river into two channels was a -myth.[31] With bitterness of spirit he inveighs against the Récollet, -whose “false accounts had deceived every one. Time had been consumed, -the enterprise hindered, and the men of the party had suffered in the -search after purely imaginary things.” And yet, if we may accept the -record of his Journal, this visit to the village of the Oumas was the -means of his tracing the most valuable piece of evidence of French -explorations in this vicinity which could have been produced. “The -Bayagoulas,” he says, “seeing that I persisted in wishing to search -for the fork and also insisted that Tonty had not passed by there, -explained to me that he had left with the chief of the Mougoulachas a -writing enclosed for some man who was to come from the sea, which was -similar to one that I myself had left with them.” The urgency of the -situation compelled Iberville’s return to the ships. On his way back he -completed the circuit of the island on which New Orleans was afterward -built, by going through the river named after himself and through Lake -Pontchartrain. The party which accompanied him consisted of four men, -and they travelled in two canoes. The two boats proceeded down the -Mississippi, with orders to procure the letter from the Mougoulachas -and to sound the passes at the mouth of the river. - -On the 31st both expeditions reached the ships. Iberville had the -satisfaction of receiving from the hands of his brother[32] the letter -which Tonty had left for La Salle, bearing date, “At the village of -the Quinipissas, April 20, 1685.”[33] The contents of the letter were -of little moment, but its possession was of great value to Iberville. -The doubts of the incredulous must yield to proof of this nature. Here -was Tonty’s account of his trip down the river, of his search along the -coast for traces of his old leader, and of his reluctant conclusion -that his mission was a failure. In the midst of the clouds of treachery -which obscure the last days of La Salle, the form of Tonty looms up, -the image of steadfast friendship and genuine devotion. “Although,” -he says, “we have neither heard news nor seen signs of you, I do not -despair that God will grant success to your undertakings. I wish it -with all my heart; for you have no more faithful follower than myself, -who would sacrifice everything to find you.” - -After his return to the ships, Iberville hastened to choose a spot -for a fortification. In this he experienced great difficulty; but -he finally selected Biloxi, where a defence of wood was rapidly -constructed and by courtesy called a fort. A garrison of seventy men -and six boys was landed, with stores, guns, and ammunition. Sauvolle, -_enseigne de vaisseau du roy_, “a discreet young man of merit,” was -placed in command. Bienville, “my brother,” then eighteen years old, -was left second in rank, as _lieutenant du roy_. The main object of -the expedition was accomplished. The “Badine” and the “Marin” set sail -for France on the 3d of May, 1699. For Iberville, as he sailed on the -homeward passage, there was the task, especially difficult for him, -of preparing a written report of his success. For Sauvolle and the -little colony left behind, there was the hard problem to solve, how -they should manage with scant provisions and with no prospect of future -supply. So serious was this question that in a few days a transport was -sent to Santo Domingo for food. This done, they set to work exploring -the neighborhood and cultivating the friendship of the neighboring -tribes of Indians. To add to their discomforts, while still short of -provisions they were visited by two Canadian missionaries who were -stationed among the Tonicas and Taensas in the Mississippi Valley. -The visitors had floated down the river in canoes, having eighteen -men in all in their company, and arrived at Biloxi in the month of -July. Ten days they had lived in their canoes, and during the trip -from the mouth of the river to Biloxi their sufferings for fresh water -had been intense. Such was the price paid to satisfy their craving -for a sight of their compatriots who were founding a settlement at -the mouth of the river. On the 15th of September, while Bienville was -reconnoitring the river at a distance of about twenty-three leagues -from its mouth, he was astonished by the sight of an armed English ship -of twelve guns.[34] This was one of the fleet despatched by Coxe, the -claimant of the grant from the English Government of the province of -Carolana.[35] The rumor concerning which Iberville had written to the -Minister the year before had proved true. Bienville found no difficulty -in persuading the captain that he was anticipated, that the country was -already in possession of the French, and that he had better abandon any -attempt to make a landing. The English captain yielded; but not without -a threat of intention to return, and an assertion of prior English -discovery. The bend in the river where this occurred was named English -Turn. The French refugees, unable to secure homes in the Mississippi -Valley under the English flag, petitioned to be permitted to do so as -French citizens.[36] The most Christian King was not fond of Protestant -colonists, and replied that he had not chased heretics out of his -kingdom to create a republic for them in America. Charlevoix states -that the same refugees renewed their offers to the Duke of Orleans when -regent, who also, rejected them. - -Iberville, who had been sent out a second time, arrived at Biloxi Dec. -7, 1699. This time his instructions were, to examine the discoveries -made by Sauvolle and Bienville during his absence, and report -thereon. He was to bring back samples of buffalo-wool, of pearls, and -of ores.[37] He was to report on the products of the country, and to -see whether the native women and children could be made use of to -rear silk-worms. An attempt to propagate buffaloes was ordered to be -made at the fort. His report was to determine the question whether -the establishment should be continued or abandoned.[38] Sauvolle -was confirmed as “Commandant of the Fort of the Bay of Biloxi and -its environs,” and Bienville as _lieutenant du roy_. Bienville’s -report about the English ship showed the importance of fortifying the -entrance of the river. A spot was selected about eighteen leagues from -the mouth, and a fort was laid out. While they were engaged in its -construction Tonty arrived. He had made his final trip down the river, -from curiosity to see what was going on at its mouth.[39] - -The colony was now fairly established, and, notwithstanding the -reluctance of the King, was to remain. Bienville retained his position -as second in rank, but was stationed at the post on the river. Surgères -was despatched to France. Iberville himself, before his return, made a -trip up the river to visit the Natchez and the Taensas. He was shocked, -while with the latter tribe, at the sacrifice of the lives of several -infants on the occasion of the temple being struck by lightning. He -reported that the plants and trees that he had brought from France were -doing well, but that the sugar-canes from the islands did not put forth -shoots. - -With the return of Iberville to France, in the spring of 1700, the -romantic interest which has attached to his person while engaged in -these preliminary explorations ceases, and we no longer watch his -movements with the same care. His third voyage, which occupied from the -fall of 1701 to the summer of 1702, was devoid of interest. On this -occasion he anchored his fleet at Pensacola, proceeding afterward with -one of his vessels to Mobile. A period of inaction in the affairs of -the colony follows, coincident with the war of the Spanish Succession, -during which the settlement languished, and its history can be told in -few words. Free transportation from France to Louisiana was granted -to a few unfortunate women and children, relatives of colonists. Some -Canadians with Indian wives came down the river with their families. -Thus a semblance of a settlement was formed. Bienville succeeded to the -command, death having removed Sauvolle from his misery in the fall of -1701. The vitality of the wretched troops was almost equally sapped, -whether stationed at the fort on the spongy foothold by the river side, -or on the glaring sands of the gently sloping beach at Biloxi. Fishing, -hunting, searching for pearls, and fitting out expeditions to discover -imaginary mines occupied the time and the thoughts of the miserable -colonists; while the sages across the water still pressed upon their -attention the possibility of developing the trade in buffalo-wool, on -which they built their hopes of the future of the colony. Agriculture -was totally neglected; but hunting-parties and embassies to -Indians explored the region now covered by the States of Louisiana, -Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee. - -[Illustration: ENVIRONS DU MISSISSIPI, 1700. - -[This is figure 3 of plate i. in R. Thomassy’s _Géologie pratique de la -Louisiane_ (1860), called “Carte des environs du Mississipi (envoyée -à Paris en 1700).” He describes it (p. 208) as belonging to the -Archives Scientifiques, and thinks it a good record of the topography -as Iberville understood it. The material of this map and of another, -likewise preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine, are held -by Thomassy (p. 209) to have been unskilfully combined by M. de Fer in -his _Les Costes aux environs de la Rivière de Misisipi_, 1701. - -Thomassy also noted (p. 215) in the Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine, and -found in the Bibliothèque Nationale, a copy of a map by Le Blond de la -Tour of the mouths of the Mississippi in 1722, _Entrée du Mississipi en -1722, avec un projet de fort_, of which Thomassy gives a reproduction -(pl. iii. fig. 1), and he considers it a map of the first importance in -tracing the changes which the river has made in its bed. He next notes -and depicts (pl. iii. fig. 2) a _Plan particulier de l’embouchure du -fleuve Saint-Louis_, which was drawn at New Orleans, May 29, 1724, and -is signed “De Pauger, Royal Engineer.” It assists one in tracing the -early changes, being on the same scale as La Tour’s map.—ED.]] - -Le Sueur explored the upper Mississippi in search of mines. In 1700 -Bienville and Saint-Denys scoured the Red River country in search of -Spaniards, but saw none. In 1701 Saint-Denys was gone for six months -on a trip to the same region, with the same result.[40] The records -of these expeditions and the Relations of the fathers have preserved -for us a knowledge of the country as it then was, and of the various -tribes which then inhabited the Valley of the Mississippi. From them we -obtain descriptions of the curious temples of the Natchez and Taensas; -of the perpetual fire preserved in them; of the custom of offering as a -sacrifice the first-fruits of the chase and the field; of the arbitrary -despotism of their grand chief, or Sun; of the curious hereditary -aristocracy transmitted through the female Suns;[41] of the strange -custom of sacrificing human lives on the death of a Grand Sun. To be -selected to accompany the chief to the other world was a privilege as -well as a duty; to avoid its performance when through ties of blood or -from other cause the selection was involuntary, was a disgrace and a -dishonor. - -We find records of the presence of no less than four of the Le Moyne -brothers,—Iberville, Bienville, Sérigny, and Chateauguay. Iberville -was rewarded in 1699 by appointment as chevalier of the Order of St. -Louis; in 1702 by promotion to the position of _capitaine de vaisseau_; -and in 1703 he was appointed commander-in-chief of the colony, which -Pontchartrain in his official announcement calls “the colony of -Mississippi.” These honors did not quite meet his expectations. He -wanted a concession, with the title of count; the privilege of sending -a ship to Guinea for negroes; a lead mine; in short, he wanted a number -of things. He bore within his frame the seeds of disease contracted in -the south; and in 1706, while employed upon a naval expedition against -the English, he succumbed at Havana to an attack of yellow fever. With -him departed much of the life and hope of the colony. Supplies, which -during his life had never been abundant, were now sure to be scarce; -and we begin to find in the records of the colony the monotonous, -reiterated complaints of scarcity of provisions. These wails are -occasionally relieved by accounts of courtesies exchanged with the -Spanish settlements at Pensacola and St. Augustine. The war of the -Spanish Succession had brought Spain and France close together. The -Spanish forts stood in the pathway of the English and protected Biloxi. -When the Spanish commander called for help, Bienville responded with -men and ammunition; and when starvation fairly stared the struggling -Spanish settlement in the face, he shared with them his scant food. -They in turn reciprocated, and a regular debit and credit account of -these favors was kept, which was occasionally adjusted by commissioners -thereto duly appointed. So few were the materials of which histories -are ordinarily composed, during these years of torpor and inaction, -that one of the historians of that time thus epitomizes a period of -over a year: “During the rest of this year and all of the next nothing -new happened except the arrival of some brigantines from Martinique, -Rochelle, and Santo Domingo, which brought provisions and drinks which -they found it easy to dispose of.” - -France was too deeply engaged in the struggle with England to forward -many emigrants. Canada could furnish but a scant population for the -scattered settlements from Cape Breton to the Mississippi. The hardy -adventurers who had accompanied Iberville in his search for the mouth -of the Mississippi, and the families which had drifted down from -Illinois, were as many as could be procured from her, and more than -she could spare. The unaccustomed heat of the climate and the fatal -fevers which lurked in the Southern swamps told upon the health of -the Canadians, and sickness thinned their ranks. In the midst of -the pressure of impending disasters which threatened the declining -years of the most Christian King, the tardy enthusiasm in behalf -of the colony, which his belief in its pearls and its buffalo-wool -had aroused, caused him to spare from the resources of a bankrupt -kingdom the means to equip and forward to the colony a vessel laden -with supplies and bearing seventy-five soldiers and four priests. The -tax upon the kingdom for even so feeble a contribution was enough to -be felt at such a time; but the result was hardly worth the effort. -The vessel arrived in July, 1704, during a period of sickness. Half -of her crew died. To assist in navigating her back to France twenty -soldiers were furnished. During the month of September the prevailing -epidemic carried off the brave Tonty and thirty of the newly arrived -soldiers. Given seventy-five soldiers as an increase to the force of a -colony, which in 1701 was reported to number only one hundred and fifty -persons, deduct twenty required to work the ship back, and thirty more -for death within six weeks after arrival, and the net result which we -obtain is not favorable for the rapid growth of the settlement. The -same ship, in addition to supplies, soldiers, and priests, brought -other cargo; namely, two Gray Sisters, four families of artisans, and -twenty-three poor girls. The “poor girls” were all married to the -resident Canadians within thirty days. With the exception of the visit -of a frigate in 1701, and the arrival of a store-ship in 1703, this -vessel is the only arrival outside of Iberville’s expeditions which is -recorded in the _Journal historique_ up to that date. The wars and -rumors of wars between the Indians soon disclosed a state of things at -the South which in some of its features resembled the situation at the -North. The Cherokees and Chickasaws were so placed geographically that -they came in contact with English traders from Carolina and Virginia. -Penicaut, when on his way up the river with Le Sueur, met one of -these enterprising merchants among the Arkansas, of whom he says, “We -found an English trader here who was of great assistance in obtaining -provisions for us, as our stock was rapidly declining.” Le Sueur says, -“I asked him who sent him here. He showed me a passport from the -governor of Carolina, who, he said, claimed to be master of the river.” -Thus English traders were here stumbling-blocks to the French precisely -as they had been farther north. Their influence appears to have been -used in stirring up the Indians to hostile acts, just as in New York -the Iroquois were incited to attack the Canadians. The Choctaws, a -powerful tribe, were on the whole friendly to the French. The wars in -Louisiana were not so disastrous to the French as the raids of the Five -Nations had proved in the Valley of the St. Lawrence. The vengeance of -the Chickasaws was easily sated with a few Choctaw scalps, and perhaps -with the capture of a few Indian women and children whom they could -sell to the English settlers in Carolina as slaves. Hence the number of -French lives lost in these attacks was insignificant. - -The territory of Louisiana was no more vague and indefinite than -its form of government. Even its name was long in doubt. It was -indifferently spoken of as Louisiana or Mississippi in many despatches. -Sauvolle was left as commander of the post when Iberville returned to -France after his first voyage. In this office he was confirmed, and -Bienville succeeded to the same position. True, the post was the colony -then, but when Iberville was in Louisiana it was he who negotiated -with the Indians; it was he of whom the Company of Canada complained -for interfering with the trade in beaver-skins; it was he whom the -Court evidently looked upon as the head of the colony even before he -was formally appointed to the chief command. This chaotic state of -affairs not only produced confusion, but it engendered jealousies and -fostered quarrels. The Company of Canada found fault with Iberville -for interfering with the beaver trade. The Governor of Canada claimed -that Louisiana should be brought under his jurisdiction. Iberville -insisted that the boundaries should be defined; and complained that the -Canadians belittled him with the Indians when the two colonies clashed, -by contrasting Canadian liberality with his poverty. - -[Illustration: - -This follows an engraving given in Margry’s collection, vol. v. -Other engravings, evidently from the same original, but different in -expression, are in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. i. etc.] - -Le Sueur, who by express orders had accompanied Iberville on his -second voyage, was holding a fort on the upper Mississippi at the -same time that “Juchereau de Saint-Denys,[42] lieutenant-général de -la juridiction de Montréal,” was granted permission to proceed from -Canada with twenty-four men to the Mississippi,[43] there to establish -tanneries and to mine for lead and copper. One Nicolas de la Salle, -a purser in the naval service, was sent over to perform the duties -of _commissaire_. The office of _commissaire-ordonnateur_ was the -equivalent of the intendant,—a counterpoise to the governor and a spy -upon his actions. La Salle’s relation to this office was apparently the -same as Bienville’s to the position of governor. A purser performed the -duties of _commissaire_; a midshipman, those of commanding officer. -Of course La Salle’s presence in the colony could only breed trouble; -and we find him reporting that “Iberville, Bienville, and Chateauguay, -the three brothers, are thieves and knaves capable of all sorts of -misdeeds.” Bienville, on his part, complains that “M. de la Salle, -purser, would not give Chateauguay pay for services performed by order -of the minister.” This state of affairs needed amendment. Iberville -had never reported in the colony after his appointment in 1703 as -commander-in-chief. Bienville had continued at the actual head of -affairs. In February, 1708, it was ascertained in the colony that M. de -Muys had started from France to supersede Bienville, but had died on -the way. - -M. Diron d’Artaguette, who had been appointed -_commissaire-ordonnateur_,[44] with orders to examine into the conduct -of the officers of the colony and to report upon the condition of its -affairs, arrived in Mobile in February, 1708. An attempt had apparently -been made to organize Louisiana on the same system as prevailed in -the other colonies. Artaguette made his investigation, and returned -to France in 1711. During his brief stay the monotony of the record -had been varied by the raid of an English privateer upon Dauphin -(formerly Massacre) Island, where a settlement had been made in 1707 -and fortified in 1709. The peripatetic capital had been driven, by the -manifest unfitness of the situation, from Biloxi to a point on the -Mobile River, from which it was now compelled by floods to move to -higher lands eight leagues from the mouth of the river. No variation -was rung upon the chronic complaint of scarcity of provisions. The -frequent changes in the position of headquarters, lack of faith in -the permanence of the establishment, and the severe attacks of fever -endured each year by many of the settlers, discouraged those who might -otherwise have given their attention to agriculture. To meet this -difficulty, Bienville proposed to send Indians to the islands, there to -be exchanged for negroes. If his plan had met with approval, perhaps -he might have made the colony self-supporting, and thus have avoided -in 1710 the scandal of subsisting his men by scattering them among -the very savages whom he wished to sell into slavery. It is not to be -wondered at that the growth of the colony under these circumstances -was very slow. In 1701 the number of inhabitants was stated at one -hundred and fifty. In 1708 La Salle reported the population as composed -of a garrison of one hundred and twenty-two persons, including -priests, workmen, and boys; seventy-seven inhabitants, men, women, -and children; and eighty Indian slaves. In 1712 there were four -hundred persons, including twenty negroes. Some of the colonists had -accumulated a little property, and Bienville reported that he was -obliged to watch them lest they should go away. - -On the 14th day of September, 1712, and of his reign the seventieth -year, Louis, by the grace of God king of France and Navarre, granted -to Sieur Antony Crozat the exclusive right to trade in all the lands -possessed by him and bounded by New Mexico and by the lands of the -English of Carolina; in all the establishments, ports, havens, -rivers, and principally the port and haven of the Isle of Dauphin, -heretofore called Massacre, the River St. Louis, heretofore called the -Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as far as the Illinois, together -with the River of St. Philip, heretofore called the Missouri, and of -the St. Jerome, heretofore called the Ouabache, with all the countries, -territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which fall directly -or indirectly into that part of the River St. Louis. Louisiana thus -defined was to remain a separate colony, subordinate, however, to the -Government of New France. The exclusive grant of trade was to last for -fifteen years. Mines were granted in perpetuity subject to a royalty, -and to forfeiture if abandoned. Lands could be taken for settlement, -manufactures, or for cultivation; but if abandoned they reverted to -the Crown. It was provided in Article XIV., “if for the farms and -plantations which the said Sieur Crozat wishes to carry on he finds it -desirable to have some negroes in the said country of Louisiana, he -may send a ship each year to trade for them directly on the coast of -Guinea, taking a permit from the Guinea Company so to do. He may sell -these negroes to the inhabitants of the colony of Louisiana, and we -forbid all other companies and persons whatsoever, under any pretence -whatsoever, to introduce any negroes or traffic for them in the said -country, nor shall the said Crozat carry any negroes elsewhere.” - -Crozat was a man of commercial instinct,—developed, however, only -to the standard of the times. The grant to him of these extensive -privileges was acknowledged in the patent to have been made for -financial favors received by the King, and also because the King -believed that a successful business man would be able to manage the -affairs of the colony. The value of the grant was dependent upon the -extent to which Crozat could develop the commerce of the settlement; -and he seems to have set to work in earnest to test its possibilities. -The journals of the colonists now record the arrivals of vessels with -stores, provisions, and passengers. Supplies were maintained during -this commercial administration upon a more liberal basis. The fear of -starvation was for the time postponed, and the colonists were spared -the humiliation of depending for means of subsistence upon the labor -of those whom they termed savages. Merchandise was imported, and -only purchasers were needed to complete the transaction. There being -no possible legal competition for peltries within the limits of the -colony, the market price was what the monopolist chose to pay. Louis -XIV. had forbidden “all persons and companies of all kinds, whatever -their quality and condition, and whatever the pretext might be, from -trading in Louisiana under pain of confiscation of goods and ships, -and perhaps of other and severer punishments.” Yet so oblivious were -the English traders of their impending fate that they continued to -trade among the tribes which were friendly to them, and at times even -went so far as to encroach upon the trade with the tribes allied to -the French and fairly within French lines. So negligent were the -_coureurs de bois_ of their own interest, that when Crozat put the -price of peltries below what the English and Spanish traders were -paying, they would work their way to Charleston and to Pensacola. So -indifferent were the Spaniards to a commerce not carried on in their -own ships, and so thoroughly did they believe in the principles of the -grant to Crozat, that they would not permit his vessels to trade in -their ports. Thus it happened that La Mothe Cadillac, who had arrived -in the colony in May, 1713, bearing his own commission as governor, -was soon convinced that the commerce of the colony was limited to the -sale of vegetables to the Spaniards at Pensacola, and the interchange -of a few products with the islands. His disappointment early showed -itself in his despatches. His selection for the post was unfortunate. -By persistent pressure he had succeeded while in Canada in convincing -the Court of the necessity for a post at Detroit and of the propriety -of putting La Mothe Cadillac in charge of it. He had upon his hands at -that time a chronic war with the priests, whose work he belittled in -his many letters. His reputation in this respect was so well known that -the inhabitants of Montreal in a protest against the establishment of -the post at Detroit alleged that he was “known not to be in the odor -of sanctity.” He had carried his prejudices with him to that isolated -post, and had flooded the archives with correspondence, memoranda, and -reports stamped with evidence of his impatience and lack of policy. The -vessel which brought him to Louisiana brought also another instalment -of marriageable girls. Apparently they were not so attractive as the -first lot. Some of them remained single so long that the officials were -evidently doubtful about finding them husbands. By La Mothe’s orders, -according to Penicaut, the MM. de la Loire were instructed to establish -a trading-post at Natchez in 1713. A post in Alabama called Fort -Toulouse was established in 1714. - -[Illustration] - -Saint-Denys in 1714 and again in 1716 went to Mexico. His first -expedition was evidently for the purpose of opening commercial -relations with the Spaniards. No signs of Spanish occupation were met -by the party till they reached the vicinity of the Rio Grande. This -visit apparently roused the Spaniards to the necessity of occupying -Texas, for they immediately sent out an expedition from Mexico to -establish a number of missions in that region. Saint-Denys, who on -his return accompanied this expedition, was evidently satisfied that -the Spanish authorities would permit traffic with the posts in New -Mexico.[45] A trading expedition was promptly organized by him in the -fall of 1716 and despatched within a few months of his return. This -expedition on its way to the presidio on the Rio Grande passed through -several Indian towns in the “province of Lastekas,” where they found -Spanish priests and Spanish soldiers.[46] Either Saint-Denys had been -deceived, or the Spanish Government had changed its views. The goods of -the expedition were seized and confiscated. Saint-Denys himself went to -Mexico to secure their release, if possible. His companions returned to -Louisiana. Meantime La Mothe had in January, 1717, sent a sergeant and -six soldiers to occupy the Island of Natchitoches. - -While the French and Spanish traders and soldiers were settling down -on the Red River and in Texas, in the posts and missions which were to -determine the boundaries between Texas and Louisiana, La Mothe himself -was not idle. In 1715 he went up to Illinois in search of silver -mines. He brought back lead ore, but no silver. In 1716 the tribe of -the Natchez showed signs of restlessness, and attacked some of the -French. Bienville was sent with a small force of thirty-four soldiers -and fifteen sailors to bring this powerful tribe to terms. He succeeded -by deceit in accomplishing what he could not have done by fighting, -and actually compelled the Indians, through fear for the lives of some -chiefs whom he had treacherously seized, to construct a fort on their -own territory, the sole purpose of which was to hold them in awe. From -that date a garrison was maintained at Natchez. Bienville, who was then -commissioned as “Commandant of the Mississippi and its tributaries,” -was expected to make this point his headquarters. The jealousy between -himself and La Mothe had ripened into open quarrel. The latter covered -reams of paper with his crisp denunciations of affairs in Louisiana, -until Crozat, worn out with his complaints, finally wrote, “I am of -opinion that all the disorders in the colony of which M. de la Mothe -complains proceed from his own maladministration of affairs.” - -No provision was made in the early days of the colony for the -establishment of a legal tribunal; military law alone prevailed. By an -edict issued Dec. 18, 1712, the governor and _commissaire-ordonnateur_ -were constituted a tribunal for three years from the day of its -meeting, with the same powers as the councils of Santo Domingo and -Martinique. The tribunal was afterward re-established with increased -numbers and more definite powers. - -On the 23d day of August, 1717, the Regent accepted a proposition made -to him by Sieur Antony Crozat to remit the remainder of the term of -his exclusive privilege. Although it must have wounded the pride of -a man like Crozat to acknowledge that so gigantic a scheme, fraught -with such exaggerated hopes and possibilities, was a complete failure, -yet there is no record of his having undertaken to save himself by -means of the annual shipload of negroes which he was authorized, -under Article XIV. of his grant, to import. The late King had simply -granted him permission to traffic in human beings. It remained for the -Regent representing the Grand Monarque’s great-grandson to convert -this permission into an absolute condition in the grant to the Company -to which Crozat’s rights were assigned. The population of the colony -was estimated at seven hundred of all ages, sexes, and colors, not -including natives, when in March, 1717, the affairs of government were -turned over to L’Epinay, the successor of La Mothe. - -[Illustration] - -The charter of the Company of the West, which succeeded to Crozat’s -rights, was registered on the 6th of September, 1717. The formation of -the Company was based upon an ingenious attempt to fund in the shape of -_rentes_—practically a form of annuity bonds—that portion of the debt -of the kingdom then outstanding as _billets d’état_. Louis XIV., at his -death, had left the nation encumbered with a debt generally estimated -at about 2,500,000,000, but rated above 3,000,000,000 livres[47] by -some writers. His necessities had compelled him to exhaust every -possible means of raising money, even to pledging specifically in -advance large portions of the revenue for several years. A floating -debt of about 600,000,000 livres was arbitrarily scaled down by the -Regent to 250,000,000, and placed in the form known as _billets -d’état_. Even after this reduction the new securities were at a -discount of from 60 to 70 per cent. It was to provide relief from this -condition of affairs that the Company of the West was inaugurated. The -capital stock was divided into shares of five hundred livres each. The -number of shares was not limited in the original edict. Payment for -them was made exclusively in _billets d’état_. For these _billets_, -when surrendered to the Government in sums of one million livres, -there were issued to the Company _rentes_ in perpetuity for forty -thousand livres. The State was relieved from the pressure of so much -of its debt as was thus used, by assuming the payment of 4 per cent -interest upon the principal. To secure this interest money certain -revenues of the Government were pledged. Thus the Company had an -income of 4 per cent upon its capital guaranteed by Government. If the -Louisiana grant was worth anything, all that could be made out of it -was an additional temptation to the investor. That grant consisted of a -monopoly of the commerce of the colony and of the absolute control of -its affairs, the proprietorship of all lands that they should improve, -and the ownership of mines. The privilege of granting lands free from -all feudal obligation was expressly permitted. The protection of the -Government was guaranteed to the servants of the Company. During the -existence of the charter, which was for twenty-five years from the date -of registration, property in Louisiana was to be exempt from taxation. -With the exception of the condition to import six thousand white -persons and three thousand negroes, this vast gift was practically -unencumbered. To these privileges was also added the exclusive right -to purchase beavers in Canada. The more readily to float the capital, -the shares of aliens were exempt from the _droit d’aubaine_ and from -confiscation in time of war. - -The name of Law, director-general of the bank, led the list of -directors nominated in the royal edict. On the death of Louis XIV. -this famous Scotchman had offered his services to the Regent, and by -ready wit and plausible arguments had convinced him that measures -could be taken which would help the State carry the heavy load of debt -with which it was burdened. The foundation, on the 2d of May, 1716, -of a private bank of issue with a capital of 6,000,000 livres, was an -experimental step. The shares of this bank were to be paid for, 25 per -cent in coin and 75 per cent in the _billets d’état_. The redemption -of each bank-note was promised in coin of the same weight and standard -as the coinage of its date. At a time when changes were frequent in -the weight and alloy of coin, this feature made the notes of the bank -nominally more stable than the coinage of the realm. - -Law’s fundamental idea was that the prosperity of a community was -proportionate to the amount of the circulating medium, and that good -faith would cause paper to be preferred to coin for this purpose. -In his communications to the Regent he recognized the relation of -supply and demand to the subject. His proposition was to establish a -government bank of issue which should act as the royal treasurer. The -distrust of the Regent led him at first to decline this enterprise, -but permission was given to Law to found a private bank. Under -the conservative restrictions with which it was surrounded, the -experimental bank was successful. The withdrawal of Crozat furnished -opportunity to overcome the scruples of the Regent by substituting for -the proposed royal bank a commercial company, whose stock, according -to the original plan, was to be purchased exclusively with _billets -d’état_, which, as before shown, were to be converted into 4 per -cent _rentes_ payable half-yearly. An avenue was thus opened for -the use of the _billets_. If holders availed themselves of it, the -Government would not only be relieved from their pressure, but also -from the discredit of their heavy discount. It was known that Crozat -had abandoned the grant because he could not make money out of it. -It was evident that capital and patience were necessary to develop -the commerce of Louisiana. Of money the Company received none from -original subscriptions to its stock, although by the terms of the -edict the interest for the year 1717 was to be reserved as a working -capital. Doubts as to whether this would be sufficient to develop the -colony made investors wary at first of its subscription lists. It was -soon found necessary to define the amount of capital stock. This was -fixed at 100,000,000 livres by an edict registered in December, 1717. -The grant in August, 1718, of the right to farm the tobacco, and the -extension of this right from six to nine years in September of the same -year, served to quicken popular interest in the Company. - -Law’s bank having proved a pronounced success, the Regent was converted -to his scheme, the shareholders of the General Bank were reimbursed, -and it was converted into the Royal Bank. All limit upon the power to -issue bills was by this step practically removed. The character of the -coin in which the bills were to be redeemed was no longer limited to -the livre of the weight and standard of the date of the note, but was -changed to the livre of Tours. The very restraints which had operated -to give that confidence which Law had pronounced essential for a -paper-money circulation were thus removed. - -In quick succession the companies of Senegal, of the East Indies, -of China, and of Africa were absorbed by the cormorant Company of -the West. Its title was changed to “the Company of the Indies.” The -profits of the mint and the general farms were purchased, and by a -series of edicts the management of nearly all the financial affairs -of the kingdom were lodged in the Company. Meantime France had been -deluged with a flood of notes[48] from the Royal Bank. The great -abundance of money had lowered interest and revived business. To meet -the various payments which the Company had assumed for the privileges -which it had purchased, as well as to satisfy the increasing demand for -shares, the capital was increased by a series of edicts in the fall -of 1719 to 600,000 shares.[49] Outstanding debts of the Government to -the extent of 1,500,000,000 livres were ordered to be redeemed, and -in place thereof new _rentes_ were to be issued to the Company at 3 -per cent. After the first subscription, payment for stock had been -stipulated in coin or bank-notes, in place of _billets d’état_. The -various privileges acquired by the Company had been granted one by one, -and their accumulation had been slow enough to enable the public to -appreciate their value and to comprehend the favor in which the Company -was held by the Regent. Subscribers for new shares were therefore found -with increasing ease after each new grant. The demand for the stock -enabled the Company to place each new issue on the market at premiums. -The later issues were at ten times the par value. - -[Illustration: BILL OF THE BANQUE ROYALE OF LAW (1720). - -Reduced from a cut in La Croix’s _Dix-huitième siècle_.] - -The price of the stock was still further inflated on the market by -requiring as a condition precedent for subscriptions to the new -issues, that persons desiring to subscribe should be holders of a -certain number of shares of the old stock for each share of the new. -Subscriptions were in turn stimulated by spreading the payments over -a protracted period, on the instalment plan, thus enabling persons of -small capital who wished to profit by the upward movement of the stock -to operate on margins. To the competition fostered by these ingenious -and at that time novel devices was now added the pressure for new -shares on the part of those whose investments had been disturbed by the -redemption of the _rentes_. Their demand that some favor be shown them -in the matter of subscriptions was recognized, and edicts were issued -which removed the stipulation that payments should be made in coin or -bank-notes; and in their place _billets d’état_, notes of the common -treasury, and orders on the cashier of the Company given in liquidation -of Government obligations, were ordered to be received. Shares rose -to ten thousand francs,[50] and even higher; and those who paid for -original shares in discredited _billets d’état_ could now realize forty -times their purchase-money. The temptation to those of conservative -disposition to realize their profits and convert them into coin or -property now burst the bubble. For a time the Company, by purchasing -its own stock, was able to check the impending disaster; but in spite -of all efforts of this sort, and notwithstanding edict after edict -ordaining the compulsory circulation of the notes and demonetizing gold -and silver, the bank, which had in the mean time been placed under -control of the Company, collapsed. The promoter of the scheme, in the -same year that he was controller-general of the finances of France, was -a fugitive and almost a pauper. - -During the progress of these events Louisiana had become the scene -of active emigration, ludicrously small when compared with its great -domain, but active beyond any preceding movement of population on -the part of the French. On the 9th of February, 1718, three vessels -despatched by the Company arrived at Dauphin Island, bearing troops and -colonists, and also conveying to Bienville[51] the welcome news that he -was appointed _commandant-général_. In September, 1717,[52] Illinois -had been detached from New France and incorporated with Louisiana. -Boisbriant, who was appointed to the command of that province, did -not assume the government until the fall of 1718. The Company set to -work honestly to develop the resources of the country. Engineers were -sent over to superintend the construction of public works. The pass at -the mouth of the river was to be mapped, and two little towers were -ordered to be erected “at the entrance to the river, sufficiently -high to be seen from afar during the day, and upon which fire can be -made at night.” The coast was to be surveyed, and orders were given -to effect a landing at St. Joseph’s Bay,—a step which was taken only -to be followed by its prompt abandonment. Concessions were made to -many distinguished men in France, with conditions attached to each -that a certain number of colonists should be imported. Unfortunately -for the influence of these grants upon the future of the colony, it -was not required that the grantees themselves should live upon their -concessions. The grant to Law, twelve miles square, was situated on -the Arkansas River. By agreement, he undertook to introduce fifteen -hundred settlers. Vessels began now to arrive with frequency, bringing -involuntary as well as voluntary emigrants. The power of the courts -in France was invoked, apparently with success, to secure numbers -for Louisiana, without regard to character. Vagrants and convicts, -considered dangerous for French society, were thought suitable for -colonists. These steps were soon followed by complaints from the colony -of the worthlessness of such settlers and of the little reliance that -could be placed upon them in military service.[53] Raynal, in his -vigorous way, characterizes them as “the scum of Europe, which France -had, as it were, vomited forth into the New World at the time of Law’s -system.” - -The new commanding general sent a force of mechanics and convicts -in February, 1718, to clear the territory now occupied by the city -of New Orleans, and to lay the foundations of a new settlement.[54] -The channel at Dauphin Island having been blocked by a storm, the -headquarters of the colony were removed, first to Old Biloxi, and -afterward by order of the Company in 1719, to New Biloxi. During -the fall of 1718 MM. Benard de la Harpe and Le Page du Pratz, whose -names are associated with the annals of Louisiana, both arrived in -the colony. The pages of the chroniclers of colonial events are now -sprinkled with the names of ships which arrived with troops and -emigrants, including young women from the hospitals and prisons of -Paris. On the 6th of June, 1719, two vessels arrived direct from the -coast of Guinea with “five hundred head of negroes.” The Company had -entered with fervor upon the performance of the stipulation imposed by -the charter. - -The news of the war between France and Spain reached the colony in the -spring of 1719. The inconvenience of the roadsteads occupied by the -French had made them anxious to possess Pensacola. Iberville had urged -upon the Government the necessity of procuring its cession from Spain -if possible. So forcible were his arguments that negotiations to that -end had been opened by Pontchartrain. - -[Illustration: NOUVELLE ORLÉANS.[55]] - -Although the settlement had been neglected by the Spanish Government, -yet the proposition to cede it to France was rejected with pompous -arguments, in which the title of Spain was asserted as dating back -to the famous Bull of Alexander VI., dividing the newly discovered -portions of the world between Spain and Portugal.[56] Upon receipt -of the news of hostility between the two nations, Bienville promptly -availed himself of the opportunity to capture the place. - -[Illustration: _Plan de la_ Nouvelle Orleans _Capitale de la Louisiane_ - -[This is the “Plan de la Nouvelle Orléans” (1718-1720) in Dumont’s -_Mémoires historiques de la Louisiane_, ii. 50, made by Le Blond -de la Tour and Pauger. A plan signed by N. B[ellin] in 1744, “Sur -les manuscrits du dépôt des chartes de la marine,” was included in -Charlevoix’s _Nouvelle France_, ii. 433, and reproduced in Shea’s -translation, vi. 40. In November, 1759, Jefferys published a “Plan -of New Orleans, with the disposition of its quarters and canals as -they have been traced by M. de la Tour in the year 1720.” He inserted -this map (which included also a map of the lower Mississippi) in the -_History of the French Dominion in America_ (London, 1760), and in -the _General Topography of North America and West Indies_ (London, -1768).—ED.]] - -The episodes of the capture of Pensacola by the French, its recapture -by the Spaniards, the desertion of a large part of the French garrison, -the successful resistance of Sérigny to the siege of Dauphin Island -by a Spanish fleet, the opportune arrival of a French fleet, and the -capture again of Pensacola, furnished occupation and excitement to -the colonists for a few months, but had no other result. The port -was returned to Spain when peace was restored.[57] For several years -the French at Natchitoches, and the Spaniards a few miles off at the -Mission of the Adaes, had lived peacefully side by side. The French -lieutenant in command of the post took advantage of the outbreak -of hostilities to destroy the Spanish Mission. It was, however, -immediately reoccupied by the Spaniards in force, and was permanently -retained by them. In Illinois, through the arrival of a band of -Missouris who had come to chant the calumet bedecked in chasubles and -stoles, and tricked out in the paraphernalia of the altar, Boisbriant -learned that a Spanish expedition from Santa Fé, in 1720, had been -completely annihilated by these savages. - -[Illustration: NEW ORLEANS IN 1719. - -[This is reproduced from plate ii. of Thomassy’s _Géologie pratique -de la Louisiane_. There is another cut in Gay’s _Popular History of -the United States_, ii. 530. To M. de Vallette Laudun, or Laudreu, -sometimes referred to as the Chevalier de Bonrepos, is ascribed the -authorship of a _Description du Mississipi, écrite de Mississipi en -France à Mademoiselle D._ ... (Paris, 1720), the writer being the -captain of the ship “Toulouse.” It was reprinted as _Relation de -la Louisiane, écrite à une dame par un officier de marine_, in the -_Relations de la Louisiane et du fleuve Mississipi_, published at -Amsterdam in 1720, which corresponds to vol. v. of Bernard’s _Recueil -des voyages au nord_. It was reprinted as _Journal d’un voyage à la -Louisiane fait en 1720 par M. ..., capitaine de vaisseau du roi_, -both at Paris and La Haye in 1768 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 280, -1,641).—ED.]] - -Far more important in their effect upon the prosperity of the colony -than any question of capture or occupation which arose during these -hostilities were the ordinances passed by the Company of the West, on -the 25th of April, 1719, in which were announced the fixed prices at -which supplies would be furnished to inhabitants at different points, -and the arbitrary amounts that would be paid at the same places for -peltries, tobacco, flour, and such other articles as the Company would -receive. Gayarré summarizes the condition of the colonists under these -rules as follows: “Thus the unfortunates who were sent to Louisiana had -to brave not only the insalubrity of the climate and the cruelty of the -savages, but in addition they were held in a condition of oppressive -slavery. They could only buy of the Company at the Company’s price. -They could only sell to the Company for such sum as it chose to pay; -and they could only leave the colony by permission of the Company.” -Whites brought from Europe and blacks brought from Africa “worked -equally for one master,—the all-powerful Company.” - -Through a title based upon La Salle’s occupation in 1685, strengthened -by the explorations of Bienville and Saint-Denys in 1700, the -subsequent journeys of Saint-Denys in 1701, 1714, and 1716, and the -occupation of Natchitoches, the French laid claim to a large part of -what now constitutes Texas. Benard de la Harpe left Dauphin Island -toward the end of August, 1718, with fifty men, to establish a post on -his concession at Cadodaquais. He settled on land of the Nassonites, -eighty leagues in a straight line from Natchitoches. He was instructed -to open up trade with the neighboring Spaniards, and through him -Bienville forwarded a letter to the Spanish Governor. A correspondence -ensued between La Harpe and the Governor at Trinity River, in which -each expressed doubts as to the right of the other to be where he was. -La Harpe closed it with an assurance that he could be found in command -of his fort, and could convince the Governor that he knew how to defend -it. No overt act followed this fiery correspondence, and La Harpe -shortly after went on an extended tour of exploration to the northward -and westward of his concession. We hear no more of this post from -French sources; but Spanish authorities assert that after the Mission -at Adaes was broken up, the Spaniards returned with an armed force and -the French retired to Natchitoches. That post was then put under charge -of Saint-Denys. Great stress was laid at Paris upon the necessity -for occupying the coast to the west of the mouth of the Mississippi, -and positive orders had been issued to that effect by the King on -the 16th of November, 1718. Nothing was done, however, until 1720, -when six men were landed one hundred and thirty leagues west of the -Mississippi and left to perish. In 1721 these orders were reiterated, -and La Harpe was appointed “commandant and inspector of commerce of -the Bay of St. Bernard.” On August 16 he sailed to take possession of -that bay. His equipment and his force were totally inadequate for the -purpose. He made a landing at some point on the coast; but finding the -Indians hostile, he was obliged to abandon the expedition. With this -futile attempt all efforts on the part of the French to occupy any -point on the coast of Texas ceased. On the other hand, they remained -in uninterrupted possession of Natchitoches;[58] and the Spaniards, -though they continued to occupy Adaes as long as the French were at -Natchitoches, never renewed their attempts on the region of the Osage -and the Missouri. - -[Illustration: NEW ORLEANS AND THE MISSISSIPPI. - -[This is a part of the “Carte de la Côte de la Louisiane, par M. de -Sérigny en 1719 et 1720,” as given in Thomassy’s _Géologie pratique de -la Louisiane_, 1860.—ED.]] - -During the year 1721 the mortality of the immigrants on the passage -over seriously affected the growth of the colony. Among other similar -records it is reported that in March two vessels arrived, having on -board forty Germans,—all that remained out of two hundred. The same -month the “Africaine” landed one hundred and eighty negroes out of two -hundred and eighty on board when she sailed, and the “Duc du Maine” -three hundred and ninety-four out of four hundred and fifty-three. The -pains of the poor creatures did not end with the voyage. Some of them -“died of hunger and suffering on the sands of Fort Louis.” Enfeebled -by the confinement and trials of a protracted ocean voyage, immigrants -and slaves alike were landed on the beach at Biloxi, where neither -suitable food nor proper shelter was furnished them.[59] Indeed, so -great was the distress for food in 1721, that the very efforts put -forth to increase the population were a source of embarrassment and -suffering. There were not provisions enough left at Biloxi in September -to maintain the garrison; and once again, after more than twenty years’ -occupation by the French, the troops at Biloxi were dispersed among the -Indians for subsistence. - -The engineers who were watching the action of the Mississippi kept -a record of their soundings. They attributed the changes which they -observed to the scouring action of the water, and suggested methods[60] -for keeping up the strength of the current by restraining the river -within limits. Their observations confirmed Bienville in the opinion -that New Orleans could be reached directly by vessel; thus avoiding the -wretched anchorage, fifteen miles from shore,[61] and the expensive and -troublesome transfer from ship to barge, and from barge to boat, only -to effect a landing by wading, at a spot which was still several days -of difficult travel from the natural highway of the country. - -The news of the collapse of the Royal Bank and of the flight of Law -reached the colony in June, 1721. The expectation that the troubles -of the mother country would react upon the fortunes of the colony -created great excitement; but the immediate result fell short of the -anticipation. Affairs in the territory of Law’s concession were in -great confusion. The Alsatians and Germans whom he had placed upon it, -finding themselves neglected and the future of the grant doubtful, -came down to New Orleans in the expectation of being sent back to -Europe. The colony did not willingly relinquish its hold on any of -its settlers. These industrious laborers, who had been imported to -till the soil, were placated by the grant of concessions along the -Mississippi at a point about twenty miles above New Orleans. By their -skill in market-gardening they secured the control of that business -in the little town which almost in spite of the Company had sprung -up on the banks of the river. Bienville, supported by Pauger, one of -the engineers, had for some time favored New Orleans as headquarters. -The views of the Company on this point had fluctuated. In 1718 the -instructions were, to try to open the river to vessels. In 1720 Ship -Island, the Alibamons, and the Ouabache (Ohio) were the points they -proposed to fortify. In 1721 Pauger prepared a plan for the proposed -city of New Orleans. At that time there were only a few cabins there. -It was necessary to cut down brush and trees to run the lines. -Settlers were attracted by these proceedings, but jealousy stopped the -work for a while. Charlevoix, who visited the place in 1722, says that -the transfer of the stores of the Company from Biloxi to New Orleans -began about the middle of June of that year. - -The “Aventurier” arrived in the roadstead in the latter part of May, -1722, bringing orders to make New Orleans the principal establishment -of the colony. She was taken up the river by the engineers La Tour and -Pauger, and orders were given that all ships should thereafter enter -the Mississippi. The “Aventurier” reached New Orleans July 7, and -on the 5th of August the departure of Bienville from Biloxi for New -Orleans is recorded. - -Exchange and currency had proved to be serious drawbacks to the -prosperity of Canada. Louisiana was destined to undergo a similar -experience. Paper money and card money were issued by the Company. -Arbitrary ordinances requiring the presentation of these bills for -redemption within a stated time were suddenly promulgated. The price -at which the silver dollar should circulate was raised and lowered by -edict. Copper money was also forced into circulation. The “Aventurier” -had some of this coin on board when she made her famous trip to New -Orleans. It was imported, conformably to the edict of June, 1721. The -inhabitants were enjoined to receive it without demur, as the Company -would take it on the same terms as gold and silver. - -To provide for the adjustment of disputes, the colony was divided into -nine districts, and judicial powers were conferred upon the commanders -of the districts. The jurisdiction of the Superior Council was made -exclusively appellate. A similar appellate court, subordinate, however, -to the Superior Council, was provided for Illinois. - -By ordinance issued May 16, 1722, by the commissioners of the Council, -with consent of the Bishop of Quebec, the province of Louisiana was -divided into three spiritual jurisdictions. The first comprised the -banks of the Mississippi from the Gulf to the mouth of the Ohio, and -included the region to the west between these latitudes. The Capuchins -were to officiate in the churches and missions of this district, and -their Superior was to reside in New Orleans. The second district -comprised all the territory north of the Ohio, and was assigned to the -charge of the Jesuits, whose headquarters were to be in Illinois. The -district south of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi was assigned to -the Carmelites. The residence of their Superior was ordinarily to be -at Mobile. Each of the three Superiors was to be a grand vicar of the -Bishop of Quebec. - -By ordinance of the Bishop of Quebec, issued Dec. 19, 1722, the -district of the Carmelites was added to that of the Capuchins. The -Carmelites then returned to France. In the month of December, 1723, the -northern boundary of this district was changed to Natchez, and all the -country north of that point, to the east and to the west, was put under -charge of the Jesuits. - -On the 27th of June, 1725, the Company, to allay the fears of the -Capuchins, issued a new ordinance, in which they declared that the -Capuchins alone should have the right to perform ecclesiastical -functions in their district, and that no priest or monk of other -brotherhood should be permitted to do so except with their consent. By -request of the Capuchins, this was confirmed by patent from the King, -dated the 25th of July, 1725. - -The Capuchins had neither the numbers nor the influence essential for -so great a work. For this reason the Company assigned the care of the -French posts of the district to the Capuchins, and the charge of the -Indian missions to the Jesuits; and an agreement was made, Feb. 26, -1726, with the Jesuit fathers, in which the latter undertook to furnish -missionaries for the required work. In consequence of this arrangement -it became necessary for the Jesuits to have an establishment in New -Orleans. Permission to have such establishment was granted by the -Company, on condition that they should exercise no ecclesiastical -function except by consent of the Capuchins. Beaubois, the Jesuit -Superior, disregarded this injunction, and undertook to override -the Capuchins, who would have returned to France if he had not been -recalled. - -On the 13th of September, 1726, the Company entered into a contract -with the Ursulines, in which the latter agreed to provide six nuns for -the hospital and to educate the girls of New Orleans. The nuns, who -were furnished in pursuance of this agreement, sailed from France Feb. -23, 1727. After a perilous voyage, five months in length, they arrived -at New Orleans and at once entered on their work. - -In 1724 the accumulated complaints of the several officers with whom -Bienville had come into collision produced his downfall. La Harpe came -to his rescue in a memorial upon the importance of the country and -the necessity of maintaining the colony. Louisiana was not to be held -responsible for frauds on the Company, nor for lack of system and bad -management in its affairs. The Company itself had “begun by sending -over convicts, vagrants, and degraded girls. The troops were made up -of deserters and men indiscriminately picked up in the streets of -Paris. The warehouses were openly robbed by clerks, who screened their -knaveries by countless false entries. Disadvantageous bargains were -made with companies of Swiss and Germans, of miners, and manufacturers -of tobacco,[62] which turned out absolutely without value because the -Company did not carry them out. A vast number of burdensome offices -were created. The greater part of the directors who were sent out -thought only of their own interests and of how they could thwart M. de -Bienville, a man more familiar with the country than they were. If he -proposed to bring ships up the river, they obstinately opposed him, -fearing that they would then no longer be able to maintain traffic with -the Spaniards and thus amass fortunes.” La Harpe’s interposition may -have subsequently influenced opinions as to Bienville’s merits, but -at the time it had no apparent result. In February, 1724, Bienville -received positive orders to return to France. The brief interval which -elapsed before he sailed gave him an opportunity to associate his name -with the issue of the harsh and arbitrary code of fifty-four articles -regulating the conduct of the unfortunate slaves in the colony, and -imposing penalties for violations of law. - -On his return to France, Bienville presented a memorial in vindication -of his course. Eight years before this he had urged upon the Marine -Council that he was entitled to promotion. The recapitulation of his -services, with which he opened his letter, is used again in substance -in the memorial: “For thirty-four years Sieur de Bienville has had the -honor of serving the King, twenty-seven of them as _lieutenant du roy_ -and as commandant of the colony. In 1692 he was appointed midshipman. -He served seven years as such, and made seven sea-voyages in actual -service on armed vessels of the navy. During these seven years he -participated in all the combats waged by his brother, the late Sieur -d’Iberville, upon the shores of New England, at Newfoundland, and at -Hudson’s Bay; and among others in the action in the North against three -English vessels. These three vessels, one of which had fifty-four guns -and each of the others forty-two, attacked the said Sieur d’Iberville, -then commanding a frigate of forty-two guns. In a combat of five hours -he sank the fifty-four-gun ship, and took one of the others; while -the third, disabled, slipped away under cover of the night. The said -Sieur de Bienville was then seriously wounded in the head.”[63] He then -refers to his services in the exploring expedition and in the colony, -closing with the statement that his father was killed by the savages in -Canada, and that seven of his brothers died in the French naval service. - -In support of his memorial, and to refute statements that there would -be an Indian outbreak if he should return, several representatives -of the Indian tribes of the colony, moved thereto by Bienville’s -relatives, were admitted to an audience with the Superior Council, and -there pronounced themselves friendly to him. It was thus that the red -men, on whom he had relied for food at some time in nearly every year -since he landed in Louisiana, rewarded him for his friendly interest in -their behalf,—him who had been the advocate of the plan for exiling -them to Santo Domingo, there to be exchanged for negroes; who had -subdued the eight hundred warriors of the Natchez by treacherously -seizing and holding their principal chiefs; who, on the 1st of -February, 1723, wrote that an important advantage over the Chickasaws -had been gained without the loss of a French life, “through the care -that I took to set these barbarians against each other.” - -[Illustration] - -All efforts of Bienville for reinstatement were thrown away. The -Council were of opinion that much of the wrangling in the colony -was due to the Le Moynes. M. Périer was appointed governor; and in -order that his administration might have a fair chance, several of -Bienville’s relatives were deprived of office in the colony. Under -the new Government, events moved on as before. The quiet of colonial -life was undisturbed except for the wrangling of the officials, the -publication of company orders, and the announcement of royal edicts. -In a memorial forwarded by the commander of Dauphin Island and Biloxi, -a highly colored picture is shown of the chaotic condition of affairs. -“The army was without discipline. Military stores and munitions of -war were not protected. Soldiers deserted at pleasure. Warehouses -and store-ships were pillaged. Forgers, thieves, and murderers went -unpunished. In short, the country was a disgrace to France, being -without religion, without justice, without discipline, without order, -and without police.” - -Bienville had steered clear of serious Indian complications. He had -settled by deceit, without a blow and almost without troops, what in -place of more stirring events had been called the “first war of the -Natchez.” On the occasion of a second collision, in 1723, he had simply -appeared upon the scene with a superior force, and dictated terms to -the natives. During Périer’s term of office signs of uneasiness among -the natives and of impending trouble began to show themselves. Warnings -were given to several of the inhabitants of Natchez that danger was to -be apprehended from the neighboring tribe. The commander of the post -wilfully neglected these warnings, which were repeatedly brought to his -knowledge. On the 29th of November, 1729, the Natchez Indians rose, -and slaughtered nearly all the male inhabitants of the little French -village.[64] The scene was attended with the usual ingenious horrors -of an Indian massacre. A prolonged debauch succeeded. The Yazoos, -a neighboring tribe, surprised and slaughtered the little garrison -which held the post in their country. Even the fathers in charge of -the spiritual affairs of the posts were not spared.[65] Except for -this uprising of the Yazoos, the example of the Natchez tribe was not -contagious. News was quickly conveyed up and down the river, and but -little damage happened to travellers between Illinois and Louisiana. - -[Illustration: FORT ROSALIE. - -[“Plan du Fort Rozalie des Natchez,” in Dumont’s _Mémoires historiques -de la Louisiane_, ii. 94. There is also a plan of Fort Rosalie in -Philip Pittman’s _Present State of European Settlements on the -Mississippi_ (London, 1770), p. 40.—ED.]] - -According to Dumont, the Choctaws and Natchez had conspired to attack -the French simultaneously at New Orleans and Natchez, and the attack at -Natchez was made in advance of the day agreed upon for the outbreak. -At this, he says, the Choctaws were exasperated, and announced that -they were willing to move in conjunction with the French upon Natchez. -According to their own professions, however, their friendship for -the French was uninterrupted, and they denied any previous knowledge -of the outbreak at Natchez. Whatever the motive which prompted it, a -joint military campaign against the Natchez was now organized with -the Choctaws. All the credit in the affair was gained by the Indians. -They were first in the field, and they did all the open fighting. When -the French tardily arrived on the spot, instead of the surprise, the -sudden attack, the rapid flight, and the complete victory or defeat -which had hitherto characterized most Indian warfare, they found the -Natchez behind rude fortifications, within which they had gathered all -their people, together with the women and children captured at the -recent attack on the village. The French were compelled to approach -these defences with all the formalities of a siege. At the end of what -Périer bombastically terms “six days of open trenches and ten days of -cannonade,” the Natchez on the 26th of February, 1730, surrendered the -captive women, children, and slaves to the Choctaws, withdrew their -entire force, and fled to the opposite bank of the Mississippi. The -knowledge that the French captives were with the Indians probably -hampered the French in their attack. - -The services of tribes friendly to the French were secured during the -summer to harass the miserable Natchez; and on the 1st of August the -Governor could proudly report that by this means he had been able -since their migration to kill a hundred and fifty. “Lately,” he says -in one of his despatches, “I burned four men and two women here, and -the others I sent to Santo Domingo.” Smarting under the disgrace cast -upon their reputation by the fruitless results of this campaign, the -French felt the necessity for subduing the fugitive Natchez, who still -preserved their tribal organization and their independence. An alleged -negro insurrection the next summer furnished opportunity for hanging -“ten or a dozen of the most culpable” of the negroes, and further -demonstrated the necessity for some attempt to recover the prestige of -the French name. - -In the month of November, 1730, Périer started on a crusade against -his foes. The force which he ultimately brought together for this -expedition is said to have been a thousand men, of whom seven hundred -were French. In January, 1731,[66] he succeeded in running down the -Natchez in their fort, situated a short distance from the river on the -west side, where he besieged and finally captured—according to his own -account—four hundred and fifty women and children and forty-five men. -Again the greater part of the warriors of the tribe escaped him. The -captives were sent to Santo Domingo, where they were sold as slaves. - -The resources of the colony were now better understood. Buffalo-wool, -pearls, and mines were no longer relied upon. Prosperity had eluded -the grasp of the greater part of the settlers; but if agricultural -experiments had not proved remunerative as they had been handled, -they had at least demonstrated the fertility of the soil. The hopes -of commercial success, with so scant a population and under the -restrictions of the monopoly, were shown to be delusive. The climate -had proved a severe trial to the health of the settlers.[67] Perhaps -the character of the immigrants, their improvident habits, and their -reckless exposure had much to do with it, and had made the test an -unfair one. At all events the experience of the Company was but a -repetition of that of Crozat; and in 1731 the rights granted in the -charter were surrendered to the King. During Périer’s administration a -change was made in the character of the girls sent over to the colony. -In 1728 there arrived a ship bearing a considerable number of young -girls who had not been taken from the houses of correction. They were -cared for by the Ursulines until they were married. - -It is not easy to follow the growth of the colony. When Crozat turned -matters over to the Company, there were said to be seven hundred -inhabitants; but four years afterward the Company officials, in one of -their reports, put this number at four hundred. The official estimate -in 1721 was five thousand four hundred and twenty, of whom six hundred -were negroes. La Harpe, in his memorial, puts the population in 1724 -at five thousand whites and three thousand blacks. At the time of the -retrocession to the King the white population was estimated at five -thousand, and the negroes at over two thousand. - -The treasury notes of the Company at that time constituted the -circulating medium of the colony. Fifteen days were allowed, during -which their use could be continued. After that their circulation was -prohibited, with appropriate penalties. - -The Government signalized its renewal of the direct charge of the -colony by efforts to build up its commerce. Bienville succeeded -in securing his appointment as governor, and in 1733 returned to -Louisiana. The finances of the colony having undergone the disturbance -of the withdrawal of the paper money of the Company, the Government -consulted the colonial officers as to issuing in its place some card -money. These gentlemen recommended that the issue should be postponed -for two years. The impatience of the Government could, however, -be restrained but a year, when the entering wedge of two hundred -thousand livres was ordered,—the beginning of more inflation. In 1736 -Bienville, owing to the unfriendly attitude of the Chickasaws, felt -the necessity of success in some movement against them, if he would -retain the respect and friendship of the Choctaws. He therefore made -an imposing demonstration against the Chickasaw villages. According to -his own account, he had with him over twelve hundred men, who in an -attack on one of the villages were repulsed with such severe loss that -the whole party were glad to get back to the shelter of their permanent -forts, without the satisfaction of knowing that they had either killed -or wounded one of the enemy. - -The Chickasaws had apparently learned the value of earthworks as -defences, from their experience, if not from the English traders. Some -of these traders were in the village at the time of the attack, and -hoisted the English flag over their cabins. By throwing up the earth -around their houses, the Indians had converted each habitation into -a fortification. Unfortunately for the objects of the expedition, -Bienville learned, on his return to Mobile, that a coöperating column, -organized in Illinois, and composed mainly of Northern Indians, which -had marched under young Artaguette against the same enemy, had been -completely worsted, and their leader was reported killed. - -If the movement against the Chickasaws was demanded by the condition -of affairs before this demonstration, the repulse made a renewal of it -at an early day a positive necessity. A strong force of men was sent -over from France under an officer trusted by the Court, and in 1739 an -advance was made with twelve hundred white soldiers and twenty-four -hundred Indians, by way of the Mississippi instead of the Tombigbee. -They were joined at a point near the present site of Memphis by a -company under Céloron, and by a detachment from Fort Chartres under -Buissonière. Five months were consumed in exploring a road which was -supposed to have been already laid out before they started. During this -time all the provisions of the expedition were consumed, and the main -army was obliged to return without having seen the enemy. The extensive -preparations for the expedition had, however, a moral effect. In March -a company of Canadians and Northern Indians, which had reported at the -appointed rendezvous, penetrated alone to the Chickasaw villages. The -chiefs of that tribe, believing that this corps was supported by the -expedition, sued for peace, which the French gladly granted them. - -Every military effort put forth by Bienville since his return to -Louisiana had resulted disastrously. The old story of accusation -and counter-accusation between the resident officials of the colony -continued during his second term as before. Chagrined at his lack of -success, and mortified by evident distrust of his abilities shown -by the Court, he tendered his resignation and pathetically wrote: -“If success proportionate to my application to the business of the -Government and to my zeal in the service of the King had always -responded to my efforts, I should gladly have consecrated the rest -of my days to this work; but a sort of fatality has pursued me for -some time, has thwarted the greater part of my best-laid plans, has -often made me lose the fruit of my labors, and perhaps, also, a part -of the confidence of Your Highness.” On the 10th of May, 1743, he was -relieved by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, and he then returned to France. -He was at that time sixty-two years of age, and never revisited the -scene of nearly forty-four years of active life in the service of the -Government. He was called the “Father of the Colony,” and a certain -romantic affection attaches to his memory, based rather upon his -professed good-will than upon any success shown in his management of -affairs. - -During the remainder of the life of the colony, under the -administration of M. de Vaudreuil until he was called to Canada, and -after that under M. de Kerlerec, his successor, there was no material -change in the condition of affairs. All attempts at recapitulation of -events resolve themselves into dreary reiterations of what has already -been told again and again. Tobacco and rice continued to be the staple -products of the colony. Hopes were still maintained that something -might be made by cultivating the indigo-plant. The sugar-cane was -introduced in 1751. - -There was more of tampering with the currency. Incredible as it may -seem, there was scarcity of provisions at this late day, and appeals -to France for food.[68] The friendly Choctaws were again incited to -war against their traditional enemies, the Chickasaws, and strife was -also stirred up among themselves. Another warlike expedition boldly -marched to the Chickasaw villages and came back again. Criminations and -recriminations between governor and _commissaire-ordonnateur_ continued -to the end, with few intermissions and with as lively a spirit as -characterized the fiercest days of Bienville’s chronic fights. There -was another shipment of girls as late as 1751. The character of the -troops remained as before, and deserters continued to be a source of -annoyance. Even the children of the colonists were affected by their -surroundings, if we may believe an anonymous writer,[69] who says, “a -child of six years of age knows more of raking and swearing than a -young man of twenty-five in France.” - -Illinois, separated from the cabals of the little courts at Quebec and -New Orleans, showed some signs of prosperity.[70] In 1711 Father Marest -wrote: “There was no village, no bridge, no ferry, no boat, no house, -no beaten path; we travelled over prairies intersected by rivulets and -rivers, through forests and thickets filled with briers and thorns, -through marshes where we plunged up to the girdle.” The character of -the returns expected by the French from this country had been shown by -the expeditions of Le Sueur and La Mothe Cadillac. A few boat-loads of -green earth had been sent to France by Le Sueur for assay, but no mines -were opened. La Mothe brought down a few specimens of silver ore which -had been found in Mexico, and some samples of lead from the mines which -were shown him fourteen miles west of the river; but he discovered no -silver mines. Nevertheless, the Company had great faith in this region. -Their estimate of the dangers to which it was exposed may be gathered -from the instructions to Ordonnateur Duvergier in the fall of 1720. -He was told where the principal fortifications were to be maintained. -Illinois, the directors said, being so far inland, would require a much -smaller fort. Communication was to be opened up with that post by land. -Positive commands were given to hold a post on the Ohio River, in order -to occupy the territory in advance of the English, and prevent them -from getting a foothold there. “Illinois is full of silver, copper, and -lead mines, which ought to produce considerable returns if worked. The -Company has sent to the colony a number of miners to open the mines -and to begin work there as an example to the owners of concessions and -to the inhabitants. The troop of Sieur Renault, composed of people -accustomed to work of this sort, went to the colony at the same time; -but the two troops, according to last reports, are not yet at Illinois.” - -About the same time it was ordered that “the establishment made -by Boisbriant,” originally a few leagues below the village of the -Kaskaskias, but apparently afterward transferred to a point about -the same distance above the village, should be “called Fort de -Chartres.”[71] - -In 1721 Charlevoix traversed this region. Speaking of the so-called -fort at St. Joseph, near the foot of Lake Michigan, he says: “The -commandant’s house, which is but a sorry one, is called a fort from -its being surrounded with an indifferent palisade,—which is pretty -near the case with all the rest.” The route of Charlevoix was up the -St. Joseph across a portage to the Kankakee, and down that river, -the Illinois, and the Mississippi, to Fort Chartres, the next French -station which he mentions.[72] He describes it as standing about a -musket-shot from the river. He heard of mines both copper and lead. -Renault, or Renaud, as he is generally called, who was working the lead -mines, still hoped for silver. Even after this we hear occasionally of -alleged mineral discoveries and revived hopes of mines; but neither the -Company nor the Government were destined to reap any great revenue from -this source. - -The duties of Boisbriant and of his successors were almost exclusively -limited to adjudicating quarrels, administering estates, watching -Indians, and granting provisional titles to lands or setting off rights -in the common fields of the villages. The history of these years is -preserved in fragments of church-registers, in mouldy grants of real -estate, or in occasional certificates of marriage which have by chance -been saved. No break occurred in this monotony till the joint movement -against the Chickasaws, of young Artaguette from Fort Chartres and -of Vinsennes from his post on the Wabash in 1736. The troops from -these posts, who were to move from the North at the same time that -Bienville should approach from the South, following their orders, met -and advanced at the appointed time. Their prompt obedience brought -them to the spot in advance of the dilatory Bienville, and enabled -the Chickasaws, as has been previously stated, to meet the columns -separately and defeat them in detail. A column from this fort was also -in the body of troops from the North which co-operated in the second -attack on these Indians. - -During this uneventful time the little colony grew, and the settlers -enjoyed a moderate degree of prosperity. A contented population of -about two thousand whites,[73] to whom grants of land had been freely -made for purposes of settlement or cultivation, was mainly engaged in -agricultural pursuits. Side by side with them the natives were gathered -in villages in which were established Jesuit missions. The fertile -soil readily yielded to their efforts at cultivation more than they -could consume, and each year the surplus products were floated down to -New Orleans. Bossu asserted that all the flour for the lower country -came from Illinois. Vaudreuil, before leaving the colony for Canada, -reported[74] that boats came down the river annually with provisions; -but as late as 1744 he still harped on the discovery of new copper and -lead mines. Of the real agricultural value of the country there could -not at that time have been any just appreciation. As a mining region it -had proved to be a failure. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF FORT CHARTRES. - -[Taken from Lewis C. Beck’s _Gazetteer of the States of Illinois and -Missouri_, (Albany, 1823). The plan was draughted from the ground in -1823. Key: _a,a,a_, etc., exterior wall (1447 feet); _B_, gate; _C_, -small gate; _D,D_, houses of commandant and commissary, 96×30 feet -each. _E_, well; _F_, magazine; _G,G_, etc., barracks, 135×36 feet; -_H,H_, storehouse and guard-house, 90×24 feet. _I_, small magazine; -_K_, furnace; _L,L_, etc., ravine. Area of fort, 4 acres.—ED.]] - -The little fort needed repairs;[75] and La Galissonière, with his -usual sagacity, wrote, “The little colony of Illinois ought not to -be left to perish. The King must sacrifice for its support. The -principal advantage of the country is its extreme productiveness; -and its connection with Canada and Louisiana must be maintained.” -Apparently the urgency of La Galissonière produced some results. -Macarty, the officer who had command of the post at the time of the -collision between the French and the English at the headwaters of the -Ohio, arrived at Fort Chartres in the winter of 1751-1752. Bossu, -who accompanied him, writes from the fort: “The Sieur Saussier, an -engineer, has made a plan for constructing a new fort here, according -to the intention of the Court. It will bear the same name with the -old one, which is called Fort de Chartres.” In January, 1755, Bossu -arrived a second time at the post, having in the mean time made a trip -to New Orleans. He says: “I came once more to the old Fort Chartres, -where I lay in a hut till I could get a lodging in the new fort, -which is almost finished. It is built of freestone, flanked with four -bastions, and capable of containing a garrison of three hundred[76] -men.” The construction of this fort was the final effort of France in -the Valley of the Mississippi. It proved to be of even less value than -the fortress at Louisbourg, upon which so much money was wasted, for -it fell into the hands of the enemy without the formality of a siege. -On the other side of the river, Bournion, who in 1721 bore the title -of “Commandant du Missouri,” founded Fort Orleans on an island in the -Missouri, and left a garrison[77] there, which was afterward massacred. -Misère, now known as St. Genevieve, was founded about 1740. - -As events drifted on toward the end of the French occupation, the -difficulties of the French Government elsewhere compelled the absolute -neglect of Louisiana. Kerlerec writes in 1757 that he has not heard -from the Court for two years; and in 1761 the French ambassador, -in a memorial to the Court at Madrid, states that for four years -no assistance had been furnished to the colony. An estimate of the -population made in 1745 places the number of inhabitants at six -thousand and twenty, of whom four thousand were white. Compared with -the number at the time of the retrocession by the Company, it shows -a falling off of a thousand whites. It is probable that the white -population was even less at a later day. It is not strange that the -feeble results of this long occupation should have led the Most -Christian King to the determination to present the colony to his very -dear and much-loved cousin, the King of Spain,—an act which was -consummated in 1762, but not made public at the time. Its influence was -not felt until later. - - * * * * * - -The outline of events in Canada which we have previously traced carried -us to a point where the first collision in the Valley of the Ohio -between the troops of the two great nations who were contending for -the mastery of the northern portion of the continent had already taken -place. News of this contest reached New Orleans, and reports of what -was occurring at the North served to fill out the Louisiana despatches. -From this source we learn that the Chevalier de Villiers,[78] a -captain stationed at Fort Chartres, solicited the privilege of -leading an expedition to avenge the death of his brother Jumonville, -who had been killed by the Virginian force under Washington. The -request was granted; and thus the troops from the East and from the -West participated in these preliminary contests in the Valley of the -Ohio.[79] - -It is not within the proposed limits of this sketch to follow in -detail the military events with which each of the few remaining years -of French domination in America were marked. The death-struggle was -protracted much longer than could have been anticipated. The white -population of the English colonies is said to have been over ten -times greater than that of Canada in 1755; and yet these odds did -not fairly express the difference between the contending Powers.[80] -The disproportion of the aid which might be expected from the mother -countries was far greater. The situation was the reverse of what it had -been in the past. England began to show some interest in her colonies. -She was prosperous, and the ocean was open to her cruisers. The French -experiments at colonization in America had proved a source of expense -so great as to check the sympathy and crush the hopes of the Court. -The vessels of France could only communicate with her colonies by -eluding the search of the English ships widely scattered over the sea. -Although no formal declaration of war was made until 1756, England did -not hesitate to seize French merchant-vessels and to attack French -men-of-war, and she backed the pretensions of her colonists with solid -arguments clad in red coats and bearing glittering bayonets. France -shipped a few soldiers and some stores to Canada. Some of her vessels -succeeded in running the gauntlet of the English cruisers, but more -were driven ashore or captured. The native Canadians, more French than -Frenchmen themselves, rallied to the support of the Government which -had strangled every sign of independent life in their country. Old men -and children joined the ranks to repel the invader; and again we have -the story repeated of scant crops improperly harvested because of lack -of field hands, and thereafter actual suffering for food in this old -and well-established colony. The experiences of Braddock and of Dieskau -were needed to teach Europeans the value of the opinions of provincial -officers in matters of border warfare. Temporary successes during -several years inspired hopes in the minds of the French and thwarted -the progress of the English. Nevertheless, the strength of the English -began to tell, especially along the seaboard, where their supremacy -was more conspicuous. The line of French forts across the neck of -the Acadian peninsula fell without serious opposition, and it was -determined to remove from the country a population which would neither -take the oath of allegiance to His Britannic Majesty, nor preserve -neutrality in time of war. Their forcible deportation followed; and in -their wanderings some of these “neutral French” even penetrated to the -distant colony of Louisiana, where they settled on the banks of the -Mississippi.[81] Such was the demoralization of the official class of -peculators in Canada that those refugees who escaped to the protection -of its Government were fed with unwholesome food, for which the King -had been charged exorbitant prices by his commissaries. The destruction -of the fort at Oswego postponed for that year the efforts of the -English to interrupt the communication between the valleys of the Ohio -and the St. Lawrence. The destruction of Fort William Henry temporarily -protected Montreal; the check sustained by Abercromby was of equal -military value. But in 1758 Louisbourg, with its garrison and stores -was lost, the little settlements in Gaspé were ravaged, and France was -deprived of the last foot of territory on the North Atlantic seaboard. -Quebec thus became accessible to the enemy by way of the sea without -hindrance. - -[Illustration] - -Distrust and jealousy pervaded the Government councils in Canada. -Pierre François, Marquis of Vaudreuil, the successor of Duquesne in -1755, and Montcalm, whose cordial co-operation was essential, were -at swords’ points. With each succeeding year the corrupt practices -of Intendant Bigot were more openly carried on. With famine stalking -through the streets of Montreal and Quebec, with the whole population -living on short rations, and bread-stuffs at incredible prices, -the opportunity for this wide-awake Intendant to make money was -never better. If accounts are to be trusted, he availed himself of -his chance; and out of the sufferings and dire necessities of this -sorely pressed people he amassed a fortune.[82] All this was to the -advantage of England. Every point that she gained in the struggle -she kept. From each reverse that she sustained she staggered up, -surprised that the little band of half-starved Canadian troops should -have prevailed again, but with renewed determination to conquer. The -only value of success to Canada was to postpone the invasion, and for -the time being to keep the several columns which threatened Montreal -from co-operation. With so feeble a force the French could not hope to -maintain the widely scattered forts which they held at the beginning of -hostilities. In 1759 they were threatened by hostile columns counting -more than the entire number of Canadians capable of bearing arms. All -hope of aid from France was crushed by the Minister, who wrote: “In -addition to the fact that reinforcements would add to the suffering -for food which you already experience, it is very much to be feared -that they would be intercepted by the English on passage.” Such was the -mournful condition of affairs when Wolfe sailed up the St. Lawrence, -expecting to find Quebec ready to fall into his hands. To his surprise, -the place was held by a force thoroughly capable of defending it -against the combined strength of his soldiers and sailors. Fortune -favored him, and Quebec was gained. - -The resistance of the French during one more campaign was probably -justifiable, but was a mere matter of form. Without hope of assistance -from France, without means of open communication with any other French -possession, without supplies of ammunition or of food, there was really -nothing left to fight for. Even the surrounding parishes of Canada -had yielded to the pressure of events, after the failure to recapture -Quebec. When, therefore, the English columns converged upon Montreal -in 1760, the place capitulated, and the French flag disappeared from -Canada. - - * * * * * - -At the mouth of the Mississippi French occupation was not disturbed -until the boundaries were adjusted in accordance with the terms of -the Treaty of Peace signed at Paris in February, 1763. No reference -was made in the treaty nor in the preliminary convention to the fact -that France had already granted to Spain her title to the whole of -Louisiana. Knowledge of this remarkable act was kept secret for a few -years longer. England, by the terms of the treaty of Paris, became the -acknowledged mistress of all that portion of the American continent -which lies east of the middle of the Mississippi River, with the -exception of the island on which was built the city of New Orleans. -Ample provision was made to protect the rights of French citizens who -might wish to remove from the country. The privilege of religious -worship according to the forms of the Roman Catholic Church was -guaranteed to those who should remain, as far as the laws of England -would permit. - - * * * * * - -The era of colonial history which this chapter covers is coincident -with a period of decline in France. The transmission of the throne in -the line of descent was not, however, interfered with, nor were the -traditions of colonial policy changed. The causes of the rise and fall -of the colonies of European Powers at that time are to be found in -the history of European politics; and European politics in turn were -largely influenced by the desire to control territory in the New World. -The life of French colonies was in close contact with European events. -If the pulse of the English settlements did not throb in such sympathy -with the mother country, it was because there was a fundamental -difference in the methods by which English colonies had been formed and -in the conditions of their growth. A colony was not looked upon at that -time as forming a part of the parent State. It was a business venture, -entered into directly by the State itself, or vicariously by means of a -grant to some individual or company. If the colony did not earn money, -it was a failure. Spain had derived wealth from ventures of this sort. -Other nations were tempted into the pursuit of the same policy in the -hope of the same result. - -To preserve the proper relations to the parent State, the colony -should have within itself elements of wealth which should enrich -its projectors; it should absorb the productions of the State which -founded it; and in no event ought it to come into competition with its -progenitor. The form of the French government was so logical that its -colonies could be but mimic representations of France. Priests and -nuns, soldiers and peasants, nobles and seigniors, responded to the -royal order, and moved at the royal dictation in the miniature Court -at Quebec much the same as at Paris. There was so little elasticity -in French life that the French peasant, when relieved from the cramp -of his surroundings, still retained the marks of pressure. Without -ambition and without hope, he did not voluntarily break away from his -native village. If transported across the water, he was still the -French peasant, cheerful in spirit, easily satisfied, content with but -little, and not disposed to wrestle for his rights. The priest wore -his shovel-hat through the dense thickets of the Canadian forests, and -clung to his flowing black robe even though torn to a fringe by the -brambles through which it was trailed. Governor and council, soldier, -priest, and peasant, all bore upon their persons the marks that they -were Frenchmen whose utmost effort was to reproduce in the wilds of -America the artificial condition of society which had found its perfect -expression in Versailles. Autocratic as was Frontenac, unlikely as he -was to do anything which should foster popular notions of liberty, or -in any way endanger monarchical institutions,—even he drew down upon -himself a rebuke from the Court for giving too much heed to the people -in his scheme of reorganization. - -From his palace in France the Grand Monarque dictated the size and -shape of a Canadian farm. He prescribed the localities which new-comers -ought to select. They must not stray too far from villages; they must -clear lands in spots contiguous to settlements. He could find men who -would go to Canada, but there was no emigration of families. Soldiers -in the colony were offered their discharge and a year’s pay if they -would marry and settle. Premiums were offered the colonists for -marrying, and premiums for children. “The new settler,” says Parkman, -“was found by the King, sent over by the King, and supplied by the King -with a wife, a farm, and sometimes with a house.” Popular meetings -were in such disfavor that not until 1717 were the merchants permitted -to establish an exchange at Quebec. His Majesty, while pulling the -wires which moved the puppets of European politics, still found time -to express his regrets that the “King’s officers had been obliged to -come down from Frontenac to Quebec to obtain absolution,” and to convey -his instructions to the Bishop of Quebec to suppress several fête-days -which interfered with agricultural labors. Cared for thus tenderly, -it would seem that Canada should have thriven. Had the measures put -forth been wisely directed toward the prosperity of the colony, it -might have done so; but Louis XIV. was not working for the benefit of -Canada; his efforts were exclusively in behalf of France. In 1706 his -Minister wrote: “It is not for the interest of the parent State that -manufactures should be carried on in America, as it would diminish -the consumption of those in France; but in the mean time the poor are -not prohibited from manufacturing stuffs in their own houses for the -relief of themselves and their families.” Generous monarch! The use of -the spinning-wheel and the loom was not forbidden in the log-cabins in -Canada, even if this did clash somewhat with French trade. “From this -permission,” says Heriot, “the inhabitants have ever since continued to -fabricate coarse linen and druggets, which has enabled them to subsist -at a very small expense.” Coin was almost unknown much of the time; and -the paper money and bills of exchange, upon which the colony depended -for a circulating medium, were often seriously depreciated. - -The spirit of organization and inquisition which infested the -Government pervaded all things temporal and spiritual. Trade in -peltries could only be carried on by those having permits from the -Government or from the firm or company which for the time being had the -monopoly. All trade at outlying posts was farmed out by the governors. -Young men could not stray off into the woods without violating a royal -edict. Such solicitude could only produce two results,—those who -endured it became automatons; those who followed their inclinations and -broke away from it were proscribed as bushrangers. From the day when -Champlain founded the city of Quebec down to the time when the heroic -Montcalm received his death-wound on the Plains of Abraham, the motives -which had influenced the French in their schemes of colonization had -been uniform and their methods identical. Time enough had elapsed to -measure the success of their efforts. - -French colonization in America had reached three degrees of prosperity. -In Acadia, under English rule, freed from military service in the -ranks of the country to which they naturally owed allegiance, and -with their rights as neutrals recognized by the English, the French -colonists had prospered and multiplied. Originally a band of hunters -and fishers, they had gradually become an agricultural population, -and had conquered prosperity out of a soil which did not respond -except to the hand of patience and industry. Exempt from the careful -coddling of His Most Christian Majesty, they had evoked for themselves -a government patriarchal in its simplicity and complete for their -needs. In Louisiana, under the hothouse system of commercial companies -and forced immigration, the failure had been so complete that even -those who participated in it could see the cause. In Canada there was -neither the peaceful prosperity of Acadia nor the melancholy failure of -Louisiana. Measured by its own records, the colony shows steady growth. -Compared with its rivals, its laggard steps excite surprise and demand -explanation. The Acadians were French and Catholics. Neither their -nationality nor their religion interfered with their prosperity. They -had, however, been lucky enough to escape from the friendly care of the -French Government. It is but a fair inference that the Canadians also -would have thriven if they could have had a trial by themselves. - - * * * * * - -The history of England during the corresponding period showed no such -uniform motive, no such continuous purpose as to her colonies. From -the time of their foundation the English colonies became practically -independent States, with which the Home Government, during the long -period of political disturbances which intervened, seldom interfered. -The transmission of the crown by descent was interrupted. A parliament -displaced and executed a king. A protector temporarily absorbed his -power. The regular order of the descent of the crown in the restored -royal family was again interrupted. The crowned ruler of England was a -fugitive on the Continent, and Parliament by act prescribed who should -govern England, and afterward how the crown should be transmitted. -The causes that produced English emigration, whether political or -religious, varied with these events, and emigration was correspondingly -affected; but whatever the extent and whatever the character of this -influence, the emigration from England was, as a rule, a voluntary -emigration of families. Young men might be tempted by the fascinating -freedom of a wild life in the woods; but the typical emigrant was the -father of a family. He abandoned a home in the old country. He took -with him his wife, his family, and his household goods. Much of the -furniture brought over by the sturdy emigrants of that time is still -treasured by their descendants. The strong mental individuality which -thus led men with families to cut adrift from the struggles and trials -in England, only to encounter the dangers and difficulties of pioneer -life in a new country, found expression in various ways in the affairs -of the colonies, oftentimes to the vexation of the authorities. - -The New France was a reproduction of the Old France, with all, and more -than all, the restrictions which hampered the growth and hindered the -prosperity of the parent State. The New England had inherited all the -elements of prosperity with which the Old England was blessed, and had -even more of that individuality and freedom of action on the part of -its citizens which seems to form so important an element of success. -Out of the heterogeneous mixture of proprietary grants, colonial -charters, and commissions, some of which were granted to bodies which -sought exclusive privileges, while others were based upon broad, -comprehensive, and liberal views; out of the conflicting interests -and divergent opinions of fugitive Congregationalists, Quakers, -and Catholics; out of a scattered, unorganized emigration of men -entertaining widely different views upon politics and religion,—these -aggressive, self-asserting colonists evolved the principle of the right -of the inhabitants to a voice in the affairs of their government; and -whether provision was made for it in the charter or not, houses of -burgesses, general courts, and assemblies were summoned to make laws -for the various colonies. Charters were afterward annulled; laws which -contained offensive assertions of rights were refused the royal assent: -but the great fundamental truth remained,—that the colonies were -self-supporting. They had proved their capacity, and they constantly -showed their determination, to govern themselves. Each movement of -the emigrant away from the coast became a permanent settlement which -required organization and control. Out of the unforeseen and unexpected -conditions which were constantly occurring came the necessity for -local government, to be administered by officers chosen by the little -settlements. - -Emerson, in speaking of the first tax assessed upon themselves by -the people of Concord in Massachusetts, accounts for the peculiar -developments of colonial life in New England in the following words: -“The greater speed and success that distinguishes the planting of the -human race in this country over all other plantations in history owe -themselves mainly to the new subdivisions of the State into small -corporations of land and power. It is vain to look for the inventor; no -man made them. Each of the parts of that perfect structure grew out of -the necessities of an instant occasion; the germ was formed in England.” - -The pioneer penetrated the forest; he took with him the school-house -and the church. Out of the necessities of instant occasions grew, in -New England at least, the town-meeting,—the complete expression of a -government whose foundations are laid in the people. - -Before leaving the colony, in 1754, the Marquis Duquesne summoned -the Iroquois to a council. In the course of an address which he then -delivered he said: “Are you ignorant of the difference between the -King of England and the King of France? Go, see the forts that our -King has established, and you will see that you can still hunt under -their very walls. They have been placed for your advantage in places -which you frequent. The English, on the contrary, are no sooner in -possession of a place than the game is driven away. The forest falls -before them as they advance, and the soil is laid bare so that you can -scarce find the wherewithal to erect a shelter for the night.” No more -powerful contrast of the results in North America of the two methods -of colonization could be drawn than is presented in the words of the -French Governor. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF LOUISIANA HISTORY. - -CHARLEVOIX’ _Nouvelle France_[83] and the account of his personal -adventures in the _Journal d’un voyage_, etc., have been much quoted by -early writers. The extent and value of Dr. Shea’s work in annotating -his translation of this history can only be appreciated by careful -study. Through this means the translation is more valuable for many -purposes of research than the original work.[84] - -[Illustration] - -In 1831 the _Journal historique de l’établissement des Français à la -Louisiane_ was published at New Orleans and at Paris. It consists of -an anonymous historical narrative, to which is appended a memorial -signed by Benard de La Harpe. It is generally quoted as “La Harpe.” -The narrative is founded largely upon the journals of Le Sueur and -La Harpe, though it is evident that the author had other sources -of information. Within its pages may be found a record of all the -expeditions despatched by the colony to the Red River region and to the -coast of Texas.[85] The work of compilation was done by a clear-headed, -methodical man. Margry quotes from the work, and attributes its -authorship to “le Chevalier de Beaurain, géographe du roy.”[86] -Manuscript copies of this work, under the title _Journal historique -concernant l’établissement des Français à la Louisiane, tiré des -mémoires de Messieurs D’Iberville et De Bienville, commandants pour le -roy au dit pays, et sur les découvertes et recherches de M. Benard de -la Harpe, nommé aux commandement de la Baye St. Bernard_, are to be -found in some of our libraries.[87] - -[Illustration - -Following the engraving in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. i. [but now, 1893, -thought to be Le Jeune].] - -The historians of Canada give but brief and inaccurate accounts of the -early history of Louisiana. Ferland repeats the errors of Charlevoix -even to the “fourth voyage of Iberville.” Garneau leaves the Natchez in -possession of their fort at the end of the first campaign.[88] - -Judge François-Xavier Martin, in the _History of Louisiana from the -Earliest Period_, 2 vols. (New Orleans, 1827-1829), followed closely -the authorities accessible to him when he wrote; his work is a -complete, and in the main accurate, compendium of the materials at his -command. A new edition was published at New Orleans in 1882, entitled: -_The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period. With a Memoir of -the Author by W. W. Howe. To which is appended, Annals of Louisiana -from 1815 to 1861, by J. F. Condon_. - -Charles Gayarré is the author of two distinct works which must not be -confounded. _Louisiana, its Colonial History and Romance_,[89] is a -history of colonial romance rather than a history of the colony. The -_Histoire de la Louisiane_[90] is an essentially different book. It is -mainly composed of transcripts from original documents, woven together -with a slender thread of narrative. He states in his Preface that he -has sought to remove from sight his identity as a writer, and to let -the contemporaries tell the story themselves. References to Gayarré in -this chapter are exclusively made to the _Histoire_, which was brought -down to 1770. His final work (reprinted in 1885) was in English, and -was continued to 1861.[91] In this edition two volumes are given to the -French domination, one to the Spanish, and one to the American.[92] - -[Illustration] - -A little volume entitled _Recueil d’arrests et autres pièces pour -l’établissement de la compagnie d’occident_ was published in Amsterdam -in 1720. It contains many of the important edicts and decrees which -relate to the foundation and growth of this remarkable Company. - -The presence of Le Page du Pratz in the colony for sixteen years (1718 -to 1734) gives to his _Histoire de la Louisiane_[93] a value which his -manifest egotism and whimsical theories cannot entirely obscure. It was -an authority in the boundary discussions.[94] - -[Illustration: MOUTHS OF THE MISSISSIPPI. - -[Part of a map in Le Page du Pratz’ _Histoire de la Louisiane_ (1758), -i. 139. Cf. also the _Carte des embouchures du Mississipi_, by N. -Bellin, given (1744) in Charlevoix’ _Nouvelle France_, iii. 442. In -the same volume (p. 469) is the “Partie de la coste de la Louisiane et -de la Floride,” giving the coast from the mouths of the Mississippi to -Apalache Bay. In 1759 Jefferys gave in the margin of his reproduction -of La Tour’s map of New Orleans a map of the Mississippi from Bayagoula -to the sea, and of the east mouth of the river, with the fort La -Balise.—ED.]] - -Dumont, whose _Mémoires historiques sur la Louisiane_[95] were edited -by M. L. Le M. (said to have been L’Abbé Le Mascrier), was in the -military service in the colony. In the _Journal historique_, etc., -mention is made of a sub-lieutenant Dumont de Montigny[96] at the -post at Yazoo. The author was stationed at this post, and accompanied -La Harpe up the Arkansas. The statement made in biographical works -that Butel Dumont,[97] who was born in 1725, was the author, is -manifestly incorrect. Both Dumont and Le Page were contributors to -the _Journal œconomique_, a Paris periodical of the day. We are able -positively to identify him as Dumont de Montigny, through an article -on the manner in which the Indians of Louisiana dress and tan skins, -in that journal, August, 1752. Dumont had a correspondence with -Buache the cartographer[98] on the subject of the great controversy -of the day,—the sea of the west and the northwest passage. Dumont -was fond of a good-sounding story;[99] and his book, like that of Le -Page depends for its value largely upon the interest of his personal -experiences. Another book of the same class is the _Nouveaux voyages -aux Indes occidentales_,[100] by M. Bossu. The author, an army officer, -was first sent up the Tombigbee, and afterward attached to the forces -which were posted in Illinois, and was there when Villiers marched on -Fort Necessity. He was in the colony twelve years, and bore a good -reputation. - -The work entitled _État présent de la Louisiane, avec toutes les -particularités de cette province d’Amérique_, par le Colonel Chevalier -de Champigny (A la Haye, 1776), has been generally quoted as if -Champigny were the author. In an editorial introduction Champigny says -the text and the notes were furnished him in manuscript by an English -officer. In the body of the work the statement is made by the author -that he accompanied the English forces which took possession of the -colony after its cession to England. This work is cited by Mr. Adams in -the boundary discussion. - -The _Mémoire historique et politique de la Louisiane_, by M. de -Vergennes, minister of Louis XVI. (Paris, 1802), contains a brief -historical sketch of the colony, intended only for the eye of His -Majesty. Its wholesome comments on the French troops and on French -treatment of the Indians are refreshing to read.[101] They would -not have been so frank, perhaps, if the work had been intended for -publication. - -[Illustration] - -In his _Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi_ (Albany, 1861) -Dr. Shea has collected, translated, and annotated various relations -concerning the voyages of Cavelier, De Montigny de Saint-Cosme, Le -Sueur, Gravier, and Guignas.[102] - -A number of the relations in the _Lettres édifiantes et curieuses_ -cover portions of the period and territory of this chapter. These -have been collected and translated by Bishop Kip in the _Early Jesuit -Missions_ (Albany, 1866). To avoid repetition, he has made certain -abridgments. Some of the material thus left out has value to the -student of the early history of Illinois.[103] - -Major Amos Stoddard, in his _Sketches Historical and Descriptive of -Louisiana_ (Philadelphia, 1812), furnished an unostentatious and modest -book, which has been freely quoted. - -The _Relation du voyage des dames religieuses Ursulines de Rouen_, -etc. (Paris, 1872), with an introduction and notes by Gabriel Gravier, -is an exact reprint of a publication at Rouen in 1728 of certain -letters of Marie Madeleine Hachard, sœur Saint-Stanislas, to her -father. The account of the tedious journey of the nuns from Paris -to Orient, and of their perilous voyage to New Orleans, was worth -preservation. M. Gravier has performed his part of the work with the -evident satisfaction which such a task would afford a bibliophile and -an antiquary. His introductory chapter contains a condensed history of -Louisiana down to 1727, and is strongly fortified with quotations. He -acknowledges himself to be indebted to M. Boimare for a great number -of valuable unpublished documents relating to the foundation of New -Orleans. Greater familiarity with his subject would have enabled him to -escape several errors of date and of statement into which he has been -led by authorities whose carelessness he apparently did not suspect. -The memorial concerning the Church in Louisiana (_note_ 1, p. 113 _et -seq._) is a document of great value and interest. M. Gravier (p. lvi) -states that the Relation is substantially the same as the _Relation du -voyage des fondatrices de la Nouvelle Orléans, écrite aux Ursulines -de France, par la première supérieure, la mère St. Augustin_, which -was reprinted by Dr. Shea in an edition of one hundred copies in 1859, -under the general title of _Relation du voyage des premières Ursulines -à la Nouvelle Orléans et de leur établissement en cette ville [1727], -par la Rev. Mère St. A. de Tranchepain; avec les lettres circulaires de -quelquesunes de ses sœurs, et de la dite mère_ (62 pp.). - -The _History of the American Indians, particularly those Nations -adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South -and North Carolina, and Virginia_, etc., by James Adair, who was forty -years in the country, is a work of great value, showing the relations -of the English traders to the Indians, and is of much importance to the -student of Indian customs.[104] - -The _Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_, by R. Thomassy (New Orleans -and Paris, 1860), contains copies of some rare documents which were -first made public in this volume. - -The _Histoire de la Louisiane_[105] by M. Barbé Marbois is so brief in -its treatment of the period covered by this chapter that very little -can be gained from consulting that portion of the book. - -A work entitled _De la puissance Américaine_, by M. Guillaume-Tell -Poussin, was published at Paris in 1843. A translation was printed -at Philadelphia in 1851. The writer, from his familiarity with this -country, was especially fitted to give a French view of our history. -His chapter on Louisiana shows that he had access to the treasures of -the Paris Archives. Its value, however, is diminished by the fact that -he is inexact in his details. - -Daniel Coxe, the son of Dr. Coxe, the claimant of the Carolana grant, -published in London in 1722 _A Description of the English Province -of Carolana, by the Spaniards call’d Florida, and by the French La -Louisiane_.[106] The body of the text is devoted to a description of -the attractions of the province to the emigrant. The preface contains -an account of the entrance of the Mississippi by the vessel which -was turned back by Bienville. The appendix is an argument in favor -of the claimant’s title to the grant, and of England’s title to the -Mississippi Valley. It contains a curious story of a Massachusetts -expedition to New Mexico in 1678, and a claim that La Salle’s guides -were Indians who accompanied that expedition.[107] - -The official correspondence concerning the Louisiana boundary question -may be found in Waite’s _American State Papers and Public Documents_ -(Boston, 1815-1819), vol. xii. The temperate statements of Don Pedro -Cevallos are in strong contrast with the extravagant assumptions -of Luis de Orris, who even cites as authority the mythical Admiral -Fonte.[108] Yoakum, in his _History of Texas_ (New York, 1856), goes -over this ground, and publishes in his appendix an interesting document -from the archives of Bexar. - -_Illinois in the Eighteenth Century_, by Edward G. Mason (Fergus -Historical Series, no. 12), Chicago, 1881, has two papers dealing with -the topics of this chapter: “Kaskaskia and its parish records” and -“Old Fort Chartres.” The recital of the grants, the marriages, and the -christenings at Kaskaskia and St. Anne brings us close to Boisbriant, -Artaguette, and the other French leaders whose lives are interwoven -with the narrative of events in Illinois. The description of Fort -Chartres is by far the best extant. The work of rescuing from oblivion -this obscure phase of Illinois history has been faithfully performed. - -The following works have been freely used by writers upon the early -history of Illinois and the Illinois villages and forts:— - -_The Administration of the Colonies_, by Thomas Pownall, 2d ed. -(London, 1765). The appendix, section 1, deals with the subject of this -chapter. - -_A Topographical Description of North America_, by T. Pownall (London, -1776). Appendix, no. 4, p. 4, Captain Harry Gordon’s Journal, describes -the fort and villages. - -[Illustration: COXE’S CAROLANA. - -[Part of the _Map of Carolana and of the River Meschacebe_, in Daniel -Coxe’s _Description of the English Province of Carolana_, London, -1742—ED.]] - -Thomas Hutchins has also published two books,—_An Historical Narrative -and Topographical Description of Louisiana_, etc. (Philadelphia, 1784), -and _A Topographical Description_, etc. (London, 1778). - -Captain Philip Pittman prepared a report on _The Present State of the -European Settlements on the Mississippi_. It was published in London, -in 1770. It is embellished with charts of the river and plans of -several of the forts and villages.[109] - -Also _Sketches of History, Life and Manners in the West_, by James Hall -(Philadelphia, 1835), who visited the fort in 1829. - -The _Early History of Illinois_, by Sidney Breese, contains an -interesting description of French life in Illinois.[110] See also a -chapter on the same subject in Davidson and Stuvé’s _Complete History -of Illinois_ (Springfield, 1874). _The History of the Discovery and -Settlement of the Mississippi Valley_, by John W. Monette (New York, -1846), also has an elaborate sketch of the settlement of Louisiana and -Illinois.[111] - -_Mississippi as a Province, Territory, and State_, by J. F. H. -Claiborne (1880), devotes considerable space to the Province. - -Extracts from a memoir by M. Marigny de Mandeville may be found in -several of the histories of Louisiana of colonial times. In a note in -Bossu[112] it is stated that such a work was published in Paris in 1765. - -The story of Saint-Denys’ experiences in Mexico is told in H. H. -Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, p. 612 _et seq._, in which the -sources of information are mainly Mexican and Spanish. The hero of -Penicaut’s romances, viewed from this standpoint, becomes a mere -smuggler. - -Under the title _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, etc., Mr. -B. F. French, in the years 1846-1875, inclusive, published seven -volumes containing reprints and translations of original documents -and rare books. Mr. French was a pioneer in a class of work the value -of which has come to be fully appreciated. His _Collections_ close -a gap on the shelves of many libraries which it would be difficult -otherwise to fill. The work was necessarily an education to him, -and in some instances new material which came to his hands revealed -errors in previous annotations.[113] The value of the work would have -been increased if abridgments and omissions had been noted.[114] -The translation of the _Journal_ _historique_, etc., given in the -collection was made from the manuscript copy in the library of the -American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia.[115] The Penicaut -relation differs materially from the copy published by Margry.[116] -The labors of Mr. French, as a whole, have been of great service to -students of American history.[117] - -The fourth and fifth volumes[118] of Pierre Margry’s _Découvertes et -établissements des Français dans l’ouest et dans le sud de l’Amérique -septentrionale_ contain the material upon which so much of this -chapter as relates to Iberville’s expeditions is founded. We have -here Iberville’s correspondence with the minister, his memorials, the -instructions given to him, and his reports.[119] There are also some -of Bienville’s despatches, and the correspondence with the engineer -about New Orleans and about the bar at the mouth of the river. The -publication of these volumes has enabled us to correct several minor -errors which have been transmitted from the earlier chroniclers. -Interesting as the volumes are, and close as their scrutiny brings -us to the daily life of the celebrated explorer, it is not easy to -understand why their contents should have been shrouded with such a -profound mystery prior to their publication.[120] - -The periodicals and tracts of the eighteenth century contain many -historical articles and geographical discussions, from which historical -gleaners may yet procure new facts.[121] The manuscripts in the -Archives at Paris have by no means been exhausted. Harrisse, in his -_Notes pour servir à l’histoire, etc., de la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, -1872), gives an account of the vicissitudes which they have undergone. -He traces the history of the formation of the Archives of the Marine -and of the Colonies and points out the protecting and organizing care, -which Colbert during his ministry devoted through intelligent deputies -to the arranging of those documentary sources, among which the modern -historian finds all that the Revolution of 1789 has left to him. - -The copies which from time to time have been procured from France -for the State Archives of Louisiana have so generally disappeared, -particularly during the Federal occupation, that but a small portion of -them still remains in the State Library.[122] - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -[Illustration: JOHN LAW. - -Copied from the head of a full-length portrait in _Het Groote Taferel_. -Rigaud’s portrait of Law is engraved in Alphonse Courtois’ _Histoire -des banques en France_, 2d ed. (Paris, 1881). Cf. also the print in -Mouffle d’Angerville’s _Vie privée de Louis XV._ (Londres, 1781), vol. -1. p. 53.] - -=I.= LAW AND THE MISSISSIPPI BUBBLE.—The literature of the Mississippi -Scheme is extensive, and includes the relations of Law’s system to -general monetary science. The Mississippi excitement instigated the -South Sea Scheme in England. Holland, also, was largely affected, -and gave, as well as England and France, considerable additions to -the contemporary mass of brochures which grew out of these financial -revolutions. Law’s own pleas and expositions, as issued in pamphlets, -are the central sources of his own views or pretensions, and are -included in the _Œuvres de J. Law_, published at Paris in 1790. These -writings are again found in Daire’s _Économistes financiers;_ where -will also be met the _Essai politique sur le commerce_ of Melon, Law’s -secretary,—a production which Levasseur styles an allegorical history -of the system,—and the _Réflexions politiques sur les finances et le -commerce_ of Dutot, another of Law’s partisans, who was one of the -cashiers of the Company of the Indies, and undertook to correct what he -thought misconceptions in Melon; and he was in turn criticised by an -opponent of Law, Paris Duverney, in a little book printed at the Hague -in 1740, as _Examen du livre intitulé, etc._ - -Law’s proposal for his Mississippi Company is also included in a Dutch -collection of similar propositions, printed at the Hague in 1721 as -_Verzameling van alle de projecten en conditien van de compagnien van -assuratie_, etc. - -There are various _Lettres patentes_, _Édits_, _Arrests_, -_Ordonnances_, etc., issued separately by the French Government, -some of which are included in a volume published at Amsterdam in -1720,—_Recueil d’arrests et autres pièces pour l’établissement de la -compagnie d’occident_. Others will be found, by title at least, in the -_Recueil général des anciennes lois Françoises_ (Paris, 1830), vol. -xxi., with the preambles given at length of some of the more important. -Neither of these collections is complete, nor does that of Duhautchamp -take their place; but all three, doubtless, contain the chief of such -documents. - -A few of the contemporary publications may be noted:— - -_Some Considerations on the Consequences of the French settling -Colonies on the Mississippi, from a Gentleman_ [Beresford] _of America -to his Friend in London_, London, 1720 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. -275). - -_Impartial Inquiry into the Right of the French King to the Territory -west of the Mississippi_ (London, n. d.). - -_The Chimera; or, the French way of paying National Debts laid open_ -(London, 1720). - -_Full and Impartial Account of the Company of the Mississippi ... -projected and settled by Mr. Law_. To which is added a _Description -of the Country of the Mississippi and a Relation of the Discovery of -it, in Two Letters from a Gentleman to his Friend_ (London, 1720). In -French and English (cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 276). This is an -incentive to the speculation. - -_Historische und geographische Beschreibung des an dem grossen Flusse -Mississippi in Nord America gelegenen herrlichen Landes Louisiana_, -etc. (Leipsic, 1720) 8vo. It has a map of Louisiana. There was a second -edition the same year in 12mo, with _Ausführliche_ beginning a title -otherwise the same (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 277, 278). It has an -appendix, _Remarques über den Mississippischen Actien-Handel_, which -is a translation of a section on Louisiana in _Aanmerkigen over den -koophandel en het geldt_, published at Amsterdam (Muller, _Books on -America_, 1872, nos. 915, 916; 1877, no. 1817). - -_Le banquerotteur en desespoir; Das ist, der versweifflende -Banquerottirer_, etc., with a long explanation in German of the lament -of a victim, dated 1720, without place, and purporting to be printed -from a Dutch copy (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 258). - -_Het Groote Tafereel der Dwaasheid, vertoonende de opkomst, voortgang -en ondergang der Actie, Bubbel en Windnegotie in Vrankryk, Engeland -en de Nederlanden, gepleegt in dem Jaare DDCCXX._ (1720). This is a -folio volume of satire, interesting for its plates, most of which are -burlesques; but among them are a full-length portrait of Law, another -of Mrs. Law in her finery, and a map of Louisiana. There is a copy in -Harvard College Library. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 270; Muller, -_Books on America_ (1872), no. 1503. - -There is in the Boston Public Library a contemporary manuscript -entitled, _Mémoire d’après les voyages par Charles Le Gac, directeur de -la Comp. des Indes à la Louisiane, sur la Louisiane, sa géographie, la -situation de la colonie Française, du 26 aoust 1718 au 6 mars 1721, et -des moyens de l’améliorer. Manuscrit redigé en 1722_. Le Gac was the -agent of Law’s Company during these years. - -The earliest personal sketch which we have noted is a _Leven en -character van J. Law_ (Amsterdam, 1722). - -_A Sketch of the Life and Projects of John Law_ was published in -Edinburgh in 1791, afterward included in J. P. Wood’s _Ancient and -Modern State of the Parish of Cramond_ (Edinburgh, 1794), and the -foundation of the later _Life of John Law of Lauriston_, published by -Wood at Edinburgh in 1824. This may be supplemented in some points by -Chambers’s _Biographical Dictionary of Eminent Scotsmen_. - -[Illustration] - -Professor Smyth found, when he assigned one of his _Lectures on Modern -History_ (no. 27) to Law and his exploits, that he got at that time the -best exposition for his system in English from Steuart’s _Political -Economy_. The latest summarized statement in English will be found -in Lalor’s _Cyclopædia of Political Science_, vol. ii. (1883), and -a good one in Mackay’s _Popular Delusions_. The general historians -of England, more particularly Stanhope, do not tell the story of the -great imitatory pageant of the South Sea Scheme without more or less -reference to Law. Those of the United States necessarily recount the -train of events in Paris, of which Louisiana was the background. A few -English monographs, like J. Murray’s _French Financiers under Louis -XV._, and an anonymous book, _Law, the Financier, his Scheme and Times_ -(London, 1856), cover specially the great projector’s career; while -the best key to his fate at the hands of magazinists will be found -in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_ (pp. 728, 854), where a -popular exposition by Irving is noted, which having appeared in the -_Knickerbocker Magazine_ (vol. xv. pp. 305, 450), has since been -included in the volume of his works called _Wolfert’s Roost, and other -Papers_. - -In France the treatment of the great delusion has been frequent. The -chief source of later writers has been perhaps Duhautchamp’s _Histoire -du systéme des finances_ (à la Haye, 1739), which, with his account -of the Visa, makes a full exposition of the rise and fall of the -excitement by one who was in the midst of it. His fifth and sixth -volumes contain the most complete body of the legislation attending the -movement. Forbonnais’ _Recherches et considérations sur les finances -de France à l’année 1721_ (Basle, 1758) is a work of great research, -and free from prejudice. The _Encyclopédie méthodique_ (1783) in its -essays on commerce and banking contributes valuable aid, and there -is a critical review in Ch. Ganilh’s _Essai sur le revenu public_ -(Paris, 1806). To these may be added Bailly’s _Histoire financière de -la France_ (Paris, 1830); Eugène Daire’s “Notice historique sur Jean -Law, ses écrits et les opérations du système,” in his _Économistes -financiers du dix-huitième siècle_ (1843); Théodore Vial’s _Law, et -le système du papier-monnaie de 1716_ (1849); A. Cochut’s _Law, son -système et son époque_ (1853); J. B. H. R. Capefigue’s _Histoire des -grandes opérations financières_ (Paris, 1855), vol. i. p. 116; J. P. -Clément’s _Portraits historiques_ (1856); and le Baron Nervo’s _Les -finances Françaises_ (Paris, 1863). L. A. Thiers’ encyclopedic article -on Law was translated and annotated by Frank S. Fiske as _Memoir of the -Mississippi Bubble_, and published in New York in 1859. This is perhaps -the best single book for an English reader, who may find in an appendix -to it the account of the Darien Expedition from the _Encyclopædia -Britannica_, and one of the South Sea Scheme from Mackay’s _Popular -Delusions_. Thiers’ French text was at the same time revised and -published separately in Paris in 1858. Among other French monographs P. -E. Levasseur’s _Recherches historiques sur le système de Law_ (Paris, -1854, and again, 1857) is perhaps the most complete treatment which the -subject has yet received. We may further add Jules Michelet’s “Paris et -la France sous Law” in the _Revue de deux mondes_, 1863, vol. xliv.; -and the general histories of France, notably Martin’s and Guizot’s, -of which there are English versions; the special works on the reign -of Louis XV., like De Tocqueville’s; P. E. Lémontey’s _Histoire de la -Régence_ (Paris, 1832); J. F. Marmontel’s _Régence du duc de Orléans_ -(1805), vol. i. p. 168; and the conglomerate monograph of La Croix, -_Dix-huitième siècle_ (Paris, 1875), chap. viii. Law finds his most -vigorous defender in Louis Blanc, in a chapter of the introduction to -his _Révolution Française_. - -The Germans have not made their treatment of the subject very -prominent, but reference may be made to J. Heymann’s _Law und sein -System_ (1853). - -The strong dramatic contrasts of Law’s career have served the English -novelist Ainsworth in a story which is known by the projector’s name; -but the reader will better get all the contrasts and extraordinary -vicissitudes of the social concomitants of the time in the _Mémoires_ -of St. Simon, Richelieu, Pollnitz, Barbier, Dangeau, Duclos, and others. - -The familiarity of Mr. Davis with the subject has been of great -assistance to the Editor in making this survey. - - -=II.= THE STORY OF MONCACHT-APÉ.—The writer of this chapter has, -in the _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, April 25, -1883, printed a paper on the story of Moncacht-Apé,—an Indian of the -Yazoo tribe, who claimed to have made a journey from the Mississippi -to the Pacific about the year 1700, which paper has also been printed -separately as _The Journey of Moncacht-Apé_. The story, which -first appeared in Le Page du Pratz’ contributions to the _Journal -œconomique_, and first took permanent form in Dumont’s _Mémoires_ in -1753, was made in part to depend for its ethnological interest on the -Yazoo marrying a captive Indian, who tells him a story of bearded white -men being seen on the Pacific coast. That the Yazoo himself encountered -on the Pacific coast a bearded people who came there annually in ships -for dye-wood, is derived from the fuller narrative which Le Page du -Pratz himself gives in his _Histoire de la Louisiane_ published five -years later, in 1758. - -Mr. Davis does not find any consideration of the verity of the story -till Samuel Engel discussed it in his _Mémoires et observations -géographiques_, published at Lausanne in 1765, which had a chart -showing what he conceived to be the route of the Indian, as Le Page du -Pratz had traced it, in tracking him from the Missouri to the streams -which feed the Columbia River. The story was later examined by Mr. -Andrew Stewart in _The Transactions of the Literary and Historical -Society of Quebec_, i. 198 (1829), who accepted the tale as truthful; -and Greenhow, in his _History of Oregon_ (Boston, 1844, p. 145), -rejects as improbable only the ending as Dumont gives it. In 1881, when -M. de Quatrefage rehearsed the story in the _Revue d’anthropologie_, -vol. iv., he argued that the bearded men must have been Japanese. -It was this paper of the distinguished French anthropologist which -incited Mr. Davis to the study of the narrative; and it is by his -discrimination that we are reminded how the story grew to have the -suspicious termination, after Le Page had communicated it to Dumont; -so that in Mr. Davis’s judgment one is “forced to the unwilling -conclusion that the original story of the savage suffered changes at Le -Page’s hands.” The story has since been examined by H. H. Bancroft in -his _Northwest Coast_, i. 599 _et seq._, who sees no reason to doubt -the truth of the narrative. - -There is an account of the early maps of the country west of Lake -Superior and of the headwaters of the Mississippi in Winchell’s -_Geological Survey of Minnesota, Final Report_, vol. i., with a -fac-simile of one of 1737. Between 1730 and 1740 Verendrye and his -companions explored the country west and northwest of Lake Superior, -and reached the Rocky Mountains. Mills, _Boundaries of Ontario_, p. 75, -says he failed to find in the _Moniteur_, September and November, 1857, -the account of Verendrye’s discoveries by Margry, to which Garneau -refers. - - -CARTOGRAPHY - -OF - -LOUISIANA AND THE MISSISSIPPI BASIN UNDER THE FRENCH DOMINATION. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE original spelling of the name Mississippi, the nearest approach to -the Algonquin word, is _Mêché Sébè_,[123] a form still commonly used -by the Louisiana creoles. Tonty suggested _Miche Sepe_; Father Laval, -_Michisepe_, which by Father Labatt was softened into _Misisipi_. -Marquette added the first _s_ in _Missisipi_, and some other explorer a -second in _Mississipi_, as it is spelled in France to-day. No one knows -who added a second _p_ in _Mississippi_, for it was generally spelled -with one _p_ when the United States bought Louisiana.[124] - -In Vol. IV. of the present _History_ the earliest maps of the -Mississippi Basin are enumerated, and fac-similes or sketches of the -following may be seen in that volume:— - -1672-73 (p. 221). An anonymous map of the course of the Mississippi, -which is also to be found in Breese’s _Early Hist. of Illinois_. Other -early maps, without date, are noted in Vol. IV. at pp. 206, 215. - -1673-74 (pp. 208, 212, 214, 218). Joliet’s maps; and (p. 220) -Marquette’s map, which has since been reproduced in Andreas’s -_Chicago_, i. p. 47. - -1682-84-88 (pp. 227, 228, 230, 231). Franquelin’s maps,—the last of -which has since been reproduced in Winchell’s _Geological Survey of -Minnesota, Final Report_, i. pl. 2. - -1683-97 (pp. 249, 251, 252, 253). Hennepin’s maps, also to be found in -Winchell and Breese. - -1685 (p. 237). Minet’s map; and without date (p. 235) the map of -Raudin. The map which accompanied Joutel’s _Journal_ in 1713 also gave -the topography of the time of Lasalle. (See p. 240.) - -1688 (p. 232). The map of Coronelli and Tillemon; and (p. 233) that of -Raffeix. - -1702 (p. 394). The map in Campanius. - -1703-1709 (pp. 258, 259, 260, 261). Maps in Lahontan. - - * * * * * - -It is in continuation of this series, which includes others not -here mentioned, that the following enumeration is offered of the -cartographical results which controlled and developed the maps of the -eighteenth century. - -The plates of the maps of Nicolas Sanson, who had died in 1667,[125] -were towards the end of that century in the hands of Hubert Jaillot, -who was later a royal geographer of France.[126] He published in -Paris, in 1692, what passes for Sanson’s _Amérique Septentrionale_, -with adaptations to contemporary knowledge of American geography. It -naturally augments the claims of the French to the disputed areas of -the continent. It was reissued at Amsterdam not long after as “Dressée -sur les observations de M^{rs} de l’Academie Royale des Sciences.” The -plate was long in use in Amsterdam, and I have noticed reissues as late -as 1755 by Ottens. - -The English claims to the westward at this time will be seen in “The -Plantations of England in America,” contained in Edward Wells’ _New -Sett of Maps_, London, 1698-99.[127] - -The most distinguished French cartographers of the early part of -the eighteenth century were the father and son, Claude and Guillaume -Delisle. The father, Claude, died in 1720 at 76; the son, six years -later, in 1726, at 51.[128] Their maps of _Amérique Septentrionale_ -were published at Paris of various dates in the first quarter of the -century, and were reissued at Amsterdam.[129] Their _Carte de la -Louisiane et du Cours du Mississipi_ appeared first at Paris in 1703, -and amended copies appeared at various later dates.[130] Thomassy[131] -refers to an original draft by Guillaume Delisle, _Carte de la rivière -du Mississipi, dressée sur les mémoires de M. Le Sueur_, 1702, which -is preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine, at Paris. -Thomassy (p. 211) also refers to an edition of Delisle’s _Carte de la -Louisiane_, published in June, 1718, by the Compagnie d’Occident. Gov. -Burnet wrote of this map to the Lords of Trade[132], that Delisle had -taken from the borders of New York and Pennsylvania fifty leagues of -territory, which he had allowed to the English in his map of 1703. - -There is an Amsterdam edition (1722) of Delisle’s _Carte du Mexique et -de La Floride, des Terres Angloises et des Isles Antilles, du Cours et -des Environs de la Rivière de Mississipi_, measuring 24 × 19 inches, -which includes nearly the whole of North America. - -Nicholas de Fer was at this time the royal geographer of Belgium, -1701-1716.[133] We note several of his maps:— - -_Les Costes aux Environs de la Rivière de Misissipi, par N. de Fer_, -1701. This extends from Cape Roman (Carolina) to the Texas coast, and -shows the Mississippi up to the “Nihata” village. There is a copy in -the Sparks MSS., vol. xxviii. - -_Le Vieux Mexique avec les Costes de la Floride, par N. de Fer,_ 1705. -This extends south to the Isthmus of Panama. There is a copy in the -Sparks MSS., vol. xxviii. - -_Le Canada ou Nouvelle France_, Paris, 1705. There is a copy in the -Sparks MSS., vol. xxviii. It shows North America from Labrador to -Florida, and includes the Mississippi valley. The region west of the -Alleghanies is given to France, as well as the water-shed of the lower -St. Lawrence. - -De Fer also published, in 1717, _Le Golfe de Mexique et les provinces -et isles qui l’environne_ [sic]. - -In 1718 his _Le Cours du Mississipi ou de Saint Louis_ was published by -the Compagnie d’Occident. - -Making a part of Herman Moll’s _New and exact Map of the Dominions of -the King of Great Britain on the Continent of North America_, measuring -24 × 40 inches, issued in 1715, was a lesser draft called _Louisiana, -with the indian settlements and number of fighting men according to the -account of Capt. T. Nearn._[134] - -When Moll, in 1720, published his _New Map of the North Parts of -America claimed by France under the name of Louisiana, Mississippi, -Canada, and New France, with the adjoining territories of England and -Spain_ (measuring 24 × 40 inches), he said that a great part of it was -taken from “the original draughts of Mr. Blackmore, the ingenious Mr. -Berisford, now residing in Carolina, Capt. Nairn, and others never -before published.” He adds that the southwest part followed a map by -Delisle, published in Paris in June, 1718.[135] - -In 1719 the Sieur Diron made observations for a map preserved in -the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, _Fleuve Saint Louis, ci-devant -Mississipi_, showing the course of the river from New Orleans to -Cahokia, which was not drawn, however, till 1732.[136] About the same -time (1719-20) the surveys of M. De Sérigny were used in another map, -preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine, _Carte des Côtes -de la Louisiane depuis les bouches du Mississipi jusqu’à la baie de -Saint-Joseph_. Part of the gulf shore of this map is reproduced in -Thomassy (plate ii.). - -The year 1719 is also assigned to John Senex’s _Map of Louisiana and -the river Mississipi, most humbly inscribed to Law of Lawreston_, -measuring 22 X 19 inches.[137] - -Gerard van Keulen published at Amsterdam, in 1720, a large map, in two -sheets, _Carte de la Nouvelle France ou se voit le cours des grandes -Rivières Mississipi et S. Laurens_, with annotations on the French -fortified posts. - -At Paris, in November, 1720, De Beauvilliers took the observations of -La Harpe and drafted a _Carte nouvelle de la parte de l’ouest de la -province de la Louisiane_.[138] - -The map of Coxe’s _Carolana, 1722_, is given in fac-simile on an -earlier page (_ante_, p. 70). - -The _Memoirs of John Ker of Kersland_ (London, 1726) contain a “new map -of Louisiana, and the river Mississipi.”[139] - -The map in La Potherie’s _Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale_ -(Paris, 1722, vol. ii.), called “Carte généralle de la Nouvelle -France,” retains the misplacement of the mouths of the Mississippi, as -La Salle had conceived them to be on the western shore of the gulf, -giving the name “Baye de Spiritu Sancto” to an inlet more nearly in the -true position of its mouths. - -Thomassy[140] points out that William Darby, in his _Geographical -Description of Louisiana_ (2d ed. 1817), in reproducing Jean Baptiste -Homann’s map of Louisiana, published at Nuremberg as the earliest of -the country which he could find, was unfortunate in accepting for such -purpose a mere perversion of the earlier and original French maps. -Homann, moreover, was one of those geographers of easy conscience, -who never or seldom date a map, and the German cartographer seems in -this instance to have done little more than reëngrave the map which -accompanied the Paris publication of Joutel’s _Journal historique_, in -1713. Homann’s map, called _Amplisimæ regionis Mississipi seu Provinciæ -Ludovicianæ a Hennepin detectæ anno 1687_, was published not far from -1730, and extending so as to include Acadia, Lake Superior, and Texas, -defines the respective bounds of the English, French, and Spanish -possessions.[141] - -When Moll published his _New Survey of the Globe_, in 1729, he included -in it (no. 27) a map of New France and Louisiana, showing how they -hemmed in the English colonies. - -Henry Popple’s _Map of the British Empire in America, with the French -and Spanish Settlements adjacent thereto_, was issued in London in -twenty sheets, under the patronage of the Lords of Trade, in 1732; -and reissued in 1733 and 1740.[142] A reproduction was published at -Amsterdam, about 1737, by Covens and Mortier. Popple’s map was for the -Mississippi valley, in large part based on Delisle’s map of 1718. - -Jean Baptiste D’Anville was in the early prime of his activity when the -Delisles passed off the stage, having been born in 1697, and a long -life was before him, for he did not die till 1782, having gained the -name of being the first to raise geography to the dignity of an exact -science.[143] He had an instinct for physical geography, and gained -credit for his critical discrimination between conflicting reports, -which final surveys verified. His principal _Carte de la Louisiane_ was -issued as “Dressée en 1732; publiée en 1752.”[144] His map of _Amérique -Septentrionale_ usually bears date 1746-48; and a new draft of it, with -improvements, was published at Nuremberg in 1756. - -A map made by Dumont de Montigny about 1740, _Carte de la province de -la Louisiane, autrefois le Mississipi_, preserved in the Dépôt de la -Marine at Paris, is said by Thomassy (p. 217) to be more valuable for -its historical legends than for its geography. - -In 1744 the maps of Nicolas Bellin were attached to the _Nouvelle -France_ of Charlevoix, and they include, beside the map of North -America, a _Carte de la Louisiane, Cours du Mississipi, et pais -voisins_.[145] Bellin’s _Carte des embouchures du fleuve Saint-Louis_ -(1744) is based on a draft by Buache (1732), following an original -manuscript (1731) preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine, -in Paris. - -Bellin also dates in 1750 a _Carte de la Louisiane et des pays -voisins_, and in an atlas of his, _Amérique Septentrionale, Atlas -maritime_, published in 1764 by order of the Duc de Choiseul, Bellin -includes various other and even earlier maps of Louisiana.[146] - -Thomassy[147] also refers to a MS. map in the Bibliothèque Nationale, -_Carte de la Coste et Province de la Louisiane_, dated at New Orleans, -October 5, 1746, which is not, however, of much value. - -There is a “Carte de la Louisiane” in Dumont de Montigny’s _Mémoires -historiques de la Louisiane_, vol. i. (1753), a fac-simile of which is -given herewith. It perhaps follows the one referred to above. - -[Illustration: LOUISIANA. (_Dumont._)] - -There is on a later page a fac-simile of the map, showing the -carrying-place between the St. Lawrence and Mississippi valleys, which -appeared in the London (1747 and 1755) editions of Cadwallader Colden’s -_History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada_. - -The controversy over the bounds of the French and English possessions, -which was so unproductive of results in 1755, caused a large number -of maps to be issued, representing the interests of either side. -The French claimed in the main the water-shed of the St. Lawrence -and the lakes, and that of the Mississippi and its tributaries. The -English conceded to them a southern limit following the St. Lawrence -and the Ottawa, thence across Huron and Michigan, to the Illinois, -descending that river to the Mississippi; and consequently denied them -the southern water-shed of the St. Lawrence and most of the eastern -water-shed of the Mississippi. - -On the French side the following maps may be named:— - -The great D’Anville map, _Canada, Louisiane, et les terres anglaises_, -which was followed in the next year (1756) by D’Anville’s _Mémoire_ on -the same map; Robert de Vaugondy’s _Partie de l’Amérique Septentrionale -qui comprend le Cours de l’Ohio, la N^{lle} Angleterre, la N^{lle} -York, New Jersey, Pensylvanie, Maryland, Virginie, Caroline; Carte -Nouvelle de l’Amérique Angloise contenant le Canada, la Nouvelle -Ecosse ou Acadie, les treize Provinces unies, avec la Floride, par -Matthieu Albert Lotter_, published at Augsburg, without date; _Carte -des possessions Angloises et Françoises du Continent de l’Amérique -Septentrionale_, published by Ottens at Amsterdam, 1755; _Carte de -l’Amérique Septentrionale, par M. Bellin_, 1755; in the same year the -_Partie Orientale, et partie Occidentale de la Nouvelle France ou du -Canada_, likewise by Bellin;[148] and the _Carte de la Louisiane par -le Sieur Bellin, 1750, sur de nouvelles Observations on a corrigé les -lacs, et leurs environs, 1755; Canada et Louisiane, par le Sieur le -Rouge, ingénieur géographe du Roi_, Paris, 1755, with a marginal map of -the Mississippi River. - -In the English interests there were several leading maps: _A new and -accurate map of North America (wherein the errors of all preceding -British, French, and Dutch maps respecting the rights of Great Britain, -France, and Spain, and the limits of each of His Majesty’s Provinces -are corrected), by Huske_. This was engraved by Thomas Kitchin, and -published by Dodsley at London, 1755. It gives the names of the French -trading posts and stations. John Huske also printed _The Present -State of North America, Part I._, London, 1755, which appeared in -a 2d edition the same year with emendations, giving Huske’s map, -colored, leaving the encroachments of the French uncolored. It was also -reprinted in Boston, in the same year.[149] - -Another is _A map of the British Colonies in North America, with the -roads, distances, limits, and extent of the settlements_. This is John -Mitchell’s map, in six sheets, engraved by Kitchin, published in London -by Jefferys and Faden, 1755. John Pownall, under date of February 13, -1755, certifies to the approval of the Lords of Trade.[150] It was -reëngraved, with improvements, a year or two later, at Amsterdam, by -Covens and Mortier, under the title _Map of the British and French -Dominions in North America_, on four sheets, with marginal plans of -Quebec, Halifax, Louisbourg, etc.[151] - -Lewis Evans issued his _General Map of the Middle British Colonies -in America_ in 1755,[152] and it was forwarded to Braddock after he -had taken the field, for his assistance in entering upon the disputed -territory of the Ohio Valley,—indeed, its publication was hastened by -that event, the preface of the accompanying pamphlet being dated Aug. -9, 1755. - -[Illustration: HUSKE’S MAP, 1755. - -This is sketched from the colored folding map in John Huske’s _Present -State of North America, &c._, second edition, London, 1755. The -easterly of the two pricked (dots) lines marks the limits within which -the French claimed to confine the English seaboard colonies. Canada, -or the region north of the St. Lawrence, east of the Ottawa, and south -of the Hudson Bay Company and New Britain, together with the islands -in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the northerly coasts of Newfoundland -(to dry fish upon), constitute all that the British allowed to -France. The stars represent the forts which they had established in -the disputed territory; while the circle and dot show the frontier -fortified posts of the English, as Huske gives them. The English -claimed for the province of New York all the territory north of the -Virginia line, west of Pennsylvania, and west of the Ottawa, and south -of the Hudson Bay Company’s line. Virginia, the two Carolinas, and -Georgia extended indefinitely westward. The northern line of Virginia -was established by the charter of 1606; the southern bounds mark where -the Carolina charter of 1665 begins, and the bounds of Spanish Florida -denote that charter’s southern limit, the territory being divided -by the subsequent grant of Georgia. The space between the pricked -line, already mentioned, and the other pricked line, which follows -the Mississippi River to the north, is the land which is called in a -legend on the map the hereditary and conquered country of the Iroquois, -which had been ceded by them to the British crown by treaties and a -deed of sale (1701), and confirmed by the treaties of Utrecht and -Aix-la-Chapelle. Cf. _Description of the English and French territories -in North America, being an explanation of a new map, shewing the -encroachments of the French, with their Forts and Usurpations on the -English settlements; and the fortifications of the latter._ Dublin, -1755 (Carter-Brown, iii. 1056).] - -Jefferys pirated Evans’ map, and published it in 1758, “with -improvements by I. Gibson,” and in this form it is included in -Jefferys’ _General Topography of North America and the West Indies_, -London, 1768. Pownall, who was accused of procuring the dedication of -the original issue by “a valuable consideration” (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vii. 136), called Jefferys’ reproduction badly done, and reissued -Evans’ work in 1776, under the following title: _A map of the Middle -British Colonies in North America, first published by Mr. Lewis Evans -of Philadelphia in 1755, and since corrected and improved, as also -extended ... from actual surveys now lying at the Board of Trade, by -T. Pownall, M. P., Printed and published for J. Almon, London, March -25, 1776_. In this form the original plate was used as “Engraved by -James Turner in Philadelphia,” embodying some corrections, while the -extensions consisted of an additional engraved sheet, carrying the New -England coasts from Buzzard’s to Passamaquoddy Bay. - -A French copy, with amendments, was published in 1777.[153] - -The map was also reëngraved in London, “carefully copied from the -original published at Philadelphia by Mr. Lewis Evans.” It omits -the dedication to Pownall, and is inscribed “Printed for Carrington -Bowles, London; published, Jan. 1, 1771.” It has various legends not -on Evans’ map, and omits some details, notwithstanding its professed -correspondence. Evans had used the Greek character [Greek: ch] to -express the _gh_ of the Indian names, which is rendered in the Bowles -map _ch_. - -Another plate of Evans’ map was engraved in London, and published there -by Sayer and Bennett, Oct. 15, 1776, to show the “seat of war.” It -covers the same field as the map of 1755, and uses the same main title; -but it is claimed to have been “improved from several surveys made -after the late war, and corrected from Governor Pownall’s late map, -1776.” The side map is extended so as to include Lake Superior, and -is called “A sketch of the upper parts of Canada.” Smith (1756) says: -“Evans’ map and first pamphlet were published in the summer, 1755, and -that part in favor of the French claim to Frontenac was attacked by -two papers in the _N. Y. Mercury_, Jan. 5, 1756. This occasioned the -publication of a second pamphlet the next spring, in which he endeavors -to support his map.”[154] - -Evans’ pamphlet is called _Geographical, historical, political, -philosophical, and mechanical essays. The first, containing an analysis -of a general map of the middle British colonies in America; and of the -country of the confederate Indians_ [etc.]. Philadelphia, 1755. iv. 32 -pp. 4º. A second edition, with the title unchanged, appeared the same -year, while “Part ii.” was published in the following year.[155] - -By Gen. Shirley’s order N. Alexander made a map of the frontier posts -from New York to Virginia, which is noted in the _Catal. of the King’s -maps_ (British Museum), ii. 24. This may be a duplicate of a MS. map -said by Parkman (i. p. 422) to be in the Public Record office, _America -and West Indies_, lxxxii., showing the position of thirty-five posts -from the James River to Esopus on the Hudson. - -Le Page du Pratz gave a “Carte de la Louisiane, par l’Auteur, 1757,” in -his _Histoire de la Louisiane_ (vol. i. p. 138), a part of which map is -reproduced herewith. See also _ante_, p. 66. - -In the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1757, p. 74, is “A map of that part of -America which was the principal seat of war in 1756,” defining the -Ottawa River as the bounds under the treaty of Utrecht. - -Janvier’s _L’Amérique_, in 1760, carried the bounds of Louisiana to the -Pacific. - -Pouchot, in a letter dated at Montreal, April 14, 1758, describes a -map, which he gives in his _Mémoires_, vol. iii., where it is called -“Carte des frontières Françoises et Angloises dans le Canada depuis -Montreal jusques au Fort Du Quesne.” It is reproduced in Dr. Hough’s -translation of Pouchot, in the _Pennsylvania Archives_, second series, -vi. p. 409, and in _N. Y. Col. Hist._, vol. x. - -In 1760 Thomas Jefferys included a map of Canada and the north part -of Louisiana in _The Natural and Civil History of the French Dominion -in North and South America_, purporting to be “from the French of Mr. -D’Anville, improved with the back settlements of Virginia and course of -the Ohio, illustrated with geographical and historical remarks,” with -marginal tables of “French Incroachments,” and “English titles to their -settlements on the Continent.” This map ran the northern bounds of the -English possessions along the St. Lawrence, up the Ottawa, across the -lakes, and down the Illinois and the Mississippi. The northern bounds -of Canada follow the height of land defining the southern limits of the -Hudson Bay Company. - -After the peace of 1763, Jefferys inserted copies of this map (dated -1762) in the _Topography of North America and the West Indies_ (London, -1768), adding to it, “the boundaries of the Provinces since the -Conquest laid down as settled by the King in Council.” The map of 1762 -is reproduced in Mills’ _Boundaries of Ontario_.[156] - -Jefferys also gave in the same book (1768) a map of the mouths of the -Mississippi and the neighboring coasts, which, he says, was taken from -several Spanish and French drafts, compared with D’Anville’s of 1752 -and with P. Laval’s _Voyage à Louisiane_. - -[Illustration: LOUISIANA. (_Le Page du Pratz._)] - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -NEW ENGLAND, 1689-1763. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR, - -_The Editor_. - - -ANDROS, with Joseph Dudley and other satellites, made safe in Castle -William, the revolution in New England was accomplished, and the -veteran Simon Bradstreet was at the head of the old government on its -sudden restoration (1689) to power. - -The traditions of the charter-days were still strong among the country -people, and their deputies in the resuscitated assembly brought into -Boston the old spirit of independence to enliven the stifled atmosphere -which the royal governor had spread upon the town. The new government -was proposedly a provisional one to await the result of the revolution -which seemed impending in England. If the policy of unwavering -adherence to the old charter had been pursued with the constancy which -characterized the advocacy of Elisha Cooke, the popular tribune of the -day, the current of the New England history for the next few years -might possibly have been changed. The sturdy assumption of political -power did not follow the bold revolution which had prepared the way for -it, and, professing dependence upon the royal will, all thoughts were -now addressed to placate the new monarch, and regain by law what they -had failed to achieve by a dogged assertion of right. King William, -of whose accession they soon were notified, unhesitatingly, but for -temporary service, confirmed the existing rulers.[157] - -A command came for Andros to be sent to England, with a presentation -of charges against him, and it was obeyed.[158] Increase Mather had -already gone there to join Ashurst, the resident agent of the colony, -and the people were not without hope that through the urgency of these -representatives the restitution of the old charter might be confirmed. -Subsequently Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes were despatched to reinforce -the others. Mather, either because he felt the project a vain one, -or because he hoped, under a new deal, to be better able to direct -affairs, was favoring a new charter. - -[Illustration - -This follows the map in the Amsterdam ed. (1688) of Richard Blome’s -_L’Amérique, traduit de l’Anglois_. This is a different map (on a -larger scale) from the one in the original English edition of Blome. -See reference to the map given in Mather’s _Magnalia_ (1702) in Vol. -III. p. 345. This map is reproduced in Cassell’s _United States_, i. -pp. 492, 516. - -Douglass, with some excess, again speaks of Mather’s map (_Summary_, -etc., i. 362) “as composed from some old rough drafts of the first -discoverers, with obsolete names not known at this time, and has scarce -any resemblance of the country,” and he calls Cyprian Southack’s maps -and charts even worse. For Southack see _Mem. Hist. of Boston_.] - -Plymouth, which had never had a royal charter, was endeavoring, through -the agency of Ichabod Wiswall,[159] the minister of Duxbury, who had -been sent over to protect their interests, to make the most of the -present opportunity and get a favorable recognition from the king. -Between a project of annexation to New York and Mather’s urging of an -alternative annexation to the Bay, the weaker colony fared hard, and -its ultimate fate was fashioned against its will. In the counsels of -the four agents Cooke was strenuous for the old charter at all hazards, -and Oakes sustained him. Mather’s course was professedly a politic -one. He argued finally that a chance for the old charter was gone, -and that it would be wiser to succumb in season to the inevitable, -in order better to direct progress. When it came to a petition for a -new charter, Oakes so far smothered his sentiments as to sign it with -Mather; but Cooke held out to the last. - -[Illustration: ELISHA COOKE, THE ELDER. - -This follows a red-chalk drawing in the gallery of the American -Antiquarian Society, which had belonged to the Rev. William Bentley, of -Salem, who was born in Boston in 1759, and died in Salem in 1819.] - -Meanwhile, Massachusetts was governing itself, and had enough to do -in looking after its frontiers, particularly at the eastward, where -the withdrawal of the troops which Andros had placed there became the -signal for Indian outbreaks. New Hampshire, weak in her isolation, -petitioned to be taken under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and -was (March 19, 1690) for the time being annexed.[160] Connecticut, -destined to save her charter by delays and a less fiery spirit, entered -upon a career characterized in the main by dignified quiet. Though she -participated in some of the tumult of the recurrent Indian wars, and -let her bitterness against episcopacy sometimes lead to violent acts, -she had an existence of much more content than fell to the lot of the -other New England colonies.[161] - -The first momentous event which the restored governments had to -encounter was the disastrous expedition which Phips led against -Quebec, in 1690. With confident hope, the fleet on the 8th of August -sailed from Boston harbor, and the whole community for three months -waited for news with great solicitude. Scarce three weeks had -passed when Sewall records (August 28) that they got from Albany -intelligence of the Mohawks’ defection, which, as he writes, “puts -a great damp here to think that our fleet should be disappointed of -their expected aid.”[162] Apprehension of some more imminent danger -grew throughout the colony. In September they placed watches at night -throughout Boston, and gave as watchwords “Schenectady” and “Salmon -Falls,”—fearful reminders.[163] One night at Charlestown there was an -alarm because Indians were seen in their back fields,—they proved to -be runaway servants. Again, the home guard, eight companies, trained -another day. At last tidings came from Plymouth of certain losses -which the contingent of that colony, among the forces acting at the -eastward, had suffered, news whereof had reached them. This and other -matters were made the grounds of an attempt to found a regular channel -of communicating the current reports, which in a little sheet called -_Publick Occurrences_ was issued at Boston, Thursday, September 25, -the precursor of the American newspaper. It told the people of various -incidents of their every-day life, and warned them of its purpose to -prevent false reports, and to correct the spirit of lying, “which -prevails among us.” It represented that “the chief discourse of this -month” was the ill-success of the expedition, which, under the command -of Gen. Winthrop, of Connecticut, had attempted to advance on Montreal -by way of Lake Champlain, to distract the enemy’s attention in that -direction while Phips ascended the St. Lawrence.[164] - -About six weeks later, on Friday, November 7, word came to the governor -from Salem of the disastrous events in the St. Lawrence and the -discomfiture of Phips.[165] - -The unfortunate expedition had cost Massachusetts £50,000, and while -the colony was devising an illusory scheme of paper money as a quick -way of gathering taxes, Phips slipped off to England, with the hope -that his personal explanations would assist in inducing the home -government to lend a helping hand in some future attempt. - -When Phips reached England he found that Mather had done good -work in preventing the reinstalling of Andros, as at one time was -threatened.[166] - -Memorials and counter-memorials, printed and manuscript, were pressed -upon Parliament, by which that body was now urged to restore, and now -implored to deny, the vacated charter. It was at this juncture that -Mather, with two other agents, petitioned the king for a new charter; -and the law officers reporting favorably, the plan had already been -committed to the Lords of Trade at the time when Phips appeared in -London. With the assent of the king, the framing of a new charter was -entrusted to Sir George Treby, the Attorney General, who was instructed -to fortify the royal prerogative, and to make the jurisdiction include -not only Massachusetts, but the territory of New Plymouth and all that -region, or the better part of it, lying east of the present State of -New Hampshire, and stretching from the St. Lawrence to the Atlantic. - -It was the dawn of a new existence, in which the province, as it now -came to be called, was to be governed by a royal governor, sent to -enforce the royal prerogative, to administer the navigation laws in -the interests of British merchants, to gratify the sectaries of the -Established Church, and to embarrass the old-fashioned theocracy. The -chief power reserved to the people was that of the purse,—an important -one in any event, and one that the legislative assembly knew how to -wield, as the years which followed proved. - -Mather professed to think the new charter—and it perhaps was—the best -result, under the circumstances, to be attained. He talked about the -colony still having a chance of assuming the old charter at some more -opportune moment. Cooke, the champion of the old conditions, was by no -means backed in his opposition by a unanimity of feeling in the colony -itself; for many of the later comers, generally rich, were become -advocates of prerogative, and lived in the hope of obtaining more -consequence under a changed order of society. Connecticut and Rhode -Island were content, meanwhile, with the preservation of their own -chartered autonomy, such as it was. - -Thus affairs were taking a turn which made Phips forget the object of -his visit. Mather seems to have been prepared for the decision, and was -propitiated also by the promise of being allowed to nominate the new -governor and his subordinates. Phips had been Mather’s parishioner in -Boston, and was ambitious enough to become his creature, if by doing -so he could secure preferment. So Sir William Phips was commissioned -Governor; and as a sort of concession to the clerical party, of which -Mather himself was the leader in Boston, William Stoughton was made -Lieutenant-Governor. Isaac Addington became Secretary. Bradstreet was -appointed first assistant. Danforth, Oakes, and Cooke, the advocates of -the old charter, were forgotten in the distribution of offices. - -On Tuesday, January 26, 1692, Robin Orchard came to Boston from Cape -Cod, bringing tidings that Capt. Dolberry’s London packet was at anchor -in the harbor now known as Provincetown, and that she had brought the -news of the appointment of Phips under a new charter.[167] - -Boston was at this time the most considerable place in the New -World, and she probably had not far from 7,000 inhabitants; while -Massachusetts, as now constituted, included 75 towns, of which 17 -belonged to Plymouth. Within this enlarged jurisdiction the population -ranged somewhere between 60,000 and 100,000,—for estimates widely -vary. Out of this number twenty-eight persons had been chosen to -make the governor’s council, but their places were to be made good -at subsequent elections by the assembly, though the governor could -negative any objectionable candidate; and the joint approval of the -governor and council was necessary to establish the members of the -judiciary. The acts of the legislature could for cause be rejected by -the Privy Council any time within three years, and to it they must -be regularly submitted for approval; and this proved to be no merely -formal action. It meant much. - -These conditions created a new political atmosphere for Massachusetts. -Religion and politics had in the old days gone hand in hand, and the -little book which Joshua Scottow, one of the old patriarchs, now -printed, _Old Men’s Tears_, forcibly reminded them of the change. -The community was more and more engrossed with trade; and those that -concerned themselves with politics were not near so closely of one -mind as formerly; and there was lacking that invigorating motive of -saving their charter which had so unified the thoughts and banded the -energies of the community in former years. - -On the 14th of May, 1692, the “Nonesuch” frigate cast anchor in -Boston harbor. When Phips and Mather disembarked, eight companies of -soldiers received and escorted them to their respective houses. “Made -no volleys, because ‘twas Satterday night,” says Sewall, recording the -event.[168] The ceremony of inauguration was no sooner over than all -parties began to take their bearings; and Mather, not long after,[169] -in an election sermon, took occasion to defend the policy of his recent -mission. It remained to be seen how much the province was to gain from -its closer connection with the home government. Was it to claim and -secure larger assistance in repressing Indian outbreaks and repelling -French encroachments?—for these things were brought home to them by -the arrival of every messenger from the frontiers, by the surveillance -under which they had put all Frenchmen who chanced to be in their -seaports, and by the loads of wine-casks which paraded the streets of -Boston when the “Swan” (September 20, 1692) brought in a French prize. -It was not till October 23d that Cooke and Oakes reached home, and the -old-charter party had once more its natural leaders; Cooke, at least, -bringing to it the influence of wealth.[170] - -[Illustration: THE PROVINCE SEAL. - -This is the form of the Great Seal of Massachusetts, used in the time -of George I. It was recut, and the name of the monarch changed under -George II. This last design will be found in the _Massachusetts House -Doc._, no. 345 (1885), being a report on the Arms and Great Seal of -Massachusetts. Here, as in the _Heraldic Journal_, vols. i. and ii., -the private seals of the royal governors are given, which were used in -sealing military commissions.] - -In the sermon to which reference has just been made, Mather showed -that, however he had carried many of his own points, he had failed -in some that much troubled him. The change in the qualification of -electors from church membership to the condition of freeholders -was alarming to those of the old theocratic sentiments. It meant a -diminution of their influence, and that the 120 churches in New England -(of which 80 were in Massachusetts) were to direct much less than -formerly the legislation of the people. The possible three years which -a law might live before the home-veto came must be made the most of. -Using his influence with Phips, Mather dictated the choice of the -first corporation of Harvard College, freshly chartered under the new -rule, and without waiting for the confirmation of the Privy Council, -who might well be thought to be opposed to a charter for the college -which did not provide some check in a board of visitors, he caused -himself, very likely in a passive way, to be made its first Doctor of -Divinity, but his admirers and creatures knew the reward he expected. -We think, however, to-day less of the legislation which gave such a -title to their great man than we do of the smaller ambitions by which -the assembly of the province about the same time were originating our -public-school system. - -The governor, in his communication to the General Court, reminded them -of the royal recommendation that they should fix by law a fitting -salary for the chief executive. It raised a point that Elisha Cooke -was in wait for. Under his instigation, the plan was devised of -substituting an annual grant, which might be raised or lowered, as -circumstances warranted, and as was necessary to vindicate one of the -few rights left to them by the charter. It was the beginning of a -conflict that recurred with each successive governor as he attempted to -force or cajole the representatives into some recognition of the royal -wish. - -The baleful influence of the Mathers—for the son Cotton was now -conspicuous—conduced to commit the unwary Phips to instituting a -court, which disgraced itself by the judicial murders attending the -witchcraft frenzy; and in the midst of all, Sir Francis Wheeler’s -crippled fleet arrived from the West Indies (June 11, 1693), having -lost more than half its men by disease. The fear of infection almost -caused a panic among the inhabitants of Boston when, two days later, -Wheeler anchored his frigates off Noddle’s Island. Ten days afterwards -their commander was entertained at Cambridge by the governor, and by -Mather as president of the college. - -Connecticut was in the mean while serving both Massachusetts on -the east and New York on the west. She sent troops to help defend -the eastern dependencies of the Bay. On the retreat of Winthrop’s -expedition, New York appealed to Connecticut for help, and she afforded -it; but when Governor Fletcher, of New York, came to Hartford and -claimed command of her militia, she resisted his pretensions, and, as -the story goes, drowned the reading of his proclamation by a vigorous -beating of drums.[171] Fitz-John Winthrop was sent to England to -compose matters, and it ended in Connecticut placing 120 men at the -disposal of the New York governor, while she retained command of her -home forces, and Winthrop became in turn her governor. - -Phips too went to England, but on a mission not so successful. His -testy character had early imperilled his administration. He got into -a quarrel with Fletcher, of New York, and he yielded to passions -which brought undignified encounters even in the public streets. -Representations of such conduct did not fail to reach the king, and -Phips was commanded to appear in his own defence. His friends had -endeavored to force an address through the House of Representatives, -praying the king not to remove him; but it was defeated by the united -action of members from Boston, many of whom represented country towns. -The governor’s friends resorted to a specious device which appealed -to the local pride of the country; and, by the urgency of Mather and -others, a bill requiring the representatives to be residents of the -town they sat for was forced through the House.[172] With an assembly -constituted under the new rule, a bare majority was secured for the -address, and Phips took it with him. - -Before much progress could be made in the investigation, after his -arrival in London, he died on February 18, 1694-5.[173] The news did -not reach Boston till early in May. “People are generally sad,” says -Sewall. “Cousin Hall says the talk is Mr. Dudley will be governor,” and -the next day mourning guns were fired at the Castle.[174] - -Joseph Dudley’s hour of pride was not yet come, though he had -intrigued for appointment even before Phips’s death. The protests of -Ashurst and Constantine Phipps, the colony’s agents in London, were -effectual; and the king was by no means prepared as yet to alienate the -feelings of his New England subjects in order to gratify the avenging -spirit of Dudley. That recusant New Englander was put off with the -lieutenant-governorship of the Isle of Wight, a position which he held -for nine years. - -The government in Boston upon Phips’s leaving had legally fallen -into the hands of that old puritan, the lieutenant-governor, William -Stoughton, and in his charge it was to remain for four years and more -(November, 1694, to May 26, 1699). It was a period which betokened -a future not significant of content. It was not long before Thomas -Maule could call the ministers and magistrates hard names, and with -his quick wit induce a jury to acquit him.[175] But the spirit of -Parliament could not be so easily thwarted. As colonists, they had -long known what restrictive acts the mother country could impose on -their trade in the interests of the stay-at-home merchants, who were -willing to see others break the soil of a new country, whose harvests -they had no objection to reap. The Parliament of the Commonwealth -had first (1651) taken compulsory steps, and the government of the -Restoration was not more sparing of the colonists. King William’s -Parliament increased the burden, and the better to enforce observance -of its laws they established a more efficient agency of espionage than -the Plantation Committee of the Privy Council had been, by instituting -a new commission in the Lords of Trade (1696), and had followed it -up by erecting a Court of Admiralty (1697) to adjudicate upon its -restrictive measures.[176] About the same time (1696) they set up Nova -Scotia, which had been originally included in the Massachusetts charter -of 1691, as a royal province. The war which was waging with France -served somewhat to divert attention from these proceedings. French -privateers were hovering round the coast, and Boston was repairing her -defences.[177] Not a packet came into the Bay from England, but there -was alarm, and alertness continued till the vessel’s peaceful character -was established. News was coming at one time of Frontenac’s invasion -of New York, and at another of Castin’s successes at the eastward. In -August, 1696, when Captain Paxton brought word to Boston of Chub’s -surrender of Pemaquid, five hundred men were mustered, but they reached -Penobscot only to see the French sailing away, and so returned to -Boston unrewarded. The enemy also fell on the Huguenot settlement at -Oxford, Mass., and the inhabitants abandoned it.[178] When the aged -Bradstreet was buried,[179] they had to forego the honor they would pay -his memory in mourning guns, because of the scarcity of powder; and -good people rejoiced and shivered as word came in June of the scalping -exploit of Hannah Dustin at Haverhill, in the preceding March. In -the autumn (November 4) there was nothing in all this to prevent the -substantial loyalty of the people showing itself in a celebration of -the king’s birthday. The Boston town house was illuminated, and the -governor and council went with trumpets to Cotton Hill[180] to see the -fireworks “let fly,” as they said. No word had yet come of the end of -the war, which had been settled by the peace of Ryswick in September. -A month later (December 9, 1697) Captain Gillam arrived at Marblehead -from London, and the next day, amid the beat of drum and the blare of -trumpet, between three and four in the afternoon, the proclamation -of the peace was made in Boston. The terms of that treaty were not -reassuring for New England. A restitution of captured lands and ports -on either side was made by it; but the bounds of Acadia were not -defined, and the Sagadahock country became at once disputed ground. The -French claimed that it had been confirmed to them by the treaties of -St. Germain (1632) and Breda (1668); but the Lords of Trade urged the -province to rebuild the forts at Pemaquid, and maintain an ascendency -on the spot. - -[Illustration: BELLOMONT. - -This follows a contemporary engraving preserved in Harvard College -library, which is inscribed: “His Excellencie Richard Coote. Earle of -Bellomont, Governour of New England, New York and New Hampshire, and -Vice Admirall of those seas.” Cf. the picture of doubtful authenticity -in the _Memorial History of Boston_, ii. p. 175.] - -As early as August, 1695, word had come that Richard Coote, the Earl -of Bellomont, was to be the new governor of Massachusetts. Later -it was said that he would not arrive till spring; and when spring -came the choice had not even been determined upon. It was not till -November, 1697, that he was commissioned governor of New York, New -Jersey, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. He landed in New York on the -2d of April, 1698, and on the 12th a sloop reached Boston, bringing -tidings of his arrival, and three days later the council received a -communication from him. For a year and more he stayed in New York, -sending his instructions to Stoughton, who as lieutenant-governor -directed the council’s action. On the 26th of May, 1699, the governor -reached Boston;[181] and it was not long before he manifested his -sympathy with the party of which Elisha Cooke was the leader. This -gentleman, who was so obnoxious to the Mather party, had been negatived -by Phips, when chosen to the council; but on Phips’s withdrawal, his -election had escaped a veto, and he now sat at the council board. -Mather had succeeded, in 1697, in forcing upon the legislature a -charter, in the main of his own drafting, which gave to Harvard College -the constitution that he liked, but he manœuvred in vain to secure his -own appointment from the General Court to proceed to England to solicit -the sanction of the Privy Council; and it was not long before he found -that the new governor had vetoed his charter, and in 1701 the assembly -legislated him out of office, as the president of the college. - -This first blow to the dominance of the Mathers was reassuring, and -Bellomont was a leader for the new life to rally about.[182] He was a -man of complacent air. He liked, if we may believe him, to hear sermons -well enough to go to King’s Chapel on Sundays, and to the meeting-house -for the Thursday lectures. He could patronize the common people with -a sufficient suavity; and when the General Court, after their set -purpose, voted him a present instead of a salary, if he was not much -pleased, he took his £1,000 as the best substitute he could get for the -£1,200 which he preferred. - -Boston, with its 7,000 inhabitants, was not so bad a seat of a -viceroyalty, after all, for a poor earl, who had a living to make, and -was debarred the more lucrative methods of trade. He reported back to -the Lords of Trade abundant figures of what he found to be the town’s -resources and those of his government; but the favor which he was -receiving from the good people might have been less had they known that -these same reports of his set forth his purpose to find Englishmen, -rather than New Englanders, for the offices in his gift. - -We have also at this time the report which the scurrilous Ned Ward made -of the puritan town and its people;[183] but it is not well to believe -all of his talk about the innocence of doves and the subtile wiles of -serpents, though life in Boston was not without its contrasts, as we -look back upon it now. Samuel Sewall, her first abolitionist, was even -then pointing the finger of doom to the insidious evil in his _Selling -of Joseph_. Not altogether foreign to the thoughts of many were the -political possibilities of the coming century, when on New Year’s Day, -1701, the bellman’s clangor was heard, as he toned Sewall’s memorial -verses through the streets. There was a certain fitness in the century -being ushered in, for New England at least, by the man who was to -make posterity best acquainted with its life, and who as a circuit -judge, coursing statedly the country ways, saw more to portray than -any one else. Sewall was an honest man, if in many respects a petty -one. He had figured in one of the noblest spectacles ever seen in the -self-willed puritan capital, when on a fast day, January 14, 1697, he -had stood up in the meeting-house, and had listened with bowed head to -the reading of his penitential confession for the sin of his complicity -in the witchcraft trials. Stoughton, the lieutenant-governor, and -chief justice of those trials, was quite another type of the puritan -fatalist, from whom it was futile to expect a like contrition; and -when, at a later day (December 25, 1698), Stoughton invited to dinner -the council and omitted Sewall, who was one of them, one might fancy -the cause was in no pleasant associations with the remembrance of that -scene in Parson Willard’s meeting-house. It is characteristic of Sewall -that this social slight oppressed him for fear that Bellomont, who had -not yet come, might hear of it, and count him less! But poor Sewall was -a man whom many things disturbed, whether it was that to mock him some -one scattered a pack of playing-cards in his fore-yard, or that some of -the godly chose to wear a wig![184] - -[Illustration: SAMUEL SEWALL. - -This follows the steel engraving in _Sewall Papers_, vol. i. There -is another likeness in _N. E. H. & Gen. Reg._, i. 105. Cf. also -Higginson’s _Larger Hist. United States_, p. 208.] - -The smiting of the Mathers, to which reference has been made, was a -business of serious moment to those theocrats. Whoever was not in -sympathy with their protests fared badly in their mouths. “Mr. Cotton -Mather,” records Sewall (October 20, 1701), “came to Mr. Wilke’s shop, -and there talked very sharply against me, as if I had used his father -worse than a neger; spoke so loud that people in the street might hear -him.” There is about as near an approach to conscious pleasantry as we -ever find in Sewall when, writing, some days later, that he had sent -Mr. Increase Mather a haunch of very good venison, he adds, “I hope in -that I did not treat him as a negro.” - -The Mathers were praised highly and blamed sharply in their lifetime, -and have been since. There can be little dispute about what they did -and what they said; they were outspoken enough to make their motives -and feelings palpable. It is as one makes or refuses allowances for -their times that the estimate of their value to their generation is -scaled. None ever needed allowances more. They had no conception of -those influences which place men in relation to other times than their -own. There was in their minds no plane higher than the existence around -them,—no plane to which the man of all times leads his contemporaries. -Matherism, which was to them their life, was to others a domination, -the long-suffering of which, by their coevals, to us of to-day is a -study. It would be unjust to say that this mighty influence had not -been often of great good; but the gentle observer of an historic -character does not contentedly witness outbursts of selfish arrogance, -canting humiliation, boastful complacency, to say nothing of social -impertinences and public indelicacies, and the bandying of opprobrious -epithets in controversy. With this there was indeed mingled much for -which New England had reason to be grateful. Increase Mather had a -convenient astuteness, which was exerted not infrequently to her no -small gain. He had learning, which usually left his natural ability and -his education free from entanglements. It was too often quite otherwise -with his son Cotton, whose reading smothered his faculties, though he -had a native power that occasionally got the upper hand. Between them -they gathered a library, which, as John Dunton said, was the glory -of New England. The awe which Increase inspired knew little of that -lurking rebellion which the too pitiful arrogance of Cotton incited; -for the father was essentially a strong and politic man, and though his -domination was waning outwardly in 1700, he had the ability to compel -the Boston press into a refusal to print the _Gospel Order Revised_, -which his opponents had written in answer to his _Order of the Gospel_, -and to force his adversaries to flee to New York to find a printer.[185] - -The old Mather theocracy was attacked on two sides. There was, in -the first place, the defection within the old New England orthodoxy, -by which an independent spirit had established a church. From the -published manifesto of its principles this came to be known as the -“Manifesto Church,” and it had invited Benjamin Colman home from -England to become its pastor,[186] who, to avoid difficulties, had been -ordained in England. He first preached in November, 1699. In the second -place, the organization of the Church of England, which had begun in -Andros’s time, was gathering strength, though Sewall got what comfort -he could from the fact that Mr. Maccarty’s shop and others were not -closed on Christmas Day. Attempts had been made to divert the funds -of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England from -their application to the needs of the Indians, to strengthen the new -Episcopal movement; and the failure to do this, as well as a spirit to -emulate the missionary enterprise of the French, had instigated the -formation of a new Society in England for Propagating the Gospel in -Foreign Parts; but it was not long before its resources were turned -into channels which nurtured the Episcopal movement and the royal -authority. Strong contrasts to the simplicity of the old order were -increasing; and it was not without misgivings that the old people had -seen Benjamin Wadsworth, the new associate pastor of the First Church, -inducted (1696) into office with an unusual formal parade. Thus the -humble manners of the past were becoming in large degree a memory; and -when, a little later (June 1, 1702), the new queen was proclaimed, -and the representatives were allowed to precede the ministers in the -procession, the wail in Sewall’s diary, as well as when he notices the -raising of colors at the Castle on the Lord’s Day, betokens in another -way the order of things which the new charter was making possible. - -While in Massachusetts the defection grew, in Connecticut the old -order was entrenching itself in the founding of Yale College, -first at Saybrook, and later at New Haven, which was destined, as -Harvard declined in the estimation of the orthodox, to become the -rallying-point of the old school.[187] - -In Rhode Island matters went on much as the heterogeneous composition -of that colony necessarily determined. Bellomont could find little good -to report of her people, and the burden of his complaint to the Lords -of Trade touched their propensity to piracy, their evasion of the laws -of trade, and the ignorance of the officials. - -Bellomont had returned to his government in New York when, on the 5th -of March, 1701, he died. It took ten days for the news to reach Boston -(March 15), and four days later (March 19) word came by the roundabout -channel of Virginia of the declaration of war between England and -France. In the midst of the attendant apprehension, on April 7th, -mourning guns were fired for the dead governor at the Sconce and at the -Castle, and the artillery company gave three volleys in the middle of -the town, Col. Townshend, as Sewall in his antipathy does not fail to -record, wearing a wig! - -When Bellomont had left for New York in May, 1700, the immediate charge -of the government had again fallen upon Stoughton. He did not long -survive his chief, and died July 7, 1701, in his seventieth year,[188] -and from this time to the coming of Dudley the council acted as -executive. - -It was on Joseph Dudley, to a large party the most odious of all New -Englanders, the ally of Andros, that the thoughts of all were now -turned. It was known that he had used every opportunity to impress upon -the king his fitness to maintain the royal prerogative and protect the -revenue in New England. The people of Boston had not seen him for about -ten years. In 1691 he had landed there on his way to New York, where -he was to serve as a councillor; and during that and the following -year he had made some unobtrusive visits to his home in Roxbury, till, -in 1693, he was recalled to England to be made lieutenant-governor of -the Isle of Wight. With the death of Bellomont his hopes again rose. -Ashurst, as the senior of the Massachusetts agents, still opposed him, -though his associate, Constantine Phipps,[189] was led to believe that -the king might do worse than appoint the aspirant. Dudley was not -deficient in tact, and he got some New Englanders who chanced to be in -England to recommend him; and a letter, which he used to some purpose, -came not surprisingly, considering his lineage, from Cotton Mather, -saying quite enough in Dudley’s praise. Elisha Cooke and his friends -were not ignorant of such events, and secured the appointment of Wait -Winthrop as agent to organize a fresh opposition to Dudley’s purposes. -It was too late. The letters which Dudley offered in testimony were -powerful enough to remove the king’s hesitancy, and Dudley secured his -appointment, which, on the death of the king a few days later, was -promptly confirmed by Anne.[190] - -The news of the king’s death and the accession of the queen reached -Boston, by way of Newfoundland, on the 28th of May, 1702.[191] The new -monarch was at once proclaimed from the town house, and volleys of -guns and the merriment of carouse marked a new reign. How New England -was to find the change was soon sharply intimated. Amid it all tidings -came of the capture of three Salem ketches by the Cape Sable Indians. -Later in the same day the eyes of Madam Bellingham, the relict of an -early governor, were closed in death, severing one of the last links -of other days. Her death was to most a suggestive accompaniment of the -mischance which now placed in the governor’s chair the recusant son of -Thomas Dudley, that other early governor. - -A fortnight later (June 10, 1702), the ship “Centurion,” having Joseph -Dudley on board, put in at Marblehead, and the news quickly travelled -to Boston. The next day a committee of the council went in Captain -Croft’s pinnace to meet him, and they boarded the “Centurion” just -outside Point Alderton. Dudley received them on deck, arrayed in a -very large wig, as Sewall sorrowfully noted while making him a speech. -They saw another man whom they had not heard of, one Thomas Povey, -who was to be their lieutenant governor, and to have charge of their -Castle. They saw, too, among the passengers, George Keith, the whilom -quaker, who was come over on £200 salary, very likely paid by the -Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, to convert -as many as he could to prelacy.[192] Sewall was not happy during that -day of compliments. The party landed at Scarlet’s Wharf amid salvos of -artillery, and under escort of the council and the town regiment they -proceeded to the town house, where the commissions were published and -all “had a large treat,” as Sewall says. Major Hobby’s coach, with six -horses, was at the door, a guard of horsemen wheeled into ranks, and so -Dudley went to that Roxbury home, whence, as many remembered, he had -been taken to be imprisoned. - -Dudley was not deficient in confidence and forwardness; but he had no -easy task before him. He naturally inclined to the faction of which -Byfield and Leverett were leaders; but the insidious and envious Cotton -Mather, taking him into his confidence, warned him of these very -people. Dudley told them of the warning, and it was not long before the -sanctimonious Mather was calling his excellency a “wretch.” - -When Dudley made his opening address to the General Court,[193] -he could not refrain from saying some things that were not very -conciliatory. There were two points on which he raised issues, which he -never succeeded in compassing. One of these was a demand for a stated -salary. The assembly answered it with a present of £500 against the -£1,000 which they had given to Bellomont. No urgency, no threats, no -picturing the displeasure of the Crown, could effect his purpose.[194] -The war which he waged with the representatives never, as long as the -province existed, ended in a peace, though there was an occasional -truce under pressure of external dangers. - -Another of Dudley’s pleas was for the rebuilding of the fort at -Pemaquid, to secure possession of the disputable territory between the -Kennebec and Acadia.[195] The deputies were immovable. If the Crown -wished to secure that region, it must do it by other sacrifices than -those of New England. - -Thus thwarted, Dudley could make them feel that the royal governor -had some prerogatives; and so he rejected the councillors which the -deputies accredited. All of this thrust and parry was of course -duly reported by Dudley to the home government. The situation was -perplexing in the extreme, quite as much so to the governor as to the -people, who reluctantly received him. It was for the interests of -both that the war against the French should not flag, and money was -necessary, but the governor claimed the direction of expenditures, -while the representatives stood aloof and firm on the “privilege and -right of English subjects to raise and dispose of money, according to -the present exigency of affairs.” With the clergy and the ministers, -Dudley was not less unhappily placed. His interests turned him to the -church people, but they could not find that his profession had any -constancy. His lineage placed him with the Congregationalists, and -he once had the ministry in view, but his sympathies went altogether -with the new school, of which Stoddard, of Northampton, was leader -in the west, while Colman, the Leveretts, and the Brattles were the -spokesmen in Boston. In the election of a president for Harvard, -Dudley favored Leverett, the successful candidate, and made a Latin -speech at his installation,[196] and Cotton Mather writhed at the -disappointment of his own hopes. The governor encountered (1708), for -his decisive opposition to the Mathers, a terrible but overwrought -letter from the father, and a livelier epistle from the son. He showed -in his reply a better temper, if nothing more.[197] In the opinion -of all honest patriots, of whatever party, Dudley was later found in -company which raised suspicions. The conflict with France begat, as -wars do, a band of miscreants ever ready to satisfy their avarice by -trading with the enemy and furnishing them with arms. Dudley did not -escape suspicion, and he experienced some of the bitterest abuse in -talk and pamphlet,[198] though the council and the House, the latter -after some hesitancy, pronounced the charges against him a “scandalous -accusation.” It can hardly be determined that he was implicated, and -Palfrey gives him the benefit of the doubt.[199] - -[Illustration: JEAN BAPTISTE HERTEL, SEIGNEUR DE ROUVILLE. - -This likeness of the leader of the assault on Deerfield follows one -given in Daniel’s _Nos Gloires Nationales_, i. p. 278, where is an -account of the Hertel family. He was thirty-four at the time of his -attack.] - -The war was a fearful one. In 1703, month by month fresh tidings of -its horrors among the frontier towns reached Boston. In January it was -of Berwick, in Maine. In February came sad tidings from Haverhill. In -March there was the story of Deerfield, and how Hertel de Rouville had -dashed upon the village. With the early summer Dudley went to Canso -to confer with the Indians (June 20); and not long after (July 8), -Bombazeen, a noted Indian, appeared in Boston with rumors of the French -landing near Pemaquid. In August there were sad messages from Wells, -and Capt. Southack was sent off by sea with chaplain and surgeon. With -all this need of her troops at home, the colony also despatched two -companies of foot to help the British forces at Jamaica. Samuel Sewall -mourned as ever, when on Sunday (April 23, 1704) great guns at the -Castle signalized the Coronation-Day. “Down Sabbath! Up St. George!” he -says. The very next day the first number of the _Boston News-Letter_ -(April 24)[200] brought to the minister’s study and to his neighbor’s -keeping-room the gossip and news of the town which was witnessing this -startling proof of progress. Ten days later Dudley signed Benjamin -Church’s instructions (May 4), and the old soldier, whose exploits -in Philip’s war were not forgotten, set off by land to Piscataqua, -where he was met by Cyprian Southack in his brigantine, who carried -him to the eastern garrisons. In the _News-Letter_, people read of the -tribulations at Lancaster; of the affairs at Port Royal; of the new -cannon which Dudley got from England for the Castle; of the French -captives, whose presence in Boston so disturbed the selectmen that they -petitioned the governor to restrain the strangers, and whose imagined -spiritual needs prompted Cotton Mather to print in his tentative French -his _Le vrai patron des saines paroles_. - -News of this sort was varied by a rumor (December 18, 1705), which a -sloop from the English Plymouth had brought, that Sir Charles Hobby -was to be made governor,—which meant that the agents of the colony -in London were trying to oust Dudley with a new man; but in this they -failed. - -[Illustration] - -The war made little progress. The expedition against Port Royal in -1707 was a failure, and the frontier towns were still harassed. The -news of Marlborough’s victories was inspiriting, and Boston could name -a part of its main thoroughfare after the great soldier; but while -she planted guns on her out-wharves and hoisted a tar-barrel to her -beacon’s top, and while Colonel Vetch marshalled her troops,[201] she -waited in vain for the English army to arrive, in concert with which -the New England forces were to make a renewed attack on Port Royal in -1709. Rhode Island sent her war-vessels and two hundred men, and they -too lay listlessly in Nantasket roads. Schuyler, of Albany, meanwhile -started to conduct four Mohawks or Maqua chiefs to England, where -he hoped to play upon the imagination of the queen; and in August, -while the weary New Englanders were waiting for the signal to embark, -Schuyler brought the savages to Boston, and Colonel Hobby’s regiment -was mustered for their diversion.[202] Very likely they were taken to -see the “celebrated Cotton Mather,” as the man who had not long before -“brought in another tongue to confess the great Saviour of the world,” -as he himself said of a tract in the language of the Iroquois, which -he had printed in Boston (1707) and supplied to the Dutch and English -traders among that people. Distractions and waiting wore away the time; -but the English forces never came, and another Port Royal attempt -proved wretchedly futile. - -That autumn (October, 1709) the New England governors met at Rehoboth, -and prepared an address to the queen urging another attempt. In the -face of these events the Massachusetts colony had to change its London -agent. Sir Henry Ashurst died, and the House would have chosen Sir -William Ashurst against Dudley’s protest, if Sir William would have -accepted. They now selected their own Jeremiah Dummer, but against his -desires. - -The year 1710 opened with rumors from Albany about preparations in -Canada for an onset along the frontier, and it was not till July -(15) that flags and guns at the Castle and Sconce, with drum-beats -throughout the streets, told the expectant Bostonians that General -Nicholson, who was to head a new expedition, had arrived. It was -candle-light before he landed, and the letters and despatches at once -busied the government. A little later the council (July 24) entertained -that commander, with Vetch and Hobby, at the Green Dragon Tavern; and -four days afterwards Governor Saltonstall, from Connecticut, reached -Boston, and the contingent of that colony, three hundred men, was on -the spot in four weeks from the warning. In September the armament -sailed,—twelve ships-of-war and twenty-four transports, of which -fourteen carried Massachusetts troops, two New Hampshire, three Rhode -Island, and five those of Connecticut. On the 26th of October (1710), -Nicholson and his force were back in Boston, flushed with the triumph -which the capitulation of Port Royal had given them.[203] The town had -need of some such divertissement. There had been a scarcity of grain, -and when Captain Belcher attempted to despatch a ship laden with it -the mob cut her rudder, and the excitement had not passed without more -or less inflaming of the passions. The circle of Matherites had also -disturbed the equanimity of the liberals in theology by an anonymous -document, _Question and Proposals_, which aimed at ecclesiasticising -everybody and everything,—a stroke of a dying cause. There was an -antagonist equal to the occasion in John Wise, of Ipswich, and the -Mather dynasty had less chance of revival after Wise’s book _The -Churches’ Quarrel Espoused_ was launched upon the town.[204] - -Nicholson, again in England, had urged the new tory government under -Bolingbroke to make a more determined assault on Canada, and Dummer had -united with him in a petition to the queen[205] for a royal armament to -be sent for the work. Their plea was recognized and what seemed a great -force was despatched. Nicholson, with the van of the fleet, arrived -on the 6th of June, 1711,[206] and a convention of the New England -governors was straightway called at New London to arrange for the -campaign. The plan was for Nicholson to lead four thousand men by way -of Albany, and the Connecticut contingent of three hundred and sixty -men was to make part of this force. The royal ships came straggling -into Boston harbor. On the 24th General Hill, who brought under his -command seven of Marlborough’s veteran regiments, arrived, and the -next day Sewall and others of the council boarded the “Devonshire” -and exchanged courtesies with Hill and the admiral of the fleet, Sir -Hovenden Walker. The Boston regiments mustered and escorted them to -the town house, and the veterans were thrown into a camp on Noddle’s -Island. The next six weeks were busy ones, with preparations and -entertainments. Mr. Borland, a wealthy merchant, took Hill into his -house. The governor offered official courtesies. The transports as they -came up into the inner harbor presented a “goodly, charming prospect,” -as Sewall thought.[207] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -Commencement at Cambridge came on July 4, and all the dignitaries were -there. One day some Connecticut Indians exhibited themselves before the -admiral, and on another some Mohawks danced on board the flag-ship. By -the end of the month, everything was as nearly ready as could be,[208] -and the fleet sailed (July 30). They went proudly away, hastened -somewhat by large desertions, which the patrolling of the roads -leading from Boston had not prevented. - -[Illustration: BRITISH SOLDIERS, 1701-1714. - -Fac-simile of a cut (pl. xxviii.) in Luard’s _Hist. of the Dress of the -British Soldier_, London, 1852, p. 94. It represents the soldiers of -Marlborough’s wars.] - -Nicholson dallied in Boston for a week or two, eating good dinners, and -then started for New York, to take the conduct of the land expedition, -Saltonstall accompanying the Connecticut troops as far as Albany. Much -farther no one of the land forces went, for word reached them of the -sad disaster on the St. Lawrence and of the withdrawal of Walker’s -fleet. The New England part of it came straggling back to Boston in -October to find the town suffering under the loss of a great fire, -which had happened on the night of October 2-3; most unmistakably -the result, as Increase Mather told them in a sermon,—and perhaps -believed,—of the way in which, during the fitting of the fleet, they -had carried bundles on the Lord’s Day, and done other servile work! The -cause of the expedition’s failure can be more reasonably indicated: -delay in starting, an ill-organized method of supplies, bad pilotage, -and incompetent leaders. Walker and Hill sailed direct for England, and -in October, while the deputies of the province were bolstering their -courage in asking the monarch for another attempt, the English mind was -being filled with charges of want of proper coöperation on the part of -the New Englanders as the all-sufficient cause of the disaster. Dummer, -in London, vindicated his people as well as he could in a _Letter to a -Noble Lord concerning the late expedition to Canada_.[209] - -In August of the following year (1712) Bolingbroke made a truce with -France, the news of which reached Boston from Newfoundland in October -(24th). It resulted in the following spring (March 31, 1713) in the -Treaty of Utrecht, by which England acquired Acadia with its “ancient -limits,” whatever they might be, for we shall see it was a question. -The news arrived amid another corn panic. Two hundred angry and -perhaps hungry men broke open Arthur Mason’s storehouse and seized the -stock of grain. Capt. Belcher sent off another shipload, despite the -remonstrance of the selectmen; but the mob stopped short of pulling -down Belcher’s house about his ears. “Hardest fend off,” was his word. - -Peace secured, Dudley despatched from Boston, November 6, 1713, John -Stoddard and John Williams to proceed to Albany, thence by Lake -Champlain to Quebec, to negotiate with Vaudreuil for the restoration of -prisoners.[210] - - * * * * * - -The Mason claim[211] to the province of New Hampshire had been bought -by Samuel Allen, a London merchant, and he had become its governor; -but the active ruler was his son-in-law, John Usher, who had been the -treasurer of Andros’s government, and also, as lieutenant-governor, -lived in the province. Memories of old political affiliations had -not conduced to make his relations with Sir William Phips, of the -neighboring jurisdiction, very agreeable. When Bellomont came he was -commissioned to take New Hampshire within his government; and it -had fallen in the same way to Dudley’s care. This Boston governor -found himself popular in New Hampshire, whose people had opposed -the reinstatement of Usher, though this had been accomplished -in their spite. Dudley and Usher recriminated, and told their -respective grievances, and both made their counter-charges to the -home government.[212] Affairs went uncomfortably enough till George -Vaughan became the successor of Usher, who now withdrew to Medford, in -Massachusetts, where he died at the age of eighty, in 1726. - -Upon Rhode Island, Dudley had looked longingly. She would have been -brought under his commission but for the exertion of William Penn, -then her agent in London. Still, under pretence of consolidating the -military strength of the colonies as occasion might require, there was -a clause in the commission of Dudley which he construed as giving him -command of the Rhode Island militia. Dudley early (September, 1702) -went to Newport, and ordered a parade of the militia. Gov. Cranston -cited their charter as being against any such assumption of power; -and the troops were not paraded.[213] Dudley told the Board of Trade -that the colony was “a receptacle of rogues and pirates;” and the -people of Rhode Island renewed their fortifications, and sent out their -solitary privateer to cruise against French and Spanish. At Dudley’s -instigation the Board of Trade (1705) prepared charges of evading -the revenue against the colony. Dudley gathered evidence to sustain -them, and struggled hard to push the wiry colony to the wall, hoping -to crush her charter, and pave the way for a general government for -New England, to be the head of which he had not a little ambition. In -this Dudley had a confederate in Lord Cornbury, now governor of New -York. To him had been similarly given by his commission the control -of the Connecticut militia, but a timely prudence saved that colony. -Fitz-John Winthrop was now governor,—a second dilution of his race, as -Palfrey rather hazardously calls him,—and blameless in purpose always. -Dudley’s concert with Cornbury, aimed to crush the charters of both -Rhode Island and Connecticut, that each conspirator might get something -from the wreck to add to his jurisdiction, utterly failed. In England -Sir Henry Ashurst labored to thwart the machinations of Dudley’s -friends. In Connecticut Dudley found malcontents who furnished him with -allegations respecting the colony’s appropriating unfairly the lands of -the Mohegans,[214] and getting a commission appointed to investigate -he was made its president. He then proceeded in his own fashion. He -omitted to warn Connecticut of the meeting of the court, judged the -case peremptorily, and ordered the restitution of the lands. The colony -exercised its right of appeal, and prolonging the investigation to -1743 got Dudley’s decision reversed.[215] Gov. Fitz-John Winthrop, of -Connecticut, died in Boston while on a visit, November 27, 1707, and -was commemorated by Cotton Mather in a funeral sermon, called in his -pedantic manner _Winthropi justa_. The vacant chair was now taken by -Gurdon Saltonstall, who did his generation great service and little -harm. The policy of Connecticut soon felt his active nature.[216] Her -frontier towns towards New York were guarded, and Massachusetts found -she had an efficient ally in her warfare at the eastward. - -Connecticut, which was steadily rising above 20,000 in population in -Saltonstall’s time,—though estimates vary,—was growing more rigorous -in observance and creed in contrast to the strengthening of liberalism -in Massachusetts. Saltonstall favored the Saybrook platform, which put -the management of church affairs in a “consociation of ministers,”—a -sort of presbytery. Though a general accord in religious views linked -her people together, she harbored some strange sectaries, like the -Rogerenes of New London, who were allied in some respects with the -Seventh Day Baptists of Westerly, just over the Rhode Island line. - -[Illustration: GURDON SALTONSTALL. - -This follows the original picture at Yale College by an unknown artist. -There is a photograph of it in Kingsley’s _Yale College_, i. 33. There -is another engraving in Hollister’s _Connecticut_, ii. 584. There is an -engraving by Doolittle noted in the _Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, p. -30.] - -[Illustration - -The annexed autograph is from a MS. in Harvard College library -[5325.23], entitled: _A Memorial offered to the General Assembly of -his Majesties Colony of Connecticut hold in Hartford, May y^e 10th, -1716, By Gurdon Saltonstall, Esq., one of the Trustees in Trust of the -Mohegan Fields in the Township of New London, for the use of Cesar, -Sachem of Mohegan & his Indians, upon the occasion of y^e sd Cesar’s -Complaint to y^e sd Assembly of wrong done him and his Indians in and -upon the sd Fields._] - -It was during Dudley’s time that the emission of paper money had begun -to have a portentous aspect. These financial hazards and disputes, as -turning people’s thoughts from old issues, had the effect to soften -some of the asperities of Dudley’s closing years of service.[217] He -ceased to wrangle for a salary, and omitted to reject Elisha Cooke when -again returned by the House in 1715 as a member of the council.[218] -Massachusetts had grown much more slowly than her neighbors, and five -or six thousand of her youth had fallen in the wars. This all meant a -great burden upon the survivors, and in this struggle for existence -there was no comforting feeling for Dudley that he had helped them in -their trials. The puritan class was hardly more content. Sewall’s diary -shows the constant tribulation of his representative spirit: sorrowed -at one time by the rumor of a play in the council chamber; provoked -again on the queen’s birthday at the mocking of his efforts to check -the drinking of healths with which it was celebrated on Saturday night; -and thankful, as he confessed again, that he heard not the salutes on -the Lord’s Day, which were paid to Nicholson when he finally set sail -for England. - -It was the 15th of September (1714) when news came of the death of -Queen Anne. A sloop sent from England with orders was wrecked on -Cohasset rocks, and the government was left in ignorance for the -time being of the course which had been marked out for it. Dudley’s -commission legally expired six months after the sovereign’s demise, -if nothing should be done to prolong it. As the time came near, a -committee of the council approached him to provide for the entrance of -the “Devolution government,” as Sewall termed the executive functions, -which then under the charter devolved on the council. Dudley met the -issue with characteristic unbending; and some of his appointees knew -their places well enough to reject the council’s renewal of their -commission, being still satisfied with Dudley’s, as they professed. -His son Paul besought the ministers to pray for his father as still -the chief executive, and intrigued to prevent the proclamation of the -council for a fast being read in the pulpits. In March what purported -to be a copy of an order for his reinstatement reached Dudley by way of -New York. It was quite sufficient; and with an escort of four troops of -horse clattering over Boston neck, he hurried (March 21, 1715) to the -town house, where he displayed and proclaimed his new commission. His -further lease of power, however, was not a long one. - -[Illustration: WILLIAM DUMMER. - -After a likeness owned by the Misses Loring, of Boston.] - -There were new times at the English court when the German George I. -ruled England; when he gave his ugly Killmansegge and Schulenberg -places among the English peeresses, and the new Countess of Darlington -and Duchess of Kendall simpered in their uncouth English. The Whig -lords must now bend their gouty knees, and set forth in poor German or -convenient—perhaps inconvenient—Latin what the interests of distant -New England required. We may well suspect that this German dullard knew -little and cared less when it was explained to him that the opposing -factions of the private and public bank in his American province of -Massachusetts Bay were each manœuvring for a governor of their stripe. -We may well wonder if he was foolish enough to read the address of -the ministers of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, or the address even -of the General Court, which came to him a little later. His advisers -might have rejoiced that Increase Mather, pleading his age, had been -excused from becoming the bearer of these messages, or of that of the -ministers, at least.[219] - -[Illustration: JEREMIAH DUMMER. - -After a likeness owned by the Misses Loring, of Boston. It was at one -time in the Mass. Hist. Soc. gallery. (Cf. _Proceedings_, ii. 289, 296, -300, 302.) It has been ascribed to Sir Godfrey Kneller.] - -The friends of a private bank carried their point far enough to secure -to Col. Elisha Burgess the coveted commission, who, however, was better -satisfied with the thousand pounds which the friends of a public bank -were willing to pay him, and so he declined the appointment. The same -power that paid the money now got the commission issued to Col. Samuel -Shute, and the news which reached Boston (April 21, 1715) of Burgess’ -appointment was swiftly followed by the tidings of Shute’s ascendency, -which meant, it was well known, that Jonathan Belcher, of Cambridge, -and Jeremiah Dummer had been successful in their diplomacy in this, as -well as in the displacing of Tailer as lieutenant-governor by William -Dummer. The latter was Dudley’s son-in-law, and the appointment gilded -the pill which the late governor was prepared to swallow. - -The good people of Massachusetts had not long got over their -thanksgiving for the suppression of the Scottish rebellion when, just -about sunset, October 3, 1716, a gun in the harbor told of Shute’s -arrival. Two days later, at the town house, he laid his hand on the -Bible, “kissing it very industriously,” as Sewall records, and swore to -do his duty. On the following Sunday he attended King’s Chapel, and on -Thursday he was present at the usual lecture of the Congregationalists, -when he heard Cotton Mather preach.[220] He seemed very docile, and -doubtless smiled when Mather’s fulsome address to him was paraded in -a broadside; very docile, too, when he yielded to Sewall’s entreaty -one evening that he would not go to a dancing-master’s ball and -scandalize his name. But on November 7 (1716), in his set speech to -the legislature, there were signs of trouble. New England had peace -on her frontiers, and that was not conducive to quiet in her domestic -politics. The conflict came, and Shute was hardly equal to it. The -legislature could look to a support nearly unanimous of almost a -hundred thousand people in the province, being not much short of a -quarter of the entire population of the English colonies; and a people -like the New Englanders, who could annually export £300,000 worth of -products, were not deficient at least in business courage. - -Shute’s instructions as to the demands he should make were not novel. -It was the old story of a fixed salary, a house to live in, the command -of the Rhode Island militia, the rebuilding of Pemaquid, and the -censorship of the press. The governor brought their financial plight -to the attention of the House, and they voted more bills of credit. He -told them of other things which he and the king expected of them, and -they did nothing. So he prorogued them. - -It was incumbent on the Crown governor to encourage the production of -naval stores, as a means of diverting attention from manufactures, -which might injure the market in the colonies for English products. -One Bridger had already made himself obnoxious, and been suspected -of malfeasance as “surveyor-general of woods,” in Dudley’s time, and -it was far from conciliatory to a people who found the Crown’s right -to mast-timber burdensome[221] that Bridger appeared in the train of -Shute with a new commission. The surveyor was arraigned by the younger -Elisha Cooke, who was now succeeding to his father’s leadership, and -Shute defending him, a rather lively contention followed, which was not -quieted till Dummer, in England, finally got Bridger removed.[222] To -one of Shute’s speeches the House made a reply, and Shute threatened he -would prevent their printing it. - -[Illustration: ELISHA COOKE, THE YOUNGER. - -This follows a red-chalk drawing once owned by the Rev. Wm. Bentley, -of Salem, and now in the gallery of the American Antiquarian -Society. Cooke was born in Boston in 1678, and died in 1737. His -only publication appears to be the following: _Mr. Cook’s just and -seasonable vindication, respecting some affairs transacted in the late -general assembly at Boston_. [Boston, 1720.] The second impression, -corrected. [Boston, 1720.] Sabin, iv. 16,305; Brinley, no. 1,474.] - -Its appearance, nevertheless, in the _News-Letter_ established the -freedom of the press in Massachusetts.[223] The governor informed -the Board of Trade that the province was bound to wrest from him as -much of his representative prerogative as it could, and its action -certainly seemed sometimes to have no other purpose than to establish -precedents which might in some turn of fortune become useful. The House -chose the younger Cooke speaker in palpable defiance, and when he was -disapproved the members refused to go into another ballot, and the -governor prorogued them. When the new House assembled they contented -themselves with publishing a protest, and chose another speaker; and -then they diminished the “present” which they voted to the governor. It -seems clear that the House, in a rather undignified way, revelled in -their power, and often went beyond the limits of propriety. The charter -required that all acts should be reviewed by the Crown for approval. -The House dodged the necessity by passing resolves. Dummer in England -knew that such conduct only helped the Board of Trade to push the -plan of confederating all the provinces under a governor-general, and -intimated as much. The House was in no temper to be criticised by its -own agent, and voted to dismiss Dummer. The council in non-concurring -saved him; but the House retaliated by dropping his allowance. - -The council was not without its troubles. Shute refused to attend its -meetings on Christmas. Sewall, ever alert at any chance of spurning -the day, “because,” as he chose to think, “the dissenters had come a -great way for their liberties,” broadly intimated that the council -still could pass its bills on that day, and the governor might take -whatever day he chose to sign them. It was certainly not a happy era in -Massachusetts. The legislature was not altogether wise or benign, and -Shute did nothing to make them so.[224] - -The frontiers, for a space, had but a hazardous peace. In August, 1717, -Shute had gone to Arrowsick (Georgetown, Me.) to hold a conference -with the Indians, and had learned from a letter received there from -Sebastian Rasle, the Jesuit missionary at Norridgewock, that any -attempt to occupy the lands beyond the Kennebec would lead to war, -and as we shall see the war came.[225] Meanwhile, life in Boston was -full of change and shadow. Pirates beset the people’s shipping, and -when the notorious “Whidaw” was cast away on Cape Cod (1717) they -heard with some satisfaction of the hundred dead bodies which were -washed ashore from the wreck. There was consequently one less terror -for their coasters and for the paltry sloops which were now beginning -to venture out for whales from Cape Cod and Nantucket.[226] There was -occasion, indeed, to foster and protect that and all industries, for -the purchasing power of their paper money was sinking lower and lower, -to the disturbance of all trade. When the province sought to make the -English manufacturers afford some slight contribution to restoration of -prosperity by imposing a duty of one per cent. on their manufactures -sent over, the bill was negatived by the king, with threats of loss -of their charter if any such device were repeated. In the same spirit -Parliament tried to suppress all iron-working in the province;[227] but -after much insistence the people were allowed the boon of making their -own nails![228] Some Scotch Irish had come over in 1718, and though -most of them went to New Hampshire and introduced the potato,[229] -enough remained in Boston to teach the art of linen-making. Spinning -under this prompting became a popular employment, and Boston appointed -a committee to consider the establishment of spinning schools.[230] -Perhaps they could spin, if they could not forge; and Boston, with -her 12,000 to 15,000 inhabitants to be clothed and fed, needed to -do something, if Parliament would permit. Her spirit was not always -subdued. In 1721 she instructed her representatives not to be deterred -by frown or threat from maintaining their charter privileges. “When -you come to grant allowances,” she said, “do not forget the growing -difficulties that we at this day labor under, and that poverty is -coming upon us as an armed man.”[231] The General Court emphasized its -call for frugality by forbidding the extravagant outlay for funerals, -which was becoming the fashion.[232] There might have been some scandal -at the haberdashery trade which the profuse habits of bestowing upon -their parsons gloves and rings made a possible circumstance, to say the -least, in more than one minister’s house. But a little innocent truck -in the study was not the ministers’ most pressing diversion. Cotton, or -rather Doctor Cotton Mather, as he had been called since Glasgow, in -1712, had given him a Doctorate of Divinity, bid for an ally against -the liberals.[233] When he and his father assisted in the ordination of -the new Baptist minister, Elisha Callender, in 1718; and when Dudley, -two years before his death,[234] joined Sewall in open attacks on -Leverett and the government of Harvard College, there is little doubt -where the sympathy of the Mathers lay.[235] They had hopes, too, that -the new Connecticut college would register their edicts, since they -could no longer enforce them at Cambridge. Sewall found the Lord’s -Supper unsuggestive of charity, when the deacon offered the cup to -Madam Winthrop before it was served to him; and we, to-day, had much -rather see him riding about the country on his circuit, distributing -tracts and sermons to squires and hostlers, and astonishing the -children, as he rode into the shire-towns under the escort of the -sheriff and his men. - -But Yale College, of which so much was hoped by the lingering -puritanism, soon surprised them, when Timothy Cutler, its rector, with -one of its tutors, and other Connecticut ministers, embraced Episcopacy -in 1722. Governor Saltonstall was powerless to prevent it, when at -Commencement the story of that defection was told. Cutler went to -England, received Episcopal ordination, and came to Boston in 1724 to -take charge of one of its English churches.[236] - -But before this the care of the body as well as of souls had proved -a source of dispute with the ministers. Cotton Mather had read in -the _Transactions_ of the Royal Society, to which he was sometimes -a contributor himself, of the method which was employed in Turkey -of disarming the small-pox of some of its terrors by the process -of inoculation.[237] That disease was now raging. While the town -was moving the governor to send the “Seahorse,” man-of-war, down to -Spectacle Island, because she had the pest among her crew, Mather -urged Dr. Zabdiel Boylston to make trial of the Turkish method. The -selectmen of Boston and the town meeting opposed it. The House forbade -it by bill; but the council hesitated. One of the most active of the -physicians of Boston strenuously objected. This was William Douglass, -who had been a student of medicine at Leyden and Paris, and who had -come to Boston three years before. Other physicians were likewise in -opposition. The passions were excited by the controversy; the press was -divided; and Mather, who about this time was finding the people “bloody -and barbarous,” the town “spiteful,” and the country “poisoned,”[238] -had a grenado thrown through his window.[239] - -What with the political, financial, theological, and sanitary -disturbances of Shute’s time, and the freedom of the press, which -the governor had been foolish enough to give them the opportunity of -making the most of, the intellectual activity of the people had never -before occasioned so great a fecundity of print. The Boston man of -the early part of the eighteenth century resorted to the type-setter -as readily as he gossiped, and that was easily enough. In 1719 there -were five printing-presses running in Boston,[240] and the Exchange -was surrounded with booksellers’ shops. The practice of sales of books -at auctions had begun in 1717 with the disposing of the library of -the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, or at least its catalogue is thought to -be the first of such a sale. Thomas Fleet was selling his doggerel -ballads, and the boys and girls of New England first knew who Mother -Goose was when her nursery tales were published by Fleet in 1719. The -_News-Letter_ had been published for fifteen years, but not three -hundred were yet sold at an impression. Wm. Brooker, succeeding -Campbell as postmaster, felt it necessary to divide the town and give -the _News-Letter_ a chance for an altercation, when in 1719 (Dec. 21) -he began the _Boston Gazette_. James Franklin had printed this paper -for Brooker, but the printing being taken from him he startled the -town with the _New England Courant_, which first appeared on Aug. 17, -1721. The new sheet was bold and saucy,—a sort of free lance, to which -people were not accustomed; and while it gave little news and had -few advertisements, its columns swarmed with what the staid citizens -called impertinences. It wildly attacked the new inoculation theory, -and elicited a public rebuke for its scandalous conduct from Increase -Mather, who was in turn attacked by it.[241] - -The Mathers, Elisha Cooke, Sewall, and above all Jeremiah Dummer in his -_Defence of the New England Charters_,[242] published not a little of -a terse and combative strain, which the student to-day finds needful -to read, if he would understand the tides and eddies of the life of -the time. Boston was also nourishing some reputable chroniclers of -her own story. Thomas Prince, who after his graduation had gone to -England, had returned in 1717, yet to live forty years ministering to -his people of the Old South, gathering the most considerable of the -early collections of books and papers, illustrating in good part the -history of New England,[243] and contributing less than we could wish -to such stores from his own writing. Dr. William Douglass, as we have -seen, had dipped into the controversies of the day, practised his pen -in the public journals, not always temperately or with good taste, and -thirty years later was to vent so much prejudice in his _Summary of -the British Settlements_ that, though the book is suggestive, it is -an unsafe guide to the student. Thomas Hutchinson, much the best of -our colonial historians, was now a boy of six or seven in the forms of -Master Bernard’s grammar school. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: THOMAS PRINCE. - -This follows an oil painting in the cabinet of the American Antiquarian -Society at Worcester. There is also of Prince a mezzotint engraving of -a painting, of which there is a heliotype in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -ii. 221. A portrait after a painting by John Greenwood is noted in the -_Catal. Cabinet, Mass. Hist._ Soc., no. 26. Cf. _Proceedings_, i. 448.] - -But war was again imminent. As early as 1709 it had been considered -advisable to build a line of defences across Boston neck, and up to -1718 much money had been spent upon it. The peaceful aspect of the -affairs at that moment had been an inducement to disband the watch -which they had kept there; but in 1721 it had been again set. Gov. -Phillips, of Nova Scotia, had been in Boston to talk over the situation -at the eastward, for the warnings of Rasle rendered a continuance -of quiet doubtful. The younger Castin had been seized and taken to -Boston,[244] and bloodshed could hardly be averted; for though peace -existed between England and France, there was little question but -the encroachments and ravages of the Indians were instigated from -Quebec. Sewall tried to arrest the progress of events, and published -his _Memorial relating to the Kennebec Indians_,—an argument for -persuasion rather than for force. On July 25, 1722, Gov. Shute and his -council declared war against the eastern Indians, and a harrowing -struggle began.[245] On the 1st of January, 1723, guns at the Castle -before sunrise told the town that Shute had sailed for England, and -when the people were astir Boston Light was sinking behind him. He went -to arraign the colony in person before the Privy Council, and never -returned to his government. The conduct of affairs, meanwhile, fell to -Dummer, the lieutenant-governor, who made Cotton Mather inexpressibly -happy by what the divine called his wise and good administration. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: BOSTON LIGHT AND THE PROVINCE SLOOP. - -Sketched from an old mezzotint, “W. Burgis del. and fecit,” and -inscribed: “To the merchants of Boston this view of the Light House is -most humbly presented By their Humble Serv^t, W^m. Burgis.” Its date is -probably not far from 1712. See _Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports_, -vii. 97.] - -New Hampshire had been included in Shute’s commission, but Vaughan, the -lieutenant-governor, claimed that during Shute’s stay in Boston his -direct authority lapsed, and his lieutenant was the resident executive. -The strife and bickering which followed this assumption had been among -Shute’s tribulations, which were somewhat mitigated when influence at -London secured the displacement of Vaughan by John Wentworth.[246] - -The charters of Rhode Island and Connecticut did not order their -enactments to be submitted to the royal supervision, a requirement -which at one time there was danger would be made,[247] but which was in -good part prevented by the ready reasoning of Dummer in his _Defence -of the New England Charters_. One act of Rhode Island, published at -this time, seemingly invalidates that colony’s claim for unfailing -toleration. In the edition of her laws printed in 1715 there is one -which disfranchises Romanists. No one is able to find beyond dispute -when, in the chaotic mass of her enactments, it became a law. To -relieve the pride of her people from any imputation so contrary to the -professed purport of all her history, Arnold, the historian of Rhode -Island, has labored to show that the wording of the statute was simply -the interpretation of a committee; but it was an interpretation that -successive editors kept up till after the close of the Revolutionary -War.[248] - - * * * * * - -In Massachusetts matters were not much improved under the rule of -Dummer. An issue soon arose. The House insisted that Walton and Moody, -commanders at the eastward, should be suspended, and refused supplies -till it was done. Dummer claimed that as commander-in-chief he had the -responsibility of such a change. He was forced, however, to yield, and -appointed Thomas Westbrooke in the place of Walton, who, having obeyed -the governor rather than the House, found he must retire without the -pay which he had earned. - -In England Shute was presenting to the king his memorial against the -province.[249] When the House heard of it they appropriated £100 to -hire counsel for the defence; but the upper branch gave the resolve a -negative. So the House sent an address to the king,[250] in which the -council would not join. The House would then despatch a new agent; the -council was content with Dummer; a compromise was reached, by which -Elisha Cooke was sent to join Dummer. Shute and his opponents were in -due time heard before the Privy Council. The aspect of affairs grew -threatening. A Boston man, John Colman, wrote home that the charter -was in danger.[251] It ended in the sealing of a new explanatory and -supplemental charter,[252] in which Shute’s demands were fairly met, -in that there was in it an undeniable expression of the right of the -governor to reject a speaker, while the House itself was denied the -right to adjourn beyond two days. With this new order Col. Samuel Vetch -had hopes of succeeding Shute; but the old governor was not displaced. -The General Court prudently accepted the new charter, January 15, 1725. - -[Illustration: INCREASE MATHER. - -This follows a corresponding likeness in Cotton Mather’s _Parentator_, -Boston, 1724 (Harv. Col. lib., 10397.17). Cf. Edmund Calamy’s ed. of -_Memoirs of the life of the late Rev. Increase Mather_, London, 1725 -(Ibid., 10397.16). Engravings are noted in the _Catal. Cab. MS. Hist. -Soc._, p. 35; and of the painted portraits in the same catalogue, -no. 23 is of Mather. There is an original painting in the American -Antiquarian Society at Worcester, which is engraved in the _Mem. Hist. -of Boston_, i. 587.] - -While the provincial charter had been thus in jeopardy, the father of -it died. The most conspicuous of New Englanders in his day, though -his fame is somewhat overshadowed by his son’s, breathed his last, -when Increase Mather died, on August 23, 1723, at the advanced age of -eighty-four. When he was buried, a hundred and threescore scholars of -Harvard College walked in such a procession as never before attended -the burial of a New England divine. In most respects he was the -greatest of a race which was born with traits of prowess. His learning -was large, far better assimilated than that of the son, and his power -over men far happier and more consistent. His industry was enormous; he -sometimes worked in his study sixteen hours out of the twenty-four. -What Cotton Mather called the “tonitruous cogency” of his pulpit -discourse was often alarming to the timid, but not always effective -for the mass. The people grew to be disenthralled in large numbers. -There was a growing belief that there could be graces even in dogma,—a -gospel that never a Mather preached. The rude Bay Psalm Book, and the -nasal cadence of the meeting-house, were beginning to pass when the -Franklins, in that obnoxious sheet the _Courant_, were printing the -hymns of Isaac Watts. - -A year after the father died, there was a new election of president -of Harvard College. Cotton Mather was as anxious as before. The -governing board picked out in succession three Boston ministers, and -never seem to have considered Cotton Mather. Their first choice was -Joseph Sewall, of the Old South, a son of the Judge; “chosen for his -piety,” as the disappointed man sneeringly wrote in his diary. The -“miserable” college, when Sewall declined, chose the minister of the -Manifesto Church, a direct thrust at Matherism; but no choice was -accepted till Benjamin Wadsworth was elected. The college had another -conflict when Timothy Cutler, after receiving Episcopal ordination -in England, came to Boston, and by virtue of his new position as a -Church of England ministrant set up his claim to a seat in the Board of -Overseers. He sought in vain. Mather meantime was contriving to fortify -himself, and determined to have a synod to organize some resistance -to this increasing antagonism. Dummer entertained a petition to that -end, but John Checkley, one of Cutler’s friends, ferreted out the -scheme, and there followed a sharp rebuke from the lords justices, -who pronounced the calling of such a body the prerogative of the -crown, and the movement came to naught. This same John Checkley, a -polemical churchman, in Boston, who kept a toy shop, united with it the -publishing of tracts, in which the prevailing theology was attacked. -In 1719 he had reprinted Charles Leslie’s _Short and Easy Method with -the Deists_, and later accompanied Cutler and his friends to England. -While there he caused another edition of Leslie to be printed (1723), -but added to it his own Boston imprint, and what was more important, -he appended a _Discourse concerning Episcopacy_, which seems to have -been a refashioning of another of Leslie’s treatises, by which Checkley -had pointedly demonstrated the schism of all ordination except an -Episcopal one. With a stock of this book he came back to Boston, and -at the “Sign of the Crown and Blue gate, over against the west end -of the town house,” he began to sell them. The magistrates found in -some expressions “a false and scandalous libel” on themselves. A trial -followed with an appeal, which dragged its slow length along; and -in the midst of it Checkley delivered a memorable speech in his own -defence. It ended in his being fined fifty pounds. - -Checkley left Boston not long after for England; and came back again -to settle in Providence, and administer the rites of the church as he -believed they should be administered. - -During all this wearisome contention in Boston, there is a glimpse of -the humaner, and perhaps more godly, spirit in the gathering of men -together under the lead of Joseph Marion to effect the insuring of -neighbors’ worldly possessions from the chances of fire and the sea. -It is not unlikely that this first trial of a system which to-day -contributes so much to the sum of our happiness began then to indicate -that mutual helpfulness might conduce as much to Christian comfort as -keeping eyes alert for “scandalous libels.” - -But there was no way yet, except by keeping other eyes alert along -a musket barrel, to meet the dangers of the frontier. When the -authorities erected (1724) Fort Dummer[253] near a spot where -Brattleboro’ now stands, they made the first English settlement in what -is to-day Vermont. On the 22d of August (1724), as Sewall records, “the -‘Sheerness’ comes up and Captain Harmon with his Neridgwack scalps, -at which there is great shouting and triumph. The Lord help us to -rejoice with trembling!” Another diary of the day makes these scalps -twenty-eight, one of them Bombazeen’s, and another that of “fryer -Railes,”—and this is the shape in which the tidings came to Boston of -that quick onset at Norridgewock, when the Jesuit Sebastian Rasle fell -among his Indian neophytes, ten days before this.[254] - -In May of the next year, Lovewell the borderer made his last fight -at Fryeburg in Maine, and the news reached Boston on the 13th of the -same month. The ballad of Pigwacket, commemorating that bloody work, -passed into the popular memory, and abided there for many a year.[255] -In the following November four eastern sagamores came to Boston, and -what is known as Dummer’s treaty was signed there on December 16, and -the next summer (August 6) it was ratified at Falmouth (Portland). -There was to be little disturbance of the peace thus consummated for -a score of years to come. The war had borne heavily on Massachusetts. -In such money as they had, it had during its four years’ continuance -cost £240,000, and when the assembly voted an issue of another £50,000 -of bills, Dummer, under royal instructions, withheld his approval. His -fidelity cost him his salary for a while, which the House refused to -vote until some compromise was reached. - -While this quieting of the eastern frontier was in progress, the -western settlements of Massachusetts were being pushed across the -mountains beyond the Connecticut, and the peopling of Berkshire began -at Sheffield in 1725. The leading agents in this movement were Col. -Jacob Wendell, of Boston, and Col. Jonathan Stoddard, of Northampton. -The occupation proved a barrier against the Dutch of New York, though -it was sixteen years before the next settlement was made in the -Housatonic valley at Pittsfield.[256] - -[Illustration: MATHER BYLES. - -This follows a red-chalk drawing in the cabinet of the Antiquarian -Society at Worcester, which came to it with other portraits by the -bequest of the Rev. William Bentley, of Salem (b. Boston, June 22, -1759; d. Salem, December 29, 1819). There is another likeness in the -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 227. Cf. Catal. _Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, p. -37.] - -During the night of the 29th of October, 1727, New England experienced -one of the severest earthquakes which she had known. The next morning -Cotton Mather made a speech in Boston, and this, with an account of -the earthquake’s effects, was published at once as _The Terror of the -Lord_, followed shortly by his _Boanerges_, intended to strengthen -the impressions of the awful hour in the minds of the people. Haven’s -bibliography shows the affluence of the ministerial mind in the face -of this event.[257] Sermon after sermon was published, and the press -had not ceased issuing the renewed editions of some of them when Cotton -Mather died on the 13th of February, 1728, and gave the preachers -another fruitful theme. Here was a man whose views of a fitting mundane -life were as repulsive as those of Sebastian Rasle, and whose scalp -would have aroused Quebec as Rasle’s did Boston. We have grown to judge -each by a higher standard than the prejudices and doctrines of their -time.[258] - - * * * * * - -After the departure of Shute, Wentworth continued as -lieutenant-governor in the executive chair of New Hampshire. The -assembly tried to insist upon a speaker whom he disapproved, but the -explanatory charter of Massachusetts came to Wentworth’s support, and -he prevailed; and under his lead the province experienced its share -of the Indian warfare. Rhode Island remained all the time under Gov. -Cranston, who had held the office by election thirty successive years -when he died in 1727. Her chief point of contact with her neighbors -was her bills of credit, which had sunk so low that they had become -little better than a pest to herself and to the neighboring colonies. -Connecticut kept her activity and quiet ways within herself. She took -no part in the war beyond putting her border towns in a state of -defence. - - * * * * * - -Shute was pursuing his aim in England. He had succeeded in getting -from the king an explicit threat, under whose pressure it was thought -the Massachusetts assembly would see the advisability of establishing -a fixed salary for the royal governor, when George I. died (June 11, -1727), and Shute’s commission was vacated. He slipped into a pension of -£600 a year, and died an old man. The news of the king’s death reached -Boston in August, and on the 14th George II. was proclaimed with -military parade. The ministers beguiled themselves, as usual, preaching -many sermons on the death of a good king, and Mather Byles published a -poem. - -Since 1720 William Burnet, a son of Bishop Burnet, had been governor of -New York and New Jersey, whither he had gone to retrieve a fortune lost -in stock speculations; and with a numerous family to support, he felt -the necessity of it. The new king relieved him of some embarrassment, -occasioned by a growing unpopularity in his government, by directing -his transfer to the vacant chair of Massachusetts, signing his -commission in March. He reached Boston July 13, and as he was escorted -to the Bunch of Grapes tavern[259] the people marked his noticeable -presence and his suave manners, and might have predicted a calmer sway -from him than proved to be in store. He was flattered by his reception, -and even ordered the publication of some eulogistic verses, which -Mather Byles, the clerical wit of the time, addressed to him.[260] - -[Illustration: GEORGE II. - -From a print in Entick’s _Gen. Hist. of the late War_ (2d ed. 1765) -vol. ii., frontispiece.] - -His instructions were of the sort that the province had got used to, -though perhaps they hinted more pointedly of the danger which awaited -the charter, if the salary question was not agreeably settled. Burnet’s -speech opened the legislative war. The assembly answered it by voting -him a larger allowance than was usual,—but still an allowance. -The town of Boston had the speech read to it in town meeting, and -voted _nemine contradicente_, as we read in the records,[261] in the -assembly’s spirit. The House now asked to be prorogued. The governor -refused, thinking the £1,000 a month which the sitting cost might -bring them to terms. This failing, he resorted to manœuvres which even -Chalmers censures. He removed the General Court to Salem, when, in -a sort of grim irony, it recorded a resolve to legalize proceedings -passed in an unaccustomed place, and consequently unconstitutional, -as they claimed. The House now addressed a memorial to the king and -refused the governor a copy of it, and, helped by Boston merchants -to pay the cost, the representatives despatched Jonathan Belcher to -coöperate with Francis Wilks, now the resident agent in London, in -obtaining the king’s favorable attention to their plea. This appeal -gave the governor a pretext for releasing the legislature for three -months,—and perhaps the device of the House had that purpose. - -The Board of Trade heard both sides, sustained the governor, and -advised the king to lay the facts before Parliament. The House in turn -ordered a historical summary of all the proceedings relating to the -salary question from the time of Phips to be edited and printed.[262] -The governor dissolved the assembly, and took his revenge in -withholding his signature to the bill for their own pay. A new election -sent to Boston an assembly which was of the same temper. Burnet told -them of the danger from the Board of Trade’s advice to the Crown; -their own agents wrote to them there was no danger; and so the House -continued as bold as ever. The governor directed their reassembling at -Cambridge. Here they voted afresh the allowance, which was scorned as -before. Meanwhile the governor got some literary recreation, for which -his acquirements well fitted him, by printing moral and entertaining -papers in the _New England Journal_; and if this did not bring him an -income, he managed to eke one out by increasing the rate of clearance -fees at the custom house, which all went into his own pockets. - -Returning one day from Cambridge to Boston, in August, 1729, he was -thrown into the water by the overturning of his carriage. A fever -ensued, and he died September 7. The legislature gave him an impressive -funeral, and voted £2,000 to his children; and his “character,” by -Parson Colman, was circulated in a folio half-sheet.[263] - -Dummer, as lieutenant-governor, again took the executive’s chair, and -fought over the salary question once more; and the council, as before, -steadily refused to join in the payment of the agents of the House. - -Jonathan Belcher, lately the agent of the province, was now -commissioned governor. He came of a New England stock, and his -father had gained a fortune in trade, and had secured some political -consideration as a member of the council. His mother was a daughter of -Thomas Danforth, one of the ablest of the leading politicians under the -old charter. The new governor had graduated at Harvard College; and -foreign travel had added ease and attraction, with some of the wiles of -the world, to a presentable person. He had been accustomed to dispense -his fortune in ways to draw attention and give him consequence. He -had thrown out intimations in high quarters in England that the view -he once held on the prerogative had undergone a change, and that he -knew the turbulent spirits of his native province well enough to manage -them. Wilks and Shute had seconded his professions, and his appointment -followed. With instructions pitched to a higher demand than ever -before, he was sent off to try his skill with an intractable people. -Meanwhile Dummer had been superseded by Tailer, a former incumbent -of the lieutenant-governorship, chiefly because the naval office he -was occupying was wanted for another. Tailer was at the time in New -England, and received his commission before Belcher arrived, which -was not till August 10, 1730. So amid the terror, from a new invasion -of small-pox which had withdrawn the town from the observance of its -centenary,[264] and with signs of a new life, as well as a new era, in -the relief which the law was giving to the baptists and the quakers -from the burden of the parish taxes, and with the stranger element of -their population developing a new Irish Presbyterian church under John -Moorhead,[265] the people of Boston received their recusant townsman -as governor. He made his speech in due time to the General Court. -Cato, he told them, went beyond reason in letting his obstinacy lure -him to destruction. This reference to the salary contention did not -intimidate them; for the House had information from its own agents -that the jealousies of the party leaders in England were not likely -to let any issue affecting the continuance of the charter be forced -upon Parliament. In any event there was a disposition rather to accept -parliamentary domination, whatever it might be, than surrender one -jot of their principles. With such a disposition the House became -stubborn,—politely so. It even voted the governor liberal grants for -the services which he had rendered as agent, and he took the gratuities -though he had abandoned the grantors. The allowances for his services -as governor he could not well accept under such instructions as bound -him; and as he needed the pay, his son solicited permission from the -home government for the father to receive the usual grants. The request -was allowed, and the salary contention came virtually to an end. When -Belcher approved a grant of £500 to be placed in the Bank of England -to the credit of the province’s agent, he little suspected he was -furnishing the means to bring about his own overthrow. His conduct -of his office rendered such an overthrow likely. The times, with all -failings, had not seen before such flagrant attempts to serve party -friends with the spoils of office. The public was so sensitive that -even the younger Cooke, accepting a judgeship with some traits of -sycophancy, fell in their good opinion. - -The House set up a claim to audit all bills for which they granted -money, and attaching such a proviso to their grants, such votes -successively received the governor’s veto. This denied the public -officers their salaries, and occasioned distress that the home -government was besought to alleviate. The governor’s position was -confirmed, and when the news of it came the House somewhat ludicrously -asked him to appoint a day of fasting and prayer, since they were under -such a “divine displeasure.” The governor thought the matter more -mundane than divine, and refused. So in the autumn of 1733 the House -saved its pride one forenoon by passing a bill with the proviso, and in -the afternoon satisfied its sense of expediency by reversing the vote. -Thus the delegates in their ungraceful way succumbed, as the governor -did two years later, respecting the salary question. Each side was -humbled, and affairs went smoothly for a while, though the depreciation -of the paper in which the governor was paid did not quite fill the -measure of his content.[266] - - * * * * * - -Commercial distress always conduces to emotional disturbance in a -community, and the history of the “Great Awakening,” as it was called, -is no exception to the rule. This religious revival began to make -itself felt in 1734, under an impulse from Jonathan Edwards,[267] -and later, under the ministrations of George Whitefield, the wild -passion—for it became scarce else—spread through the churches and -communities of New England.[268] - -[Illustration] - -Mather Byles, Judge Danforth, and Thomas Prince supported the movement -in the _New England Weekly Journal_. Thomas Foxcroft and others, -reinforced by a large part of the country ministers, fought the -battle in sermon and pamphlet. Benjamin Colman gave the movement a -qualified commendation. It found various classes of opponents. Charles -Chauncy condemned it for its hot-bed sustenance, its “commotion in the -passions,” and its precarious growth.[269] Thomas Fleet, the publisher -of children’s books, turned the wit which enlivened his evening _vendu_ -at the Heart and Crown, in Cornhill, into the columns of the _Boston -Evening Post_, which he had just started. Here he held up Whitefield to -ridicule, just as Joseph Green and other wits held up in the same place -the pomp of Belcher to public derision. Dr. Douglass[270] reckoned up -the thousand pounds sterling that were lost to the families of working -people by what he called a misuse of time in attending the midday -mass-meetings, to which Whitefield ministered. The passion and fervor -swelled, lapsed, returned, dwindled, and died; some counted the wrecks -it left, some wondered at its transient impressiveness, and a few -occasionally struggled to revive it.[271] Amid all the consternation -attending what William Cooper in the election sermon of 1740 called -“an empty treasury, a defenceless country and embarrassed trade,” New -England managed to raise 1,000 men to send off to join the fleet of -Admiral Vernon in the West India waters. Scarce a hundred of them ever -returned.[272] - -[Illustration: AN ENGLISH FLEET OF THIS PERIOD. - -From Popple’s great map, _The British Empire in North America_, 1732. -Admiral Preble says in his “Vessels of war built at Portsmouth” (_N. -E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1868, p. 393) that the “Falkland” was built -in 1690, and carried 54 guns; but in some MS. emendations in the copy -of his paper in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc., he says she -was probably built between 1694 and 1696. She is considered to be -the earliest man-of-war built in the colonies. Within a short time -after 1743, three vessels were built in New England for the royal -navy,—the “America,” “Boston,” and “Essex.” The same writer, in _The -United Service_, January, 1884, p. 98, etc., describing the changes in -armament of vessels during the 18th century, defines ships-of-the-line -as carrying 50 guns or more on three decks; frigates, 20 to 50 guns on -two decks. Sloops-of-war with guns on one deck, and corvettes with guns -on the poop and forecastle only, came in later.] - -The social life of the chief town of New England passed on, meanwhile, -in the shadow of these ominous uncertainties. Jeremy Gridley had as -early as 1731 started _The Weekly Rehearsal_, and had given the more -scholarly classes this to ponder upon, and that to be entertained with, -in columns more purely literary than they had ever known before. If -such people welcomed the poems of Isaac Watts,—and one which Watts -addressed to Belcher was just now printed in Boston,—they caused -Richard Fry, an English printer, freshly come to Boston, to hold a high -opinion of their literary taste, because they relieved his shelves -of twelve hundred copies of the poems of Stephen Duck, the Wiltshire -bard. In 1731 they listened at a Thursday lecture to Colman’s eulogy -of Thomas Hollis as a patron of learning; and the neighboring college -mourned in him the principal benefactor of this time. Lemercier, the -minister of the Huguenots in Boston, published a Church History of -Geneva (1732), which was a passing talk. Cox, a bookseller near the -town house, got out (1734) a _Bibliotheca Curiosa_, describing his -stock,—enormous for the times. Thomas Prince, the minister of the -Old South, let his antiquarian zeal bring back the early struggles of -the first settlers, when he printed (1731) the homely _Memoirs_ of -Roger Clap, of Dorchester, while the century sermons of Foxcroft in -Boston (1730), and of Callender in Rhode Island (1739), made the pews -slumbrous then, and command big prices to-day. Thomas Prince, moreover, -was in travail with his _Chronological History of New England_. He -published it in 1736, and the General Court paused to take note of -it, and forgot for a moment money schemes and revivals to learn how -in the “year 1, first month, 6th day” Adam appeared, to lead the long -chronology which Prince felt bound to run down before he got to his -proper theme. He had already wearied everybody so much, when he had -gone far enough to embrace two or three years only of the New England -story, that no one longer encouraged him, and “the leading work of -history published in America up to that time” remains a fragment for -the antiquaries to regret.[273] - -It was in the year 1741 that the Boston Cadets came into existence -as the governor’s body-guard. It was earlier, that Thomas Hancock, -who had married the daughter of Henchman, the bookseller, by whom he -was indoctrinated with the principles of successful trade, built the -stone mansion on Beacon Hill which John Hancock, his nephew, later -made more famous.[274] It was in this time of commercial distress -that, according to Bennett, an observer, the reputation of the ladies -of Boston suffered if they went to a dancing-assembly lately set up; -but they could drive about with their negro footmen, and “neglect the -affairs of their families with as good a grace as the finest ladies in -London.” And when the finest lady in Boston, his Excellency’s wife, -was buried in 1736, we read of the horses of the hearse covered with -broadcloth and escutcheons, and of other parade and adornment, which -gave tradespeople something to do and money to earn. Artisans needed -then more than now such adventitious help. - -[Illustration: BENJAMIN POLLARD. - -This likeness of one of the first captains of the Boston Cadets follows -an original by Blackburn in the gallery of the Mass. Hist Society. It -was Pollard who received Shirley on his return from Louisbourg. _Mem. -Hist. Boston_, ii. 119. He died in 1756. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -i. 498, xvi. 390; _Catal. of the Cabinet_, no. 76.] - -Not a hatter might make as many hats as he would, because he injured -by so much the trade of the English hatter, and Parliament interdicted -(1732) any such rivalry. The poor man paid dear for his molasses, -because Parliament compelled the merchant to buy it of the English -sugar islands, instead of the French colonies in the West Indies.[275] -He paid more for his rum, because Parliament protected the English -distillers. The merchant smuggled and had no pangs of conscience; and -what smuggling could do was very likely shown in the stately mansion -that Thomas Hancock built.[276] Can we wonder that the new country did -not attract as many settlers as it might; that town rates in Boston -increased from £8,600 in 1738 to £11,000 in 1741, and the polls fell -off from 3,395 to 2,972; and that Sam. Adams, graduating at Harvard -in 1740, took for his Commencement part the inquiry, “Whether it be -lawful to resist the superior magistrates, if the Commonwealth cannot -be otherwise preserved?” - -Belcher played the potentate with the Indians, and made his treaties -with them as his predecessors had done. He met them at Falmouth -(Portland) in 1732, and at Deerfield in 1735. Perhaps he was fairer in -his dealings with them than he was with his fellows of the whiter skin, -for he has passed into history as the least entitled to esteem of all -the line of royal governors in Massachusetts,—a depreciation perhaps -helped by his being born on the soil. His political paths were too -devious. Hutchinson tells us that when Tailer, the lieutenant-governor, -died in 1732, it was Adam Winthrop that Belcher openly favored in New -England as the successor, while he intrigued with the Board of Trade to -secure the appointment of Paul Mascarene; yet to no avail, for Spencer -Phips, the adopted son of Sir William, succeeded to the place. - -[Illustration] - -New Hampshire had been reunited with Massachusetts under Burnet, and -she had proved much more tractable than the larger colony in yielding -the point of the fixed salary to the governor. She had hopes of -being in some way rewarded for it. Under Belcher matters grew worse. -He quarrelled with the lieutenant-governor, and David Dunbar, the -surveyor-general of the king’s lands, came into the place, but without -healing dissensions. Dunbar had the support of influential persons -like Benning Wentworth and Theodore Atkinson; and Belcher made what he -could out of the friendship of Richard Waldron, the secretary.[277] -Massachusetts, as well as her governor, had grievances against her -neighbor; and she prohibited by legislation the circulation within -her bounds of the promissory notes of New Hampshire whose redemption -was not well secured. New Hampshire and Massachusetts were never -again under a single executive. Wentworth chanced to be in London when -Belcher’s downfall came, and he readily slipped into the executive seat -of his province.[278] - -[Illustration: Script - -After the picture (in the Mass. Hist. Society’s gallery) painted on -the voyage over by Smybert, who accompanied him. Cf. _Catal. Cabinet -Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 41. A photograph of the picture of Berkeley and -his family by Smybert, now at Yale College, is given in Noah Porter’s -_Two Hundredth Birthday of Bishop George Berkeley_, N. Y. 1885; and -in Kingsley’s _Yale College_, i. 59. Smybert later painted many -portraits in Boston. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. 384, with references. -His pictures, together with those of Blackburn, Pelham, and Copley, -richly preserve to us the look and costume of the better classes of -New England during the provincial time. Cf. Wm. H. Whitmore’s _Notes -on Peter Pelham_, Boston, 1867; Arthur Dexter’s paper on the “Fine -Arts in Boston” in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, vol. iv., with references in -the notes; A. T. Perkins on the portraits of Smybert and Blackburn in -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec. 1878, p. 385, and May, 1879, p. 93. For -historic costume see Dr. Edward Eggleston’s “Colonists at Home” in -_The Century_, xxix. 882. It was when Copley was most in vogue that -the habits of the upper classes reached in their dress that profusion -of silk and satin, brocaded damask and ruffles, ermine and laces, -velvet and gilt braid, which makes up the descriptions in Mr. Perkins’ -enumeration of Copley’s portraits. (A. T. Perkins’ _Life and Works of -J. S. Copley_, Boston, 1873. Cf. also Martha B. Amory’s “John Singleton -Copley” in _Scribner’s Monthly_, March, 1881, and her _Domestic and -Artistic life of Copley_, Boston, 1882.)] - -The Rhode Islanders ejected (1732) Jenckes, their governor, because he -tried to stay their wild course in the emission of paper money. The -lieutenant-governor, John Wanton, led the opponents of Jenckes, and -secured the election of his brother, William Wanton, and two years -later succeeded to the chair himself. - -George Berkeley, in England, had been pronouncing the age barren of -every glorious theme. Perhaps to transcend this level he conceived -a project of establishing a college in Bermuda for Indians and -missionaries.[279] So he came over to Newport (1729) to buy American -lands, and await or perhaps force a rise on them. The death of George -I. had crossed his pious scheme by drying up his fountains. Newport -was now a thriving town of 5,000 souls, the chief town in a colony -of perhaps 18,000 inhabitants. It had an Episcopal church in which -Berkeley sometimes preached, and to which he gave an organ. He had -brought over with him a Scotch artist, John Smybert, and so the patron -and his family, happy on the whole, though his glorious project had -not fructified, came out of the canvas under Smybert’s pencil; and -the picture went to Yale College, where we may see it now,[280] and -afterwards so did his books, and the deed conveying his Newport -farm,[281] when after two or three years he had gone back to England, a -disappointed man.[282] - -Not long afterwards another man with a mission ventured on a different -project in the little colony. James Franklin, who had found it prudent -to leave Massachusetts, when he told the august assembly that they -did not do all they might to catch pirates, came to this nest of -free-booters, and started a newspaper, the _Rhode Island Gazette_, the -first in the colony, and saw it fail within a year. - -When the Spanish war was coming on, in 1739, the plucky little colony -put herself on a war footing. She built the “Tartar,” a war-sloop of -115 tons;[283] her merchants, the Wantons, the Malbones, and others, -ran five privateers out to sea; and even her quakers found ways to -help. Seven watch-towers were built along the coast, Fort George was -garrisoned, and a battery frowned on Block Island.[284] - -[Illustration: WILLIAM SHIRLEY. - -This follows an engraving, “T. Hudson, pinxt.; J. McArdell, fecit,” -reproduced in J. C. Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, p. 896. Cf. -_Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, p. 26; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii., -frontispiece.] - -In Connecticut, on Saltonstall’s death in 1724, Joseph Talcott -succeeded and held office during the rest of Belcher’s time. - -[Illustration: BOSTON HARBOR, 1732. - -From Popple’s _British Empire in America_ (1732).] - -The rule by which good ends sanctified base means came to its limit. -Belcher, who had not been without high support,[285] was removed on the -6th of May, 1741; when he had sufficiently indoctrinated his opponents -in his own wily ways, and they had not hesitated to use them. - -William Shirley, the governor who succeeded on the same day, was an -English barrister, who had come to Boston some time before (about -1733-35) to seek his fortune. He looked about for offices in the -gift of the home government, and began soliciting them one after -another. When the Spanish war came on, he busied himself in prompting -enlistment, and took care that the authorities in England should know -it; and Mrs. Shirley, then in that country, had, to her husband’s -advantage as it turned out, the ear of the Duke of Newcastle. Shirley -was in Rhode Island acting upon the boundary question, which was then -raised between Massachusetts and her neighbor, when his commission -arrived, and he hastened to Boston to take the oath. - -Shirley had some excellent qualities for political station. He -was courtly and tactful, and when at a later day he entertained -Washington he captivated the young Virginian. He was diligent in his -duties, and knew how to retreat when he had advanced unadvisedly. He -governed his temper, and was commonly wise, though he did not possess -surpassing talents.[286] In his speech to the legislature he urged -the strengthening of the defences of Boston, for the Spanish war -still raged; and he touched without greatly clarifying the financial -problem. He tried in a more civil way than his predecessor had followed -to get his salary fixed; but he could not force a vote, and a tacit -understanding arising that he should be sure annually of £1,000, he -desisted from any further attempts to solve that vexed question. A -month later, he went to Commencement at Cambridge, and delivered a -Latin speech at the proper moment, which was doubtless talked over -round the punch in the chambers, as it added one scholarly feature to -a festival then somewhat riotously kept. There was more dignity at the -Boston lecture, when Benjamin Colman preached, and when his sermon -was printed it had in an appendix the address of the Boston ministers -to the new governor, and his Excellency’s reply. Spencer Phips was -retained in the chair of the lieutenant-governor, but a new collector -of Boston came in with Sir Henry Frankland, the story of whose passion -for the maid of a Marblehead inn is one of the romances of the -provincial history of New England.[287] - -Boston was now a vigorous town, and held probably for the next forty -years a larger space in the view which Europe took of the New World -than has belonged to her since. Forty topsail vessels were at this -time building in her ship-yards. She was despatching to sea twice as -many sail as New York, and Newport was far behind her. Fortunes were -relatively large, and that of John Erving, the father of Shirley’s -son-in-law, was perhaps the largest of its day. He earned a few -dollars in ferrying passengers across to Cambridge on a Commencement -Day; put them into fish for Lisbon, there into fruit for London, and -the receipts into other commodities for the return voyages, until the -round of barter, abundantly repeated, made him the rich man that he -became, and one who could give tea to his guests. The privateers of -the merchants brought royal interest on their outlay, as they captured -goods from the French and Spanish traders. Yankee wit turned sometimes -unpromising plunder to a gain. One vessel brought in “a bale of papal -indulgencies,” taken from a Spanish prize. Fleet, the printer, bought -them, and printed his ballads on their backs. Another Boston merchant, -of Huguenot stock, had given the town a public hall. This benevolent -but keen gentleman, of a limping gait, did not live long to add to the -fortune which he inherited. The first use that Faneuil Hall was put -to was when James Lovell, the schoolmaster and a writer in the local -magazines, delivered a eulogy there on this same Peter Faneuil,[288] -while the loyal Bostonians glanced from the speaker to the likeness of -George II., which had already been hung on its walls. - -Shirley with the rest saw that war with France could not be far off. -There was preparation for it in the treaty with the Six Nations, which -was made at Philadelphia in July, 1742. In August Shirley himself -had treated with the eastern Indians at Fort St. George’s. The next -year (1743) the line of western settlements in Massachusetts was -strengthened by the occupation, under William Williams, of Poontoosuck, -now Pittsfield, and Williams was later instructed to establish Fort -Shirley (at Heath), Fort Pelham (at Rowe), and Fort Massachusetts (in -Adams, near the Williamstown line). - -In 1744 the war came.[289] The French, getting advices from Europe -earlier, attacked Canseau before the English were aware of the hostile -decision. Though France had published her declaration in March, the -news did not reach Boston till the 2d of June. Men’s thoughts passed -from the “Great Awakening” to the stern duties of a war. “The heavenly -shower was over,” said Thomas Prince, who saw with regret what he -thought a warfare with the devil pass by; and Fleet, the wit of the -newspapers, pointed to an opportune comet, and called it “the most -profitable itinerant preacher and friendly New Light that has yet -appeared among us,” while all the pulpit orators viewed it after other -and their own fashions. Perhaps the lingering puritanism saw an omen or -a warning in the chimes just then set in the tower of Christ Church. -A lottery in full success was not heinous enough in those days, it -would seem, to be credited with all the divine rebukes that it might be -now.[290] - -There was danger on the coasts. The armed sloops of Rhode Island and -Connecticut were cruising between Martha’s Vineyard and New Jersey, -and the brigantines of Massachusetts watched the coast north of Cape -Cod.[291] But the retaliatory stroke was soon to come in the expedition -against Louisbourg. - -Dr. Douglass, who had grown into prominence in Boston, prophesied the -failure of a scheme which had the barest majority in the assembly, -and the chances were certainly on his side: but a desire to show what -could be done without the military aid of England aroused the country, -and not a little unworthy hatred of Romanism helped on the cause. One -parson at least was ready to take along with him a hatchet to hew down -the altars of the papist churches. A company from Plymouth, under -Sylvanus Cobb, was the earliest to reach Boston. Massachusetts mustered -3,250 men, and the transports which sailed out of Boston harbor with -this force made a fleet of a hundred sail, under convoy of nine or ten -armed vessels, the whole carrying not far from 200 cannon. - -The reader must turn to another chapter for the progress of the -siege.[292] Good fortune favored this time the bold as well as the -brave. Word coming back to Boston for reinforcements, an express was -sent to Captain Williams, at Fort Shirley, and in six days he reported -in Boston with 74 men, and sailed on the 23d of June. Louisbourg, -however, had already surrendered (June 16), two days after the Rhode -Island sloop “Tartar”[293] and two other war-sloops had dispersed -the flotilla which was speeding from Annapolis to its assistance. -This was the only active force of Rhode Islanders in the campaign; -her contingent of foot, which was intended to join the Connecticut -regiment, did not reach the ground till after the surrender; but her -privateers did good service elsewhere, meanwhile, having sent into -Newport during the year a full score of prizes. - -It was on a fast day, July 2d, that the news of the success reached -Boston, and spread throughout the colonies, occasioning[294] exuberant -rejoicing, which the ministers tempered as best they could with -ascribing the conquest to the finger of God, shown “more clearly, -perhaps,” as Charles Chauncy said, “than since the days of Joshua and -the Judges.” Modern historians think that Douglass was right, and that -extraordinary good luck was a chief reason of the success. - -The colonies beyond the Hudson were now anxious to be partakers in the -cost and in the burden of the future defence of the captured fortress, -if they had not shared the danger and exhaustion of the victory.[295] -Pennsylvania offered £4,000, New Jersey £2,000, and New York £3,000. - - * * * * * - -The victorious Pepperrell returned to Boston in June, 1746. Cannon -from the batteries saluted the frigate which brought him. The governor -welcomed him at the Castle and escorted him to the landing of the town, -where the Cadets received him and led the way to the council chamber. -Here addresses and congratulations were exchanged, and the successful -general started for his home in Maine, meeting demonstrations of honor -at every town on his way. - -Shirley now resolved on further conquest, and plans were being arranged -for an armament sufficient for the conquest of all New France, with -the help this time of veterans from England, when news came of the -speedy arrival of a large French fleet on the coast, with a mission -of reprisals and devastation.[296] In August a thanksgiving for the -victory at Culloden was held, and Thomas Prince spoke in the Old South -in Boston. In September there was little giving of thanks, and there -was much fear of the French admiral, D’Anville. Troops were pouring -into Boston from the country. Douglass says he saw six or seven -thousand of them on Boston Common. The defences of the harbor were -being rapidly strengthened. All the coast lookouts were reëstablished, -and shore batteries were manned. Rhode Island pushed work on her forts. -Connecticut sent promises of large reinforcements, if the attack should -fall on Boston. Every Frenchman was put under surveillance, and the -times inciting to strong language, the General Court issued orders for -greater publicity to be given to the act against profaneness. There -was a fast to supplicate for mercy. Thomas Prince in his pulpit heard -the windows of the meeting-house rattle with a rising storm. He prayed -that it might destroy the French fleet. It did. Divided counsels, -disappointments in plans, the sudden death of D’Anville, its commander, -the suicide of his lieutenant, disorganized the purpose of the enemy; -the waves and the rocks did the rest, and only a fragment of the great -armament went staggering back to France. Boston breathed easily, and -the hasty soldiers marched home to their harvests; and when news came -of the compact which George Clinton had made with the Six Nations at -Albany, in August and September, hope and courage prevailed, though -the tidings from Fort Massachusetts were distressing. Then came -other massacres, and Indians were reported prowling through northern -Hampshire. It had been intended to make a demonstration against Crown -Point in the autumn. Provisions and munitions were hurried from Boston; -Massachusetts men gathered at Albany. Winter came, disconcerting plans, -and discouragement ensued.[297] - -The next year Boston had a taste of the old-world despotism to which -it had not been accustomed. Commodore Knowles, commanding a part of -the fleet which had assisted in the capture of Louisbourg, came to -Boston. Some of Knowles’ men deserted, and as enlistments did not bring -what recruits the fleet needed, the commodore sent a press-gang to -town (November 17, 1747), which seized whomever they found about the -wharves. Boston was enraged. A mob gathered, and demanded that some -of the officers of the fleet, who were in town, should be detained -as hostages. The air grew murkier, and Shirley became frightened and -fled to the Castle. The legislature tried to settle the difficulty, -and Knowles threatened to bombard the town, unless his officers were -released. The General Court denounced the riot, but signified to the -commodore the necessity of redress. Under its order, the officers -returned to the fleet, and Knowles, finding the business had become -dangerous, let most if not all of his recruits go, and set sail, but -not till the governor, gathering courage from the control over the mob -which a town meeting had seemed to acquire, had come back to town, when -he was escorted to his house by the same militia that had refused his -summons before. - -It was a violent reaction for Shirley from the enthusiasm of the -Louisbourg victory, thus to experience the fickleness of what he called -the “mobbishness” of the people; and his trust in the town meeting and -the assembly was not strengthened when the representatives reduced -his allowance, on pretence of the burdens which the war had brought. -Shirley intimated that the 200,000 population of the province and a -capital with 20,000 inhabitants did not mark a people incompetent to -pay their rulers equably; but his intimations went for little. The -colony was not in very good humor. England, in making the treaty of Aix -la Chapelle (October 7, 1748), had agreed to restore Louisbourg to the -French, and leave the bounds as before the war. There were discordant -opinions among the advisers of the government touching the real value -of Louisbourg as a military post; but it was unfortunate that to -redress the balance in Europe England had to relinquish the conquests -of her colonists. It may not have been wholly without regard to the -quelling of the New England pride, which might become dangerous,—since -Sam. Adams was pluming his political rhetoric in the _Independent -Advertiser_ at this time,—that it was thought best by that treaty to -give to the province an intimation of the superior authority of the -Crown.[298] The province was not without its own power of warning, -for Hugh Orr, a young Scotchman, manufactured about this time at -Bridgewater 500 stands of arms for the province of Massachusetts Bay; -which are said to have been carried off by the British from Castle -William when they evacuated Boston in March, 1776. They are supposed to -have been the first made in America.[299] - -Meanwhile, Horatio Walpole, the auditor-general, with an eye to his -own personal advantage, had brought forward a project of the Board of -Trade for overruling the charters of the colonies; but the strenuous -opposition of William Bollan and Eliakim Palmer for Massachusetts -and Connecticut made the advocates of the measure waver, and the -movement failed. Shirley was devising a plan of his own, which looked -to such an extension of the parliamentary prerogative as had not yet -been attempted. His scheme was to build and maintain a line of posts -at the eastward, the expense of which all the colonies should share -under a tax laid by Parliament.[300] In the pursuit of this plan, -Shirley obtained leave of absence, and went to England (1749), while -the conduct of affairs was left in the hands of Spencer Phips, the -lieutenant-governor, a man of experience and good intentions, but -not of signal ability. Thomas Hutchinson, James Otis, and two others -meanwhile went to Falmouth to engage the eastern Indians, who were far -from quiet, in a treaty, which was finally brought to a conclusion on -October 16, 1749. In the following winter (1749-50), Sylvanus Cobb was -in Boston fitting out his sloop for a hostile raid through the Bay of -Fundy; but Cornwallis at Halifax thought the preparations for it had -become known to the French, and the raid was not accomplished. - -The next year (1750), Parliament touched the provinces roughly. The -English tanners wished for bark, and they could get it cheap if the -English land-owners could sell their wood to the furnaces, and the -furnaces would buy it if they could find a sufficient market for their -iron and steel, as they could do if they had no rivals in America. -It was a chain of possibilities that Parliament undertook to make -realities, and so passed an act forbidding the running of slitting and -rolling mills in the colonies, and Charles Townshend, who introduced -the bill, found no opposer in Shirley. The bold utterances that -Jonathan Mayhew was making in indignant Boston carried a meaning that -did not warn, as it might, the Board of Trade in England. - -Shirley, after four years’ absence, during which he had been employed -in an unsuccessful mission to Paris about the Acadian boundaries, came -back to Boston in 1753, to be kindly received, but to feel in bringing -with him a young Catholic wife, whom he had married in Paris, the -daughter of his landlord, that he gave her the position of the first -lady in the province not without environing himself and her with great -embarrassment, in a community which, though it had departed widely from -the puritanism of the fathers, was still intolerant of much that makes -man urbane and merry. While Shirley had been gone, the good town had -been much exercised over an attempt to introduce the drama, and the -performance of Otway’s _Orphan_ at a coffee-house in King Street had -stirred the legislature to pass a law against stage plays. The journals -of Goelet[301] and others give us some glimpses of life, however, far -from prudish, and show that human nature was not altogether suppressed, -nor all of the good people quite as stiff as Blackburn was now painting -them. - -Notwithstanding his hymeneal entanglement, Shirley was unquestionably -the most powerful Englishman at this time in America. The fortuitous -success of his Louisbourg expedition had given him a factitious -military reputation.[302] A test of it seemed imminent. For the sixth -time in eighty years the frontiers were now ravaged by the savages. -Pepperrell was sent to pacify the eastern Indians. The French were -stretching a cordon of posts from the Atlantic to the gulf which -alarmed Shirley, and he doubted if anything was safe to the eastward -beyond the Merrimac, unless the French could be pushed back from Nova -Scotia. He feared New Hampshire would be lost, and with it the supply -of masts for the royal navy. A road had been cut along the Westfield -River through Poontoosuck (Pittsfield) to Albany, and Shirley planned -defences among the Berkshire Hills. - -At this juncture a conference of the colonies was called at Albany in -1754, which had been commanded through the governor of New York by the -Board of Trade. The reader will find its history traced on a later -page. Hutchinson in July brought back to Boston a draft of the plan of -action. In the autumn the legislature was considering the question, -while Franklin was in Boston (October-December) conferring with -Shirley and discussing plans. Boston held a town meeting and denounced -the Albany plan, and in December (14th) the legislature definitely -rejected it, as all the other colonies in due time did. Rhode Island, -particularly, was very vigilant, lest an attempt might be made to -abridge her charter-privileges. Connecticut established its first press -in this very year, which with the press of the other colonies, was -lukewarm or hostile to the plan.[303] - -Shirley had not attended the congress. He had left Boston in June -(1754) on the province frigate “Massachusetts,” with the forces under -John Winslow to build a fort on the Kennebec, which was completed on -the 3d of September and called Fort Halifax. On his way he stopped -at Falmouth, and on the 28th of June he had a conference with the -Norridgewock Indians, and on July 5th another with the Penobscots. -Accompanied by some young Indians who were entrusted to the English -for education, the governor was once more in Boston on the 9th of -September, where he was received with due honor. - -This expedition and the congress were but the prelude to eventful -years. When Henry Pelham died, on the 6th of March of this year, his -king, in remembrance of the wise and peaceful policy of his minister, -exclaimed, “Now I shall have no more peace!” For the struggle which was -impending, New England had grown in strength and preparation, and had -had much inuring to the trials of predatory warfare. She had increased -about sixfold in population, while New York and Virginia had increased -fivefold. The newer colonies of Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, -and Maryland had fairly outstripped these older ones, and numbered now -nine times as large a population as they had sixty-five years earlier. -The Carolinas and Georgia had increased in a ratio far more rapid. -Massachusetts at this time probably had 45,000 on its alarm list, and -in train-bands over 30,000 stood ready for the call.[304] John Adams, -when teaching a school in Worcester the next year, ventured to write to -a friend, “If we can remove the turbulent Gallicks, our people will in -another century become more numerous than England itself.” - -In the spring of 1755 Shirley went to Alexandria, in Virginia, being -on the way from March 30 till April 12, to meet the other governors, -and to confer with General Braddock upon the organization of that -general’s disastrous campaign. When the news of its fatal ending -reached New England it gave new fervor to the attempts, in which she -was participating, of attacking the French on the Canada side,[305] -and the war seemed brought nearer home to her people when, by the -death of Braddock, the supreme command devolved on the Massachusetts -governor.[306] On the 6th of November, at Thomas Hutchinson’s -instigation and in expression of their good-will at Shirley’s -promotion, the General Court passed a vote of congratulation. - -The autumn had been one of excitement in Boston.[307] The forces of -nature were conspiring to add to the wonderment of the hour. A part of -the same series of convulsions which overturned Lisbon on November 1st -and buried Sir Henry Frankland in the ruins, to be extricated by that -Agnes Surriage whose romantic story has already been referred to, had -been experienced in New England at four o’clock in the morning of the -18th of the same month, with a foreboding of a greater danger; but the -commotion failed in the end to do great damage to its principal town, -then esteemed, if we may believe the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, finer than -any town in England excepting London. People looked to the leading man -of science in New England of that time for some exposition of this -mighty power, and Prof. John Winthrop gave at Cambridge his famous -lecture on earthquakes, which was shortly printed.[308] The electrical -forces of nature had not long before revealed themselves to Franklin -with his kite, and it was in November or December that the news was -exciting comment in Boston, turning men’s thoughts from the weariness -of the war. - -That war had not prospered under Shirley, and with a suspicion that -he had been pushed beyond his military capacity he was recalled to -England, ostensibly to give advice on its further conduct. He had -found that Massachusetts could not be led to tax herself directly for -the money which he needed, and only pledged herself to reimburse, if -required, the king’s military chest for £35,000, which Shirley drew -from it. A scale of bounties had failed to induce much activity in -enlistments, and the forces necessary for the coming campaign were -gathering but slowly.[309] This was the condition of affairs when -Shirley left for England, carrying with him the consoling commendations -of the General Court. - -Spencer Phips, the lieutenant-governor, succeeded to the executive -chair in Massachusetts at a time when even Boston was not felt to -be secure, so fortunate or skilful were the weaker French in a -purpose that was not imperilled by the jealousies which misguided -the stronger English. It was now problematical if Loudon, the new -commander-in-chief, was to bring better auguries. In January of the -next year (1757), he came to Boston to confer with the New England -governors. The New England colonies now agreed to raise 4,000 new -troops. Meanwhile Phips had died in April (4th) in the midst of the -war preparations, and Pepperrell, as president of the council, next -directed affairs till Thomas Pownall,[310] who had been commissioned -governor, and who had reached Halifax on the fleet which brought -Lord Howe’s troops, arrived in Boston, August 3d, on the very day -when Montcalm on Lake George was laying siege to Fort William Henry, -which in a few days surrendered. The news did not reach Pownall till -he had pushed forward troops to Springfield on their way to relieve -the fort. He put Pepperrell at once in command of the militia,[311] -and a large body of armed men gathered under him on the line of the -Connecticut;[312] for there was ignorance at the time of Montcalm’s -inability to advance because of desertions, and of the weakening of -his force by reason of the details he had made to guard and transport -the captured stores. Messengers were hurried to the other colonies to -arouse them. John Adams, then a young man teaching in Worcester, kept -from the pulpit by reason of his disbelief in Calvinism, stirred by -the times, with the hope some day of commanding a troop of horse or -a company of foot, was one of these messengers sent to Rhode Island, -and he tells us how struck he was with the gayety and social aspect -of Sunday in that colony, compared with the staid routine which -characterized the day in Massachusetts.[313] - -Massachusetts had enrolled 7,000 men for the campaign. Connecticut had -put 5,000 in the field, and Rhode Island and New Hampshire a regiment -each. Massachusetts had further maintained a guard of 600 men along her -frontiers. The cost of all these preparations necessitated a tax of -half the income of personal and landed property. - -In a commercial sense almost crushed,[314] in a political sense the -people were as buoyant as ever. When Loudon sent orders to quarter a -regiment of the British troops on the people, the legislature forbade -it, and grew defiant, and nothing could pacify them but the withdrawal -of the order. The commander-in-chief, however he stormed in New York, -found it expedient to yield when he learned of the fury his order was -exciting in a colony upon whose vigor the home government was largely -depending for the successful prosecution of the war. This had now -fallen into the hands of Pitt, and he at once recalled Loudon, who -chanced to be in Boston, parleying with the legislature about raising -troops, when an express brought him his recall. Abercrombie, who -succeeded, was even a worse failure; but there was a burst of light at -the eastward. Amherst had captured Louisbourg in July (1758),[315] and -bringing his troops by water to Boston had landed them on September -13. Never was there so brilliant array of war seen in the harbor -as the war-ships presented, or on Boston Common where the troops -were encamped. Amherst delayed but three days for rest, when on the -16th of September he began his march westward to join the humbled -Abercrombie. At Worcester the troops halted, and John Adams tells us -of the “excellent order and discipline” which they presented, and of -the picturesqueness of the Scotch in their plaids, as this army of four -thousand men filled his ardent gaze. - -During the winter recruiting was going on in Boston with success for -the fleet wintering at Louisbourg.[316] In the campaign of the next -year (1759), Massachusetts and Connecticut put at least a sixth of all -their males able to bear arms into the field. They were in part in the -army which Amherst led by way of Lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence, -and among them were some of the veterans which Pepperrell had command -in 1745 at Louisbourg,—Pepperrell who was to die during the progress -of the campaign, on the 6th of July, at Kittery in his sixty-fourth -year. Another portion went with Pownall to the Penobscot region, or -followed him there, and assisted in the building of Fort Pownall, which -was completed in July (1759).[317] The reader must turn to another -chapter[318] for the brilliant success of Wolfe at Quebec, which -virtually ended the war. - -George the Second hardly heard of the victories which crowned his -minister’s policy. He died October 25, 1760, but the news of his death -did not reach Boston till December 27th. He had already effected a -change in the government of Massachusetts. Pownall, who had made -interest with the Board of Trade to be transferred to the executive -chair of South Carolina, left Boston in June, taking with him the -good wishes of a people whom he had governed more liberally and -considerately than any other of the royal governors.[319] Two months -later (August 2, 1760), Francis Bernard, who had been governor of New -Jersey,[320] reached Boston as his successor. He showed some want of -tact in his first speech, in emphasizing the advantages of subjection -to the home government, and gave the House opportunity to rejoin -that but for the sacrifice in blood and expense which these grateful -colonies had experienced, Great Britain might now have had no colonies -to defend. Notwithstanding so untoward a beginning, Bernard seems to -have thought well of the people, and reported fair phrases of encomium -to the Lords of Trade.[321] - -A few weeks after Bernard’s arrival Stephen Sewall, the chief -justice, died (September 11, 1760). Thomas Hutchinson was now the -most conspicuous man in New England, and he had put all New England -under obligations by his strenuous and successful efforts to better -their monetary condition. A train of events followed, which might -possibly have been averted, if, instead of appointing Hutchinson to -the chief-justiceship, as he did, Bernard had raised one of the other -justices, and filled the vacancy with Col. James Otis, then Speaker of -the House, father of the better known patriot of that name, and whose -appointment had been contemplated, it is said, by Shirley. Hutchinson -was already lieutenant-governor, succeeding Spencer Phips, and was soon -to be judge of probate also for Suffolk,—a commingling of official -power that could but incite remark. - -The younger Otis was soon to become conspicuous, in a way that might -impress even Bernard. There were certain moneys forfeited to the king -for the colony’s use, arising from convictions for smuggling under the -Sugar Act; the province had never applied for them, and had neglected -its opportunities in that respect. The House instructed Otis to sue the -custom-house officers. The superior bench under the lead of Hutchinson -decided against the province, and it did not pass without suspicion -that Bernard had placed Hutchinson on that bench to secure this verdict. - -An event still more powerful in inciting discontent was approaching. -Charles Paxton, who had been surveyor of Boston since 1752, -had, in his seeking for smuggled goods, used general search -warrants,—unreturnable, known as “writs of assistance,” and of course -liable to great abuse. It seems probable that this process had been so -far sparingly used, and there had been no manifest discontent. Upon -the king’s death, the existing writs had only a six months’ later -continuance, when new applications must be made under the new reign. -These new applications came at a time when the public mind was much -exercised, and there was a determination to question the legality of -such unrestrained power as the writs implied. The hearing was to be -before the court of which Hutchinson was now the chief. Jeremy Gridley -appeared for the king, and the younger Otis with Oxenbridge Thacher -for the petitioners. The court deferred its decision, but in November, -1761, the case was again discussed. The court meanwhile had had advices -from England, and the writs were sustained. In the discontent growing -out of this proceeding, we may find the immediate beginning of the -controversy between the provinces and the Crown, which resulted in -the American Revolution. The subsidence of the war left men time to -think deeply of these intestine griefs, and when the Peace of Paris in -February, 1763, finally dissipated the danger of arms, events had gone -far to shape themselves for bringing another renewal of battle, not -with the French, but with the mother country. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -NEW ENGLAND IN GENERAL.—Of Cotton Mather’s _Magnalia Christi -Americana, or the Ecclesiastical History of New England from 1620 -to 1698_, mention has been made in another volume,[322] and, as the -title shows, it touches only the few earlier years of the period now -under consideration. The book was published in London in 1702, and -a solitary forerunner of the edition reached Boston, as we know, -October 29 of the same year. It was the most considerable work which -had been produced in the British colonies, and was in large part an -unshapely conglomerate of previous tracts and treatises. Neal, Mather’s -successor in the field, while praising his diligence in amassing the -material of history, expressed the opinion of all who would divest -scholarship of meretriciousness when he criticised its “puns and -jingles,”[323] and said, “Had the doctor put his materials a little -closer together, and disposed them in another method, his work would -have been more acceptable.”[324] But Mather without Matherism would -lose in his peculiar literary flavor; we laugh and despise, while his -books nevertheless find a chief place on the shelves of our New England -library. Mather was still young when the _Magnalia_ was printed, but -he stood by his methods and manner a quarter of a century later, and -in publishing (1726) his _Manuductio ad Ministerium_[325] he defended -his labored and bedizened style against, as he says, the blades of -the clubs and coffee-houses, who set up for critics. He also belabored -Oldmixon in a similar fashion, when that compiler both borrowed the -doctor’s labors and berated his reputation, and Mather called him, in -his inveterate manner, Old Nick’s son.[326] Sibley not unfairly remarks -that these peculiarities of Mather’s style were probably almost as -absurd to his contemporaries as to ourselves;[327] and very likely it -helped to create something of that curiosity respecting him, which -Prince tells us he found in Europe at a later day. - -In any estimate of Cotton Mather we may pass by the eulogy of his -colleague Joshua Gee,[328] and the _Life of Cotton Mather_[329] by -his son Samuel, as the efforts of a predisposing and uncritical -friendliness. We are not quite sure how far removed from the fulsome -flattery, if not insincerity, of funeral sermons in those days was the -good word upon his contemporary which came from Benjamin Colman. - -With the coming of the present century we might suppose the last -personal resentment of those who knew Cotton Mather had gone, and as -an historical character it might well be claimed that a dispassionate -judgment was due to him. When James Savage edited Winthrop’s journal, -the public were told how Cotton Mather should be contemned; and the -tale was not untruthful, but it was one-sided. Quincy in his _History -of Harvard University_ could give no very laudatory estimate of the -chronic and envious grumbler against the college.[330] When Dr. -Chandler Robbins wrote the _History of the Second Church_ of Boston, he -said all he could, and in a kindly spirit, to qualify the derogatory -estimate then prevalent respecting his predecessor; and W. B. O. -Peabody in his _Life of Cotton Mather_[331] tempered his judgment -by saying, “There is danger lest in our disgust at his fanaticism -and occasional folly we should deny him the credit which he actually -deserves.” His professed defenders, too, lighten their approval with -pointing out his defects. Thus does Samuel G. Drake in a rather feeble -memoir in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (vol. vi.), and in the -1855 edition of the _Magnalia_. Dr. A. H. Quint in the _Congregational -Quarterly_, 1859, and Dr. Henry M. Dexter in the _Memorial Hist. of -Boston_, vol. ii., incline to the eulogistic side, but with some -reservations. Mr. Samuel F. Haven in the _Report of the Amer. Antiq. -Soc._, April, 1874, turned away the current of defamation which every -revival of the Salem witchcraft question seems to guide against the -young minister of that day. The estimates of Moses Coit Tyler in his -_Hist. of Amer. Literature_ (vol. ii.), and John Langdon Sibley in his -_Harvard Graduates_ (vol. iii.), show that the disgust, so sweeping -fifty years ago, is still recognized amid all efforts to judge Mather -lightly.[332] Mankind is tender in its judgment of the average man, -when a difference of times exists. The historical sense, however, is -rigid in its scrutiny of those who posture as index-fingers to their -contemporaries; and it holds such men accountable to the judgments of -all time. Great men separate the perennial and sweet in the traits of -their epoch from the temporary and base,—a function Cotton Mather had -no conception of. - - * * * * * - -The next general account of the New England colonies after the -_Magnalia_, and covering the first thirty years of the present period, -was Daniel Neal’s _History of New-England containing an account of the -civil and ecclesiastical affairs of the country to 1700_. _With a map, -and an appendix containing their present charter, their ecclesiastical -discipline, and their municipal-laws_. In 2 vols. (London. 1720.)[333] - -Dr. Watts, writing to Cotton Mather, Feb., 1719-20, of Neal’s history, -said that he had hoped to find it “an abstract of the lives and -spiritual experiences of those great and good souls that planted and -promoted the gospel among you, and those most remarkable providences, -deliverances, and answers to prayers that are recorded in your -_Magnalia Christi_, but I am disappointed of my expectations; for he -has written with a different view, and has taken merely the task of an -historian upon him.” Watts took Neal to task personally for his freedom -about the early persecution; but Neal only answered that the fidelity -of an historian required it of him.[334] Neal himself in his preface -(p. iv.) acknowledges his freedom in treating of the mistakes into -which the government fell. - -Prince in the preface to his _Chronological History of New England_ -says: “In 1720 came out Mr. Neal’s History of New England.... He has -fallen into many mistakes of facts which are commonly known among us, -some of which he seems to derive from Mr. Oldmixon’s account of New -England in his British Empire in America, and which mistakes[335] -are no doubt the reason why Mr. Neal’s history is not more generally -read among us; yet, considering the materials this worthy writer was -confined to, and that he was never here, it seems to me scarce possible -that any under his disadvantages should form a better. In comparing him -with the authors from whence he draws, I am surprised to see the pains -he has taken to put the materials into such a regular order; and to me -it seems as if many parts of his work cannot be mended.” - - * * * * * - -Rogers and Fowle, printers in Boston, who were publishing a new -magazine, begun in 1743, called _The American Magazine_, announced -that they would print in it by instalment a new history of the English -colonies. They changed the plan subsequently so as to issue the book -in larger type, in quarterly numbers, and in this form there appeared -in January, 1747, the first number, with a temporary title, which -read: _A summary, historical and political, of the first planting, -progressive improvements and present state of the British settlements -in North America; with some transient accounts of the bordering French -and Spanish settlements. By W. D., M. D., No. 1. To be continued_. -Boston, 1747.[336] The author soon became known as Dr. William -Douglass, the Scotch physician living in Boston,—“honest and downright -Dr. Douglass,” as Adam Smith later chose to call him. He had drawn -(pp. 235-38), in contrast to Admiral Warren, a severe character of -Admiral Knowles, whose conduct, which occasioned the impressment riot -then recent, was fresh in memory. Knowles seems to have instituted -a suit for libel, which led to a rather strained amend by Douglass -in the preface to the first volume, when the numbers were collected -in 1749, and were issued with a title much the same as before, _A -Summary, historical and political, of the first planting,_ etc., -_containing_—here follow five heads.[337] The character which he had -given of Knowles, he says, was written out of passionate warmth and -indiscretion, merely “in affection to Boston and the country of New -England, his _altera patria_,” and then adds that he has suppressed -it in the completed volume.[338] The second volume is dated 1751, and -Douglass died in 1752.[339] - -To his second volume (1751) he adds what he calls “a supplement to -the first volume and introduction to the second volume,” in which he -hints at the offence he had given Shirley and Knowles—the latter’s -suit for libel forcing him to recant, as we have seen—by saying, -“If facts related in truth offend any governor, commodore, or other -great officer,” the author “will not renounce impartiality and become -sycophant.” He further charges upon “the great man of the province -for the time being,” as he calls Shirley, the “impeding, or rather -defeating, this public-spirited, laborious undertaking,” as he -characterizes his own book. - -A large part of the work is given to New England, which he knew best; -but his knowledge was at all times subservient to his prejudices, which -were rarely weak. He is often amusing in his self-sufficiency, and -not unentertaining; but he who consults the book is puzzled with his -digressions and with his disorderly arrangement, and there is no index -to relieve him.[340] Hutchinson struck the estimate which has not since -been disputed: it was his “foible to speak well or ill of men very much -as he had a personal friendship for them, or had a personal difference -with them.”[341] Prof. Tyler in his _Hist. of American Literature_[342] -has drawn his character more elaborately than others.[343] His book, -while containing much that is useful to the student, remains a source -of uncertainty in respect to all statements not elsewhere confirmed, -and yet of his predecessors on New England history Douglass has -the boldness to say that they are “beyond all excuse intolerably -erroneous.”[344] - -A wider interest than that of ecclesiastical record attaches to a book -which all students of New England history have united in thinking -valuable. This is the work of Isaac Backus, a Baptist minister in -Middleborough, Mass., who published at Boston in 1777 a first volume, -which was called _A History of New England, with particular reference -to the denomination of Christians called Baptists_.[345] This volume -brought the story down to 1690 only, but an appendix summarized -subsequent history down to the date of the book. In the second volume, -which appeared at Providence in 1784, the title was changed to _A -Church History of New England, vol. ii., extending from 1690 to 1784_. -The same title was preserved in the third volume, which was published -in Boston in 1796, bringing the narrative down to that date. In the -preface to this volume the author complained of the many typographical -errors in the first volume, and professed that though there had been -private dislikes of the work by some “because their own schemes of -power and gain were exposed thereby,” he knew not of any public dispute -about “its truth of facts.” The whole work has been reprinted under the -title of the original first volume, with notes by David Weston, and -published in two volumes by the Backus Historical Society at Newton, -Mass., in 1871.[346] - -Miss Hannah Adams published at Dedham, Mass., in 1799, a single -volume, _Summary History of New England_. She does not profess to have -done more than abridge the usual printed sources, as they were then -understood, and to have made some use of MS. material, particularly -respecting the history of Rhode Island. - -[Illustration: HANNAH ADAMS. - -This follows an oil portrait by Alexander in the cabinet of the -American Antiquarian Society at Worcester. Hannah Adams was born at -Medfield, in 1755, and died at Brookline, Mass., Nov. 15, 1831; and she -was the first person interred at Mount Auburn.] - -It is the fourth and last published volume of Dr. Palfrey’s _History -of New England_ (Boston, 1875) which comes within the period of the -present chapter, bringing the story, however, down only to 1741, but -a continuation is promised from a MS. left by the author, and edited -by General F. W. Palfrey, his son, which will complete the historian’s -plan by continuing the narrative to the opening of the war of -independence. This fourth volume is amply fortified with references and -notes, in excess of the limitations which governed the earlier ones. -The author says in his preface that he may be thought in this respect -“to have gone excessively into details, and I cannot dispute [he adds] -the justness of the criticism; such at present is the uncontrollable -tendency of my mind.” - -[Illustration: JOHN GORHAM PALFREY. - -The editor is indebted to Gen. F. W. Palfrey for the excellent -photograph after which this engraving is made.] - -In 1866 Dr. Palfrey published a popular abridgment of his first three -volumes in two smaller ones. These were reissued in August, 1872, with -a third, and in 1873 with a fourth, which completed the abridgment of -his larger work, and carried the story from the accession of Shirley -to power down to the opening of the military history of the American -Revolution. In this admirably concise form, reissued in 1884, with -a thorough index, the work of the chief historian of New England is -known as _A compendious History of New England from the Discovery -by Europeans to the first general Congress of the Anglo-American -Colonies_,—the last summarized chapter in the work not being -recognized in the title.[347] - - -MASSACHUSETTS.—For this as well as for the period embraced in the -third volume of the present history,[348] Thomas Hutchinson’s _History -of Massachusetts Bay_ is of the highest importance. Hutchinson says -that he was impelled to write the history of the colony from observing -the repeated destruction of ancient records in Boston by fire, and -he complains that the descendants of some of the first settlers will -neither use themselves nor let others use the papers which have -descended to them. He seems, however, to have had the use of the papers -of the elder Elisha Cooke. He acknowledges the service which the Mather -library, begun by Increase Mather, and in Hutchinson’s time owned by -Samuel Mather, who had married Hutchinson’s sister, was to him. - -While Hutchinson’s continuation of the story beyond 1749 was as yet -unknown, George Richards Minot planned to take up the narrative and -carry it on. Minot’s _Continuation of the History of the Province of -Massachusetts Bay from 1748_ shows that he made use of the files in -the state house as well as their condition then permitted, but he -was conscious of the assistance which he might have had, and did not -possess, from the papers in the English archives. His first volume was -printed in 1798; and he died before his second volume was published, -in 1803, which had brought the record down to 1765, but stopped -abruptly.[349] Grahame (iii. 446) calls the work “creditable to the -sense and talent of its author,” but considers “his style frequently -careless, and even slovenly and ungrammatical.” His contemporaries -viewed his literary manner much more favorably, and were inclined -to give him a considerable share in placing our native historical -literature upon a scholarly basis. More painstaking research, with -a careful recording of authorities, characterizes the only other -_History of Massachusetts_ of importance, that by John S. Barry, whose -second volume is given to the period now under consideration,—a work, -however, destitute of commensurate literary skill, or its abundant -learning would give it greater reputation. Haliburton, in chapters 2 -and 3 of book iii. of _The Rule and Misrule of the English in America_, -traces in a summary way the turbulent politics of the province of -Massachusetts during its long struggle against the royal prerogative. -Emory Washburn’s _Sketches of the judicial history of Massachusetts -from 1630 to the revolution in 1775_, Boston, 1840, contains -biographical notices of the judges of Massachusetts, and traces the -relations of the study of the law to the progress of political events. -William Henry Whitmore’s _Massachusetts civil list for the colonial -and provincial records, 1630-1774_, Albany, 1870, is a list of the -names and dates of appointment of all the civil officers constituted -by authority of the charters or the local government. The general -histories of Maine (during this period a part of Massachusetts) have -been sufficiently characterized in another place.[350] - - -CONNECTICUT.—The _History of Connecticut_, by Benjamin Trumbull, -becomes not of less value as it approaches his own time. Grahame (ii. -165) says of him that he is “always distinguished by the accuracy of -his statements, but not less distinguished by his partiality for his -own people,” and Palfrey (iv. 226) avers that with all “his gravity -Trumbull had a tendency for sensational traditions,” and both are -right. He had not brought the story down later than 1713, in the volume -published at Hartford in 1797. He says that he availed himself of the -material which the ancient ministers and other principal gentlemen of -Connecticut had communicated to Thomas Prince, when that writer was -engaged upon his _Chronological Hist. of New England_; and in this -collection, he adds, “important information was found, which could -have been obtained from no other source.” Trumbull’s first volume was -reprinted at New Haven in 1818, with a portrait of the author, together -with a second volume, bringing the story down to 1764. - - -RHODE ISLAND.—Of Rhode Island in the present period, Arnold’s -_History_ is the foremost modern authority.[351] Mr. William E. Foster -has recently prepared, as no. 9 of the _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_ -(1884), a careful and well-annotated study of the political history of -the eighteenth century, in a _Memoir of Stephen Hopkins_. - - -NEW HAMPSHIRE.—Dr. Belknap, as the principal historian of New -Hampshire, has been characterized in another place.[352] The -bibliography of his history may find record here. The first volume, -_The History of New Hampshire, vol. i., comprehending ... one complete -century from the discovery of the Pascataqua_, was read through the -press in Philadelphia (1784) by Ebenezer Hazard.[353] This volume was -reprinted at Boston in 1792, where meanwhile vol. ii. (1715-1790) had -appeared in 1781, and vol. iii., embracing a geographical description, -was issued in 1792. The imprints of these volumes vary somewhat.[354] -There was printed at Dover, N. H., in 1812 (some copies have “Boston, -1813”) a second edition in three volumes, “with large additions and -improvements published from the author’s last manuscript;” but this -assertion is not borne out by the book itself.[355] A copy of his -original edition having such amendments by Belknap had been used in -1810, at Dover, in printing an edition which was never completed, as -the copy and what had been done in type were burned. Before parting -with this corrected copy, the representatives of Dr. Belknap had -transferred his memoranda to another copy, and this last copy is -the one referred to in the edition which was printed by John Farmer -at Dover in 1831, called _The History of New Hampshire by Jeremy -Belknap, from a copy of the original edition having the author’s last -corrections, to which are added notes containing various corrections -and illustrations. By John Farmer._[356] This is called vol. i., -and contains the historical narrative, but does not include the -geographical portion (vol. iii. of the original ed.), which Farmer -never added to the publication.[357] Belknap says that he had been -educated under the influence of Thomas Prince, and that he had used -Prince’s library before it had been despoiled during the Revolution. Of -Hutchinson—and Belknap was in early manhood before Hutchinson left New -England—he says that while that historian writes many things regarding -New Hampshire which Neal and Douglass have omitted, he himself omits -others, which he did not think it proper to relate. He refers to Mr. -Fitch, of Portsmouth, as having begun to collect notes on New Hampshire -history as early as 1728, and says that he had found in Fitch’s papers -some things not elsewhere obtainable. He also animadverts on errors -into which Chalmers had fallen in his _Political Annals of the American -Colonies_. - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - - -=A.= THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND.—After the lapsing of -the New England Confederacy consequent upon the charter of William -and Mary, the governments which made up that group of colonies had -no collective archives. It is only as we search the archives of the -English Public Record Office, and those of Paris and Canada, including -Nova Scotia, that we find those governments treated collectively. The -_Reports_ of the English Historical Manuscripts Commission have of late -years not only thrown additional light on our colonial history, as -papers touching it preserved in the muniment rooms of leading families -have been calendared, but the commission’s labors have also been the -incentive by which the public depositary of records has been enriched -by the transfer of many papers, which the commission has examined. -Nine of their voluminous reports (up to 1885) have been printed, and -by their indexes clues have been provided to the documents about New -England history. The _Shelburne Papers_, belonging to the Marquis of -Lansdowne, which make a large part of the _Fifth Report_, while of -most interest in connection with the American Revolution, reveal not -a little concerning the colonial history of the earlier part of the -seventeenth century. The volumes enumerated in this _Report_, which -are marked xlv. (1705-1724) and xlvi. (1686-1766), are of particular -interest, referring entirely to the American colonies. We find here -various papers of the Board of Trade and Plantations (or copies of -them), embracing the replies from the provincial governors to their -inquiries. In the volume numbered lxi., there are sundry reports of the -attorney and solicitor-general, to whom had been referred the appeals -of Massachusetts in 1699, and of Connecticut in 1701; his report of -1705 respecting Jesuits and papists in the plantations; that of 1707 on -the acts of Massachusetts fining those trading with the French; that -of 1710 on the reservation of trees in Massachusetts for masts of the -royal navy; that of 1716 on the claim of the governor of Massachusetts -to command the militia of Rhode Island; that of 1720 on the negative -of the governor reserved in the charter of Massachusetts; that of -1722 on the question of the time when the three years that a province -law is open to disapproval properly begins; that of 1725 on the -encroachments of the House of Representatives on the prerogative of the -Crown; that of 1732 relating to the validity of acts in Rhode Island, -notwithstanding the governor’s dissent,—not to name many others. - -Another source of documentary help is the manuscripts of the British -Museum, of which there are printed catalogues; and the enumeration of -the documents in the possession of the Canadian government,—of which -the quality can be judged, as they existed in 1858,—in the _Catalogue -of the Library of Parliament_, Toronto, 1858, pp. 1541-1655. - - * * * * * - -The archives of Massachusetts are probably not surpassed in richness by -those of any other of the English colonies. The solicitude which the -colonial and provincial government always felt for their preservation -is set forth by Dr. George H. Moore in appendix v. of his _Final -notes on Witchcraft_ (New York, 1885). In 1821, Alden Bradford, then -secretary of the commonwealth, made a printed statement of “the -public records and documents belonging to the commonwealth” (pp. -19), but the fullest enumeration of them was included in a _Report -to the Legislature of Massachusetts, made by the Commissioners ... -upon the condition of the records, files, papers, and documents in -the Secretary’s department, Jan., 1885_ (pp. 42), drawn up by the -present writer. An indication of such of them as concern the period -of the present volume may be desirable.[358] The series of bound -volumes, arranged in 1836-46, by the Rev. Joseph B. Felt, according -to a classification which was neither judicious nor uniform, but, as -Dr. Palfrey says, betrays “ingenious disorder,”[359] includes not all, -but the chief part of the papers illustrative of legislation in the -secretary’s office which concern us in the present chapter and make -part of one hundred and thirty-one volumes. These come in sequence -through vol. 136,—the omitted volumes being no. 107 (the revolution -of 1689) and nos. 126 to 129 (the usurpation of the Andros period). -The other volumes as a rule begin in the colonial period and come down -to about the beginning of the Revolutionary War. They are enumerated -with their topical characteristics in the _Report_ already referred to -(pp. 8, 9). Four volumes of ancient plans, grants, etc. (1643-1783), -accompany the series. - -Of the so-called _French Archives_—documents copied in France—mention -has been elsewhere made, and a considerable portion of them cover the -period now under examination.[360] - -The destruction of the town and court house in 1747 carried with it -the loss of many of the original records of the colony and province. -The government had already undertaken a transcript of the records of -the General Court, which had been completed down to 1737; and this -copy, being at the house of Secretary Josiah Willard, was saved. A -third copy was made from this, and it is this duplicate character which -attaches to the records as we now have them. Transcripts of these -records under the charter of William and Mary had by its provisions -been sent to the Lords of Trade, session by session, and orders were -at once given to secure these from 1737 to 1746, or a copy of them, -for the province archives. For some reason this was not accomplished -till 1845, when a commissioner was sent to England for that purpose; -and these years (1737-1746) are thus preserved. None of these records -for the provincial period have been printed.[361] The records of the -upper branch or the council were also burned,[362] and were in a -similar way restored from England. Of the House of Representatives, or -lower branch, we have no legislative records before 1714, nor of the -legislative action of either branch have we any complete record before -1714, since neither the journals of the House nor the legislative part -of the records of the council were sent over to England, but only the -executive part of the latter, which was apparently made up in view -of such transmission, as Moore represents. The preservation of the -journals of the House is due to the jealousy which that body felt of -Dudley when he prorogued them in 1715. Because of their inaction on -the paper-money question, the House, in a moment of indignation, and -to show that they had done something, if not what the governor liked, -voted to have their daily records printed. The set of these printed -journals in the possession of the State is defective.[363] There is -not known to be a perfect set of them in any collection, perhaps not -in all the collections in the state, says Judge Chamberlain,[364] who -adds: “Of their value for historical purposes I have formed a very high -opinion. In many respects they are of more value than the journals of -the General Court, which show results; while the journals of the House -disclose the temper of the popular branch, and give the history of -many abortive projects which never reached the journals of the General -Court.”[365] Of a series of copies called charters, commissions, and -proclamations, the second volume (1677-1774) concerns the present -inquiry. There is a file of bound letters beginning in 1701, and it -would seem they are copies in some, perhaps many, cases of originals in -the archives as arranged by Mr. Felt. - -Respecting the French and Indian wars, nine volumes of the so-called -_Massachusetts Archives_ cover muster-rolls from 1710 to 1774, -including the regiments of Sir Chas. Hobby and others (1710), the -frontier garrisons, those of Annapolis Royal (1710-11), the expedition -to the West Indies (1740), the campaigns of Crown Point, Fort William -Henry, and Louisbourg (1758), beside various eastern expeditions and -the service by sea. Of the first Louisbourg (1745) expedition, there -are no rolls, except as made up in copies from the Pepperrell and -Belknap papers in the library of the Mass. Historical Society. In -addition to these bound papers there are many others in packages, laid -aside by Mr. Felt in his labor, in some cases for reasons, and in other -cases by oversight or a varying sense of choice.[366] - -The _Colonial Records_ of Connecticut for the present period have come -under the supervision of Mr. C. J. Hoadly, and are carefully edited. -In 1849 about 50,000 documents in the state archives had been bound in -138 volumes, when an index was made to them.[367] The correspondence of -the Connecticut authorities with the home government (1755-58) has been -printed in the _Connecticut Historical Collections_ (vol. i. p. 257). - -For Rhode Island, the continuation of the _Colonial Records_, beginning -with vol. iii., covers the period now under consideration. The -sessional papers of 1691-95, however, are wanting, and were probably -sent to England by Bellomont, whence copies of those for May and June, -1691, were procured for the Carter-Brown library. Newport at this time -was a leading community in maritime affairs, and the papers of these -years touch many matters respecting pirates and privateers. The fifth -volume (1741-56) indicates how Rhode Island at that time kept at sea -more ships than any other colony, how she took part in the Spanish war, -and how reckless her assembly was in the authorizing of paper money. -The sixth volume (1757-69) closes the provincial period. - -The series of publications of New Hampshire ordinarily referred to as -_Provincial Papers_, from the leading series of documents in what is -more properly called _Documents and records relating to New Hampshire_, -is more helpful in the present period than in the earlier one.[368] -They may be supplemented by the Shute and Wentworth correspondence -(1742-53), and Wentworth’s correspondence with the ministry (1750-60); -and letters of Joseph Dudley and others, contained in the Belknap MSS. -in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society.[369] The _Granite -Monthly_ (vol. v. 391) has published a list of the issues of the -press in New Hampshire from 1756 to 1773; and B. H. Hall’s _History -of Eastern Vermont, from its earliest settlement to the close of the -eighteenth century_, with a biographical chapter and appendixes (2 -vols., Albany, N. Y., 1858, and on large paper in 1865), supplements -the story as regards the claim of New Hampshire to the so-called New -Hampshire grants. - - * * * * * - -The legislative and judicial methods of the several governments are -of the first importance to the understanding of New England history, -for it was a slow process by which it came to pass that professional -lawyers held any shaping hand in the making or the administering of -laws. The first Superior Court of Massachusetts under the provincial -charter had not a single trained lawyer on the bench, and its assembly -was equipped more with persistency and shrewdness in working out its -struggle with the crown officer who tried to rule them than with legal -acquirements. E. G. Scott, in his _Development of Constitutional -Liberty in the English Colonies_ (N. Y., 1882, pp. 31-58), examines the -forms of the colonial governments and the political relations of the -colonies. No one has better traced their relations to European politics -than Bancroft. - -The legislation of the several governments has had special treatment in -Emory Washburn’s _Sketches of the Judicial History of Massachusetts, -1630-1775_ (Boston, 1840); in T. Day’s _Historical Account of the -Judiciary of Connecticut_ (Hartford, 1817); in John M. Shirley’s “Early -Jurisprudence of New Hampshire,” in the New Hampshire Historical -Society’s _Proceedings_, June 13, 1883. Cf. also H. C. Lodge, _Short -Hist. of the English Colonies_, pp. 412-419. - -Of the legislation of Massachusetts, Dr. Moore says[370] that it is “a -record which, notwithstanding all its defects, has no parallel in any -other American State.” The first edition of the Province Laws, under -the new charter, was printed in 1699, and it was annually supplemented -by those of the succeeding sessions till 1714, when a second edition -was printed, to which an index was added in 1722, and various later -editions were issued.[371] In 1869 the first volume of a new edition, -of historical importance, was published by the State, with the title -_Acts and Resolves, public and private, of the Province of the -Massachusetts Bay, with historical and explanatory notes, edited by -Ellis Ames and Abner C. Goodell_. Mr. Ames has since died (1884), and -the editing is still going on under Mr. Goodell; five volumes, coming -down to 1780, having been so far published.[372] - - -=B.= MEN AND MANNERS.—Dr. George E. Ellis, in an address[373] which -he delivered in October, 1884, on the occasion of erecting a tablet to -Samuel Sewall’s memory in the new edifice of the Old South church, in -Boston, of which that last of the puritans had been a member, said:— - -“Judge Sewall is better known to us in both his outer and inner being -than any other individual in our local history of two hundred and fifty -years; and this is true not only of himself, but through his pen, -curiously active, faithful, candid, kind, impartial, and ever just, -his own times stand revealed and described to us. His surroundings and -companions, his home and public life, the habits, usages, customs, -and events, and even the food which we can almost smell and taste, -the clothes, and furnishings, the modes of hospitality, of travel, -the style of things,—all in infinite detail; the military service, -the formal ceremonials and courtesies, the excitements, panics, -disasters,—all these have come down to us through Sewall’s pen, with a -fullness and old-time flavor and charm, which we might in vain seek to -gather from many hundred volumes. And all this comes from Sewall having -kept a daily journal from 1674 to 1729, fifty-five years,”—and forty -of these years come within the scope of the present chapter. - -These journals had long been known to exist in a branch of Sewall’s -family, but as, Dr. Ellis says, they “had been kept with much reserve, -sparingly yielding to earnest inquirers the information they were -known to contain.” President Quincy had drawn from them in his -_History of Harvard University_, and had called them “curious and -graphic,” as his extracts show. They had also been used by Holmes in -his _American Annals_, by Washburn in his _Judicial History of Mass._, -and by others. In 1868, some friends of the Mass. Historical Society -purchased the diaries and other Sewall papers of the holders, and gave -them to the society.[374] The diaries have since been published, and -make part of the _Collections_ of that society.[375] Despite a good -deal of a somewhat ridiculous conservatism, linked with a surprising -pettiness in some ways, the character of Sewall is impressed upon -the present generation in a way to do him honor. His was a struggle -to uphold declining puritanism, and the contrasts presented by the -viceroyalty of New England at that time to one who was bred under the -first charter must have been trying to Christian virtues, even were -they such as Sewall possessed.[376] Dr. Ellis has pointed out[377] -how universally kindly Sewall was in what he recorded of those with -whom he came in contact. “There are no grudges, no animosities, no -malice, no bitter musings, no aggravating reproaches of those—some -very near him—who caused him loss and grief, but ever efforts to -reconcile, by forbearance, remonstrance, and forgiveness.” All this may -be truly said, and afford a contrast to what the private diaries of -his contemporaries, the two Mathers, would prompt us to say of their -daily records. Those who are more considerate of the good names of -those divines than they were themselves have thus far prevented the -publication of these diaries. Dr. Ellis[378] says of them:— - -“The diaries of Increase and Cotton Mather are extant, but only -extracts of them have been printed. Much in them is wisely -suppressed. Increase, though a most faithful, devoted, and eminently -serviceable man, was morbid, censorious sometimes, and suffered as -if unappreciated. The younger Mather was often jealous, spiteful, -rancorous, and revengeful in his daily records, and thus the estimate -of his general worth is so far reduced through materials furnished by -himself.”[379] - -There is among the Sparks manuscripts in Harvard College library a -bound quarto volume which is superscribed as follows: “To Mr. Samuel -Savile, of Currier’s Hall, London, attorney-at-law: Dear friend,—I -here present you with an abstracted Historical Account of that part of -America called New England; to which I have added the History of our -voiage thereto, Anno Domini, 1740.” This account presents one of the -best pictures of New England life, particularly of that in Boston, from -a contemporary pen.[380] There are various other diaries of lookers-on, -which are helpful in this study of New England provincial life, like -the journals of Whitefield, the diary of Francis Goelet,[381] the -journal of Madam Knight’s journey, 1704,[382]—not to name others. -Among published personal records, there are George Keith’s _Journal of -Travels from New Hampshire to Caratuck_ (London, 1706); Capt. Nathaniel -Uring’s _Voyages and Travels_, published at London in 1727;[383] and -Andrew Burnaby’s _Travels through the middle settlements in North -America in the years 1759 and 1760_, London, 1775.[384] Burnaby passed -on his way, from Bristol through Providence to Boston. The early part -of the autobiography of Benjamin Franklin is of exceptional value as a -reflex of the life of New England as it impressed a young man.[385] - -Among the modern treatises on the social condition of New England, a -chief place must be given to Henry Cabot Lodge’s _Short History of -the English Colonies_, the chapters in which on the characteristics -of the colonies and their life are the essential feature of a book -whose title is made good by a somewhat unnecessary abridgment of the -colonies’ anterior history. Lodge groups his facts by colonies. Dr. -Edward Eggleston in some valuable papers, which are still appearing -in the _Century Magazine_, groups similar, but often much minuter, -facts by their topical rather than by their colonial relations. Mr. -Horace E. Scudder prepared an eclectic presentation of the subject in -a little volume, _Men and Manners a hundred years ago_ (N. Y., 1876), -which surveys all the colonies. The Rev. Jos. B. Felt’s _Customs of New -England_ (1853) has a topical arrangement.[386] - -For Massachusetts in particular, most of the local histories[387] -contribute something to the subject; and in the _Memorial History of -Boston_ there are various chapters which are useful,[388] and a survey -is also given in Barry’s _Massachusetts_ (vol. ii. ch. I). - -“He that will understand,” says Bancroft,[389] “the political character -of New England in the eighteenth century must study the constitution of -its towns, its congregations, its schools, and its militia.”[390] - - -=C.= FINANCE AND REVENUE.—Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull in a pamphlet, -_First Essays at Banking and the first paper money in New England_ -(Worcester, 1884,—from the Council Report of the American Antiquarian -Society, Oct., 1884), traces more fully than has been done by Jos. B. -Felt, in his _Historical account of Massachusetts Currency_ (Boston, -1839), and by Paine in the Council Report of the same society, April, -1866,[391] the efforts at private banking previous to the province -issue of bills in 1690, and with particular reference to a tract, -which he ascribes to the Rev. John Woodbridge, of Newbury, called -_Severals relating to the fund, printed for divers reasons as may -appear_ (Boston, probably 1681-82).[392] Dr. Trumbull attributes to -Cotton Mather a paper sustaining the policy of issuing paper bills -in 1690, which was published as _Some considerations on the Bills of -Credit now passing in New England_ (Boston, 1691),[393] to which was -appended _Some additional considerations_, which the same writer thinks -may have been the work of John Blackwell, who had been the projector -of a private bank authorized in 1689. Similar views as there expressed -are adopted by Mather in his _Life of Phips_, as printed separately in -1697, and as later included in the _Magnalia_. - -In Dec., 1690, the bills of the £7,000 which were first authorized -began to be put forth. Felt (p. 50) gives the style of them, and -though an engraved form was adopted some of the earliest of the issues -were written with a pen, as shown by the fac-simile of one in the -_Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts Hist. Soc. (1863, p. 428). Up to -1702 there had been emissions and repetitions of emissions of about -£110,000, when another £10,000 was put out. A fac-simile of one of -these notes is given in Smith’s _Hist. and Literary Curiosities_, p. -xlv. The issues for the next few years were as follows: 1706, £10,000; -1707, £22,000; 1708, £10,000; 1709, £60,000; 1710, £40,000; 1711, -£65,000,—a total of £207,000. - -In the following year (1712), the province bills of Massachusetts were -made legal tender,[394] but the break had come. The public confidence -was shaken, and their decline in value rapidly increased under the -apprehension, which the repeated putting off of the term of redemption -engendered. - -In Connecticut the management was more prudent. She issued in the end -£33,500, but all her bills were redeemed with scarce any depreciation. -A fac-simile of one of her three-shilling bills (1709) is given in the -_Connecticut Colony Records_, 1706-1716, p. 111.[395] - -Rhode Island managed her issues wildly. The history of her financial -recklessness, by E. R. Potter, was published in 1837, and reprinted by -Henry Phillips, Jr., in his _Historical Sketches_, etc. This paper as -enlarged by S. S. Rider in 1880, constitutes no. viii. of the _Rhode -Island Historical Tracts_, under the title of _Bills of Credit and -Paper Money of Rhode Island, 1710-1786_, with twenty fac-similes of -early bills. In 1741 Gov. Ward made an official report to the Lords -Commissioners of Trade, rehearsing the history of the Rhode Island -issues from 1710 to 1740, and this report, with other documents -relating to the paper money of that colony, is in the _Rhode Island -Col. Records_, vol. v. (1741-56). - -Towards the end of Dudley’s time in Massachusetts, the party lines -became sharply drawn on questions of financial policy. The downfall -of credit alarmed the rich and conservative. The active business men, -not many in numbers, but strong in influence, found a flow of paper -money helpful in making the capital of the rich and the labor of the -poor subserve their interests, as Hildreth says. There were those who -supposed some amelioration would come from banks, private and public, -and the press teemed with pamphlets.[396] The aggressive policy was -formulated in _A Projection for erecting a Bank of Credit in Boston, -New England, founded on Land Security_, in 1714.[397] Its abettors -endeavored to promote subscriptions by appealing to the friends of -education, in a promise to devote £200 per annum to the advantage of -Harvard College.[398] - -The small minority of hard-money men cast in their lot with the -advocates of a public bank as the lesser evil of the two. - -Gov. Dudley was no favorer of the Land-bank scheme[399] and his son, -Paul Dudley, attacked it in a pamphlet, _Objections to the Bank of -Credit lately projected at Boston_[400] (Oct., 1714), to which an -answer came in Dec., from Samuel Lynde and other upholders, called _A -Vindication of the Bank of Credit_.[401] “Of nearly thirty pamphlets -and tracts, printed from 1714 to 1721,[402] for or against a private -bank or a public bank,” says Dr. Trumbull,[403] “that of Dudley was -the first, and is in some respects the ablest;” but he places foremost -among the advocates of the scheme the author of _A Word of Comfort -to a Melancholy Country_ (Boston, 1721), purporting to be by “Amicus -Patriæ,” or, as Trumbull thinks (p. 40) there is little doubt, by the -famous Rev. John Wise, of Chebacco. (Cf. _Brinley Catal._, i. nos. -1,442-45.) - -To forestall the action of the private bank, the province, by a law, -issued £50,000 to be let out on mortgages of real estate, and these -bills were in circulation for over thirty years, and the assembly -took other action to prevent the Land-bank scheme being operative. -The subsequent emissions of paper money can be traced in Felt, who -also cites the contemporary tracts, ranged upon opposite sides, and -supporting on the one hand the conservative views of the Council, and -on the other the heedless precipitancy of the House. One of these, -_The Distressed state of the town of Boston considered ... in a letter -from a gentleman to his friend in the country_ (1720), excited the -attention of the council as embodying reflections on the acts of the -government.[404] - -In 1722 bills of as small a denomination as one, two, and three -pennies[405] were ordered, to provide small change, which had become -scarce. - -The financial situation was rapidly growing worse. In 1710 an ounce of -silver was worth eight shillings in paper, and in 1727 it had risen to -seventeen shillings; and at this time, or near it (1728), there was -afloat about £314,000 of this paper of Massachusetts indebtedness, to -say nothing of a similar circulation issued by the other colonies, -that of Rhode Island showing a much greater depreciation.[406] The -fall in value was still increasing when in 1731 there were plans of -bringing gold and silver into the country for a medium of trade;[407] -but naturally the needy mercantile class opposed it. Thomas Hutchinson -early (1737-38) distinguished himself in the assembly as a consistent -opposer of paper money, and in 1740 he tried to push a scheme to hire -in England 220,000 ounces of gold to meet the province bills, but he -had little success. Another[408] scheme, however, flourished for a -while; and this was one reviving the old name of the Land-bank, though -sometimes called “Manufactory bank,” a bill for which was set afoot -by Mr. John Colman, a needy Boston merchant, as Hutchinson calls him. -Its principal feature consisted in securing the issues of the bank by -a mortgage on the real estate of each associate to the extent of his -subscription. It found its support in the small traders and the people -of the rural districts, and was sustained in general by the House of -Representatives. The leading and well-to-do merchants opposed it, and -set up what was called a “Silver Scheme,”—an issue of notes to be -redeemed in silver after the lapse of ten years.[409] “Mr. Hutchinson,” -as this gentleman himself records, “favored neither, but considered -the silver plan as without fraudulent purpose, which he did not think -could be the case with the Land-bank.”[410] - -[Illustration: RHODE ISLAND PAPER,—TWELVE PENCE. - -From an original bill in an illustrated copy of _Historical Sketches of -the Paper Currency of the American Colonies, by Henry Phillips, Jr._, -Roxbury, 1865,—in Harvard College library. - -In 1733, Boston instructed its treasurer to refuse the bills of the new -emission of Rhode Island. (_Records_, 1729-42, p. 53.)] - -The favoring and the opposing of the popular measure of the Land-bank -drew lines sharply in the current political contests. The governor was -suspected of double dealing, and while he was believed to be personally -interested in it, he carried out openly the opposition which the Board -of Trade instructed him to pursue: rejected the speaker and committees -of the House, who were urging its progress, and displaced justices -and militia officers of that way of thinking. All the while rumors -of riot began to prevail, but they were not sufficient to coerce the -government in a relaxation of their opposition; and the governor on -his side carried espionage to a degree which was novel. It is said -that something over £50,000 of the bank’s bills actually got out; but -some one discovered that an old act of Parliament, which came of the -explosion of the South Sea company, held each partner responsible, and -nothing else was needed to push the adventure out of existence.[411] - -Felt gives the main points in the development of this financial scheme, -but here as elsewhere his book is a mere conglomerate of ill-digested -items, referring largely to the five volumes (c.-civ.) of the _Mass. -Archives,_ marked “Pecuniary,” which cover the monetary movements in -Massachusetts between 1629 and 1775. Among the _Shelburne Papers_, vol. -61,[412] there appears a report of the attorney general to the Lords of -Trade on this scheme of erecting a Land-bank in Boston, dated Nov. 10, -1735. - -[Illustration: RHODE ISLAND THREE-SHILLINGS BILL, 1738. - -From an original bill in the Harvard College copy of Phillips’ _Hist. -Sketches_.] - -A leading combatant in the wordy conflict which followed was the -Scotch physician, William Douglass, then living in Boston. His first -publication was _Some observations on the scheme projected for emitting -£60,000 in bills of a new tenor to be redeemed with silver and gold_, -Boston, 1738.[413] In the same year he published without date, _An -Essay concerning silver and paper currencies, more especially with -regard to the British colonies in New England_, Boston.[414] He next -printed in London in 1739 a _Discourse concerning the currencies of the -British plantations in America, especially with regard to their paper -money, more particularly in relation to Massachusetts_.[415] - -[Illustration: NEW HAMPSHIRE FIVE-SHILLINGS BILL, 1737. - -From an original bill in the Harvard College copy of Phillips’ _Hist. -Sketches of Paper Currency_. Fac-similes of bills of 1727 and 1742 -are given in Smith’s _Lit. and Hist. Curiosities_, p. liii. Cf. also -Potter’s _Manchester_.] - -[Illustration: NEW HAMPSHIRE THREE-POUNDS BILL, 1740. - -From an original bill in the Harvard College copy of Phillips’ _Hist. -Sketches_. There is a fac-simile of a N. H. bill of forty shillings in -Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. p. 133; and one of a bill of 1742-43 in -Cassell’s _Hist. United States_, i. p. 486.] - -A fortunate plan for withdrawing the debased paper currency of -Massachusetts Bay was finally matured.[416] Though the taking of -Louisbourg had severely taxed the colony with a financial burden, the -loss of it by treaty now made the way clear to throw off the same -burden. William Bollan, the son-in-law of Shirley, had gone over after -the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle to represent how the sacrifices of New -England deserved more recognition than was seemingly paid them in -the surrender of her conquest. This and other reasons prevailed, and -the government agreed to reimburse the province for the cost of the -siege. This was reckoned on the new basis of paper money. Shirley -in 1743 had been allowed to give his assent to an issue called “new -tenor,” in which the value to silver was about ten times as great as -the enormous flood of issues then in circulation bore, and these last -were now known as “old tenor.” On this new basis Louisbourg had cost -£261,700, which was held to be equivalent to £183,600 in London, the -pound sterling equalling now about 30 shillings of the new tenor, and -£11 of the old.[417] This agreement had been reached in 1749,[418] and -the specie was shipped to Boston. Two hundred and seventeen chests of -Spanish dollars and a hundred casks of copper coin were carted up King -Street, in September, the harbinger of new prosperity. It was due most -to Thomas Hutchinson’s skilful urgency that the assembly, of which he -was now speaker, was induced to devote this specie to the redeeming -of the paper bills of the “old tenor,” of which £2,000,000 were in -circulation.[419] It was agreed to pay about one pound in specie for -ten in paper, and the commissioners closed their labors in 1751, the -silver and copper already mentioned paying nine tenths of it, while a -tax was laid to pay the remaining tenth. About £1,800,000 in current -bills were presented; the rest had been destroyed or hid away and -forgotten.[420] Rhode Island had received £6,322 as her share of the -whole; but as she was not wise enough to apply it to the bettering of -her currency, she suffered the evils of a depreciated paper longer than -her neighbors.[421] The same lack of wisdom governed New Hampshire. -Connecticut had always been conservative in her monetary practices. - -When the Massachusetts Assembly, in 1754, sought to raise money for the -expenses of the war then impending, its debate upon an inquisitorial -excise bill levying a tax on wines and liquors incited violent -opposition. Samuel Cooper launched at the plan a pamphlet called _The -Crisis_.[422] Another brief attack appeared with nothing on the title -but _The Eclipse, MDCCLIV._[423] Daniel Fowle, however, was accused of -printing another satirical account of the Representatives’ proceedings, -which was published in 1754 as _The Monster of Monsters_, and the -“Thomas Thumb, Esq.,” of the title is supposed to have shielded Samuel -Waterhouse. Fowle was arrested, and the common hangman was directed to -burn the pamphlet in King Street.[424] Sabin says that not more than -three or four copies of the tract escaped, but the _Brinley Catalogue_ -shows two.[425] After his release Fowle printed in Boston the next -year (1755) _A total Eclipse of Liberty. Being a true and faithful -account of the arraignment and examination of Daniel Fowle before the -House of Representatives of Massachusetts Bay, Oct. 24, 1754, barely -on suspicion of being concerned in printing and publishing a pamphlet, -entitled The Monster of Monsters. Written by himself._ An _Appendix to -the late Total Eclipse_, etc., appeared in 1756.[426] - -In May, 1755, a stamp act went into operation in the province, by which -the Representatives had established duties upon vellum, parchment, and -paper for two years. It yielded towards defraying the charges of the -government about £1,350 for the years in question.[427] Shirley issued -a proclamation of its conditions, one of which is in the Boston Public -Library, and has been reprinted in its _Bulletin_, 1884, p. 163. - - -=D.= THE BOUNDS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES.—During the provincial -period, the external limits and internal divisions of New England were -the subject of disagreement. The question as to what constituted the -frontier line towards Acadia was constantly in dispute, as is explained -elsewhere.[428] - -On the western side New York had begun by claiming jurisdiction as far -as the Connecticut River. She relinquished this claim in the main, as -to her bounds on Connecticut, when that colony pressed her pretensions -to a line which ran a score of miles from the Hudson, and when she -occupied the territory with her settlers, the final adjustment being -reached in 1731.[429] - -On the line of Massachusetts the controversy with New York lasted -longer. The claim of that province was set forth in a _Report_ made in -1753, which is printed in Smith’s _New York_ (1814 ed., p. 283), and -Smith adds that the government of Massachusetts never exhibited the -reasons of its claim in answer to this report, but in the spring of -1755 sold lands within the disputed territory.[430] In 1764 the matter -was again in controversy. Thomas Hutchinson is thought to have been the -author of the Massachusetts argument called _The Case of the Provinces -of Massachusetts Bay and New York, respecting boundary line between the -two provinces_ (Boston, 1764).[431] Three years later (1767) a meeting -of the agents of the two provinces was held at New Haven, by which the -disagreement was brought to a conclusion.[432] - -For the region north of Massachusetts New York contended more -vigorously, and the dispute over the New Hampshire grants in the -territory of the present Vermont, which began in 1749, was continued -into the Revolutionary period. When, in 1740, the king in council had -established the northern line of Massachusetts, the commission of Gov. -Benning Wentworth, of New Hampshire, the next year (1741), extended his -jurisdiction westward until it met other grants, which he interpreted -to mean till it reached a line stretched northerly in prolongation -of the westerly boundary of Massachusetts, twenty miles east of the -Hudson, and reaching to the southern extremity of Lake Champlain. On -the 3d of Jan., 1749, Wentworth made a grant of the town of Bennington, -adjacent to such western frontier line. These and other grants of -townships which Wentworth made became known as the New Hampshire -Grants.[433] The wars prevented much progress in the settlement of -these grants, but some of the settlers who were there when the French -war closed assembled, it is said, with the Rev. Samuel Peters in 1763 -on Mount Pisgah, and broke a bottle of spirits with him, and named the -country _Verd Mont_. - -Gov. Colden, of New York, on Dec. 28, 1763, issued a proclamation -claiming the land thus held under the grants of Wentworth, basing his -rights on the grants in 1664 and 1674 to the Duke of York of “all lands -from the west side of the Connecticut River to the east side of the -Delaware Bay.” On the 20th July, 1764, the king in council confirmed -Colden’s view, and made the Connecticut River the boundary as far as -45° north latitude. When this decision reached Wentworth he had already -granted 128 townships. New York began to make counter-grants of the -same land, and though the king ordered the authorities of New York to -desist, when word reached London of the rising conflict, it was the -angry people of the grants rather than the royal will which induced -the agents of New York to leave the territory. Gov. John Wentworth -continued to make grants till the Revolution, on the New Hampshire -side; but though Gov. Moore, of New York, had been restrained (1767), -his successors had not the same fear of the royal displeasure. As -the war approached, the dispute between New York and the grants grew -warmer.[434] In 1773 James Duane, it is thought, was the champion of -the New York cause in two pamphlets: _A State of the rights of the -Colony of New York with respect to its eastern boundary on Connecticut -River so far as concerns the late encroachments under the Government -of New Hampshire_, published by the assembly (New York, 1773); and -_A Narrative of the proceedings subsequent to the Royal Adjudication -concerning the lands to the westward of Connecticut river, lately -usurped by New Hampshire_ (New York, 1773).[435] The next year (1774) -Ethan Allen answered the first of these tracts in his _Brief narrative -of the proceedings of the government of New York_. Allen dated at -Bennington, Sept. 23, 1774, and his book was published at Hartford.[436] - -The war of independence soon gave opportunity for the British -authorities on the Canada side to seek to detach the Vermonters from -their relations to the revolting colonies.[437] The last of the royal -governors of New Hampshire had fled in Sept., 1775, and a congress -at Exeter had assumed executive control in Jan., 1776. The next year -(1777) a convention framed a constitution, and by a stretch of power, -as is told in Ira Allen’s _Hist. of Vermont_, it was adopted without -recurrence to the people’s vote. In March, 1778, the state government -was fully organized. The dispute with New York went on. Gov. Clinton -issued a proclamation. Ethan Allen answered in an _Animadversary -Address_ (Hartford, 1778),[438] and in Dec., 1778, a convention of the -people of the grants was held, and their resolution was appended to -a document prepared by a committee of the assembly, called _A public -defence of the right of the New Hampshire grants (so called) on both -sides Connecticut river, to associate together, and form themselves -into an independent state. Containing remarks on sundry paragraphs -of letters from the president of the Council of New Hampshire to his -Excellency Governor Chittenden, and the New Hampshire delegates at -Congress_.[439] - -The same year the legislature of New York directed the preparation of -a _Collection of evidence in vindication of the territorial rights -and jurisdiction of the state of New York, against the claims of the -commonwealth of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and the people of -the grants who are commonly called Vermonters_. It was prepared by -James Duane, James Morrin Scott, and Egbert Benson, and is printed -in the _Fund Publications_ of the New York Historical Society, 1870 -(pp. 277-528). On the other side, Ethan Allen published _A vindication -of the opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the government of -New York, and of their right to form an independent state_;[440] and -in 1780, in connection with Jonas Fay, and by order of the governor -and council, he published _A concise refutation of the claims of New -Hampshire and Massachusetts Bay, to the territory of Vermont; with -occasional remarks on the long disputed claim of New York to the -same_.[441] - -In 1782, Ethan Allen again brought out at Hartford his _The present -state of the controversy between the states of New York and New -Hampshire on the one part, and the state of Vermont on the other_.[442] - -The arguments and proofs were rehearsed in 1784, when the question was -to be presented to court, in a brief by James Duane, called _State -of the evidence and argument in support of the territorial rights of -jurisdiction of New York against the government of New Hampshire and -the claimants under it, and against the Commonwealth of Massachusetts_. -An amicable adjustment prevented the publication of this document, and -it was first printed in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._ for 1871.[443] - -Connecticut claimed certain lands in Northern Pennsylvania, which came -within her jurisdiction by the extension of her lines, as expressed in -her charter of 1662, westward to the South Sea. New York, being then in -the possession of a Christian power, was excepted, but the claim was -preserved farther west. In 1753 a company was formed to colonize these -Connecticut lands in the Susquehanna valley, and lands were bought of -the Indians at Wyoming. The government of Pennsylvania objected, and -claimed the lands to be within the bounds of William Penn’s charter. -(Cf. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 120, etc.) The defeat of Braddock checked -the dispute, but in 1761 it was renewed. In 1763 the home government -required the Connecticut people to desist, on the ground that they had -not satisfied the Indian owners. New bargains were then made, and in -1769 settlements again took place. General Gage, as commander-in-chief -of the British troops on the continent, refused to interfere. In 1774, -William Smith prepared an _Examination of the Connecticut claim to -lands in Pennsylvania, with an appendix and map_ (Philadelphia, 1774); -and Benjamin Trumbull issued _A Plea in vindication of the Connecticut -title to the contested lands west of the Province of New York_ (New -Haven, 1774). See entries in the _Brinley Catalogue_, Nos. 2121, etc. -The dispute was later referred to the Continental Congress, which in -1781 decided in favor of Pennsylvania, and Aug. 8, 1782, commissioners -were appointed. (_Journals of Congress_, iv. 59, 64.) Connecticut still -claimed west of Pennsylvania, and though she retained for a while -the “Western Reserve,” she finally ceded (1796-1800) to the United -States all her claims as far as the Mississippi.[444] The claims of -Massachusetts, on similar grounds, to land in Michigan and Wisconsin -were surrendered to the general government in 1785. - - * * * * * - -The original patent for the Massachusetts Company made its northern -line three miles north of the Merrimac River. New Hampshire claimed -that it should be run westerly from a point on the coast three miles -north of the mouth of that river. When the Board of Trade, in 1737, -selected a commission to adjudicate upon this claim, Massachusetts was -not in favor, and New Hampshire got more than she asked, the line being -run north of the river three miles, and parallel to it, till it reached -the most southerly point of the river’s course, when it was continued -due west.[445] - -Respecting the boundaries on the side of Maine, there is a journal of -Walter Bryent, who in 1741 ran the line between New Hampshire and York -County in Maine.[446] - -Massachusetts also lost territory in the south. The country of King -Philip on the easterly side of Narragansett Bay had been claimed by -Plymouth, and Massachusetts, by the union under the province charter, -succeeded to the older colony’s claim. An arbitration in 1741 did -not give all she claimed to Rhode Island, but it added the eastern -towns along the bay.[447] On the frontiers of Connecticut, the towns -of Enfield, Suffield, Somers, and Woodstock had been settled by -Massachusetts, and by an agreement in 1713 she had included them in -her jurisdiction.[448] In 1747, finding the taxes in Massachusetts -burdensome from the expenses of the war, these towns applied to -be received by Connecticut, and their wish was acceded to, while -Massachusetts did not dare risk an appeal to the king in council.[449] - -The disputes of Connecticut and Rhode Island respecting the -Narragansett country resulted on that side in a loss to -Connecticut.[450] - -In an interesting paper on the “Origin of the names of towns in -Massachusetts,” by William H. Whitmore, in the _Proceedings_ (xii. -393-419) of the Mass. Hist. Society, we can trace the loss of towns to -Massachusetts, which she had incorporated, and find some reflection of -political changes. Up to 1732 the names of towns were supplied by the -petitioners, but after that date the incorporation was made in blank, -the governor filling in the name, which may account for the large -number of names of English peers and statesmen which were attached to -Massachusetts towns during the provincial period. The largest class of -the early names seems due to the names of the places in England whence -their early settlers came. Prof. F. B. Dexter presented to the American -Antiquarian Society, in April, 1885, a paper of similar character -respecting the towns of Connecticut. - -=E.= FORTS AND FRONTIER TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND.—The large increase -during recent years in the study of local history has greatly broadened -the field of detail. As scarcely one of the older settlements to the -west, north, and east escaped the horrors of the French and Indian -wars, the student following out the minor phases must look into the -histories of the towns of New England. Convenient finding-lists for -these towns are the _Check-list of Amer. local history_, by F. B. -Perkins; Colburn’s _Bibliog. of Massachusetts_; Bartlett’s _Bibliog. -of Rhode Island_; and A. P. C. Griffin’s “Articles on American local -history in Historical Collections, etc.,” now publishing in the _Boston -Public Library Bulletin_. - -For the Maine towns particular reference may be made to Cyrus -Eaton’s _Thomaston, Rockland, and South Thomaston_ (1863), vol. i.; -E. E. Bourne’s _Wells and Kennebunk_; Cushman’s _Ancient Sheepscot -and Newcastle_; Willis’s _Portland_ (2d ed.); Folsom’s _Saco and -Biddeford_; Eaton’s _Warren_ (2d ed.), which gives a map, marking -the sites of the forts about the Georges River; Johnston’s _Bristol, -Bremen, and Pemaquid_, which gives a map of the Damariscotta River -and the Pemaquid region, with the settlements of 1751; R. K. Sewall’s -_Ancient Dominions of Maine_; James W. North’s _Augusta_; G. A. and H. -W. Wheeler’s _Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, including the ancient -territory known as Pejepscot, Boston_, 1878 (ch. iv. and xxiii.). - -See the present _History_ (Vol. III. p. 365) for notes on the local -history of Maine, and (Ibid., p. 364) for references to the general -historians,—Sullivan, whose want of perspicuousness Grahame (i. 253) -complains of, and Williamson. - -At the present Brunswick (Maine), Fort Andros had been built in 1688, -and had been demolished in 1694. Capt. John Gyles erected there in -August, 1715, a post which was called Fort George. Ruins of it were -noticeable at the beginning of this century. There is a sketch of it in -Wheeler’s _Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell_, pp. 624, 629. - -The fort at St. Georges (Thomaston, Me.) had been built originally in -1719-20, to protect the Waldo patent; it was improved in 1740, and -again in 1752 was considerably strengthened. (Williamson, i. 287.) - -At Pemaquid, on the spot where Andros had established a post, Phips -had built Fort William Henry in 1692, which had been surrendered by -Chubb in 1696. It is described in Dummer’s _Defence of the New England -Charters_, p. 31; Mather’s _Magnalia_, book viii. p. 81. In 1729 Col. -David Dunbar erected a stone fort, perhaps on the same foundations, -which was called Fort Frederick. There is a plan of the latter post in -Johnston’s _Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, pp. 216, 264. Cf. Eaton’s -_Warren_, 2d ed. - -Further down the Kennebec River and opposite the upper end of Swan -Island stood Fort Richmond, which had been built by the Massachusetts -people about 1723. Near the present Augusta the Plymouth Company -founded Forts Shirley and Western in 1754. There are plans and views -of them in J. W. North’s _Augusta_, pp. 47-49. Cf. Nathan Weston’s -_Oration at the Centennial Celebration of the Erection of Fort -Western, July 4, 1854_, Augusta, 1854. - -Col. John Winslow planned, in 1754, on a point half a mile below -Teconick Falls, the structure known as Fort Halifax, according to the -extent shown by the dotted line in the annexed cut.[451] Winslow’s -letter to Shirley, with the plan, is in the _Mass. Archives,_ and both -are given in North’s _Augusta,_ pp. 59, 60. The fort was completed -the next year by William Lithgow, as shown by the black part of the -cut, the rear flanker, forming the centre of the original plan, -having been built, however, by Winslow. This block-house measured 20 -× 20 feet below, and on the overhang 27 × 27 feet. The narrower of -the large structures was the barracks, also raised by Winslow, but -removed by Lithgow, who built the other portions. - -[Illustration: FORT HALIFAX.] - -The cut follows a reconstruction-draft, made by Mr. T. O. Paine, -which is given by North (p. 62). The flanker nearest the river is -still standing, and the upright planks on the side, as shown in the -annexed cut, mark the efforts which have been made of late to secure -the timbers. In the Maine Historical Society’s _Collections,_ vol. -viii. p. 198, is a history of the fort by William Goold, as well as -the annexed cut of a restoration of the entire fort, drawn by that -gentleman from descriptions, from the tracings of the foundations, -and from the remaining flanker. The preceding volume (vii.) of the -same _Collections_ had contained “materials for a history” of the -fort, edited by Joseph Williamson,—mainly documents from the _Mass. -Archives._ A journal of the march of Capt. Eleazer Melvin’s company -in Gov. Shirley’s expedition to the Norridgewock country, when Fort -Halifax was erected in 1754, kept by John Barber (May 30, 1754-Aug. 17, -1754), is in _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1873, pp. 281-85. Cf. further -in Williamson’s _Maine_, i. 300; Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, iii. 26. -A plan (1754) of the Kennebec River forts, by John Indicott (measuring -3-8/12 × 1-5/12), is noted in the _Catalogue of the King’s Maps_ (i. -580), in the British Museum. The forts on the Kennebec, and the chief -localities of that river, are described by Col. William Lithgow in -1767, in a deposition printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -1870, p. 21. Lithgow was then fifty-two years old, and had known the -river from childhood. - -[Illustration] - -In 1752, when there was some prospect of quieting the country, and -truck houses were built at Fort Richmond and St. Georges, William -Lithgow and Jabez Bradbury were put in charge of them. - -[Illustration] - -A paper by Richard Pike, on the building and occupancy of Fort Pownall, -on the Penobscot, is in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1860, p. 4. -In Williamson’s _Belfast_, p. 56, is a conjectural view of the fort, -drawn from the descriptions and from a survey of the site in 1828. _A -Survey of the river and bay of Penobscot, by order of Gov. Pownall_, -1759, is among the king’s maps (Catal., ii. 167) in the British Museum. -A journal of Pownall’s expedition to begin this fort was printed, with -notes, by Joseph Williamson in the _Maine Hist. Coll._, v. 363. Cf. -Williamson’s _Maine_, i. 337. This fort was completed in July, 1759, at -a cost of £5,000, and stood till 1775. Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal._ -Reg., 1859, p. 167, with an extract from the _Boston News-Letter_, May -31, 1759. - -This enumeration covers the principal fortified posts in the disputed -territory at the eastward; but numerous other garrison posts, -block-houses, and stockades were scattered over the country.[452] A -view of one of these, known as Larrabee’s garrison stockade, is given -in Bourne’s _Wells and Kennebunk_, ch. xxi. The view of a block-house -built in 1714, near the junction of the Kennebec and Sebasticook -rivers, as sketched in 1852, is annexed. - -West of Maine the frontier stretched from the Piscataqua to the valley -of the Housatonic. - -For the New Hampshire part of this line, Belknap’s _Hist. of New -Hampshire_ must be supplemented for a general survey by B. H. Hall’s -_Eastern Vermont_. So far as the muster-rolls of frontier service show -the activity in New Hampshire, it can be gathered from the second -volume of the _Report of the Adjutant-General of New Hampshire_, 1866, -supplemented by others given in the _N. H. Revolutionary Rolls_, vol. -i. (1886). The volumes of the series of _Provincial Papers_ published -by that State (vols. ix., xi., xii., xiii.), and called “Town Papers, -1638-1784,” give the local records. The principal town histories -detailing the events of the wars are Potter’s _Manchester_; Bouton’s -_Concord_; Runnel’s _Sanbornton_; Little’s _Warren_; C. C. Coffin’s -_Boscawen_; H. H. Saunderson’s _Charlestown_; B. Chase’s Old Chester; -C. J. Fox’s _Dunstable_; Aldrich’s _Walpole_; and Morrison’s _Windham_. - -[Illustration: FLANKER, FORT HALIFAX.] - -In 1704 the assembly of New Hampshire ordered that every householder -should provide himself with snow-shoes, for the use of winter scouting -parties. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, iii. 290.) In 1724 Fort Dummer was -built near the modern Brattleboro, in territory then claimed by -Massachusetts. (_Hist. Mag._, x. 109, 141, 178; _N. H. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, i. 143; _N. H. Adj.-Gen. Rept._, 1866, ii. p. 122.) In 1746, -after the alarm over the D’Anville fleet had subsided, Atkinson’s New -Hampshire regiment was sent north to meet any invasion from Canada. -(_N. H. Adj.-Gen. Rept._, 1866, ii. 83.) The next year (1747), Walter -Bryent advanced with his regiment as far as Lake Winnepesaukee. (_N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1878, p. 297; N. H. Prov. Papers, v. -431, 471; Belknap, ii. 228.) - -In 1747 the fort at “no. 4,” or Charlestown, the outpost towards -Canada, was attacked. (Saunderson’s _Charlestown_; Stone’s _Sir -William Johnson_, i. 260.) - -In 1752-54 there is record of the hostilities on the New Hampshire -borders in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 301, 310-319. - -The St. Francis Indians confronted the settlements of the upper -Connecticut, and in 1752 Shirley sent Capt. Phineas Stevens to treat -with them in the presence of the governor of Canada. (_N. Y. Col. -Docs._, x. 252.) For the massacre at Hinsdale in 1755, and attacks -in the Connecticut valley, see _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 412, and -_Adj.-Gen. Report_, 1866, vol. ii. 153. - -[Illustration: FORT HALIFAX, 1755. - -(_Restoration._)] - -In 1694-95, the frontier line of Massachusetts was established by law -as including the towns of Amesbury, Haverhill, Dunstable, Chelmsford, -Groton, Lancaster, Marlborough, and Deerfield. Five years later this -list was increased by Brookfield, Mendon, and Woodstock, with a kind of -inner line, running through Salisbury, Andover, Billerica, Hatfield, -Hadley, Westfield, and Northampton. - -For the border troubles of Massachusetts, beside Penhallow and Niles, -Neal and Douglass, and the _Magnalia_, we turn to Hutchinson with -confidence in the facilities which he enjoyed; but John Adams says -(_Works_, x. 361), “When Mr. Hutchinson’s _History of Massachusetts -Bay_ first appeared, one of the most common criticisms upon it was the -slight, cold, and unfeeling manner in which he passed over the Indian -wars.” - -The most exposed towns fronting the New Hampshire line were Haverhill, -Andover, and Dunstable. The _History of Haverhill_, by G. W. Chase -(1861), gives the story of the Indian troubles with much detail.[453] -For Andover they may be found in S. L. Bailey’s _Historical Sketches of -Andover_ (Boston, 1880); and for Dunstable in Elias Nason’s _History of -Dunstable_ (1877). Just below Dunstable lay Groton, and Dr. Samuel A. -Green’s _Groton during the Indian Wars_ supplies the want here,—a good -supplement to Butler’s _Groton_. The frontiers for a while were marked -nearly along the same meridian by Lancaster, Marlborough, Brookfield, -and Oxford. The _Early records of Lancaster, 1643-1725_, _edited by -H. S. Nourse_ (Lancaster, 1884), furnishes us with a full reflection -of border experiences during King William’s, Queen Anne’s, and -Lovewell’s wars, and it may be supplemented by A. P. Marvin’s _History -of Lancaster_. The sixth chapter of Charles Hudson’s _Marlborough_ -(Boston, 1862), and Nathan Fiske’s _Historical Discourse on Brookfield -and its distresses during the Indian Wars_ (Boston, 1776), illustrate -the period. The struggle of the Huguenots to maintain themselves at -Oxford against the Indians is told in Geo. F. Daniels’ _Huguenots -in the Nipmuck Country_ (1880), and in C. W. Baird’s _Hist. of the -Huguenot Emigration to America_ (1885). - -There is in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (_Misc. Papers_, 41.41) -an early plan of the Connecticut and Housatonic valleys, showing the -former from the sea as far north as Fort Massachusetts, and the latter -up to Fort Dummer, and bearing annotations by Thomas Prince. - -[Illustration: BLOCK HOUSE, BUILT 1714.] - -In the valley of the Connecticut, Northfield held the northernmost post -within the Massachusetts bounds as finally settled. One of the best of -our local histories for the details of this barbaric warfare is Temple -and Sheldon’s _History of Northfield_. Deerfield was just south, and -it is a centre of interest. The attack which makes it famous came Feb. -29, 1704-5, and the narrative of the Rev. John Williams, who was taken -captive to Canada, is the chief contemporary account. Gov. Dudley sent -William Dudley to Quebec to effect the release of the prisoners, and -among those who returned to Boston (Oct. 25, 1706) was Williams, who -soon put to press his _Redeemed Captive_,[454] which was published in -1707,[455] and has been ever since a leading specimen of a class of -books which is known among collectors as “Captivities.” - -Further down the Connecticut than Deerfield lies Hadley, which has -been more fortunate than most towns in its historian. Sylvester -Judd’s _History of Hadley, including the early history of Hatfield, -South Hadley, Amherst, and Granby, Mass., With family genealogies, by -L. M. Boltwood_, Northampton, 1863, follows down the successive wars -with much detail.[456] A systematic treatment of the whole subject was -made by Epaphras Hoyt in his _Antiquarian Researches, comprising a -history of the Indian Wars in the Country bordering on the Connecticut -River_, etc., to 1760, published at Greenfield in 1824. There had been -published seventy-five years before, _A short narrative of mischief -done by the French and Indian enemy on the western frontiers of the -Province of Massachusetts Bay, Mar. 15, 1743-44, to Aug. 2, 1748, -drawn up by the Rev. Mr. Doolittle of Northfield, and found among his -manuscripts after his death_. Boston, 1750.[457] - -By the time of Shirley’s war (1744-48), the frontier line had been -pushed westerly to the line of the Housatonic,[458] and at Poontoosuck -we find the exposed garrison life repeated, and its gloom and perils -narrated in J. E. A. Smith’s _History of Pittsfield_, 1734-1800 -(Boston, 1869). William Williams, long a distinguished resident of -this latter town, had been detailed from the Hampshire[459] militia in -1743 to connect the Connecticut and the Hudson with a line of posts, -and he constructed forts at the present Heath, Rowe, and Williamstown, -known respectively as forts Shirley,[460] Pelham, and Massachusetts. In -August, 1746, the latter post, whose garrison was depleted to render -assistance during the eastward war, was attacked by the French and -Indians, and destroyed.[461] - -[Illustration] - -Fort Massachusetts was rebuilt, and its charge, in June, 1747, -committed to Major Ephraim Williams.[462] It became the headquarters -of the forts and block-houses scattered throughout the region now the -county of Berkshire, maintaining garrisons drawn from the neighboring -settlers, and at times from the province forces in part. The plans of -one of these fortified posts are preserved in the state archives, and -from the drawings given in Smith’s _Pittsfield_ (p. 106) the annexed -cuts are made.[463] - -In 1754 the charge of the western frontier was given to Col. Israel -Williams.[464] - -These Berkshire garrisons were in some measure assisted by recruits -from Connecticut, as that colony could best protect in this way its -own frontiers to the northward. Beside the general histories of -Connecticut, this part of her history is treated in local monographs -like Bronson’s _Waterbury_, H. R. Stiles’ _Ancient Windsor_, Cothren’s -_Ancient Woodbury_, Larned’s _Windham County_, and Orcutt and -Beardsley’s _Derby_.[465] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE MIDDLE COLONIES. - -BY BERTHOLD FERNOW, - -_Keeper of the Historical MSS., N. Y. State_. - - -THE thirteenth volume of the New York Colonial Manuscripts contains a -document called “Rolle van t’Volck sullende met het Schip den Otter -na Niēu Nederlandt overvaren,” April 24, 1660, being a list of the -soldiers who were to sail in the ship “Otter” for New Netherland. Among -these soldiers was one Jacob Leisler, from Frankfort, who upon arriving -at New Amsterdam found himself indebted to the West India Company for -passage and other advances to the amount of nearly one hundred florins. - -[Illustration] - -Twenty-nine years later this same quondam soldier administered -the affairs of the colony of New York as lieutenant-governor, not -appointed and commissioned by the king of England, but called to the -position by the people of the colony. When the first rumors of the -“happy revolution” in England reached New York, Sir Edmond Andros, -the governor-general of New York and New England, was absent in -Boston, where the citizens forcibly detained him. Nicholson, the -lieutenant-governor, and one or two other high officials belonged -to the Church of Rome, and were therefore disliked and suspected -by the predominant Protestant population. Rumors had found their -way, meanwhile, through the northern wilderness, that the French in -Canada were making preparations to invade New York, hoping, with the -assistance of the Catholics in the province, to wrest it from the -English. The major part of the inhabitants were still Dutch or of -Dutch origin, and these were nearly all Protestants. They were easily -led to believe that the papists within and without the government had -concerted to seize Fort James, in New York, and to surrender that post -and the province to a French fleet, which was already on the way from -Europe. The prompting of the Protestant party to anticipate any such -hostile movement was strengthened when they heard the result of the -revolution in England. Leisler, placing himself at the head of this -anticipatory movement, seized the fort, and was shortly afterwards -proclaimed lieutenant-governor, in order to hold the province for -William and Mary until their pleasure should be known. There was little -ground for distrusting the Catholics within the province; but the -danger from the French was more real, and took a shape that was not -expected, in the murderous assault which was made on Schenectady.[466] -Leisler’s adherents, as well as his opponents, felt that this _coup de -main_ of the French might be only the precursor of greater disasters, -if no precautionary steps were taken. Leisler himself believed that -the English colonies would never be safe unless the French were driven -from Canada. He called a congress of the colonies. Their deliberations -led to the naval expedition of Phips against Quebec, and the march of -Winthrop and Livingston against Montreal. Their disastrous failure has -been described in an earlier volume.[467] Governor Sloughter arrived in -New York a few months later, and soon put an end to the hasty revolt. -Leisler and his son-in-law, Milbourne, were hanged for what seemed an -untimely patriotism and still more uncalled-for religious zeal. - -The cry was practically a “No Popery” cry upon which Leisler had risen -to such prominence in the affairs of New York. It had appeared scarcely -to attract the notice of the king, and he was prone to believe that -Leisler was more influenced by a hatred of the Established Church than -by zeal for the crown. It was not, however, without some effect. A -few words added to the instruction of the new governor had materially -changed the condition of religious toleration in the province. Earlier -governors had been directed “to permit all persons, of what religion -soever, quietly to inhabit within the government.” Under Governor -Sloughter’s instructions papists were excepted from this toleration. -Was such intolerance really needed for the safety of the English -colonies? They had been so far in the main a refuge for those who in -Europe had suffered because of their liberal and anti-Roman religious -opinions, and had never been much sought by Catholics.[468] The -conditions of life in the colonies were hardly favorable to a church -which brands private reasoning as heresy; and even in Maryland—which -was established, if not as a Catholic colony, yet by a nobleman of -that faith—there were, after fifty years of existence, only about -one hundred Romanists. Public opinion and the political situation in -England had now raised this bugbear of popery. It was but the faint -echo of the cry which prompted those restrictions in the instructions -to King William’s governor which sought to enforce in New York the -policy long in vogue in the mother country. The home government seemed -ignorant of the fact that the natural enemies of the Church of Rome, -the Reformed and Lutheran clergymen of New York, had not only not -shared Leisler’s fears, but, supported by the better educated and -wealthier classes, they had opposed him by every means in their power. -When, however, with Leisler’s death the motive for their dislike -of his cause had been removed, the general assembly, composed to a -great extent of his former opponents, willingly enacted a law, the -so-called Bill of Rights, denying “liberty to any person of the Romish -religion to exercise their manner of worship, contrary to the laws of -England.”[469] After the attempt on the life of King William in 1697, -further laws, expelling Roman Catholic priests and Jesuits from the -province, and depriving papists and popish recusants of their right to -vote, were passed in 1700 and 1701. It was reserved for the Revolution -of 1776 to change the legal status of the Roman Catholics of New -York, and place them on an equal footing with the believers in other -doctrines. - - * * * * * - -In establishing the colony of Pennsylvania on the basis of religious -freedom, Penn declared that every Christian, without distinction of -sect, should be eligible to public employments. But on the accession -of William and Mary it became necessary to adopt and endorse the -so-called “penal laws,” in prosecuting followers of the elder church. -Penn himself was unable to prevent it, although his liberal spirit -revolted at such intolerance, and it seems that the authorities in -Pennsylvania were quite as willing as their chief to treat Romanists -with liberality, notwithstanding the “penal laws,” since in 1708 Penn -was unfavorably criticised in England for the leniency with which this -sect was treated by him. “It has become a reproach,” he writes to his -friend Logan, “to me here with the officers of the crown, that you have -suffered the scandal of the mass to be publicly celebrated.” - -Despite all laws, Pennsylvania became of all the colonies the most -favorable and the safest field for the priests and missionaries of -the Church of Rome. It is true, they had to travel about the country -in disguise, but it was known everywhere that Romanists from other -provinces came to Philadelphia or Lancaster at regular intervals to -receive the sacraments according to the rites of their faith. Before -the Revolution, Pennsylvania harbored five Catholic churches, with -about double the number of priests and several thousand communicants, -mostly Irish and Germans. - - * * * * * - -The attempt upon the life of the king in 1697 had much the same effect -in East New Jersey as in New York. The law of 1698, “declaring what -are the rights and privileges of his majesty’s subjects in East New -Jersey,” directed “that no person or persons that profess faith in God -by Jesus Christ, his only Son, shall at any time be molested, punished, -disturbed, or be called in question for difference in religious -opinion, &c., &c., provided this shall not extend to any of the Romish -religion the right to exercise their manner of worship contrary to the -laws and statutes of England.”[470] - -[Illustration] - -When Lord Cornbury assumed the government of New Jersey in 1701, his -instructions directed him to permit liberty of conscience to all -persons except papists. Matters remained thus with the Romish Church in -New Jersey until the end of British rule. - - * * * * * - -Another incident of Leisler’s brief administration was of greater -importance and farther-reaching consequences than his proscription -of persons differing from his religious opinions. It will be -remembered[471] that a general assembly of the province had been -elected in 1683, holding two sessions that year and another in 1684; -also that it had been dissolved in 1687, pursuant to the instructions -of King James II. to Sir Edmond Andros, directing him “to observe -in the passing of lawes that the Stile of enacting the same by the -Governor and Council be henceforth used and no other.” The laws enacted -by the first assembly, and not repealed by the king, remained in force, -and the government was carried on with the revenues derived from the -excise on beer, wine, and liquors, from the customs duties on exported -and imported goods, and from tax levies; but the people had no voice -in the ordering of this revenue, as they had had none during the Dutch -period and before 1683. Leisler and his party, however, firmly believed -in the Aryan principle of “no taxation without representation,” and -when a necessity for money arose out of the French invasion and the -subsequent plan to reduce Canada, Leisler issued writs of election for -a general assembly, which in the first session, in April, 1690, enacted -a law for raising money by a general tax. Adjourned to the following -autumn, it again ordered another tax levy, and passed an act obliging -persons to serve in civil or military office. - -In calling together this general assembly, notwithstanding the repeal -by James II. of the Charter of Liberties of 1683, Leisler assumed for -the colony of New York a right which the laws and customs of Great -Britain did not concede to her as a “conquered or crown” province. -The terms on which New York had been surrendered to the English, -both in 1664 and in 1674, ignored a participation by the people in -the administration of the government, and the king in council could -therefore, without infringing upon any law of England or breaking any -treaty stipulation, deal with the conquered province as he pleased; -while all the other colonies in America were “settled or discovered” -countries, which, because taken possession of as unoccupied lands or -under special charters and settled by English subjects, had thereby -inherited the common law of England and all the rights and liberties -of Englishmen, subject only to certain conditions imposed by their -respective charters, as against the prerogatives of the crown. The -action of Leisler showed to the English ministry the injustice with -which New York had been treated so long, and the instructions given -to Governor Sloughter in November, 1690, directed him “to summon and -call general Assemblies of the Inhabitants, being Freeholders within -your Government, according to the usage of our other Plantations -in America.” This general assembly was to be the popular branch of -the government, while the council, appointed by the king upon the -governor’s recommendation, took the place of the English House of -Lords. The governor had a negative voice in the making of all laws, -the final veto remaining with the king, to whom every act had to be -sent for confirmation. Three coördinate factors of the government—the -assembly, the council, and the governor—were now established in -theory; in reality there were only two, for the governor always -presided at the sessions of the council, voting as a member, and in -case of a tie gave also a casting vote. This state of affairs, by which -the executive branch possessed two votes on every legislative measure, -as well as the final approval, continued until 1733, when, Governor -Cosby having quarrelled with the chief justice and other members of -the council, the question was submitted to the home government. The -law officers now declared that it was inconsistent with the nature of -the English government, the governor’s commission, and his majesty’s -instructions for the governor in any case whatsoever to sit and vote -as a member of the council. Governor Cosby was therefore informed by -the Lords of Trade and Plantations that he could sit and advise with -the council on executive business, but not when the council met as a -legislative body. - -The first assembly called by Governor Sloughter enacted, in 1691, -the Bill of Rights, which was the Charter of Liberties of 1683, with -some modifications relative to churches. It met with the same fate as -before, as the Lords of Trade could not recommend it to the king for -approval, because it gave “great and unreasonable privileges” to the -members of the general assembly, and “contained also several large and -doubtful expressions.” The king accordingly vetoed it in 1697, after -the ministry had required six years to discover the objections against -it. They could not very well give the real reason, which was that this -Bill of Rights vested supreme power and authority, under the king, in -the governor, council, and the _people by their representatives_, while -it was as yet undecided whether in New York, a “conquered” province, -the people had any right to demand representation in the legislative -bodies. - -[Illustration: GOVERNOR FLETCHER. - -From a plate in Valentine’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1851.] - -Governor Sloughter died within a few months after his arrival in New -York (June, 1691), and was succeeded by Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, -“a soldier, a man of strong passions and inconsiderable talent, very -active and equally avaricious,” who, as his successor Bellomont said, -allowed the introduction into the province of a debased coinage (the -so-called dog dollars); protected pirates, and took a share of their -booty as a reward for his protection; misapplied and embezzled the -king’s revenue and other moneys appropriated for special and public -uses; gave away and took for himself, for nominal quit-rents, extensive -tracts of land; and used improper influence in securing the election of -his friends to the general assembly. - -A man of such a character could hardly be a satisfactory governor of -a province, the inhabitants of which were still divided between the -bitterly antagonistic factions of Leislerians and anti-Leislerians, -without in a short time gaining the ill-will and enmity of one of -them. The men whose official position, as members of the council, -gave them the first opportunity of influencing the new governor were -anti-Leislerians. Fletcher therefore joined this party, without -perhaps fully understanding the cause of the dissensions. His lack of -administrative abilities, coupled with his affiliation with one party, -gave sufficient cause to the other to make grave charges against him, -which resulted in his recall in 1697. - -In the mean time the assembly had begun the struggle for legislative -supremacy which characterizes the inner political life of New York -during the whole period of British dominion. - -It enacted two laws which were the principal source of all the party -disputes during the following decades. One of these laws established a -revenue, and thereby created a precedent which succeeding assemblies -did not always consider necessary to acknowledge, while the executive -would insist upon its being followed. The other erected courts of -justice as a temporary measure, and when they expired by limitation, -and a later governor attempted to erect a court without the assent of -the assembly, this law, too, was quoted as precedent, but was likewise -ignored. - -In 1694 the assembly discovered that, during the last three years, a -revenue of £40,000 had been provided for, which had generally been -misapplied. Governor Fletcher refused to account for it, as, according -to his ideas of government, the assembly’s business was only to raise -money for the governor and council to spend. This resulted in a -dissolution of the assembly, as in the council’s judgment “there was no -good to be expected from this assembly,” and very little was done by -its successor, elected in 1695. But not satisfied with vetoing the Bill -of Rights, the home authorities tried further to repress the growing -liberal movement in New York by giving to Fletcher’s successor, the -Earl of Bellomont, an absolute negative on the acts of the provincial -legislature, so that no infringement upon the prerogatives of the -crown might become a law. He was further empowered to prorogue the -assembly, to institute courts, appoint judges, and disburse the -revenues. The Bishop of London was made the head of all ecclesiastical -and educational matters in the province, and no printing-press was -allowed to be put up without the governor’s license. - -Bellomont, in addressing the first assembly under his administration, -made a bid for popular favor by finding fault with the doings of his -predecessor, who had left him as a legacy “difficulties to struggle -with, a divided people, an empty treasury, a few miserable, naked, -half-starved soldiers, being not half the number the king allowed pay -for, the fortifications, and even the governor’s house, very much out -of repairs, and, in a word, gentlemen (he said), the whole government -out of frame.” The assembly was to find remedies, that is, money -wherewith to repair all these evils. How they did it is shown by a -speech made to them by Bellomont a month later: “You have now sat a -whole month ... and have done nothing, either for the service of his -Majestie or the good of y^e country.... Your proceedings have been -so unwarrantable, wholy tending to strife and division, and indeed -disloyal to his Majestie and his laws, and destructive to the rights -and libertys of the people, that I do think fit to _dissolve_ this -present assembly, and it is _dissolved_ accordingly.” - -Having come with the best intentions of curing the evils of Fletcher’s -rule, and being instructed to break up piracy, of which New York had -been represented in England as the very hot-bed, Bellomont soon became -popular, and no doubt grew in favor with the people, both by persuading -the assembly to enact a law of indemnity for Leisler, whose body, with -that of Milbourne, was now granted the honors of a public reinterment, -and by bringing Kidd, the celebrated sea-rover, to justice. To-day that -which was meted out to Kidd might hardly be called justice; for it -seems questionable if he had ever been guilty of piracy. - -Bellomont was not allowed to carry out his plans for the internal -improvement of the province, for death put an end to his work at -the end of the third year of his administration, in 1701. His -successor, Lord Cornbury, who entered upon his duties early in 1702 -(Lieutenant-Governor Nanfan having had meanwhile a successful contest -with the leaders of the still vigorous anti-Leisler party), was sent -out as governor by his cousin, Queen Anne, in order to retrieve his -shattered fortune. The necessitous condition in which he arrived in -New York and his profligate mode of life soon led him to several -misappropriations of public funds, which resulted in a law, passed -by the disgusted assembly of 1705, taking into their own hands the -appointment of a provincial treasurer for the receipt and disbursement -of all public moneys. The whole of Cornbury’s administration was -occupied with a contest between the assembly and the crown: the -former claiming all the privileges of Englishmen under Magna Charta; -the latter, through its governor, maintaining its prerogatives, and -saying that the assembly had no other rights and privileges “but such -as the queen is pleased to allow.” Lord Cornbury’s recall did not -mend matters.[472] The assembly of 1708, the last under Cornbury’s -administration, had been dissolved, because in its tenacity of the -people’s right it had declared that to levy money in the colony without -consent of the general assembly was a grievance and a violation of -the people’s property; that the erecting of a court of equity without -consent of the general assembly was contrary to law, both without -precedent and of dangerous consequences to the liberty and properties -of the subjects. - -[Illustration] - -The term of Cornbury’s successor, Lord Lovelace, was very short, death -calling him off within six months, while the lieutenant-governor, -Ingoldsby, was a man too much like his friends, Sloughter, Fletcher, -and Cornbury, to improve the state of affairs. With Governor Robert -Hunter’s commission there came, in 1710, the answer to the declaration -of the assembly of 1708. He received thereby “full power and authority -to erect, constitute, and establish courts of judicature, with the -advice and consent of the council.” The assembly’s remonstrance had -been met by ignoring its author, and this treatment naturally incensed -the representatives of the people so much that all the efforts of -Governor Hunter, a man of excellent qualities, the friend of Addison -and Swift, availed nothing in the way of settling the existing -differences. - -[Illustration: GOVERNOR HUNTER. - -Follows an engraving in Valentine’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1851, p. 420. -Cf. on the seals of the colonial governors, _Hist. Mag._, ix. p. 176.] - -After two years’ administration, Governor Hunter had to confess to the -Lords of Trade that he could not expect any support of the government -from the assembly, “unless her Majesty will be pleased to put it -entirely into their own hands;” and in 1715 he appointed Lewis Morris, -a wealthy man, as successor to the deceased Chief Justice Mompesson, -“because he is able to live without salary, which they [the assembly] -will most certainly never grant to any in that station.” He found that -he could not carry on the government without yielding, and thereby -acting contrary to his instructions, and during the summer of 1715 came -to an understanding with the assembly. “I asked,” he says, in a letter -to the Lords of Trade, “what they would do for the Government if I -should pass it (the Naturalization Bill) in their way, since they did -not like mine; I asked nothing for myself, tho’ they well knew that I -had offers of several thousands of pounds for my assent; they at last -agreed that they would settle a sufficient Revenue for the space of -five years on that condition; many rubs I met with, but at last with -difficulty carry’d through both parts of the Legislature and assented -to both at the same time. If I have done amiss, I am sorry for’t, but -what was there left for me to do? I have been struggling hard for bread -itself for five years to no effect and for four of them unpitty’d, I -hope I have now laid a foundation for a lasting settlement on this -hitherto unsettled and ungovernable Province.” - -In asserting their rights as representatives of the _people_ and -compelling the executive finally to acknowledge them, the assembly had -followed the course which has been shown to be effective in the English -Parliament since the days of William III. But the legislative supremacy -over the executive established by this victory was greater than that -obtained by Parliament. In New York the executive could only collect -taxes when first authorized by the legislature, while the people, -through their representatives, kept the control of the sums collected -in their own hands by appointing the receiving and disbursing officers. - -Hunter’s wise course in yielding on several points had a better -effect on the province than at first he was willing to confess. -Fletcher had found the people of New York “generally very poor and -the government much in debt, occasioned by the mismanagement of those -who have exercised the King’s power.” The revenues of the province -were in such deplorable condition that several sums of money had to be -borrowed on the personal credit of members of the council to pay the -most pressing debts of government; the burden of war, unjustly placed -on the shoulders of New York, had impoverished the inhabitants and -almost destroyed their usefulness as taxpayers; while the neighboring -colonies, either refusing to assist in the defence of the frontiers -against the French or being dilatory in sending their quota of money -and men, reaped the advantage of New York’s patriotism by receiving -within their boundaries the bulk of the foreign trade, and by adding -to their population the majority of emigrants. When Hunter left -the province, after ten years’ service as its governor, he could -congratulate the assembly on increased prosperity and on a better state -of public affairs. - -His successor was the comptroller of customs at London, William Burnet, -the son of the celebrated bishop, who exchanged places with Hunter. -Smith, the historian, describes him as “a man of sense and polite -breeding, a well-read scholar, sprightly and of social disposition.... -He used to say of himself, ‘I act first and think afterwards.’” The -good reports which preceded Burnet made a favorable impression on the -colonial assembly, and the whole period of his administration was -undisturbed by constitutional disputes, even though people opposed to -him tried to create trouble by asserting that the appointment of a new -governor of the province required, like the accession of a new king, -the election of a new assembly, and by representing the continuance of -an assembly under two governors as unconstitutional. - -Burnet’s distrust of the neighboring French caused some stir in -mercantile circles. He had an act passed forbidding all trade in Indian -goods with Canada,—an act which would have benefited the province in -general by securing all the Indian trade, a large part of which now -found its way to Canada; but the merchants of New York and Albany, -who disposed of their surplus to Canada traders, would have made less -profits. They consequently opposed Burnet’s plans until the end of his -administration (1728). - -[Illustration] - -During the three years of John Montgomerie’s rule, which was ended -by his death, in 1731, New York enjoyed some rest, to be violently -disturbed, however, by the claims of his successor. It had been usual -in the royal instructions of the governor to fix the salary of the -president of the council at half the amount allowed to the executive, -and it was customary to provide that in the absence, resignation, or -death of the governor or lieutenant-governor he should assume the -reins of the government. Upon Montgomerie’s death, Rip van Dam, as -eldest member of the council, became president, and then claimed the -full salary of the governor, which the council, after five months’ -deliberation, finally allowed. It was upon this decision that the -famous Zenger libel suit of a few years later hinged. Soon after the -arrival of the new governor, William Cosby, Rip van Dam was called -upon (November, 1732) to restore to the treasury a moiety of the -full salary, which, under the decision of the council, he had been -receiving in contravention, as was claimed, of the royal instructions. -On the refusal of the president to comply, the attorney-general of the -province was directed to begin an action in the king’s name “to the -enforcing a Due Complyance with the said Order [to refund] according to -the true Intent thereof and of his Majestie’s Additional Instruction.” - -At the trial, the chief justice, Lewis Morris, surprised the governor, -the attorney-general, and the whole aristocratic party (Van Dam and -his friends representing the popular party) by informing the king’s -counsel, in the first place, that the question to be discussed was one -of jurisdiction, involving the right of the court to decide cases of -equity; and in the second place, that he denied such jurisdiction, and -in general the right of the king to establish courts of equity.[473] -Jealous to maintain the royal prerogatives, Cosby removed Morris from -the chief-justiceship, and put De Lancey, the second justice, in his -place. Finding his efforts to be reinstated without result, and having -no other means to avenge himself, Morris had recourse to the press, -and in _Zenger’s New York Weekly Journal_ he attacked the governor -with extreme rancor, and attempted to influence the general assembly, -to which he had been elected, against the king’s authority to erect -courts. Even Cosby’s death, in 1736, could not conciliate him. The -attacks upon his administration continued, and Morris’s vindictiveness -finally even disturbed the council and the assembly. President Clarke, -who had temporarily succeeded Cosby, was deterred from arresting Van -Dam, the younger Morris, Smith the historian, and Zenger the printer, -to be sent to England to be tried for treason, only because the -forty-fifth paragraph of the instructions required positive proof of -the crime in such cases. - -The trial of Zenger had, however, already shown that it was not -safe to accuse a man of a crime when a jury had already acquitted -him. The first number of the _Weekly Journal_ appeared on the 5th -of November, 1733; and its editor had from the beginning made war -upon the administration with so much vigor that in January following -the chief justice, De Lancey, “was pleased to animadvert upon the -doctrine of libel in a long charge given in that term to the grand -jury,”[474] hoping to obtain an indictment against Zenger. The jury -did not share the opinions of the chief justice, and failed to indict -Zenger. Nor was the general assembly willing to concur in a subsequent -resolution of the council that certain numbers of the _Journal_ should -be publicly burnt by the hangman, “as containing in them many things -derogatory of the dignity of his majesty’s government, reflecting -upon the legislature and tending to raise seditions and tumults in -the province,” and that the printer should be prosecuted. The burning -of the papers (November 2, 1734), carried out by special order of the -council alone, was in appearance far from the solemn judicial act which -it was meant to be. The sheriff and the recorder of New York, with a -few friends, stood around the pile, while the sheriff’s negro, not -the official hangman, set fire to it. The municipal authorities, who -usually have to attend such ceremonies _ex officio_, and were ordered -to do so in this case, had refused to come, and would not even allow -the order to be entered in the proper records, because they considered -it to be neither a royal mandatory writ nor an order authorized by law. -Zenger’s trial began on the 4th of August, and resulted in a verdict of -“Not guilty.” - -The publishing of the alleged libel had been admitted, but it was -claimed to be neither false, nor scandalous, nor malicious. When the -New York lawyers who had been engaged in the defence were disbarred, -Andrew Hamilton, a prominent pleader from Philadelphia, took the -case. He managed it so adroitly, met the browbeating of De Lancey so -courageously, and pleaded the cause of his client so eloquently that -he at once achieved a more conspicuous fame than belonged to any other -practitioner at the bar of that day. The corporation of New York fell -in with the popular applause in conferring upon him the freedom of -their city, enclosing their seal in a box of gold, while they added the -“assurances of the great esteem that the corporation had for his person -and merits.”[475] - -The result of Zenger’s trial established the freedom of the press in -the colonies,[476] for it settled here the right of juries to find -a general verdict in libel cases, as was done in England by a law -of Parliament passed many years later, and it took out of the hands -of judges appointed to serve during the king’s pleasure, and not -during good behavior, as in England, the power to do mischief.[477] -It also gave a finishing blow to the Court of Exchequer, which, after -the case of Cosby _versus_ Van Dam, never again exercised an equity -jurisdiction, and it suppressed the royal prerogative in an assumed -right to establish courts without consulting the legislature. The -jurisdiction hitherto exercised by the Supreme Court as a Court of -Exchequer—that is, in all matters relating to his majesty’s lands, -rights, rents, profits, and revenues—had always been called in -question by colonial lawyers, because no act of the general assembly -countenanced it. It was, therefore, a relief to everybody in the -province when the legislature, in 1742, passed an “Act for regulating -the payment of the Quit-Rents,” which in effect, though not in name, -established on a firm basis a branch of the Supreme Court as a Court of -Exchequer. As then instituted, it passed into the courts of the state, -and was only abolished in December, 1828. - -The excitement over the Zenger trial had hardly had time to subside -when Rip van Dam again disturbed the public mind by claiming, -after Cosby’s death, that he as eldest councillor was entitled to -be president of the council, and as such to be acting governor, -although he had been removed from the council by Cosby. Before the -quarrel could attain too threatening dimensions, Clarke’s commission -as lieutenant-governor happily arrived, and Van Dam’s claim was -set at rest. Clarke’s administration of the province was in the -main a satisfactory one. He had lived nearly half a century in New -York,[478] and was thoroughly conversant with its resources and its -needs, and, assisted by a good education as a lawyer, he found little -difficulty in managing the refractory assembly and in gaining most of -his important legislative points. His greatest victory was that by -certain concessions he induced the assembly of 1739 to grant again a -revenue to the king equivalent to the civil list in England, which -had been refused since 1736, but was continued during the whole of -Clarke’s administration. Although perhaps never unmindful of his own -interests, he had also the good of the province at heart, and it must -be regretted that a plan, drawn up while he was yet secretary, for -colonizing the Indian country was not fully carried out and bore no -fruits. He proposed to buy from the Iroquois about 100,000 acres of -land, the purchase money to be raised either by subscription or by -the issue of bills of credit. Every Protestant family made acquainted -with the conditions and wishing to settle was to have 200 acres at -nominal quit-rents. All the officials who were entitled to fees from -the issue of land patents agreed to surrender the same, so that it -would have imposed upon the settlers only the cost of improvements. -The neighboring colonies had industriously spread the report that there -were few or no lands ungranted in the province of New York, and that -the expense of purchasing the remainder from the Indians or obtaining a -grant from the crown was greater than the price of land in Pennsylvania -and other colonies. Advertisements were therefore to be scattered over -Europe, giving intending emigrants a clear view of the advantages of -settling in the backwoods of New York. The plan reads very much like -a modern land-scheme. If it could, however, have been carried out in -those days, with all the governmental machinery to help it, the country -from the upper Mohawk to the Genesee would have been settled before the -Revolution, and Sullivan’s expedition might have become unnecessary and -a Cherry Valley massacre impossible. - -The only great event of Clarke’s administration was the negro plot -of 1741, which for a while cast the city of New York into a state of -fear and attendant precautions, and these conditions were felt even -throughout the colonies. A close examination of the testimony given -at the trial of the alleged negro conspirators fails to convince -the modern investigator that the slaves, who had been misled by the -counsels of Roman Catholics, had really arranged a plan to murder all -the whites and burn the city. Fires had occurred rather frequently, -suspiciously so, during the spring of 1741, the negro riot of the -earlier years of the century was remembered, reports of negro -insurrections in the West Indies made slave-owners look askance at -their ebony chattels, an invasion of the British colonies in America -by France and Spain seemed imminent, and a rancorous hatred of the -Church of Rome and its adherents prevailed among the English and -Dutch inhabitants of New York, while tradition and the journal of the -proceedings against the conspirators assure us that some sort of a plot -existed; but we must still wonder at the panic occasioned among the ten -or twelve thousand white inhabitants by what, after all, may have been -only the revengeful acts of a few of the 20 whites and 154 negroes who -were indicted on the most insufficient evidence. It is doubtful whether -all who were indicted had anything to do with the fires or the intended -murder, but the judicial proceedings were of a nature to implicate -every one of the two thousand colored people in the county of New -York, and two thirds of the accused were found guilty, and were either -hanged, burnt at the stake, or transported. - -Political astuteness, or perhaps a desire to enjoy in quiet his -advancing years, had led Clarke to yield to the popular party on all -important points. He had confined himself to wordy remonstrances in -surrendering several of his prerogatives. His successor, Admiral -George Clinton,—the second son of the Earl of Lincoln, and, as he -acknowledged himself, a friend and cousin of Charles Clinton, father of -Governor George Clinton of a later date,—found that the position of -governor had ceased to be financially desirable. New Jersey had been -again placed under a separate governor, thus reducing the income of the -governor of New York by £1,000. “Former governors,” it is reported, -“had the advantage of one of the four companies, besides the paying of -all the four companies, which made at least £2,000 per annum;” but now -the assembly had placed this in other hands. - -[Illustration: GOVERNOR CLINTON. - -From a plate in Valentine’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1851.] - -They had also interfered with a former custom, according to which -the governors drew one half of their salary from the date of their -commissions; but under the new arrangement for raising and paying the -salary he could only draw it from the date of his arrival. Clinton -brought with him a prejudice against his lieutenant-governor which -was perhaps justified, for he knew him to have led Cosby into all the -errors which characterized the latter’s administration. But instead -of maintaining an independent position apart from the two political -parties, he threw himself into the arms of the cunning Chief Justice -De Lancey, the leader of the popular faction. Acting under his advice, -Clinton at first was as ready to yield every point to the assembly as -Clarke had done, until he discovered that all the powers of a governor -were gradually slipping into De Lancey’s hand, who hoped to tire out -Clinton’s patience and induce him to resign, thus leaving the field -free to him with a commission of lieutenant-governor. - -Clinton, upon his arrival at New York, had found, as Clarke predicted, -the province “in great tranquillity and in a flourishing condition, -able to support the government in an ample and honorable manner.” He -perhaps would have had no difficulty with the general assembly about -money grants, if he had been less distrustful of Clarke and more -willing to acknowledge the rights of the people in such matters. His -first measures of dissolving the old assembly, calling a new one, -and, perhaps for the first time in America, introducing a kind of -civil service reform by continuing in place all officers who had been -appointed by his predecessors, were received with great satisfaction -throughout the province, but they failed to loosen the strings of the -public purse, while the new assembly sought other measures to declare -their independence. Clarke’s advice, given before Clinton’s arrival, -that henceforth the assembly should allow the government a revenue for -a term of years, was not acted upon; but instead they voted the usual -appropriations for one year only. In voting salaries for officers, they -did not recognize the incumbents by name, and the council pronounced -this a device of the assembly to usurp the appointing power, and to -change the stipends of the officers at any time. - -Walpole had meanwhile turned over the government in England to his -friend Pelham, a family connection of Governor Clinton. Macaulay -describes Pelham as a man with an understanding like that of Walpole, -“on a somewhat smaller scale.” During Pelham’s administration, a bill -was considered in the House of Commons in 1744, news of which, upon -reaching the colonies, did not fail to arouse their indignation. It -forbade the American colonies to issue bills of credit or paper money. -As these colonies had but little trade, and had to draw upon Europe -for the tools and necessaries of life in the newly opened wilderness, -the small amount of coin which they received from the West Indies and -the Spanish main in exchange for bread-stuffs and lumber, their only -articles of exportation, went across the ocean in part payment of their -debts, leaving no “instrument of association,” no circulating medium, -in their hands. To replace the coin, they had to have recourse to the -issue of paper money, without which all intercolonial and internal -trade would have been impossible. The parliamentary intention of -depriving the colonies of these means of exchange led the New York -assembly to declare that the bill was contrary to the constitution -of Great Britain, inconsistent with the liberties and privileges of -Englishmen, and subjected the British colonies in America to the -absolute will of the crown and its officers. - -The efforts of Governor Clinton to reconcile the assembly by giving -his assent to all the bills passed by them in their first session did -not prevent their assuming greater powers than the House of Commons. -He could not obtain from them either money or men for the Cape Breton -expedition, set on foot by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts. Trying -to regain control of colonial politics, he stirred up a bitter feeling -among the popular party men; and after years of struggle, during which -the home government afforded him little comfort and support, Clinton -was willing to throw up his commission as governor of New York in 1751, -and return to England and resume his station as admiral. - -The French of Canada had used many artifices and had been indefatigable -in their endeavors to gain over the Six Nations. They had cajoled -many of them to desert their own tribes and remove to Canada, and had -instigated others, whom they could induce to desert, to go to war with -the Catawba Indians, friends of South Carolina, thereby endangering -and weakening the allegiance of the Southern Indians to the British -interest. Commissioners had arrived, or were to come, from all the -other colonies, to meet the Six Nations at Albany and renew the -covenant chain. If Quidor (the Indian name for the governor of New -York) were to be absent on such an occasion, especially a Quidor who -already had made an excellent impression on the king’s red allies, the -council conceived that the meeting would not only be without result, -but that the Indians, considering themselves slighted, would turn a -more willing ear to the French, and thus endanger the existence of -the colonies. Clinton was luckily a man who considered duty higher -than any personal comfort, and on the 1st of July, 1751, opened the -conference with the Indians which may be said to have been one of -the most important in the history of the English colonies. Colonel -William Johnson was induced to withdraw his resignation as Indian -agent, which had made the Six Nations very uneasy, and a peace was -made between the Iroquois, of New York, and the Catawbas, which also -included their friends among the Southern Indians. There is not space -to say much of the Indian policy pursued by Governor Clinton and other -royal governors of New York. To use the Indian explanation, “they took -example from the sun, which has its regular course; and as the sun -is certain in its motion, New York was certain to the Indians in the -course of their mutual affairs, and deviated not in the least.” New -York alone had to bear the expenses (£1,150) of this conference, since -Massachusetts, Connecticut, and South Carolina refused to contribute, -while New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia were not represented. The -other colonies also refused to help New York in keeping the Iroquois -in good humor by supplying smiths to live in the Indian territory and -repair the savages’ guns and hatchets. New York has the benefit of the -Indian trade, they said; let her bear the burden. Pennsylvania, most -interested of all the middle colonies in keeping the Indians friendly, -had soon learned the evils of neglecting them. Armed parties of French -and savages came down into the valley of the Ohio in 1753, creating -great confusion among the Indians of Pennsylvania, and inducing nearly -all, the Delawares alone excepted, to join the French, as their best -recourse in the indifference of the English. At the same time the New -York Indians became dissatisfied at their treatment by the general -assembly, which would not allow the forts in the Indian country, at -Oswego and at Albany, to be maintained, preferring to trust to the -activity of the Indians for keeping the French and their savage allies -from devastating the northern frontier. Disgusted with the constant -struggle which the jealousy of the assembly and their encroachments -upon the royal prerogatives always kept alive, Clinton finally resigned -in October of 1753; astonishing the council, and especially his -political enemy De Lancey, the chief justice, before he surrendered -the office to his newly arrived successor, Sir Danvers Osborn, by the -production of a letter from the Duke of Newcastle, secretary of state, -dated October 27, 1747, which gave Clinton a leave of absence to come -to England, and covered De Lancey’s commission as lieutenant-governor. -This stroke of Clinton’s did not succeed very well. It is true, Sir -Danvers’ presence deprived the new lieutenant-governor of the pleasure -of showing himself as chief magistrate of the province, but it was to -be only for a few days. Sir Danvers, perceiving that the assembly of -New York was not a body easily led by royal commands, exclaimed, “What -have I come here for?” and hanged himself two days after taking the -necessary oath; and thus the lieutenant-governor, De Lancey, came into -power. - -[Illustration: GOV. JAMES DE LANCEY. - -From a plate in Valentine’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1851. Cf. Lamb’s _New -York_, i. 543.] - -De Lancey soon discovered himself in a dilemma. The oaths which he had -taken when entering upon his new office, and which he must have had -self-respect enough to consider binding, compelled him to maintain the -royal prerogatives and several obnoxious laws made for the colonies by -Parliament. On the other side, his political career and his bearing of -past years forced him to work for the continuation of the popularity -which his opposition to the very things he had sworn to do had gained -him. De Lancey was skilful enough to avoid both horns of this dilemma. -The assembly, rejoicing to see a man of their own thinking at the -head of affairs, passed money and other laws in accordance with the -lieutenant-governor’s suggestions, and quietly pocketed his rebukes, -when he saw fit to administer any. The two most important events during -his term were of such a nature that he could do nothing, or only very -little, to prevent or further action. - -On the 11th of January, 1754, a great number of people assembled in -the city of New York, on account of a late agreement of the merchants -and others not to receive or pass copper half-pence in payment at any -other rate than fourteen to the shilling. The crowd kept increasing -until two o’clock in the afternoon, when the arrest of the man beating -the drum and of two others throwing half-pence into the mass quieted -them. - -[Illustration: GOV. CADWALLADER COLDEN. - -_From a plate in Valentine’s N. Y. City Manual, 1851, p. 420._] - -Later there was the conference of commissioners of all the colonies -at Albany in July, 1754, convened to treat anew with the Iroquois, -and also to consider, in obedience to orders from England, a plan of -confederation for all the colonies. The deliberations and conclusions -of the congress in this last respect are made the subject of inquiry -in a later chapter of the present volume.[479] De Lancey was accused -of opposing this plan of union by his machinations. We may say that -such accusation was unjust. The general assembly of the province, to -whom the “representation of the state and plan for union” was referred, -that they might make observations thereupon, said in their report or -address to the lieutenant-governor, on the 22d of August, 1754: “We -are _of opinion with your Honor_, that nothing is more natural and -salutary than a union of the colonies for their own defence.” While -he transmitted the minutes of the congress at Albany to the Lords of -Trade without a word of comment, he may have used his private influence -to defeat the union; but there is no reason to believe that he acted -even in that wise from other than upright motives, and he had already -shown, in the New Jersey boundary question, how personal associations -had restrained him from interfering or giving an opinion. His sense of -duty in office was perhaps exaggerated, and he could not brook censure -by the home authorities. The receiver-general and other officers -entrusted with the collection of the king’s revenue desired the passage -of an act “for the more easy collecting his majesty’s quit-rents, and -for protection of land in order thereto.” The assembly and council -having passed such a bill, it came before the governor for his assent, -which he readily gave, supposing that an act favored by the king’s -officers could not meet with the disapproval of the government in -England. The Lords of Trade, however, rebuked him, and he sent in his -resignation. - -[Illustration: GOV. MONCKTON. - -From a plate in Valentine’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1851.] - -In the mean time, the appointment of Admiral Sir Charles Hardy as -governor had relieved De Lancey for a time (1755-57) from the cares -of the administration. Sir Charles allowed himself to be led by his -lieutenant-governor, and therefore the affairs of government went on -as smoothly as of late, excepting that the assembly made occasional -issues upon money bills, though that body was little inclined to press -their levelling principles too strongly against their old friend, the -lieutenant-governor, now that he was the adviser of the executive. -Sir Charles proved less fond of the cares of office than of the sea, -and after two years’ service resigned, to hoist his blue admiral’s -flag under Rear Admiral Holbourn at Halifax. De Lancey had therefore -to assume once more the government on the 3d of June, 1757, which he -administered, with little to disturb the relations between the crown -and the assembly, down to the time of his death, on July 30, 1760. -This event placed his lifelong adversary, Cadwallader Colden, in the -executive chair, first as president of the council, and a year later as -lieutenant-governor. - -The policy of the royal representative was now very quickly changed. -The acquiescent bearing of De Lancey in his methods with the assembly -gave place to the more peremptory manner which had been used by -Clinton, whose friend Colden had always been. The records of the next -few years, during which Monckton, who was connected with the Acadian -deportation, was governor, show but the beginning of that struggle -between prerogative and the people which resulted in the American -Revolution, and a consideration of the immediate causes of that contest -belongs to another volume. - - * * * * * - -The history of Pennsylvania, down to the appointment of Governor -Blackwell in 1688, has been told in a previous chapter.[480] The -selection of John Blackwell for the governorship was an unfortunate -one. A son-in-law of the Cromwellian General Lambert and a resident -of puritanical New England, he must have shared more or less in the -hatred of the Friends’ religion, so that his appointment to govern a -colony settled principally by this sect most likely arose from Penn’s -respect and friendship for the man and from his inability to find a -suitable Quaker willing to accept the office. Within two months after -his arrival, he had quarrelled with his predecessor, Thomas Lloyd, -then keeper of the broad seal, and the rest of the council. Shortly -after this he succeeded in breaking up the assembly, and before he had -been in the province one year he became convinced that his ideas of -governing did not meet with the approbation of the people, and returned -to England, leaving the administration in the hands of his opponent, -Lloyd. - -After having acquired from the Duke of York the Delaware territory, -Penn endeavored to bring his province and the older settlements under -one form of government; but he could not prevent the jealousies, -caused often by difference of religious opinion and by desire for -offices, from raising a conflict which soon after Blackwell’s -departure threatened a dissolution of the nominal union. Lloyd -remained president of Pennsylvania, while Penn’s cousin, Markham, was -made lieutenant-governor of Delaware, under certain restrictions, as -detailed in a letter from Penn, which still left the supremacy to Lloyd -in matters of governing for the proprietary. - -In the mean time James II. of England had been forced to give up his -crown to his son-in-law, and this event brought unexpected results to -the proprietary of Pennsylvania. Penn’s intimacy with the dethroned -Stuart, unmarred by their different religious views, made him at once a -suspicious person in the eyes of the new rulers of England. He had been -arrested three times on the charges of disaffection to the existing -government, of corresponding with the late king, and of adhering to -the enemies of the kingdom, but had up to 1690 always succeeded in -clearing himself before the Lords of the Council or the Court of King’s -Bench. At last he was allowed to make preparations for another visit -to his province “with a great company of adventurers,” when another -order for his arrest necessitated his retirement into the country, -where he lived quietly for two or three years. This blow came at a -most critical time for his province, distracted as it was by political -and religious disturbances, which his presence might have done much -to prevent. The necessity of keeping remote from observation did not -give him opportunity to answer the complaints which became current -in England, that a schism among the Quakers had inaugurated a system -of religious intolerance in a province founded on the principles of -liberty of conscience. The result of this inopportune but enforced -inactivity on Penn’s part was to deprive him of his province and -its dependency (Delaware), and a commission was issued to Benjamin -Fletcher, then governor of New York, to take them under his government, -October 21, 1692. Fletcher made a visit to his new territory, hoping, -perhaps, that his appearance might bring the opposing sections into -something like harmony. Quickly disabused of his fond fancy, and -disappointed in luring money from the Quakers, he returned to New -York, leaving a deputy in charge. About the same time, 1694, Penn had -obtained a hearing before competent authority in England, and having -cleared himself successfully of all charges, he was reinvested with his -proprietary rights. Not able to return to Pennsylvania immediately, he -transferred his authority to Markham, who continued to act as ruler of -the colony until 1699, when Penn visited his domain once more. - -One of Penn’s first acts was to impress the assembly with the necessity -of discouraging illicit trade and suppressing piracy. He did it with so -much success that the assembly not only passed two laws to this effect, -but also took a further step to clear the government of Pennsylvania -from all imputations by expelling one of its members, James Brown, a -son-in-law of Governor Markham, who was more or less justly accused -of piracy. He was equally successful with his recommendations to the -assembly concerning a new charter, the slave-trade, and the treatment -and education of the negroes already in the province. But when, in -1701, he asked in the king’s name for a contribution of £350 towards -the fortifications on the frontiers of New York, the assembly decided -to refer the consideration of this matter to another meeting, or “until -more emergent occasions shall require our further proceedings therein.” - -The evident intention of the ministry in England to reduce the -proprietary governments in the English colonies to royal ones, “under -pretence of advancing the prerogatives of the crown,” compelled Penn -to return to England in the latter part of 1701. But before he could -leave a quarrel broke out in the assembly between the deputies from the -Lower Counties, now Delaware, and those of the province. The former -were accused of having obtained some exclusive powers or rights for -themselves which the others would not allow them, and in consequence -the men of the Lower Counties withdrew from the assembly in high -dudgeon. After long discussions, and by giving promises to agree to a -separation of that district from the province under certain conditions, -Penn at last managed to patch up a peace between the two factions. He -then went to England. - -The new charter for the province and territories, signed by Penn, -October 25, 1701, was more republican in character than those of the -neighboring colonies. It not only provided for an assembly of the -people with great powers, including those of creating courts, but to a -certain extent it submitted to the choice of the people the nomination -of some of the county officers. The section concerning liberty of -conscience did not discriminate against the members of the Church of -Rome. The closing section fulfilled the promise already made by Penn, -that in case the representatives of the two territorial districts could -not agree within three years to join in legislative business, the Lower -Counties should be separated from Pennsylvania. On the same day Penn -established by letters-patent a council of state for the province, “to -consult and assist the proprietary himself or his deputy with the best -of their advice and council in public affairs and matters relating -to the government and the peace and well-being of the people; and in -the absence of the proprietary, or upon the deputy’s absence out of -the province, his death, or other incapacity, to exercise all and -singular the powers of government.” The original town and borough of -Philadelphia, having by this time “become near equal to the city of -New York in trade and riches,”[481] was raised, by patent of the 25th -of October, 1701, to the rank of a city, and, like the province, could -boast of having a more liberal charter than her neighbors; for the -municipal officers were to be elected by the representatives of the -people of the city, and not appointed by the governor, as in New York. - -The government of the province had been entrusted by Penn to Andrew -Hamilton, also governor for the proprietors in New Jersey, with James -Logan as provincial secretary, to whom was likewise confided the -management of the proprietary estates, thus making him in reality the -representative of Penn and the leader of his party. Hamilton died -in December, 1702; but before his death he had endeavored in vain -to bring the representatives of the two sections of his government -together again. The Delaware members remained obstinate, and finally, -while Edward Shippen, a member of the council and first mayor of -Philadelphia, was acting as president, it was settled that they should -have separate assemblies, entirely independent of each other. - -The first separate assembly for Pennsylvania proper met at -Philadelphia, in October, 1703, and by its first resolution showed that -the Quakers, so dominant in the province, were beginning to acquire a -taste for authority, and meant to color their religion with the hue of -political power. According to the new charter, the assembly, elected -annually, was to consist of four members for each county, and was to -meet at Philadelphia on the 14th of October of each year, sitting upon -their own adjournments. Upon the separation of the legislative bodies -of the two sections, Pennsylvania claimed to be entitled to eight -members for each county, which, being duly elected and met, reasserted -the powers granted by the charter; but when the governor and council -desired to confer with them they would adjourn without conference. Upon -the objection from the governor that they could not sit wholly upon -their own adjournment, they immediately decided not to sit again until -the following March, and thus deprive the governor and council of every -chance to come to an understanding on the matter. - -Before President Shippen could take any step toward settling -this question, John Evans, a young Welshman, lately appointed -deputy-governor by Penn, arrived in Philadelphia (December, 1703). -The new-comer at once called both assemblies together, directing them -to sit in Philadelphia in April, 1704, in utter disregard of the -agreement of separation. He renewed Hamilton’s efforts to effect again -a legislative union, and also failed, not because the Delaware members -were opposed to it, but because now the Pennsylvania representatives, -probably disgusted with the obstinacy of the former, absolutely -refused to have anything to do with them. Governor Evans took this -refusal very ill and resented it in various ways, by which the state -of affairs was brought to such a pass that neither this nor the next -assembly, under the speakership of David Lloyd, accomplished anything -of importance, but complained bitterly to Penn of his deputy. In the -latter part of the same year the first assembly for the Lower Counties -met in the old town of New Castle, and was called upon by Governor -Evans to raise a militia out of that class of the population who were -not prevented by religious scruples from bearing arms,—soldiers being -then needed for the war against France and Spain. About a year later, -having become reconciled with the Pennsylvania assembly of 1706, Evans -persuaded the Delaware representatives to pass a law “for erecting and -maintaining a fort for her Majesty’s service at the Town of New Castle -upon Delaware.” This law exacted a toll in gunpowder from every vessel -coming from the sea up the river.[482] - -These quarrels between the governor and the assemblies were repeated -every year. At one time they had for ground the refusal of the Quakers -to support the war which was waging against the French and Indians on -the frontiers. At another they disagreed upon the establishment of a -judiciary. These disturbances produced financial disruptions, and Penn -himself suffered therefrom to such an extent that he was thrown into -a London prison, and had finally to mortgage his province for £6,600. -The recall of Evans, in 1709, and the appointment of Charles Gookin -in his stead, did not mend matters. Logan, Penn’s intimate friend -and representative, was finally compelled to leave the country; and, -going to England (1710), he induced Penn to write a letter to the -Pennsylvania assembly, in which he threatened to sell the province -to the crown, a surrender by which he was to receive £12,000. The -transfer was in fact prevented by an attack of apoplexy from which Penn -suffered in 1712. The epistle, however, brought the refractory assembly -to terms. After exacting a concession of their right to sit on their -own adjournment, they consented to the establishment of a judiciary, -without, however, a court of appeal, and finally yielded to passing -votes to defray the expenses of government. They even gave £2,000 to -the crown in aid of the war. Affairs went smoothly under Gookin’s -administration until, in 1714, the governor, whose mind is supposed -to have been impaired, began the quarrel again by complaining about -his scanty salary and the irregularity of payments. He also insisted -foolishly upon the illegality of affirmation; foolishly, because the -Quakers, who would not allow any other kind of oath, were the dominant -party in the province.[483] Not satisfied with the commotion he had -stirred up, he suddenly turned upon his friend Logan, and had now not -only the anti-Penn faction, but also Penn’s adherents, to contend -with. The last ill-advised step resulted in his recall (1717) and the -appointment of Sir William Keith, the last governor commissioned by -Penn himself; for the great founder of Pennsylvania died in 1718. - -While after Penn’s death his heirs went to law among themselves about -the government and proprietary rights in Pennsylvania, Governor Keith, -who as surveyor of customs in the southern provinces had become -sufficiently familiar with Penn’s affairs, entered on the performance -of his duties under the most favorable conditions. The assembly had -become weary to disgust with the continuous disputes and altercations -forced upon them by the last two governors, and it was therefore -easily influenced by Sir William’s good address and evident effort to -please. Without hesitation it voted a salary of £500 for the governor, -and acted upon his suggestion to examine the state of the laws, some -of which were obsolete or had expired by their own limitations. The -province was somewhat disturbed by the lawsuit of the family for the -succession, finally settled in favor of Penn’s children by his second -wife, and by a war of the southern Indians with the Susquehanna and New -York tribes; but nothing marred the relations between governor and -legislature. Under the speakership of James Trent, later chief justice -of New Jersey (where the city of Trenton was named after him),[484] -an act for the advancement of justice and more certain administration -thereof, a measure of great importance to the province, passed the -previous year (1718), became a law by receiving the royal assent. -Governor Keith’s proposal in 1720 to establish a Court of Chancery met -with unqualified approval by the assembly. Under the next governor this -court “came to be considered as so great a nuisance” that after a while -it fell into disuse. - -In 1721 the first great council which the Five Nations ever held with -the white people outside of the province of New York and at any other -place than Albany, N. Y., took place at Conestoga, and the disputes -which had threatened the outlying settlements with the horrors of -Indian war were amicably settled. The treaty of friendship made here -was confirmed the next year at a council held at Albany, as in the mean -time the wanton murder of an Iroquois by some Pennsylvania traders had -somewhat strained the mutual relations. - -The commercial and agricultural interests of the province began -to suffer about this time for want of a sufficient quantity of a -circulating medium. Divers means of relief were proposed, among them -the issue of bills of credit. Governor Keith and the majority of the -traders, merchants, and farmers were enchanted with the notion of fiat -money, and overlooked or were unwilling to profit by the experiences -of other provinces which had already suffered from the mischievous -consequences of such a measure. The result was that, after considerable -discussion, turning not so much upon the bills of credit themselves as -upon the mode of issuing them and the method of guarding against their -depreciation, the emission of £15,000 was authorized, despite the order -of the king in council of May 19, 1720, which forbade all the governors -of the colonies in America to pass any laws sanctioning the issue of -bills of credit. It would lead us too far beyond the limits of this -chapter to inquire whether, as Dr. Douglass, of Boston, suggested in -1749, the assembly ordering this emission of £15,000 bills of credit, -and another of £30,000 in the same year, was “a legislature of debtors, -the representatives of people who, from incogitancy, idleness, and -profuseness, have been under a necessity of mortgaging their lands.” -All the safeguards thrown around such a currency to prevent its -depreciation proved in the end futile. The acts creating this debt -of £45,000[485] provided for its redemption a pledge of real estate -in fee simple of double the value, recorded in an office created for -that purpose. The money so lent out was to be repaid into the office -annually, in such instalments as would make it possible to sink the -whole original issue within a certain number of years. In the first -three years the sinking and destruction of the redeemed bills went on -as directed by law; but under its operation the community found itself -suffering from the contraction, although only about one seventh of the -debt had been paid. The legislature, therefore, passed a law (1726) -directing that the bills should not be destroyed, as the former acts -required, but that, during the following eight years, they should be -reissued. The population of the province, growing by natural increase -and by immigration, seeming to require a larger volume of currency, a -new emission of £30,000 was ordered in 1729 under the provisions of -the laws of 1723. In 1731 the law of 1726 was reënacted, to prevent -disasters which threatened the farmer as well as the merchant, and -to avoid making new acts for emitting more bills. In 1739 the amount -of bills in circulation, £68,890, was increased to £80,000, equal to -£50,000 sterling, because the legislature had discovered that the -former sum fell “short of a proper medium for negotiating the commerce -and for the support of the government.” They justified this step, and -tried to explain why a pound of Pennsylvania currency was of so much -less value than a pound sterling by asserting that the difference arose -only from the balance of Pennsylvania’s trade with Great Britain, which -was in favor of the former, since more English goods found their way -here now that bills of credit had become the fashion. The act of 1739 -had made the bills then in circulation irredeemable for a short term -of years, which in 1745 was extended to sixteen years more under the -following modifications: the first ten years, up to 1755, no bill was -to be redeemed, or, if redeemed, was to be reissued; after 1755 one -sixth of the whole amount was to be paid in yearly and the bills were -to be destroyed. In 1746 a further issue of £5,000 for the king’s use -was ordered, to be sunk in ten yearly instalments of £500 each, and -in 1749 Pennsylvania currency, valued in 1723 at thirteen shillings -sterling per pound, had, like all other colonial money, so far -depreciated that a pound was equal to eleven shillings and one and one -third pence.[486] - -When the limit of the year 1755 was reached many of the bills of credit -had become so torn and defaced that the assembly ordered £10,000 in new -bills to be exchanged for the old ones. In the mean time the French war -had begun, and to support the troops sent over from England £60,000 -were issued in bills to be given to the king’s use. - -By this time Pennsylvania had become so largely in debt as to make her -taxes burdensome. Notwithstanding a hesitation to increase the volume -of indebtedness, her assembly felt called upon by reason of the war -to contribute her share of the cost of it, and in September, 1756, a -further issue of £30,000 was authorized under a law which provided for -the redemption of the bills in ten years by an excise on wine, liquor, -etc. If this excise should bring in more than was necessary, the -“overplus” was to go into the hands of the king.[487] - -Governor Keith took care to increase his popularity with the assembly, -and thereby to advance his own personal interest in a greater degree -than was compatible with his allegiance to the proprietary’s family. -Having managed to free himself from the control of the council, who -were men respecting their oaths and friends of the Penn family, he -incurred the displeasure of the widow of the great Quaker, and in 1726 -was superseded by Patrick Gordon. Keith and his friend David Lloyd had -vainly endeavored to persuade Hannah Penn that her views concerning -the council’s participation in legislative matters were erroneous, -and that the council was in fact created for ornamental purposes and -to be spectators of the governor’s actions. This opinion of Keith was -of course in opposition to the instructions which he had received. -Fully to understand the condition of affairs, we must remember that -the government of this colony was as much the private property of the -proprietary as the soil; and that in giving instructions to his deputy -and establishing a council to assist the deputy by their advice, the -proprietary did no more than a careful business man would do when -compelled to absent himself from his place of business,—or at least -such were the views of the Penns. - -The even tenor of political life in Pennsylvania, the greater part of -whose inhabitants were either Quakers, religiously opposed to any kind -of strife, or Germans, totally ignorant of the modes of constitutional -government, was somewhat disturbed during the first two or three years -of Gordon’s administration by Keith’s intrigue as a member of the -assembly, to which he was soon chosen. We are told that he endeavored -by “all means in his power to divide the inhabitants, embarrass the -administration, and distress the proprietary family.” He grew, however, -as unpopular as he had been popular; and when he finally returned to -England, where he died about 1749, the colony again enjoyed quiet for -several years. - -Governor Gordon had in his earlier life been bred to arms, and he had -served in the army with considerable repute until the end of Queen -Anne’s reign. As a soldier he had learned the value of moderation; and -not forgetting it in civil life, his administration was distinguished -by prudence and a regard for the interests of the province, while -his peaceful Indian policy secured for the colony a period of almost -unprecedented prosperity. Planted in 1682, nearly fifty years later -than her neighbors, Pennsylvania could boast in 1735 that her chief -city, Philadelphia, was the second in size in the colonies, and her -white population larger than that of Virginia, Maryland, and the -Carolinas. - -The death of Hannah Penn, the widow of the first proprietor, in -1733, threatened to put a sudden stop to Gordon’s rule, since the -assembly, deeming his authority to be derived from Hannah Penn, and -to end with her death, refused him obedience. The arrival of a new -commission, executed by John, Thomas, and Richard Penn, quickly settled -this question, as well as another point. The king’s approval of it -reserved specially to the crown the government of the Lower Counties, -if it chose to claim it. Of the progress in Gordon’s time towards the -settlement of the disputed boundary with Maryland, the recital is given -in another chapter.[488] - -Upon Gordon’s death, in 1736, James Logan, the lifelong friend of -Penn, succeeded as president of the council, but gave place, after two -uneventful years, to the new governor, George Thomas, who had been -formerly a planter in the island of Antigua. - -A promise of continued quiet was harshly disturbed when the governor -authorized the enrolment of bought or indented servants in the militia. -Opposed to the use of military arms under all conditions, the Quakers -who owned these enrolled servants, of whom 276 had been taken, were -still more aggrieved by having their own property appropriated to such -uses. The assembly finally voted the sum of £2,588 to compensate the -owners for the loss of their chattels, but the feeling engendered by -the governor’s action was not soothed. The relations between governor -and assembly became strained; the governor refusing to give his assent -to acts passed by the assembly, and the latter neglecting to vote -a salary for the governor. This condition of affairs may have led -to the serious election riots which disturbed Philadelphia in 1742. -The governor, who had only received £500 of his salary, began to be -embarrassed, and was in the end induced by his straits to assent to -bills beyond the pale of his instructions, while the assembly soothed -him by no longer withholding his salary. In this way good feeling and -quiet were restored, and when, in 1747, he decided to resign, the -regret of the assembly was unfeigned. - -After a short interregnum, during which Anthony Palmer, as president -of the council, ruled the province, James Hamilton was appointed -deputy-governor by the proprietors, Richard and Thomas Penn. He entered -upon his duties with good omens. He was born in the country, and his -father had somewhat earlier enjoyed an eminence from the result of -the Zenger trial such as no lawyer in America had enjoyed before. For -a while the assembly and Hamilton were mutually pleased; but as, in -time, he withheld his assent to bills that infringed the proprietary’s -right to the interest of loans, the assembly was arrayed against -him, and rendered his position so unpleasant that in 1753 he sent to -England his resignation, to take effect in a year. His place was taken -by Robert Hunter Morris, son of the chief justice of New Jersey, who -was, like Hamilton, a man thoroughly conscientious and conversant with -the political life in the colonies. Very early in his term he came in -conflict with the assembly on a money bill, which his instructions -would not allow him to sign. Hampered by these orders, he was unable -to rely upon his judgment or feelings and to act independently; hence -very soon, in 1756, he resigned, and retired to New Jersey, where he -died in 1764. - -The state of affairs under the next governor, William Denny, is shown -by a passage in one of his early messages. “Though moderation is most -agreeable to me,” he says to the assembly, “there might have been a -governor who would have told you, the whole tenor of your message -was indecent, frivolous, and evasive.” Again the instructions were -the cause of all trouble. The governor was in duty bound to withhold -his assent from every act for the emission of bills of credit that -did not subject the money to the joint disposal of the governor and -assembly, and from every act increasing the amount of bills of credit -or confirming existing issues, unless a provision directed that the -rents of proprietary lands were to be paid in sterling money, while -the taxes on these lands could not become a lien on the same. The -treasury of the province was on the verge of complete bankruptcy, -when the governor rejected a bill levying £100,000 on all real and -personal property, including the proprietary lands. Seeing no other -way out of the dilemma, the assembly amended their bill by exempting -the proprietary interests from taxation, but they sought their revenge -by sending an agent, Benjamin Franklin, to England to represent their -grievances to the crown. Franklin reached London in July, 1757, and -entered immediately upon a quarrel with the proprietors respecting -their rights, from which he issued as victor. Denny, tired of the -struggle, and in need of money, finally disobeyed his instructions, -gave his assent to obnoxious bills, and was recalled, to give way to -Hamilton, who in 1759 was again installed. - -Hamilton went through his second term without strife. There were too -many external dangers to engage the assembly’s attention. Parliament, -in anticipation of a Spanish war, had appropriated £200,000 for -fortifying the colony posts; the assembly took the province’s share of -it, £26,000, and made ready to receive the Spanish privateers, to whose -attacks by the Delaware the country lay invitingly open. The danger -was not so great as it seemed. In 1763 Hamilton was superseded by John -Penn, the son of Richard and grandson of William Penn. - - * * * * * - -During these later years, Pennsylvania could justly be called the -most flourishing of the English colonies. A fleet of four hundred -sail left Philadelphia yearly with the season’s produce. The colony’s -free population numbered 220,000 souls, and of these possibly half -were German folk, who had known not a little of Old World oppression; -one sixth were Quakers, more than a sixth were Presbyterians, another -sixth were Episcopalians, and there were a few Baptists. The spirit -and tenets of the first framers of its government, as the Quakers -had been, were calculated to attract the attention of oppressed -sectaries everywhere, and bodies of many diversified beliefs, from -different parts of Europe, flocked to the land, took up their abodes, -and are recognized in their descendants to-day. Conspicuous among -these immigrants were those of the sect called Unitas Fratrum, United -Brethren, or Moravians, who settled principally in the present county -of Northampton. Though they labored successfully among the Indians in -making converts, it was rare that they succeeded in uniting to their -communion any of their Christian neighbors. The Moravians had been -preceded by a sect of similar tenets, the adherents of Schwenckfeld. -They had come to Pennsylvania in 1732 and mostly settled in the present -county of Montgomery. Still earlier a sort of German Baptists, called -Dunkers, Tunkers, or Dumplers, coming to America between 1719 and 1729, -had found homes in Lancaster County. Another sect of Baptists, the -followers of Menno Simon, or Mennonists,—like the Friends, opposed to -taking oaths and bearing arms,—had begun to make their way across the -ocean as early as 1698, induced thereto by information derived from -Penn himself. Like the Dunkers, they chose Lancaster County for their -American homes. - -But there were other motives than religious ones. There came many -Welsh, Irish, and Scotch farmers. The Welsh were a valuable stock; -the same cannot be said of the Irish, who began to come in 1719, and -continued to arrive in such large numbers that special legislation in -regard to them was required in 1729. An act laying a duty on foreigners -and Irish servants imported into the province was passed May 10, 1729. -This act was repealed, but many features of it were embodied in an act -of the following year, imposing a duty on persons convicted of heinous -crimes, and preventing poor and impotent persons being imported into -the province. It must be acknowledged that the Catholic religion, -professed by these immigrants, had not a little to do with the temper -of the legislation which restrained them, in a colony which had been -modelled on the principles of religious freedom. It was not assuring, -on the other hand, for the legislators to discover that the sympathy -which the Roman priests showed for the French enemies of the province -foreboded mischief. - - * * * * * - -It has been told in a previous chapter how New Jersey passed from the -state of a conquered province to that of a proprietary or settled -colony, and how little the change of dynasty in England affected the -public affairs of this section of the middle colonies. The proprietors -of East New Jersey had grown weary of governing the province, and -in April, 1688, had drawn up an act surrendering their share. The -revolutionary disturbances in England which soon followed prevented -action upon this surrender; but when, at the beginning of the next -century, the proprietors of West New Jersey also showed themselves -willing to surrender the burden and cares of government to the crown, -the Lords of Trade gave it as their opinion that no sufficient form of -government had ever been formed in New Jersey, that many inconveniences -and disorders had been the result of the proprietors’ pretence of -right to govern, and advised the Law Lords to accept the surrender. -The proprietors reserved to themselves all their rights in the soil of -the province, while they abandoned the privilege of governing. East -and West New Jersey, now become again one province, was to be ruled -by a governor, a council of twelve members appointed by the crown, and -twenty-four assembly-men elected by the freeholders. The governor was -given the right of adjourning and dissolving the assembly at pleasure, -and of vetoing any act passed by council and assembly, his assent being -subject to the approval or dissent of the king. - -When surrendering in 1701 their rights of government, the proprietors -recommended, for the office of royal governor, Andrew Hamilton, their -representative in the colony, in whose ability and integrity they had -the fullest confidence, and who during his previous terms as governor -had also won the admiration and reverence of the governed. Intrigues -against Hamilton, instituted by two influential proprietors, Dockwra -and Sonmans, and by Colonel Quary, of Pennsylvania, resulted in -Hamilton’s defeat and the appointment of Edward Hyde, Lord Cornbury, -who was already governor of New York. Cornbury published his commission -in New Jersey on the 11th of August, 1703, and inaugurated, by his -way of dealing with the affairs of the colony, the same series of -violent contests between the governor and the people, represented by -the assembly, that had served under him to keep New York unsettled. -Complaints made by the proprietors against him in England had no -effect, although he had clearly violated his instructions, by -unseating three members of the assembly; by making money the proper -qualification for election to the same, instead of land; and by -allowing an act taxing unprofitable and waste land to become a law. -His successor, John, Lord Lovelace, appointed early in 1708, arrived -in New York early in December of the same year. He had various schemes -for the improvement of both colonies, but it is doubtful whether his -previous position of cornet in the royal horse-guards had fitted -him for administrative and executive work. A disease was, moreover, -already fastened upon him, which in a few months carried him off. His -successor, Major Richard Ingoldsby, is best described by Bellomont, -under whom he had previously served in New York. “Major Ingoldesby -has been absent from his post four years,” says Bellomont in a letter -to the Lords of Trade, October 17, 1700, “and is so brutish as to -leave his wife and children here to starve. Ingoldesby is of a worthy -family, but is a rash, hot-headed man, and had a great hand in the -execution of Leisler and Milburn, for which reason, if there were no -other, he is not fit to serve in this country, having made himself -hatefull to the Leisler party.” Cornbury understood the man so fully -that he would not allow him to act as lieutenant-governor of either -New York or New Jersey, to which office he had been appointed in 1704. -Ingoldsby’s commission as lieutenant-governor was revoked in 1706, but -he was admitted as a member of the council for New Jersey. It seems -that the order revoking the commission was not sent out to New York in -1706, for upon Lord Lovelace’s death he assumed the government, and -acted so brutally that, when news of it reached England, a new order -of revocation was issued. In the short interval before the arrival of -his successor, Governor Robert Hunter, who published his commission -in New Jersey in the summer of 1710, Ingoldsby had managed to get -into conflict with the assembly, largely formed of members from the -Society of Friends, and brought about the state of affairs which -we may call usual in all the British colonies ruled by a governor -appointed by the king, and by an assembly elected by the people. Hunter -must be termed the first satisfactory governor of New Jersey. Early -in his administration he met with opposition from those who so far -had slavishly followed the royal governor. These opponents were the -council of the province, who objected to every measure which Governor -Hunter, advised by Lewis Morris and other influential members of the -Quaker or country party, deemed necessary for the public good. The -council was entirely under the thumb of Secretary Jeremiah Basse, who, -having been an Anabaptist minister, agent in England for the West -Jersey Society, governor of East and West Jersey, had shared in the -obloquy attached to Lord Cornbury’s administration. Public business -threatened to come to a standstill, as the home authorities were slow -in acting on recommendations to remove the obnoxious members of the -council. Hunter constantly prorogued the assembly of New Jersey; “it -being absolutely needless to meet the assembly so long as the council -is so constituted,” he writes to the Lords of Trade, June 23, 1712, -“for they have avowedly opposed the government in most things, and by -their influence obstructed the payment of a great part of the taxes.” -But it was not until August, 1713, that the queen approved of the -removal of William Pinhorn, Daniel Coxe, Peter Sonmans, and William -Hall from the council, in whose places John Anderson, a wealthy trader -and farmer of Perth Amboy, John Hamilton, postmaster-general of North -America, and John Reading, of West Jersey, were appointed. William -Morris, recommended in place of Sonmans, had died meanwhile. Sonmans -stole and took out of the province all public records, and, having -gone to England with his booty, he used the papers to injure Governor -Hunter in the estimation of the people of New Jersey, while “our men -of noise” agitated against him in the province and in its assembly. -No effort was spared to prevent a renewal of Hunter’s commission in -1714, and when he was reappointed notwithstanding, Coxe, Sonmans, and -their friends had so inflamed the “lower rank of people that only time -and patience, or stronger measures, could allay the heat.” At last it -became an absolute necessity to summon the assembly again, and an act -“for fixing the sessions of assembly in the Jersies at Burlington” was -passed in 1715, which became the cause of incessant attacks upon the -governor by Coxe and his party. Hunter, seeing the wheels of government -stopped by the factious absence of Coxe and his friends from the -legislative sessions, said to the assembly, May 19, 1716: “Whereas, -it is apparent and evident that there is at present a combination -amongst some of your members to disappoint and defeat your meetings as -a house of representatives by their wilful absenting themselves from -the service of their country ... I have judged it absolutely necessary -... to require you forthwith to meet as a house of representatives, and -to take the usual methods to oblige your fellow members to pay their -attendance.” The assembly, like a sensible body, aware that Governor -Hunter had always acted with justice and moderation, answered his -appeal to them by expelling on the 23d of May their speaker, Coxe, as -a man whose study it had been to disturb the quiet and tranquillity of -the province, and such other members as did not attend and could not be -found by the sergeant-at-arms of the house. - -Coxe did not consider himself vanquished. An appeal to the king -followed. Coxe charged Hunter with illegal acts of every kind, and -his petition was numerously signed; but the council certified that -his subscribers were “for the most part the lowest and meanest of the -people,” and the king sustained and commended the governor. When, a few -years later, Hunter resolved to return to Europe to recover his health -at the baths of Aix-la-Chapelle, he could with pride assert that the -provinces governed by him “were in perfect peace, to which both had -long been strangers.” - -William Burnet, who succeeded his friend Hunter, was not so amiable a -man, and showed the airs of personal importance too much to suit the -Quaker spirit which prevailed among the New Jersey people. He needed -money to live upon, however, and there was something of the Jacobite -opposition in the province for him to suppress. He had difficulty at -first in getting the assembly to pass other than temporary bills; but -in 1722 the governor and assembly had reached an understanding, and -Burnet passed through the rest of his term without much conflict with -the legislature, and when transferred to the chair of Massachusetts, in -1728, he turned over the government in a quiet condition, and with few -or no wounds unhealed. - -The most notable event during the three years’ term of his successor, -Montgomerie, was the renewal of an effort, already attempted in -Burnet’s time, but defeated by him, to have New Jersey made again a -government separate from New York. “By order of the house 4th 5mo, -1730,” John Kinsey, Junr., speaker, signed a petition to the king for -a separate governor. Montgomerie died July 1, 1731, and Lewis Morris, -as president of the council, governed till September, 1732, when Cosby, -the new governor, arrived. The grand jury of Middlesex tried to further -the attempt for a separate government in 1736, but nothing was done -till Cosby died, when Morris, whom Cosby had shamefully maligned, -received the appointment from a grateful king, and New Jersey was again -possessed of a separate governor. - -Governor Morris published his commission at Amboy on the 29th of -August, 1738; at Burlington a few days later. The council, with the -assembly, expressed the thanks and joy of the people in unmeasured -terms, prophetically seeing trade and commerce flourish and justice -more duly and speedily administered under the new rule. The pleasant -relations between the governor and the representatives of the people -which these expressions of satisfaction seemed to foreshadow were not -to be of long duration. “There is so much insincerity and ignorance -among the people, ... and so strong an inclination in the meanest -of the people to have the sole direction of all the affairs of the -government,” writes Morris to his friend Sir Charles Wager, one of -the treasury lords, May 10, 1739, “that it requires much more temper, -skill, and constancy to overcome these difficulties than fall to every -man’s share.” Under these influences, Morris, the former leader of the -popular party, betrayed them, and tried to obey his instructions to the -very letter. Following the example set by Cosby, of New York, in regard -to the salary of an absent governor and a present lieutenant-governor -or president of the council, he began to quarrel with John Hamilton, -who as president had temporarily acted as governor. Fortunately -for Morris’s reputation, this case did not grow into such a public -scandal as the Cosby-Van Dam case, mentioned above, and was quietly -settled in the proper way. The assembly, having early discovered that -Morris was not an easy man to deal with, tried to discipline him by -interfering with the disposal of the revenue granted for the support -of the government, and finally refused to pass supply bills unless the -governor disobeyed his instructions and assented to bills enacted by -them. The wheels of the governmental machinery threatened to come to -a standstill for want of money, when Morris, after an illness of some -weeks, died at Trenton on the 21st of May, 1746, leaving the government -of the province to his whilom adversary. John Hamilton, as president of -the council, who was then already suffering from ill health, prorogued -the assembly, then sitting at Trenton, and reconvened them at Perth -Amboy, his own home. Relieved of their political enemy, Morris, the -assembly became more amenable to reason, and during Hamilton’s brief -administration “chearfully made provision for raising 500 men” for the -Canada expedition, and lent the government £10,000 to arm and equip -the New Jersey contingent. Hamilton soon succumbed to his disease, and -died June 17, 1747. When John Reading, another member of the council, -succeeded to power, his administration of a few months was mainly -signalized by riots at Perth Amboy,—in which Reading was roughly -handled. These disturbances were caused by an act to vacate and annul -grants of land and to divest owners of property which had been bought -some years before from the Indians. - -Jonathan Belcher, after being removed in 1741[489] from the executive -office of Massachusetts, had gone to England, where, with the -assistance of his brother-in-law, Richard Partridge, the agent at -court for New Jersey, he obtained the appointment of governor of this -province. When he first met the council and assembly of New Jersey, on -the 20th of August, 1747, he said to them, “I shall strictly conform -myself to the king’s commands and to the powers granted me therein, -as also to the additional authorities contained in the king’s royal -orders to me, and from these things I think you will not desire me -to deviate.” Belcher had not yet had occasion to arouse the anger of -the assembly, when the latter, at their first session, of unusual -long duration (fourteen weeks), already showed their distrust of him -by voting his salary for one year only, and not “a penny more” than -to the late governor, who had “harast and plagued them sufficiently.” -Belcher was too well inured to colonial politics openly to manifest his -anger at such treatment, or to tell the assembly that he considered -them “very stingy,” as he called them in a letter to Partridge. His -administration gave evidence of his ability to yield gracefully up to -the limits of his instructions; but when a conflict with his assembly -could not be avoided, he faced it stubbornly. On the whole, his rule -resulted in a much-needed quiet for the province, which was only -briefly disturbed by the riots already mentioned, which had begun -before Belcher’s arrival. The members of the assembly, who depended -largely for their election on the votes of these rioters, sympathized -with the lawless element in Essex and other counties; but in the end -wiser counsels prevailed, and the disturbances ceased. - -In another part of the province the dispute over the boundary line -with New York, as it affected titles of land, was also a source -of agitation, which in Belcher’s time was the cause of constant -remonstrance and appeal and of legislative intervention, but he left -the question unsettled, a legacy of disturbance for later composition. - -Age and a paralytic disorder, which even the electrical apparatus -that Franklin sent to Belcher could not remove, ended Belcher’s life -on the 31st of August, 1757, leaving the government in the hands of -Thomas Pownall, who, on account of Belcher’s age and infirmity, had -been appointed lieutenant-governor in 1755. Pownall was at the time of -Belcher’s death also governor of Massachusetts. After a short visit to -New Jersey he found “that the necessity of his majesty’s service in the -government of the Massachusetts Bay” required his return to Boston, and -his absence brought the active duties of the executive once more upon -Reading, as senior counsellor, who, through age and illness, was little -disposed towards the burden. - -The arrival, on the 15th of June, 1758, of Francis Bernard, bearing -a commission as governor, relieved Reading of his irksome duties. -Bernard had, during his short term, the satisfaction of pacifying the -Indians by a treaty made at Easton in October, 1758. The otherwise -uneventful term of his administration was soon ended by his transfer -to Massachusetts. His successor, Thomas Boone, after an equally short -and uneventful term, was replaced by Josiah Hardy, and the latter by -William Franklin, the son of the great philosopher. The latter had -secured his appointment through Lord Bute, but nothing can be said in -this chapter of his administration, which, beginning in 1762, belongs -to another volume.[490] - - * * * * * - -The possible injury which a development of the manufacturing interests -in the colonies might inflict on like interests in Great Britain -agitated the mind of the English manufacturer at an early date. -Already in Dutch times this question of manufactures in the province -of New Netherland had been settled rather peremptorily by an order -of the Assembly of the Nineteen, which made it a felony to engage -in the making of any woollen, linen, or cotton cloth. The English -Parliament, perhaps influenced by the manufacturers among their -constituents, or not willing to appear as legislating in the interest -of money, declared, in 1719, “that the erecting of manufactories in -the colonies tends to lessen their dependence on Great Britain,” and -a prohibition similar to that of the Dutch authorities was enacted. -During the whole colonial period this feeling of jealousy interfered -with the development of industries and delayed their growth. Whatever -England could not produce was expected to be made here, such as naval -stores, pearlash and potash, and silks; but the English manufacturer -strenuously set himself in opposition to any colonial enterprise which -affected his own profits. - -Shipbuilding and the saw-mill had early sprung from the domestic -necessities of the people. The Dutch had made the windmill a striking -feature in the landscape of New York. The people of Pennsylvania had -been the earliest in the middle colonies to establish a press, and it -had brought the paper-mill in its train, though after a long interval; -for it was not till 1697 that the manufacture of paper began near -Philadelphia, and not till thirty years later (1728) was the second -mill established at Elizabethtown in New Jersey. The Dutch had begun -the making of glass in New York city, near what is now Hanover Square, -and in Philadelphia it was becoming an industry as early as 1683; -though if one may judge from the use of oiled paper in the first houses -of Germantown, the manufacture of window-glass began later. Wistar, -a palatine, erected a glass-house near Salem, in West New Jersey, in -1740, and Governor Moore, of New York, in 1767, says of a bankrupt -glass-maker in New York that his ill success had come of his imported -workmen deserting him after he had brought them over from Europe at -great cost. - -The presence of iron ore in the hills along the Hudson had been known -to the Dutch, but they had made no attempt to work the mines, relying -probably to some extent upon Massachusetts, where “a good store of -iron” was manufactured from an early date. Towards the end of the -seventeenth century, when the ore was tried, the founders discovered -the iron to be too brittle to encourage its use. Lieutenant-Governor -Clarke tried to arouse interest for the iron industry in 1737, -and induced the general assembly to consider the advisability of -encouraging proprietors of iron-works; but the movement came to -nothing, and Parliament did what it could to thwart all such purposes -by enacting a law “to encourage the importation of pig and bar iron -from his Majesty’s Colonies in America, and to prevent the erection -of any Mill or other Engine for Slitting or Rolling of Iron; or any -plating Forge to work with a Tilt Hammer; or any Furnace for making -Steel in any of the said Colonies.” When this act was passed in 1750 -only a single plating-forge existed in the province of New York, at -Wawayanda, Orange County, which had been built about 1745, and was -not in use at the time. Two furnaces and several blomaries had been -established about the same time in the manor of Cortland, Westchester -County, but a few years had sufficed to bring their business to a -disastrous end. - -In 1757 the province could show only one iron-work at Ancram, which -produced nothing but pig and bar iron. At this same establishment, -owned by the Livingstons, in the present Columbia County, many a cannon -was cast some years later to help in the defence of American liberties. -In 1766 we find a little foundry established in New York for making -small iron pots, but its operations had not yet become very extensive. - -The first iron-works in New Jersey seem to have been opened by an -Englishman, James Grover, who had become dissatisfied with the rule -of the Dutch and the West India Company, and had removed from Long -Island to Shrewsbury, New Jersey, where he and some iron-workers from -Massachusetts set up one of the first forges in the province. - -In 1676 the Morris family, which later became so prominent in colonial -politics, was granted a large tract of land near the Raritan River, -with the right “to dig, delve, and carry away all such mines for iron -as they shall find” in that tract. The smelting-furnace and forge -mentioned in an account of the province by the proprietors of East -New Jersey, in 1682, employing both whites and blacks, was probably -on the Morris estate. The mineral treasures of the province, however, -remained on the whole undiscovered at the end of the century; but in -the following century several blomary forges and one charcoal-furnace -were erected in Warren County, the latter of which was still running -twenty-five years ago. Penn had early learned of the richness of his -province in iron and copper, though no attempt was made to mine them -till 1698. At this early period Gabriel Thomas mentions the discovery -of mineral ores, which were probably found in the Chester County of -that day, and the first iron-works in the province were built in that -region. Governor Keith owned iron-works in New Castle County (Delaware) -between 1720 and 1730, and had such good opinion of the iron industry -in the colonies that he considered them capable of supplying, if -sufficiently encouraged, the mother country with all the pig and bar -iron needed. - -In 1718 we read of iron-works forty miles up the Schuylkill River, -probably the Coventry forge, on French Creek, in Chester County; also -of a forge in Berks or Montgomery County, which in 1728 became the -scene of an Indian attack. The mineral wealth of Lancaster County -soon attracted the attention of the thrifty Germans who had settled -there. In 1728 this county had two or more furnaces in blast, and the -number of them in the province increased rapidly up to the time of the -Revolution. - -Upon the Delaware, the Dutch and Swedes seem to have neglected the ores -of silver, copper, iron, and other minerals, which they did not fail to -discover existed in that region; but an Englishman, Charles Pickering, -who lived in Charlestown, Chester County, Pennsylvania, appears to -have been the earliest to mine copper, and was on trial in 1683 on the -charge of uttering base coin. A letter written by Governor Morris, of -New Jersey, to Thomas Penn in 1755, speaks of a copper-mine at the Gap -in Lancaster County, which had been discovered twenty years previous by -a German miner. - -It was New Jersey, however, which led in the working of copper ore. -Arent Schuyler, belonging to a Dutch family of Albany, New York, -prominent in politics and in other matters, had removed in 1710 to -a farm purchased at New Barbadoes Neck, on the Passaic River, near -Newark. There one of his negroes re-discovered a copper-mine, known -to the Dutch and probably worked before by them, asking as a reward -for it all the tobacco he could smoke, and the permission “to live -with massa till I die.” The ore taken from this mine proved to be so -very rich in metal, copper and silver, that Parliament placed it on -the list of enumerated articles, in order to secure it for the British -market. Arent Schuyler’s son John introduced into the middle colonies -the first steam-engine, requiring it to keep his copper-mine free from -water. The copper-mining industry found another adherent about 1750 -in Elias Boudinot, who opened a pit near New Brunswick, and erected -there a stamping-mill, the products of which were sent to England and -highly valued there. When Governor Hunter, in a letter to the Lords -of Trade, November 12, 1715, speaks of “a copper mine here brought to -perfection,” he undoubtedly refers to a New Jersey or Pennsylvania -undertaking, for five years later he answers the question, “What mines -are in the province of New York?” with, “Iron enough, copper but rare, -lead at a great distance in the Indian settlement, coal mines on Long -Island, but not yet wrought.” The coal mines, which have added so much -to the wealth of Pennsylvania during the present century, had not been -discovered during the period preceding the Revolution. - -It has been said above that the colonies were expected to engage in -the production of potash and pearlash. This was an industry already -recommended as profitable by the secretary of New Netherland in 1650. -The dearness of labor, however, interfered with its development, for -“the woods were infinite,” and supplied all the necessary material. -The attempt, about 1700, to employ Indians at this work failed, for -“the Indians are so proud and lazy.” About 1710 a potash factory was -established in the province of New York at the expense of an English -capitalist, who found it, however, a losing investment. Not discouraged -by previous failures, John Keble, of New Jersey, proposed to set up a -manufacture of potash. He petitioned for authority to do so, and from -his statements we learn that in 1704 Pennsylvania alone of the middle -colonies exported potash, and only to the amount of 630 pounds a year. -There is no information as to Keble’s success, but a memorial of London -merchants to the Lords of Trade in 1729, asking that the manufacture of -this important staple in the colonies might be encouraged, drew forth -the opinion that not enough was thought of this industry to “draw the -people from employing that part of their time (winter) in working up -both Wooling and Linen Cloth.” - -Tradition points to many a house, in the region originally settled by -the Dutch, as having been built with bricks imported from Holland. That -such was not the rule, but only an exception, in the days of the West -India Company’s rule, is proved by the frequent allusion to brick-kilns -on the Hudson, near Albany and Esopus, and on the Lower Delaware. For -the convenience of transportation, the trade has centred in these -localities to this day. - -The making of salt, either by the solar process or by other means, was -a necessity which appealed to the colonists at an early period. The -Onondaga salt-springs had been discovered by a Jesuit about 1654, but, -being then in the heart of the Indian country, they could not be worked -by the French or Dutch. Coney Island had been selected in 1661 as a -proper place for salt-works, but the political dissensions of the day -did not allow operations to go on there. The Navigation Act of 1663, -prohibiting the importation into the colonies of any manufactures of -Europe except through British ports, made an exception in favor of -salt. The result was that this industry was carried on in the middle -colonies during the colonial period only in a few small establishments, -furnishing not enough for local consumption. - -When the palatines began to emigrate, and there was fear that they -would carry with them the art of making woollens, Parliament in 1709 -forbade such manufactures in the colonies. In 1715 the towns-people -of New York and Albany, probably also of Perth Amboy, Burlington, and -Philadelphia, are reported as wearing English cloth, while the poor -planters are satisfied with a coarse textile of their own make. Nearly -two thirds of such fabrics used in the colonies were made there, and -the Lords of Trade were afraid that, if such manufacture was not -stopped, “it will be of great prejudice to the trade of this kingdom.” -Governor Hunter very sensibly opposed any legislation which would -force the people to wear English cloth, as it would be equivalent to -compelling them to go naked. A report of the Board of Trade, made in -1732, tells us that “they had no manufactures in the province of New -York that deserve mentioning;... no manufactures in New Jersey that -deserve mentioning.” “The deputy-governor of Pennsylvania does not know -of any trade in that province that can be considered injurious to this -kingdom. They do not export any woollen or linen manufactures; all that -they make, which are of a coarse sort, being for their own use.” - -The statements embodied in reports of this kind were made upon -information acquired with difficulty, for the crown officers in the -colonies interrogated an unwilling people, who saw no virtue in -affording the grounds of their own business repression, and concealed -or disguised the truth without much compunction of conscience; and in -Massachusetts the legislative assembly had gone so far as to call to -account a crown officer who had divulged to the House of Commons the -facts respecting the exportation of beaver hats. - -An address of the British House of Commons to the king, presented on -the 27th of March, 1766, called forth a description of the textile -manufactures in the province of New York at the close of the period of -which this chapter treats. The Society of Arts and Agriculture of New -York City had about this date established a small manufactory of linen, -with fourteen looms, to give employment to several poor families, -hitherto a charge upon the community. No broadcloth was then made -in the province, and some poor weavers from Yorkshire, who had come -over in the expectation of finding remunerative work, had been sadly -disappointed. But coarse woollen goods were extensively made. One of -these native textile fabrics, called linsey-woolsey, and made of linen -warp and woollen woof, became a political sign during the Stamp Act -excitement. People “desirous of distinguishing themselves as American -patriots” would wear nothing else. The manufacture of these coarse -woollens became an ordinary household occupation, and what was made in -excess of family needs found its way to market. Governor Moore says, -“This I had an opportunity of seeing during my late tour;... every -house swarms with children, who are set to work as soon as they are -able to spin and card; and as every family is furnished with a loom, -the itinerant weavers, who travel about the country, put the finishing -hand to the work.” - -The making of beaver hats was an industry in which the colonial -competition with the English hatters led to most oppressive legislation -in Parliament. The middle colonies, particularly from their connection -with the beaver-hunting Indians, had carried the art to a degree which -produced a cheaper if not a better covering for the head than was -made in England, and they found it easy to market them in the West -Indies, where they excluded the English-made article. Accordingly the -export of hats from England fell off so perceptibly that in 1731 the -“Master Wardens and Assistants of the Company of Feltmakers of London” -petitioned the Lords of Trade to order that the inhabitants of the -colonies should wear no hats but such as were made in Great Britain. -The prayer was denied, but Parliament was induced, in 1732, to forbid -the exportation of hats from American ports. - -But most trades in the colonies failed of the natural protection which -arises from cheap labor, while the opportunities of acquiring lands -and establishing homes with ample acres about them served further to -increase the difficulties of competition with the Old World, in that -artisans were attracted by lures of this kind to the new settlements, -and away from the shops of the towns. - - * * * * * - -The commerce of the colonies easily fell into four different channels: -one took produce to England, or to such foreign lands as the navigation -laws permitted; the second bound the colonies one with the other in the -bonds of reciprocal trade; a third was opened with the Indians; and -the fourth embraced all that surreptitious venture which was known as -smuggling. - -The ports of New York and Philadelphia absorbed the foreign and -transatlantic trade of the middle colonies, notwithstanding the efforts -which New Jersey made to draw a share of it to Perth Amboy. Before -Governor Dongan’s time, ships coming to Amboy had to make entry at New -York, as it was feared that goods brought to the New Jersey port and -not paying New York duties might be smuggled to New York by way of -Staten Island. “Two or three ships came in there [at Amboy] last year,” -writes Governor Dongan in 1687, “with goods, and I am sure that country -cannot, even with West Jersey, consume £1,000 in goods in 2 years, so -that the rest must have been run into this colony.” Some years later -the Lords of Trade decided that the charter did not give to either West -or East Jersey the right to a port of entry, but she, nevertheless, in -due time obtained the right to open such ports at Amboy and Burlington. -The displeasure of the New York authorities was manifest in the refusal -of their governor to make proclamation of such decree, and the larger -province was strong enough occasionally to seize a vessel bound for -Amboy. New Jersey could protest; but her indignation was in vain, and -she never succeeded in establishing a lucrative commerce. How steadily -the commerce of her neighbor increased is shown in the record that in -1737 New York had 53 ships with an aggregate of 3,215 tons; in 1747, -there were 99 ships of 4,313 tons; and in 1749, 157 with a capacity -of 6,406 tons. The records of the New York custom-house show that the -articles imported from abroad or from the other British colonies on -this continent and from the West Indies were principally rum, madeira -wine, cocoa, European goods, and occasionally a negro slave,[491] while -the exports of the colonies were fish and provisions. - -New Jersey had little Atlantic trade, since New York and Philadelphia -could import for her all the European and West India goods which she -needed. In intercolonial trade, however, she had a large share, and she -supplied her neighbors with cereals, beef, and horses. New York, on -the contrary, was sometimes pressed to prevent certain exportations, -when she needed all her productions herself, as was sometimes the case -with cereals. This intercolonial trade naturally grew in the main out -of the products of the several colonies; while for their Indian trade, -they were compelled to use what the avidity of the natives called -for,—blankets, weapons, rum, and the trinkets with which the Indian -was fond of adorning his person, and for all which he paid almost -entirely in furs. The nature of this traffic was such, particularly in -respect to the sale of arms and spirits, that legislation was often -interposed to regulate it in the interest of peace and justice. - -As respects the illegal or last class of commercial channels, we find -that before Bellomont’s time there had grown up, as he found, “a -lycencious trade with pyrats, Scotland and Curaçao,” out of which no -customs revenue was obtained. As a consequence, the city and province -of New York “grew rich, but the customes, they decreased.” Certain Long -Island harbors became “a great Receptacle for Pirates.” The enforcement -of the law gave Bellomont a chance to say, in 1700, that an examination -of the entries in New York and Boston had shown him that the trade of -the former port was almost half as much as that of the other, while New -Hampshire ports had not the tenth part of New York, except in lumber -and fish. The Philadelphia Quakers objected to fight the West Indian -enemies of the crown; but they had little objection to trade with them, -and to grow rich on such more peaceful intercourse. - -Towards the end of the period spoken of in this chapter, a “pernicious -trade with Holland” had sprung up, which the colonial governors found -hard to suppress, but which was successfully checked in 1764 by the -English cruisers; but shortly before the War of Independence it began -again to flourish. - -A diversity of trade brought in its train a great variety in the -coin, which was its medium, and a generation now living can remember -when the great influx of Spanish coin poured into the colonies in the -last century was still in great measure a circulating medium. The -indebtedness to the mother country which colonists always start with -continued for a long while to drain the colonies of its specie in -payment of interest and principal. As soon as their productions were -allowed to find openly or clandestinely a market in the Spanish main -and the West Indies, the return came in the pieces of eight, the Rix -dollars, and all the other varieties of Spanish or Mexican coinage -which passed current in the tropics. So far as these went to pay debts -in Europe, the colonies were forced to preserve primitive habits of -barter in wampum, beaver, and tobacco. By the time of Andros, foreign -trade and the increasing disuse of these articles of barter had begun -to familiarize the people with coin of French and Spanish mintage, -and at that time pieces of eight went for six shillings, double reals -for eighteen pence, pistoles for twenty-four shillings. Soon after -this the metal currency began to be very much diminished in intrinsic -value by the practice of clipping. Both heavy and light pieces were -indiscriminately subjected to this treatment, and the price of the -heavier pieces of eight advanced in consequence, so that in 1693 a -standard of weight had to be established, and it was determined by -a proclamation that “whole pieces of eight of the coins of Sevill, -Mexico, and Pillar pieces of 15 pennyweight not plugg’d” should pass at -the rate of 6 shillings; pieces of more weight to increase or lose in -value 4-1/2 pence for each pennyweight more or less. Pieces of eight -of Peru were made current at fourpence for each pennyweight, and Dog -dollars at five shillings sixpence. English coin was of course current -in the colonies, and the emigrants of that day brought their little -hoard in the mintage of their European homes, instead of buying, as -to-day, letters of exchange or drafts payable in a currency unknown -to them. In 1753 it became necessary to enact, in New York, a law to -prevent the passing of counterfeit English half-pence and farthings, -and in the second half of the last century the coins mostly current, -besides English ones, were the gold Johannis of eighteen pennyweight, -six grains; Moidores of six pennyweight, eighteen grains; Carolines -of six pennyweight, eight grains; Double Loons (Doubloons) or four -Pistoles of seventeen pennyweight, eight grains; double and single -Pistoles; French Guineas (louis d’ors) of five pennyweight, four -grains; and Arabian Chequins of two pennyweight, four grains. - -Of the middle colonies, New Jersey was the first to follow -Massachusetts in issuing paper money, which she did by authorizing the -issue of £3,000 in bills for the expedition against Canada in 1709. - - * * * * * - -The people of the Netherlands and the Belgic provinces had profited -as little under religious persecution as the puritans and separatists -of New England, to become tolerant of other faiths when in the New -World they had the power of control. The laws of New Netherland were -favorable only to the Protestant Reformed Dutch Church, although Swedes -and Finns, who had come to New Sweden on the Delaware, were allowed to -worship according to the Lutheran ritual. The directors of the West -India Company, the supreme authority, did not approve of any religious -intolerance, and expressed themselves forcibly to that effect when -Stuyvesant tried to prosecute members of the Society of Friends. When -New York and New Jersey became English provinces, complete freedom -of religion was granted to them. This drew to them members of all -established churches and of nearly every religious sect of Europe, -the latter class largely increased by such as fled to New York from -Massachusetts to enjoy religious toleration. In 1686, in New York at -least, “the most prevailing opinion was that of the Dutch Calvinists.” -How the Roman Catholics were treated has been shown above. The same -reasons which had led to their proscription tried to impose upon the -colonies the Church of England, by directing the governors not to -prefer any minister to an ecclesiastical benefice unless he was of this -order. This royal command to the governors of New York and New Jersey -produced results which its originators probably did not contemplate. -It led to the incorporation of Trinity Church in New York, with the -celebrated and ever-reviving Anneke Jans trials growing out of it as -a fungus, and to the creating a demand for ministers of the Anglican -or Episcopal church which necessitated a school to educate them. This -was the King’s College, known to us of the present day as Columbia -College, chartered in 1754. The non-Episcopalians saw in this movement -the fulfillment of their fears, first aroused by the Ministry Act under -Governor Fletcher in 1693, tending towards the establishment of a -state church. Out of this dread and out of the difficulty in obtaining -ministers for the Dutch Reformed Church grew another educational -institution, the Queen’s College, now known as Rutgers College, in New -Brunswick, N. J. Another institution preceded it, the College of New -Jersey at Princeton. This was first founded by charter from President -Hamilton in 1746, and enlarged by Governor Belcher in 1747, who left, -by will, to its library a considerable number of books. The proprietors -of Pennsylvania, always thoughtful of the weal of their subjects, gave, -in 1753, $15,000 to a charitable school and academy, founded four -years before in Philadelphia by public subscription. Two years later, -in 1755, it grew into the “College, Academy, and Charitable School -of Philadelphia,” by an act of incorporation, and to-day it is the -“University of Pennsylvania.” - -Urged thereto by the founder of the independence of the Netherlands, -William the Silent, Prince of Orange, the states-general had adopted -in the sixteenth century the system of universal education, which, in -our days, the New England States claim as their creation. Hence we find -schools mentioned and schoolmasters at work from the beginning of the -New Netherland; and though at first no classics were taught, even at so -early a date as 1663 we read of a government schoolmaster who taught -Greek and Latin. The assembly of New York passed, in 1702, an act for -the encouragement of a free grammar school, and favored generally the -primary education of the children of their constituents. New Jersey -did not lag in the good work. In 1765 she had 192 churches of all -denominations except the Roman Catholic, and we may safely suppose -that a school was connected with nearly every church. The Moravians of -Pennsylvania imitated the example set to them at home, and established -boarding-schools at Nazareth, Bethlehem, and Litiz. The small number -of schools among the “Dissenters,” as the Rev. Samuel Johnson calls -all non-Episcopalians, induced him, however, to say, in 1759, that -“ministers and schools are much wanted in Pennsylvania.” - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -I. THE MANUSCRIPT SOURCES OF NEW YORK HISTORY. (_By Mr. Fernow._)—New -York has taken the lead among the American States in the extent of the -printed records of her history.[492] In the archives at Albany there -are certain manuscript documents illustrating the period now under -consideration deserving mention. - -“When first his Royall Highnesse, the Duke of York, took possession of -this Province [New York], he ... gave him [Gov^r Nicolls] certain Laws, -by which the Province was to be governed.” Several copies of these, -_Duke’s Laws_ (1674), were made, and they were sent to the different -districts, Long Island, Delaware, the Esopus, and Albany, into which -the province was then divided.[493] - -The so-called _Dongan’s Laws_ (1683 and 1684) make a manuscript -volume, containing the laws enacted by the first general assembly of -the province during the years 1683 and 1684. It has upon its original -parchment cover a second title, evidently written at a later date: “The -Duke of York’s Charter of Liberty & Priviledges to the Inhabitants of -New York, anno 1683, with Acts of Assembly of that year & the year -1684.” The laws are mainly a reënactment of the Duke’s Laws, and are -now deposited in the State library. They have never been printed. - -The _Original Colonial Laws_ (1684-1775) make nineteen volumes of -manuscripts, now in the office of the secretary of state at Albany, of -which such as had not in the mean time expired by their own limitation -were printed in 1694,[494] 1710, and 1726, by William Bradford; in 1719 -by Baskett; in 1762 by Livingston and Smith; in 1768 by Parker, and in -1773 by Van Schaack. The Bradford edition of 1710 contains also the -journal of the general assembly, etc. - -Those _Bills which failed to become Laws_ (1685-1732) make three -volumes of manuscript, and though the measures proposed never became -operative they show the drift of public opinion during the period -covered by them. Several of these bills have been bound into the -volumes of laws. - -The student of colonial commerce and finances will find much to -interest him in other manuscript volumes, now in the State library at -Albany, to wit: _Accounts of the Treasurer of the Province_, under -various titles, and covering the period from 1702 to 1776, eight -volumes, and _Manifest Books and Entry Books of the New York Custom -House_, 1728 to 1774, forty-three volumes. Much information coveted by -the genealogist is hidden in the _Indentures of Palatine Children_, -1710 and 1711, two volumes; in forty volumes of _Marriage Bonds_, 1752 -to 1783, of which an index was published in 1860 under the title _New -York Marriages_; and in the records kept in the office of the clerk -of the Court of Appeals,—_Files of Wills_, from 1694 to 1800, and of -_Inventories_, 1727 to 1798. - -Out of the 28 volumes of _Council Minutes_, 1668 to 1783, everything -relating to the legislative business before the council has been -published by the State of New York in the _Journal of the Provincial -Council_. The unpublished parts of these records—the seven volumes of -“Warrants of Survey, Licenses to Purchase Indian Lands,” 1721 to 1766, -the fourteen “Books of Patents,” 1664 to 1770, the nineteen “Books of -Deeds,” 1659 to 1774, and the thirty-four volumes of “Land Papers,” -from 1643 to 1775—give as complete a history of the way in which the -colony of New York gained its population as at this day it is possible -to obtain without following the many private histories of real estate. -The above-mentioned “Books of Deeds” contain papers of miscellaneous -character, widely differing from deeds, such as commissions, letters -of denization, licenses of schoolmasters, etc. Of the “Land Papers” a -_Calendar_ was published by the State in 1864.[495] - -A public-spirited citizen of Albany, General John Tayler Cooper, -enriched in 1850 the State library with twenty-two volumes of -manuscripts, containing the correspondence of Sir William Johnson, the -Indian commissioner. This correspondence covers the period from 1738 to -1774, and is important for the political, Indian, social, and religious -history of New York. Extracts from it appeared in Dr. O’Callaghan’s -_Documentary History of New York_ (vol. ii.).[496] - -Less important for the period treated of in this chapter are the -_Clinton Papers_, especially the later series; but of the first -importance in the study of the French wars are the _Letters of Colonel -John Bradstreet_, deputy quartermaster-general, and _The Letters of -General Sir Jeffrey Amherst_, commander-in-chief in America, dated New -York, Albany, etc., from 1755 to 1771, a manuscript volume presented to -the State library by the Rev. Wm. B. Sprague, D. D.[497] - -An _Abridgment of the Records of Indian Affairs, transacted in the -Colony of New York from 1678 to 1751_, with a preface by the compiler, -is the work of Peter Wraxall, secretary for Indian affairs. It is a -manuscript of 224 pages, dated at New York, May 10, 1754.[498] It is to -be regretted that Wraxall’s complete record of these transactions has -not been preserved, as the few extracts of them handed down to us in -the _Council Minutes_ and in the _Documents relating to the Colonial -History of New York_ give us a great deal of curious and interesting -information.[499] - -The religious life in the colony of New York during the early part of -the eighteenth century, as seen from the Episcopal point of view, is -well depicted in a manuscript volume (107 pp. folio), _Extracts from -Correspondence of the Venerable Society for the Propagation of the -Gospel in Foreign Parts with the Missionaries T. Payer, S. Seabury, and -others, from 1704 to 1709_.[500] The history of trade and business is -likewise illustrated in the _Commercial Letters_ of the firm P. & R. -Livingston, New York and Albany, from 1733 to 1738, and of Boston and -Philadelphia merchants during the same period, giving us a picture of -mercantile transactions at that time which a number of account-books -of N. De Peyster, treasurer of the colony and merchant in the city -of New York, and of the firm of Beverley Robinson & Morrison Malcom, -in Fredericksburg, now Patterson, Putnam County, N. Y., help to fill -out.[501] - - -II. CARTOGRAPHY AND BOUNDARIES OF THE MIDDLE COLONIES. (_By Mr. Fernow -and the Editor._)—The following enumeration of maps includes, among -others, those of a general character, as covering the several middle -colonies jointly, and they run parallel in good part with the sequence -named in an earlier section[502] on the “Cartography of Louisiana and -the Mississippi Basin under the French Domination,” so that many of the -maps mentioned there may be passed over or merely referred to here.[503] - -There was little definite knowledge of American geography manifested by -the popular gazetteers of the early part of the last century,[504] to -say nothing of the strange misconceptions of some of the map-makers of -the same period.[505] - -A German geographer, well known in the early years of the eighteenth -century, was Johann Baptist Homann, who, having been a monk, turned -Protestant and cartographer, and at nearly forty years of age set up, -in 1702, as a draftsman and publisher of maps at Nuremberg,[506] giving -his name till his death, in 1724, to about two hundred maps.[507] -Homann’s career was a successful one; he became, in 1715, a member of -the Academy of Science at Berlin, and was made the official geographer -of the Emperor Charles of Germany and of Peter the Great of Russia. A -son succeeded to the business in 1724, and, on his death in 1730, the -imprint of the family was continued by “the heirs of Homann,” at the -hands of some university friends of the son. Under this authority we -find a map, _Die Gross Britannischen Colonial Laender in Nord-America -in Special Mappen_ (_Homannsche Erben_, Nuremberg), in which nearly the -whole of New York is called “Gens Iroquois,” or “Irokensium.” - -Contemporary with the elder Homann, the English geographer Herman Moll -was publishing his maps in London;[508] and of his drafting were the -maps which accompanied Thomas Salmon’s _Modern History or the State of -all Nations_, first issued between 1725 and 1739.[509] His map of New -England and the middle colonies is not carried farther west than the -Susquehanna.[510] - -Mention has already been made of the great map of Henry Popple in -1732,[511] and of the maps of the contemporary French geographer -D’Anville;[512] but their phenomenal labors were long in getting -possession through the popular compends of the public mind. We find -little of their influence, for instance, in the _Gazetteer’s or -Newsman’s Interpreter, being a geographical Index of all the Empires, -Kingdoms, Islands, etc., in Africa, Asia, and America_. _By Laurence -Echard, A. M., of Christ’s College, Cambridge_ (London, 1741).[513] -In this New York is made to adjoin Maryland, and is traversed by the -Hudson, Raritan, and Delaware rivers; New Jersey lies between 39 and -40° N. L., and is bounded on the east by Hudson’s Bay; and Pennsylvania -lies between 40 and 43° N. L., but no bounds are given. - -The French geographer’s drafts, however, were made the basis in -1752 of a map in Postlethwayt’s _Dictionary of Commerce_, which was -entitled _North America, performed under the patronage of Louis, Duke -of Orleans, First Prince of the Blood, by the Sieur d’Anville, greatly -improved by M. Bolton_. - -The maps which, three years later (1755), grew out of the controversies -in America on the boundary claims of France and England have been -definitely classified in another place,[514] and perhaps the limit of -the English pretensions was reached in _A New and Accurate Map of the -English Empire in North America, representing their Rightful Claim, -as confirmed by Charters and the formal Surrender of their Indian -Friends, likewise the Encroachments of the French, etc. By a Society -of Anti-Gallicans. Published according to Act of Parliament, Decbr., -1755, and sold by W^m. Herbert on London Bridge and Robert Sayer over -against Fetter Lane in Fleet Street_. This map is of some importance in -defining the location of the Indian tribes and towns. - -The English influence is also apparent in a reissue of D’Anville, made -at Nuremberg by the Homann publishing house the next year: _America -Septentrionalis a Domino D’Anville in Gallia edita, nunc in Anglia -Coloniis in Inferiorem Virginiam deductis nec non Fluvii Ohio cursu -aucta, etc., Sumptibus Homanniorum Heredum, Noribergiæ, 1756_.[515] It -makes the province of New York stretch westerly to Lake Michigan. - - * * * * * - -Respecting the special maps of New York province, a particular interest -attaches to _The Map of the Country of the Five Nations_, printed -by Bradford in 1724, which was the first map engraved in New York. -The _Brinley Catal._ (ii. no. 3,384, 3,446) shows the map in two -states, apparently of the same year (1724). It originally accompanied -Cadwallader Colden’s _Papers relating to an Act of the Province of New -York for the encouragement of the Indian trade_. It was reëngraved from -the first state for the London ed. of Colden’s Five Nations, in 1747, -and from this plate it has been reproduced on another page (chapter -viii.).[516] - -[Illustration: CADWALLADER COLDEN’S MAP OF THE MANORIAL GRANTS ALONG THE -HUDSON.] - -Another of Colden’s maps, made by him as surveyor-general of the -province, exists in a mutilated state in the State library at Albany, -showing the regions bordering on the Hudson and Mohawk rivers. It -was drafted by him probably at the end of the first quarter of the -eighteenth century,[517] and fac-similes of parts of it are annexed -(pp. 236, 237). - -A map of the northern parts of the province, called _Carte du Lac -Champlain depuis le Fort Chambly jusqu’au Fort St. Frédéric, levée -par le Sieur Anger, arpenteur du Roy en 1732, faite à Québec, le 10 -Octobre, 1748, signé de Lery_, indicates the attempted introduction of -a feudal system of land tenure by the French. The map is reproduced in -O’Callaghan’s _Doc. Hist. of New York_. - -The province of New York to its western bounds is shown in _A Map of -New England and ye Country adjacent, by a gentleman, who resided in -those parts_. _Sold by W. Owen_ (London, 1755). - -The New York State library has also a manuscript _Map of part of the -province of New York on Hudson’s River, the West End of Nassau Island, -and part of New Jersey. Compiled pursuant to order of the Earl of -Loudoun, Septbr. 17, 1757_. _Drawn by Captain [Samuel J.] Holland._ -This is a map called by the Lords of Trade in 1766 “a very accurate and -useful survey, ... in which the most material patents are marked and -their boundaries described.” - -Something of the extension of settlements in the Mohawk Valley at this -period can be learned from a manuscript _Map of the Country between -Mohawk River and Wood Creek, with the Fortifications and buildings -thereon in 1758_, likewise preserved in the State library.[518] - -A drawn map of New York province and adjacent parts (1759), from Maj. -Christie’s surveys, is noted in the _King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. 527. - -The boundary controversy between New York and New Jersey has produced -a long discussion over the successive developments of the historical -geography of that part of the middle colonies. An important map on -the subject is a long manuscript roll (5 × 2-6/12 feet), preserved in -Harvard College library, which has been photographed by the regents -of the University of the State of New York, and entitled _A copy of -the general map, the most part compiled from actual survey by order of -the commissioners appointed to settle the partition line between the -provinces of New York and New Jersey_. 1769. _By Ber^d. Ratzer._ [New -York, 1884.] 7-5/8 × 12-3/4 in.[519] - -Respecting the controversy over the New Hampshire grants, see the -present volume (ante, p. 177), and Isaac Jennings’s _Memorials of a -Century_ (Boston, 1869), chapters x. and xi. - -Of the special maps of Pennsylvania, the Holme map a little antedates -the period of our survey.[520] The Gabriel Thomas map of Pennsylvania -and New Jersey appeared near the end of the century (1698), and has -already been reproduced.[521] In 1728 we find a map of the Delaware and -Chesapeake bays in the _Atlas Maritimus et Commercialis_, published -at London. In 1730 we note the map of Pennsylvania which appeared in -Humphrey’s _Historical Account of the Society for the Propagation of -the Gospel in Foreign Parts_.[522] - -[Illustration] - -About 1740, in a tract printed at London, _In Chancery. Breviate. -John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, plaintiffs; Charles -Calvert, defendant_,[523] appeared _A map of parts of the provinces -of Pennsylvania and Maryland, with the counties of Newcastle, Kent, -and Sussex in Delaware, according to the most exact surveys yet made, -drawn in the year 1740_. The controversy over this boundary is -followed in chapter iv. of the present volume. - -_A map of Philadelphia and parts adjacent, by N. Scull and G. Heap_, -was published in 1750, of which there is a fac-simile (folding) in -Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, vol. i. - -The annexed fac-simile (p. 239) is from a plate in the _London Mag._, -Dec., 1756. - -A map to illustrate the Indian purchases, made by the proprietary, is -given in _An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware -and Shawanese Indians_ (London, 1759).[524] - -Surpassing all previous drafts was a _Map of the Improved Part of -Pennsylvania, by Nicholas Scull, published in 1759, and sold by the -author in Second Street, Philadelphia. Engraved by Jas. Turner_. It was -reproduced in Jefferys’ _General Topography of North America_ (Nos. -40-42), and was reissued in London in 1770, and again as _A Map of -Pennsylvania, exhibiting not only the improved parts of the Province, -but also its extensive frontiers, laid down from actual surveys, and -chiefly from the late Map of N. Scull, published in 1770. Robert Sayer -& Bennett_ (London, 1775). The edition of 1770 was reëngraved in Paris -by Le Rouge. - -Upon the boundary controversy between Pennsylvania and Virginia -respecting the “Pan handle,” see N. B. Craig’s _Olden Time_ (1843), and -the _St. Clair Papers_, vol. i. (_passim_). - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -THE Leisler Papers constitute the first volume of the Fund Publications -of the _N. Y. Hist. Society’s Collections_, and embrace the journal -of the council from April 27 to June 6, 1689 (procured from the -English State Paper Office), with letters, etc., and a reprint of a -tract in defence of Leisler, issued at Boston in 1698, and called -_Loyalty Vindicated, being an answer to a late false, seditious, and -scandalous pamphlet, entitled “A letter from a Gent,” etc._[525] The -_Sparks Catal._ (p. 217) shows a MS. copy made of a rare tract in the -British Museum, printed in New York and reprinted in London, 1690, -called _A modest and impartial narrative of the great oppressions that -the inhabitants of their majestie’s Province of New York lye under -by the extravagant and arbitrary proceedings of Jacob Leisler and -his accomplices_. Sparks endorsed his copy as “written by a violent -enemy to Leisler; neither just, candid, nor impartial.”[526] Various -papers relating to the administration of Leisler make a large part of -the second volume of the _Documentary History of New York_, showing -the letters written by Leisler to Boston, the papers connected with -his official proceedings in New York, and his communications with the -adjacent colonies; the council minutes in Dec., 1689; proceedings -against the French and Indians; the papers relating to the transfer -of the fort and arrest of Leisler; the dying speeches of Leisler and -Milbourne; with a reprint of _A letter from a gentleman of the city -of New York to another_ (New York, 1698). There are a few original -letters of Leisler in the_ Prince Letters_ (MSS.), 1686-1700, in Mass. -Hist. Soc. cabinet. - -The career of Leisler is traced in the memoir by C. F. Hoffman in -Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, xiii. (1844), and in G. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial -New York_ (i. 337). Peleg W. Chandler examines the records of the -prosecution in his _American Criminal Trials_ (i. 255). Cf. also -_Historical Magazine_, xxi. 18, and the general histories, of which -Dunlap’s gives the best account among the earlier ones.[527] - - * * * * * - -The student must, of necessity, have recourse to the general histories -of New York for the successive administrations of the royal governors, -and H. B. Dawson, in his _Sons of Liberty_ (printed as manuscript, -1859), has followed the tracks of the constant struggle on their part -to preserve their prerogatives.[528] Schuyler (_Colonial New York_, i. -394-460) follows pretty closely the administration of Fletcher. The -chapter on New England (_ante_, no. ii.) will need to be parallelized -with this for the career of Bellomont. - -Under Nanfan, who succeeded Bellomont temporarily, Col. Bayard, who -had brought Leisler to his doom, was in turn put on trial, and the -narrative of the proceedings throws light on the factious political -life of the time.[529] - -One of the most significant acts of Cornbury’s rule (1702-1708) was the -prosecution in 1707 of Francis Mackemie, a Presbyterian minister, for -preaching without a license.[530] - -J. R. Brodhead, who gives references in the case (_Hist. Mag._, Nov., -1863), charges Cornbury with forging the clause of his instructions -under which it was attempted to convict Mackemie, and he says that -the copy of the royal instructions in the State Paper Office contains -no such paragraph. “History,” he adds, “has already exhibited Lord -Cornbury as a mean liar, a vulgar profligate, a frivolous spendthrift, -an impudent cheat, a fraudulent bankrupt, and a detestable bigot. He is -convicted of having perpetrated one of the most outrageous forgeries -ever attempted by a British nobleman.”[531] - -The few months of Lovelace’s rule (1708-9) were followed by a funeral -_Sermon_ when he died, in May, 1709, preached by William Vesey (New -York, 1709), which is of enough historical interest to have been -reprinted in the _N. Y. Hist. Coll._ (1880). - -During 1720-1722, the Shelburne Papers (_Hist. MSS. Commission Report_, -v. 215) reveal letters of Peter Schuyler and Gov. Burnet, with various -other documentary sources. - -There is a portrait of Rip van Dam, with a memoir, in Valentine’s -_Manual_ (1864, p. 713). - -In 1732 and 1738 we have important statistical and descriptive papers -on the province from Cadwallader Colden.[532] - -The narrative of the trial of Zenger was widely scattered, editions -being printed at New York, Boston, and London; while the principles -which it established were sedulously controverted by the Tory -faction.[533] - -[Illustration] - -The main printed source respecting the Negro Plot of 1741 is the very -scarce book by the recorder of the city of New York, Daniel Horsmanden, -_A Journal of the proceedings in the Detection of the Conspiracy formed -by some white people in conjunction with negro and other slaves for -burning the City of New York, and murdering the inhabitants, etc., -containing_, I., _a narrative of the trials, executions, etc._; II., -_evidence come to light since their execution_; III., _lives of the -several persons committed, etc._ (New York, 1744).[534] - -The history of Pennsylvania during this period is a tale of the trials -of Penn,[535] the misgovernment of the province by representatives of -the proprietors, the struggles of the proprietary party against the -people, the apathy of the Quakers in the face of impending war, and the -determination of the assembly to make the proprietors bear their share -of the burdens of defence. The published _Pennsylvania Archives_ give -much of the documentary evidence, and the general histories tell the -story. - -The Pennsylvania Hist. Soc., in vols. ix. and x. of their _Memoirs_, -published the correspondence of Penn with Logan, his secretary in the -colony, beginning in 1700. This collection also embraced the letters -of various other writers, all appertaining to the province, and was -first arranged by the wife of a grandson of James Logan in 1814; but -a project soon afterwards entertained by the American Philosophical -Society of printing the papers from Mrs. Logan’s copies was not -carried out, and finally this material was placed by that society at -the disposal of the Penna. Hist. Society. The correspondence was used -by Janney in his _Life of Penn_, and liberal extracts were printed in -_The Friend_ (Philadelphia, July, 1842-Apr., 1846) by Mr. Alfred Cope. -Mr. Edward Armstrong, the editor of the Historical Society’s volumes, -gathered additional materials from other and different sources. A -portrait of Logan is given in the second volume, which brings the -correspondence down to 1711. The material exists for continuing the -record to 1750, though Logan ceased to hold official connection with -the province in 1738. - -Sparks (_Franklin’s Works_, vii. 25) says that “a history of James -Logan’s public life would be that of Pennsylvania during the first -forty years of the last century.” See the account of Logan in the _Penn -and Logan Correspondence_, vol. i. - -The correspondence of Thomas and Richard Penn with a later agent -in Philadelphia, Richard Peters, is also preserved. In 1861 this -correspondence was in the possession of Mr. John W. Field, of -Philadelphia, when Mr. Charles Eliot Norton gave transcripts of a -portion of it (letters between 1750 and 1758) to the Mass. Hist. -Society.[536] - -Of an earlier period, when Evans was deputy-governor, there are some -characteristic letters (1704, etc.) in a memoir of Evans communicated -by E. D. Neill to the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1872 (p. -421). - -There is a biographical sketch of Sir William Keith in the Penna. -Historical Society’s _Memoirs_ (vol. i.). - -There is a pencil-drawn portrait of Sir William Keith, with a painting -made from it, in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. Society. Cf. _Catal. -of Paintings, etc._ (nos. 77, 162), and Scharf and Westcott’s -_Philadelphia_ (i. 177). Some of the rare tracts in the controversy of -Governor Keith and Logan are noted in the _Brinley Catal._, ii. pp. -197-8. Cf. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_. - -As to the position of the Quakers upon the question of defensive war, -there is an expressive letter, dated in 1741, of James Logan, who was -not in this respect a strict constructionist of the principles of his -sect, which is printed in the _Penna. Mag. of History_ (vi. 402). -Much of this controversy over military preparation is illustrated -in the autobiography and lives of Benjamin Franklin; and the issues -of Franklin’s _Plain Truth_ (1747) and Samuel Smith’s _Necessary -Truth_, the most significant pamphlets in the controversy, are noted -in the bibliographies.[537] Sparks, in a preliminary note to a -reprint of _Plain Truth_, in _Franklin’s Works_ (vol. iii.), states -the circumstances which were the occasion and the sequel of its -publication. In _Ibid._ (vii. 20) there is a letter of Richard Peters -describing the condition of affairs. - -A mass of papers, usually referred to as the Shippen Papers, and -relating to a period in the main antedating the Revolution, have been -edited privately by Thomas Balch as _Letters and Papers relating -chiefly to the Provincial History of Pennsylvania, with some notices of -the writers_. (Philad., 1855, one hundred copies.) - - * * * * * - -First of importance among the published travels of this period is the -narrative of an English Quaker, Thomas Story, who came over in 1697. -From that time to 1708 he visited every part of the colonies from -New Hampshire to Carolina, dwelling for much of the time, however, -in Pennsylvania, where he became, under Penn’s persuasion, a public -official. The _Journal of the life of Thomas Story, containing an -account of his remarkable convincement of and embracing the principles -of truth, as held by the people called Quakers, and also of his travels -and labours in the service of the Gospel, with many other occurrences -and observations_, was published at Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1747.[538] - -George Clarke, born in 1676, was made secretary of the province of -New York in 1703, and came to America, landing in Virginia. We have -an account of his voyage, but unfortunately the book does not follow -his experiences after his arrival;[539] but we have the _Letters_ of -his private secretary, Isaac Bobin, which, under the editing of Dr. -O’Callaghan, were printed in a small edition (100 copies) at Albany in -1872. - -George Keith’s _Journal of Travels from New Hampshire to Caratuck, -on the Continent of North America_, London, 1706, is reprinted in -the first volume (1851) of the _Collections of the Prot. Episc. -Hist. Society_, together with various letters of Keith[540] and John -Talbot.[541] - -Benjamin Holme, another Quaker, came to the colonies in 1715, and -extended his missionary wandering to New England, and southward beyond -the middle colonies,[542] as did, some years later, 1736-1737, still -another Quaker, John Griffeth, whose _Journal of his life, labours, -and travels in the work of the ministry_ passed through many editions, -both in America and Great Britain.[543] - -The records of missionary efforts at this time are not wholly confined -to the Quakers. The narrative of the Rev. Thomas Thompson reveals -the perplexities of the adherents of the Established Church in the -communities through which he travelled in the Jerseys.[544] Similar -records are preserved in the journals of Whitefield[545] and his -associates, like the _Journal of a Voyage from Savannah to Philadelphia -and from Philadelphia to England, MDCCXL., by William Seward, Gent., -Companion in Travel with the Reverend Mr. George Whitefield_ (London, -1740). - -We have a few German experiences, among them Gottlieb Mittelberger’s -_Reise nach Pennsylvanien im Jahr 1750 und Rŭkreise nach Teutschland -im Jahr 1754_ (Stuttgart, 1756)[546]—which is the record of a German -teacher and organist, who was in the province for three years. He had -no very flattering notion of the country as an asylum for such Germans -as, having indentured themselves for their passage, found on their -arrival that they could be passed on from master to master, not always -with much regard to their happiness. - -Michael Schlatter, a Dutch preacher, published his observations of -the country and population, and particularly as to the condition of -the Dutch Reformed churches. He was in the country from 1746 to 1751, -and made his report to the Synod of Holland. Though the book pertains -mostly to Pennsylvania, his experiences extended to New York and New -England.[547] - -We have the reports of a native observer in the _Observations on the -inhabitants, climate, soil, rivers, productions, animals, and other -matters worthy of notice, made by Mr. John Bartram in his travels from -Pensilvania to Onondago, Oswego, and the lake Ontario in Canada_. _To -which is annexed a curious account of the Cataracts at Niagara, by Mr. -Peter Kalm_ (London, 1751).[548] Bartram was born in Pennsylvania, -and made this journey in company with Conrad Weiser, the agent sent -by Pennsylvania to hold friendly conference with the Iroquois, as -explained in another chapter.[549] Bartram’s principal object was the -study of the flora of the country, in which pursuit he acquired such a -reputation as to attract the notice of Linnæus, but his record throws -light upon the people which came in his way, and enable us in some -respects to understand better their manners and thoughts. Evans’ map, -already mentioned,[550] was in part the outgrowth of this journey. - -We also owe to the friendly interest of the great Swedish botanist -the observations of Peter Kalm, a countryman of Linnæus, whom the -Swedish government sent to America on a botanical tour in 1748-1751. -He extended his journeys to Pennsylvania, New York, and Canada, and we -have in his three volumes, beside his special studies, not a little -of his comment on men and events. He published his _En risa til Norra -America_ at Stockholm, 1753-1761. (Sabin, ix. 36,986.)[551] - -The Rev. Andrew Burnaby’s _Travels through the middle settlements in -North America in 1759-1760, with observations upon the state of the -Colonies_, was published in London, 1775.[552] Burnaby was an active -observer and used his note-book, so that little escaped him, whether -of the people’s character or their manners, or the aspect of the towns -they dwelt in, or of the political and social movements which engaged -them. - - * * * * * - -The relations of the middle colonies to the Indians will be -particularly illustrated in a later chapter on the military aspects of -the French wars,[553] but there are a few special works which may be -mentioned here: Colden’s _Five Indian Nations_ (only to 1697); Morgan’s -_League of the Iroquois_; Wm. L. Stone’s _Life of Sir William Johnson_; -and Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York—Peter Schuyler and his -family_ (Albany, 1885). The successive generations of the Schuylers had -for a long period been practical intermediaries between the colonists -and the Indians. Something of the Indian relations in Bellomont’s time -is indicated elsewhere.[554] For the agreement between William Penn and -the Susquehanna Indians in 1701, see the _Penna. Archives_ (i. 145). Of -similar records in Cornbury’s time, Schuyler (ii. 17) says the remains -are meagre, but he gives more for Hunter’s time (ii. pp. 42-79) and -Burnet’s (ii. p. 83). The Shelburne Papers (_Hist. MSS. Commission -Report_, v.) reveal various documents from 1722 to 1724, and there is -a MS. of a treaty between the governors of New York, Virginia, and -Pennsylvania (Albany, Sept., 1722) in the library of Harvard College. - -For the treaty of 1735, see the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._ (vii. 215). - -For 1742 there was a treaty with the Six Nations at Philadelphia, and -its text was printed at London.[555] - -In 1747 there were treaties in July at Lancaster, Penna., with the Six -Nations, and on Nov. 13 with the Ohio Indians at Philadelphia. (Haven -in Thomas, ii. 497.) Again, in July, 1753, Johnson had a conference -with the Mohawks (2 _Penna. Archives_, vi. 150); and in Oct. a treaty -with the Ohio Indians was made at Carlisle (Hildeburn, i. 1328; Haven, -p. 517). There exist also minutes of conferences held at Easton, Oct., -1758, with the Mohawks;[556] at Easton, Aug., 1761, with the Five -Nations; and in Aug., 1762, at Lancaster, with the northern and western -Indians. (Hildeburn, i. 1593, 1634, 1748, 1908.) - -The Moravians, settling first in Georgia, had founded Bethlehem in -Pennsylvania in 1741, and soon extended the field of their labors -into New York;[557] and in no way did the characteristics of this -people impress the life of the colonies so much as in the intermediary -nature of their missions among the Indians. David Zeisberger was a -leading spirit in this work, and left a manuscript account (written in -1778 in German) of the missions, which was discovered by Schweinitz -in the archives of the Moravian church at Bethlehem. (Schweinitz’s -_Zeisberger_, p. 29.) It proved to be the source upon which Loskiel -had depended for the first part of his _History of the Mission of the -United Brethren among the Indians in North America, in three parts, -by Geo. H. Loskiel, translated from the German by Christian Ignatius -Latrobe_ (London, 1794);[558] and Schweinitz found it of invaluable -use to him in the studies for his _Life of David Zeisberger_ (Philad., -1870). The other principal authority on the work of the Moravians among -the Indians is Rev. John Heckewelder, whose _Narrative of the Mission -of the United Brethren_ (Philad., 1820) has been elsewhere referred -to,[559] and who also published _An account of the History, Manners, -and Customs of the Indian Nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and -the neighboring States_ (Philad., 1818).[560] Schweinitz also refers -to another manuscript upon the Indians, preserved in the library of the -American Philosophical Society, by Christopher Pyrlaeus, likewise a -Moravian missionary.[561] We have again from Spangenberg an _Account of -the manner in which the Protestant Church of the Unitas Fratrum preach -the Gospel and carry on their missions among the heathen_ (English -transl., London, 1788); and his notes of travel to Onondaga, in 1745, -which are referred to in the original MS. by Schweinitz (_Zeisberger_, -p. 132), have since been printed in the _Penna. Mag. of History_ (vol. -iii.).[562] - -Perhaps the most distinguished of the English missionaries was David -Brainerd, a native of Connecticut, of whose methods and their results, -as he went among the Indians of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, we have -the record in his life and diaries.[563] - - * * * * * - -The question of the population of the middle colonies during the -eighteenth century is complicated somewhat by the heterogeneous -compounding of nationalities, particularly in Pennsylvania. In New -Jersey the people were more purely English than in New York. We -find brought together the statistics of the population of New York, -1647-1774, in the _Doc. Hist. of N. Y._ (i. 687), and Lodge (_English -Colonies_, p. 312) collates some of the evidence. The German element in -New York is exemplified in F. Kapp’s _Die Deutschen im Staate New York -während des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts_. (New York, 1884.) - -In Pennsylvania the Swedes were beginning to lose in number when the -century opened, and the Dutch were also succumbing to the English -preponderance; but there were new-comers in the Welsh and Germans in -sufficient numbers to keep the characteristics of the people very -various.[564] Religion had brought the earliest Germans,—Dunkers[565] -and Mennonists,[566] all industrious, but ignorant. By 1719 the -Irish began to come, in part a desirable stock, the Scotch-Irish -Presbyterians; but in large numbers they were as unpromising as the -dregs of a race could make them. The rise of Presbyterianism in -Pennsylvania is traced in C. A. Briggs’s _Amer. Presbyterianism_ (New -York, 1885).[567] - -The influx of other than English into Pennsylvania in the eighteenth -century had an extent best measured by _A collection of upwards of -30,000 names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and other immigrants in -Pennsylvania, 1727-1776, with notes and an appendix containing lists of -more than one thousand German and French in New York prior to 1712_, by -Professor I. Daniel Rupp (2d enlarged ed., Philad., 1876). - -Respecting the Welsh immigrants, compare the _Pennsylvania Mag. of -Hist._, i. 330; Howard M. Jenkins’s _Historical collections relating -to Gwynedd, a township of Montgomery County, Penn., settled, 1698, by -Welsh immigrants, with some data referring to the adjoining township -of Montgomery, also a Welsh settlement_ (Phila., 1884), and J. Davis’s -_History of the Welsh Baptists_ (Pittsburgh, 1835). - -The Huguenot emigration to the middle colonies, particularly to New -York, is well studied in C. W. Baird’s _Huguenot Emigration to America_ -(1885). Cf. references _ante_, p. 98; and for special monographs, W. -W. Waldron’s _Huguenots of Westchester and Parish of Fordham, with an -introduction by S. H. Tyng_ (New York, 1864), and G. P. Disosway on the -Huguenots of Staten Island, in the _Continental Monthly_, i. 683, and -his app. on “The Huguenots in America” to Samuel Smiles’s _Huguenots_ -(N. Y., 1868). - - * * * * * - -The best summary of the manners and social and intellectual life of -the middle colonies will be found in Lodge’s _Short History of the -English Colonies_ (New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania), and he -fortifies his varied statements with convenient references. For New -York specially the best known picture of life is Mrs. Anne Grant’s -_Memoirs of an American Lady_,[568] but its recollections, recorded -in late life, of experiences of childhood, have nearly taken it out -of the region of historical truth. For Pennsylvania there is a rich -store of illustration in Watson’s _Annals of Philadelphia_, and much -help will be derived from the _Penn and Logan Letters_, printed by the -Penna. Hist. Soc.;[569] from the journal of William Black, a Virginian, -who recorded his observations in 1744, printed in the _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._ (vols. i. and ii.).[570] - -The exigencies of the Indian wars, while they colored the life and -embroiled the politics of the time, induced the search for relief from -pecuniary burdens, here as in New England, in the issue of paper money, -which in turn in its depreciation grew to be a factor of itself in -determining some social conditions.[571] - -The educational aspects of the middle colonies have been summarily -touched by Lodge in his _English Colonies_. Each of them had founded a -college. An institution begun at Elizabethtown in 1741, was transferred -to Princeton in 1757, and still flourishes.[572] In 1750 the Academy -of Philadelphia made the beginning of the present University of -Pennsylvania. In 1754 King’s College in New York city began its -mission,—the present Columbia College.[573] - -The development of the intellectual life of the middle colonies, so -far as literary results—such as they were—are concerned, is best -seen in Moses C. Tyler’s _History of American Literature_ (vol. ii. -ch. 16).[574] The list by Haven in Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_ -(vol. ii.) reveals the extent of the publications of the period; but -for Pennsylvania the record is made admirably full in Charles R. -Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing,—issues of the press in Pennsylvania, -1685-1784_.[575] - -William Bradford, the father of printing in the middle colonies, -removed to New York in 1693, where he died in 1752, having maintained -the position of the leading printer in that province, where he started, -in 1725, the _N. Y. Gazette_, the earliest New York newspaper.[576] -His son, Andrew Bradford (born 1686, died 1742), was the founder of -the newspaper press in Pennsylvania, and began the _American Weekly -Mercury_ in 1719, and the _American Magazine_ in 1741.[577] - -The records of the publication of Franklin and his press have been more -than once carefully made,[578] and Col. William Bradford, grandson of -the first William, has been fitly commemorated in the _Life_ of him by -Wallace.[579] - - * * * * * - -The general histories of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey -have been sufficiently described elsewhere.[580] The documentary -collections of New York State have likewise been explained;[581] but -the historical literature respecting the province and State has never -been bibliographically arranged. The city of New York has some careful -histories of its own.[582] The capital, Albany, by reason of the -attention of its devoted antiquarian publishers, has recently had its -own bibliography traced.[583] The extent of the other local histories -of the State, particularly as far as the Dutch period was represented -in it, has been already indicated;[584] but the list as touching the -period covered by the present chapter could be much enlarged.[585] - - * * * * * - -The several official and documentary collections published by -Pennsylvania have been described elsewhere.[586] Something of her local -history has been also indicated, but the greater part of the interest -of this class of historical records falls within the period of the -present volume.[587] - -Respecting the histories of Philadelphia, since the memoranda were -noted in Vol. III. (p. 509), the material gathered by Thompson Westcott -has been augmented by the labors of Col. J. Thomas Scharf, and the -elaborate _History of Philadelphia_ (Philad., 1884) with this joint -authorship has been issued in three large volumes. Two chapters (xiii. -and xv.) in the first volume cover in the main the period now dealt -with. There is still a good deal to be gleaned from the old _Annals of -Philadelphia_, by John F. Watson, of which there is a new edition, with -revisions and additions by Willis P. Hazard.[588] It is a work somewhat -desultory in character and unskilful in arrangement, but it contains a -great body of facts.[589] - -[Illustration: NEW YORK] - -[Illustration: - -The views of New York here annexed (pp. 250, 251) are the principal -ones of the earlier half of the seventeenth century. The larger (New -York, on the scroll) is from the great map of Popple, _British Empire -in America_, published in 1732. The upper of the two (p. 251) is -reduced from a large panoramic _South Prospect of y^e Flourishing City -of New York_ (6-6/12 × 2-4/12 ft.), dedicated to Gov. George Clinton by -Thomas Blakewell, which was published March 25, 1746. A lithographic -reproduction appeared in Valentine’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1849, p. -26, and in his _Hist. of N. Y. City_, p. 290. (Cf. Cassell’s _United -States_, i. 480.) Originals are reported to be in the N. Y. Society -library and in the British Museum (King’s _Maps_, ii. 329, and _Map -Catal._, 1885, col. 2,975). - -The reduced fac-simile view, called a “South Prospect,” follows a -copperplate engraving in the _London Magazine_, Aug., 1761. - -KEY: 1, the fort; 2, the chapel in the fort; 3, the secretary’s -office; 4, the great dock, with a bridge over it; 5, the ruins of -Whitehall, built by Gov. Duncan [Dongan]; 6, part of Nutten Island; 7, -part of Long Island; 8, the lower market; 9, the Crane; 10, the great -flesh-market; 11, the Dutch church; 12, the English church; 13, the -city hall; 14, the exchange; 15, the French church; 16, upper market; -17, the station ship; 18, the wharf; 19, the wharf for building ships; -20, the ferry house on Long Island side; 21, a pen for cattle designed -for the market; 22, Colonel Morris’s “Fancy,” turning to windward, -with a sloop of common mould. - -This print is clearly based on the one placed above it.] - -The official documentary collections of New Jersey have already been -indicated,[590] as well as some traces of its local history.[591] - - * * * * * - -A view of New York about 1695 is no. 39 in the gallery of the N. Y. -Hist. Society. Cf. Mrs. Lamb’s _New York_, i. p. 455, for one assigned -to 1704. - -A view purporting to be taken in 1750 is found in Delisle’s _Atlas_ -(1757). - -A collection of views of towns, which was published by Jan Roman at -Amsterdam in 1752, included one of _Nieu Amsterdam, namaels Nieu York_. -(Muller’s _Catal. of American Portraits_, etc., no. 310.)[592] - -The earliest plan of New York of the period which we are now -considering is one which appeared in the Rev. John Miller’s -_Description of the Province and City of New York, with the plans of -the City and several forts, as they existed in the year 1695, now first -printed from the original MS._ (London, Rodd, 1843), and in a new ed., -with introd. and notes by Dr. Shea (N. Y., Gowans, 1862). See Vol. III. -p. 420, of the present _History_, and Mrs. Lamb’s _New York_ (i. 421). - -A fac-simile of this plan, marked “New York, 1695,” is annexed. It -is reproduced several times in Valentine’s _New York City Manual_ -(1843-44, 1844-45, 1845-46, 1847, 1848, 1850, 1851, 1852), and is -explained by the following: - -[Illustration: - -KEY: 1, the chapel in the fort of New York; 2, Leysler’s half-moon; 3, -Whitehall battery of 15 guns; 4, the old dock; 5, the cage and stocks; -6, stadt-house battery of 5 guns; 7, the stadt or state house; 8, the -custom-house; 8, 8, the bridge; 9, Burgher’s or the slip battery of 10 -guns; 10, the fly block-house and half-moon; 11, the slaughter-house; -12, the new docks; 13, the French church; 14, the Jews’ synagogue; 15, -the fort well and pump; 16, Ellet’s alley; 17, the works on the west -side of the city; 18, the northwest block-house; 19, 19, the Lutheran -church and minister’s house; 20, 20, the stone points on the north -side of the city; 21, the Dutch Calvinists’ church, built 1692; 22, -the Dutch Calvinists’ minister’s house; 23, the burying-ground; 24, a -windmill; 25, the king’s farm; 26, Col. Dungan’s garden; 27, 27, wells; -28, the plat of ground designed for the E. minister’s house; 29, 29, -the stockado, with a bank of earth on the inside; 30, the ground proper -for the building an E. church; 31, 31, showing the sea flowing about -New York; 32, 32, the city gates; 33, a postern gate.] - -There is a MS. plan of this date (1695) in the British Museum. A -plan of the fort in New York (1695) is also given by Miller, and is -reproduced in Gowan’s ed. of Miller, p. 264. (Cf. _Appleton’s Journal_, -viii. p. 353.) - -The _Brit. Mus. Map Catal._ (1885), col. 2,972, notes a map by J. -Seller, London; and a _Novum Amsterdamum_, probably by Vander Aa, at -Leyden, in 1720. - -A large _Plan of the City of New York, from an actual survey, made by -Iames Lyne_, was published by William Bradford, and dedicated to Gov. -Montgomerie, while Col. Robt. Lurting was mayor, in 1728. It has been -reproduced wholly or in part at various times.[593] - -Popple’s plan of New York (1733) was later re-engraved in Paris. His -map of the harbor, from his great map _The British Empire in America_ -(inscribed on a scroll, “New York and Perth Amboy harbours”), is -annexed (p. 254) in fac-simile. - -[Illustration: - -KEY: A, the fort; B, Trinity Church; C, old Dutch church; D, French -church; E, new Dutch church; F. Presbyterian meeting; G, Quakers’ -meeting; H, Baptist meeting; J, Lutheran church; L, St. George’s -Chapel; M, Moravian meeting; N, new Lutheran meeting; 1, governor’s -house; 2, secretary’s office; 3, custom-house; 4, Peter Livingston & -Co., supg. hu.; 5, city hall; 6, Byard’s sugar-house; 7, exchange; -8, fish market; 9, old slip market; 10, meal market; 11, fly market; -12, Burtin’s market; 13, Oswego market; 14, English free school; 15, -Dutch free school; 16, Courtland’s sugar-house; 17, Jas. Griswold; -18, stillhouse; 19, Wileys Livingstone; 20, Laffert’s In. Comp.; -21, Thomas Vatar Distilhouse; 22, Robert Griffeth’s Distilhouse; -23, Jno. Burling’s Distilhouse; 24, Jas. Burling’s Distilhouse; 25, -Jno. Leake’s Distilhouse; 26, Benj. Blagge’s Distilhouse; 27, Jews’ -burial-ground; 28, poor house; 29, powder-house; 30, block-house; 31, -gates.] - -Other drafts of New York harbor during the first half of the last -century will be found in Southack’s _Coast Pilot_, and in Bowen’s -_Geography_ (1747). A chart of the Narrows is in a _Set of Plans and -Forts in America_, London, 1763, no. 12. - -A large plan of _The City and environs of New York, as they were in the -years 1742-1744_, drawn by David Grim in the 76th year of his age, in -Aug., 1813, as it would seem from recollection, is in the N. Y. Hist. -Society’s library, and is engraved in Valentine’s_ N. Y. City Manual_, -1854. - -The plan of 1755 (also annexed), made after surveys by the city -surveyor, and bearing the arms of New York city, follows a lithograph -in Valentine’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1849, p. 130, after an original -plate belonging to Trinity Church, N. Y. - -Cf. Valentine’s _New York_, p. 304, and the _Hist. of the Collegiate -Reformed Dutch Church in New York_ (New York, 1886). It was also given -in 1763 in a _Set of plans and forts in America_ (no. 1), published in -London. - -A plan of the northeast environs of New York, made for Lord Loudon, in -1757, is in Valentine’s _Manual_, 1859, p. 108. - -The plan of 1755 (p. 255) needs the following - -[Illustration: - -KEY: A, the fort; B, Trinity Church; C, old Dutch church; D, French -church; E, new Dutch church; F, Presbyterian meeting; G, Quakers’ -meeting; H, Baptist meeting; I, Lutheran church; K, Jews’ synagogue; -L, St. George’s Chapel; M, Moravian meeting; N, new Lutheran meeting; -O, custom-house; P, governor’s house; Q, secretary’s office; R, city -house; S, exchange; T, fish market; V, old slip market; X, meal -market; Y, fly market; Z, Burtin’s market; 1, Oswego market; 2, -English free school; 3, Dutch free school; 4, block-house; 5, gates.] - -Maerschalck’s plan of 1755 was used as the basis of a new plan, with -some changes, which is here reproduced (p. 256) after the copy in -_Valentine’s Manual_ (1850), and called a _Plan of the City of New -York, reduced from an actual survey, by T. Maerschalkm_ [sic], 1763. -The following key is in the upper right-hand corner of the original -(where the three blanks are in the fac-simile), of a lettering too -small for the present reduction:— - - -[Illustration: BELLIN’S PLAN, 1764. - -KEY: A, shipping port; B, bridge for discharging vessels; C, fountain -or wells; D, house of the governor; E, the temple or church; F, parade -ground; G, meat-market; H, slaughter-house; J, lower town; K, city -hall; L, custom-house and stores; M, powder-magazine.[594]] - -The latest of the plans here reproduced is one which is given in -Valentine’s _Manual_ (1861, p. 596), and was made by Bellin by order of -the Duke de Choiseul, in 1764:— - -The view of Philadelphia (reproduced, p. 258) is the larger part of -George Heap’s “East Prospect,” as reduced from the _London Mag._, Oct., -1761:— - -[Illustration: _The East Prospect of the City of PHILADELPHIA in the -Province of PENNSYLVANIA_ - -KEY: 1, Christ Church; 2, state-house; 3, academy; 4, Presbyterian -church; 5, Dutch Calvinist church; 6, the court-house; 7, Quakers’ -meeting-house; 8, High Street wharf; 9, Mulberry Street; 10, Sassafras -Street; 11, Vine Street; 12, Chestnut Street (the other streets -are not to be seen from the point of sight); 13, draw-bridge; 14, -corn-mill. - -The style of the domestic buildings in Pennsylvania during this -period may be seen from specimens delineated in Scharf and Westcott’s -_Philadelphia_ (particularly the Christopher Saur house in Germantown, -in vol. iii. p. 1964); Egle’s _Pennsylvania_; Watson’s _Annals of -Philadelphia_; Smith’s _Delaware County_, Rupp’s _Lancaster County_; -and other local histories, especially Thompson Westcott’s _Historic -buildings of Philadelphia, with notices of their owners and occupants_ -(Philad., 1877). The _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, July, 1886, p. 164, -gives a view of the first brick house built in New Jersey, that of -Christopher White, in 1690.] - -The original was first published in London in 1754, and was engraved -by Jefferys, and reissued in his _General Topog. of N. America_, etc., -1768, no. 29. It was reproduced on the same scale in Philadelphia, in -1854. In 1857, through the instrumentality of George M. Dallas, then -minister to England, a large oil-painting, measuring eight feet long -and twenty inches high, was received by the Philadelphia library; -and attached to it was an inscription, _The southeast prospect of -the City of Philadelphia, by Peter Cooper, painter_, followed by a -key to the public and private buildings. Confidence in its literal -fidelity is somewhat shaken by the undue profusion of a sort of cupola -given to buildings here and there,—one even surmounting the Quaker -meeting-house. Antiquaries are agreed that it must have been painted -about 1720. Among the private houses prominent in the picture are that -of Edward Shippen, at that time occupied by Sir William Keith, then -governor of the province, and that of Jonathan Dickinson. (Cf. _Hist. -Mag._, i. 137.) It has been reëngraved on a small scale in Scharf and -Westcott’s _Hist. of Philadelphia_, vol. i., where will also be found -(p. 187) a view of the old court-house, from an ancient drawing (1710). -Cf. view of 1744 in _Ibid._, p. 207. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR, - -_The Editor_. - - -MARYLAND began its career as a crown province with conditions similar -to those which had regulated its growth under the Proprietary. There -was nothing within its limits worthy the name of a town, though there -were certain places where the courts met. The people were planters, -large and small. They, with their servants, were settled, each with -land enough about him, along the extensive tide-water front of the -Chesapeake and its estuaries. Each plantation had a wharf or landing -of its own, and no commercial centre was necessary to ship or receive -merchandise. The Indians were friendly, and no sense of mutual -protection, such as prevailed farther north, compelled the settlers -to form communities. They raised tobacco,—too much of it,—and saw -hardly enough of one another to foster a stable, political union. Local -disturbances were accordingly not very promptly suppressed. Because one -was independent in his living, he came to have too little sympathy with -the independence of the mass. - -Life was easy. Land and water yielded abundantly of wild game, while -swine and cattle strayed about the woods, with ear-marks and brands -to designate their owners. The people, however, had mainly to pound -their corn and do without schools, for it needs villages to institute -the convenient mill-wheel and build the school-house. The condition of -the people had hardly changed from what it was during the seventeenth -century. When the eighteenth came in, a political change had already -been wrought by the revolution which placed William and Mary on the -throne,[595] for in 1692 the Marylanders had welcomed Sir Lionel -Copley as the first royal governor. In his train came a new spirit, -or rather his coming engendered one, or gave activity to one which -had been latent. The assembly soon ordained the Protestant Episcopal -church to be the established order of a colony which before had had a -Catholic master. In time the exclusiveness relaxed a little, enough in -some fashion to exempt from restraint those who were Protestant, but -dissenters; but the Romanists soon found to their cost that there was -no relief for them. The fear of a Jacobite ascendency in the mother -country easily kept the assembly alert to discern the evils supposed to -harbinger its advent. - -Down to 1715 there was a succession of royal governors, but only one -among them made any impress upon the time. This was Francis Nicholson, -a man of vigor, who was felt during a long career in America in -more than one colony. He was by commission the lieutenant-governor -under Copley; but when that governor died, Nicholson was in England. -On returning he followed his predecessor’s way in studying the -Protestants’ interests. In pursuance of this he made the Puritan -settlement at Anne Arundel, later to be known as Annapolis, the -capital,[596] and left the old Catholic St. Mary’s thereby to become a -name and a ruin. - -There grew up presently an unseemly quarrel between Nicholson and -Coode, a reprobate ecclesiastic, who had earlier been a conspicuous -character in Maryland history.[597] The breach scandalized everybody; -and charge and counter-charge touching their respective morals -contaminated the atmosphere. Indeed, the indictment of Nicholson by his -enemies failed of effect by its excess of foulness. In face of all this -the governor had the merit, and even the courage, to found schools. He -also acquired with some a certain odor of sanctity, when he sent Bibles -to the sick during an epidemic, and appointed readers of them to attend -upon a sanitarium which had been established at a mineral spring in -St. Mary’s county. There was not a little need of piety somewhere, for -the church in Maryland as a rule had little of it. When Nicholson was -in turn transferred to Virginia, Nathaniel Blakiston (1699) and John -Seymour (1703) succeeded in the government. Under them there is little -of moment to note, beyond occasional inroads of the French by land and -of the pirates along the Chesapeake. Events, however, were shaping -themselves to put an end to the proprietary sway. - -Charles, the third Lord Baltimore, died February 20, 1714-15, and -his title and rights descended to Benedict, his son, who had already -in anticipation renounced Catholicism. In becoming Protestant he had -secured from the Crown and its supporters an increased income in place -of the allowance that his Catholic father now denied him, out of the -revenues of the province, which were still preserved to the family. -Benedict had scarce been recognized when he also died (April 5, 1715), -and his minor son, Charles, the fifth lord, succeeded. The young -baron’s guardian, Lord Guilford, took the government, and finding to -his liking John Hart, who was then ruling the province for the king, he -recommissioned him as the representative of the Proprietary, who was -now one in religious profession with the vast majority of his people. -The return of the old master was to appearances a confirmation of the -old charter; but an inevitable change was impending. - -Meanwhile the laws were revised and codified (1715), and a few years -later (1722), by solemn resolution, the lower house of the assembly -declared that the people of Maryland were entitled to all the rights -and immunities of free Englishmen, and were of necessity inheritors of -the common law of England, except so far as the laws of the province -limited the application of that fundamental right.[598] This manifesto -was the signal of a conflict between the ways that were and those -that were to be. The Proprietary and the upper house made a show of -dissenting to its views; but the old conditions were doomed. The -methods of progress, however, for a while were gentle, and on the whole -the rule of succeeding governors, Charles Calvert (1720), Benedict -Leonard Calvert (1726), and Samuel Ogle (1731), was quiet. - -The press meanwhile was beginning to live, and the _Maryland Gazette_ -was first published at Annapolis in 1727. A real town was founded, -though it seemed at the start to promise no more than St. Mary’s, -Annapolis, or Joppa.[599] This was Baltimore, laid out in 1730, which -grew so leisurely that in twenty years it had scarce a hundred people -in it. From 1732 to 1734 the Proprietary himself was in the province -and governed in his own person. - -The almost interminable controversy with the Penns over the northern -bounds of Maryland still went on, the latter province getting the worst -of it. Even blood was shed when the Pennsylvania Germans, crossing -the line which Maryland claimed, refused to pay the Maryland taxes. -During this border turmoil, Thomas Cresap, a Maryland partisan, made -head against the Pennsylvanians, but was finally caught and carried -to Philadelphia. A truce came in the end, when, pending a decision in -England, a provisional line was run to separate settlers in actual -possession. - -Maryland had other troubles beside in a depreciated paper currency, and -was not singular in it. She sought in 1733 to find a remedy by making -tobacco a legal tender. - -In 1751 the rights of the Proprietary again passed, this time to -an unworthy voluptuary, destined to be the last Baron Baltimore, -Frederick, the sixth in succession, who was not known to his people -and did nothing to establish a spirit of loyalty among them. They had -now grown to be not far from a hundred and thirty thousand in number, -including multitudes of redemptioners, as immigrants who had mortgaged -their labor for their ocean passage were called, and many thousands -of transported convicts. This population paid the Proprietary in -quit-rents and dues not far from seventy-five hundred pounds annually. - -[Illustration: FREDERICK, LORD BALTIMORE. - -From an engraving in the _London Magazine_, June, 1768, after an -original painting of the sixth baron. He was born Feb. 6, 1731; -succeeded to the title on the death of the fifth baron, April 24, 1751. -Some accounts make him erroneously the seventh baron.] - -The beginning of the French war found Horatio Sharpe[600] fresh in -office (1753) as the representative of the man to whom the people -paid this money. There was need of resources to push the conflict, in -which Maryland had common interests with Virginia and Pennsylvania. -The delegates were willing to vote grants, provided the revenue of -the Proprietary would share in the burden. This the governor refused -to consider; but as the war went on, and the western settlements were -abandoned before the Indian forays, Sharpe conceded the point, and -£40,000 were raised, partly out of a double tax upon Catholics, who -were in the main of the upper classes of the people. The question of -supplying the army lasted longer than the £40,000, and each renewal of -the controversy broadened the gulf between the governor and the lower -house. It soon grew to be observed that the delegates planned their -manœuvres with a view to overthrowing, under the stress of the times, -the government of the Proprietary. Occasionally a fit of generosity -would possess the delegates, as when they voted £50 a scalp to some -Cherokee rangers, and £1,500 to the Maryland contingent in Forbes’s -expedition against Du Quesne. It was never difficult, meantime, for -them to lapse into their policy of obstruction. So Maryland did little -to assist in the great conflict which drove the French from North -America. - -When the war was practically closed, in 1760, the long dispute over the -boundary with Pennsylvania was brought to an end, substantially, upon -the agreement of 1732, by which the Proprietary of that day had been -over-reached. This fixed the limits of the present State of Delaware, -and marked the parallel which is now known as Mason and Dixon’s line. -The most powerful colony south of that line was Virginia, with whom -Maryland was also destined to have a protracted boundary dispute, -that has extended to our own time, and has been in part relegated to -the consideration of the new State, which the exigencies of the civil -war caused to be detached from the Old Dominion. What was and is the -most westerly of the head fountains of the Potomac (so the charter -described the point from which the meridian of Maryland’s western -line should run) depended on seeking that spot at the source of the -northern or southern fork of the river. The decision gave or lost to -Maryland thirty or forty square miles of rich territory. A temporary -concession on Maryland’s part, which entailed such a loss, became a -precedent which she has found it difficult to dislodge. Again, as the -line followed down the Potomac, whether it gave the bed of that river -to Virginia or to Maryland, has produced further dispute, complicated -by diversities in the maps and by assumptions of rights, but in 1877 -arbitration confirmed the bed to Maryland. Changing names and shifting -and disappearing soil along the banks of the Chesapeake have also made -an uncertainty of direction in the line, as it crosses the bay to the -eastern shore. A decision upon this point has in our day gained new -interest from the values which attach to the modern oyster-beds. - - * * * * * - -The history of Virginia was left in an earlier chapter[601] with the -suppression of Bacon’s Rebellion. The royal governors who succeeded -Berkeley held office under Lord Culpepper, who himself assumed the -government in 1679,[602] bringing with him a general amnesty for the -actors in the late rebellion.[603] But pardon did not stop tobacco -falling in price, nor was his lordship chary of the state, to maintain -which involved grinding taxes. Towns would not grow where the people -did not wish them, and even when the assembly endeavored to compel -such settlements to thrive at fixed landing places, by what was called -a Cohabitation Act (1680), they were not to be evoked, and existed -only as ghosts in what were called “paper towns.” Tobacco, however, -would grow if only planted, and when producers continued to plant -it beyond what the mob thought proper to maintain fit prices, the -wayward populace cut off the young plants, going about from plantation -to plantation.[604] Culpepper kept up another sort of destruction -in hanging the leaders of the mob, and in telling the people that a -five-shilling piece, if it went for six, would make money plentier. -When the people insisted that his salary should be paid in the same -ratio, he revoked his somewhat frantic monetary scheme. - -When Culpepper ceased to be the Proprietary, in 1684, Virginia became -a royal province, and Charles II. sent out Lord Howard of Effingham -to continue the despotic rule. The new governor had instructions not -to allow a printing-press.[605] He kept the hangman at his trade, -for plant-cutting still continued. The assembly managed to despatch -Ludwell to England to show how cruelly matters were going, and he got -there just after William and Mary were proclaimed. The representations -against Effingham sufficed to prevent the continuance of his personal -rule, but not to put an end to his commission, and he continued to -draw his salary as governor, despite his adherence to James, and after -Francis Nicholson had been sent over as his deputy (1690). The new -ruler was not unskilled in governing; but he had a temper that impelled -him sometimes in wrong ways, and an ambition that made the people -distrust him. He could cajole and domineer equally well, but he did not -always choose the fit occasion. He was perhaps wiser now than he was -when he nearly precipitated New York into a revolution; and he showed -himself to the people as if to win their affections. He encouraged -manufactures. He moved the capital from Jamestown, and created a small -conspicuousness for Williamsburg[606] as he did for Annapolis, in -Maryland. He followed up the pirates if they appeared in the bay. He -tried to induce the burgesses to vote money to join the other colonies -in the French war; but they did not care so much for maintaining -frontier posts in order to protect the northern colonies as one might -who had hopes to be one day the general governor of the English -colonies. They intrigued in such a way that he lost popularity, when -he had none too much of it. He seemed generous, if we do not narrowly -inspect his motives, when he said he would pay the Virginia share of -the war money, if the assembly did not care to, and when he gave half -of a gratuity which the assembly had given him, to help found the -college of William and Mary. This last act had a look of magnanimity, -for James Blair, who had been chiefly instrumental in getting the -college charter, and who also in a measure, as the commissary of the -Bishop of London, disputed Nicholson’s executive supremacy, had laughed -at his Excellency for his truculent ways. The governor had opposed the -“Cohabitation” policy as respects towns, and a certain Burwell affair, -in which as a lover he was not very complacent in being worsted, had -also made him enemies powerful enough to prefer charges in England -against him, and he was recalled,—later to be met in New England and -Acadia, and as Sir Francis Nicholson to govern in Carolina. - -His service in Virginia was interrupted by his career in Maryland, -ending in 1698, during which Sir Edmund Andros ruled in the larger -colony. This knight’s New England experience had told on him for the -better; but it had not wholly weaned him from some of his pettish ways. -He brought with him the charter of the College of William and Mary, and -had the infelicity to find in Blair, its first president, the adversary -who was to throw him. This Scotchman was combative and stubborn -enough for his race, and equally its representative in good sense and -uprightness. Blair insisted upon his prerogatives as the representative -of the bishop, and taking the grounds of quarrel with the governor to -England he carried his point, and Nicholson was recalled from Maryland -to supply the place of Andros. - -The new college graduated its first class in 1700, and at about the -same time Claude Philippe de Richebourg and his Huguenots introduced a -new strain into the blood of Virginia. - -The accession of Queen Anne led to the conferring of the titular -governorship in 1704 upon George Hamilton, the Earl of Orkney, who -was to hold the office nominally for forty years. For five years the -council ruled under Edward Jenings, their president, and when, December -15, 1704, he made his proclamation of the victory of Blenheim, it was -a satisfaction to record that Colonel Parke, of Virginia, had been the -officer sent by Marlborough to convey the news to the queen.[607] - -In 1710 the ablest of the royal governors came upon the scene, -Alexander Spotswood, a man now in his early prime, since he was born -in 1676. He bore a wound which he had got at this same Blenheim, for -he had a decisive, soldierly spirit. It was a new thing to have a -governor for whom the people could have any enthusiasm. He came with -a peace-offering in the shape of the writ of _habeas corpus_, a boon -the Virginians had been thus far denied. The burgesses reciprocated in -devoting £2,000 to build him a palace, as it was called, as perhaps -well they might, considering that their annual tobacco crop was now -about 20,000,000 pounds. - -The happy relations between the governor and his people did not -continue long without a rupture. The executive needed money to fortify -the frontiers, and the assembly tightened the purse-strings; but they -did pass a bill to appoint rangers to scour the country at the river -heads.[608] Spotswood did the best he could with scant funds. He -managed to prevent the tributary Indians from joining the Tuscaroras -in their forays in Carolina,[609] and he induced the burgesses to take -some action on the appeals of Governor Pollock.[610] He also gave his -energy scope in developing the manufacture of iron and the growing of -vineyards, and in the stately march which he made to find out something -about the region beyond the Blue Ridge.[611] He was indeed always ready -for any work which was required. - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER SPOTSWOOD. - -After the engraving in the _Spotswood Letters_, vol. i., with a note -on the portraits on p. viii. His arms are on p. vii. Cf. the _Century -Magazine_, xxvii. 447.] - -If his burgesses revolted, he dissolved them with a sledge-hammer kind -of rhetoric.[612] If Blackbeard, the pirate, appeared between the -capes, he sent after him men whom he could trust, and they justified -his measure of them when they came home with a bloody head on their -bowsprit.[613] He had no sooner concluded a conference with the Five -Nations, in August and September, 1722,[614] than the opposition to an -assumption which he, like the other governors, could not resist, to be -the head of the church as well as of the state, made progress enough to -secure his removal from office.[615] - -During Spotswood’s time, Virginia attained to as much political -prominence as the century saw for her prior to the Revolution. The -German element, which gathered away from tide-water,[616] began to -serve as a balance to the Anglican aristocracy, which made the river -banks so powerful. The tobacco fields, while they in one sense made -that aristocracy, in another made them, in luckless seasons, slaves -of a variable market. This relation, producing financial servitude, -enforced upon them at times almost the abjectness of the African -slaves whom they employed. Above it all, however, arose a spirit of -political freedom in contrast with their monetary subjection. The -burgesses gradually acquired more and more power, and the finances -of the province which they controlled gave them opportunities which -compensated for their personal cringing to the wilful imperialism of -the tobacco market. The people lacked, too, the independence which -mechanical ingenuity gives a race. A certain shiftlessness even about -the great estates, a laziness between crops, the content to import the -commonest articles instead of making them,—all indicate this. The -amenities of living which come from towns were wanting, with perhaps -some of the vices, for an ordinary or a public house generally stood -even yet for all that constituted a settlement of neighbors. In 1728 -Byrd, of Westover, speaks of Norfolk as having “most the air of a town -of any in Virginia.” - -Spotswood remained in Virginia, and was a useful man after his fall -from office. He was made the deputy postmaster-general of the colonies -(1730-39), and he carried into the management of the mails the same -energy which had distinguished his earlier service, and brought -Philadelphia and Williamsburg within eight or ten days of each other. -On his estates, whether on the Rapidan near his Germans at Germanna, -or in his house at Yorktown, he kept the courtly state of his time and -rank, and showed in his household his tenderest side. His old martial -spirit arose when he was made a major-general to conduct an expedition -to the West Indies; but he died (1740) just as he was about to embark, -bequeathing his books, maps, and mathematical instruments to the -College of William and Mary. - -Meanwhile, after a short service in the governor’s office by Hugh -Drysdale (1722)[617] and Robert Carter, in 1727 William Gooch took the -chair, and held it for twenty-two years. It was a time of only chance -excitement, and the province prospered in wealth and population. The -governor proved conciliatory and became a favorite of the people. He -granted toleration to the Presbyterians, who were now increasing on the -frontiers, where Mackemie and the Scotch-Irish were beginning to gain -influence, and the sturdy pioneers were thinking of the country beyond -the mountains.[618] Some of the tide-water spirit was pushing that way, -and in 1745 Lord Fairfax settled in the valley, built his Greenway -Court, and passed his life in chasing game and giving it to his guests, -with other hospitable cheer.[619] Tall and gaunt of person, sharp in -his visage and defective in his eyesight, if he had little of personal -attraction for strangers, he had the inheritance of some of the best -culture of England, and could hand to his guests a volume of the -_Spectator_, open at his own essays. Disappointed in love at an early -day, Fairfax added a desire for seclusion to a disposition naturally -eccentric. He had come to America for divertisement, and, enamored of -the country and its easy life, he had finally determined on settling on -his property. The mansion, which he had intended to erect with all the -dignity of its manorial surroundings, was never begun; but he built a -long one-story building, with sloping roof and low eaves. Here he lived -on through the Revolution, a pronounced Tory, but too respected to be -disturbed, until the news of Yorktown almost literally struck him dead -at ninety-two. - -Along the river bottoms of the lowlands, while Major Mayo[620] was -laying out Richmond (1733), and while all tradition was scorned in the -establishment of the _Virginia Gazette_ (1736),[621] the ruling classes -of the great estates felt that they were more rudely jostled than ever -before, when Whitefield passed that way, harrying the church,[622] and -even splitting the communions of the Presbyterians as he journeyed in -other parts. - -When Governor Gooch returned to England, in 1749, he left the council -in power, who divided (1751) the province into four military districts, -and to the command of one of them they assigned a young man of -nineteen, George Washington by name. Late in the same year (November -20, 1751) a notable character presented himself in Robert Dinwiddie, -and the College of William and Mary welcomed the new executive with -a formal address.[623] Dinwiddie had been unpopular as a surveyor -of customs, as such officers almost invariably are; and he came to -his new power in Virginia at a trying time, just as a great war was -opening, and he and the burgesses could not escape conflict on the -question of the money needed to make Virginia bear a creditable part -in that war. When it was the northern frontiers towards Canada which -were threatened, neither Maryland nor Virginia could be made to feel -the mortification that their governors felt, if the northern colonies -were left to fight alone the battles in which all the English of the -continent were interested. - -[Illustration] - -But the struggle was now for the thither slope of the Alleghanies and -the great water-shed of the Ohio. In this conflict Virginia presented -a frontier to be ravaged, as she soon learned to her cost. The story -of that misfortune is told in another chapter,[624] as well as of the -outbreak which Dinwiddie forced, when he sent Washington to Le Bœuf. -The exigencies of the conflict, however, were not enough to prevent -the assembly from watching jealously every move of the governor for -asking money from them; and he in turn did little to smooth the way for -their peaceable acquiescence, when he exacted unusual fees for his own -emolument. The aristocracy were still powerful, and, working upon the -fears entertained by the masses that their liberties were in danger, -all classes contrived to keep Dinwiddie in a pretty constant turmoil of -mind, a strain that, though past sixty, he bore unflinchingly. If, by -his presentation of the exigencies, he alarmed them, they would vote, -somewhat scantily, the money which he asked for: but they embarrassed -him by placing its expenditure in the hands of their own committee. -Dinwiddie was often compelled to submit to their exasperating -requirements, and was obliged to inform the Lords of Trade that there -was no help for it. - -It was war indeed, but this chapter is concerned chiefly with civil -affairs. Nothing, therefore, can be said here of the disaster of -Braddock and its train of events down to the final capture of DuQuesne. -Forts were built,[625] and the Indians were pursued[626], and Virginia -incurred a debt during it all of £400,000, which she had to bear with -the concomitants of heavy taxes and a depreciated paper money. At the -end of the war, Norfolk, with its 7,000 inhabitants, was still the only -considerable town. - -Dinwiddie had ruled as the deputy of Lord Albemarle. When Lord Loudon -came over in July, 1756, to assume the military command in the -colonies, he became the titular governor of Virginia; but he was never -in his province in person, and Dinwiddie ruled for him till January, -1758, when he sailed for England. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -SINCE the enumeration of the records of Maryland was made in another -volume,[627] the Maryland Historical Society, having now in custody -the early archives of the province, has begun the printing of them, -under the editorship of Mr. William Hand Browne, three volumes of which -having been thus far published.[628] The publication committee of -that society have also made to the legislative assembly of the State -a printed report,[629] dated November 12, 1883, in which they give an -account of the efforts made in the past to care for the documents. To -this they append a _Calendar of State Archives_, many of which come -within the period covered by the present chapter.[630] - -The general histories of Maryland have been characterized in another -place.[631] Of one of them, Chalmers’s, some further mention is made -in the present volume.[632] Two works of a general character have -been published since that enumeration was made. One of these is the -_Maryland_ (Boston, 1884) of William Hand Browne, a well-written -summary of the history of the palatinate prior to the Revolutionary -period.[633] Mr. Browne’s familiarity with the Maryland archives was -greatly helpful in this excellent condensation of Maryland’s history. -Mr. John A. Doyle has made special use of the colonial documents in -the Public Record Office, in the chapters (x. and xi.) which he gives -to the province in his _English in America, Virginia, Maryland and the -Carolinas_, London, 1882. - -There have been some valuable papers of late embraced in the _Johns -Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science_, edited -by Professor Herbert B. Adams, which touch Maryland, particularly its -institutional history. Such are Edward Ingle’s _Parish Institutions -of Maryland_ (_Studies_, 1st series, no. vi.); John Johnson’s _Old -Maryland Manors_ (no. vii.);[634] Herbert B. Adams’s _Maryland’s -influence upon land cessions to the United States, with minor papers -on George Washington’s interest in Western lands, the Potomac Company -and a National University_ (3d series, no. 1);[635] Lewis W. Wilhelm’s -_Maryland Local Institutions, the Land System, Hundred, County, Town_ -(nos. v., vi., and vii.). - -The one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of -Baltimore, occurring in 1880, has produced several records. The city -commemorated the event, and printed the next year a _Memorial Volume, -1730-1880_, edited by Edward Spencer;[636] and the _Proceedings of the -Historical Society, October 12, 1880_, constitutes no. 16 of their -Publication Fund series. Mr. J. Thomas Scharf, who had published his -_Chronicles of Baltimore_ in 1874, elaborated the matter into the more -extensive _History of Baltimore City and County_, in 1881, published -at Philadelphia. There is a plan of the city showing its original -and present bounds in this last book (p. 62), as well as in the same -writer’s _History of Maryland_ (i. 416). In 1752 there was printed a -_List of families and other persons residing in Baltimore_, and this -has been thought to be the earliest directory of an American town. In -the same year there was a view of Baltimore by John Moales, engraved by -Borgum, which is the earliest we have.[637] - -The coarse, hearty, and somewhat unappetizing life of the colony, as it -appeared to a London factor, who about the beginning of the eighteenth -century sought the country in quest of a cargo of tobacco, is set forth -amusingly, as well as in a warning spirit, in a rough Hudibrastic poem, -_The Sot-weed Factor, by Eben Cook, Gent._[638] (London, 1708.) - -There are modern studies of the life of the last century in Lodge’s -_Short History of the English Colonies_, in the seventh chapter of -Neill’s _Terra Mariæ_, and in the last chapter of Doyle’s _English -Colonies_; but the most complete is that in the first chapter of the -second volume of Scharf’s _History of Maryland_, whose foot-notes and -those of Lodge will guide the investigator through a wide range of -authorities.[639] - -Illustrations of the religious communions are given in Perry’s -_History of the American Protestant Episcopal Church_ (i. 137), in the -_Historical Collections of the American Colonial Church_ (vol. iv.), -in Anderson’s _American Colonial Church_, in Hawks’s _Ecclesiastical -Contributions_ (section on “Maryland”), and in Theodore C. Gambrall’s -_Church Life in Colonial Maryland_ (Baltimore, 1885).[640] The -spread of Presbyterianism is traced in C. A. Briggs’s _American -Presbyterianism_, p. 123. - -[Illustration: MAP OF MARYLAND] - -The literature of the controversy over the bounds of Maryland, so -far as it relates to the northern lines, has already been indicated -in another volume.[641] The dispute was ably followed by McMahon in -his _History of Maryland_ (vol. i. pp. 18-59), among the earlier of -the general historians, and the whole question has been surveyed by -Johnston in his _History of Cecil County_ (ch. xix.). He traces the -course of the Cresap war,[642] the progress of the chancery suit of -1735-1750.[643] The diary of one of the commissioners for running the -line in accordance with the decision, being the record of John Watson, -is preserved in the library of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. -Mr. Johnston (p. 307) also describes the line of 1760,[644] and tells -the story of the work and methods adopted by Mason and Dixon in 1763, -referring to their daily journal, one copy of which is, or was, -preserved in the Land Office, the other in the library of the Maryland -Historical Society.[645] The scientific aspects of this famous survey -are considered in the _Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society_ -(1769); and a running sketch of the history of the line, by William -Darlington, is reprinted in the _Historical Magazine_ (ii. p. 37). -Another, by T. Edwards, is in _Harper’s Monthly_ (vol. liii. p. 549), -and one by A. T. McGill in the _Princeton Review_ (vol. xxxvii. p. 88). -Dunlap’s “Memoir” (see Vol. III. p. 514) is also contained in _Olden -Time_ (vol. i. p. 529). - -The most recent and one of the most careful surveys of the history of -the dispute between Baltimore and Penn and of the principles involved -is in Walter B. Scaife’s “Boundary Dispute between Maryland and -Pennsylvania,” in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_ (October, 1885, p. -241). - -Chief among the maps bearing upon the question of the bounds are the -following:— - -_A map of Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and East and West New -Jersey, by John Thornton_, which is without date, but probably from -1695 to 1700.[646] - -_A new map of Virginia and Maryland and the improved parts of -Pennsylvania and New Jersey, revised by I. Senex, 1719._[647] - -_A short account of the first settlement of the Provinces of Virginia, -Maryland, New York, and Pennsylvania by the English, to which is -annexed a map of Maryland, according to the bounds mentioned in the -charter and also of the adjacent country, anno 1630_, London, 1735. -This map is a large folding one called “A map of Virginia, according -to Capt. John Smith’s map, published anno 1606; also of the adjacent -county, called by the Dutch Niew Nederlant, anno 1630, by John Senex, -1735.”[648] - -The map accompanying the agreement of July 4, 1760, between Baltimore -and Penn, is reproduced, with the text of that document, in the -_Pennsylvania Archives_, iv. (1853), p.3. - -Respecting the bounds in dispute between Maryland and Virginia, the -fullest summary of claims and evidence is in the _Report and Journal -of Proceedings of the joint Commissioners to adjust the boundary -line of the States of Maryland and Virginia_, Annapolis, 1874. This -volume gives statements of the Maryland (p. 63) and Virginia (p. 233) -claims, with depositions of witnesses. The volume as deposited in -public libraries is accompanied by a coast survey chart, in which the -determined bounds are marked, with the attestation of the governor of -Maryland.[649] - -[Illustration: VIRGINIA. 1738.] - -It may be collated with the _Report and accompanying documents of -the Virginia Commissioners on the boundary line between Maryland -and Virginia_, Richmond, 1873, which contains the statements -of the Maryland Commissioners as well as those of the Virginia -Commissioners, the latter having a voluminous appendix of historical -documents, including a large number copied from the British Archives, -and depositions taken in 1872. The _Final Report of the Virginia -Commissioners_ (Richmond, 1874), includes a memorandum of their journal -and their correspondence (1870-72), as well as the journal of the joint -commissions of Virginia and Maryland (1872). - -[Illustration: WILLIAM BYRD. - -After a cut in _Harper’s Magazine_, April, 1885, p. 712, from the -original painting now at Brandon, on James River. Byrd was b. 1674, and -d. 1744.] - -Respecting the bounds of Virginia and North Carolina, commissioners -on the part of both colonies were appointed in 1710,[650] but the -line was not run in its easterly portion till 1728, by commissioners -and surveyors of both governments. Col. William Byrd, one of the -commissioners of Virginia, prepared a sort of diary of the progress of -the work, which is known as a _History of the Dividing Line between -Virginia and North Carolina, as run in 1728-29_. This and other of -Byrd’s writings which have come down to us are in manuscript, in the -hand of a copyist, but interlined and corrected by Byrd himself. The -volume containing them was printed at Petersburg in 1841 (copyrighted -by Edmund Ruffin) with an anonymous editor’s preface, which states that -the last owner of it was George E. Harrison, of Brandon, and that the -family had probably been prevented from publishing the papers because -of the writer’s “great freedom of expression and of censure, often -tinctured by his strong church and state principles and prejudices;” -for Colonel Byrd was “a true and worthy inheritor of the opinions and -feelings of the old cavaliers of Virginia.” These papers were again -privately printed at Richmond, in 1866, under the editing of Thomas -H. Wynne, in two volumes, entitled _History of the Dividing Line and -other tracts, from the papers of William Byrd of Westover_. Mr. Wynne -supplies an historical introduction, and his text is more faithful -than that of 1841, since some of the asperities of the manuscript were -softened by the earlier editor. Byrd had been particularly severe on -the character of the North Carolinians, as he saw it in his intercourse -with them,[651] and not the worst of his characterizations touched -their “felicity of having nothing to do.” Byrd at the time of his -commission was a man of four and fifty, and he lived for some years -longer, not dying till 1744. He was a good specimen of the typical -Virginian aristocrat, not blind to the faults of his neighbors, and -the best sample of such learning and wit as they had,[652] while he -was not forgetful of some of the duties to the community which a large -estate imposed upon him. Among other efforts to relieve the Virginians -from their thraldom to a single staple were his attempts to encourage -the raising and manufacture of hemp.[653] One of Byrd’s companions in -the boundary expedition of 1728-29 was the Rev. Peter Fontaine, who -acted as chaplain to the party, and a draft of the line as then marked -is made in connection with some of his letters in Ann Maury’s _Memoirs -of a Huguenot Family_ (New York, 1852, 1872, p. 356).[654] In 1749 the -line was continued westerly beyond Peter’s Creek, by Joshua Fry and -Peter Jefferson, the father of Thomas Jefferson; and was still further -continued to the Tennessee River in 1778.[655] - -Another question of bounds in Virginia, which it took some time to -settle, was the western limits of the northern neck, as the wedge-like -tract of territory was called which lay between the Rappahannock and -the Potomac. It had been granted by Charles II. to Lord Hopton and -others, but when bought by Lord Thomas Culpepper a new royal grant of -it was made to him in 1688.[656] It passed as a dower with Culpepper’s -daughter Catharine to Thomas, Lord Fairfax, and from him it passed -to the sixth lord, Thomas, who petitioned (1733) the king to have -commissioners appointed to run the line between the rivers. Of this -commission was William Byrd, and an account of their proceedings is -given in the second volume of the _Byrd Manuscripts_ (p. 83) as edited -by Wynne. A map of the tract was made at this time, which was called -_The Courses of the Rivers Rappahannock and Potowmack in Virginia, -as surveyed according to order in the years 1736-1737_. The bounds -established by this commission were not confirmed by the king till -1745, and other commissioners were appointed the next year to run the -line in question. The original journal of the expedition for this -purpose, kept by Maj. Thomas Lewis, is now in the possession of John -F. Lewis, lieutenant-governor of Virginia.[657] The plate of the map -already referred to was corrected to conform, and this additional title -to it was added: _A Survey of the Northern Neck of Virginia, being -the lands belonging to the Rt. Honourable Thomas Lord Fairfax, Baron -Cameron, bounded by and within the Bay of Chesapoyocke, and between -the Rivers Rappahannock and Potowmack_. Along the line which is dotted -to connect the head-spring of the southern branch of the Rappahannock -with the head-spring of the Potomac is a legend, noting that it was -determined by the king in council, April 11, 1745, that this line -should be the westerly limit of the Fairfax domain. A section of the -second state of the plate of this map is annexed in fac-simile from a -copy in Harvard College library.[658] - -[Illustration: NORTHERN NECK OF VIRGINIA. 1736-1737.] - -An account has been given elsewhere[659] of what has been lost and -preserved of the documentary records of Virginia. - -The introduction to W. P. Palmer’s _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, -1652-1781, summarizes the documents for the period of our present -survey which are contained in the body of that book, and they largely -concern the management of the Indians on the borders.[660] Among the -Sparks MSS. in Harvard College library are various notes and extracts -respecting Maryland and Virginia from the English records (1727-1761) -in the hand of George Chalmers, as made for his own use in writing his -_Revolt of the American Colonies_.[661] - -There were various editions of the laws during the period now under -consideration. What is known as the Purvis collection, dedicated to -Effingham, was published in London in 1686; and a survey, giving _An -abridgement of the Laws in force and use in her majesty’s plantations_, -including Virginia, was printed in London in 1704. The acts after 1662 -were published in London in 1728; while the first Virginia imprint on -any edition was that of W. Parks, of Williamsburg, in 1733; and John -Mercer’s _Abridgment_, published in Williamsburg four years later -(1737), was reprinted in Glasgow in 1759. The acts since 1631 were -again printed at Williamsburg in 1752.[662] - -The earliest description of the country coming within the present -survey is John Clayton’s _Account of the several Observables in -Virginia_ (1688), which Force has included in the third volume of his -Tracts. A paper on the condition of Virginia in 1688 is the first -chapter in W. H. Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_ (1850). An “Account of -the present state and government of Virginia” is in the fifth volume -(p. 124) of the _Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Collections_. The document -was presented to that society by Carter B. Harrison, of Virginia. -It seems to have been written in England in 1696-98, in the time of -Andros’ governorship, and by one who was hostile to him and who had -been in the colony. - -Professor M. C. Tyler[663] speaks of the commissary, James Blair, -as “the creator of the healthiest and most extensive intellectual -influence that was felt in the Southern colonies before the -Revolution.” This influence was chiefly felt in the fruition of his -efforts to found the College of William and Mary.[664] _The Present -State of Virginia and the College, by Messieurs Hartwell, Blair and -Chilton_ (London, 1727), contains an account, in which Blair, in -Tyler’s opinion, had the chief hand. Blair’s relations to the college -have had special treatment in Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_ (ch. ix.); -in Bishop Meade’s _Old Churches and Families of Virginia_ (vol. i. -art. xii.); and in the _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_ (vol. -i. ch. 7), by Bishop Perry, who gives two long letters from Blair to -the governor of Virginia, after the originals preserved at Fulham -Palace. Additional material is garnered by Perry in his _Historical -Collections of the Amer. Colonial Church_, which includes a large mass -of Blair’s correspondence.[665] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE. - -After the picture given in Meade’s _Old Churches_, etc., i. 157. Cf. -Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. 123; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. -60. - -The original building was burned in 1705. The next building, which by -scarcity of funds was long in erecting, was not completed till 1723. -The above cut is of this second building. In _Scribner’s Monthly_, -Nov., 1875, are views of the building before and after rebuilding in -1859.] - -While Francis Makemie was entering the lists in the interest of -“cohabitation,” gaining thereby not much respect from the tide-water -great-estate owners, and printing in London (1705) his _Plain and -friendly perswasive to the inhabitants of Virginia and Maryland for -promoting towns and cohabitation_, setting forth the loss to virtue -by the dispersal of sympathizers in religion, Robert Beverley was -publishing anonymously in London (1705) his _History and Present State -of Virginia, in four parts_. 1. _The History of the First Settlement -of Virginia, and the Government thereof, to the present time._ 2. _The -Natural Productions and Conveniences of the Country, suited to Trade -and Improvement._ 3. _The Native Indians, their Religion, Laws, and -Customs, in War and Peace._ 4. _The Present State of the Country, as to -the Polity of the Government, and the Improvements of the Land_,[666] -which, as will be seen in the last section of the title, particularly -sets forth the condition of the colony at that time, offering some -foundation for Mackemie’s arguments.[667] - -[Illustration] - -About twenty years later we have another exposition of the condition -of the colony in Hugh Jones’s _Present State of Virginia, giving -a particular and strict account of the Indian, English, and negro -inhabitants of that colony_, published in London in 1724.[668] Jones -was rector of Jamestown and a professor in the college at Williamsburg, -and his book was a missionary enterprise to incite attention among the -benevolent in the mother country to the necessities of the colony. “His -book,” says Tyler,[669] is one “of solid facts and solid suggestions, -written in a plain, positive style, just sufficiently tinctured with -the gentlemanly egotism of a Virginian and a churchman.” - -The single staple of Virginia was the cause of constant concern, -whether of good or bad fortune, and the case was summed up in 1733, -in a tract published at London, _Case of the planters of tobacco in -Virginia, as represented by themselves, with a vindication_.[670] -Bringing the history of the colony down to about the date of the -period when Jones made his survey, Sir William Keith in 1738 published -his _History of the British Plantations in America, containing the -History of Virginia: with Remarks on the Trade and Commerce of that -Colony_.[671] Nine years later (1747) Stith published his history, but -it pertained only to the early period, and in his preface, dated at -Varina, December 10, 1746, he acknowledged his indebtedness to William -Byrd.[672] - -When Burk published his _History of Virginia_ in 1804,[673] the days -of the Revolution had separated him from those that were in reality -the formative period of the Virginian character, which had grown out -of conditions, then largely a mere record. One would have expected to -find the eighteenth century developed in Burk better than it is. The -more recent authorities have studied that period more specifically, -though Bancroft does not much enlarge upon it.[674] Lodge[675] is -chiefly valuable for the conspectus he affords of the manners of the -time. Doyle in his _English in America_ (London, 1882) depends on -the “Colonial Entry Books” and “Colonial Papers” of the State Paper -Office in London. Since Howison’s,[676] the latest history is that by a -Virginian novelist, John Esten Cooke, and styled _Virginia, a history -of the people_ (Boston, 1883),[677] in which he aims to show, through -succeeding generations of Virginians, how the original characteristics -of their race have been woven into the texture of the population -from the Chesapeake to the Mississippi, as those of New England have -controlled the north from the Atlantic to the Lakes. He laments that -there has never been a study of the Southern people to the same extent -as of the Northern, and says that some of the greatest events in the -annals of the whole country need, to understand them, a contemplation -of the Virginian traits, losing sight, as he expresses it, of “the -fancied dignity of history.” Guided somewhat by this canon, the author -has modelled his narrative, dividing the periods into what he calls the -Plantation, the Colony, and the Commonwealth,—the second more than -covering the years now under consideration. He places first among his -authorities for this period _The Statutes at Large, being a Collection -of all the Laws of Virginia_, by William Walter Hening, in thirteen -volumes, as the most important authority on social affairs in Virginia. -He speaks of its unattractive title failing to suggest the character of -the work, and says, with perhaps an excess of zeal, that “as a picture -of colonial time, it has no rival in American books.” - -[Illustration] - -The institutional history of Virginia has of late received some -particular attention at the hands of Mr. Edward Ingle, who printed in -the _Mag. of Amer. History_ (Dec., 1884, p. 532) a paper on “County -Government in Virginia,” which he has reprinted with other papers on -the Land Tenure, the Hundreds, the English Parish in America, and the -Town, in a contribution called _Local Institutions of Virginia_, which -makes parts ii. and iii. of the third series (1885) of the _Johns -Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science_.[678] - -We are fortunate in possessing the official correspondence of the two -most notable royal governors of the eighteenth century. The letters -of Alexander Spotswood were used by Bancroft, and were then lost -sight of till they were recovered in England in 1873.[679] They are -now published in two volumes (Richmond, 1882, 1885) as _The official -letters of Alexander Spotswood, lieutenant-governor of Virginia, -1710-1722; now first printed from the manuscript in the collections -of the Virginia Historical Society, with an introduction and notes by -R. A. Brock_, constituting the initial volumes of a new series of the -_Collections_ of the Virginia Historical Society. Spotswood’s official -account of his conflict with the burgesses is printed in the _Virginia -Hist. Register_; and we best see him as a man in William Byrd’s -“Progress to the Mines,” included in Wynne’s edition of the _Byrd -Manuscripts_. Palmer draws Spotswood’s character in the introduction to -his _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, p. xxxix.[680] - -Of the other collection of letters, _The official records of Robert -Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor of Virginia, 1751-1758; now first -printed from the manuscript in the collections of the Virginia -Historical Society, with an introduction and notes by R. A. Brock_, -Richmond, Va., 1883-84, being vols iii. and iv. of the new series of -the same _Collections_, a more special account is given in another -place.[681] - -The valley of Virginia has been more written about locally than the -eastern parts. Beside the old history of Kercheval,[682] W. H. Foote -has embraced it in the second series of his _Sketches of Virginia_ -(Philad., 1855), and it has recently been treated in J. Lewis Peyton’s -_History of Augusta County, Va._ (Staunton, Va., 1882), a region once -embracing the territory from the Blue Ridge to the Mississippi. - -Norfolk has been made the subject of historical study, as in W. S. -Forrest’s _Norfolk and Vicinity_ (1853), but with scant attention to -the period back of its rise to commercial importance. - -The ecclesiastical element forms a large part of Virginia history -in the earlier times. Some general references have been given in -another place.[683] At the opening of our present period, there -were of the established church in Virginia fifty parishes, with one -hundred churches and chapels and thirty ministers,—according to -Bray’s _Apostolic Charity_ (London, 1700).[684] The church history -has been well studied by Dr. Hawks,[685] Bishop Perry,[686] and Dr. -De Costa,[687] in this country, and by Anderson in his _History of -the Colonial Church_ (1856),—a book which Doyle calls “laborious -and trustworthy on every page.” Bishop Meade has treated the subject -locally in his _Old Churches and Families of Virginia_,[688] as has Dr. -Philip Slaughter in his _Saint George’s Parish_, _Saint Mark’s Parish_ -and _Bristol Parish_,[689] and he has given a summary of the leading -churches of colonial Virginia in a section of Bishop Perry’s _Amer. -Episc. Church_ (vol. i. p. 614). - -The dissenting element was chiefly among the Presbyterians, whose later -strongholds were away from the tide-water among the mountains. The -Reverend Francis Mackemie[690] had been principal leader among them, -and he was the first dissenter who had leave to preach in Virginia. -Their story is best told in C. A. Briggs’ _American Presbyterianism_ -(p. 109), and in both series of W. H. Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_ -(Phil., 1850, 1855). - -The Baptists in Virginia did not attain numerical importance till -within the decade preceding the American Revolution, and they had -effected scarcely any influence among the opponents of establishment -during the period now under consideration.[691] The Huguenots brought -good blood, and affected religious life rather individually than as a -body.[692] - -[Illustration] - -In depicting the society of Virginia during this period, we must get -what glimpses we can from not very promising sources. The spirit -which despised literature and schools was in the end dispelled, in -part at least, but it was at this time dominant enough to prevent -the writing of books; and consequently the light thrown upon social -life by literature is wanting almost entirely. The Virginians were -apparently not letter-writers and diarists, as the New Englanders -were, and while we have a wealth of correspondence in Massachusetts -to help us comprehend the habits of living, we find little or nothing -in Virginia. We meet, indeed, with some letters of the Byrds[693] and -the Fontaines,[694] and the official correspondence of Spotswood and -Dinwiddie; but the latter touch only in a casual way upon the habits -of living. A few descriptive and political tracts, like Hugh Jones’ -_Present State_,[695] give us small glimpses. Later Virginia writers -like Bishop Meade[696] and Dr. Philip Slaughter,[697] have gathered up -whatever of tradition has floated down in family gossip; and Foote[698] -and Esten Cooke[699] have drawn the picture from what sources they -could command, as Irving has in his _Life of Washington_.[700] The most -elaborate survey of the subject, with philosophic impulses, has been -made by Eben Greenough Scott in his _Development of Constitutional -Liberty in the English Colonies of America_ (New York, 1882),[701] -in which he contrasts the manners of the lowland aristocracy with -those of the farmers of the valley and with the wilder life of the -frontiers.[702] The most elaborate composite of data derived from every -source is the chapter on “Virginia in 1765,” in Henry Cabot Lodge’s -_Short History of the English Colonies_, in which he depends very -largely on the survival of manners in the days when Burnaby, Anburey, -Robin, Smyth, Brissot de Warville, Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, and Weld -travelled in the country,—material which has the great disadvantage -of being derived from chance observation, with more or less of -generalization based on insufficient instances, as Dr. Dwight has -pointed out in the case of Weld at least.[703] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE CAROLINAS. - -BY PROFESSOR WILLIAM J. RIVERS. - - -NORTH CAROLINA: PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT.—It was certainly manifest to -England that her claim to vast regions of valuable territory would -be substantiated, and her commerce and political power augmented, -by the settling of her subjects in North America. Yet the history -of her colonies bears, on many pages, evidence of the indifference -and inexcusable neglect of the mother country. Instead of a liberal -contribution of arms and munitions of war, the means of sustenance, and -the protection of her ever-present sovereignty to all who were willing -to leave the comforts of home and risk their lives in her service, -far away across the Atlantic, enough appeared to have been done if -lavish gifts of land were bestowed upon companies, individuals, or -proprietors, for their especial emolument, and through them some paltry -acres offered to emigrants, with promises of a little more religious -freedom and a little larger share of political privileges than they -were permitted to enjoy at home. The genesis of a new and potent -nationality may be said to have been involved in the acceptance, by the -colonists, of these conditions, as inducements to emigration, with all -else dependent on their own manly courage. - -[Illustration: NORTH CAROLINA. - -[This is a sketch of the map in Hawks’ _North Carolina_, ii. 570, -showing the grants and divisions from 1663 to 1729. - -Quaritch in his _Catal._ for 1885, no. 29,516, prices at £25 a MS. map -of the south part of Virginia (North Carolina), showing the coast line -from Cape Henry to Cape Fear, and signed “Nicholas Comberford, fecit -anno 1657.” It measures 18¾ × 14 inches.—ED.]] - -One of the colonies that struggled, through neglect and almost -insurmountable hardships, into permanent existence was Carolina. Before -its settlement, other colonies had successfully established themselves -in New England, and in Maryland and Virginia. In 1663, Charles II., -in the second year after his restoration, granted the region south of -Virginia and extending from 31° to 36° north latitude, and westward -within these parallels across the continent, to some of his adherents, -to whom he was indebted for distinguished services. It is stated in -the grant that this extensive region is called “Carolina,” a name used -before, and now, no doubt, retained in honor of the king.[704] The -favored noblemen are thus introduced to us: “our right trusty and right -well-beloved cousins and counsellors, Edward, Earl of Clarendon, our -High Chancellor of England, and George, Duke of Albemarle, Master of -our Horse and Captain-General of all our Forces, our right trusty and -well-beloved William Lord Craven, John Lord Berkeley, our right trusty -and well-beloved counsellor, Anthony Lord Ashley, Chancellor of our -Exchequer, Sir George Carteret, Knight and Baronet, Vice-Chamberlain of -our Household, and our trusty and well-beloved Sir William Berkeley, -Knight, and Sir John Colleton, Knight and Baronet;” who, we are -deliberately informed, “being excited with a laudable and pious zeal -for the propagation of the Christian faith, and the enlargement of” -the British dominions, humbly besought leave of the king, “by their -industry and charge, to transport and make an ample colony” of his -subjects, “in the parts of America not yet cultivated or planted, -and only inhabited by some barbarous people who have no knowledge of -Almighty God.”[705] Had these high functionaries of the realm acted in -accordance with this solemn announcement of their pious zeal for the -propagation of Christianity, the blessing of Heaven would, no doubt, -have rested more largely upon their noble enterprise. - -An adverse claim was soon made to the same territory under a grant -obtained in 1629,[706] by Sir Robert Heath, attorney-general of Charles -I. But he had failed to form a colony, and the claims of those to -whom he had conveyed his rights were on that account set aside. The -Proprietors under the new charter began to make immediate exertions to -form a settlement, that the king might see they did not “sleep with his -grant, but were promoting his service and his subjects’ profit.”[707] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPHS OF THE LORDS PROPRIETORS. - -These follow fac-similes given in the _Charleston Year Book_, 1883.] - -Before this, settlers from Virginia had moved at various times -southward and taken up their residence on some good lands on and -near the river Chowan, in what is now the northeastern part of North -Carolina. Among these was a considerable number of Quakers, at that -time subject to religious persecution. It happened that Sir William -Berkeley, one of the new Proprietors, was governor of Virginia. He -was empowered by the other Proprietors to form a government forthwith -in this settlement, and appoint its officers; the appointment of -surveyor and secretary alone being reserved to the Proprietors in -England. “We do likewise send you proposals to all that will plant, -which we prepared upon receipt of a paper from persons that desired to -settle near Cape Fear, in which our considerations are as low as it is -possible for us to descend. This was not intended for your meridian, -where we hope to find more facile people, who, by your interest, may -settle upon better terms for us, which we leave to your management, -with our opinion that you grant as much as is possible rather than -deter any from planting there.” Sir William, it is inferred, followed -these instructions. William Drummond was appointed governor;[708] the -tract of land, at first forty miles square, was named Albemarle in -honor of the duke, and a council of six was constituted to make laws -with the consent of the delegates of the freemen. These laws were to -be transmitted to England for approval by the Proprietors. Lands were -granted to all free of rent for three years; and such lands as had been -taken by previous settlers were confirmed to them. - -Almost simultaneously another colony (Clarendon) was settled in -what is now North Carolina. As early as 1660 some adventurers from -Massachusetts had gone to the Cape Fear, sometimes called the Charles, -River, and purchased lands from the Indians; but in a few years -abandoned the situation, leaving their cattle and swine in care of -the natives. To the same locality the attention of the inhabitants -of Barbadoes[709] was directed on the grant of the territory to the -powerful noblemen whose names are given in the charter. The passage -already quoted from the letter to Sir William Berkeley had reference to -them and their proposal. Explorers, employed by “several gentlemen and -merchants” of Barbadoes, were sent out (1663) under command of Hilton, -who ascended the Cape Fear far inland, and formed a more favorable -opinion of the country than the New Englanders had been enabled to form -near the mouth of the river. They purchased from the Indians “the river -and land of Cape Fair,” as they express it, and returned to Barbadoes -on January 6, 1664. An account of their exploration was published the -same year, to which were appended proposals from the Proprietors, -through their commissioners, Thomas Mudyford and Peter Colleton, to -all who should settle, at their own hazard and expense, south and west -of Cape Romano, sometimes called Cape Carteret. This was a bid for -volunteer settlers south of the Cape Fear settlement. Nothing whatever, -it appears, was accomplished under this offer of the commissioners. -In a _Description of the Province_, with liberal privileges offered -to settlers, issued also in London (1666), it is stated that a new -plantation had been begun by the English at Cape Fear on the 29th of -May, 1664. In the following November, Robert Sandford was appointed -secretary and John Vassall surveyor of “Clarendon County.”[710] It was -time the Proprietors should agree upon some definite and satisfactory -terms for settlement in their territory. While they did not sanction -the purchase of lands from Indians, as they had also disallowed the -claims of the New England adventurers, they made to all colonists, -from Barbadoes and elsewhere, liberal offers for settlement; and under -“concessions and agreement” a method of government was framed, and -John Yeamans of Barbadoes was knighted by the king (through means of -Sir John Colleton), and commissioned, in January, 1665, governor of the -newly formed Clarendon County[711] and of the territory southward as -far as Florida; for in this direction the Proprietors designed to place -a third colony or county. - -The two counties, Albemarle and Clarendon, were formed under the -charter of 1663. Another charter was granted by the good-natured king -in June, 1665, enlarging the limits of the province to 36° 30´ on the -north, and on the south to 29°. This extension may be ascribed to the -desire of the Proprietors to secure beyond doubt the section on which -the Chowan colony happened to be formed near Virginia, and to embrace, -southwardly, the limits claimed with respect to Spanish Florida. - -We have very little knowledge concerning the administrations of -Drummond and of Yeamans. It is said that the latter, being near the -sea, began at once to export lumber and opened a trade with Barbadoes; -and reports so favorable were carried thither, and so many were -induced to follow the first emigrants, that the authorities of the -island interposed, and forbade, under severe penalties, “the spiriting -off” of their people. In Albemarle, Drummond was succeeded by Samuel -Stephens as governor in 1667. In Clarendon, the colony soon ceased to -prosper, and most, if not all, of the colonists had abandoned it in -1667. We shall understand better why they did so if we bear in mind -that the territory of the Lords Proprietors was very extensive. There -were other places, not yet explored, more convenient for commerce, -more defensible, more fruitful, more desirable in all respects; the -advantages of which would naturally draw off settlers from the less -favorable localities selected before a thorough knowledge of the -country was obtained. The Proprietors, as we have said, thought of -forming, with larger preparations, a colony still further south. The -famous harbor of Port Royal, in what is now South Carolina, was the -locality they desired to occupy and (with unusual display of wisdom) -to fortify. For reasons, however, which will appear hereafter, when -we treat of South Carolina, the colonists, after visiting Port Royal, -and after a temporary settlement at Albemarle Point on the western -bank of the Ashley River, finally settled down on the opposite side, -at the confluence of the Ashley and Cooper rivers, and founded the -present city of Charleston. There was, indeed, enough to discourage the -settlers at Cape Fear independently of the more extensive preparation -by the Proprietors to place a colony in a better situation. Secretary -Sandford (in his _Relation_ of his voyage in 1666) incidentally -mentions: “Wee were in actuall warre with the natives att Clarendon, -and had killed and sent away many of them, for they [the more southern -Indians] frequently discoursed with us concerning the warre, told us -the natives were noughts, their land sandy and barren, their country -sickly.” Surveyor-General Vassall, in a letter from Virginia (Oct. -6, 1667), speaks of the loss of the plantation on Charles River and -his furnishing shipping to carry away “such weak persons as were not -able to go by land.” And a letter from Boston (Dec. 16, 1667) states -that Cape Fear was deserted, and the settlers “come hither, some to -Virginia.”[712] - -Here let us notice the policy and plans of the Proprietors with -respect to their distant colonies. The two charters differ only in a -few particulars. The second increases the extent of territory, its -main object, gives power to subdivide the province into distinct -governments, and is a little more explicit with regard to religious -toleration. No person was to be molested for difference of religious -opinion or practice who did not actually disturb the peace of the -community. With regard to political privileges, there is an important -clause in both charters conferring upon the Proprietors power to ordain -any laws and constitutions whatsoever (if consonant to reason and, as -far as possible, to the laws and customs of England), but only “by -and with the advice, assent, and approbation of the freemen,” or the -majority of them, or of their delegates or deputies, who, for enacting -such ordinances, were to be duly assembled from time to time. These -privileges, we shall see in the history of the colony, were maintained -by the people with a pertinacity commensurate with their importance, -whenever their lordships attempted to control the colonists without -due regard to their approbation and consent. The charter reserved to -the king only allegiance and sovereignty; in all other respects the -Proprietors were absolute lords, with no other service or duty to their -monarch than the annual payment of a trifling sum of money, and in case -gold or silver should be found a fourth part thereof. - -On August 6, 1663, a letter to the Proprietors, from members of a -Cape Fear company of New England adventurers, claimed full liberty -to choose their governors, make and confirm laws, and to be free -from taxes, except such as they might impose on themselves, and -deprecated “discouragement in reference to their government” as to -the accustomed privileges of English colonists. While their claims -were not conceded, this letter was answered generally by their -lordships, on August 25th, announcing their concessions to all wishing -to settle in Carolina.[713] The New England claim of privileges is -worthy of notice for what we now call “advanced ideas.” And if we -compare the charters of Connecticut (1662) and Rhode Island (1663) -with that of Carolina (1663), it will appear that the self-interest of -Clarendon[714] and his associates stood in the way of their securing -to their colony some civil privileges which it would not have seemed -strange at that time to concede. And it may as well be stated here, -at once, that besides considerations of self-interest it was also -the express policy of their lordships to “avoid erecting a numerous -democracy” in their province. To carry out this policy, a grand scheme -of government, called the Fundamental Constitutions, was framed by -Shaftesbury and the philosopher Locke, and solemnly confirmed as a -compact among themselves,—the Proprietors,—and which was to be -unalterable forever. A scheme more utopian, more unsuited to the actual -condition of the colonists, could hardly have been devised. Yet its -adoption by the people was recommended, ordered, stubbornly insisted -on by their lordships at the risk of balking—as, for a while, it did -balk—the prosperity of their colony. The first set of the unalterable -Constitutions is dated 21st July, 1669; the second was issued in March, -1670,—and so on till a fifth set had been constructed. Under the right -conferred by the charter, respecting the consent of the freemen, or -their delegates, in establishing laws and constitutions, such consent -was never formally given; and the code was, at least in South Carolina, -again and again rejected. It was a gage of political contention -foolishly thrown down; but in taking it up, the colonists were made -ardent students of political rights. - -By these Constitutions, the eldest Proprietor was made Palatine,—a -sort of king of the province. The other seven Proprietors were to be -high functionaries: admiral, chamberlain, constable, chief justice, -chancellor, high steward, and treasurer.[715] There was to be a -Parliament: eight superior courts, one to each Proprietor according -to his high office; county and precinct courts; and a grand Executive -Council, among whose duties was the preparation and first enactment -of all matters to be submitted to Parliament. Among the carefully -composed articles in these Constitutions should be noticed such as -enjoin that no person above seventeen years of age could have the -benefit and protection of the law who was not a member of some church; -and no one could hold an estate or become a freeman of the province, -or have any habitation in it, who did not acknowledge a God and that -He is publicly and solemnly to be worshipped. Moreover, in the set of -the Constitutions printed and sent over for adoption, the Church of -England[716] was made the established church, and “it alone shall be -allowed to receive a public maintenance by grant of Parliament.” It was -also enjoined that no one seventeen years old should have any estate -or possession or the protection of the law in the province, unless he -subscribed the Fundamental Constitutions and promised in writing to -defend and maintain them to the utmost of his power. - -Their lordships in England, and most, if not all, of their appointed -officers in the colonies, as in duty bound, contended strenuously for -the adoption of this preposterous form of government till the year -1698; and hardly then did the incontrovertible logic of events convince -them of their folly. A late historian of North Carolina remarks, -“Their lordships theorized, the colonists felt; the Proprietors drew -pictures, but the hardy woodsmen of Carolina were grappling with stern -realities. Titles of nobility, orders of precedence, the shows of an -empty pageantry, were to them but toys which might amuse children; but -there was no romance in watching the savage, or felling the forest, or -planting the corn, or gathering the crop, with the ever-present weapon -in reach of the laboring hand.” - -There was another cause of irritation on the part of the colonists, -both in North and South Carolina. The terms of the tenure of land -were of paramount interest to them and their children. The quantity -offered in 1663 was augmented in 1666, and two years later, by the -“Great Deed of Grant,” the fear of forfeiture was removed for not -clearing and planting a specified portion of the land; in other -words, settlers were permitted to hold lands as they were held in the -adjoining royal province of Virginia. At first each freeman received -one hundred acres, the same for his wife, each child and manservant, -and fifty for each woman-servant; paying a half-penny per acre. -After the expiration of servitude, each servant received a liberal -quantity of land with implements for tillage.[717] In 1669, in the -settling of the colony at Ashley River, one hundred and fifty acres -were offered to all free persons above sixteen years of age, and -the same for able-bodied men-servants; and a proportionate increase -for others, if they arrived before the 25th of March, 1670; then a -less number of acres for subsequent arrivals. The annual rent was a -penny or _the value of a penny_ per acre (as also announced in the -unalterable Constitutions); payments to begin September, 1689.[718] -When Governor Sayle died (a year after settling on Ashley River), Sir -John Yeamans came from Barbadoes to the new settlement; and having been -made a landgrave claimed the government as vice-palatine under the -Fundamental Constitutions. Such claim was denied by the colonists;[719] -but he soon received a commission, and his first measure, on assuming -control, was to have an accurate survey made and a record of lands -held by settlers in South Carolina, with a view to the collection of -quit-rents for the Proprietors. When ten years of outlay for their -province had brought them no pecuniary return, they began to think -“the country was not worth having at that rate.” They removed their -former favorite Yeamans, because further outlays were incurred, and -placed West in authority, who had attended more successfully to their -interests. In November, 1682, all prior terms for granting land were -annulled, and if a penny an acre (the words “or the value of a penny” -being omitted) was not paid, a right of reëntry was claimed: “to enter -and distraine, and the distress or distresses then and there found to -take, lead, and carry and drive away and impound, and to detain and -keep until they shall be fully satisfied and paid all arrears of the -said rent.” This produced inequality of tenure, or operated to the -injury of many who had previously taken up, on more liberal terms, only -part of the lands they were entitled to.[720] Their lordships were too -just to interfere with the stability of titles, but the alteration of -the tenure for new grants or of the mode of conveyance, from time to -time, was at least unwise. Besides, there was scarcely any coin in the -province, and the people found it hard that they could no longer pay -in merchantable produce. To their reasonable request for relief and a -better encouragement to new settlers came the reply, “We insist to sell -our lands our own way.” With this reply a peremptory order was sent -that the third set of the unalterable Constitutions should be put in -force. - -A part of this manifest diminution of the generosity of the Proprietors -and their unwillingness to bestow further concessions may be accounted -for by the opposition their favorite scheme of government had -encountered in both colonies, and especially by a rebellious outbreak -which had just occurred in Albemarle County. Clarendon County at Cape -Fear had broken up and disappeared, as we have related; and henceforth -our attention must be directed to Albemarle at the northern end of -the province and the Ashley River colony at the south, remote from -each other, with a vast forest intervening, the dwelling place of -numerous tribes of Indians. Before the province was authoritatively -divided (1729), it had divided itself, as it were, into North and South -Carolina; and it is best that, in this narrative, we should begin to -call them so. - -In North Carolina, the Quakers, who were in close association and -unison, and so far influential in action,[721] opposed the Fundamental -Constitutions and the Church of England establishment; and all the -settlers looked upon the enforcement of the recent orders of the -Proprietors—the displacement of an easy and liberal method of -government without asking their assent—as a violation of the terms -of settlement, and of the inducements at first held out to them.[722] -Governor Stephens endeavored to enforce the orders of the Proprietors, -but he died soon after receiving them, and was succeeded by Carteret, -president of the council, till an appointment should be made. -Carteret appears not to have been of a nature to contend against the -disaffection and turbulence which had arisen, and, in 1675, went to -England to make known personally, it is said, the distracted condition -of the colony. But two of the colonists, Eastchurch and Miller, -had also gone over to represent, personally, the grievances of the -people. They seemed, to the Proprietors, the ablest men to carry out -their instructions; and the former was made governor and the latter -deputy of Earl Shaftesbury and secretary of the province; he was also -made, by the commissioners of the king’s revenue, collector of such -revenue in Albemarle. They sailed for Carolina in 1677, but the new -governor remained a long while in the West Indies (winning “a lady -and her fortune”), and died soon after reaching Albemarle. Miller as -representing Eastchurch, but really without legal authority to act -as governor, ruled with a high hand. He had gone to represent the -grievances of his fellow colonists; he returned to harass them still -more. The new “model” of government, the denial of “a free election -of an assembly” (as the Pasquotank people complained), the attempt to -enforce strictly the navigation laws, the collection of the tax on -tobacco at their very doors,[723] his drunkenness and “putting the -people in general by his threats and actions in great dread of their -lives and estates,” as the Proprietors themselves express it, became -intolerable to the colonists. - -The New Englanders, with their characteristic enterprise, had long -been sailing through the shallow waters of the Sound in coasting -vessels, adapted to such navigation, and had largely monopolized the -trade of North Carolina; buying or trafficking for lumber and cattle, -which they sold in the West Indies, and bringing back rum, molasses, -salt, and sugar, they exchanged these for tobacco, which they carried -to Massachusetts, and shipped thence to Europe without much regard -to the navigation laws. Miller, according to instructions sent to -Governor Eastchurch, sought to break up this thriving and lucrative -business, and to introduce a more direct trade with England. The -populace generally, including the Quakers, had their own grievances, -and fraternized with the New England skippers. Gillam, one of these -bold captains, arrived with his vessel laden with the commodities the -people needed, and armed, this time, with cannon. A wealthy Quaker, -Durant, was on board with him. On land, John Culpepper, who had lately -left South Carolina, where he had created commotions, became a leader -of the malcontents. Influenced, no doubt, by the recent rebellion of -Bacon in Virginia, some participators in which had taken refuge among -them, and led on by men of courage whose hard-earned emoluments were -threatened with ruin, the insurgents seized and imprisoned Miller and -seven of the proprietary deputies, and took from the former a large -amount of money which he had collected for the king. They had won over -to their side the remaining deputy, the president of the council; and -together they now governed the colony as seemed best to them. But they -were aware that violence and usurpation could not be passed over with -impunity by higher authority; and as Miller and some of his adherents -had escaped and gone to England, Culpepper and Holden were also sent -to the Proprietors on a mission of explanation. The explanation of -neither party was entirely satisfactory. Miller lost his offices, and -Culpepper, though he was unpunished by the Proprietors, was seized by -the Commissioners of the Customs to answer for the revenue money which -had been used in the time of the disorders. He was put on trial, in -1680, for “treason committed without the realm.” It is said by Chalmers -that the judges ruled that taking up arms against the proprietary -government was treason against the king. Notwithstanding this view -of the case, Culpepper was acquitted of treason, because Shaftesbury -asserted that the county of Albemarle had not a regular government, and -the offence of the prisoner amounted to no more than a riot.[724] - -At this time the Earl of Clarendon sold his proprietary share to Seth -Sothel, who was appointed governor. Mr. John Harvey, as president of -the council at Albemarle, was to exercise the functions of governor -till Sothel’s arrival. The latter, on his voyage, was captured by an -Algerine corsair; Harvey died; Jenkins was made governor, and was -deposed by the people without reprimand from the Proprietors; and -in February, 1681, Wilkinson was appointed. These sudden changes in -executive authority were unfortunate for the prestige of proprietary -power in the colony; for all this while and until Sothel came in 1683, -the old adherents of the Culpepper party, or the popular party, held -control in Albemarle. But still more unfortunate for the Proprietors -was the coming of Sothel. He seems to have purchased his place as -Proprietor and to have come as governor in order to have a clear field -for the exercise of his rapacity. If he was “a sober, moderate man,” -as his colleagues thought when they intrusted their interests and the -welfare of the county to his hands, his association with the Algerines -must have materially changed his character. In 1688, the outraged -colonists seized him, intending to send him to England for trial. On -his appeal this was not done, but the case referred to the colonial -assembly, who condemned him. His sentence, however, amounted only to -banishment for twelve months and perpetual deposition from authority, -Proprietor though he was. He went to South Carolina, and his further -career will be noticed when we review the history of that colony. - -The next year Philip Ludwell, of Virginia, was made governor, and after -four years was transferred to South Carolina and appointed governor of -both colonies. For more than twenty years North Carolina was governed -by a deputy of the governor at Charleston, or (when there was no deputy -appointed) by the president of her own council. The Albemarle colony -had become to the Proprietors only a source of vexation. At any rate, -they acted wisely in leaving its management, in some measure, under the -control of those more conversant with its affairs than their lordships -in England could possibly be. Their own mismanagement, in truth, was -the principal cause of the turbulent spirit of the people.[725] - -After Sothel’s banishment the executive authority belonged, as a rule, -to the president of the council till Ludwell received it in 1689. -On the latter’s removal to Charleston, S. C., Lillington acted as -deputy in Albemarle. In 1695, Thomas Harvey became deputy governor by -appointment from Archdale, the Quaker Proprietor (who was sent over -to heal grievances in both colonies), and was followed in 1699 by -Henderson Walker, president of the council. In 1704, Robert Daniel was -appointed deputy by Governor Johnson, of South Carolina. John Porter, a -Quaker, or sympathizer with the Quakers (sent to England to complain of -Daniel and legislation in favor of the Church of England in the colony -by “The Vestry Act”), with the assistance of Archdale, prevailed -on the Proprietors to order Daniel’s removal, and Governor Johnson -appointed (1705) Thomas Carey in his place. He was as little acceptable -to the Quakers in North Carolina as his predecessor had been, and -through their influence in England at this conjuncture the appointment -of a deputy by the executive in South Carolina was suspended, Carey -was removed, and a new Proprietary Council formed, including Porter -and several Quakers. Porter returned to North Carolina in 1707, and -called together the new council, who chose William Glover, a Churchman, -president, and, as such, acting governor. He, however, as Carey had -done, required conformity to the English laws respecting official -oaths, which were displeasing to the Quakers; and Porter in opposition -declared Glover’s election as president illegal, formed a coalition -with Carey, whom he had before caused to be displaced, and secured his -election to the presidency of the council. There were now two claimants -for executive authority, and no power at hand to decide between them. -Carey and Glover sat in opposite rooms with their respective councils. -Daniel, being a landgrave, and having thereby a right to a seat in -the Upper House,—as the council with the governor was styled,—sat -alternately with one and the other, and no doubt enjoyed their -altercations. - -A new rebellion, so-called, now broke out, based apparently on local -party strife. At first Carey and his Quaker supporters opposing Glover -and his party sought and obtained control of the assembly; and when -Edward Hyde came from England with letters on authority of which he -claimed executive power,[726] the Carey party, at first favorable to -him, finally, on losing control of the next assembly, directed itself -against him. Hyde’s life was endangered by Carey’s armed opposition; -and Spotswood, the energetic governor of Virginia, sent him military -aid and put down his opponents.[727] Carey, on his way through -Virginia, was arrested by Spotswood and sent to England for trial. -This was the occasion of Lord Dartmouth’s circular letter to all the -colonies “to send over no more prisoners for crimes or misdemeanors -without proof of their guilt.” - -According to the latest history,—that of Rev. Dr. Hawks,—another -result of this acrimonious contest was the deplorable massacre of -hundreds of defenceless white settlers, men, women, and children, -by the Tuscarora Indians. This is doubtless merely _post hoc ergo -propter hoc_. We must ascribe hostilities solely to encroachments on -the lands of the natives; to ill treatment by traders and others; and -to the killing of one of their number, which called for revenge. The -Tuscaroras, it was thought, could muster 1,200 warriors. They suddenly -made their onslaught at daybreak, September 22, 1711. Their special -task in the diabolical conspiracy was to murder all the whites along -the Roanoke, while other tribes conducted a simultaneous attack upon -other sections. The wielding of the blood-dripping knife and tomahawk, -the conflagration of dwellings and barns, the murderous rush upon the -victims who, here and there, had hidden themselves and who ran out from -the blazing fires to a fate scarcely less dreadful, with other horrors -we are unwilling to relate, continued for three days. One hundred and -fifty were slain on the Roanoke, more than sixty at Newbern, an unknown -number near Bath; and the carnage was stopped only by the exhaustion -and besotted drunkenness of the bloodstained savages. Governor Hyde was -powerless to confront the foe. He could not raise half the number of -men the enemy had. The Quakers were non-combatants; and with them were -affiliated many others who opposed the government. Governor Hyde was -compelled to resort to arbitrary measures in impressing vessels and in -procuring provisions for such troops as he could muster; and these were -so inadequate, and so wide-spread was the Indian combination, that he -called for assistance from Virginia and South Carolina. Both responded -with alacrity. While Spotswood could not supply troops, he checked the -further combination of tribes in his direction. South Carolina sent -troops onward through the forests, under Colonel Barnwell, who defeated -the Tuscaroras and put an end to the war for the time being. But after -he retired to South Carolina, suffering with wounds, the Indians -treacherously renewed hostilities; and it was believed they would soon -be joined by more powerful northward tribes. To add to the calamities -of the people, an epidemic (said to be yellow fever) broke out. The -mortality was fearful, and among the victims was the governor of the -colony. The council elected Colonel Pollock as their president and to -act as commander-in-chief. The following mournful picture is given us -from manuscripts left by Colonel Pollock: “The government was bankrupt, -the people impoverished, faction abundant, the settlements on Neuse and -Pamlico destroyed, houses and property burned, plantations abandoned, -trade in ruins, no cargoes for the few small vessels that came, the -Indian war renewed, not men enough for soldiers, no means to pay them, -the whole available force under arms but one hundred and thirty or -forty men, and food for the whole province to be supplied from the -northern counties of Albemarle only.” South Carolina, being again -called on for help, sent Colonel James Moore, eldest son to Colonel -James Moore, late governor of the colony. On the 20th of March, 1713, -he conquered the last stronghold of the savages, who soon after, broken -and disheartened, left the province in large numbers, and joined -themselves with the Iroquois in what is now the State of New York. Such -of them as remained in North Carolina entered into a treaty of peace -with the whites. During these exhausting calamities the Proprietors -were appealed to; and it was a poor response to refer the matter to -General Nicholson “to enquire into the disorders of North Carolina.” - -The next year (May, 1714) Charles Eden, an excellent officer, was -appointed governor. The adherents of Carey, or the popular party, -however, seemed to be actuated against all who were sent to rule the -colony. What grievances they had to palliate or justify their conduct, -on this occasion, we know not; but soon their active opposition had -to be dealt with by the constituted authorities. We shall see, when -we treat of South Carolina, that a few years later the colonists, in -that section, threw off, effectually, the inefficient rule of the -Proprietors, and placed themselves under the immediate control of the -Crown; deposing the last proprietary governor, and electing Colonel -Moore governor in the king’s name. It is probable that the same -spirit actuated the people in North Carolina. Yet her historians have -not made it evident that the continued disaffection and turbulence -and rebellion of the people are indications of their readiness to -act as their more southern brethren acted. Perhaps they had not, at -that conjuncture, the same amount of provocation. When we read the -letter of the Lords Proprietors to the council and assembly (June 3, -1723),[728] “We received an address from you, transmitted some time -since by our late governor, Mr. Eden, wherein you signified to us -your great dislike to the rebellious and tumultuous proceedings of -several of the inhabitants of South Carolina, and your constant and -steady adherence to our government and the present constitution,” we -are to bear in mind that this governor and council were the appointed -officers of their lordships. We are to ask, Where are the records -of the assembly,[729]—records of the thoughts and actions of the -representatives of the people? These, no doubt, will show, if they can -be found, that a spirit of local self-government actuated the people, -and is the thread of development to be followed by the future historian -of the State. We need the testimony of Porter, of Carey, of the able -and virtuous Edward Moseley (chief justice from 1707 to 1711), and of -other leaders of the people against the repressive policy of their -lordships in England and their governors and councils. - -Some interesting subjects, indicative of the condition of the colony -in these early times, must be briefly noticed: the emission of paper -money consequent upon the expenses of the Indian war; the occasional -rating of commodities for exchange; the indigenous products of the -soil and staples of export; the forwarding of tobacco abroad through -Virginia, and troubles about boundary lines; the customs and modes of -life among the gentry or planters and the humbler classes, and among -their close neighbors, the Indian tribes; the visits of pirates to the -coast, both in North and South Carolina, notably Teach or Blackbeard, -and the romantic defeat of him in Pamlico Sound; the settling, at -first, along the streams, which became the principal highways for -travel and commerce; the ill effects necessarily resulting from the -habitations being far apart, and from the fact that there was very -little social intercourse; the transmission of letters only by special -messengers; the disadvantageous nature of the coast section, retarding -the prosperity of the colony. - -During the proprietary period, or the first sixty-six years of the -colony, the people clung to the seaboard and that part of it which -had no good port of entry. This was as great a misfortune as it was -to cling to the border line of Virginia. The accession of population, -including foreigners, came chiefly through that border. In 1690 and -again in 1707, bodies of French Protestants arrived, and settled in -Pamlico and on the Neuse and Trent; and three years after some Swiss -and Germans settled at Newbern. The whites in the province numbered at -this time about 5,000. Large tracts of unoccupied land lay between the -selected points of settlement. A few towns had been begun: the first, -forty-two years after the first settling in the province. If a good -harbor had been selected and a town properly fortified built there for -exports, the progress of North Carolina might have been more rapid and -substantial. The metropolis was Edenton (founded 1715) on the Chowan. -The legislature met there. It contained forty or fifty houses. There -was no church there. The Rev. Dr. Hawks says: “For long, long years -there were no places of worship. They never amounted to more than some -half dozen of all sorts, while the Proprietors owned Carolina; and when -their unblessed dominion ended, there was not a minister of Christ -living in the province.” There had been, however, missionaries sent -out by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel; and there were -some pious gentlemen in the colony who gave them welcome and all the -assistance in their power. But while a few of the missionaries were -exemplary and accomplished much good, others were a positive hindrance -to “the propagation of the gospel.” - -Among the misfortunes of the colonists we must not fail to notice the -incompetent governors sent from England. Favoritism, and not fitness -for office, dictated the selection. Archdale, Hyde, and Eden are -considered the only governors sent to the province who did it much -service. The last two whom their lordships favored with the dignity -of executive authority were Burrington, pronounced “a profligate -blackguard,” and Sir Richard Everard, whom his superseded rival railed -against as “a noodle and an ape,” and “no more fit to be a governor -than Sancho Panza.” It was in the administration of Sir Richard that -the colony passed by purchase under the immediate control of the king. -Two thousand five hundred pounds sterling were paid for each of seven -shares; Lord Carteret declining to dispose of his, as it had come to -him by inheritance.[730] The claims for arrears of quit-rent due from -settlers were also purchased. Before the surrender of the charter -many changes had occurred in the ownership of shares in the province; -and not one of the original Proprietors remained alive to witness the -failure of their successors in the noble enterprise committed to their -management by the munificence of Charles II. - -ROYAL GOVERNMENT.—The method of the royal government will be noticed -when we come to write of South Carolina. The more thoughtful in North -Carolina no doubt felt relieved in escaping from the negligent rule of -the Proprietors; but the transition from the old to the new form of -administration appears to have been a matter of indifference to the -people at large. All they saw in 1731 was that George Burrington, who -had been displaced for Everard in 1725, came back with a commission -as the first royal governor, to displace in turn his former rival. -Burrington, favored for his father’s services to the king, was -unsuited for his position, and soon became involved in disputes with -his council, the assembly, and the judges. He appeared to think -the foremost duty of the assembly was to provide for him a salary -suitable to his new dignity, to raise money for other royal officers -and an adequate and permanent revenue for the king. The assembly was -prorogued for declining to do so. His violence and tyranny caused -complaints against him to be sent, through Chief Justice Smith, to -the authorities in the mother country. One service, however, he -rendered, in conciliating the Indians on the western border. To this -end he sent Dr. John Brickell with a party of ten men and two Indian -hunters to assist them.[731] The account of the expedition adds to our -knowledge of the condition of that remote section of the province, as -the interesting work of Lawson does with respect to other sections. -In 1734, on the return of the chief justice, the governor retired to -Charleston and sailed thence to England. Soon afterwards he was found -murdered in St. James’ Park, in London.[732] Nathaniel Rice, secretary -of the province, and the first named of the councillors, administered -the government from April till November, when Gabriel Johnston, a -Scotchman and man of letters, received, through the influence of his -patron, Lord Wilmington, the royal appointment. For nearly twenty years -he prudently administered the affairs of the colony. At first he found -a formidable obstacle to a successful management of the people in their -disregard of laws and of gubernatorial dignitaries, imposed upon them -by foreign authority. Many hard things have been said of the people -by those who, perhaps, did not consider the neglect, mismanagement, -and tyrannical provocation under which they lived for two generations, -and the increasing intercolonial influences in behalf of popular -sovereignty. One of the Virginia commissioners, for laying off (in -1727) the northern boundary, states that the borderers preferred to -belong to the Carolina side, “where they pay no tribute to God or to -Cæsar.” Governor Johnston, at this time, was in need of the latter -kind of tribute. The salaries of the crown officers were to be paid -from quit-rents due to the Crown, the collection of which depended on -enactments of the assembly. The governor, finding great difficulty in -having a satisfactory enactment passed, prorogued the assembly and -attempted to collect the rents on his own authority. Not only was -this resisted by the people, but the assembly, being again convened, -denied the legality of the acts of the governor, and imprisoned his -officers who had distrained for the rents.[733] The assembly was -consequently dissolved (March, 1736). At the next session, in the -following September, the governor addressed the representatives of the -people on the general condition of the province, the lack of moral -and educational advancement, and of proper regard for law and good -order, and assured them “that while he was obliged by his instructions -to maintain the rights of the Crown, he would show a regard to the -privileges, liberties, and happiness of the people.” In the spirit of -compromise a law was passed with the concurrence of the governor, but -which the authorities in England rejected as yielding too much to the -demands of the popular assembly. - -At this time (1738) commissioners were empowered to run the boundary -between North and South Carolina, and completed the work from the -Atlantic as far westward as the Pee Dee. The original division of -the coast section into three counties—Albemarle with six precincts, -Bath with four precincts, and Clarendon with one (New Hanover)—was -altered, and the precincts were denominated counties. The very names -of the original counties disappeared. Soon other counties westward or -inland were formed as the population increased, chiefly by overland -immigration. To each county the governor appointed a sheriff, selected -from three persons recommended by the county court. The judiciary -system was modified to suit the new administration and augmentation -of population. The governor had before (1736) deplored the fact that -no provision had been made “or care taken to inspire the youth with -generous sentiments, worthy principles, or the least tincture of -literature;” but not until 1754 was an act passed to establish a public -seminary. It did not receive the royal assent. That there were not many -schools is doubtless due to the sparseness of settlements, and not -to any general indifference to education.[734] During the period of -the royal government there were two schools that we read of,—those at -Newbern and Edenton. In the building of the former, a wooden structure, -the lower house of assembly occasionally held its sessions. In 1749, -printing was introduced at Newbern, from Virginia; and a weekly paper -styled the _North Carolina Gazette_, issued “on a sheet of post-sized -folio,”—“with freshest advices, foreign and domestic.” In 1752 -appeared the first edition of the _Provincial Laws_. - -At the town of Wilmington, so named in honor of the Governor’s patron, -and sometimes at Newbern, the assembly now met instead of at Edenton, -near the Virginia boundary. A new assembly was convened at Wilmington, -and an attempt was made to establish an equalization of representation, -with a consequent diminution of the number of representatives from -the old and more northern counties,—from five members each to two -members.[735] Dissatisfaction was the result; and the six northern -counties would neither recognize the assembly at Wilmington nor pay -taxes, nor would the jurors attend the courts. The colony, however, -was more thriving than it had been at any previous period. It was -favored by the mother country with bounties on its exports; and the -general prosperity was augmented by the coming in of the banished -Highlanders and of emigrants from Ireland, and especially by the -beginning of the great flow of overland immigration into the central -and more western section of the province. Under the prudent management -of Johnston, harmony at last prevailed, and such laws were enacted as -were necessary. On the declaration of war between England and France, -the defences of the coast received legislative attention, and a fort -mounting twenty-four cannon was erected on the south bank of the Cape -Fear, and called Fort Johnston, in honor of the governor.[736] - -Governor Johnston died in August, 1752. What he had written to the -Duke of Newcastle, in 1739, was now even more applicable, that after -years of effort he had brought the colony “to system, where disorder -had before reigned, and placed it on a firmer foundation.” The -administration again devolved on Nathaniel Rice; and on his decease in -January, Matthew Rowan, the next councillor, acted as governor till -the arrival of Arthur Dobbs, in 1754. Rowan’s short term of service -was distinguished by liberal contributions for building churches and -purchasing glebe lands for the support of ministers of the gospel; -and by the convening of the assembly to provide for aiding Governor -Dinwiddie, of Virginia, by whose order George Washington had gone to -examine the alarming movements of the French on the Ohio. The militia -of North Carolina amounted at that time, as stated by Rowan, to 15,400 -men. - -Besides the early coast-line settlements, and those along the -bottom lands of the northeastern streams, there came, mainly after -Braddock’s defeat, a remarkable tide of immigration from the western -frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania into central and western North -Carolina. Between 1750 and 1790 the accession to the population is -computed[737] to be as much as 300,000. Many seeking fertile lands -moved over into the “Up Country” of South Carolina, and westward into -Tennessee. These hardy and liberty-loving German and Scotch-Irish -settlers formed a section of North Carolina which for a long time was -“distinct in population, religion, and material interests.” Their final -fraternization and blending in political union with the people of the -eastern section is a subject for the later history of the province and -State. - -Governor Dobbs, a native of Ireland, and who had been a member of -its Parliament, brought to the colony cannon and firelocks, as a -present from the king; and, as a present from himself, “a number of -his relations, who had hopes of offices and preferments.”[738] While, -on the one hand, he sought to conciliate the Indian tribes, on the -other he continuously embroiled himself in contests with the assembly -and on trivial matters. It was, however, the irrepressible conflict -of that day,—the conflict we have been expecting all along in this -history,—the outgrowth of antagonism between the royal prerogatives -and the rights and privileges of the representatives of the people. -Contributions of men and money were called for by the governor for the -general defence of the provinces, and for fortifications within the -limits of North Carolina. The assembly were ever ready to defend their -frontiers and render aid to the neighboring colonies. But in the acts -for founding new counties, they disallowed “the royal prerogative of -granting letters of incorporation, ordering and regulating elections, -and establishing fairs and markets.” In enactments for a new court -system, the further emission of paper money, and the appointment of -an agent in England to solicit the affairs of the province, disputes -ensued between the assembly and the executive. A new assembly being -convened was equally jealous of its rights and privileges, and ably -maintained them in lengthy communications to the governor, but without -moving him from his convictions of duty under the royal instructions. -The assembly was prorogued after appointing, by resolution, the agent -to England, whom the governor had rejected. Upon reassembling, and -again in a new assembly, on various bills the struggle for legislative -rights was continued with the Upper House or council. - -Two very different events here arrest our attention: the grant of the -king, through Parliament, of £50,000 to indemnify Virginia, North -and South Carolina, for their war expenses, and the proposal to the -colonies to form a union for common defence against general attacks of -the French and Indians; the one fostering attachment to the Crown, the -other teaching the method of effectual resistance. - -Governor Dobbs was now infirm and over eighty years of age, and, having -obtained leave of absence, there was sent over, as Lieutenant-Governor, -the able and energetic William Tryon, a colonel in the Queen’s Guards, -who became, on the decease of Dobbs, in 1765, governor of North -Carolina. He was succeeded by Martin, the last royal governor. We -close this brief narrative, pondering upon the province’s progress -in wealth, population, and political stability; on the intercolonial -influences developing union and constitutional self-government; and on -the portentous shadow of the approaching Revolution.[739] - - -SOUTH CAROLINA. - -PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT.—In 1665 the Lords Proprietors placed in charge -of Sir John Yeamans—whom they had, in January, commissioned governor -of Clarendon county at Cape Fear—the further discovery of the Carolina -coast southward of the portion embraced in the report of Hilton, Long, -and Fabian in 1663. Yeamans and his party left Barbadoes in three -vessels in October. After separation by a storm, they all reached the -Cape Fear or Charles River. But there a violent gale wrecked the vessel -containing the greater part of their provisions, arms, and ammunition. -Being in distress for supplies, their sloop was despatched to Virginia -for aid, and Yeamans himself returned to Barbadoes, leaving Robert -Sandford in commission to obtain a vessel and complete the exploration -of the southern coast. Sandford appears to have first entered the North -Edisto River, where he met the Cassique of Kiawah, who had traded with -the settlers in Clarendon county, and who now invited Sandford to his -country. But the explorers sailed on to Port Royal, arriving there -early in July. Their reception was apparently very friendly, and Dr. -Henry Woodward remained among the Indians to learn their language, -while a nephew of the chief accompanied Sandford. They designed, on -their return, to visit Kiawah; but by a mistake of the Indian who acted -as guide, they passed beyond the entrance (now Charleston harbor) which -led to that country, and the wind not being favorable for putting back, -the voyagers proceeded northward and returned to Cape Fear.[740] - -In 1667, the Proprietors took measures to found, in the region reported -on by Sandford, a colony worthy of themselves and of the munificence -of the king in granting them almost royal authority in the extensive -territory lavishly bestowed by the charter. The elaborate plan of -government which Locke assisted in maturing was devised for this new -enterprise, and was solemnly agreed upon as a contract among the -Proprietors. Twelve thousand pounds sterling, a large sum at that -day, were expended in preparation for founding, in what is now South -Carolina, a colonial government calculated to bring both glory and -emolument to their lordships. In August, 1669, three vessels were -ready to sail from England: the “Carolina” frigate, the “Port Royall,” -and the sloop “Albemarle.” On board the first-named were ninety-three -passengers. How many were in the other vessels is not at present -known; but the intention appears to have been to begin the settlement -with at least two hundred. They stopped at Kinsale in Ireland to take -in other emigrants, receiving, however, only seven; and according -to instructions sailed thence to Barbadoes, which they reached in -October. They were to obtain there such plants as the vine, olive, -ginger, cotton, and indigo, and some swine for the new colony; and, no -doubt, as many emigrants as could be induced to join the expedition. -The fleet was consigned to Thomas Colleton, brother of the Proprietor, -Sir Peter Colleton. It seems that the Proprietors were not pleased -with the management of Sir John Yeamans in the previous expedition -and his leaving the perils of exploration to Secretary Sandford; yet -his experience and ability rendered his coöperation desirable, and -power was given him to fill a blank commission sent to him for the -governorship of the new colony. Living in Barbadoes, and familiar -with projects of colonization, he acted on this occasion on behalf -of their lordships, with authority as their lieutenant-general, and -assisted and encouraged the adventurers. But many disasters occurred: -at Barbadoes the “Albemarle” was driven ashore in a gale and lost, -in November; and in January the “Port Royall” suffered the same -fate at the Bahama Islands. A sloop obtained at Barbadoes in place -of the “Albemarle” became separated in a storm, and the “Carolina,” -in a damaged condition, put in at Bermuda for repairs. A part of the -equipments was lost by the wrecks; and Yeamans, to the discontent and -indignation of the colonists, withdrew from further participation in -their fortunes, saying he was obliged to return to Barbadoes as one of -the commissioners appointed to negotiate “with French commissioners -the affair at St. Christopher’s.” He persuaded the colonists to take -Colonel William Sayle, and inserted his name as governor in the blank -commission sent to him by the Proprietors. He describes Sayle as “a man -of no great sufficiency, yet the ablest I could then meet with.”[741] - -The expedition sailed again on the 26th of February, 1670, in the -“Carolina” and a sloop bought at Bermuda (where Sayle had, twenty years -before, founded a colony of Presbyterians).[742] The Barbadoes sloop, -with about thirty persons on board, had gone to Nansemond, Virginia, -and joined the rest of the expedition at Kiawah in the month of May. -The other two vessels, about a fortnight after leaving Bermuda, had -reached the coast at a place called Sewee,[743] in March, and proceeded -thence to Port Royal harbor, their point of destination, and where the -instructions of the Proprietors directed them to go. They remained -there a few days. Governor Sayle summoned the _freemen_, according to -instructions annexed to his commission, and they elected Paul Smith, -Robert Donne, Ralph Marshall, Samuel West, and Joseph Dalton their -representatives in the council, which consisted of ten, the other five -being deputies named by the Proprietors. The governor and council, by -the same instructions, were to select the place for building a fort -and a town. Upon examination the land at Kiawah was judged better, and -a more defensible position could there be found than at Port Royal. -A discussion was held, and, the governor favoring Kiawah, it was -determined to remove and settle there permanently. Weighing anchor, -they sailed northward as to their home at last, and in the month of -April selected for their residence a bluff which they named Albemarle -Point, on the western bank of Kiawah River, now called the Ashley, -and began to build a town which they named Charles Town, and to erect -fortifications. Safely settled after a perilous voyage, when now, borne -down with daily toil, they sank to rest, soothing dreams of prosperity -and happiness, no doubt, renewed their courage for the labors and -dangers of the morrow.[744] - -The administration of the colony devolved on the governor, -representing the Palatine (the Duke of Albemarle),[745] and the -council, representing partly the other Lords Proprietors and partly -the people. On the 4th July, 1670, the governor and council—because -the freeholders were “nott neere sufficient to elect a Parliament,” -as the instructions required—promulgated certain orders for the -better observance of the Sabbath; and a certain William Owens, arguing -that a parliament was necessary for such legislation, persuaded the -people to elect one among themselves, “which they did and returned -to said governor.” But this 4th July spirit of independence was not -persisted in, the members elect receding from their own “election -into dignity.”[746] The council continued to exercise all necessary -legislative and judicial as well as executive power, till a parliament -was formed. - -Sayle was about eighty years of age and in feeble health, and died -on 4th March, 1671, transferring his authority, as he was empowered -to do, on the man of his choice. He selected Joseph West, his able -assistant, who had brought the colonists from England under commission -as “Governor and Commander in Chief of the Fleet.” - -Scarcely had the English entrenched themselves when the jealous -Spaniards sent a party to attack them; but finding them stronger than -they expected, they returned to St. Augustine. The chief reason for -not settling at Port Royal, as they were directed to do, was evidently -the exposure of that situation to attacks, both from hostile Indians -and the Spaniards who instigated them, and who, from their early -exploration and settlement, claimed the noble harbor, of which Ribault -had said, a century before, the largest ships of France, “yea, the -argosies of Venice,” might enter therein.[747] - -Sayle’s nomination of West, to act with all the authority conferred -upon himself, was of force only till the pleasure of the Proprietors -could be known. When they were informed of Sayle’s decease, they -gave the position of governor to Sir John Yeamans (commission dated -August, 1671); continuing West, however, as superintendent of important -interests in the colony. He was made governor when Yeamans was -displaced (1674); and in December, 1679, their lordships wrote to him, -“We are informed that the Oyster Point is not only a more convenient -place to build a town on than that formerly pitched on by the first -settlers, but that people’s inclinations tend thither; we let you -know the Oyster Point is the place we do appoint for the port town, -of which you are to take notice and call it Charles Town.” The public -offices were removed thither and the council summoned to meet there, -and, in 1680, thirty houses were erected. Even before this, some -settlers had left old Charles Town and taken up their residence at -Oyster Point. Great interest was aroused in all that pertained to the -colony by the active exertions and liberal offers of the Proprietors. -Every vessel that sailed to Charles Town brought new-comers. The -Proprietors’ trading-ship “Blessing” followed the first expedition, -its “main end” and chief employment being to transport emigrants from -Barbadoes, where Yeamans and Thomas Colleton were to advise and help -Captain Halsted in this work of emigration. The “Carolina,” in a return -voyage from the same island, had brought sixty-four settlers, and the -“John and Thomas” forty-two. In the “Phœnix” from New York a number of -German families arrived, who began to build James Town on the Stono -River. When Sir John Yeamans came to reside at Charles Town (April, -1672) he brought the first negro slaves into the colony. In 1680, -the date of the removal to Oyster Point, the settlers numbered about -1,200; in 1686, they were estimated at 2,500, English, Irish, Scotch, -French, and Germans. It is of significance, with respect to the first -political acts of these settlers, to bear in mind that they were mostly -dissenters. Boone, agent in London for a large portion of the people, -stated in his petition to the House of Lords (in 1706) that after the -reëstablishment of the Church of England by the Act of Uniformity, many -subjects of the Crown, “who were so unhappy as to have some scruples -about conforming to the rites of said Church, did transplant themselves -and families into said Colony, by means whereof the greatest part of -the inhabitants there were Protestant Dissenters from the Church of -England.” We must remember, too, that religious freedom was promised -as an inducement to emigrate. As Governor Archdale said, the charter -“had an overplus power to grant liberty of conscience, although at home -was a hot persecuting time.” And this overplus power was at first very -fairly used. All denominations lived harmoniously together, till Lord -Granville became Palatine, whose tyrannical disruption of the religious -privileges of the colonists (by excluding dissenters from the colonial -legislature) nearly cost the Proprietors their charter. The felling -of forests, clearing of plantations, experimenting in agricultural -products, establishing stock farms, building habitations, opening a -peltry trade with the Indians, forming military companies for mutual -defence against hostile tribes, and against the French at times, and at -times against the Spaniards, exploring the adjacent country, caring for -and nursing the sick who succumbed to the malarial influences of the -sultry low country along the coast, where the settlers were for many -years compelled to reside,[748]—amidst such circumstances there was no -disposition for religious dissension and none for political differences -among themselves. And when political opposition did arise, it was for -civil rights, and between the colonists as one party and the Lords -Proprietors and their official representatives as the other party. The -rights for which they contended against irritating obstacles engendered -a persistent spirit of political advancement which led to the overthrow -of the proprietary government in 1719, and in further development -through the royal administration culminated in constitutional -self-government. In this respect, the history of no other colony -presents a more interesting and instructive record. The awakening -of the people to a determined maintenance of what they deemed right -and just began with the stubborn efforts of the Proprietors to force -the colonists to adopt their scheme of government, the Fundamental -Constitutions. The people declared the charter of Charles II. to be -fundamental enough for them. The facts involved in this contention are -now to be related. - -Locke and Shaftesbury’s elaborate and cumbrous system, solemnly adopted -by the Proprietors, suited only (if it could be made to suit) a large -population. A copy was sent out for the first governor, but not to be -immediately put in force. He was to govern by “instructions” annexed -to his commission, and prefaced with the words “In regard the number -of the people which will at first be set down at Port Royal will be so -small, together with want of Landgraves and Cassiques, that it will -not be possible to put our Grand Model of government in practice at -first;” the instructions, coming as nigh as practicable to the Grand -Model, must be used instead. The same “paucity of nobility” and people -is given as the reason for two sets of Temporary Laws (1671, 1672) -and the Agrarian Laws (1672). The governor and council are told to -follow always the latest instructions; a prudent order, for they came -in so quick succession, and with so many alterations, that they may -have confused the wisest of governors. In these official papers two -principles are prominent: one that nothing should be debated or voted -in the parliament (the majority representing the people) “but what -is proposed to them by the council” (the majority representing their -lordships); the other “that the whole foundation of the government -is settled upon a right and equal distribution of land,”—for the -Proprietors and provincial aristocracy, first; then the common people -could have their subordinate little share.[749] - -Contrast with these official regulations framed in London the actions -of Governor West and his council as recorded in the “Council Journals” -for 1671-72, still preserved in the office of the secretary of state. -They were exercising, on account of the “paucity of nobility,” all -executive, judicial, and legislative powers with promptness and energy, -and were fully supported by the people. They proclaimed war against the -Kussoe Indians, had all fire-arms repaired, began to construct a fort, -raised military companies, commissioned their officers, and reduced -the enemy to submission. They heard and decided complaints and legal -issues, and punished criminals, distributed lands, and provided for the -health and security of the community. They denied to Sir John Yeamans, -Landgrave though he was, any claim to gubernatorial authority, under -the Fundamental Constitutions, and had him before their tribunal for -cutting timber not his own. It is said he retired again to Barbadoes. -But he was commissioned governor and reappeared in the colony, and was -“disgusted that the people did not incline to salute him as governor.” -In obedience to instructions, he immediately summoned, by proclamation, -the freemen to assemble and elect a parliament of twenty members, and -to select five of their number to be members of the grand council. This -legislative body (April, 1672), the first we have knowledge of in the -colony, had at this time very little power, compared with the council; -but it was destined to become, as the representative of the people, -the most potent factor in the political development of subsequent -years. Sir John Yeamans, two years later, gave place again (as before -stated) to his rival, Colonel West, whom the Proprietors declared the -“fittest man” to be governor.[750] He had, more than any other in -the province, promoted the best interests both of the people and of -their lordships. There was some scarcity of provisions at the close -of Yeamans’ administration, and he was charged with exporting, for -his own advantage, too great a quantity of the agricultural products -of the colony. Commotions ensued, and John Culpepper, surveyor, was -engaged in them or instigated them; and having left Charles Town, he -found in North Carolina popular discontents more ready for rebellious -activity. The cause of the commotions at Charles Town does not clearly -appear. The settlement was so prolific in all that sustains life—in -forest, in fields, in a harbor abounding in fish, in herds of swine -and cattle—that it is strange to hear of a scarcity of food; even in -1673, when want is said to have threatened the people, provisions were -exported to Barbadoes. - -Governor Sayle, for reasons already stated, was not to put in force -altogether the Fundamental Constitutions; there was, however, a copy -“sent under our hands and seales,” as is mentioned in his commission. -The project of founding the new colony was based on this special scheme -of government. It is positively stated by the colonists, in their -letter to Sothel (1691), that this set originally sent bore date July -21, 1669; was “fairly engrossed in parchment, and signed and sealed” -by six of the Proprietors; and as all persons were required to swear -submission to them _before they could take up land_, “several hundred -of the people arriving here did swear accordingly.” A MS. copy[751] of -this set, but without signatures, is in the Charleston library. It does -not contain the article establishing the Church of England. In other -respects it is as favorable to settlers as the revised set bearing date -March 1, 1669-70, and containing that article. That many colonists (the -majority being dissenters) preferred the first set sent with Sayle’s -commission may thus be reasonably accounted for. It was afterwards -repudiated by the Proprietors (those who were then Proprietors) as “but -a copy of an imperfect original,” to use the words ascribed to them in -the letter to Sothel; and they say themselves in their letter to the -Grand Council, May 13, 1691, “The Constitution, so-called, and dated -21 July, 1669, we do not nor cannot own as ours.” The second set was -printed, and, it is said, was not known at Ashley River till February, -1673.[752] - -In 1687, under Governor Colleton, the endeavor to force the adoption of -the Constitutions occasioned such contention between their lordships’ -officers and the representatives of the people that no laws were -passed for two years; and as all laws were limited to twenty-three -months, there was in 1690 _not one statute law in force_ in the -colony. A new position was taken and with boldness. “The people -having not, according to the royal charters, assented or approved -of any fundamental constitutions in parliament, have unanimously -declared that the government now is to be directed and managed wholly -and solely according to said charters.” Their revolutionary spirit -went still further. The representatives in Parliament denied “that -any bill must necessarily pass the grand council before it be read -in parliament.” They maintained this position, and in consequence -were dissolved. The Proprietors instructed their favorite, Landgrave -Colleton, brother of one of themselves, to call no more parliaments -“unless some very extraordinary occasion should require it.” Colleton -proclaimed martial law. The Proprietors thought he did right. In -his arrogance, he imprisoned a clergyman and fined him £100 for -preaching what he considered a seditious sermon. The Proprietors -thought it best to remit the fine. The people, however, raised a cry -against his “illegal, tyrannical, and oppressive way of government.” -Fortunately for him, Seth Sothel, a Proprietor by purchase of -Clarendon’s share, arrived,—having been turned out of North Carolina -by its assembly,—and assumed control of affairs in the more southern -colony, and acted pretty much as he pleased, till he was turned out -of his new position by his colleagues in London. The Proprietors, by -their aristocratic folly, had kept the people continually studying -and maintaining their rights. A new policy began, about this time, -in England,—to revoke proprietary charters. The spirit, too, of the -colonists, demanded from the Proprietors some conciliatory concession. -Yet it cannot but appear a triumph for the people, and not a good-will -concession, when “the true and absolute” lords wrote to the Grand -Council (1691), almost in the words which they had written to Andrew -Percival and to the provincial authorities,—as if they wished to -make an emphatic apology,—that there had been “no alteration made in -any of the Constitutions, but for the greater security of the people -of Carolina from oppression, either by ourselves or our officers, -as any one that will please to peruse the several alterations may -plainly perceive; the last in date still bounding our own power most, -and putting more into the hands of the people.” But they were forced -soon—and it must have been with some little feeling of vexation—to -acknowledge the failure of their Grand Model, and to write to their -next governor, Ludwell (who could not conciliate the “factious” -assembly), that they now thought it best for themselves and the -colonists to govern by all the powers of the charter; but that they -would part with no power till the people were disposed to be more -orderly. This was written to Ludwell; but to the public it was at -last definitely announced “that as the people have declared they -would rather be governed by the powers granted by the charter without -regard to the Fundamental Constitutions, it will be for their quiet -and the protection of the well-disposed to grant their request.” The -Proprietors, however, still held to the Constitutions as a compact -among themselves and as a regulation of their mutual interests; and -even endeavored once more to tempt the people to adopt some part of -them in the fifth set, reduced to 41 Articles. They were then laid -aside entirely. - -The assembly (we shall no longer call them parliament), not yet aware -of the action of the Proprietors, prepared a summary of grievances: -that the latest form of conveying land was not satisfactory; that -courts ought to be regulated by laws made by the assent of the people; -that the representatives of the people are too few in the assembly and -not appointed according to the charter; that the power of enacting -necessary laws should not be obstructed; that the application of the -laws of England to the province ought not to be by authority of a -Palatine Court (established by their lordships), but such laws are -applicable of their own force, or are to be so by act of the assembly; -that the powers of the assembly and the validity of their enactments -are not to be judged by inferior courts, but by the next succeeding -General Assembly; that martial law should not be resorted to except in -case of rebellion, tumult, sedition, or invasion; that there should be -more commoners in the council; that the deputies of the Proprietors -were forbidden to confirm a certain set of laws (necessary at times -for the immediate welfare of the people) until their lordships’ assent -should be given, which could not be known in the province “in less time -than one year, sometimes two,” and they do not conceive the Patent of -Carolina gives any such powers to their lordships. - -There was a further principle announced by the people: that the -Proprietors could send what “instructions” they pleased, but they -certainly could never have intended that they should have the force of -statute laws without the assent and approbation of the people, except -in such matters as wholly belonged to their direction according to the -charter. With so intelligent and progressive a people to control, the -almost impotent “absolute lords” on the other side of the Atlantic -might well have written to Ludwell as they did to Morton, “Are you to -govern the people, or the people you?” Yet a further signal triumph -for the people was at hand. The Proprietors had already seen fit to -modify their rule that the assembly of the people should neither debate -nor vote on any matter except what the Grand Council should propose -to them; but their modification at that time amounted to very little, -namely, that if a necessary law was delayed by the council, and “the -majority of the grand juries of the counties” presented the matter for -legislation, then only might “any of the chambers” take cognizance of -it. It was now the good fortune of Governor Smith,[753] successor to -Ludwell, to announce that “the Proprietors have consented that the -proposing power for the making of laws, which was heretofore lodged -in the governor and council only, is now given to you as well as the -present council.”[754] Henceforth the assembly claimed the privileges -and usages of the House of Commons in England. - -[Illustration: COOPER AND ASHLEY RIVERS. - -[This is a side-map in a large folding one called _A new map of -Carolina, by Philip Lea, at the Atlas and Hercules, in Cheapside, -London_. Courtenay considers it to be of a date before 1700. There is -a fac-simile of the whole in _Charleston Year Book_, 1883. For the -associations and landmarks of these rivers see C. F. Woolson’s “Up the -Ashley and Cooper,” in _Harper’s Monthly_, Dec., 1875; and P. D. Hay’s -“Relics of Old South Carolina,” in _Appleton’s Journal_, xix. 498. In -the _Charleston Year Book_ (1883) there is a large map, showing the -town and the early farms on the west bank of the Ashley; the present -site of the city up to near the Clements’ Ferry road, with all lines of -fortifications and historic points. Cf. W. G. Simms’ “Description of -Charleston,” in _Harper’s Monthly_, June, 1857. - -Moll’s map of South Carolina (1730) is given in fac-simile in -_Cassell’s United States_, i. 439.—ED.]] - -When there was no longer any reasonable expectation for the adoption -of the Grand Model of government, a carefully prepared set of -Instructions, in 43 Articles, became the rules for the colony, all -former Instructions and Temporary Laws being abrogated, except such -as related to lands. These rules continued as long as the Proprietors -owned the province. It is not necessary to explain them. They were -for the interest of their lordships; simple enough, but establishing -a proprietary oligarchy. The Palatine and three other Proprietors, -and, in the colony, the governor and three other deputies, constituted -the governing power, with, apparently, a complete check upon the -representatives of the people. The people could not complain if their -lordships carried out what they wrote to Ludwell, that “they would -part with no power” conferred on them by the charter “till the people -were disposed to be more orderly;” for the people had demanded to be -governed solely by the charter. The prominent question now would be: -Do their lordships properly interpret and apply the powers granted them -in the charter? - -But fresh political subjects engaged attention: the tenure of lands, -naturalization of the French Huguenots, payment of quit-rents, now -for some years due, the jury laws, and that relating to elections. -Governor Smith lost courage; he could be no champion for their -lordships against his friends and neighbors. The only way out of the -difficulties occasioned by the maladministration of the Proprietors was -that some Proprietor should be sent over “with full power” to heal all -grievances. This plan was adopted. The grandson of Earl Shaftesbury was -appointed, but declined to come. A pious, benevolent Quaker came, John -Archdale, whose policy was a smiling patience, but a strict requisition -of every penny that was due to the “true and absolute lords” of the -province,—himself among them. He thought his patience would, as -he expressed it, allay their heats. But this could only be done by -concessions. He yielded to their request to have thirty representatives -in the assembly. He also remitted, after a struggle, arrears of -quit-rents to Michaelmas, 1695, on condition that the remaining debts -were secured, rents for the future strictly provided for, and the town -fortified by taxation. Some political advancement was gained by the -assembly;[755] the repeal of any law not infringing on the rights of -the Crown or of the Proprietors, or relating to land, was not to be -made without the consent of the General Assembly. The council, too, was -so constituted by the pious Quaker as to be more in harmony with the -dissenters. But he seemed to fear that he might be prevailed upon to -grant too much, and appointing his friend, Joseph Blake, in his place, -hastened away (1696). He lived to see the peace and tranquillity vanish -which he hoped he had firmly established. Two years later the “House of -Commons” petitioned (among other things) for the privilege of coining; -and for the removal of duties on the chief exports from the colony. -They also prayed that no more than 1,000 acres be in future granted in -one piece; that an authenticated copy of the charter be sent them; and -that the colonial authorities have power to repeal laws (if expedient -to do so) which had been confirmed by the Proprietors: and though some -of these things (they said) were beyond their lordships’ power to -grant, their interest with the king was great enough to secure them for -their colonists. Their lordships, as might have, been expected, were -astonished that Blake, himself a Proprietor,[756] should allow such an -address to be issued,—a precedent for so much future evil. - -The century now closed. Governor Blake died in 1700. As required under -the 43 Articles, the deputies elected a Landgrave to succeed Blake, -till the Proprietors could be heard from. At first they chose Morton. -He was set aside afterwards by the council, as were all the Landgraves -in the colony, and Colonel James Moore, a deputy, appointed. This -competition gave origin, for the first time in the history of the -colony, to what may be denominated party strife. Besides Moore, several -able leaders now appeared,—among them, Major Daniel, Colonel William -Rhett, and Sir Nathaniel Johnson; while to Nicholas Trott the foremost -place must be assigned for distinguished learning and ability. On his -arrival he espoused the popular cause; but with numerous offices and -honors bestowed upon him by the Proprietors, he and his brother-in-law, -Colonel Rhett, became their zealous champions. These able men so -largely influenced their lordships that at a word from them governors -and councils were sometimes set at naught. - -At the opening of the new century, we must cease to look upon South -Carolina as the home of indigent emigrants, struggling for subsistence. -While numerous slaves cultivated the extensive plantations, their -owners, educated gentlemen, and here and there of noble families in -England, had abundant leisure for social intercourse, living as they -did in proximity to each other, and in easy access to Charles Town, -where the governor resided, the courts and legislature convened, and -the public offices were kept. The road that led up from the fortified -town between the two broad rivers so enchanted Governor Archdale that -he believed no prince in Europe, with all his art, could make a walk -for the whole year round so pleasant and beautiful. From the road, to -the right and to the left, avenues of water-oaks in mossy festoons, and -in spring-time redolent with jasmines, gave the passer-by glimpses of -handsome residences, from whose spacious verandas could be seen on the -east the beautiful waters of the Bay, on the west the Ashley River. -Hospitality, refinement, and literary culture distinguished the higher -class of gentlemen.[757] - -Governor Moore and his party gained control of the council by filling -vacancies with those of whose good-will they were assured. But they -ineffectually sought, by every means in their power, to elect a -majority of assembly-men in their interest. Even violence was resorted -to, and some estimable gentlemen, opponents of the party in power, -were set upon and maltreated in the streets. The assembly resolved -to investigate the abuses at the election, and were, therefore, -prorogued from time to time; and it was reported that martial law would -be proclaimed. When at last the assembly convened, they began with -recriminations. If the public welfare had required their counsels, why -had the governor, through pique, prorogued them? And was it true that -he designed to menace them with coercion? “Oh! how is that sacred word -Law profaned when joined with Martial! Have you forgotten your Honor’s -own noble endeavor to vindicate our liberties when Colleton set up this -arbitrary rule?”[758] But further disputation was averted. The governor -had planned a secret and sudden attack on St. Augustine. The assembly -joined in the scheme. They requested him to go as commander instead -of Colonel Daniel, whom he nominated. They voted £2,000; and thought -ten vessels and 350 men, with Indian allies, would be a sufficient -force. The doors are closed. Men, and even women, who had been to St. -Augustine, are interrogated concerning its defences. An embargo is laid -on the shipping in the harbor. Moore with about 400 men sets sail, and -Daniel with 100 Carolina troops and about 500 Yemassee Indians march by -land. But the inhabitants of St. Augustine had heard of their coming, -and had sent to Havana for reinforcements. Retreating to their castle, -they abandoned the town to Colonel Daniel, who pillaged it before -Moore’s fleet arrived. Governor Moore and Colonel Daniel united their -forces and laid siege to the castle; but they lacked the necessary -artillery for its reduction, and were compelled to send to Jamaica for -it. Unfortunately the agent sent put back to Charles Town, and the -governor sent Colonel Daniel himself to Jamaica. Before he returned, -two Spanish ships appeared off St. Augustine. Moore instantly burned -the town and all his own ships, and hastened back by land. Colonel -Daniel, coming from Jamaica with the artillery, narrowly escaped -the Spanish ships, and was convoyed to Charles Town by an English -man-of-war which he met at sea. The expense entailed on the colony was -£6,000. - -When this attack on St. Augustine was planned, it must have been -anticipated in the colony that war would be declared against Spain -and France. The impending danger to South Carolina, a frontier to -Spanish Florida, induced the Proprietors to appoint as governor -the soldierly Sir Nathaniel Johnson (June, 1702). James Moore was -made receiver-general; Nicholas Trott, attorney-general; Job Howes, -surveyor-general; and Rhett, Broughton, and other men of ability, -adhering to the government in its hour of peril, increased thereby the -power of the dominant party. Colonel Moore, being sent out by Johnson -(December, 1703) with fifty Carolinians and one thousand Indians, -ravaged the country of the Apalatchees, allies of the Spaniards, -and utterly defeated them and a body of Spanish troops that came to -their assistance. Three years later, in August, when yellow fever was -prevalent and five or six deaths a day, in the small population of -Charles Town, was not a rare occurrence, a French fleet of five vessels -under Le Feboure, aided by the Spanish governor at Havana, suddenly -appeared off the harbor. Troops were disembarked at several points. A -council of war was held, and the Carolinians determined to go out and -meet the enemy. Colonel Rhett, Captains Fenwicke, Cantey, Watson, and -others, with many gentlemen as volunteers, defeated the invaders, and -brought 230 French and Spanish prisoners into town. Thus perished the -first attempt to take Charles Town by a naval force, a feat which never -yet has been accomplished. The governor, handsomely rewarded by the -Proprietors, thanked the troops for their valor and their unanimity at -a time when violent estrangements existed between political parties in -the colony. - -We must now revert to 1704, and relate the occasion of these -estrangements. The governor and dominant faction favored Episcopacy. -Lord Granville, the new Palatine, was an uncompromising zealot for -the Church of England. It was determined to establish that Church in -South Carolina. This was not contrary to the charter; but most of the -colonists were dissenters, and it would be useless at that juncture -to endeavor to win over a majority of the assembly to the support of -such a project. The assembly stood prorogued to the 10th of May. They -were summoned earlier; and on the 4th a bill was proposed and read, -requiring “all persons that shall hereafter be chosen members of the -Commons House of Assembly, and sit in the same, to take the oaths and -subscribe the declaration appointed by this bill, and to conform to -the religious worship of this Province, according to the Church of -England, and to receive the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper according -to the rites of said Church.”[759] Some of the members called for the -reading of the charter: but the opposition was soon overcome; the bill -passed and was ordered to the governor and council, who passed it and -returned it to the House; Landgrave Morton, of the council, being -denied leave to enter his protest against it. It was pushed through -the requisite proceedings and ratified under date of the 6th. It was -passed by one majority,—twelve for it and eleven against it; seven -members being absent. Some who voted in the negative are said to have -been Episcopalians. The assembly was then prorogued till October. -It was required by this law that in case a representative elected -refused to qualify as directed, the next on the sheriff’s return should -be entitled to the seat, or the next, and so on till the list was -exhausted; then only should a new writ be issued. The effect was not -only to exclude dissenters, but ten men could elect a member against -the votes of a thousand. Another tyrannical abuse of party power was -exhibited in an Act establishing Religious Worship (passed on the -reassembling of the Commons), which authorized a lay commission for the -trial of ecclesiastical causes. Dalcho says in his _Church History_, -that they “were authorized to sit in the judgment-seat of spiritual -officers, and thus to wrest the ecclesiastical authority out of the -hands of the Bishop of London.” This gave offence to Churchmen. The -Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, by whose liberality the -colony had been greatly benefited, resolved not to send or support any -missionaries in South Carolina, till the law, or at least that clause -of it, should be repealed. The dissenters, already elected members -of assembly, were not allowed (on reassembling in October) to enter -their protests against the conduct of the Church party. The Rev. Mr. -Marston was called to account by the commission and deprived of his -benefice, for opposing the action of the oligarchy. But the case was -carried to a higher tribunal, the House of Lords in England. Upon an -able representation of the matter, redress having been refused by the -Proprietors (under lead of Granville), a report was made to the queen, -which caused the annulment of these two provincial laws. Nor was this -all; the Board of Trade recommended the annulment of the proprietary -charter (April, 1706). Since the accession of James II. there had been -a disposition in the English authorities to revoke the charters to -companies or individuals, and bring all the American colonies into a -closer dependence on the Crown. Though the surrender of the Carolina -charter was not on this occasion effected, yet it was manifest to the -colony that an authority more potent than that of their lordships was -interested in their welfare. - -Lord Granville was succeeded in the Palatinate by Lord William Craven, -and Colonel Edward Tynte was made governor. The once dominant faction, -which had been transmuted, said Archdale, by Johnson’s “chemical -wit, zeal, and art” into a High Church party, now fell asunder. Much -attention had been awakened in England to the fortunes of the colony -by the publications of Archdale and of Oldmixon and the “Case of the -Protestant Dissenters;” and Governor Tynte entered upon his duties -with kindly assurances and the wish to “render Carolina the most -flourishing colony in all America.” He did not live long, and Colonel -Charles Craven, brother of the Palatine, and previously an officer in -the colony, was appointed in his place (December, 1710). Since the days -of Joseph West, “moderate, just, pious, valiant” (says Archdale), no -man more capable and beloved than Charles Craven had governed South -Carolina. A sentence from an address of his to the Commons (April, -1712) shows the spirit of his administration. However great the honor -of this office might be, “yet I shall look on it as a greater glory -if, with your assistance, I could bring to pass so noble designs as -the safety of this province, the advancement of its riches, and, what -is more desirable” than riches, the unanimity and quiet of its people. -“To what a prodigious height hath the united provinces risen in less -than a century of years, to be able to create fear in some, envy in -others, and admiration in the whole world!” The people, aroused by the -expectation or apparent reality of their increasing importance, voted -£1,500 for the erection of a State House and £1,000 for a residence for -the governor. Unparliamentary altercations gave place to a generous -emulation for the public welfare. The governor expressed the “greatest -tenderness” towards all dissenters and assured them that nothing -should ever be done by him injurious to their liberties. Though the -law excluding them from the assembly was repealed, yet the Episcopal -party retained ascendency and the public support of the Church (by -a new Church Act) was continued. The parish system was inaugurated, -and the representatives were increased to thirty-six. The turbulence -of elections at Charles Town gave place to unmolested elections in -the respective parishes. Libraries and a free school were open to -all, and religious and educational advancement was promoted. Under -Craven’s prosperous administration, it even seemed likely that the -public debt would be liquidated, which had begun with the unlucky -expedition against St. Augustine. But fresh expenditures were demanded -in assisting North Carolina in her conflicts with the Tuscaroras; and -scarcely had Barnwell and Moore rested from that campaign, when the -most disastrous Indian war that South Carolina ever had to encounter -broke suddenly upon her unsuspecting inhabitants. The Yemassees had -been employed against the Apalatchees, and, at a later date, against -the Tuscaroras. Being enticed by the Spaniards, whom their chiefs -often visited, and being largely in debt to the English traders and -irritated by their oppressive misconduct, they turned their experience -in war against those who had taught them to fight, and, hoping for help -from St. Augustine, began an indiscriminate slaughter on the line of -settlements westward from Charles Town. Knowing the colonists to be -formidable opponents, they had allured into conspiracy with them other -Indian nations, notably the Creeks. So wide-spread was the combination -formed that the governor asked assistance from other colonies. North -Carolina in response sent aid under Colonel Maurice Moore (brother of -James Moore), a friendly service which was gratefully appreciated and -acknowledged by the assembly. But “expedition is the life of action,” -said Craven; and not awaiting assistance, he fought the foe at once, -and Colonel Mackay, in another direction, surprised their town, in -which they had vast quantities of provisions and plunder, and attacking -a fort to which they had betaken themselves carried it by assault and -completely routed them. This effectually checked the Yemassees, and -dispirited the tribes engaged to assist them. The assembly met, and, -despatching such business as was necessary, adjourned to take up their -muskets. All available forces were raised and placed under command -of Lieutenant-General James Moore and Colonels John Barnwell and -Alexander Mackay. The Yemassees, though joined by the Apalatchees, were -forced beyond the Savannah, and took up their residence in Florida. -We have not space to narrate the heart-rending or romantic incidents -of this contest. The Yemassees had acted prematurely; otherwise the -disasters to the colony would have been far greater. Many lives were -lost (estimated at 400), an immense amount of cattle, produce, and -other valuable property destroyed, and it was said that the traders -alone lost £10,000 in debts due them. But the invincibility of the -colonists was so forcibly impressed upon the minds of the Indians that -they entered into no more combinations, and never again, except in -straggling parties, penetrated to the vicinity of the fortified English -settlements. - -On account of the death of Sir Anthony Craven, the governor returned -to England, leaving Colonel Robert Daniel to be deputy (1716) till the -arrival of Robert Johnson (son of Sir Nathaniel), who was appointed -to succeed him. At this time the French were extending their cordon -of forts from Canada down to Louisiana and the Gulf of Mexico, and -courting the alliance of the Indians who dwelt on the outskirts of -the whole line of English colonies. In view of these new dangers and -of the deserted condition of the westward parishes of the colony, the -Carolinians were compelled to keep up garrisons and troops of rangers -from the Santee to the Savannah. The expense of defending themselves -and their great losses in the recent Indian war caused an application -to the Proprietors for relief. Lord Carteret, Palatine in place of -the Duke of Beaufort (who, before, had offered on his part to give -up the colony rather than have it in need of adequate relief and -protection), wrote to the Board of Trade, “We, the Proprietors, having -met on this melancholy occasion, to our great grief find that we are -utterly unable of ourselves to afford our colony suitable assistance -in this conjuncture; and unless his majesty will graciously please -to interpose, we can foresee nothing but the utter destruction of -his majesty’s faithful subjects in those parts.” The board asked if -such of the Proprietors as were not minors were “willing to surrender -the government to the king.” There was no king upon the throne now -gratefully sensible of the distinguished services of a Clarendon, -Monk, Berkeley, Carteret, or Craven. It was not, on the other hand, -the influences of a Danson, Amy, Blake, or even the descendants of the -original Proprietors, that formed a barrier to the manifest interests -of the whole British nation; but it was the admirable love of justice -in the rulers of England that saved to the Proprietors the lavish gift -of Charles II., even after their confession of utter inability to help -their colonists. It was evident, however, that the termination of the -proprietary authority must come. The colonists made it come. We shall -now relate how this was done. - -The assembly had been forced to issue bills of credit; at first to -meet the debts incurred by Moore’s expedition against St. Augustine. -This easy method of making money was continued, and of course the -bills depreciated. The London merchants complained, and the bills were -ordered to be called in and cancelled. To do this required £80,000. -This large sum the assembly undertook to pay in three years by a -tax on the lands and negroes of the colonists. Before this could be -effected the colonial income, applicable to other expenses, was reduced -by a royal order to cease the tax of ten per cent on importations of -British manufactures; and at the same time an expensive expedition -became necessary to suppress the pirates who infested the coasts, -and at times seized every ship leaving the harbor of Charles Town. -If the Proprietors were unwilling “to expend their English estates -to support much more precarious ones in America,”[760] whom were the -colonists to ask for aid, except the king? When Governor Johnson met -his first assembly, he inveighed against addresses sent to England -without consulting the Proprietors as “disrespectful,” “unjustifiable -and impolitic.” He then offered the distressed colonists a “donative” -from their lordships of a small remission of quit-rents. The assembly -declined the donative. They instructed their committee “to touch -slightly (but not by way of argument or submission) on what the last -two assemblies have done heretofore in addressing his majesty to take -this province under his protection.” The governor was anxious they -should accept the donative; and equally anxious they should, in return, -order a rent-roll for the benefit of the Proprietors. He said, “As the -assembly is to pass wholesome laws even to private persons, much more -to the Lords Proprietors, who are our masters.” The assembly replied, -“We cannot but approve of your honor’s care of their lordships’ -interest, who are, as you say, _your_ masters.” “If you look over their -charters,” was the answer, “you will find them to be your masters -likewise.” (December, 1717.) - -The assembly elected Colonel Brewton powder-receiver. The governor, -as military chief, required the assembly to order forthwith the keys -to be delivered to Major Blakeway, whom he had commissioned. The -House refused. The governor offered a compromise: “My officer shall -keep the magazines and give receipts to your officer for all powder -delivered into his keeping.” “What is the use,” replied the House, -“of a powder-receiver who does not keep the powder?” “But I insist -upon keeping it,” said the governor, “for I am his majesty the king’s -lieutenant.” He soon saw an advertisement by the House, signed by their -Speaker, declaring their right to appoint “all officers who receive a -settled salary out of the public treasury of this province,” and to -“put out, call to account, and put in place,” at discretion, all such -officers; and commanding, under penalty, the powder-tax to be paid by -all ships to the officer elected by the assembly. - -The people, however, were fond of Governor Johnson. They did not -always harmonize with strangers sent over to govern them. But Johnson -was almost one of themselves, and they admired him for his conspicuous -bravery. He had gone personally in pursuit of the pirate Worley, and -after a desperate encounter brought in alive only the chief and one -of his crew, they having been smitten down with dangerous wounds; -and he had immediately caused them to be tried and executed. At this -time, too, Colonel Rhett had captured Bonnet, pursuing him into Cape -Fear River, and brought him and about thirty of his crew to Charles -Town, for speedy execution. The people knew that the governor was in -duty bound to promote the cause of the Proprietors. But some of his -adherents they justly regarded with ill-will. There had been, as before -mentioned, a change, very acceptable to the people, in the mode of -electing their representatives. Trott and Rhett had had great control -in elections while the ballot was in Charles Town; and the former had -been writing to their lordships against the new method of election by -parishes. To the surprise of the governor and of all but Trott, orders -came from London to disallow that method, to dissolve the assembly, and -to summon another to be chosen by the old method; to repeal also the -act for electing the powder-receiver, and other laws, such as that for -the rehabitation of the Yemassee lands by bringing over Irish settlers -to live there, which the people deemed of great importance to the -welfare of the colony.[761] The argument was, with their lordships, -What right have the assembly to alter anything determined by us? It is -true our deputies sanctioned these laws; but we are not bound by what -our deputies do, being ourselves the head and source of legislative -power in our colony. The people thought, on the other hand, that an -enactment by the assembly ratified by the governor and council, the -appointed agents of the Proprietors, should not be set aside by the -mere whim of a few persons on the other side of the Atlantic, or by -the dictation of a man like Nicholas Trott. This gentleman had now to -confront the long-delayed denunciation of Whittaker, Allein, and other -prominent lawyers, who had for years endured his arrogance and tyranny -in court. Thirty-one articles of complaint against him were presented -to the assembly, and by them communicated to the governor and council. -They knew the allegations to be well founded, and united with the -assembly in requesting the Proprietors to restrict their favorite’s -power. It had even been ordered from London that no quorum of the -council should sanction a law unless Trott was one of the quorum. For a -time, too, the whole judicial power was in his hands. Francis Yonge, a -member of the council, deputy of Lord Carteret, and surveyor-general, -was deputed, with suitable instructions, to proceed to London and -confer with the Proprietors (May, 1719). Lord Carteret was absent on -an embassy. The others kept Mr. Yonge waiting, without conference, for -three months; then sent him back with sealed orders. In fact, some -of the Proprietors were minors; others lived away from London; the -few who exercised authority left many matters to their secretary: and -thus, says Yonge, “a whole province was to be governed by the caprice -of one man.” If the secretary managed the Proprietors, Trott and -Rhett managed him. When the sealed orders were opened, it was found -that Chief Justice Trott was thanked, the governor reprimanded, his -brother-in-law, Colonel Broughton, turned out of the council, together -with Alexander Skene and James Kinloch; Mr. Yonge alone being permitted -to remain, in courtesy to the absent Palatine (Carteret) whose deputy -he was. A new council was appointed, and the governor again ordered -to dissolve the assembly and call a new one under the old method of -election. - -The deputies excluded from the council and other prominent gentlemen -now became active among the people. The arguments they used must -have been: Have not the Proprietors, spurning all appeals, protected -a tyrannical judge, and continued him in power over the lives and -property of the people? Have they not refused to part with an acre of -their immense uncultivated domains for public use in supporting the -garrisons? Have they not obstructed our efforts to bring an increase -of settlers here for the strengthening of our frontiers, and divided -out the land, by thousands of acres, for their own emolument? To foster -the power of a few favorites, have they not annulled our laws for the -equitable representation of the people by fair and peaceful elections? -Have they helped the colony in its distress, beat back the Spaniards, -resisted the invasion of the French, suppressed the pirates, or quelled -at any time an Indian horde? Can they now, masters as they claim to -be, protect us in any emergency? And if, after all these provocations, -we choose to rebel and throw off their vaunted absolutism, where are -their forces to check our revolt? Will King George, our sovereign, to -whom we appeal for protection, furnish them with an army to reduce us -to submission? Influenced by such sentiments, the people came again -to the polls at Charles Town, to elect their last assembly under the -proprietary government. Mr. Yonge, who was there, tells us, “Mr. -Rhett and Mr. Trott found themselves mistaken, in fancying they could -influence the elections when in town, so as to have such members chosen -as they liked, for it proved quite the contrary; they could not get so -much as a man chosen that they desired. The whole people in general -were prejudiced against the Lords Proprietors to such a degree that it -was grown almost dangerous to say anything in their favor.” - -It happened at this conjuncture that war was again declared by England -against Spain, and an attack from Havana was in preparation either -on Charles Town or the island of Providence. Advices being sent to -the colony, the governor called together the council and such members -elect of the assembly as he could collect, to provide for repairing -the fortifications; and as the recent repeals had left him without -adequate funds, he proposed an immediate voluntary subscription. The -members of the assembly whom he consulted told him the duties provided -by law would suffice. “But the Act raising these duties is repealed by -the Proprietors.” They replied, “They did not and would not look on -_their_ repeal as anything,” and dispersed to their homes. The governor -then ordered a muster of all the provincial troops. This afforded an -admirable opportunity for a complete combination. An association of -leading citizens was secretly formed; the people assembled at the -muster; they almost unanimously signed the resolutions submitted to -them by the association, and agreed to support whatever measures they -should adopt. The first notice the governor had of these proceedings -was a letter signed by Mr. Skene, Colonel Logan, and Major Blakeway -(28th November), telling him the whole province had entered into an -agreement “to stand by their rights and privileges, and to get rid of -the oppression and arbitrary dealings of the Lords Proprietors,” and -inviting him to hold his office in behalf of the king. The members -elect of the assembly, in the mean while, held private conferences and -matured their plans. - -On meeting at the time required by their writs (December 17), they -waited upon the governor, as was customary; and Mr. Middleton, in their -name, informed him that they did not look upon his present council as -a legal one (the Proprietors having appointed twelve members, instead -of seven, the usual number of deputies), and would not act with them -as a legal council. Anticipating, it appears, a dissolution, they -had resolved themselves into a convention, delegated by the people, -and passed resolutions so revolutionary in character as to alarm the -governor and his few adherents, who resorted to every menace and -means of persuasion without moving the assembly or convention from -their fixed purposes. The governor, therefore, issued a proclamation -dissolving them. The proclamation was torn from the marshal’s hands; -and the convention issued a proclamation, in their own names, ordering -all officers, civil and military, to hold their offices till further -orders from them. Having failed to win Johnson to their interest, they -elected their own governor, Colonel James Moore. - -Johnson, who had gone up to his plantation, hearing that the people -intended to proclaim Moore governor in the king’s name, hastened back -and used every effort to prevent it. But he found the militia drawn -up, colors flying at the forts and on all the ships in the harbor, -drums beating, and every preparation made for proclaiming the new -governor. An eye-witness says it would be tedious to tell all the -frantic ex-governor did. But the leaders of the revolution had sent -Mr. Lloyd to keep with him under pretence of friendship and adherence, -and prevent any rash action on his part. The troops began their march, -inspirited by patriotic harangues, and escorted the members of the -convention to the fort: where, by the united acclamations of the -people, James Moore was proclaimed governor of South Carolina in the -name of the king of England (December 21, 1719). - -A council of twelve was chosen, as in other colonies under the royal -government; and the convention then resumed its functions as a -legislative assembly, and proceeded to enact such laws as the state -of the province required. They addressed a letter to the Board of -Trade explanatory of their action, and their agent in England (Mr. -Boone, with whom also Colonel Barnwell was sent to act) laid before -the king an account of the misrule of the Proprietors and implored -his protection. Johnson and the Proprietors were equally active, and -the decision of the English government was anxiously awaited by both -parties. During nearly a year such anxiety continued; and as the -clergy in the province were unwilling to perform the marriage ceremony -without, as previously, a license from Johnson as governor, and a -large number of people followed his advice and example in not paying -taxes until executions were issued against them, he supposed he had -a party ready to reinstate him. But it was not till he received aid -from the crews of several English men-of-war that he formed a plan of -seizing the government. The Spanish fleet (to resist which the people -had been mustered) had not come to Charlestown, but had gone to the -island of Providence, and had been there repulsed by Governor Rogers. -The “Flamborough,” Captain Hildesley, and “Phœnix,” Captain Pearce, -arrived in Charlestown harbor in May, 1721; and chiefly, it appears, -by the advice of Hildesley, Johnson appeared in arms with about 120 -men, mostly sailors from the “Flamborough,” and marched against the -forts, whose garrisons were obeying the orders of Governor Moore. The -forts opened fire upon them. Whereupon, Captain Pearce was deputed -by Johnson, together with some of his council, to negotiate with -the revolutionists. They refused to negotiate; for they knew from -their agents that the regency in England had determined to protect -the colony, and that General Francis Nicholson had been appointed -provisional royal governor. Johnson requested to see the orders of -the regency and the despatches from the agents. As soon as he read -them, he disbanded his men and gave up all opposition to the existing -government. Nicholson’s commission is dated 26th September, 1720. -He arrived in the colony 23d May, 1721, and was gladly received by -Governor Moore, the assembly, and the people. The revolution was now -complete; although the surrender of the proprietary charter, for such a -sum of money as was finally agreed upon, was not effected till 1729. - - -ROYAL GOVERNMENT.—We have before us the ninety-six articles of -instruction to Nicholson (30th August, 1720) and the additional ones to -Governor Johnson (1730), detailing the method of the royal government, -and which continued in force, with some modifications, till the -separation of the colony from the mother country. It is not necessary -to give a full synopsis of this method. The enacting clause is “by the -governor, council, and assembly;” and the assembly had the same powers -and privileges as were allowed to the House of Commons in England. -The Episcopal was the established Church, under jurisdiction of the -Bishop of London. School-masters were licensed by the bishop or by the -governor. If the governor died or left the province, and there was no -commissioned lieutenant-governor, the eldest councillor, as president, -acted in his stead. Special care was enjoined for the encouragement -of the Royal African Company for the importation of negro slaves. If -any part of the instructions was distasteful to the people, it was -that which conferred equal legislative authority with the assembly -upon the council; a council of twelve, nominated (or suspended) by the -governor, and three of whom, with the governor, could form a quorum, -in emergencies. On this point contests soon arose, the assembly -thinking that the governor and three or more of their own neighbors -or relatives, who happened to be councillors, ought not to have the -power to counteract the deliberate will of the entire body of the -representatives of the people; that is, of the freeholders who alone -voted for members of the assembly. - -But, for the time being, all were happy at their release from “the -confused, negligent, and helpless government of the Lords Proprietors.” -Governor Nicholson, on his arrival, found in all parties a cheerful -allegiance to the king and zeal for the advancement of the colony.[762] -Ex-Governor Moore was made Speaker of the assembly, with Nicholson’s -cordial approbation, and all laws demanded by the condition of the -province were promptly enacted. Peace having been declared between -England and Spain, the new governor applied himself to the regulation -of Indian affairs, and succeeded in bringing the tribes on the -frontier into alliance with British interests. With peace and security -everywhere, he addressed himself to forming new parishes, building -churches and obtaining clergymen by the help of the London Society for -the Propagation of the Gospel. Additional free schools were established -by bequests from three benevolent citizens, and the people generally -emulated the public spirit of their good governor. In 1725 he returned -to England, and the administration of his office devolved upon Arthur -Middleton as president of the council. He had it not in his power to be -the generous benefactor Nicholson had been, and his views of duty to -the royal authority placed him in opposition to the progressive spirit -of those with whom he had been associated in the recent revolution. His -stubborn contest with the assembly prevented the enactment of any laws -for three years. They thought it necessary for the good of the people -to pass a bill for promoting the currency of gold and silver in the -province. The council rejected it as contravening an act of Parliament -in the reign of Queen Anne; and insisted on the passage of a supply -bill by the assembly, to meet the expenses of the government. This -the assembly refused unless their bill was first agreed to. Middleton -resorted to prorogations and dissolutions. This availed nothing; for -the people supported their representatives by reëlecting them. From -1727 to 1731 the same bill was eight times sent up to the president and -his council, and always rejected. He prorogued them six times, and six -times ordered new elections. Among other things in this contest, the -assembly claimed the right to elect their clerk without consulting the -council;[763] ordered an officer of the council to their bar, and put -him under arrest for delay in making his appearance; and maintained -that—as in Nicholson’s time—members elect should qualify by holding -up the hand in taking the oath before the council, if they thought that -best, instead of swearing on the Holy Evangelists, as the governor -required them to do. The contest was not terminated until the arrival -of Governor Johnson (December, 1730) as successor to Nicholson. - -Sir Alexander Cumming had been sent to form a treaty with the Cherokees -who lived near the head of the Savannah River and far westward,—a -powerful nation with 6,000 warriors. They sent a deputation of their -chiefs to England with Cumming to visit King George. It was important -to secure the friendship of these Indians before the French should -allure them to their interest. The chiefs returned from England in -company with Governor Johnson. Middleton had before sent agents among -the Creeks and Cherokees, to avert, if possible, the influence of -the French, whose enterprise and energy were likely to become more -formidable to the English settlements than the hostility of the -Spaniards had been. While guarding against danger in this direction, -they had to contend against molestations from their inveterate enemy -in Florida. Runaway slaves were always welcomed there, were made free, -and formed into military companies. Roving bands of the defeated -Yemassees from the same refuge-place plundered the plantations on -the frontier. No compensation could be obtained for such ruthless -spoliation. At length Colonel Palmer was sent to make reprisals; and -with about 300 men, militia and friendly Indians, he completely laid -waste the enemy’s country up to the gates of St. Augustine, and taught -them their weakness and the superior power of the English colonists. -Unfortunately, no definite boundaries were settled upon between the -claims of Spain and England. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF CHARLESTOWN, S. C., 1732. - -(From Popple’s _British Empire in America_.) - -[This was reëngraved in Paris in 1733, “avec privilège du Roi.” There -is a fac-simile of a plan of Charleston (1739) in the _Charleston Year -Book_, 1884, p. 163-4.—ED.]] - -The colonial government, however, had erected in Governor Nicholson’s -time Fort King George on the Altamaha, and were determined to keep -the Spaniards to the westward of that river. A Spanish embassy came -to Charlestown to confer with President Middleton about the erection -of this fort. But the only definite understanding reached was in the -avowal by the ambassadors that his Catholic majesty would never consent -to deliver up runaway slaves, because he desired to save their souls -by converting them to the Christian faith. Cunning emissaries from St. -Augustine continued to tamper with the slaves, and rendered many of -them dangerous malcontents. Not long after (1738) an armed insurrection -was attempted in the heart of the English settlement; the negroes -on Stono River marching about plundering, burning farm-houses, and -murdering the defenceless. The planters at that time went to church -armed. It was Sunday. Lieutenant-Governor Bull, riding alone on the -road, met the insurgents, and escaping them by turning off on another -road gave the alarm. The male part of the Presbyterian congregation -at Wiltown—notified of the insurrection by a Mr. Golightly—left the -women in church, and hastening after the murderous horde found them -drinking and dancing in a field, within sight of the last dwelling they -had pillaged and set on fire. Their leader was shot, some were taken -prisoners and the rest dispersed. More than twenty persons had been -murdered. It might have been an extensive massacre, if so many armed -planters had not attended divine service that day.[764] - -[Illustration: CHARLESTOWN IN 1742. - -[This follows a steel plate, “The city of Charleston one hundred years -ago, after an engraving done by Canot from an original picture by T. -Mellish, Esq.” A long panoramic view of Charlestown in 1762 is given in -the _Charleston Year Book_, 1882; and in Cassell’s _United States_, i. -355. The name “Charleston” was substituted for “Charlestown” in the act -of incorporation of 1783.—ED.]] - -There were in the colony above 40,000 negro slaves. The necessity for -increasing the number of white inhabitants had long been apparent -to the English authorities. Some of the German Palatines in England -(1729) and more of them in 1764 were sent over to the colony. Mr. -Purry, of Neufchatel, and his Swiss were granted (1732) an extensive -tract of land near the Savannah River. Some Irish colonists settled at -Williamsburgh (1733). Colonel Johnson, before he came over as royal -governor, proposed to the Board of Trade a plan for forming a number -of townships at convenient points, with great inducements to both -foreigners and Englishmen to remove to the province. Above all, the -proposal by Lord Percival (1730) to establish the colony of Georgia -(between the Savannah and Altamaha), and the carrying of the project -into effect under General Oglethorpe (1733), gave promise of adding -materially to the security and strength of South Carolina. With a new -fort at Beaufort (Port Royal), and abundant artillery and ammunition -furnished by his majesty, and ships of war protecting the harbor, we -have but to look forward a few years to the settlement and improvement -of the healthy and fertile “up country” by overland immigration -from Virginia and Pennsylvania, and the moving up of population -from the coast, to reach the period of permanent prosperity and the -greater development of the material resources of the province. Many -families moved to the upper part of South Carolina when Governor Glen -established peace with the Cherokees; many came when Braddock’s defeat -exposed the frontiers of the more northern colonies to the French and -Indians; while by way of Charlestown Germans came up to Saxegotha and -the forks of the Broad and Saluda—as the Scotch-Irish had come to -Williamsburg. - -From 200 to 300 ships now annually left Charlestown. In addition to -rice, indigo, pitch, turpentine, tar, rosin, timber of various kinds, -deer-skins, salted provisions, and agricultural products grown along -the coast, the interior plantations raised wheat, hemp, flax, and -tobacco; fruits, berries, nuts, and many kinds of vegetables were -abundant; and fish from the rivers, and turkeys and deer and other game -from the forest, furnished luxuries for the table, without counting the -ever-present supplies from swine, sheep, and cattle. But we must now go -back a few years. - -Governor Johnson died 3d May, 1735, and Lieutenant-Governor Thomas -Broughton on 22d November, 1737. William Bull, president of the -council, succeeded to the administration till the arrival of Governor -James Glen (December, 1743).[765] The lieutenant-governor was a prudent -ruler. He assisted in the settlement of Savannah and in the war of -Georgia upon St. Augustine (sending the Carolina regiment under Colonel -Vanderdussen), and managed wisely in every emergency. Governor Glen -with greater energy and activity extended the fortification of the -province,—visiting every portion of his government, going among the -Cherokees, obtaining a surrender of their lands for the erection of -forts, and erecting them; as Prince George on the upper part of the -Savannah, 170 miles above Fort Moore, and Fort Loudon on the Tennessee -among the Upper Cherokees, 500 miles from Charlestown. These forts -and those at Frederica and Augusta in Georgia were garrisoned by his -majesty’s troops for the protection of both provinces. When Glen, in -1756, was superseded by Governor William Henry Lyttleton, war was -declared between England and France. On the termination of hostilities, -the Cherokees, who had aided the British troops in the more northern -colonies, were returning home through Western Virginia, and committed -depredations, appropriating to their use such horses as came in their -way, and were set upon and some of them murdered. In retaliation they -killed the whites wherever they could, indiscriminately. Among their -victims in Carolina were a few of the garrison of Fort Loudon. This -was done by roving bands of headstrong young Indians. The troops at -Prince George despatched the news to Governor Lyttleton, who instantly -began preparations for war. The Cherokees sent thirty-two of their -chiefs to settle the difficulty, as the nation at large desired -peace and the continuation of their old friendship with the English. -Lyttleton kept the chiefs under arrest, and took them with him along -with his troops. His ill-usage of them and his folly involved the -province in a disastrous war with the whole Cherokee nation. Then, -being appointed Governor of Jamaica, he left the calamities he had -caused to the management of Lieutenant-Governor Bull. Not till 1761 -were hostilities ended by the help of Colonel Grant, of the British -army. Dr. Hewatt, who had the advantage of the acquaintance of the -last Lieutenant-Governor Bull, and probably his assistance in the -compilation of his history, gives a detailed and graphic narrative of -this deplorable conflict, carried on in pathless forests, hundreds -of miles from Charlestown. So wasted were Colonel Grant’s men “by -heat, thirst, watching, danger, and fatigue” that when peace was -made “they were utterly unable to march farther.” In the provincial -regiment assisting Grant were Middleton, Laurens, Moultrie, Marion, -Huger, Pickens, and others who became distinguished in the war of the -Revolution. - -The Peace of Paris (1763) happily put an end forever to hostilities -arising from French possessions in America. The succeeding royal -governors of South Carolina were Thomas Boone (1762), Lord Charles -Greville Montague (December, 1765), and Lord William Campbell (1773). - -The most interesting and continuous thread of events running through -all the colonial history of South Carolina is the development of the -power of the assembly or representatives of the people. Taking up this -subject where we left it at the close of Middleton’s contest with the -assembly, we observe that the choice of their clerk was conceded to -them by the succeeding governor. In the policy both of the proprietary -and royal government, the elective franchise was granted to the people -or freeholders only in choosing members of the assembly. We do not find -that they balloted for any executive or other officer. The success of -the assembly in electing a few administrative officers and holding -them accountable to themselves was an important acquisition, and was -followed by a further gain of power in the same direction. Governor -Glen, addressing the authorities in England (October 10, 1748), -said in substance “that a new modelling[766] of their constitution,” -in South Carolina, “would add to the happiness of the province and -preserve their dependence upon the Crown, any weakening [of the] power -of which and deviation from the constitution of the mother country is -in his opinion dangerous. Almost all the places of profit or of trust -are disposed of by the general assembly.” “Besides the treasurer they -appoint also the commissary, the Indian commissioner, the comptroller -of the duties upon imports and exports, the powder-receiver, etc. -The executive part of the government is lodged in different sets of -commissioners,” “of the market, the workhouse, of the pilots, of -the fortifications, etc. Not only civil posts, but ecclesiastical -preferment, are in the disposal or election of the people, although -by the king’s instructions to the governor” this should belong to the -king or his representative. The governor is not prayed for, while the -assembly is, during its sittings, the only instance in America where -it is not done. “The above officers and most of the commissioners are -named by the general assembly, and are responsible to them alone; and -whatever be their ignorance, neglect, or misconduct, the governor -has no power to reprove or displace them. Thus the people have the -whole of the administration in their hands, and the governor, and -thereby the Crown, is stripped of its power.” In the next place, the -assembly claimed, and with success, the sole power of originating tax -bills, notwithstanding instructions to the contrary. They refused to -the council even the power to amend such bills. In the words of the -Journals of the House (no. 21, 1745), they asserted their “sole right -of introducing, framing, and amending subsidy bills,”—which they based -on the English Constitution as _paramount to the royal instructions_. -It was furthermore intimated that the council had no right to -legislative functions at all,—a view soon after ably advocated by Mr. -Drayton. It was contended that the council was not a counterpart of the -House of Lords, but simply a body advisory to the governor. It was even -argued that, similarly with the mother country, colonial usages and -precedents were to be regarded as constitutional in South Carolina. - -The last development of the power of the assembly tended to check the -governor’s prerogative of dissolution and prorogation. In a contest -with Governor Boone, beginning in 1762 and continued to May, 1763, -dissolution and prorogation failed entirely as a means of controlling -the actions or sentiments of the representatives of the people, where -the people were of one mind with the assembly. The subject of dispute -involved the assembly’s sole right to judge of the validity of the -election of its own members, and the argument on the part of the House -was conducted chiefly by Rutledge and Gadsden. But about this time came -proposals that committees from all the colonial assemblies should meet -to consider the British Stamp Act. We conclude this brief narrative -with the remark that in the Continental Congress that ensued the -leading statesmen of the South Carolina popular assembly stepped as -veterans to new battlefields with the dust of recent victories still -upon them.[767] - -[Illustration] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -BY THE EDITOR. - -IT is claimed that Sir Robert Heath conveyed his rights under the -grant of 1630 to the Earl of Arundel, and that these eventually became -invested in Dr. Coxe, as presented in a memorial to William III., and -assumed in the _Carolana_ of his son, Daniel Coxe.[768] The Heath -grant,[769] however, was formally annulled August 12, 1663.[770] -De Laet’s map, showing the coast of what was subsequently North -Carolina at the period of Heath’s grant, 1630, is given in fac-simile -elsewhere.[771] - -Dr. Hawks, in his _North Carolina_, prints from Thurloe’s _State -Papers_ (ii. p. 273) a letter dated at Linnehaven, in Virginia, May -8, 1654, from Francis Yardley to John Farrar, giving an account of -explorations during the previous year along the seaboard. In 1662 -(March) the king granted the first charter, and this was printed the -same year, but without date, as _The first Charter granted by the King -to the Proprietors of Carolina, 24 March_.[772] In 1665 (June 30) the -second charter extended the limits of the grant. Both charters are -found in a volume printed in London, but without date, and called _The -two Charters granted by King Charles to the Proprietors of Carolina, -with the first and last Fundamental Constitutions of that Colony_. -Issues of this book seem to have been made in 1698, 1705, 1706, 1708, -etc.[773] - -[Illustration] - -Mr. Fox Bourne, who in his _Life of John Locke_ (London, 1876, -vol. i. pp. 235, etc.) gives the most satisfactory account of -Locke’s connection with the new colony, writes of the Fundamental -Constitutions that Locke had a large share in it, though there can -be hardly any doubt that it was initiated by Lord Ashley, modified -by his fellow-proprietors. He adds: “The original draft, a small -vellum-covered volume of seventy-five pages, neatly written, but with -numerous erasures and corrections, is preserved among the Shaftesbury -Papers (series viii. no. 3), and this interesting document has been -printed, _verbatim et literatim_, by Mr. Sainsbury, in the Appendix to -the _Thirty-third report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records_ -(1872), pp. 258-269.” - -The same author refers to a draft extant in Locke’s handwriting, dated -21 June, 1669, which varies in some respects from that later issued by -the Proprietors, in print. - -There is, or was, in 1845, in the Charleston Library, presented to it -by Robert Gilmor, of Baltimore, in 1833, a MS. copy in Locke’s own -handwriting, dated July 14, 1669; but the earliest printed copy is one -entitled thus: _The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, in number a -Hundred and Twenty, agreed upon by the Palatine and Lords Proprietors, -to remain the sacred and unalterable form and rule of government of -Carolina forever_. _March 1, 1669._[774] Printed first in 1670, the -document was reissued, with some modifications, in 1682, and again, -with more important modifications, in 1698.[775] It is also contained -in _A Collection of several pieces of Mr. John Locke, never before -printed, and not extant in his works_. London, 1720.[776] - -It would seem from a map which is given in fac-simile in the -_Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society, December, 1883 -(p. 402), that it describes the “Discovery made by William Hilton of -Charles Towne in New England, Marriner, from Cape Hatteraske, Lat: 35° -30′, to the west of Cape Roman in Lat. 32° 30′, In y^e yeare 1662, -And laid down in the forme as you see by Nicholas Shapley of the -town aforesaid, November, 1662.” A small sketch of the map, which is -annexed, shows that he passed along the islands which form a barrier to -Pamlico Sound, without noticing, or at least indicating, that interior -water, and then entering Cape Fear River tracked its shores up to a -point where he designated three branches, which he called East, North, -and West. The fac-simile given in the _Proceedings_ by Mr. Hassam, from -a photograph of the original in the British Museum,[777] is too obscure -to make out all the names which occur along the river, while only -“Hatterask” and “C. Romana” are noted on the coast. The intervening -points, Cape Lookout and Cape Fear, are not named. - -Hilton had come to Plymouth (Mass.) while a child, in 1623, whence -he followed his father to Piscataqua, but later settled in Newbury -and Charlestown, and in the latter place he died in 1675. Shapley -is supposed to have been the same who was clerk of the writs in -Charlestown in 1662, dying in that town in May, 1663. Although the -New England antiquary, James Savage, and others have not supposed -this Massachusetts Hilton to have been the same who led the Barbadoes -party to Cape Fear the next year, this map and its record would seem -to indicate that when the merchants of that island determined to -accept the proposals of the Proprietors of Carolina to furnish them -with colonists, they placed the expedition which they sent out in -August, 1663, under the charge of one who had already explored parts -of this coast,—no other than this William Hilton of New England. -This exploring party landed at St. Helena and Edisto, and returned to -Barbadoes after an absence of five months. Hilton’s _True Relation_ was -published in London in 1664.[778] - -[Illustration: SHAPLEY’S DRAFT.] - -The year before (1663), according to Hawks,[779] the Proprietors had -issued proposals for the encouragement of settlers within their grant, -and we have, as Mr. Rivers has stated, the outcome of the Sandford -expedition (1665) preserved in a manuscript among the Shaftesbury -Papers, and the results of this seem to have been embodied in what is -considered a second and expanded edition of their original proposals, -which was now published in London, in 1666,—a mere tract of twelve -pages, called _A brief description of the Province of Carolina, on -the coasts of Floreda; and more perticularly of a New Plantation -begun by the English at Cape Feare on that river now by them called -Charles-River, the 29th of May, 1664. Together with a most accurate map -of the whole province_.[780] - -[Illustration: A SKETCH OF THE 1666 MAP. - -As indicative of the changes in the North Carolina coast since it was -first explored, Mr. Wm. L. Welsh (_Bulletin Essex Institute_, xvii. -nos. 1, 2, and 3, and separately Salem, 1885), in a paper called _An -Account of the cutting through of Hatteras Inlet, Sept. 7, 1846_, says -that the present inlet of that name was made by the storm of that date, -and that the explorers of 1584 entered through Caffey inlet, since -disappeared, and that all the inlets of that day are closed, except the -little-used Ocracoke inlet.] - -It was under the incentive of Sandford’s explorations and this -districting of the country that the Proprietors entered upon the -expedition which reached the Ashley River in 1670, for whose guidance -Locke had prepared his plan of government. The more common knowledge -of the geography of the Carolina coast at this time is seen in the map -of North Carolina in Ogilby’s _America_ (1671), which is reproduced in -Hawks’ _North Carolina_ (ii. p. 53). - -In 1671 Sir Peter Colleton wrote to Locke that Ogilby was printing a -“Relation of the West Indies,” and desired a map of Carolina, and asked -Locke to get the drafts of Cape Fear and Albemarle from “my lord,” and -suggest to him also “to draw up a discourse to be added to this map, in -the nature of a description such as might invite people without seeming -to come from us, as would very much conduce to the speedy settlement.” -There remains, in Locke’s handwriting, a list of books to be consulted -for this task, but otherwise he does not seem to have done anything to -produce such a description. - -Meanwhile another explorer had approached this region from the north, -entering a country which no European had visited since the incursions -of Lane’s company in the preceding century. We have record of this -expedition in a tract of the following title: _The discoveries of -John Lederer in three several marches from Virginia to the west of -Carolina, March, 1669-Sept., 1670_. _Collected out of the latine from -his discourse and writings by Sir William Talbot._ London, 1672.[781] - -[Illustration: LEDERER’S MAP (1669-1670). - -Fac-simile of the original in the Harvard College library copy. There -is a sketch of it in Hawks’ _North Carolina_, ii. 52.] - -Lederer was a German, and was sent out by Governor Berkeley, of -Virginia. He seems to have penetrated westward “to the top of the -Apalatœan mountains.” He announced his disbelief in the views of such -as held the distance from the Atlantic to the Pacific to be but eight -or ten days’ journey, as shown in the “Mapp of Virginia discovered to -the Hills,”[782] but was nevertheless inclined to believe that the -Indian ocean may indeed stretch an arm into the continent as far as the -Appalachian range. - -It was on the second of Lederer’s expeditions, going west and southwest -from the falls of the James, that he extended his course into North -Carolina, and Hawks has endeavored to trace his track. Following him by -his names of places, as Ogilby adopted them in his map of 1671, Lederer -would appear to have traversed the breadth of South Carolina. “We -cannot believe this,” says Dr. Hawks. “The time occupied would not have -been sufficient for it. Lederer’s itinerary presents difficulties which -we confess we cannot satisfactorily solve.” It seems at least certain -that Lederer did not penetrate far enough to encounter the new-comers -who were about founding the commonwealth of Locke. - -The earliest account which we have of the English settlers at Port -Royal, before their removal to the west bank of the Ashley River, is in -Thomas Ash’s _Carolina, or a description of the present state of that -country_. London, 1682. The author was clerk on board his majesty’s -ship “Richmond,” which was on the coast 1680-82, “with instructions to -enquire into the state of the country.”[783] - -During the next few years several brief accounts of the new settlements -were printed which deserve to be named: Samuel Wilson’s anonymous -_Account of the Province of Carolina in America; together with -an abstract of the Patent and several other necessary and useful -particulars, to such as have thoughts of transporting themselves -thither_. London, 1682 (text, 26 pp.).[784] John Crafford’s anonymous -_New and most exact Account of the fertile and famous Colony of -Carolina.... The whole being a compendious account of a voyage made -by an ingenious person, begun Oct., 1682, and finished 1683_. Dublin, -1683.[785] Crafford is called supercargo of the ship “James of Erwin.” - -_Carolina described more fully than heretofore ... from the several -relations, ... from divers letters from the Irish settled there -and relations of those who have been there several years._ Dublin, -1684.[786] - -The first edition of Blome’s _Present state of his majesty’s isles -and territories in America_, London, 1687,[787] gave “A new map of -Carolina by Robert Morden” (p. 150), and through translations it became -a popular book throughout Europe, and did something to bring the new -colony to their attention. - -Courtenay, in the _Charleston Year Book_, 1883, p. 377, gives a -fac-simile of a map (with a corner map of Charlestown and vicinity) -which marks the lots of settlers, and is thought by him to be earlier -than 1700. - -For the next fifteen years there is little in print about the history -of Carolina; but not long after 1700, the attempt of the High-Church -party, led by Nicholas Trott, the chief justice, and James Moore, to -enforce conformity produced a controversy not without results. - -[Illustration: MORDEN’S CAROLINA (1687.) - -Cf. “A Generall Mapp of Carolina describeing its Sea Coast and Rivers. -London, printed for Ric. Blome,” which appeared in Blome’s _Description -of the Island of Jamaica, with the other Isles and Territories in -America, to which the English are related_. London, 1678.] - -The establishment of the “Society for the Propagation of the Gospel -in Foreign Parts,” which had been chartered June 16, 1701, had -given a certain impulse to the movement; and the society had its -historiographer in David Humphreys, who in 1730 published at London his -_Historical Account_[788] of it. This and the abstracts of the early -reports of the society, published with their anniversary sermons, -afford data of its work in the colonies. - -The first Episcopal church had been built in Charlestown about 1681-2, -and its history and that of those later founded in the province, as -well as of the movement at this time in progress, can be followed in -Frederick D. Dalcho’s _Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal -Church in South Carolina, from the First Settlement of the Province to -the War of the Revolution; with Notices of the Present State of the -Church in each Parish, and some Account of the Early Civil History of -Carolina never before published_. (Charleston, 1820.)[789] - -The early years of the century were distinguished by the sharp -retaliatory attacks of the Carolinians and the neighboring Spanish. -The letter which Colonel Moore sent to the governor respecting his -plundering incursion into Florida is fortunately printed in the -_Boston News-Letter_, May 1, 1704, whence Carroll copied it for his -_Hist. Collections_ (ii. 573). Of this and of later attacks, we can -add something from the _Report_ of the committee of the South Carolina -Assembly, in 1740, on Oglethorpe’s subsequent failure, and from the -narratives of Archdale and Oldmixon, later to be mentioned. Of the -French and Spanish naval attack on Charlestown in 1706,[790] Mr. Doyle, -in his _English in America_, says that the MS. reports preserved -in the Colonial Papers confirm the contemporary account (Sept. 13, -1706) printed in the _Boston News-Letter_, and the statements in the -_Report_ of 1740 on Oglethorpe’s later defeat at St. Augustine. The -_News-Letter_ account was reprinted in the _Carolina Gazette_, at a -later day. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF CHARLESTOWN, 1704. (_Survey of Edward Crisp._) - -The Key: A, Granville bastion. B, Craven bastion. C, Carteret -bastion. D, Colleton bastion. E, Ashley bastion. F, Blake’s bastion. -G, Half-moon. H, Draw-bridge. I, Johnson’s covered half-moon. K, -Draw-bridge. L, Palisades. M, Lieut.-Col. Rhett’s bridge. N. Smith’s -bridge. O, Minister’s house. P, English Church. Q, French Church. R, -Independent Church. S, Anabaptist Church. T, Quaker meeting-house. V, -Court of guard. W, First rice patch in Carolina.—Owners of houses as -follows: 1, Pasquero and Garret. 2, Landsack. 3, Jno. Crosskeys. 4, -Chevelier. 5, Geo. Logan. 6, Poinsett. 7, Elicott. 8, Starling. 9, M. -Boone. 10, Tradds. 11, Nat. Law. 12, Landgrave Smith. 13, Col. Rhett. -14, Ben. Skenking. 15, Sindery. - -This same map is one of the three side maps given in H. Moll’s _Map -of the Dominions of the King of Great Britain in America_, 1715. It -is repeated in Ramsay’s _South Carolina_, vol. ii., and in Cassell’s -_United States_, i. 432.] - - -Rivers points out that Ramsay (i. 135) adds a few details, perhaps -from tradition. Professor Rivers had earlier contributed to _Russell’s -Mag._ (Charleston, Aug., 1859, p. 458) a paper from the London State -Paper Office, entitled “An impartial narrative of y^e late invasion of -So. Carolina by y^e French and Spanish in the month of August, 1706.” -Governor John Archdale printed at London, in 1707, _A new Description -of that fertile and pleasant province of Carolina, with a brief account -of its discovery, settling, and the government thereof_ (pp. 32).[791] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -The next year (1708) we have an account of the condition of the colony -in a letter signed by Sir Nathaniel Johnson, and dated September 17. -It is quoted in large part by Rivers in his _Sketches_.[792] The name -of John Oldmixon (died in England in 1742) is signed to the dedication -of the _British Empire in America_, London, 1708, and it passes under -his name. A second corrected and amended edition appeared in 1741.[793] -Herman Moll made the maps which it contains, including one of Carolina, -and some have supposed that he wrote the text. Dr. Hawks says of the -book that it contains almost as many errors as pages, and unsupported -is not to be trusted (ii. p. 481). - -In 1708 John Stevens began in London to issue in numbers a work, which -when completed in 1710 and 1711 (copies have both dates) was called -_A new Collection of Voyages and Travels into several parts of the -world, none of which ever before printed in English_. The second of -this series, “printed in the year 1709,” was _A new Voyage to Carolina, -containing the exact description and natural history of that country, -together with the present state thereof and a Journal of a thousand -miles travel’d thro’ several nations of Indians, giving a particular -account of their customs, manners, etc., by John Lawson, Gent., -Surveyor-General of North Carolina_. Other issues of the same sheets, -with new title-pages, are dated 1714 and 1718.[794] - -Lawson was a young Englishman, who arrived in Charleston in September, -1700. After a few months’ tarry in that settlement, he started with -five white men and four Indians, and went by canoe to the Santee, where -he turned inland afoot, and as he journeyed put down what he saw and -experienced. In North Carolina he was made Surveyor-General, and this -appointment kept him roaming over the country, during which he came -much in contact with the Indians, and made, as Field says,[795] acute -and trustworthy observations of them. With this life he practised a -literary craft, and wrote out his experiences in a book which was -taken to London to be printed,—an “uncommonly strong and sprightly -book,” as Professor Tyler calls it.[796] His vocation of land-surveyor -was not one calculated to endear him to the natives, who saw that the -compass and the chain always harbingered new claims upon their lands. -Three years after his book had been printed he was on a journey (1712) -through the wilds with the Baron de Graffenreid, when the two were -seized by the Tuscaroras, who suffered the German to agree for his -release. The Englishman, however, was burned with pine splinters stuck -in his flesh, as is generally believed, though Colonel Byrd, in his -_History of the dividing line between Virginia and Carolina_, says he -was waylaid and his throat cut.[797] - -[Illustration: WAR MAP, 1711-1715.] - -Of about this time we also find a number of tracts, incentives to and -records of German and Swiss emigration.[798] For the Carey rebellion -and the Indian war of 1711,[799] Hawks used a transcript from an early -copy of Governor Spotswood’s letter-book, which had been in his family -and was placed by him in the State Department of North Carolina, where -it had apparently originally belonged. In 1882, the Virginia Historical -Society published the first volume of the Spotswood letters, and the -student finds this material easily accessible now.[800] - -In 1715 the General Assembly of North Carolina revised and reënacted -the body of statute law then in force,[801] and twelve MS. copies were -made, one for each precinct court. About a quarter of a century ago, -says Mr. Swain, the State Historical Agent, in his _Report_ of 1857, -two of these copies, moth-eaten and mutilated, were discovered, and -about 1854 a third copy, likewise imperfect, was found. From these -three copies the body of laws was reconstructed for the State Library. - -The authorities for the Yamassee war of 1715-16, so far as printed, -are the account in the _Boston News-Letter_ (June 13, 1715), reprinted -in Carroll (ii. 569), where (ii. 141) as well as in Force’s _Tracts_ -(vol. ii.) is one of the chief authorities for this and for that other -struggle which shook off the rule of the Proprietors, published in -London in 1726, under the title of _A narrative of the Proceedings -of the People of South Carolina in the year 1719, and of the true -causes and motives that induced them to renounce their obedience to -the Lords Proprietors, as their governors, and to put themselves under -the immediate government of the Crown_.[802] Yonge, who professes to -write in this tract from original papers, is thus made of importance -as an authority, since in 1719 the records of South Carolina seem to -have been embezzled, as Rivers infers from an act of February, 1719-20, -whose purpose was to recover them “from such as now have the custody -thereof,” and they are not known to exist. We get the passions of the -period in _The liberty and property of British subjects asserted: in -a letter from an assembly-man in Carolina to his friend in London_. -London, 1726.[803] It is signed N., and is dated at Charleston, January -15, 1725, and sustains the discontents, in their criticism of the -Proprietary government. The preface, written in London, gives a history -of the colony. - -In 1729 all of the Proprietors, except Lord Granville, surrendered -their title in the soil to the Crown;[804] and in 1744 his eighth part -was set off to him,[805] being a region sixty-six miles from north to -south, adjoining the southern line of Virginia and running from sea to -sea. Lord Granville retained this title down to the Revolution, and -after that event he endeavored to reëstablish his claim in the Circuit -and Supreme Courts, till his death, during the continuance of the war -of 1812, closed proceedings. - -Meanwhile some sustained efforts were making to induce a Swiss -immigration to South Carolina. Jean Pierre Purry, a leader among -them, printed in London in 1724 a tract, which is very rare: _Mémoire -presenté à sa Gr. Mylord Duc de Newcastle sur l’état présent de la -Caroline et sur les moyens de l’ameliorer_. Londres, 1724.[806] In -1880 Colonel C. C. Jones, Jr., privately printed an English version of -it at Augusta, Georgia, as a _Memorial ... upon the present condition -of Carolina and the means of its amelioration by Jean Pierre Purry of -Neufchâtel, Switzerland_. - -The _Gentleman’s Magazine_ of August, September, and October, 1732, -contained an English rendering of a description of Carolina, drawn up -by Purry and others, at Charlestown in September, 1731. This last paper -has been included by Carroll in his _Historical Collections_ (vol. -ii.), and by Force in his _Tracts_ (vol. ii.).[807] Purry’s tracts -were in the interest of immigration, and his and their influence seem -to have induced a considerable number of Swiss to proceed to Carolina, -where they formed a settlement called Purrysburg on the east side of -the Savannah River. Hardships, malaria, and unwonted conditions of life -discouraged them, and their settlement was not long continued.[808] - -Bernheim, _German Settlements in Carolina_ (p. 99), points out how the -busy distribution of the rose-colored reports of Purry doubtless also -led to the German and Swiss settlement at Orangeburg, S. C., in 1735, -the history of which he derives from the journals of the council of the -province in the state archives, and from those church record-books, -which are preserved. It is to Bernheim we must look for the best -accounts of the other German settlements in different parts of the -province. - -In 1851 the Lutheran synod of South Carolina put the Rev. G. D. -Bernheim in charge of its records, and in 1858 he began to collect -the minutes of the synod of North Carolina, and to interest himself -generally in the history of the German settlements of both States. From -1861 to 1864 he printed much of the material which he had gathered -in the _Southern Lutheran_. He found that the writers in English of -the histories of the Carolinas had largely neglected this part of the -story, perhaps from unacquaintance with the tongue in which the records -of the early German settlers are written. The settlements of these -people at Newbern and Salem had not indeed been overlooked; but their -plantations in the central and western parts of the State, comprising -more than three fourths of the German population, had been neglected. -In the histories of South Carolina the settlements of Purrysburg and -Hard Labor Creek had alone been traced with attention. In 1872 Mr. -Bernheim recast his material into a _History of the German settlements -and of the Lutheran church in North and South Carolina, from the -earliest period_ [to 1850], and published it at Philadelphia. It may be -supplemented by a little volume, _The Moravians in North Carolina_, by -Rev. Levin T. Reichell, Salem, N. C. 1857.[809] - -We find some assistance in fixing for this period the extent of the -domination of the English Church in a map which accompanies David -Humphreys’ _Historical Account of the Society for the Propagation of -the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, London, 1730, which is called “Map of -the Province of Carolina, divided into its parishes, according to the -latest accounts, 1730, by H. Moll, geographer.” It has a corner “map of -the most improved parts of [South] Carolina,” which shows the parish -churches and the English and Indian settlements. A fac-simile of this -lesser map is annexed. George Howe’s _History of the Presbyterian -Church in South Carolina, from 1685 to 1800_, Columbia, S. C., 1870, is -another local monograph of interest in the religious development of the -province.[810] - -[Illustration: INDIAN MAP, 1730. - -In the Kohl collection (no. 220). The original is in the British -Museum, describing the situation of the Indian tribes in the northwest -parts of South Carolina, and drawn by an Indian chief on a deer-skin, -and presented to Gov. Nicholson.] - -The Huguenot element in Carolina became an important one, and as -early as 1737 these French founded in Charleston the “South Carolina -Society,” a benevolent organization, which in 1837 celebrated its -centennial, the memory of which is preserved in a descriptive pamphlet -published at Charleston in that year, containing an oration by J. -W. Toomer, and an appendix of historical documents. There is no -considerable account yet published of these Carolina Huguenots, and the -student must content himself with the scant narrative by Charles Weiss, -as given in the translation of his book by H. W. Herbert, _History -of the French Protestant Refugees_ (New York, 1854), which has, in -addition to the narrative in Book iv. on refugees in America, an -appendix on American Huguenots, not, however, very skilfully arranged. -There is a similar appendix by G. P. Disosway[811] at the close of -Samuel Smiles’ _Huguenots_ (New York, 1868); and briefer accounts in -Mrs. H. F. S. Lee’s _Huguenots in France and America_ (Cambridge, -1843, vol. ii. ch. 29), and in Reginald Lane Poole’s _History of the -Huguenots of the Dispersion_ (London, 1880).[812] - -Professor Rivers contributed to _Russell’s Magazine_ (Charleston, -Sept., 1859) a paper on “The Carolina regiment in the expedition -against St. Augustine in 1740.” - -The natural aspects of the country, as they became better known, we -get from Mark Catesby’s _Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and -the Bahama Islands_, etc., which was published in London, from 1732 -to 1748, and again in 1754;[813] and a German translation appeared at -Nuremberg in 1755. The English text was revised in the second edition -by Edwards, and again printed at London in 1771. - -The files of the early newspapers of the Carolinas afford needful, if -scant, material. Thomas, in his _History of Printing_, records all -there was. The _South Carolina Gazette_, beginning in January, 1731-2, -was published for little more than a year as a weekly; but this title -was resuscitated in new hands in February, 1734, when the new journal -of this name continued its weekly issues up to the Revolutionary -period. No other paper was begun in that province till 1758, when a new -weekly, the _South Carolina and American General Gazette_, was started. -Three years before this, the first paper had been established at -Newbern, _The North Carolina Gazette_, which lived for about six years. - -To Governor Glen is attributed _A description of South Carolina_, which -was printed in London in 1761,[814] and is reprinted in Carroll’s -_Historical Collections_, vol. ii. It gives the civil, natural, and -commercial history of the colony. It is the completest survey which had -up to this time been printed. - -In the war with the Cherokees some imputations were put upon the South -Carolina rangers, under Henry Middleton, by Grant, the commander -of the expeditions against those Indians; and this charge did not -pass unchallenged, as would seem from a tract published in 1762 at -Charleston, entitled _Some Observations on the two Campaigns against -the Cherokee Indians in 1760 and 1761_.[815] - -For the geography of this period we have two maps in the _New and -complete History of the British Empire in America_, an anonymous -publication which was issued in parts in London, beginning in 1757. -One is a map of Virginia and North Carolina, the other of South -Carolina and Georgia, both stretching their western limits beyond the -Mississippi. - -[Illustration: THE SOUTH CAROLINA COAST. - -Cf. the Carolina of Moll in his _New Survey_, no. 26 (1729), and a -reproduction of Moll in Cassell’s _United States_, i. 439. A map of -Carolina and Charlestown harbor (1742) is in the _English Pilot_, no. -19.] - -At the very end of the period of which we are now writing the MS. -description of South Carolina by the engineer William De Brahm, -which is preserved in the library of Harvard University, becomes of -importance for its topographical account, and its plans and maps, -executed with much care. It is included in a volume, containing also -similar descriptions of Georgia and Florida, which portions are noticed -in the following chapter. There are transcripts of this document which -have an early date,[816] and some at least have a title different from -the Harvard one, and are called _A Philosophico-historico-Hydrography -of South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida_. From such a one, which -is without the drawings, that portion relating to South Carolina was -printed in London in 1856, by Mr. Plowden Charles Jennett Weston, in a -volume of _Documents connected with the History of South Carolina_. An -engraved map by De Brahm, _Map of South Carolina and a part of Georgia, -composed from surveys taken by Hon. Wm. Bull, Capt. Gascoigne, Hugh -Bryan, and William De Brahm_, published in four sheets by Jefferys, -also appeared in the _General Topography of North America and the West -Indies_, London, 1768. The map itself is dated Oct. 20, 1757, and gives -tables of names of proprietors of land in Georgia and Carolina.[817] - - * * * * * - -The earliest account of the history of South Carolina cast in a -sustained retrospective spirit is the anonymous _Historical Account of -the rise and progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia_ -(London, 1779), which is known to have been prepared by Dr. Alexander -Hewatt,—as his signature seems to fix the spelling of his name, though -in the bibliographical records it appears under various forms.[818] -Carroll, in reprinting the book in the first volume of his _Historical -Collections_, added many emendatory notes.[819] The next year (1780) -produced a far more important book, in respect to authority, in George -Chalmers’ _Political Annals of the Present United Colonies, from their -Settlement to the Peace of 1763_ (London), the first volume of which, -however, was the only one published.[820] Chalmers, who was born in -1742, had practised law in Maryland, but he could not sympathize with -the revolution, and at the outbreak returned to England, where in time -(August, 1786) he became the clerk of the Board of Trade and died in -office, May 31, 1825, at the age of eighty-two. - -When Williamson was engaged on his _History of North Carolina_ (i. p. -9), he applied for assistance to Chalmers, whose _Political Annals_ -shows that he had access to papers not otherwise known at that time, -but was refused. Grahame, in his _Colonial History of the United -States_ (i. p. xii.), says he got ready access to Chalmers’ papers, -but as he disclosed in his text little new, it was conjectured that -before Grahame’s opportunity much had passed out of Chalmers’ hands. -Sparks, in a letter (1856) to Mr. Swain, the historical agent of -North Carolina, says of Chalmers that “he undoubtedly procured nearly -the whole of his materials from the archives of the Board of Trade. -His papers, after having been bound in volumes, were sold by his -nephew a few years ago (1843) in London. I purchased six volumes -of them, relating mostly to New England. They are not important, -being memoranda, references, and extracts, used in writing his -_Annals_.”[821] Two large volumes of Chalmers’ notes and transcripts -also came into the hands of George Bancroft, and were entrusted by him -to the care of Dr. Hawks and Mr. Rivers, when they were at work upon -their histories of North and South Carolina. Bancroft, from his own use -of them, and of Chalmers’ printed _Annals_, and speaking particularly -of the Culpepper revolution (1678), in the original edition (ii. p. -162) of his _United States_, says: “Chalmers’ account in all cases -of the kind must be received with great hesitancy. The coloring is -always wrong; the facts usually perverted. He writes like a lawyer -and disappointed politician, not like a calm inquirer. His statements -are copied by Grahame,[822] obscured by Martin, and, strange to say, -exaggerated by Williamson.” Dr. William Smyth, in his _Lectures on -Modern History_, calls the work of Chalmers an “immense, heavy, tedious -book, to explain the legal history of the different colonies; it should -be consulted in all such points, but it is impossible to read it.”[823] - -[Illustration] - -Near the close of the Revolutionary War Chalmers began the printing -of another work, a succinct sketch of the history of the colonies. A -very few copies exist of the first volume, which is without title or -preliminary matter, and in the copy before us a blank leaf contains -a manuscript title in Chalmers’ own handwriting as follows: _An -Introduction to the History of the Colonies, giving from the State -Papers a comprehensive view of the origin of their Revolt. By George -Chalmers, Vol. I. Printed in 1782, But suppressed_. This volume, -beginning with the reign of James I. and ending with that of George -I., was the only one printed. The present copy[824] is marked as being -the one from which Mr. Sparks printed an edition published in Boston -in 1845,[825] in which the preface says that the original issue was -suppressed, “owing to the separation of the colonies, which happened -just at the season for publication, December, 1782, or the prior cause -in April precedent, the dismission of a tory administration.”[826] - -When Chalmers’ papers were sold, a manuscript continuation of this -_Introduction_ in the handwriting of the author was found, completely -revised and prepared for the press. When Sparks reprinted the single -volume already referred to, he added this second part to complete the -work, and it was carefully carried through the press by John Langdon -Sibley. Sparks in his introductory statements speaks of the book -as “deduced for the most part from the State Papers in the British -offices, or to speak with more precision, from the confidential -correspondence of the governors and other officers of the Crown in the -colonies.” In regard to its suppression he adds that “no political ends -could now be answered by its publication, and it is probable that he -thought it more politic to sacrifice the pride and fame of authorship -than to run the hazard of offending the ministers.”[827] - -Of the later histories it is most convenient to treat each province -separately, as will be done in the annexed note. - - -NOTE. - -THE LATER HISTORIES OF THE CAROLINAS. - - -=I.= NORTH CAROLINA.—The first published of the general accounts -of this State was the _History of North Carolina_, by Hugh -Williamson,[828] at Philadelphia, in 1812, in two volumes. Dr. Hawks, -the later historian, says (ii. p. 540) that North Carolinians do -not recognize Williamson’s work as a history of their State. It is -inaccurate in a great many particulars, and sometimes when there is -proof that the original record was lying before him. Sparks calls it -“meagre and unsatisfactory,” and adds that it contains but few facts, -and these apparently the most unimportant of such as had fallen in his -way.[829] More care and discrimination, though but little literary -interest, characterized another writer. François Xavier Martin had -a singular career. He was born in Marseilles, became a bankrupt in -Martinique, went friendless to Newbern, in North Carolina, and rose to -distinction as a jurist, after beginning his career in the State as a -translator and vendor of French stories. He had removed to Louisiana, -when he published at New Orleans his _History of North Carolina_, in -1829 (two volumes), and in that State he rose to be chief justice, and -published a history of it, as we have seen. Martin’s accumulation of -facts carries no advantage by any sort of correlation except that of -dates. A painstaking search, as far as his opportunities permitted, -and a perspicuous way of writing stand for the work’s chief merits. -He stops at the Declaration of Independence. Up to Martin’s time -Bancroft[830] might well speak of the carelessness with which the -history of North Carolina had been written. - -Next came John H. Wheeler’s _Historical Sketches of North Carolina from -1584 to 1851, compiled from original records, official documents, and -traditional statements, with biographical sketches of her distinguished -Statesmen, Jurists, Lawyers, Soldiers, etc._, Philadelphia, 1851. It -is not unfairly characterized by Mr. C. K. Adams, in his _Manual of -Historical Reference_ (p. 559), as “a jumble of ill-digested material, -rather a collection of tables, lists, and facts than a history.” - -David L. Swain,[831] who had been governor of the State, had done much -to collect transcripts of documents from the archives of the other -States and from England, and in 1857, as historical agent of the State, -he made a report, which was printed at Raleigh, in which, speaking of -the statutes at large, which Virginia and South Carolina had published, -he referred to “both of these collections, especially the former, the -earlier and better work, as deeply interesting in connection with North -Carolina history.” - -Of the _History of North Carolina_, by Francis Lister Hawks, D. D., -LL. D., the second volume, published at Fayetteville in 1858, covers -the period of the Proprietary government from 1663 to 1729, the first -volume being given to the Raleigh period, etc. He availed himself of -the fullest permission by state and local authorities to profit by -the records within his own State; and he had earlier himself procured -in London many copies of documents there. The author claims that more -than three fourths of this volume has been prepared from original -authorities, existing in manuscript. He tells at greater length than -others the story of the law and its administration, of the industrial -and agricultural arts, navigation and trade, religion and learning. - -The latest local treatment is that of Mr. John W. Moore’s _History of -North Carolina from the earliest discoveries to the present time_, -Raleigh, 1880, in two volumes. There is not much attempt at original -research, and he does not reprint documentary material, as Hawks did, -in too great profusion to make a popular book. Mr. Moore aims to give a -better literary form to the story; but his style somewhat overlays his -facts. - - -=II.= SOUTH CAROLINA.—To turn to the more southern province,—Dr. -David Ramsay, who was a respectable physician from Pennsylvania, -domiciled and married in Charleston, gained some reputation in his -day as a practised writer, and as an historical scholar of zeal and -judgment. He published first, in 1796, a _Sketch of the Soil, Climate, -etc., of South Carolina_; and later, in 1809, at Charleston, a _History -of South Carolina_, 1670-1808, in which he made good use of Hewatt, as -far as he was available. - -In 1836 Carroll republished many of the early printed tracts upon -South Carolina history in his two volumes of _Historical Collections_. -Referring to this publication, a writer in the _Southern Quarterly -Review_, Jan., 1852, p. 185, says: “But for a timely appropriation by -the legislature of two thousand dollars for his relief, Carroll would -have been seriously the sufferer by his experiment on public taste and -sectional patriotism.” - -Grahame in 1836 had published the first edition of his _Colonial -History of the United States_, including the early history of the -Carolinas, and Bancroft, in 1837, published the second volume of his -_History of the Colonization of the United States_, and in chapter -xiii. he discussed how Shaftesbury and Locke legislated for South -Carolina,—a chapter considerably changed in his last edition (1883). - -The South Carolina novelist, William G. Simms, first published a small -history of the State in 1840, which served for school use. This he -revised in 1860 as a _History of South Carolina_, which was published -in New York. It was spirited, but too scant of detail for scholarly -service.[832] - -The South Carolina Historical Society was formed in 1855, Mr. Rivers, -the writer of the preceding chapter, being one of the originators. The -first volume of their _Collections_, published in 1857, contained, -beside an opening address by Professor F. A. Porcher, the beginning -of a list and abstracts of papers in the State Paper Office, London, -relating to South Carolina. This enumeration was continued in the -second and third volumes.[833] There are also in the second volume, -beside Petigru’s oration, a paper on the French Protestants of the -Abbeville district, an oration by J. B. Cohen, and O. M. Lieber’s -vocabulary of the Catawba language. In vol. iii. we find an oration by -W. H. Trescott. No further volumes have been printed. - -Mr. Rivers’ _Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of -the Proprietary Government by the Revolution of 1719_, published in -Charleston in 1856, was continued by him in _A Chapter in the Early -History of South Carolina_, published at Charleston in 1874, which -largely consists of explanatory original documents. This section of -a second volume of his careful history was all that the author had -accomplished towards completing the work, when the civil war of 1861 -“rendered him unable to continue its preparation.” Mr. Rivers says, -in a note in this supplementary chapter, that an examination of the -records at Columbia has shown him that, to perfect this additional -task, it would be necessary to make examination among the records of -the State-Paper Office in London. - -Of these latter records Mr. Fox Bourne, in his _Life of John Locke_ -(London, 1876), says: “Locke’s connection with the affairs of the -colony lasted only through its earliest infancy. Down to the autumn of -1672 he continued his informal office of secretary to the Proprietors. -Nearly every letter received from the colony is docketed by him; and -of a great number that have disappeared there exist careful epitomes -in his handwriting. We have also drafts, entered by him, of numerous -letters sent out from England, and his hand is plainly shown in other -letters. Out of this material it would be easy to construct almost the -entire history of the colony during the first years of its existence.” - -It was some time before the period of Mr. Fox Bourne’s writing that -the Earl of Shaftesbury deposited with the deputy keeper of the Public -Records the collection of documents known as the _Shaftesbury Papers_, -the accumulation which had been formed in the hands of his ancestor, -and which yield so much material for the early history of the Carolina -government.[834] - -The latest use made of these and other papers of the State-Paper -Office is found in _The English in America, Virginia, Maryland, and -the Carolinas_ (London, 1882), written by Mr. John A. Doyle, librarian -of All Souls, Oxford. In a note to his chapter on the “Two Carolinas,” -Doyle says (p. 427), respecting the material for Carolinian history -in the English archives: “To make up for the deficiency of printed -authorities, the English archives are unusually rich in papers -referring to Carolina. There are letters and instructions from the -Proprietors, individually and collectively, and reports sent to them by -successive governors and other colonial officials. It is remarkable, -however, that while we have such abundant material of this kind, there -is a great lack of records of the actual proceedings of the local -legislatures in North and South Carolina. In North Carolina we have -no formal record of legislative proceedings during the seventeenth -century. In South Carolina they are but few and scanty till after the -overthrow of the Proprietary government.[835] Moreover, the early -archives of Carolina, though abundant, are necessarily somewhat -confused. The northern and southern colonies, while practically -distinct, were under the government of a single corporation, and -thus the documents relating to each are most inextricably mixed up. -Again, while the Proprietors were the governing body, the colonies -in some measure came under the supervision of the Lords of Trade and -Plantations, and at a later day of the Board of Trade. Thus much which -concerns the colony is to be found in the entry books of the latter -body, while the Proprietary documents themselves are to be found -partly among the colonial papers,[836] partly in a special department -containing the Shaftesbury Papers.” - -In the _Fifth Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission_ there -is a calendar of the Shelburne Papers, belonging to the Marquis of -Lansdowne, which shows a considerable number of documents of interest -in the history of Carolina: as, for instance (p. 215), Governor -Barrington’s account of the State of North Carolina, January 1, -1732-33; Governor Glen’s answers with respect to inquiries about -South Carolina; an offer (p. 218) of a treaty for the sale of Lord -Granville’s district in North Carolina to the Crown, signed by the -second Lord Granville; and (p. 228, etc.) various reports of law -officers of the Crown on questions arising in the government of the -colonies. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE ENGLISH COLONIZATION OF GEORGIA. - -1733-1752. - -BY CHARLES C. JONES, JR., LL. D. - - -ACTING under the orders of Admiral Coligny, Captain Ribault, before -selecting a location for his fort and planting his Huguenot colony -near the mouth of Port Royal, traversed what is now known as the -Georgia coast, observed its harbors, and named several of the principal -rivers emptying into the Atlantic Ocean.[837] “It was a fayre coast, -stretchyng of a great length, couered with an infinite number of high -and fayre trees.” The waters “were boyling and roaring, through the -multitude of all kind of fish.” The inhabitants were “all naked and -of a goodly stature, mightie, and as well shapen and proportioned -of body as any people in ye world; very gentle, courteous, and of -a good nature.” Lovingly entertained were these strangers by the -natives, and they were, in the delightful spring-time, charmed with -all they beheld. As they viewed the country they pronounced it the -“fairest, fruitfullest, and pleasantest of all the world, abounding in -hony, venison, wilde foule, forests, woods of all sorts, Palm-trees, -Cypresse, and Cedars, Bayes ye highest and greatest; with also the -fayrest vines in all the world, with grapes according, which, without -natural art and without man’s helpe or trimming, will grow to toppes of -Okes and other trees that be of a wonderfull greatness and height. And -the sight of the faire medowes is a pleasure not able to be expressed -with tongue: full of Hernes, Curlues, Bitters, Mallards, Egrepths, -Wood-cocks, and all other kinds of small birds; with Harts, Hindes, -Buckes, wilde Swine, and all other kindes of wilde beastes, as we -perceiued well, both by their footing there, and also afterwardes in -other places by their crie and roaring in the night.... Also there -be Conies and Hares, Silk Wormes in merueilous number, a great deale -fairer and better than be our silk wormes. To be short, it is a thing -vnspeakable to consider the thinges that bee scene there and shal be -founde more and more in this incomperable lande, which, neuer yet -broken with plough yrons, bringeth forth al things according to his -first nature wherewith the eternall God indued it.” - -Enraptured with the delights of climate, forests, and waters, and -transferring to this new domain names consecrated by pleasant -associations at home, Captain Ribault called the River St. Mary the -_Seine_, the Satilla the _Somme_, the Alatamaha the _Loire_, the -Newport the _Charante_, the Great Ogeechee the _Garonne_, and the -Savannah the _Gironde_. Two years afterward, when René de Laudonnière -visited Ribault’s fort, he found it deserted. The stone pillar -inscribed with the arms of France, which he had erected to mark the -farthest confines of Charles IX.’s dominion in the Land of Flowers, was -garlanded with wreaths. Offerings of maize and fruits lay at its base; -and the natives, regarding the structure with awe and veneration, had -elevated it into the dignity of a god. - -As yet no permanent lodgment had been effected in the territory -subsequently known as Georgia. The first Europeans who are known to -have traversed it were Hernando de Soto and his companions, whose -story has been told elsewhere.[838] The earliest grant of the lower -part of the territory claimed by England under the discovery of Cabot, -was made by His Majesty King Charles I., in the fifth year of his -reign, to Sir Robert Heath, his attorney-general. In that patent it -is called _Carolina Florida_, and the designated limits extended from -the river Matheo in the thirtieth degree, to the river Passa Magna in -the thirty-sixth degree of north latitude. There is good reason for -the belief that actual possession was taken under this concession, and -that, in the effort to colonize, considerable sums were expended by -the proprietor and by those claiming under him. Whether this grant was -subsequently surrendered, or whether it was vacated and declared null -for _non user_ or other cause, we are not definitely informed. Certain -it is that King Charles II., in the exercise of his royal pleasure, -issued to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina two grants of the same -territory with some slight modifications of boundaries. The latter of -these grants, bearing date the 30th of June in the seventeenth year -of his reign, conveys to the Lords Proprietors that portion of the -New World lying between the thirty-sixth and the twenty-ninth degrees -of north latitude. While the English were engaged in peopling a part -of the coast embraced within these specified limits, the Spaniards -contented themselves with confirming their settlements at St. Augustine -and a few adjacent points. - -Although in 1670 England and Spain entered into stipulations for -composing their differences in America,—stipulations which have since -been known as the _American Treaty_,—the precise line of separation -between Carolina and Florida was not defined. Between these powers -disputes touching this boundary were not infrequent. In view of this -unsettled condition of affairs, and in order to assert a positive claim -to, and retain possession of, the debatable ground which neither party -was willing either to relinquish or clearly to point out, the English -established and maintained a small military post on the south end of -Cumberland Island, where the river St. Mary empties its waters into the -Atlantic. - -Apprehending that either the French or Spanish forces would take -possession of the Alatamaha River, King George I. ordered General -Nicholson, then governor of Carolina, with a company of one hundred -men, to secure that river, as being within the bounds of South -Carolina; and, at some suitable point, to erect a fort with an eye to -the protection of His Majesty’s possessions in that quarter and the -control of the navigation of that stream. That fort was placed near the -confluence of the Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers, and was named Fort George. - -Although by the treaty of Seville commissioners were appointed to -determine the northern boundary line of Florida, which should form the -southern limit of South Carolina, no definite conclusion was reached, -and the question remained open and a cause of quarrel until the peace -of 1763, when Spain ceded Florida to Great Britain. - -In recalling the instances of temporary occupancy, by Europeans, of -limited portions of the territory at a later period conveyed to the -trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia, we should not omit -an allusion to the mining operations conducted by the Spaniards at an -early epoch among the auriferous mountains of upper Georgia. Influenced -by the representations made by the returned soldiers of De Soto’s -expedition of the quantity of gold, silver, and pearls in the province -of Cosa, Luis de Velasco dispatched his general, Tristan de Luna, to -open communication with Cosa by the way of Pensacola Bay. Three hundred -Spanish soldiers, equipped with mining tools, penetrated beyond the -valley of the Coosa and passed the summer of 1560 in northern Georgia -and the adjacent region. Juan Pardo was subsequently sent by Aviles, -the first governor of Florida, to establish a fort at the foot of the -mountains northwest of St. Augustine and in the province of the chief -Coabá. It would seem, therefore, that the Spaniards at this early -period were acquainted with, and endeavored to avail themselves of, the -gold deposits in Cherokee Georgia. - -By the German traveller Johannes Lederer[839] are we advised that these -peoples in 1669 and 1670 were still working gold and silver mines in -the Appalachian mountains; and Mr. James Moore assures us that twenty -years afterward these mining operations were not wholly discontinued. - -Thus, long before the advent of the English colonists, had the -Spaniards sojourned, in earnest quest for precious metals, among the -valleys and mountains of the Cherokees. Thus are we enabled to account -for those traces of ancient mining observed and wondered at by the -early settlers of upper Georgia,—operations of no mean significance, -conducted by skilled hands and with metallic tools,—which can properly -be referred neither to the Red Race nor to the followers of De Soto. - -In June, 1717, Sir Robert Mountgomery secured from the Palatine and -Lords Proprietors of the Province of Carolina a grant and release -of all lands lying between the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah, with -permission to form settlements south of the former stream. This -territory was to be erected into a distinct province, “with proper -jurisdictions, privileges, prerogatives, and franchises, independent -of and in no manner subject to the laws of South Carolina.” It was -to be holden of the Lords Proprietors by Sir Robert, his heirs and -assigns forever, under the name and title of the Margravate of Azilia. -A yearly quit rent of a penny per acre for all lands “occupied, -taken up, or run out,” was to be paid. Such payment, however, was -not to begin until three years after the arrival of the first ships -transporting colonists. In addition, Sir Robert covenanted to render -to the Lords Proprietors one fourth part of all the gold, silver, and -royal minerals which might be found within the limits of the ceded -lands. Courts of justice were to be organized, and such laws enacted -by the freemen of the Margravate as might conduce to the general good -and in no wise conflict with the statutes and customs of England. The -navigation of the rivers was to be free to all the inhabitants of the -colonies of North and South Carolina. A duty similar to that sanctioned -in South Carolina was to be laid on skins, and this revenue was to be -appropriated to the maintenance of clergy. In consideration of this -cession, Sir Robert engaged to transport at his own cost a considerable -number of families, and all necessaries requisite for the support and -comfort of settlers within the specified limits. It was understood that -if settlements were not formed within three years from the date of the -grant, it should become void. - -In glowing terms did Sir Robert unfold the attractions of his future -Eden “in the most delightful country of the Universe,” and boldly -proclaim “that Paradise with all her virgin beauties may be modestly -supposed at most but equal to its native excellencies.” After -commending in the highest terms the woods and meadows, mines and -odoriferous plants, soil and climate, fruits and game, streams and -hills, flowers and agricultural capabilities, he exhibited an elaborate -plan of the Margravate, in which he did not propose to satisfy -himself “with building here and there a fort,—the fatal practice of -America,—but so to dispose the habitations and divisions of the land -that not alone our houses, but whatever we possess, will be inclosed by -_military lines_ impregnable against the _savages_, and which will make -our whole plantation one continued fortress.” - -Despite all efforts to induce immigration into this favored region, at -the expiration of the three years allowed by the concession Sir Robert -found himself without colonists. His grant expired and became void by -the terms of its own limitations. His Azilia remained unpeopled save -by the red men of the forest. His scheme proved utterly Utopian. It -was reserved for Oglethorpe and his companions to wrest from primeval -solitude and to vitalize with the energies of civilization the lands -lying between the Savannah and the Alatamaha. - -Persuaded of their inability to afford suitable protection to the -colony of South Carolina, and moved by the wide-spread dissatisfaction -existing in that province, the Lords Proprietors, with the exception -of Lord Carteret, taking advantage of the provisions of an act of -Parliament, on the 25th of July in the third year of the reign of His -Majesty King George II., and in consideration of the sum of £22,500, -surrendered to the Crown not only their rights and interest in the -government of Carolina, but also their ownership of the soil. The -outstanding eighth interest owned by Lord Carteret, Baron of Hawnes, -was by him, on the 28th of February, 1732, conveyed to the “Trustees -for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America.” - -The scheme which culminated in planting a colony on the right bank -of the Savannah River at Yamacraw Bluff originated with James Edward -Oglethorpe, a member of the English House of Commons, and “a gentleman -of unblemished character, brave, generous, and humane.” He was the -third son of Sir Theophilus, and the family of Oglethorpe was ancient -and of high repute.[840] Although at an early age a matriculate of -Corpus Christi College, Oxford, he soon quitted the benches of that -venerable institution of learning for an active military life. With -him a love of arms was an inheritance, for his father attained the -rank of major-general in the British service, and held the office -of first equerry to James II., who intrusted him with an important -command in the army assembled to oppose the Prince of Orange. Entering -the English army as an ensign in 1710, young Oglethorpe continued -in service until peace was proclaimed in 1713. The following year -he became captain-lieutenant of the first troop of the Queen’s -Life-Guards. Preferring active employment abroad to an idle life at -home, he soon repaired to the continent that he might perfect himself -in the art of war under the famous Prince Eugene of Savoy, who, upon -the recommendation of John, Duke of Argyle, gave him an appointment -upon his staff, at first as secretary and afterward as aid-de-camp. -It was a brave school, and his alertness, fidelity, and fearlessness -secured for him the good-will, the confidence, and the commendation of -his illustrious commander. Upon the conclusion of the peace of 1718 -Oglethorpe returned to England, versed in the principles of military -science, accustomed to command, inured to the shock of arms, instructed -in the orders of battle, the management of sieges and the conduct -of campaigns, and possessing a reputation for manhood, executive -ability, and warlike knowledge not often acquired by one of his years. -His brother Theophilus dying, he succeeded to the family estate at -Westbrook, and in October, 1732, was elected a member for Haslemere -in the county of Surrey. This venerable borough and market-town he -continued to represent, through various changes of administration, for -two-and-thirty years. - -[Illustration: OGLETHORPE. - -(See a Note on the Portraits of Oglethorpe on a later page.)] - - -While he was chairman of the committee raised by the House of Commons -to visit the prisons, examine into the condition of the inmates, and -suggest measures of reform, the idea had occurred to Oglethorpe,—whose -“strong benevolence of soul” has been eulogized by Pope,—that not a -few of these unfortunate individuals confined for debt, of respectable -connections, guilty of no crime, and the victims of a legal thraldom -most vile and afflictive, might be greatly benefited by compromising -the claims for the non-payment of which they were suffering the penalty -of hopeless incarceration, upon the condition that when liberated they -would become colonists in America. Thus would opportunity be afforded -them of retrieving their fortunes; thus would England be relieved of -the shame and the expense of their imprisonment, and thus would her -dominion in the New World be enlarged and confirmed. Not the depraved, -not felons who awaited the approach of darker days when graver -sentences were to be endured, not the dishonest who hoped by submitting -to temporary imprisonment to exhaust the patience of creditors and -emerge with fraudulently acquired gains still concealed, but the -honestly unfortunate were to be the beneficiaries of this benevolent -and patriotic scheme. Those also in the United Kingdom who through want -of occupation and lack of means were most exposed to the penalties -of poverty, were to be influenced in behalf of the contemplated -colonization. It was believed that others, energetic, ambitious of -preferment, and possessing some means, could be enlisted in aid of -the enterprise. The anxiety of the Carolinians for the establishment -of a plantation to the South which would serve as a shield against -the incursions of the Spaniards, the attacks of the Indians, and the -depredations of fugitive slaves was great. This scheme of colonization -soon embraced within its benevolent designs not only the unfortunate -of Great Britain, but also the oppressed and persecuted Protestants -of Europe. Charity for, and the relief of, human distress were to -be inscribed upon the foundations of the dwellings which Oglethorpe -proposed to erect amid the Southern forests. Their walls were to be -advanced bulwarks for the protection of the Carolina plantations, -and their aspiring roofs were to proclaim the honor and the dominion -of the British nation. In the whole affair there lingered no hope of -personal gain, no ambition of a sordid character, no secret reservation -of private benefit. The entire project was open, disinterested, -charitable, loyal, and patriotic. Such was its distinguishing -peculiarity. Thus was it recognized by all; and Robert Southey did but -echo the general sentiment when he affirmed that no colony was ever -projected or established upon principles more honorable to its founders. - -As the accomplishment of his purpose demanded a larger expenditure -than his means justified, and as the administration of the affairs -of the plantation would involve “a broader basis of managing power” -than a single individual could well maintain, Oglethorpe sought and -secured the co-operation of wealthy and influential personages in the -development of his beneficent enterprise. - -That proper authority, ample cession, and royal sanction might be -obtained, in association with Lord Percival and other noblemen and -gentlemen of repute he addressed a memorial to the Privy Council, in -which, among other things, it was stated that the cities of London and -Westminster, and the adjacent region, abounded with indigent persons -so reduced in circumstances as to become burdensome to the public, who -would willingly seek a livelihood in any of His Majesty’s plantations -in America if they were provided with transportation and the means -of settling there. In behalf of themselves and their associates the -petitioners engaged, without pecuniary recompense, to take charge -of the colonization, and to erect the plantation into a proprietary -government, if the Crown would be pleased to grant them lands lying -south of the Savannah River, empower them to receive and administer -all contributions and benefactions which they might influence in -encouragement of so good a design, and clothe them with authority -suitable for the enforcement of law and order within the limits of -the province. After the customary reference, this petition met with a -favorable report, and by His Majesty’s direction a charter was prepared -which received the royal sanction on the 9th of June, 1732. - -By this charter, Lord John, Viscount Percival, Edward Digby, George -Carpenter, James Oglethorpe, George Heathcote, Thomas Tower, Robert -Moor, Robert Hucks, Roger Holland, William Sloper, Francis Eyles, John -Laroche, James Vernon, William Beletha, John Burton, Richard Bundy, -Arthur Beaford, Samuel Smith, Adam Anderson, and Thomas Coram and their -successors were constituted a body politic and corporate by the name -of “The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America.” -Ample were the powers with which this corporation was vested. Seven -eighths “of all those lands lying and being in that part of South -Carolina in America which lies from the most northern part of a stream -or river there commonly called the Savannah, all along the sea-coast -to the southward unto the most southern stream of a certain other -great water or river called the Alatamaha, and westerly from the heads -of the said rivers respectively in direct lines to the South Seas,” -were conveyed to the trustees for the purposes of the plantation. The -province was named Georgia, and was declared separate and distinct from -South Carolina. To all, save Papists, was accorded a free exercise of -religious thought and worship. For a period of twenty-one years were -these corporators and their successors authorized to administer the -affairs of the province. At the expiration of that time it was provided -that such form of government would then be adopted, and such laws -promulgated for the regulation of the colony and the observance of its -inhabitants, as the Crown should ordain. Thereafter the governor of the -province and all its officers, civil and military, were to be nominated -and commissioned by the home government. - -[Illustration: MAP OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA, 1773. - -[Fac-simile of a map in _Some Account of the Design of the Trustees -for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America_, 1733, in Harvard -College Library [Tract vol. 536]. This tract is appended to Smith’s -Sermon (1733). This map also appeared the same year in _Reasonsf for -Establishing the Colony of Georgia_, etc. Cf. also the “New Map of -Georgia” in the French version of Martyn’s tracts published in the -_Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1737; Harvard College Library, -shelf-no. 3621. 9, vol. ix.—ED.]] - -In July, 1732, the corporators convened, accepted the charter, and -perfected an organization in accordance with its provisions.[841] -Commissions were issued to leading citizens and charitable corporations -empowering them to solicit contributions in aid of the trust. -Generously did the Trustees subscribe. To prevent any misappropriation -of funds, an account was opened with the Bank of England. There a -register was kept of the names of all benefactors and of the amounts of -their several donations. Liberal responses were received in furtherance -of the charitable scheme both from individuals and from corporations; -and, as an honorable indorsement of the project and its managers, -Parliament gave the sum of £10,000. Tracts commending the colonization -to the favorable notice of the public were prepared,—notably by -Oglethorpe, and by Benjamin Martyn, secretary to the Trustees,—and -widely circulated. - -In framing regulations for the observance of the colonists, and in -maturing plans most conducive to the prosperity and permanence of the -contemplated settlement, the trustees regarded each male inhabitant -both as a planter and as a soldier. Hence, provision was made for -supplying him with arms and with agricultural tools. Towns, in -their inception, were reckoned as garrisons. Consequently the lands -allotted for tillage were to be in their immediate neighborhood, -so that in seasons of alarm the inhabitants might speedily betake -themselves thither for safety and mutual protection. Fifty acres were -adjudged sufficient for the support of a planter and his family. -Grants in tail-male were declared preferable to any other tenure. The -introduction and use of spirituous liquors were forbidden. Unless -sanctioned by special license, traffic with the natives was prohibited. -The trustees saw fit also to forbid the importation, ownership, and use -of negro slaves within the limits of the province of Georgia. Provision -was made for the cultivation of the mulberry tree and the breeding of -silk-worms. - -Keeping in view the benevolent objects of the association and the -character of the settlement to be formed, it was manifest that only fit -persons should be selected for colonization, and that due care should -be exercised in the choice of emigrants. Preference was accordingly -given to applicants who came well recommended by the ministers, -church-wardens, and overseers of their respective parishes. That the -Trustees might not be deceived in the characters and antecedents of -those who signified a desire to avail themselves of the benefits of the -charity, a committee was appointed to visit the prisons and examine the -applicants there confined. If they were found to be worthy, compromises -were effected with their creditors and consents procured for their -discharge. Another committee sat at the office of the corporation to -inquire into the circumstances and qualifications of such as there -presented themselves. It has been idly charged that in the beginning -Georgia colonists were impecunious, lawless, depraved, and abandoned; -that the settlement at Savannah was a sort of Botany Bay, and that -Yamacraw Bluff was peopled by runagates from justice. The suggestion is -without foundation. The truth is that no applicant was admitted to the -privilege of enrolment as an emigrant until he had been subjected to a -preliminary examination, and had furnished satisfactory evidence that -he was fairly entitled to the benefits of the charity. Other American -colonies were founded and augmented by individuals coming at will, -without question for personal gain, and furnishing no certificate of -either past or present good conduct. Georgia, on the contrary, exhibits -the spectacle, at once unique and admirable, of permitting no one to -enter her borders who was not, by competent authority, adjudged worthy -the rights of citizenship. Even those colonists who proposed to come at -their own charge, and who brought servants with them, were required, -as a condition precedent to their embarkation, to prove that they had -obtained permission from the committee selected by the Trustees to pass -upon the qualification of applicants. Upon receiving the approbation -of the committee, and until the time fixed for sailing, adult male -emigrants passing under the bounty of the Trust were drilled each day -by the sergeants of the Royal Guards. - -By the 3d of October, 1732, one hundred and fourteen -individuals—comprising men, women, and children—had been enrolled for -the first embarkation. The “Anne,” a galley of some two hundred tons -burden, commanded by Captain Thomas, was chartered to convey them to -Georgia. She was furnished not only with necessaries for the voyage, -but also with arms, agricultural implements, tools, munitions, and -stores for the use and support of the colonists after their arrival -in America. At his own request, Oglethorpe was selected to conduct -the colonists and establish them in Georgia. He volunteered to bear -his own expenses, and to devote his entire time and attention to the -consummation of the important enterprise. Himself the originator and -the most zealous advocate of the scheme,—this offer on his part placed -the seal of consecration upon his self-denial, patriotism, and enlarged -philanthropy. Most fortunate were the Trustees in securing the services -of such a representative. To no one could the power to exercise the -functions of a colonial governor have been more appropriately confided. - -On the 17th of November, 1732, the “Anne” departed from England, having -on board about one hundred and thirty persons. Thirty-five families -were represented. Among them were carpenters, brick-layers, farmers, -and mechanics, all able-bodied and of good repute. Shaping her course -for the island of Madeira, the vessel there touched and took on board -five tuns of wine. After a protracted voyage the “Anne” dropped anchor -off Charlestown bar on the 13th of January, 1733. Two delicate children -had died at sea. With this exception, no sorrow darkened the passage, -and the colonists were well and happy. - -[Illustration: EARLY SAVANNAH. - -This print, published in London, 1741, is called “A View of the Town of -Savannah in the Colony of Georgia, in South Carolina, humbly inscribed -to his Excellency General Oglethorpe.” References: _A._ Part of an -island called Hutchinson’s Island. _B._ The stairs and landing-place -from the river to the town. _C._ A crane and bell to draw up any goods -from boats and to land them. _D._ A tent pitched near the landing for -General Oglethorpe. _E._ A guard-house with a battery of cannon lying -before it. _F._ The parsonage house. _G._ A plot of ground to build a -church. _H._ A fort or lookout to the woodside. _I._ The House for all -stores. _K._ The court house and chapel. _L._ The mill-house for the -public. _M._ A house for all strangers to reside in. _N._ The common -bake-house. _O._ A draw-well for water. _P._ The wood covering the back -and sides of the town with several vistas cut into it. - -It is reproduced in Jones’s _History of Georgia_, i. 121; and a small -cut of it is given in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, -iii. 140, and in Cassell’s _United States_, i. 487. There is also a -print (15-3/4 × 21-3/4 inches) dedicated to the Trustees by Peter -Gordon, which is inscribed “A view of Savanah [_sic_] as it stood the -29th of March, 1734. P. Gordon, inv., P. Fourdrinier, sculp,” of which -there is a copy in the Boston Public Library [B. H. 6270, 52, no. 38]. -Impressions may also be found in the British Museum, in the Mayor’s -office in Savannah, and in the library of Dr. C. C. Jones, Jr., in -Augusta, Ga.] - -Oglethorpe was warmly welcomed and hospitably entreated by the governor -and council of South Carolina. The King’s pilot was detailed to conduct -the “Anne” into Port Royal harbor. Thence the colonists were conveyed -in small craft to Beaufort-town, where they landed and refreshed -themselves; while their leader, accompanied by Colonel William Bull, -proceeded to the Savannah River and made choice of a spot for the -settlement. Ascending that stream as far as Yamacraw Bluff, and -deeming it an eligible situation, he went on shore and marked out the -site of a town which, from the river flowing by, he named Savannah. -This bluff, rising some forty feet above the level of the river, and -presenting a bold frontage on the water of nearly a mile,—quite ample -for the riparian uses of a settlement of considerable magnitude,—was -the first high ground abutting upon the stream encountered by him in -its ascent. To the south a high and dry plain, overshadowed by pines -interspersed with live-oaks and magnolias, stretched away for a mile -or more. On the east and west were small creeks and swamps affording -convenient drainage for the intermediate territory. The river in front -was capable of floating ships of ordinary tonnage, and they could lie -so near the shore that their cargoes might with facility be discharged. -Northwardly, in the direction of Carolina, lay the rich delta of the -river, with its islands and lowlands crowned with a dense growth of -cypress, sweet-gum, tupelo, and other trees, many of them vine-covered -and draped in long gray moss swaying gracefully in the ambient air. -The yellow jessamine was already mingling its delicious perfume with -the breath of the pine, and the forest was vocal with the voices of -singing birds. Everything in this semi-tropical region was quickening -into life and beauty under the influences of returning spring. In its -primeval repose it seemed a goodly land. The temperate rays of the -sun gave no token of the heat of summer. There was no promise of the -tornado and the thunder-storm in the gentle winds. In the balmy air -lurked no suspicion of malarial fevers. Its proximity to the mouth of -the river rendered this spot suitable alike for commercial purposes and -for maintaining easy communication with the Carolina settlements. - -Near by was an Indian village peopled by the Yamacraws, whose chief, or -mico, was the venerable Tomo-chi-chi. Having, through the intervention -of Mary Musgrove,—a half-breed, and the wife of a Carolina trader who -had there established a post,—persuaded the natives of the friendly -intentions of the English and secured from them an informal cession -of the desired lands, Oglethorpe returned to Beaufort. Thence, on the -30th of January, 1733, the colonists, conveyed in a sloop of seventy -tons and in five periaguas, set sail for Yamacraw Bluff, where, on -the afternoon of the second day afterward, they arrived in safety -and passed their first night upon the soil of Georgia. The ocean had -been crossed, and the germ of a new colony was planted in America. -Sharing the privations and the labors of his companions, Oglethorpe -was present planning, supervising, and encouraging. In marking out the -squares, lots, and streets of Savannah, he was materially assisted -by Colonel William Bull. Early and acceptable aid was extended by -the authorities of Carolina, and this was generously supplemented by -private benefactions. Well knowing that the planting of this colony -would essentially promote the security of Carolina, shielding that -province from the direct assaults and machinations of the Spaniards in -Florida, preventing the ready escape of fugitive slaves, guarding her -southern borders from the incursions of Indians, increasing commercial -relations, and enhancing the value of lands, the South Carolinians -were eager to further the prosperity of Georgia. Sensible of the -courtesies and assistance extended, Oglethorpe repaired at an early -day to Charlestown to return thanks in behalf of the colony and to -interest the public still more in the development of the plantation. -In this mission he was eminently successful. He was cheered also by -congratulations and proffers of aid from other American colonies. - -In nothing were the prudence, wisdom, skill, and ability of the founder -of the colony of Georgia more conspicuous than in his conduct toward -and treatment of the Indians. The ascendency he acquired over them, -the respect they entertained for him, and the manly, generous, and -just policy he ever maintained in his intercourse with the native -tribes of the region are remarkable. Their favor at the outset was -essential to the repose of the settlement; their friendship, necessary -to its existence. As claimants of the soil by virtue of prior -occupancy, it was important that the title they asserted to these their -hunting grounds should at an early moment be peaceably and formally -extinguished. Ascertaining from Tomo-chi-chi the names and abodes of -the most influential chiefs dwelling within the territory ceded by the -charter, Oglethorpe enlisted the good offices of this mico in calling -a convention of them at Savannah. In May, 1733, the Indians assembled, -and on the 21st of that month a treaty was solemnized, by which the -Creeks ceded to the Trustees all lands lying between the Savannah -and the Alatamaha rivers, from the ocean to the head of tide-water. -In this cession were also embraced the islands on the coast from -Tybee to St. Simon inclusive, with the exception of Ossabau, Sapelo, -and St. Catharine, which were reserved for the purposes of hunting, -fishing, and bathing. A tract of land between Pipe-maker’s Bluffs -and Pally-Chuckola Creek was also retained as a place of encampment -whenever it should please the natives to visit their white friends -at Savannah. Stipulations were entered into regulating the price of -goods, the value of peltry, and the privileges of traders. It was -further agreed that criminal offences should be tried and punished in -accordance with the laws of England. In due course the provisions of -this treaty were formally ratified by the Trustees. - -Thus happily, in the very infancy of the colony, was the title of the -Aborigines to the lands south of the Savannah amicably extinguished. -This treaty compassed the pacification of the Lower Creeks, the -Uchees, the Yamacraws, and of other tribes constituting the Muskhogee -confederacy. - -[Illustration: TOMO-CHI-CHI MICO. - -[This head is taken from a German print, engraved at Augsburg, -purporting to follow an original issued in London. The full print also -represents Tooanahowi, his brother’s son, a lad, holding an eagle as -he stands beside his uncle. The entire print on a smaller scale is -reproduced in Jones’s _History of Georgia_; in Gay’s _Popular History -of the United States_, iii. 147; and in Dr. Eggleston’s papers on “Life -in the English Colonies” in the _Century Magazine_.—ED.]] - -Nor did the influences of this convocation rest with them only. They -were recognized by the Upper Creeks; and at a later date similar -stipulations were sanctioned by the Cherokees. For years were they -preserved inviolate; and the colony of Georgia, thus protected, -extended its settlements up the Savannah River and along the coast, -experiencing neither opposition nor molestation, but receiving on -every hand valuable assurance of the good-will of the children of -the forest. Probably the early history of no plantation in America -affords so few instances of hostility on the part of the natives, -or so many acts of kindness extended by the red men. Potent was the -influence of Tomo-chi-chi in consummating this primal treaty of amity -and commerce. Had this chief, turning a deaf ear to the advances of -Oglethorpe, refused his friendship, denied his request, and, inclining -his authority to hostile account, instigated a combined and determined -opposition on the part of the Yamacraws, the Uchees, and the Lower -Creeks, the perpetuation of this English settlement would have been -either most seriously imperilled or abruptly terminated amid smoke and -carnage. When therefore we recur to the memories of this period, and -as often as the leading events in the early history of the colony of -Georgia are narrated, so often should the favors experienced at the -hands of this mico be gratefully acknowledged. If Oglethorpe’s proudest -claim to the honor and respect of succeeding generations rests upon the -fact that he was the founder of the colony of Georgia, let it not be -forgotten that in the hour of supreme doubt and danger the right arm -of this son of the forest, his active intervention, and his unswerving -friendship were among the surest guarantees of the safety and the very -existence of that province. Tomo-chi-chi will be remembered as the firm -ally of the white man, the guide and protector of the colonist, the -constant companion and faithful confederate of Oglethorpe. - -Accessions occurred as rapidly as the means of the Trust would allow. -Among some of the early comers were Italians from Piedmont, who were -engaged to develop the silk industry, from the pursuit of which -considerable gain was anticipated. As the immigrants multiplied, and -the defences at Savannah were strengthened, Fort Argyle was built on -the Great Ogeechee River, the villages of Highgate and Hampstead were -laid out, Thunderbolt and Skidoway Island were occupied, Joseph’s Town -and Abercorn were peopled, and plantations formed on Augustine Creek, -on the Little Ogeechee, and as far south as the Great Ogeechee River. -On the 7th of July, 1733, occurred a general allotment of town lots, -garden lots, and farms among the inhabitants of Savannah; and this was -confirmed by deed executed on the 21st of the following December. The -town lot contained sixty feet in front and ninety feet in depth; the -garden lot embraced five acres. Forty-four acres and one hundred and -forty-one poles constituted the farm; so that the grant aggregated -fifty acres,—thus conforming to the instructions of the Trustees, and -furnishing land sufficient for the support of the colonist who came at -the charge of the Trust and brought no servants. The conveyance was -in tail-male. Of the moneys realized from the sale of lands in the -island of St. Christopher, the sum of £10,000 was, in pursuance of a -resolution of the House of Commons, paid over to the “Trustees for -establishing the Colony of Georgia in America,” to be by them applied -“towards defraying the charges of carrying over and settling foreign -and other Protestants in said colony.” This timely relief enabled the -Trustees to accomplish a purpose from the execution of which they had -been prevented by a want of funds. In the administration of the Trust -preference had been accorded to English Protestants seeking homes in -the New World. Now, however, they were justified in enlarging the scope -of their charity, because the resolution in obedience to which this -liberal benefaction was made, contemplated in terms the colonization of -foreign Protestants. - -[Illustration: COUNTY OF SAVANNAH. - -This is a portion of a map in the Urlsperger Tracts, the whole of which -is reproduced in Jones’s _History of Georgia_, i. 148.] - -As the first fruits of this expanded charity, on _Reminiscere -Sunday_, according to the Lutheran Calendar, in March, 1734, the ship -“Purisburg” entered the Savannah River having on board seventy-eight -Salzburgers under the conduct of Baron von Reck, and accompanied by -their spiritual advisers the Rev. John Martin Bolzius and the Rev. -Israel Christian Gronau. They came from the town of Berchtolsgaden -and its vicinity, had taken the oath of loyalty to the British Crown, -and were conveyed at the charge of the Trust. “Lying in fine and calm -weather under the Shore of our beloved _Georgia_, where we heard the -Birds sing melodiously, every Body in the Ship was joyful,”—so wrote -the Rev. Mr. Bolzius, the faithful attendant and religious teacher -of this Protestant band. He tells us that when the ship arrived at -the wharf, “almost all the inhabitants of the Town of Savannah were -gather’d together; they fired off some Cannons and cried Huzzah!... -Some of us were immediately fetch’d on shore in a Boat, and carried -about the City, into the woods, and the new Garden belonging to the -Trustees. In the mean time a very good Dinner was prepared for us.” The -inhabitants “shewing them a great deal of kindness, and the Country -pleasing them,” the new-comers “were full of Joy and praised God for -it.” - -By the 7th of April all these Salzburgers had been conducted to -the spot designated as their future home. Although sterile and -unattractive, and situated in the midst of a pine barren, to these -peoples, tired of the sea and weary of persecutions, the locality -appeared blessed, redolent of sweet hope, teeming with bright promise, -and offering charming repose. The little town which they built in what -is now Effingham County, they called Ebenezer. Early in the following -year this settlement was reinforced by fifty-seven Salzburgers sent -over by the Trustees in the ship “Prince of Wales.” Accessions occurred -from time to time; and thus was introduced into the colony a population -inured to labor, sober, of strong religious convictions, conservative -in thought and conduct, obedient to rulers, and characterized by -intelligent industry. Disappointed in their anticipations with regard -to the fertility of the soil and the convenience of their location, -these peoples, with the consent of Oglethorpe, in a few years abandoned -their abodes and formed a new settlement on the Savannah River near the -confluence of Ebenezer Creek with that stream. - -And now the Moravians, accompanied by the Rev. Gottlieb Spangenberg, -sought freedom of religious thought and worship in the province of -Georgia. To them were assigned lands along the line of the Savannah -River between the Salzburgers and the town of Savannah. With the -Salzburgers they associated on terms of the closest friendship. In -subduing the forests, in erecting comfortable dwellings, and in -cultivating the soil, they exhibited a most commendable zeal. - -[Illustration: COAST SETTLEMENTS BEFORE 1743. - -[This is the map given by Robert Wright in his _Memoir of General -James Oglethorpe_, London, 1867. There is a similar map in Harris’s -_Oglethorpe._ Cf. Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, iii. -156.—ED.]] - -Encouraged by the development of the plantation, desiring a personal -conference with the Trustees, and rightly judging that the advantage -and security of the province would be materially promoted by taking -with him to England some of the most intelligent of his Indian -neighbors, that they might by personal observation acquire a definite -conception of the greatness and the resources of the British empire, -and, moved by the kindnesses and attentions which he was quite sure -would be extended to them on every hand, imbibe memories that would -tend to cement the alliances and perpetuate the amicable relations -which had been so auspiciously inaugurated,—Oglethorpe, in March, -1734, persuaded Tomo-chi-chi with a selected retinue to accompany him -to London. The reception accorded to these Indians in the English -capital and its environs was cordial and appropriate. This visit of -Tomo-chi-chi and his companions, and the interest awakened by their -presence in London, materially assisted Oglethorpe and the Trustees -in enlisting the renewed and earnest sympathies of the public, not -only in behalf of the colonists, but also in aid of the education -and religious instruction of the natives. Widely disseminated among -the Indian nations was the knowledge of this sojourn of the mico of -the Yamacraws and his companions in the home of the white man. The -novel and beautiful presents which the Indians brought back with them -afforded ocular proof of the liberality of the English, and produced a -profound impression upon the natives, who, grateful for the kindness -shown to members of their race, were encouraged in the perpetuation of -the amicable relations existing between themselves and the colonists. - -Through the influence of Oglethorpe the regulations of the Trustees -prohibiting the importation and sale of rum, brandy, and other -distilled liquors within the limits of Georgia, and forbidding the -introduction and use of negro slaves in the province, received the -sanction of Parliament. Commenting upon this legislation, Edmund -Burke remarked that while these restrictions were designed to bring -about wholesome results, they were promulgated without a sufficient -appreciation of the nature of the country and the disposition of the -people to be affected by them. Long and earnestly did many of the -colonists petition for the removal of these prohibitions, which placed -the province at a disadvantage when its privileges were contrasted -with those of sister plantations, and beyond doubt, so far at least -as the employment of slave-labor was concerned, retarded its material -development. - -The peopling and fortification of the southern confines of Georgia -engaged the earnest thought of the Trustees. The Spaniards regarded -with a jealous eye the confirmation of this new English colony upon -the borders of Florida. Moved by urgent memorials on the subject, -Parliament granted £26,000 for “the settling, fortifying, and -defending” Georgia. Their treasury being thus replenished, and anxious -to enlist colonists of acknowledged strength and valor, the Trustees, -through Lieutenant Hugh Mackay, recruited among the Highlands of -Scotland one hundred and thirty men, with fifty women and children. -They were all of excellent character, and were carefully selected for -their military qualities. Accompanied by a clergyman of their own -choice,—the Rev. John McLeod, of the Isle of Skye,—this hardy company -was conveyed to Georgia and assigned to the left bank of the Alatamaha, -about sixteen miles above the island of St. Simon. Here these -Highlanders landed, erected a fort, mounted four pieces of cannon, -built a guard-house, a store, and a chapel, and constructed huts for -temporary accommodation preparatory to putting up more substantial -structures. To their little town they gave the name of New Inverness, -and the district which they were to hold and cultivate they called -Darien. These Scots were brave and hardy; just the men to occupy this -advanced post. In their plaids, and with their broadswords, targets, -and fire-arms, they presented a most manly appearance. Previous to -their departure from Savannah in periaguas, some Carolinians endeavored -to dissuade them from going to the south by telling them that the -Spaniards from the houses in their fort would shoot them upon the -spot selected by the Trustees for their abode. Nothing daunted, these -doughty countrymen of Bruce and Wallace responded, “Why, then, we -will beat them out of their fort, and shall have houses ready built -to live in.” This valiant spirit found subsequent expression in the -efficient military service rendered by these Highlanders during the -wars between the colonists and the Spaniards, and by their descendants -in the American Revolution. Augmented at intervals by fresh arrivals -from Scotland, this settlement, although placed in a malarial region, -steadily increased in wealth and influence. - -At an early date a road was constructed to connect New Inverness with -Savannah. - -On the morning of Feb. 5, 1736, the “Symond” and the “London Merchant,” -with the first of the flood, passed over the bar and came to anchor -within Tybee Roads. On board were two hundred and two persons conveyed -on the Trust’s account. Among them were English people, German -Lutherans under the conduct of Baron von Reck and Captain Hermsdorf, -and twenty-five Moravians with their bishop the Rev. David Nitschman. -Oglethorpe was present, accompanied by the brothers John and Charles -Wesley, the Rev. Mr. Ingham, and by Charles Delamotte, the son of -a London merchant and a friend of the Wesleys. Coming at their own -charge were Sir Francis Bathurst, with family and servants, and some -relatives of planters already settled in the province. Ample stores of -provisions, small arms, cannon, ammunition, and tools were transported -in these vessels. The declared object of this large accession of -colonists was the population of the southern confines of the province -and the building of a military town on the island of St. Simon, to be -called Frederica. - -It was not until the 2d of March that the fleet of periaguas and boats, -with the newly arrived on board, set out from Tybee Roads for the mouth -of the Alatamaha. The voyage to the southward was accomplished in five -days. So diligently did the colonists labor, and so materially were -they assisted by workmen drawn from other parts of the province and -from Carolina, that by the 23d of the month Frederica had been laid -out, a battery of cannon commanding the river had been mounted, and a -fort almost completed. Its ditches had been dug, although not to the -required depth or width, and a rampart raised and covered with sod. A -storehouse, having a front of sixty feet, and designed to be three -stories in height, was finished as to its cellar and first story. The -main street which “went from the Front into the Country was 25 yards -wide. Each Freeholder had 60 Feet in Front by 90 Feet in depth upon the -high Street for their House and Garden; but those which fronted the -River had but 30 Feet in Front by 60 Feet in Depth. Each Family had a -Bower of Palmetto Leaves finished upon the back Street in their own -Lands. The Side towards the front Street was set out for their Houses. -These Palmetto Bowers were very convenient shelters, being tight in the -hardest Rains; they were about 20 Feet long and 14 Feet wide, and in -regular Rows looked very pretty, the Palmetto Leaves lying smooth and -handsome, and of a good Colour. The whole appeared something like a -Camp; for the Bowers looked like Tents, only being larger and covered -with Palmetto Leaves instead of Canvas. There were 3 large Tents, two -belonging to Mr. Oglethorpe and one to Mr. Horton, pitched upon the -Parade near the River.” Such is the description of Frederica in its -infancy as furnished by Mr. Moore, whose _Voyage to Georgia_ is perhaps -the most interesting and valuable tract we possess descriptive of the -colonization of the southern portion of Georgia. That there might be -no confusion in their labors, Oglethorpe divided the colonists into -working parties. To some was assigned the duty of cutting forks, -poles, and laths for building the bowers; others set them up; others -still gathered palmetto leaves; while “a fourth gang,” under the -superintendence of a Jew workman, bred in Brazil and skilled in the -matter, thatched the roofs “nimbly and in a neat manner.” - -Men accustomed to agriculture instructed the colonists in hoeing and -preparing the soil. Potatoes, Indian corn, flax, hemp-seed, barley, -turnips, lucern-grass, pumpkins, and water-melons were planted. Labor -was common, and inured to the general benefit of the community. As it -was rather too late in the season to till the ground fully and sow a -crop to yield sufficient to subsist the settlement for the current -year, many of the men were put upon pay and set to work upon the -fortifications and the public buildings. - -Frederica, situated on the west side of St. Simon’s Island, on a bold -bluff confronting a bay formed by one of the mouths of the Alatamaha -River, was planned as a military town, and constructed with a view -to breasting the shock of hostile assaults. Its houses were to be -substantially built, not of wood as in Savannah, but of tabby. At an -early period its streets by their names proclaimed the presence of -men-at-arms, while its esplanade and parade-ground characterized it -as a permanent camp.[842] Including the camp on the north, the parade -on the east, and a small wood on the south which was to serve as a -blind in the event of an attack from ships coming up the river, the -settlement was about a mile and a half in circumference. - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—The map opposite, showing the coast from St. Augustine to -Charlestown (S. C.), is copied from one in vol. v. of the _Urlsperger -Tracts_. There is another plan of St. Simon’s Island in W. B. Stevens’s -_Georgia_. i. 186.] - -The town proper was to be protected by embankment and ditch, and -places for two gates, called respectively the Town and Water posts, -were indicated. The citadel was to be made of tabby, and formidably -armed. In front, a water battery, mounting several eighteen-pounder -guns, was designed to command the river. It was contemplated to guard -the town on the land side by a formidable intrenchment, the exterior -ditch of which could be filled with water. As Savannah was intended -as the commercial metropolis of the province, so was Frederica to -constitute its southern outpost and strong defence. It soon became the -Thermopylæ of the southern Anglo-American Colonies, the headquarters of -Oglethorpe’s regiment, the depot of military supplies for the dependent -forts built at the south, and the strong rallying point for British -colonization in the direction of Florida. In the history of the colony -there is no brighter chapter, and in the eventful life of Oglethorpe -no more illustrious epoch, than that which commemorates the protracted -and successful struggle with the Spaniards for the retention of the -charming island of St. Simon. In 1737 Oglethorpe kissed His Majesty’s -hand on receiving his commission as colonel. He was also appointed -general and commander-in-chief of all His Majesty’s forces in South -Carolina and Georgia, that he might the more readily wield the military -power of the two provinces in their common defence. - -The finances of the Trust were now in a depressed condition, and the -General was compelled to draw largely upon his private fortune and to -pledge his individual credit in conducting the operations necessary -for the security of the southern frontier, and in provisioning the -settlers. Matters were further complicated by the defalcation of Thomas -Causton, the first Magistrate of Savannah and Keeper of the public -stores. Silk culture, from which so much was anticipated, proved a -positive expense. There was no profit in the vine. Enfeebled by the -hot suns of summer, and afflicted with fevers and fluxes engendered by -malarial exhalations from the marish grounds, many of the inhabitants -lost heart and cried aloud for the introduction of African slavery. -Disappointed in their plans for the religious instruction of the -colonists and the conversion of the natives, the brothers John and -Charles Wesley had quitted the province. In the consummation of -his benevolent and educational scheme, the Rev. George Whitefield -was compelled to rely upon foreign aid. With the exception of the -Highlanders at Darien, the Salzburgers at Ebenezer, and the Indian -traders at Augusta, Georgia could not boast that her inhabitants were -either contented or prosperous. There was general clamor for fee-simple -title to lands, and permission to buy slaves was constantly urged. -The disaffected hesitated not to malign the authorities, to disquiet -the settlers, and to exaggerate the unpleasantness of the situation. -Fortunately the Indian nations remained peaceful; and in general -convention held at Coweta-town in August, 1739, in the presence of -Oglethorpe, they renewed their fealty to the King of Great Britain, and -in terms most explicit confirmed their previous grants of territory. - -[Illustration: [Fac-simile of a plan of St. Augustine in Roberts’s -_Account of Florida_, London, 1763.—ED.]] - -And now the Spanish war-cloud which had so long threatened the southern -confines of the province, seemed about to descend in wrath and power. -Acting under the discretionary powers confided to him, General -Oglethorpe resolved to anticipate the event by an invasion of Florida -and the reduction of St. Augustine,—the stronghold of Spanish dominion -in that province. - -[Illustration: COAST OF FLORIDA. - -Fac-simile of the plan in _An Impartial Account of the late Expedition -against St. Augustine under General Oglethorpe_. London, 1742.] - -[Illustration: HARBOR AND TOWN OF ST. AUGUSTINE. - -[Fac-simile of part of the map in _An Impartial Account of the late -Expedition against St. Augustine under General Oglethorpe, occasioned -by the suppression of the Report of the General Assembly of South -Carolina, with an exact plan of St. Augustine and the adjacent coast of -Florida, showing the disposition of our Forces_. London, 1742.—ED.]] - -Collecting his regiment, summoning to his assistance forces from South -Carolina, and calling in his Indian allies, in May, 1740, with a mixed -army of rather more than two thousand men, he moved upon the capital -of Florida. In this expedition Sir Yelverton Peyton, with the British -vessels of war,—the “Flamborough,” the “Phœnix,” the “Squirrel,” the -“Tartar,” the “Spence,” and the “Wolf,”—was to participate. The castle -of St. Augustine consisted of a fort built of soft stone. Its curtain -was sixty yards in length, its parapet nine feet thick, and its rampart -twenty feet high, “casemated underneath for lodgings, and arched over -and newly made bombproof.” Its armament consisted of fifty cannon, -sixteen of brass, and among them some twenty-four pounders. For some -time had the garrison been working upon a covered way, but this was -still in an unfinished condition. The town was protected by a line of -intrenchments, with ten salient angles, in each of which field-pieces -were mounted. In January, 1740, the Spanish forces in Florida, -exclusive of Indians and one company of militia, were estimated at -nine hundred and sixty-five men of all arms. As foreshadowed in his -dispatch of the 27th of March, 1740, it was the intention of General -Oglethorpe to advance directly upon St. Augustine, and attack by sea -and land the town and the island in its front. Both, he believed, could -be taken “sword in hand.” Conceiving that the castle would be too small -to afford convenient shelter for the two thousand one hundred men, -women, and children of the town, he regarded the capitulation of the -fortress as not improbable. Should it refuse to surrender, he proposed -to shower upon it “Granado-shells from the Coehorns and Mortars,” -and other projectiles. If it should not yield under the bombardment, -he was resolved to open trenches and reduce it by a regular siege. -The result was a disastrous failure. This miscarriage may be fairly -attributed,—first, to the delay in inaugurating the movement, caused -mainly, if not entirely, by the tardiness on the part of the South -Carolina authorities in contributing the troops, munitions, and -provisions for which requisition had been made; in the second place, to -the reinforcement of men and supplies from Havana introduced into St. -Augustine just before the English expedition set out, thereby repairing -the inequality previously existing between the opposing forces; again, -to the injudicious movements against Forts Francis de Papa and Diego, -which put the Spaniards upon the alert, encouraged concentration on -their part, and foreshadowed an immediate demonstration in force -against their stronghold; and to the inability on the part of the -fleet to participate in the assault previously planned, and which was -to have been vigorously undertaken so soon as General Oglethorpe with -his land forces came into position before the walls of St. Augustine. -Finally, the subsequent surprise and destruction of Colonel Palmer’s -command, thereby enabling the enemy to communicate with and draw -supplies from the interior; the lack of heavy ordnance with which to -reduce the castle from the batteries planted on Anastasia island; -the impossibility of bringing up the larger war vessels that they -might participate in the bombardment; the inefficiency of Colonel -Vanderdussen’s command; the impatience and disappointment of the Indian -allies, who anticipated early capture and liberal spoils; as well -as hot suns, heavy dews, a debilitating climate, sickness among the -troops, and the arrival of men, munitions of war, and provisions from -Havana through the Matanzas River,—all conspired to render futile -whatever hopes at the outset had been entertained for a successful -prosecution of the siege. - -Although this attempt—so formidable in its character when we consider -the limited resources at command, and so full of daring when we -contemplate the circumstances under which it was prosecuted—resulted -in disappointment, its effects were not without decided advantage to -Georgia and her sister colonies. For two years the Spaniards remained -on the defensive. During that time General Oglethorpe enjoyed an -opportunity for strengthening his fortifications and increasing his -army; so that when the counter blow was delivered by his adversary, he -was the better prepared not only to parry it, but also to punish the -uplifted arm. - -During the preceding seven years, which constituted the entire life -of the colony, Oglethorpe had enjoyed no respite from his labors. -Personally directing all movements; supervising the location and -providing for the comfort, safety, and good order of the colonists -as they arrived from time to time; reconciling their differences, -encouraging and directing their labors; propitiating the aborigines, -influencing necessary supplies, inaugurating suitable defences, and -enforcing the regulations of the Trustees,—he had passed constantly -from point to point, finding no rest. Upon his shoulders, as the -Trustees’ representative and as a _de facto_ colonial governor, did -the administration of the affairs of the province rest. Now in tent -at Savannah; now in open boat reconnoitring the coast, now upon the -southern islands, his only shelter the wide-spreading live-oak, -designating sites for forts and lookouts, and with his own hands -planning military works and laying out villages; again journeying -frequently along the Savannah, the Great Ogeechee, the Alatamaha, the -St. John, and far off into the heart of the Indian country; often -inspecting his advanced posts; undertaking voyages to Charlestown and -to England in behalf of the Trust, and engaged in severe contests -with the Spaniards,—his life had been one of incessant activity and -solicitude. But for his energy, intelligence, watchfulness, valor, -and self-sacrifice, the important enterprise must have languished. As -we look back upon this period of trial, uncertainty, and poverty, our -admiration for his achievements increases the more closely we scan his -limited resources and opportunities, the more thoroughly we appreciate -the difficulties he was called upon to surmount. - -There was a lull in the storm; but the skies were still overcast. In -the distance were heard ominous mutterings portending the advent of -another and a darker tempest. Anxious but calm, Oglethorpe scanned -the adverse skies and prepared to breast their fury. In alluding to -the expected invasion from St. Augustine, he thus writes to the Duke -of Newcastle: “If our men-of-war will not keep them from coming in by -sea, and we have no succor, but decrease daily by different accidents, -all we can do will be to die bravely in His Majesty’s service.... I -have often desired assistance of the men-of-war, and continue to do -so. I go on in fortifying this town [Frederica], making magazines, and -doing everything I can to defend the province vigorously; and I hope my -endeavors will be approved of by His Majesty, since the whole end of my -life is to do the duty of a faithful subject and grateful servant.” - -Late in June, 1742, a Spanish fleet of fifty-one sail, with nearly five -thousand troops on board, under the command of Don Manuel de Monteano, -governor of St. Augustine, bore down upon the Georgia coast with a view -to the capture of the island of St. Simon and the destruction of the -English plantation south of the Savannah. To resist this formidable -descent, General Oglethorpe could oppose only a few small forts, about -six hundred and fifty men, a guard schooner, and some armed sloops. -With a bravery and dash almost beyond comprehension, by strategy most -admirable, Oglethorpe by a masterly disposition of the troops at -command, coupled with the timidity of the invaders and the dissensions -which arose in their ranks, before the middle of July put the entire -Spanish army and navy to flight. This “deliverance of Georgia,” said -Whitefield, “is such as cannot be paralleled but by some instances out -of the Old Testament.” The defeat of so formidable an expedition by -such a handful of men was a matter of astonishment to all. The memory -of this defence of St. Simon’s Island and the southern frontier is one -of the proudest in the annals of Georgia. Never again did the Spaniards -attempt to put in execution their oft-repeated threat to extirpate all -the English plantations south of Port-Royal Sound. Sullenly and with -jealous eye did they watch the development of Georgia, until twenty-one -years afterwards all disputes were ended by the cession of Florida -to the Crown of Great Britain. Upon the confirmation of the Peace of -Aix-la-Chapelle most of the English troops were withdrawn from the -island of St. Simon, and its fortifications soon began to fall into -decay. - -Georgia at this time consisted of only two counties, Savannah and -Frederica. In April, 1741, Colonel William Stephens, who for several -years had been acting in the colony as secretary to the Trustees, -was by them appointed president of the county of Savannah. In the -administration of public affairs he was aided by four assistants. As -General Oglethorpe, who was charged with the direction and management -of the entire province, spent most of his time at Frederica, the -designation of a presiding officer for that division of Georgia was -regarded as superfluous. Bailiffs were constituted, whose duty it -was, under the immediate supervision of the General, to attend to -the concerns of that county. At Augusta, Captain Richard Kent acted -as “conservator to keep the peace in that town and in the precincts -thereof.” Upon the return of General Oglethorpe to England, in order to -provide for the government of the entire colony the Trustees decided -that the president and assistants who had been appointed for the county -of Savannah should be proclaimed president and assistants for the -whole province, and that the bailiffs at Frederica should be considered -simply as local magistrates. They further advised that the salary of -the recorder at Frederica be raised, and that he correspond regularly -with the president and assistants in Savannah, transmitting to them -from time to time the proceedings of the town court, and rendering an -account of such transactions and occurrences in the southern part of -the province as it might be necessary for them to know. Thus, upon -the departure of General Oglethorpe, the honest-minded and venerable -Colonel William Stephens succeeded to the office of colonial governor. -It was during his administration that the Trustees, influenced by -repeated petitions and anxious to promote the prosperity of the -province, removed the restrictions hitherto existing with regard -to the introduction, use, and ownership of negro slaves, and the -importation of rum and other distilled liquors. They also permitted -existing tenures of land “to be enlarged and extended to an absolute -inheritance.” - -In bringing about the abrogation of the regulation which forbade the -ownership or employment of negro slaves in Georgia, no two gentlemen -were more influential than the Rev. George Whitefield and the Hon. -James Habersham. The former boldly asserted that the transportation of -the African from his home of barbarism to a Christian land, where he -would be humanely treated and required to perform his share of toil -common to the lot of humanity, was advantageous; while the latter -affirmed that the colony could not prosper without the intervention -of slave-labor. Georgia now enjoyed like privileges with those -accorded to the sister American provinces. Lands could now be held in -fee-simple, and the power of alienation was unrestricted. The ownership -and employment of negro slaves were free to all, and the New England -manufacturer could here find an open market for his rum. - -The Trustees had up to this point seriously misinterpreted the -capabilities of the climate and soil of Georgia. Although substantial -encouragement had been afforded to Mr. Amatis, to Jacques Camuse, -to the Salzburgers at Ebenezer, and to others; although copper -basins and reeling-machines had been supplied and a filature -erected; although silk-worm eggs were procured and mulberry trees -multiplied,—silk-culture in Georgia yielded only a harvest of -disappointment. The vine also languished. Olive trees from Venice, -barilla seeds from Spain, the kali from Egypt, and other exotics -obtained at much expense, after a short season withered and died in the -public garden. Hemp and flax, from the cultivation of which such rich -yields were anticipated, never warranted the charter of a single vessel -for their transportation, and indigo did not then commend itself to -public favor. Exportations of lumber were infrequent. Cotton was then -little more than a garden plant, and white laborers could not compete -successfully with Carolina negroes in the production of rice. Up to -this point the battle had been with Nature for life and subsistence. -Upon the stores of the Trust did many long rely for food and clothing. -Of trade there was little, and that was confined to the procurement -of necessaries. With the exception of occasional shipments of copper -money for circulation among the inhabitants, sola bills constituted the -chief currency of the province. Now, however, all restrictions removed, -Georgia entered upon a career of comparative prosperity. - -[Illustration: WHITEFIELD. - -This cut (see also the _Memorial History of Boston_, ii. 238) follows a -painting in Memorial Hall, Cambridge, Mass. The portraits of Whitefield -are numerous. J. C. Smith (_British Mezzotint Portraits_, i. 442, 443; -iii. 601, 692, 939; iv. 1545) enumerates various ones in that style, -giving a photo-reproduction of one. The Lives of him usually give -likenesses.] - -On the 8th of April, 1751, Mr. Henry Parker was appointed president of -the colony in the room of Colonel Stephens, who retired upon a pension -of £80. During his administration the first Provincial Assembly of -Georgia convened at Savannah. It was composed of sixteen delegates, -and was presided over by Francis Harris. As the privilege of enacting -laws was by the terms of the charter vested exclusively in the -Trustees, this assembly could not legislate. Its powers were limited -to discussing and suggesting such measures as its members might deem -conducive to the welfare of particular communities and important for -the general good of the province. - -The “Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America” -resolved to surrender their charter and relieve themselves from the -further execution of a trust which had grown quite beyond their -management. For twenty years they had supported its provisions with -an earnest solicitude, a philanthropic zeal, a disinterested purpose, -and a loyal devotion worthy of every commendation. They had seen a -feeble plantation upon Yamacraw Bluff expand year by year, until it -now assumed the proportions of a permanent colony and disclosed the -potentialities of a future nation. The English drum-beat on the banks -of the Savannah is answered by the Highland bagpipe on the Alatamaha, -and the protecting guns of Frederica are supplemented by the sentinel -field-pieces at Augusta. At every stage of progress and in every act, -whether trivial or important, these Trustees, capable and worthy, -evinced a clear conception of duty, a patience of labor, a singleness -of purpose, an unselfish dedication of time and energy, and a rigid -adherence to all that was pure, elevated, and humanizing, which become -quite conspicuous when their proceedings are minutely and intelligently -scanned. That they erred in their judgment in regard to the best method -of utilizing many of these marish lands, smitten by sun and storms -and pregnant with fevers and fluxes, may not now be doubted; that the -theory upon which they administered the trust was in some respects -narrow and retarding in its influences, is equally certain; that they -were unfortunate in the selection of some of their agents excites no -surprise,—but that they were upright, conscientious, observant, and -most anxious to promote the best interests of the colony, as they -comprehended them, will be freely admitted. - -The surrender of the charter was formally concluded on the 23d of June, -1752; and Georgia, no longer the ward of the Trustees, passed into -the hands of the Crown. Until clothed with the attributes of State -sovereignty by the successful issue of the American Revolution, she was -recognized as one of the daughters of England under the special charge -of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. By the terms of -the surrender, her integrity as an independent province, separate from -South Carolina, was fully assured, and all grants of land, hitherto -made to the inhabitants, were recognized and respected. - -Upon the death of Mr. Parker, Patrick Graham succeeded to the -presidency of Georgia. Until a plan for establishing a civil government -could be perfected, all officers, both civil and military, holding -appointments from the Trustees, were continued in their respective -places of trust, with such emoluments, salaries, and fees as were -incident thereto. The population of the colony now consisted of two -thousand three hundred and eighty-one whites, and one thousand and -sixty-six negro slaves. This estimate did not include His Majesty’s -troops and boatmen, or a congregation of two hundred and eighty whites, -with negro slaves aggregating five hundred and thirty-six, coming -from South Carolina and partially settled in the Midway District, or -Butler’s Colony with sixty slaves. - -The plan suggested by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations -for the establishment of a civil government in Georgia contemplated the -appointment of a governor, by commission under the Great Seal, with -the title of _Captain-General and Governor-in-chief of His Majesty’s -Province of Georgia, and Vice-Admiral of the same_. He was to be -addressed as _Your Excellency_, and was, within the colony, to be -respected as the immediate and highest representative of His Majesty. -His functions, as well as those of the two Houses of the Assembly, were -well defined.[843] - -The plan thus submitted for the government of the Province of Georgia -received royal sanction; and His Majesty, upon the nomination of the -Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, was pleased, on the -6th of August, 1754, to appoint Captain John Reynolds governor of the -Province of Georgia; William Clifton, Esq., attorney-general; James -Habersham, Esq., secretary and register; Alexander Kellet, Esq., -provost-marshal; William Russel, Esq., naval officer; Henry Yonge and -William De Brahm joint surveyors; Sir Patrick Houstoun, Bart., register -of grants and receiver of quit rents; and Patrick Graham, Sir Patrick -Houstoun, James Habersham, Alexander Kellet, William Clifton, Noble -Jones, Pickering Robinson, Francis Harris, Jonathan Bryan, William -Russell, and Clement Martin members of Council. - -When during the same year (1754) the other English colonies sent -delegates to represent them at the Congress of Albany, in order to -draft a plan of union against the French, Georgia filled so narrow a -space in the regard of the other colonies that her failure to join in -the proposed league was hardly remarked. - -Only three Royal Governors did Georgia have. The terms of service -of Captain Reynolds and of Henry Ellis were short. Assuming the -reins of government in 1760, the third and last Royal Governor, Sir -James Wright, encountered the storms of the Revolution, and in a -brave adherence to the cause of his royal master suffered arrest, -mortification, and loss. It was his lot to preside at an epoch full of -doubt and trouble. During his administration the political ties which -united Georgia to the mother country were violently sundered, and a -union of American colonies was formed, which in after years developed -into the great Republic. The rapid development of Georgia under the -conduct of these royal governors will be admitted when it is remembered -that in 1754 her exports did not amount to £30,000 a year; while, -at the opening of the Revolutionary War, they did not fall short of -£200,000 sterling. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -GEORGIA was named in honor of the reigning king of England, George II., -who graciously sanctioned a charter, liberal in its provisions, and who -granted to the Trustees a territory, extensive and valuable, for the -plantation. - -In a report submitted to Congress by the Hon. Charles Lee, -attorney-general of the United States (Philadelphia, 1796), will be -found a valuable collection of charters, treaties, and documents -explanatory of the original cession to the “Trustees for establishing -the Colony of Georgia in America,” and of the modifications and -enlargements to which the same was later subjected. The territory -which, in 1733, became the Province of Georgia at an earlier day -formed a part of ancient Florida, which stretched in the Spanish -conception from the Gulf of Mexico to the far north and westward to the -Mississippi and indefinitely beyond. - -It has fallen to the lot of another writer in the present work to -mention the authorities on the primitive peoples of this region; and -by still another an enumeration is made of the archæological traces of -their life.[844] - - * * * * * - -The project of Sir Robert Mountgomery for planting a colony in the -territory subsequently ceded to the Georgia Trustees is fully unfolded -in his _Discourse concerning the design’d Establishment of a New -Colony to the South of Carolina in the most delightful Country of -the Universe_, London, 1717.[845] Accompanying this _Discourse_ is -an engraved “plan representing the Form of Settling the Districts -or County Divisions in the Margravate of Azilia.”[846] Although -extensively advertised, this scheme failed to attract the favor of the -public, and ended in disappointment. - -The true story of the mission of Sir Alexander Cuming, of -Aberdeenshire, Scotland, to establish a trade with the Cherokees, and -confirm them in their friendship with and allegiance to the British -crown, has been well told by Samuel G. Drake in his _Early History of -Georgia, embracing the Embassy of Sir Alexander Cuming to the Country -of the Cherokees in the year 1730_, Boston, 1872. A reproduction of -the rare print giving the portraits of the Indians who accompanied -Sir Alexander on his return to London might have been advantageously -employed in lending additional attraction to this publication.[847] - -[Illustration: HANDWRITING OF OGLETHORPE.] - -Of the memoirs of Oglethorpe,—whose life Dr. Johnson desired to -write, and whom Edmund Burke regarded as the most extraordinary -person of whom he had read, because he founded a province and lived -to see it severed from the empire which created it and erected into -an independent State,—those best known are _A Sketch of the Life of -General James Oglethorpe, presented to the Georgia Historical Society -by Thomas Spalding, Esq., resident member of the same_, printed in -1840; _Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe, Founder of the -Colony of Georgia in North America, by Thaddeus Mason Harris, D. D._, -Boston, 1841;[848] _Life of James Oglethorpe, the Founder of Georgia, -by William B. O. Peabody_, constituting a part of volume ii. of the -second series of _The Library of American Biography, conducted by Jared -Sparks_, Boston, 1847, and based mainly upon Dr. Harris’ work; and _A -Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, one of the earliest Reformers of -Prison Discipline in England and the Founder of Georgia in America, by -Robert Wright_, London, 1867. The advantages enjoyed by Mr. Wright were -exceptionally good, and until the appearance of his memoir that by Dr. -Harris was justly regarded as the best.[849] - -That the public might be advised of the benevolent character and scope -of the undertaking, and might be made acquainted with the designs of -the Trustees with regard to the proposed colonization of Georgia, two -tracts were published with their sanction: one of them, prepared by -Oglethorpe, entitled _A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of -South Carolina and Georgia, with many curious and useful Observations -on the Trade, Navigation, and Plantations of Great Britain compared -with her most powerful Maritime Neighbors in ancient and modern Times_, -printed in London in 1732;[850] and the other, written by Benjamin -Martyn, Secretary of the Board, entitled _Reasons for establishing -the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great Britain, -the Increase of our People, and the Employment and Support it will -afford to great numbers of our own Poor as well as Foreign persecuted -Protestants, with some account of the Country and the Designs of the -Trustees_, London, 1733.[851] Well considered and widely circulated, -these tracts were productive of results most beneficial to the -Trust.[852] - -The development of the province down to 1741 is described and the -regulations promulgated by the Trustees for the conduct of the -plantation and for the observance of its inhabitants are preserved in -_An Account shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America -from its First Establishment_, London, 1741. This publication was by -authority, and must be accepted as of the highest importance.[853] - -Of like interest and value are _An Impartial Enquiry into the State -and Utility of the Province of Georgia_, London, 1741,—appearing -anonymously,[854] but with the sanction of the Trustees, and intended -to correct certain mischievous reports circulated with regard to the -health of the plantation, the fertility of the soil, the value of the -products, and the disabilities under which Georgia labored because of -restricted land tenures, and by reason of the regulations prohibiting -the introduction and use of spirituous liquors and negro slaves; and -_A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court -of Savannah, November 10, 1740_, London, 1742,—in which the superior -advantages of Georgia, her resources and capabilities, are favorably -considered and proclaimed. - -The history of the Salzburgers in Georgia may be learned from _An -Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary Von Reck, who conducted the -First Transport of Salzburgers to Georgia; and of the Reverend Mr. -Bolzius, one of their Ministers, giving an Account of their Voyage to -and happy Settlement in the Province, published by the Directors of -the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge_, London, 1734;[855] -from _Neuste und richtigste Nachricht von der Landschaft Georgia -in dem Engelländischen America, etc., von J. M. R._, Göttingen, -1746;[856] from _De Præstantia Coloniæ Georgico-Anglicanæ præ -Coloniis aliis_,[857] et seq., by Joannes Augustus Urlspergerus; -from the _Urlsperger Tracts_, which present with wonderful fidelity -and minuteness of details all events connected with the Salzburger -settlements in America;[858] and from the _Salzburgers and their -Descendants, being the history of a Colony of German Lutheran -Protestants who emigrated to Georgia in 1734, and settled at Ebenezer, -twenty-five miles above the City of Savannah, by P. A. Strobel_, -Baltimore, 1855.[859] - -To the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ and to the _London Magazine_ must -recourse be had for valuable letters and contemporaneous documents -descriptive of the colonization of Georgia and the development of the -plantation. - -There is in Section xxi. of Chapter iii. of the second volume of -_Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, or a Complete Collection -of Voyages and Travels_, etc., by John Harris (London, 1748), a -“History of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Colony of -Georgia.” It is prefaced by an excellent map of the province, and is -fortified by illustrative documents. In its twenty-five quarto pages -are embraced all the noted incidents connected with the early life -of the colony and the successful efforts of General Oglethorpe in -defending the southern frontier of Georgia against the assaults of the -Spaniards. The value of this contribution cannot well be overestimated. - -Another work of genuine merit, acquainting us specially with the -condition of Savannah and the adjacent region, with the settlement of -Frederica, and with those preliminary negotiations which resulted in a -postponement of impending hostilities between Georgia and Florida, is -_A Voyage to Georgia begun in the year 1735_, etc., by Francis Moore, -London, 1744.[860] - -A most detailed statement of the affairs and events of the province -will be found in the three octavo volumes constituting the diary -of Colonel William Stephens, for some time resident Secretary -in Georgia of the Trustees, and, upon the departure of General -Oglethorpe, advanced to the responsible position of President of the -colony,—entitled _A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia beginning -October 20th, 1737_, which was printed in London in 1742.[861] Of -this work but a limited edition was published by the Trustees, and a -complete copy is very difficult to find. While its pages are cumbered -with many trivial matters, this rare _Journal_ is remarkable for -accuracy of statement and minuteness of details. Its author was at -the time far advanced in years, and his narrative is not infrequently -colored by his peculiar religious and political notions. He was a firm -friend of the colony, an honest servant of the Trust, and in all things -most obedient and loyal to his king. Retired upon a pension of £80, he -spent his last years on his plantation, near the mouth of Vernon River, -which he called Bewlie [Beaulieu] because of a fancied resemblance to -the manor of the Duke of Montague in the New Forest. There, about the -middle of August, 1753, he died. - -In the Executive Department of the State of Georgia may be seen the -original MS. folio volume containing _A general account of all monies -and effects received and expended by the Trustees for establishing the -Colony of Georgia in America_ (June 9, 1732-June 9, 1752), the names -of the benefactors, and the sums contributed and the articles given by -them in aid of the Trust. This carefully written and unique volume, -the entries, charges, and discharges of which are certified by Harman -Verelst,—accountant to the Trustees,—exhibits a complete statement -of the finances of the Trust from its inception to the time of the -surrender of the charter.[862] - -The fullest reports of the demonstration of General Oglethorpe against -St. Augustine are contained in _An Impartial Account of the Expedition -against St. Augustine under General Oglethorpe, occasioned by the -suppression of the Report made by a Committee of the General Assembly -in South Carolina, transmitted under the great seal of that Province -to their Agent in England in order to be printed: with an exact Plan -of the Town, Castle, and Harbour of St. Augustine and the adjacent -Coast of Florida; shewing the Disposition of our Forces on that -Enterprize_, London, 1741;[863] in _The Report of the Committee of -both Houses of Assembly of the Province of South Carolina appointed to -enquire into the causes of the Disappointment of success in the late -Expedition against St. Augustine under command of General Oglethorpe, -published by the order of both Houses_, Charlestown, S. C., and London, -1743;[864] and in _The Spanish Hireling detected, being a Refutation -of the Several Calumnies and Falsehoods in a late Pamphlet entitul’d -An Impartial Account of the Late Expedition against St. Augustine -under General Oglethorpe, by George Cadogan, Lieutenant in General -Oglethorpe’s Regiment_, etc., London, 1743.[865] Grievous was the -disappointment at the failure of the expedition; unjust and harsh -were the criticisms upon its leader. “One man there is, my Lords,” -said the Duke of Argyle in the British House of Peers, “whose natural -generosity, contempt of danger, and regard for the public prompted him -to obviate the designs of the Spaniards and to attack them in their own -territories: a man whom by long acquaintance I can confidently affirm -to have been equal to his undertaking, and to have learned the art of -war by a regular education, who yet miscarried in the design only for -want of supplies necessary to success.”[866] - -Of his successful repulse of the Spanish attack upon the island of -St. Simon, the most spirited narratives are furnished in General -Oglethorpe’s official report of the 30th of July, 1742, printed in -the 3d volume of the _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_; -in the letter of John Smith (who, on board the war vessel “Success,” -participated in the naval engagement), written from Charlestown, -South Carolina, on the 14th of July, 1742, and printed in the _Daily -Advertiser_; and in a communication on file in the Public Record Office -in London among the Shaftesbury Papers.[867] - -That harmony did not always obtain among the Georgia colonists, -and that disagreements between the governing and the governed were -sometimes most pronounced, must be admitted. While the Trustees -endeavored to promote the development of the plantation and to -assure the public of the progress of the province, malcontents there -were, who thwarted their plans, questioned the expediency of their -regulations, and openly declared that their misrule and the partiality -of the Trust’s servants were the prolific causes of disquietude and -disaster. That General Oglethorpe may, at times, have been dictatorial -in his administration of affairs is quite probable; and yet it must -be admitted that, amid the dangers which environed and the disturbing -influences which beset the development of the province, an iron will -and a strong arm were indispensable for its guidance and protection. - -The publication, in the interest of the Trust, of the two pamphlets -to which we have alluded, one entitled _An Impartial Inquiry into the -State and Utility of the Province of Georgia_, London, 1741,[868] and -the other, _A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in -the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740_, London, 1742,[869]—both -exhibiting favorable views of the condition of the colony and -circulated in furtherance of the scheme of colonization,—so irritated -these malcontents that they indulged in several rejoinders, among which -will be remembered _A Brief Account of the Causes that have retarded -the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, attested upon oath: -being a proper Contrast to A State of the Province of Georgia attested -upon oath and some other misrepresentations on the same subject_, -London, 1743.[870] The magistrates, both at Savannah and Frederica, -were therein declared to be oppressors of the inhabitants. General -Oglethorpe was accused of tyranny and partiality. It will be observed -that most of the supporting affidavits were verified outside the limits -of Georgia. A desire to sell forbidden articles, and to ply trades for -which special licenses had been issued to others; opposition to the -regulation which prohibited the owners of cattle and hogs from allowing -them to run at large on the common and in the streets of Frederica; -alleged misfeasance in the conduct of bailiffs and magistrates in the -discharge of their duties; the unprofitableness of labor, overbearing -acts committed by those in authority, and similar matters, formed -the burthen of these sworn complaints. While they tended to distract -the public mind and to annoy those upon whose shoulders rested the -provincial government, they fortunately failed in producing any serious -impression either within the colony or in the mother country. - -Another Jacobinical tract was that prepared and published at the -instigation of Dr. Patrick Tailfer,—a thorn in the side of General -Oglethorpe, to whom, under the signature of “The Plain Dealer,” he -addressed a communication upon colonial affairs full of complaint, -condemnation, and sarcasm. He was the chief of a club of malcontents -in Savannah, whose conduct became so notorious that they were forced, -in September, 1740, to quit the province and seek refuge in South -Carolina. When thus beyond the jurisdiction of Georgia, in association -with Hugh Anderson, David Douglass, and others, he caused to be printed -a scurrilous tract entitled _A True and Historical Narrative of the -Colony of Georgia in America from the first Settlement thereof until -the present period_, etc., Charles-Town, South Carolina, 1741.[871] -The epistle dedicatory is addressed to General Oglethorpe, and is full -of venom. Craving rum, negro slaves, and fee-simple titles to land, -such disaffected colonists hesitated not to malign the authorities, -disquiet the settlers, and belie the true condition of affairs. Georgia -was then in an embarrassed and impoverished situation. Her population -was increasing but slowly. Labor was scarcely remunerative. Onerous -were some of the regulations of the Trustees, and the Spanish war cloud -was darkening the southern confines of the province. The impression, -however, which Dr. Tailfer and his associates sought to convey of -the status of the colony was exaggerated, spiteful, and without -warrant.[872] - -The visit of Tomo-chi-chi and his retinue to England is described -in contemporaneous numbers of the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ and of the -_London Magazine_. It was also commemorated in what is now rarely seen, -_Georgia a Poem_; _Tomo-cha-chi, an Ode_; _A copy of verses on Mr. -Oglethorpe’s second voyage to Georgia_, “_Facies non omnibus una, nec -diversa tamen_,” London, 1736. Twenty-two years afterwards appeared -_Tombo-chi-qui or The American Savage, a Dramatic Entertainment -in Three Acts_, London, 1758. Although printed anonymously, it is -generally attributed to Cleland. The poet Freneau, at a later date, -composed an ode to _The Dying Indian Tomo-chequi_. In the _Gentleman’s -Magazine_, vol. x. p. 129, is an interesting letter describing the last -moments and sepulture of this noted Mico. In his _Historical Sketch of -Tomo-chi-chi, Mico of the Yamacraws_, Albany, 1868, the author of these -notes endeavored to present all that is known of this distinguished -chief, to whose friendship and aid the Colony of Georgia was indebted -in a remarkable degree. - -It was the custom of the Trustees to assemble annually and listen to -a sermon delivered in commendation of the benevolent scheme in which -they were engaged. Some of these discourses possess historical value, -although most of them are simply moral essays.[873] - -In December, 1837, the General Assembly of Georgia empowered the -governor of the State to select a competent person to procure from -the government offices in London copies of all records and documents -respecting the settlement and illustrating the colonial life of -Georgia. The Rev. Charles Wallace Howard was entrusted with the -execution of this mission. He returned with copies of documents filling -twenty-two folio volumes. Fifteen of these were made from the originals -on file in the office of the Board of Trade, six from those in the -State Paper Office, and the remaining volume consisted of copies of -important documents included in the king’s library.[874] These MS. -volumes are preserved in the state library at Atlanta. While they -embrace many of the communications, regulations, reports, treaties, -and documents illustrative of the colonial life of Georgia, they do -not exhaust the treasures of the Public Record Office and the British -Museum. - -In private hands in England are several original MS. volumes, connected -with the colonization of Georgia and detailing the acts and resolutions -of the Trustees. Prominent among them are two quarto volumes, closely -written in the neat, small, round hand of John Percival, the first Earl -of Egmont and the first president of the Board of Trustees, containing -the original manuscript records of the meetings of the Trustees for -establishing the Colony of Georgia in America from June 14th, 1738, to -the 24th of May, 1744.[875] They contain also an index of proceedings, -June, 1737, to June, 1738, together with some memoranda relating to -the proceedings of 1745-46. It is probable that there were antecedent -volumes, but they are not now known. - -In the Department of State, and in the Executive Department of Georgia, -are some documents of great historical interest connected with the -English colonization of Georgia. The _Historical Collections_ of the -Georgia Historical Society,[876] in four volumes, contain reprints -of many of the early tracts already referred to, and other papers -illustrative of Georgia history.[877] - -In the library of Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, there -is a folio MS. in excellent preservation, entitled _History of the -three Provinces, South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida_, by John -Gerard William de Brahm, surveyor-general of the southern provinces -of North America, then under the dominion of Great Britain, and -illustrated by over twenty maps and plans. The portion relating to -Georgia was, in 1849, edited and printed with extreme accuracy and -typographical elegance by Mr. George Wymberley-Jones, of Savannah. -The edition was limited to forty-nine copies. Six of the eight -maps appertaining to Georgia were engraved.[878] This publication -constitutes the second of Mr. Jones’ “Wormsloe quartos,”[879] and is -justly esteemed not only for its typography and rarity, but also for -its historical value. To the engineering skill of Captain de Brahm was -Georgia indebted for many important surveys and military defenses. -Through his instrumentality were large accessions made to the German -population between Savannah and New Ebenezer. - -Of the legislative acts passed by the general assemblies of Georgia -during the continuance of the royal government, many are retained in -the digests of Robert and George Watkins (Philadelphia, 1800), and -of Marbury and Crawford. Aware of the fact that numerous omissions -existed, Mr. George Wymberley-Jones De Renne caused diligent search -to be made in the Public Record Office in London for all acts -originating in Georgia which, having received royal sanction, were -there filed. Exact copies of them were then obtained; but Mr. De -Renne’s death occurred before he had compassed his purpose of printing -the transcripts. His widow, Mrs. Mary De Renne, carried out his design -and committed the editing of them to Charles C. Jones, Jr., LL. D. -The result was a superb quarto, entitled _Acts passed by the General -Assembly of the Colony of Georgia, 1755 to 1774, now first printed_. -_Wormsloe._ 1881. The edition was limited to forty-nine copies. In -this volume appears no act which had hitherto found its way into type. -During the period covered by this legislation, James Johnston was the -public printer in Savannah. By him were many of the acts, passed by the -various assemblies, first printed,—sometimes simply as broadsides, and -again in thin quarto pamphlets. William Ewen, who, at a later date, was -president of the Council of Safety, carefully preserved these printed -acts, and caused them to be bound in a volume which lies before us. -The MS. index is in his handwriting. It is the only complete copy of -these colonial laws, printed contemporaneously with their passage, -of which we have any knowledge. James Johnston was also the editor -and printer of the _Georgia Gazette_, the only newspaper published -in Georgia prior to and during the Revolution. In the office of the -Secretary of State in Atlanta are preserved the engrossed original acts -passed by the colonial General Assemblies of Georgia. The sanction of -the home government was requisite to impart vitality to such acts. As -soon, therefore, as they had received the approval of the Governor in -Council, the seal of the colony was attached to duplicate originals. -One was lodged with the proper officer in Savannah, and the other was -forwarded for the consideration of the Lords Commissioners for Trade -and Plantations. When by them approved, this duplicate original, -properly indorsed, was filed in London. Detaching the colonial seal -seems to have been the final attestation of royal sanction. Of the -action of the home government the colonial authorities were notified in -due course. - - * * * * * - -With regard to the sojourn of Rev. John Wesley in Georgia, of -his designs and anticipations in visiting the colony, and of the -disappointments there experienced, we have perhaps the fullest -memoranda in a little undated volume entitled _An extract of the -Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal from his embarking for Georgia to his -return to London_, Bristol; printed by S. and F. Farley. It gives his -own interpretation of the events, trials, and disappointments which -induced him so speedily to abandon a field of labor in which he had -anticipated much pleasure and success.[880] In a tract published in -London in 1741, called _An Account of money received and disbursed -for the Orphan House in Georgia_, the Rev. George Whitefield submits a -full exhibit of all expenditures made up to that time in the erection -and support of that institution. To it is prefixed a plan of the -building.[881] His efforts to convert it into a college are unfolded -in _A Letter to his Excellency Governor Wright_, printed in London, -1768. Appended to this is the correspondence which passed between him -and the Archbishop of Canterbury. This tract is illustrated by plans -and elevations of the present and intended structures, and by a plat of -the Orphan House lands. There are sermons of this eloquent divine in -aid of this charity, and journals of journeys and voyages undertaken -while employed in soliciting subscriptions. His friend and companion, -the Hon. James Habersham, has left valuable letters explanatory of the -scope and administration of this eleemosynary project. William Bartram, -who visited Bethesda in 1765, wrote a pleasant description of it.[882] - -Among the histories of Georgia we may mention:— - -_An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of -South Carolina and Georgia_, London, 1779,[883] in two volumes, octavo. -Although published anonymously, these volumes are known to have been -written by the Rev. Alexander Hewitt,[884] a Presbyterian clergyman and -a resident of Charlestown, South Carolina, who returned to England when -he perceived that an open rupture between the Crown and the thirteen -American Colonies was imminent. While in this work the colonial history -of Georgia is given at some length, the attention of the author was -mainly occupied with the establishment and growth of the Province of -Carolina. His labors ended with the dawn of the Revolution. - -To _A View of the Constitution of the British Colonies in North -America and the West Indies at the time the Civil War broke out on the -Continent of America_, by Anthony Stokes, his Majesty’s Chief Justice -in Georgia, London, 1783, we must refer for the most intelligent -history of the civil and judicial conduct of affairs in Georgia during -the continuance of the royal government. - -Soon after the formation of the general government Mr. Edward -Langworthy—at first a pupil and then a teacher at Whitefield’s Orphan -House, afterwards an enthusiastic “Liberty Boy,” Secretary of the -Provincial Congress of Georgia, and one of the early representatives -from that State in the Confederated Congress—conceived the design -of writing a history of Georgia. Of fair attainments, and personally -acquainted with the leading men and transactions of the period, he -was well qualified for the task, and addressed himself with energy -to the collection of materials requisite for the undertaking. From a -published prospectus of the work, printed in the _Georgia Gazette_, we -are led to believe that this history was actually written. Suitable -encouragement not having been extended, the contemplated publication -was never made. Mr. Langworthy died at Elkton, in Maryland, early in -the present century, and all efforts to recover both his manuscripts -and the supporting documents which he had amassed have thus far failed. - -From the press of Seymour and Williams, of Savannah, was issued, -in 1811, the first volume of Major Hugh McCall’s _History of -Georgia_,[885] and this was followed, in 1816, by the second -volume published by William Thorne Williams. Oppressed by physical -infirmities, and a martyr to the effects of exposures and dangers -experienced while an officer in the army of the Revolution; now -confined to his couch, again a helpless cripple moving only in an -easy-chair upon wheels; dependent for a livelihood upon the slender -salary paid to him as city jailer of Savannah; often interrupted in his -labors, and then, during intervals of pain, writing with his portfolio -resting upon his knees; without the preliminary education requisite -for the scholarly accomplishment of such a serious undertaking, and -yet fired with patriotic zeal, and anxious to wrest from impending -oblivion the fading traditions of the State he loved so well, and whose -independence he had imperilled everything to secure,—Major McCall, -in the end, compassed a narrative which is highly prized, and which, -in its recital of events connected with the Revolutionary period and -the part borne by Georgians in that memorable struggle, is invaluable. -He borrowed largely from Mr. Hewitt in depicting the colonial life of -Georgia.[886] - -As early as March, 1841, the Georgia Historical Society invited Dr. -William Bacon Stevens to undertake, under its auspices, the preparation -of a new and complete _History of Georgia_. Liberal aid was extended to -him in his labor, and of its two octavo volumes, one was published in -1847 and the other in 1859.[887] This author brings his history down to -the adoption of the constitution of 1798. - -In 1849 the Rev. George White published in Savannah his _Statistics of -the State of Georgia_, and this was followed, six years afterwards, -by his more comprehensive and valuable work entitled the _Historical -Collections of Georgia_, illustrated with nearly one hundred -engravings, and published by Pudney and Russell, of New York. In -this volume a vast mass of statistical, documentary, and traditional -information is presented; and for his industry the author is entitled -to much commendation. - -_The History of Georgia_, by T. S. Arthur and W. H. Carpenter, -published in Philadelphia in 1854, and constituting one of Lippincott’s -cabinet histories, is a meagre compendium of some of the leading -events in the life of the Colony and State, and does not claim special -attention. - -In his _History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and -Mississippi_ (Charleston, S. C., 1851) Colonel Albert James Pickett -furnishes abundant and interesting material illustrative of the -aboriginal epoch; and, in a manner both intelligent and attractive, -traces the colonization of the territory indicated down to the year -1820.[888] - -The present writer has already printed [1883] the first two volumes of -_History of Georgia_; and his preface unfolds his purpose to tell the -story from the earliest times down to a period within the memory of the -living. The two volumes thus far issued embrace the aboriginal epoch, a -narrative of discovery and early exploration, schemes of colonization, -the settlement under Oglethorpe, and the life of the province under -the guidance of the Trustees, under the control of the President and -Assistants, under the supervision of royal governors, and during the -Revolutionary War. They conclude with the erection of Georgia into -an independent State. All available sources of information have been -utilized. The two concluding volumes, which will deal with Georgia as a -Commonwealth, are in course of preparation. - -We refrain from an enumeration of gazetteers, historical essays, and -publications, partial in their character, which relate to events -subsequent to what may be properly termed the period of colonization. - -[Illustration] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE WARS ON THE SEABOARD: THE STRUGGLE IN ACADIA AND CAPE BRETON. - -BY CHARLES C. SMITH, - -_Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical Society_. - - -ALL through its early history Acadia, or Nova Scotia, suffered from the -insecurity to life and property which arose from its repeated changes -of masters. Neither France nor England cared much for a region of so -little apparent value; and both alike regarded it merely as debatable -ground, or as a convenient make-weight in adjusting the balance of -conquests and losses elsewhere. Nothing was done to render it a safe -or attractive home for immigrants; and at each outbreak of war in -the Old World its soil became the scene of skirmishes and massacres -in which Indian allies were conspicuous agents. Whatever the turn of -victory here, little regard was paid to it in settling the terms of -peace. There was hardly an attempt at any time to establish a permanent -control over the conquered territory. In spite of the capture of Port -Royal by Phips in 1690, and the annexation of Acadia to the government -of Massachusetts in 1692, it was only a nominal authority which England -had. In 1691, the French again took formal possession of Port Royal -and the neighboring country. In the next year an ineffectual attempt -was made to recover it; and this was followed by various conflicts, -of no historical importance, in different parts of this much-harassed -territory. In August, 1696, the famous Indian fighter, Captain Benjamin -Church, left Boston on his fourth eastern expedition. After skirting -the coast of Maine, where he met with but few Indians and no enemies, -he determined to proceed up the Bay of Fundy. There he captured and -burned Beaubassin, or Chignecto, and then returned to St. John. -Subsequently he was superseded by Colonel John Hathorne, a member of -the Massachusetts council, and an attack was made on the French fort -at Nachouac, or Naxoat, farther up the river; but for some unexplained -reason the attack was not pressed, and the English retreated shortly -after they landed. “No notice,” says Hutchinson in his _History of -Massachusetts Bay_, “was taken of any loss on either side, except the -burning of a few of the enemy’s houses; nor is any sufficient reason -given for relinquishing the design so suddenly.”[889] By the treaty of -Ryswick in the following year (1697) Acadia was surrendered to France. - -The French were not long permitted to enjoy the restored territory. -In May, 1704, Church was again placed in command of an expedition -fitted out at Boston against the French and Indians in the eastern -country. He had been expressly forbidden to attack Port Royal, and -after burning the little town of Mines nothing was accomplished by him. -Three years later, in May, 1707, another expedition, of one thousand -men, sailed from Boston under command of Colonel March. Port Royal -was regularly invested, and an attempt was made to take the place by -assault; but through the inefficiency of the commander it was a total -failure. Reëmbarking his little army, March sailed away to Casco Bay, -where he was superseded by Captain Wainwright, the second in command. -The expedition then returned to Port Royal; but in the mean time the -fortifications had been diligently strengthened, and after a brief -view of them Wainwright drew off his forces. In 1710 a more successful -attempt for the expulsion of the French was made. In July of that year -a fleet arrived at Boston from England to take part in a combined -attack on Port Royal. In pursuance of orders from the home government, -four regiments were raised in the New England colonies, and sailed from -Boston on the 18th of September. The fleet numbered thirty-six vessels, -exclusive of hospital and store ships, and on board were the four -New England regiments, respectively commanded by Sir Charles Hobby, -Colonel Tailer, of Massachusetts, Colonel Whiting, of Connecticut, and -Colonel Walton, of New Hampshire, and a detachment of marines from -England. Francis Nicholson, who had been successively governor of New -York, Virginia, and Maryland, had the chief command. The fleet, with -the exception of one vessel which ran ashore and was lost, arrived off -Port Royal on the 24th of September. The garrison was in no condition -to resist an enemy, and the forces were landed without opposition. On -the 1st of October three batteries were opened within one hundred yards -of the fort; and twenty-four hours afterward the French capitulated. -By the terms of the surrender the garrison was to be transported to -France, and the inhabitants living within cannon-shot of Port Royal -were to be protected in person and property for two years, on taking -an oath of allegiance to the queen of England, or were to be allowed -to remove to Canada or Newfoundland.[890] The name of Port Royal was -changed to Annapolis Royal in compliment to the queen, and the fort -was at once garrisoned by marines and volunteers under the command of -Colonel Samuel Vetch, who had been selected as governor in case the -expedition should prove successful. Its whole cost to New England was -upward of twenty-three thousand pounds, which sum was afterward repaid -by the mother country. Acadia never again came under French control, -and by the treaty of Utrecht (1713) the province was formally ceded to -Great Britain “according to its ancient limits.” As a matter of fact, -those limits were never determined; but the question ceased to have -any practical importance after the conquest of Canada by the English, -though it was reopened long afterward in the boundary dispute between -Great Britain and the United States. - -By the treaty of Utrecht, France was left in undisputed possession of -Cape Breton; and in order to establish a check on the English in Nova -Scotia, the French immediately began to erect strong fortifications -at Louisbourg, in Cape Breton, and invited to its protection the -French inhabitants of Acadia and of Newfoundland, which latter had -also been ceded to Great Britain. Placentia, the chief settlement in -Newfoundland, was accordingly evacuated, and its inhabitants were -transferred to Cape Breton; but such great obstacles were thrown in the -way of a voluntary removal of the Acadians that very few of them joined -their fellow countrymen. They remained in their old homes, to be only a -source of anxiety and danger to their English masters. At the surrender -of Acadia to Great Britain, it was estimated by Colonel Vetch, in a -letter to the Board of Trade, that there were about twenty-five hundred -French inhabitants in the country; and even at that early date he -pointed out that their removal to Cape Breton would leave the country -entirely destitute of inhabitants, and make the new French settlement -a very populous colony, “and of the greatest danger and damage to -all the British colonies, as well as the universal trade of Great -Britain.”[891] Fully persuaded of the correctness of this view, the -successive British governors refused to permit the French to remove to -Canada or Cape Breton, and persistently endeavored to obtain from them -a full recognition of the British sovereignty. In a single instance—in -1729—Governor Phillips secured from the French inhabitants on the -Annapolis River an unconditional submission; but with this exception -the French would never take the oath of allegiance without an express -exemption from all liability to bear arms. It is certain, however, that -this concession was never made by any one in authority; and in the two -instances in which it was apparently granted by subordinate officers, -their action was repudiated by their superiors. The designation -“Neutral French,” sometimes given to the Acadians, has no warrant in -the recognized facts of history. - -Meanwhile the colony remained almost stationary, and attracted very -little notice from the home government. In August, 1717, General -Richard Phillips was appointed governor, which office he retained -until 1749, though he resided in England during the greater part -of the time. During his absence the small colonial affairs were -successively administered by the lieutenant-governor of Annapolis, John -Doucette, who held office from 1717 to 1726,[892] and afterward by the -lieutenant-governors of the province, Lawrence Armstrong (1725-1739) -and Paul Mascarene (1740-1749). Phillips was succeeded by Edward -Cornwallis; but Cornwallis held the office only about three years, when -he resigned, and General Peregrine Thomas Hopson was appointed his -successor. On Hopson’s retirement, within a few months, the government -was administered by one of the members of the council, Charles -Lawrence, who was appointed lieutenant-governor in 1754, and governor -in 1756. - -In 1744 war again broke out between England and France, and the next -year it was signalized in America by the capture of Louisbourg. -Immediately on learning that war had been declared, the French -commander despatched a strong force to Canso, which captured the -English garrison at that place and carried them prisoners of war to -Louisbourg. A second expedition was sent to Annapolis for a similar -purpose, but through the prompt action of Governor Shirley, of -Massachusetts, it failed of success. Aroused, no doubt, by these -occurrences, Shirley formed the plan of capturing Louisbourg; and early -in January, 1745, he communicated his design to the General Court of -Massachusetts, and about the same time wrote to Commodore Warren, -commanding the British fleet in the West Indies, for coöperation. His -plans were favorably received, not only by Massachusetts, but also by -the other New England colonies. Massachusetts voted to raise 3,250 -men; Connecticut 500; and New Hampshire and Rhode Island each 300. The -chief command was given to Sir William Pepperrell, a wealthy merchant -of Kittery in Maine, of unblemished reputation and great personal -popularity; and the second in command was Samuel Waldo, a native of -Boston, but at that time also a resident of Maine.[893] The chief of -artillery was Richard Gridley, a skilful engineer, who, in June, 1775, -marked out the redoubt on Bunker Hill. The undertaking proved to be so -popular that the full complement of men was raised within two months. -The expedition consisted of thirteen armed vessels, under the command -of Captain Edward Tyng, with upward of two hundred guns, and of about -ninety transports. They were directed to proceed to Canso, where a -block house was to be built, the stores landed, and a guard left to -defend them. The Massachusetts troops sailed from Nantasket on the 24th -of March, and reached Canso on the 4th of April. The New Hampshire -forces had arrived four days before; the Connecticut troops reached the -same place on the 25th. Hutchinson adds, with grim humor, “Rhode Island -waited until a better judgment could be made of the event, their three -hundred not arriving until after the place had surrendered.”[894] - -The works at Louisbourg had been twenty-five years in construction, -and though still incomplete had cost between five and six millions -of dollars. They were thought to be the most formidable defences in -America, and covered an area two and a half miles in circumference. -A space of about two hundred yards toward the sea was left without a -rampart; but at all other accessible points the walls were from thirty -to thirty-six feet in height, with a ditch eighty feet in width. -Scattered along their line were six bastions and three batteries with -embrasures for one hundred and forty-eight cannon, of which only -sixty-five were mounted, and sixteen mortars. On an island at the -entrance of the harbor was a battery mounted with thirty guns; and -directly opposite the entrance of the harbor was the grand battery, -mounting twenty-eight heavy guns and two eighteen-pounders. The -entrance to the town on the land-side was over a draw-bridge defended -by a circular battery mounting sixteen cannon. It was these strong and -well-planned works which a handful of New England farmers and fishermen -undertook to capture with the assistance of a small English fleet. - -Pepperrell was detained by the ice at Canso for nearly three weeks, -at the end of which time he was joined by Commodore Warren with four -ships, carrying one hundred and eighty guns. The combined forces -reached Gabarus Bay, the place selected for a landing, on the morning -of the 30th of April; and it was not until that time that the French -had any knowledge of the impending attack. Two days later the grand -battery fell into Pepperrell’s hands through a fortunate panic which -seized the French. Thus encouraged, the siege was pressed with -vigor under very great difficulties. The first battery was erected -immediately on landing, and opened fire at once; but it required the -labor of fourteen nights to draw all the cannon and other materials -across the morass between the landing-place and Louisbourg, and it -was not until the middle of May that the fourth battery was ready. -On the 18th of May, Tyng in the “Massachusetts” frigate captured a -French ship of sixty-four guns and five hundred men, heavily laden with -military stores for Louisbourg. This success greatly raised the spirits -of the besiegers, who, slowly but steadily, pushed forward to the -accomplishment of their object. Warren’s fleet was reinforced by the -arrival of three large ships from England and three from Newfoundland; -the land-gate was demolished; serious breaches were made in the walls; -and by the middle of June it was determined to attempt a general -assault. The French commander, Duchambon, saw that further resistance -would be useless, and on the 16th he capitulated with the honors of -war, and the next day Pepperrell took possession of Louisbourg. - -By the capitulation six hundred and fifty veteran troops, more than -thirteen hundred militia, and other persons, to the number in all -of upward of four thousand, agreed not to bear arms against Great -Britain during the war, and were transported to France in fourteen -ships. Seventy-six cannon and mortars fell into the hands of the -conquerors, with a great quantity of military stores and provisions. -The number killed on the side of the French was three hundred, and -on the side of the English one hundred and thirty; but subsequently -the latter suffered heavily by disease, and at one time so many as -fifteen hundred were sick from exposure and bad weather. Tidings of the -victory created great joy in New England, and the news was received -with no small satisfaction in the mother country. Pepperrell was -made a baronet, Warren an admiral, and both Shirley and Pepperrell -were commissioned as colonels. Subsequently, after a delay of four -years, Great Britain reimbursed the colonies for the expenses of the -expedition to the amount of £200,000. - -[Illustration: A FRENCH FRIGATE. - -[After a cut in Paul Lacroix’s _XVIII^{me} Siècle_, p. 129.—ED.]] - -The capture of Louisbourg was by far the most important event in the -history of Nova Scotia during the war, and the loss of so important a -place was a keen mortification to France. As soon as news of the fall -of Louisbourg reached the French government, steps were taken with a -view to its recapture and to the punishment of the English colonists by -destroying Boston and ravaging the New England coast. In June, 1746, a -fleet of eleven ships of the line, twenty frigates, thirty transports, -and two fire-ships was despatched for this purpose under command of -Admiral D’Anville; but the enterprise ended in a disastrous failure. -Contrary winds prevailed during the voyage, and on nearing the American -coast a violent storm scattered the fleet, driving some of the ships -back to France and others to the West Indies, and wrecking some on -Sable Island. On the 10th of September D’Anville cast anchor with the -remaining vessels—two ships and a few transports—in Chebucto; and six -days later he died, of apoplexy, it is said. At a council of war held -shortly afterward it was determined to attack Annapolis, against the -judgment of Vice-Admiral D’Estournelle, who had assumed the command. -Exasperated, apparently, at this decision, he committed suicide in -a fit of temporary insanity. This second misfortune was followed by -the breaking out of the small-pox among the crews; and finally after -scuttling some of the vessels the officer next in command returned to -France without striking a single blow. In the spring of the following -year another expedition, of smaller size, was despatched under command -of Admiral De la Jonquiere; but the fleet was intercepted and dispersed -off Cape Finisterre by the English, who captured nine ships of war and -numerous other vessels. - -Meanwhile, and before the capture of Louisbourg, the French had made -an unsuccessful attempt on Annapolis, from which the besieging force -was withdrawn to aid in the defence of Louisbourg, but they did not -arrive until a month after its surrender. In the following year another -army of Canadians appeared before Annapolis; but the place seemed -to be so strong and well defended that it was not thought prudent -to press the attack. The French accordingly withdrew to Chignecto -to await the arrival of reinforcements expected from France. While -stationed there they learned that a small body of New England troops, -under Colonel Noble, were quartered at Grand Pré, and measures were -speedily adopted to cut them off. The attack was made under cover of -a snow-storm at an early hour on the morning of the 4th of February, -1747. It was a complete surprise to the English. Noble, who was in bed -at the time, was killed fighting in his shirt. A desperate conflict, -however, ensued from house to house, and at ten o’clock in the forenoon -the English capitulated with the honors of war.[895] This terminated -active hostilities in Nova Scotia, from which the French troops shortly -afterward withdrew. By the disgraceful peace of Aix la Chapelle (1748) -England surrendered Louisbourg and Cape Breton to the French, and all -the fruits of the war in America were lost. - -After the conclusion of peace it was determined by the home government -to strengthen their hold on Nova Scotia, so as to render it as far -as possible a bulwark to the other English colonies, instead of a -source of danger to them. With this view an advertisement was inserted -in the _London Gazette_, in March, 1749, setting forth “that proper -encouragement will be given to such of the officers and private men, -lately dismissed his Majesty’s land and sea service, as are willing -to accept of grants of land, and to settle with or without families -in Nova Scotia.” Fifty acres were to be allotted to every soldier -or sailor, free from the payment of rents or taxes for the term of -ten years, after which they were not to be required to pay more than -one shilling per annum for every fifty acres; and an additional -grant of ten acres for each person in a family was promised. Larger -grants, with similar conditions, were to be made to the officers; and -still further to encourage the settlement of the province the same -inducements were offered to “carpenters, shipwrights, smiths, masons, -joiners, brickmakers, brick-layers, and all other artificers necessary -in building or husbandry, not being private soldiers or seamen,” and -also to surgeons on producing certificates that they were properly -qualified. These offers were promptly accepted by a large number of -persons, but apparently by not so many as was anticipated. - -In the following May Edward Cornwallis, then a member of Parliament, -and uncle of the first Marquis of Cornwallis, was appointed -captain-general and governor in chief, and at once embarked for Nova -Scotia with the new settlers. On the 21st of June he arrived in -Chebucto harbor, which all the officers agreed was the finest harbor -they had ever seen; and early in July he was joined by the transports, -thirteen in number, having on board upward of twenty-five hundred -immigrants. The shores of the harbor were wooded to the water’s edge, -“no clear spot to be seen or heard of.”[896] But by the 23d of the -month more than twelve acres were cleared, and preparations were made -for building. A month later the plan of the town was fully laid out, -and subsequently a line of palisades was erected around the town, -a square fort was built on the hill, and a space thirty feet wide -cleared outside of the defensive line. By the end of October three -hundred houses had been completed, a second fort had been built, and -an order had been sent to Boston for lamps to light the streets in the -winter nights. Halifax, as the new town was called, had already begun -to wear the appearance of a settled community; and in little more -than a year its first church was opened for religious services. From -the first, the growth of Halifax was strong and healthy; and it soon -became a place of considerable importance. So early as 1752 the number -of inhabitants amounted to more than four thousand. Stringent rules -were adopted to insure public order and morality; and very soon the -governor and council proceeded to exercise legislative authority.[897] -But their right to do this was expressly denied by the law officers at -home.[898] Accordingly, in the early part of 1757 a plan was adopted -for dividing the province into electoral districts, for the choice -of a legislative body, and was sent to England for approval. Some -exceptions, however, were taken to the plan; and it was not until -October, 1758, that the first provincial assembly met at Halifax, -nineteen members being present. - -In the mean time, in 1755, occurred the most memorable and tragic -event in the whole history of Nova Scotia. Though England and France -were nominally at peace, frequent collisions took place between their -adherents in Nova Scotia and elsewhere in America. Early in 1755 it -was determined to dispossess the French of the posts which they had -established on the Bay of Fundy, and a force of eighteen hundred men -was raised in New England, for that purpose, under Lieutenant-Colonels -Scott and John Winslow. The chief command of the expedition was given -to Colonel Robert Monckton, an officer in the English army. The first -and most honorable fruits of the expedition were the capture of the -French forts at Beauséjour and at Gaspereau, both of which surrendered -in June. A few weeks later Winslow became a chief instrument in the -forcible removal of the French Acadians, which has given his name an -unenviable notoriety. It was a task apparently at which his whole -nature relucted; and over and over again he wrote in his letters at the -time that it was the most disagreeable duty he had had to perform in -his whole life. But he did not hesitate for a moment, and carried out -with unfaltering energy the commands of his superior officers. - -For more than a generation the French inhabitants had refused to take -the oath of allegiance to the king of England, except in a qualified -form. Upon their renewed refusal, in July, 1755, it was determined to -take immediate steps for their removal, in accordance with a previous -decision, “to send all the French inhabitants out of the province, if -they refused to take the oath;” and at a meeting of the provincial -council of Nova Scotia, held July 28th, “after mature consideration, -it was unanimously agreed that, to prevent as much as possible their -attempting to return and molest the settlers that may be set down on -their lands, it would be most proper to send them to be distributed -amongst the several colonies on the continent, and that a sufficient -number of vessels should be hired with all possible expedition for -that purpose.”[899] Accordingly orders were sent to Boston to charter -the required number of transports; and on the 11th of August Governor -Lawrence forwarded detailed instructions to Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow, -commanding at Mines, and to Major John Handfield, a Nova Scotia -officer, commanding at Annapolis, to ship off the French inhabitants in -their respective neighborhoods. As the crops were not yet harvested, -and there was delay in the arrival of the transports, the orders could -not be executed until the autumn. At that time they were carried -out with a sternness and a disregard of the rights of humanity for -which there can be no justification or excuse. On the same day on -which the instructions were issued to Winslow and Handfield, Governor -Lawrence wrote a circular letter to the other English governors in -America, expressing the opinion that there was not the least reason -to doubt of their concurrence, and his hope that they would receive -the inhabitants now sent “and dispose of them in such manner as may -best answer our design in preventing their reunion.” According to the -official instructions five hundred persons were to be transported to -North Carolina, one thousand to Virginia, five hundred to Maryland, -three hundred to Philadelphia, two hundred to New York, three hundred -to Connecticut, and two hundred to Boston. - -On the 4th of September Winslow issued a citation to the inhabitants -in his immediate neighborhood to appear and receive a communication -from him. The next day, he recorded in his journal, “at three in -the afternoon, the French inhabitants appeared, agreeably to their -citation, at the church in Grand Pré, amounting to four hundred and -eighteen of their best men; upon which I ordered a table to be set -in the centre of the church, and, having attended with those of my -officers who were off guard, delivered them by interpreters the king’s -orders.” After a brief preamble he proceeded to say, “The part of duty -I am now upon is what, though necessary, is very disagreeable to my -natural make and temper, as I know it must be grievous to you who are -of the same species. But it is not my business to animadvert, but to -obey such orders as I receive, and therefore without hesitation shall -deliver you his Majesty’s orders and instructions.” He then informed -them that all their lands, cattle, and other property, except money and -household goods, were forfeited to the Crown, and that all the French -inhabitants were to be removed from the province. They were, however, -to have liberty to carry their money and as many of their household -goods as could be conveniently shipped in the vessels; and he added, -“I shall do everything in my power that all those goods be secured -to you, and that you are not molested in carrying them off, and also -that whole families go in the same vessel, and make this remove, which -I am sensible must give you a great deal of trouble, as easy as his -Majesty’s service will admit, and hope that in whatever part of the -world you may fall you may be faithful subjects, a peaceable and happy -people.”[900] Meanwhile they were to remain under the inspection of the -troops. Toward night these unhappy victims, “not having any provisions -with them, and pleading hunger, begged for bread,” which was given -them, and orders were then issued that for the future they must be -supplied from their respective families. “Thus ended the memorable 5th -of September,” Winslow wrote in his journal, “a day of great fatigue -and trouble.”[901] - -Shortly afterward the first prisoners were embarked; but great delay -occurred in shipping them off, mainly on account of the failure of the -contractor to arrive with the provisions at the expected time, and it -was not until November or December that the last were shipped. The -whole number sent away at this time was about four thousand. There -was also a great destruction of property; and in the district under -command of Winslow very nearly seven hundred buildings were burned. -The presence of the French was nowhere welcome in the colonies to -which they were sent; and they doubtless experienced many hardships. -The governors of South Carolina and Georgia gave them permission to -return, much to the surprise and indignation of Governor Lawrence;[902] -and seven boats, with ninety unhappy men who had coasted along shore -from one of the Southern colonies, were stopped in Massachusetts. In -the summer of 1762 five transports with a further shipment of these -unfortunate people were sent to Boston, but the General Court would not -permit them to land, and they were ordered to return to Halifax.[903] - -The removal of the French Acadians from their homes was one of the -saddest episodes in modern history, and no one now will attempt to -justify it; but it should be added that the genius of our great poet -has thrown a somewhat false and distorted light over the character of -the victims. They were not the peaceful and simple-hearted people they -are commonly supposed to have been; and their houses, as we learn from -contemporary evidence, were by no means the picturesque, vine-clad, and -strongly built cottages described by the poet. The people were notably -quarrelsome among themselves, and to the last degree superstitious. -They were wholly under the influence of priests appointed by the French -bishops, and directly responsible to the representatives of the Roman -Catholic Church at Quebec. Many of these priests were quite as much -political agents as religious teachers, and some of them fell under -the censure of their superiors for going too much outside of their -religious functions. Even in periods when France and England were at -peace, the French Acadians were a source of perpetual danger to the -English colonists. Their claim to a qualified allegiance was one which -no nation then or now could sanction. But all this does not justify -their expulsion in the manner in which it was executed, and it will -always remain a foul blot on the history of Nova Scotia. The knowledge -of these facts, however, enables us to understand better the constant -feeling of insecurity under which the English settlers lived, and which -finally resulted in the removal and dispersion of the French under -circumstances of such heartless cruelty. - -In May of the following year, war was again declared between France -and England; and two years later Louisbourg again fell into the hands -of the English. In May, 1758, a powerful fleet under command of -Admiral Boscawen arrived at Halifax for the purpose of recapturing a -place which ought never to have been given up. The fleet consisted -of twenty-three ships of the line and eighteen frigates, beside -transports, and when it left Halifax it numbered one hundred and -fifty-seven vessels. With it was a land force, under Jeffery Amherst, -of upward of twelve thousand men. The French forces at Louisbourg were -much inferior, and consisted of only eight ships of the line and three -frigates, and of about four thousand soldiers. The English fleet set -sail from Halifax on the 28th of May, and on the 8th of June a landing -was effected in Gabarus Bay. The next day the attack began, and after -a sharp conflict the French abandoned and destroyed two important -batteries. The siege was then pushed by regular approaches; but it was -not until the 26th of July that the garrison capitulated. By the terms -of surrender the whole garrison were to become prisoners of war and to -be sent to England, and the English acquired two hundred and eighteen -cannon and eighteen mortars, beside great quantities of ammunition and -military stores. All the vessels of war had been captured or destroyed; -but their crews, to the number of upward of twenty-six hundred men, -were included in the capitulation. Two years later, at the beginning of -1760, orders were sent from England to demolish the fortress, render -the harbor impracticable, and transport the garrison and stores to -Halifax. These orders were carried out so effectually that few traces -of its fortifications remain, and the place is inhabited only by -fishermen. - -A year after the surrender of Louisbourg a fatal blow was struck at -the French power in America by the capture of Quebec; and by the -peace of Paris, in February, 1763, the whole of Canada was ceded to -Great Britain. The effects of this cession, in preparing the way for -the independence of the principal English colonies, cannot easily be -overestimated; but to Nova Scotia it only gave immunity from the fear -of French incursions, without in the slightest degree weakening the -attachment of the inhabitants to England. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -IN recent years much attention has been given to the study of -Acadian history by local investigators, and important documents for -its elucidation have been obtained from England and France, and -the provincial archives have been put in excellent order by the -commissioner of public records. To his intelligent interest in the -subject we are indebted for one of the most important contributions -to our knowledge of it, his _Selections from the Public Documents of -the Province of Nova Scotia_.[904] This volume comprises a great mass -of valuable papers illustrative of the history of Nova Scotia in the -eighteenth century, systematically arranged. The first part consists of -papers relating to the French Acadians, 1714-1755; the second part, of -papers relating to their forcible removal from the province, 1755-1768; -the third, of papers relating to the French encroachments, 1749-1754, -and the war in North America, 1754-1761; the fourth, of papers relating -to the first settlement of Halifax, 1749-1756; and the last part, of -papers relating to the first establishment of a representative assembly -in Nova Scotia. Mr. Akins has added a sufficient number of biographical -and other notes, and has inserted a conveniently arranged Index. - -Next in importance to this volume are the publications of the Nova -Scotia Historical Society, which was formed in 1878, and incorporated -in 1879. Since that time it has printed four small volumes of -_Collections_, comprising many valuable papers. Of these the most -important is the journal of Colonel Winslow at the time of the -expulsion of the Acadians, printed (vol. iii. p. 114) from the original -manuscript in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. -There are also (vol. i. p. 119) the diary of the surgeon, John Thomas, -at the same time,[905] beside a journal of the capture of Annapolis -in 1710, a history of St. Paul’s Church, Halifax, and other papers of -historical interest and value. The fourth volume contains a Memoir -of Samuel Vetch, the first English governor of Nova Scotia, with -illustrative documents, and the journal of Colonel John Winslow, during -the Siege of Beauséjour, in 1755.[906] - -Another work of great authority, as well for the later as for the early -history of Nova Scotia, is Murdoch’s _History of Nova Scotia_.[907] -Written in the form of annals, it is somewhat confused in arrangement, -and a reader or student is under the necessity of picking out important -facts from a great mass of chaff; but it is a work of wide and thorough -research, and should be carefully studied by every one who wishes to -learn the minute facts of Nova Scotia history. - -The early history of Nova Scotia, from its first settlement down to the -peace of Paris in 1763, is treated with much fulness by James Hannay -in a well-written narrative, which is not, however, entirely free from -prejudice, especially against the New England colonies.[908] But, for -thoroughness of investigation and general accuracy of statement, Mr. -Hannay must hold a high place among local historians. Fortunately his -labors are well supplemented by Duncan Campbell’s _History of Nova -Scotia_,[909] which was, indeed, published at an earlier date, but -which is, however, very meagre for the period when Acadia was a French -colony. - -Beside these, there are several county and town histories, of which -the best is Dr. Patterson’s _History of Pictou_.[910] It is a work -of diligent and faithful research, gathering up much traditional -knowledge, and especially full in details respecting the origin and -later fortunes of Pictou Academy. There are also a considerable number -of local histories in manuscript in the archives of the Nova Scotia -Historical Society. - -[Illustration] - - -AUTHORITIES - -ON THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS OF NEW ENGLAND AND ACADIA, 1688-1763. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -=A.= KING WILLIAM’S WAR.—This was begun Aug. 13, 1688. A truce -was concluded by Captain John Alden at Sagadahock, Nov. 19, 1690. -(Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, i. 404; _Mass. Hist. Collections_, xxi. -p. 112, from the Hutchinson papers.) - -Pike and Hutchinson’s instructions for making a truce, Nov. 9, 1690, -are given in James S. Pike’s _New Puritan_ (p. 128), and (p. 131) the -agreement at Wells, May 1, 1691. - -Sewall (_Letter Book_, p. 119) writes Aug. 1, 1691, “The truce is over -and our Indian war renewed. The enemy attempted to surprise Wells, but -were disappointed by a party of ours [who] got into the town but about -half an hour before.” - -Submission and agreement of eastern Indians at Fort William Henry, -in Pemaquid, Aug. 11, 1693. (_Mass. Archives_, xxx. 338; Mather’s -_Magnalia_; _New Hampshire Provincial Papers_, ii. 110; Johnston’s -_Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, p. 193.) - -Accounts of the French capturing vessels in Massachusetts Bay -(1694-95), correspondence between Stoughton and Frontenac (1695), -and various plans for French expeditions to attack Boston (1696-97, -1700-1704), are in _Collection de manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de -la Nouvelle France_ (Quebec, 1884), vol. ii. - -A bill to encourage the war against the enemy is in the _Mass. -Archives_, xxx. 358. Details of Church’s expedition in 1696 to Nova -Scotia are given in Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, i. 233. Cf. also J. S. -Pike’s _Life of Robert Pike, the New Puritan_. - -Nicholas Noyes, _New England’s Duty and Interest to be a Habitation -of Justice and a Mountain of Holiness_, an election sermon, Boston, -1698 (Sabin’s _Dictionary_, xiii. no. 56,229; Haven’s list in Thomas’s -_History of Printing_, ii. p. 343; Carter-Brown, ii. 1,546), has in -an appendix (pp. 89-99) an account of a visit of Grindall Rawson and -Samuel Danforth to the Indians within the province, in 1698. - -Submission of the eastern Indians at Pejebscot (Brunswick), Jan. 7, -1699. (_New Hampshire Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 265; _N. H. Provincial -Papers_, ii. 299; E. E. Bourne’s _Wells and Kennebunk_, ch. xv.; _Mass. -Archives_, xxx. 439.) - -Submission of the eastern Indians, Sept. 8, 1699. (_Mass. Archives_, -xxx. 447.) - -Various documents concerning the making of a treaty with the eastern -Indians, 1700-1701, are also in _Mass. Archives_, vol. xxx. - -The events of this war are covered in Cotton Mather’s _Decennium -Luctuosum, an history of remarkable occurrences in the long war ... -from 1688 to 1698_, Boston, 1699. (Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. -p. 67.) It was reprinted in the _Magnalia_. - -A detail of the sources on the different attacks and fights of this war -is given in Vol. IV. of the present work, pp. 159-161. - - -=B.= QUEEN ANNE’S OR GOVERNOR DUDLEY’S WAR.—One of the first acts of -the ministry of Queen Anne was to issue a declaration of war against -France, May 15, 1702, opening what is known in Europe as the “War -of the Spanish Succession.” Governor Dudley in June, 1703, went to -Casco, to avert by a conference the Indian participancy in the war, -if possible. Campbell, the Boston postmaster, in one of his _Public -Occurrences_ says that Dudley found the Indians at the eastward “two -thirds for peace, and one third for war.” (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -ix. 495.) These latter were the more easterly tribes, who came -under French influence, and in Aug., 1703, Dudley issued at Boston -a broadside declaration against the Penicooke and eastern Indians. -(Haven’s list, p. 351.) Plunder and massacre along the frontier -settlements at the eastward soon convinced the people of New England -that they must prepare for another murderous war. (Cf. “Indian Troubles -on the Coast of Maine,” documents in _Maine Hist. Coll._, iii. 341.) - -The first organized retaliatory assault was the maritime expedition to -the Bay of Fundy, led in 1704 by Col. Benjamin Church. - -Church’s own part in this expedition is set forth in the _Entertaining -Passages_,[911] where will be found Governor Dudley’s instructions to -Church (p. 104). John Gyles, who in his youth had been a captive among -the French and Indians, when he learned to speak French, served as -interpreter and lieutenant.[912] Church’s conduct of the expedition, -which had promised much and had been of heavy cost to the province, -had not answered public expectation, and crossed the judgment of such -as disapproved the making of retaliatory cruelties the object of -war. This view qualifies the opinions which have been expressed upon -Church’s exploits by Hutchinson (_Hist. Mass._, ii. 132); Williamson -(_Hist. Maine_, ii. 47); and Palfrey (_Hist. N. Eng._, iv. 259). Hannay -(_Acadia_, 264) calls Church “barbarous.” It is his own story and that -of Penhallow which have given rise to these opinions. - -[Illustration] - -Church’s instructions had not contemplated the risks of an attack on -Port Royal, and in ignorance of this Charlevoix accuses the assailants -of want of courage, and Dr. Shea, in editing that writer,[913] -stigmatizes the devastations as “inhuman and savage,” and refers to a -French account in _Canada Documents_[914] (III. ii. pp. 648-652) called -“Expeditions faites par les Anglois de la Nouvelle Angleterre au Port -Royal, aux Mines et à Beaubassin de l’Acadie.” - -The French early the next year, under Subercase, inflicted similar -devastation upon the Newfoundland coast, though the forts at St. -John resisted an attack. There is an original account by Pastour de -Costebelle, dated at Plaisance, Oct. 22, 1705, in the possession of Dr. -Geo. H. Moore, which has been printed in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -Feb., 1877. Charlevoix (Shea’s translation, iv. 172) naturally relishes -the misery of these savages better than he does the equally brutal -business of Church. - -Palfrey (iv. 269) found in the British Colonial Office a paper dated -Quebec, Oct. 20, 1705, containing proposals for a peace between New -England and Canada, in which Vaudreuil[915] suggested that both sides -should “hinder all acts of hostility” on the part of the Indians. - -Cf. for this attempted truce and for correspondence at this time -between Dudley and Vaudreuil, _Collection de manuscrits relatifs à -l’histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Quebec, 1884), vol. ii. pp. 425-28, -435-40, 452. - -The Abenakis continuing to disturb the borders,[916] Dudley planned an -attack on Port Royal, which should be carried out, and be no longer -a threat;[917] and Subercase, then in command there, was in effect -surprised in June, 1707, at the formidable fleet which entered the -basin. Inefficiency in the English commander, Colonel March, and -little self-confidence and want of discipline in his force, led to the -abandonment of the attack and the retirement of the force to Casco -Bay, where, reinforced and reinspirited by a commission of three -persons[918] sent from angry Boston, it returned to the basin, but -accomplished no more than before.[919] - -These successive disappointments fell at a time when the two Mathers -were defeated (through Dudley’s contrivances, as was alleged) in the -contest for the presidency of Harvard College. This outcome made for -Dudley two bitter and unscrupulous enemies, and any abuse they might -shower upon him gained a ready hearing in a belief, prevalent even -with fair people, that Dudley was using his own position for personal -gain in illicit trade with Acadia. There have been reprinted in the -second volume of the _Sewall Papers_ three testy tracts which grew out -of this conjunction of affairs. In them Dudley is charged with the -responsibility of these military miscarriages, and events are given -a turn which the careful historian finds it necessary to scrutinize -closely.[920] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -Palfrey (iv. 273) pictures the universal chagrin and details the -efforts to shift the blame for the failure of this expedition. -Charlevoix gives a pretty full account, but his editor claims that -the English chroniclers resort to vagueness in their stories. In some -copies of Diéreville’s _Relation du voyage du Port Royal de l’Acadie_ -(Amsterdam, 1710) there is an appendix on the 1707 expedition, taken -from the _Gazette_ of Feb. 25, 1708.[921] - -Events were tending towards a more strenuous effort at the reduction of -Acadia. Jeremiah Dummer, in London, had in 1709 presented a memorial -to the ministry arguing that the banks of the St. Lawrence belonged -of right to New England.[922] It is printed in _The Importance and -Advantage of Cape Breton_, London, 1746.[923] In April, 1709, the home -government despatched orders to the colonies[924] for an extended -movement on Montreal by way of Lake Champlain, and another on Quebec by -water,—the latter part of the plan falling to the lot of Massachusetts -and Rhode Island, who were promised the coöperation of a royal fleet -and a force of veterans.[925] Colonel Vetch, who was a prime mover in -the proceeding, brought the messages of the royal pleasure, and was -made the adjutant-general of the commander, Francis Nicholson; but the -promised fleet did not come, and the few king’s ships which were in -Boston were held aloof by their commanders, and a project to turn the -troops, already massed in Boston, against Port Royal, since there was -no chance of success against Quebec unaided, was abandoned for want of -the convoy these royal ships might have afforded.[926] Nicholson, the -companion of Vetch, returned to England,[927] and the next year (1710) -came back with a small fleet, which, with an expeditionary force of New -Englanders, captured Port Royal,[928] and Vetch was left governor of -the country.[929] - -[Illustration: ANNAPOLIS ROYAL. - -One of Des Barres’ coast views (in Harvard College library). - -The key of the fort at Annapolis, taken at this time, is in the cabinet -of the Mass. Hist. Society. (Cf. _Catal. Cab. M. H. Soc._, p. 112; -_Proceedings_, i. 101.)] - -Col. William Dudley under date of Nov. 15, 1710, sent to the Board of -Trade a communication covering the journal of Col. Nicholson during -the siege, with correspondence appertaining, and these papers from -the Record Office, London, are printed in the _Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. -Collections_, i. p. 59, as (p. 64) is also a journal from the _Boston -News-Letter_ of Nov. 6, 1710. Sabin (ix. no. 36,703) notes a very -rare tract: _Journal of an Expedition performed by the forces of our -Soveraign Lady Anne, Queen, etc., under the command of the Honourable -Francis Nicholson in the year 1710, for the reduction of Port Royal in -Nova Scotia_, London, 1711. A journal kept by the Rev. Mr. Buckingham -is printed from the original MS., edited by Theodore Dwight, in -the _Journals of Madam Knight and Rev. Mr. Buckingham_ (New York, -1825).[930] - -The war was ended by a treaty at Portsmouth, July 11, 1713. (_Mass. -Archives_, xxix. p. 1; _N. H. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 83; _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, iii. 543; _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. 250; Penhallow, 78; -Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 67.) - -There was a conference with five of the leading eastern Indians at -Boston, Jan. 16, 1713-14, and this treaty is in the _Mass. Archives_, -xxix. 22. A fac-simile of its English signatures is annexed. Another -conference was held at Portsmouth, July 23-28, 1714; and this document -is also preserved. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 36; _Maine Hist. Soc. -Coll._, vi. 257.) - -Dr. Shea (_Charlevoix_, v. 267) says that no intelligent man will -believe that the Indians understood the law-terms of these treaties, -adding that Hutchinson (ii. 246) admits as much. - -The papers by Frederick Kidder in the _Maine Hist. Soc. Collections_ -(vols. iii. and vi.) were republished as _Abnaki Indians, their -treaties of 1713 and 1717, and a vocabulary with an historical -introduction_, Portland, 1859. (Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 829; -_Hist. Mag._, ii. p. 84.) It gives fac-similes of the autographs of the -English signers and witnesses; and of the marks or signs of the Indians. - -A later conference to ratify the treaty of 1713 was published under the -title of _Georgetown on Arrowsick island, Aug. 9, 1717.... A conference -of Gov. Shute with the sachems and chief men of the eastern Indians_, -Boston, 1717. (Harvard Col. library, no. 5325.24; Brinley, i. no. 431.) -This tract is reprinted in the _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, iii. 361, -and in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iii. 693. See further in Penhallow, -p. 83; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 338; Hutchinson, ii. 199; -Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 93; Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, ii. 47; Shea’s -_Charlevoix_, v. 268; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 420. - -Shute was accompanied to Arrowsick by the Rev. Joseph Baxter, and his -journal of this period, annotated by Elias Nason, is printed in the _N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1867, p. 45. - -Of chief importance respecting this as well as other of the wars, -enumerated in this section, are the documents preserved in the State -House at Boston. The _Mass. Archives_, vol. xxix., covers Indian -conferences, etc., from 1713 to 1776; vol. xxxiv. treaties with the -Indians from 1645 to 1726; and vols. xxx. to xxxiii. elucidate by -original documents relations of all sorts with the Indians of the east -and west, as well as those among the more central settlements between -1639 and 1775. - -The chief English authority for Queen Anne’s and Lovewell’s wars is -_The History of the wars of New England with the eastern Indians, or -a narrative of their continued perfidy from the 10th of August, 1703, -to the peace renewed 13th of July, 1713; and from the 25th of July, -1722, to their submission, 15th December, 1725, which was ratified -August 5th, 1726_. _By Samuel Penhallow._ Boston, 1726. The author -was an Englishman, who in 1686, at twenty-one, had come to America to -perfect his learning in the college at Cambridge, designing to acquire -the Indian tongue, and to serve the Society for the Propagation of the -Gospel among the Indians. Trade and public office, however, diverted -his attention, and he became a rich tradesman at Portsmouth and a man -of consideration in the public affairs of New Hampshire. His book is -of the first value to the historian and the object of much quest to -the collector, for it has become very rare. Penhallow died Dec., 1726, -shortly after its publication. It has been reprinted in the first -volume of the _N. H. Hist. Society’s Collections_, and again in 1859 -at Cincinnati, with a memoir and notes by W. Dodge.[931] - -[Illustration: SIGNERS OF THE CONFERENCE. - -(_January 16, 1713-14._)] - -A more comprehensive writer is Samuel Niles, in his _French and Indian -Wars_, 1634-1760. Niles was a Rhode Islander, who came to Harvard -College the first from that colony to seek a liberal education, and, -having graduated in 1699, he settled in Braintree, Mass., in 1711, -where he continued till his death in 1762. Palfrey (vol. iv. 256) has -pointed out that Niles did little more than add a sentence, embody -a reflection, and condense or omit in the use which he made of the -_Memorial_ of Nathaniel Morton, the _Entertaining Passages_ of Church, -the _Indian Wars_ of Hubbard, the _Magnalia_ of Mather, and the -_History_ of Penhallow; so that for a period down to about 1745, Niles -is of scarcely any original value. - -[Illustration: _Fac-simile from a copy in Harvard College library._] - -John Adams (_Works_, x. 361), who knew the author, lamented in 1818 -that no printer would undertake the publication of his history. The -manuscript of the work was neglected till some time after 1830 it was -found in a box of papers belonging to the Mass. Hist. Society, and was -subsequently printed in their _Collections_, vols. xxvi. and xxxv.[932] - -[Illustration: _Fac-simile slightly reduced from the copy in Harvard -College library._] - -There are two other important contemporary printed accounts of this war. - -Col. Benjamin Church furnished the memoranda from which his son Thomas -constructed a book, very popular in its day, and which was published in -Boston in 1716, as _Entertaining Passages_,[933] etc. - -Cotton Mather, on the restoration of peace, reviewed the ten years’ -sorrows of the war in a sermon before the governor and legislature, -which was published as _Duodecennium Luctuosum—the History of a -long war with Indian savages and their directors and abettors_, -1702-1714.[934] - -[Illustration: GUT OF ANNAPOLIS. - -NOTE.—The above cut represents the entrance to the Annapolis basin, -as it would appear to a spectator at the position corresponding to -the letter B in the words “Baye Françoise” in the northwest corner -of the map on the opposite page. It follows on a reduced scale one -of the coast scenes made by the British engineers to accompany the -hydrographic surveys, published by Des Barres, just before the American -Revolutionary War, and which frequently make part of the _Atlantic -Neptune_. A modern drawing of the view looking outward through the gut -is given in E. B. Chase’s _Over the Border_ (Boston, 1884), where will -be found a view of the old block house in Annapolis (p. 64), which -stood till 1882. - -The map (on the opposite page) is by the royal (French) engineer -Nicolas Bellin, and was published by Charlevoix in his _Histoire de -la Nouvelle France_, and is reproduced in Dr. Shea’s translation of -Charlevoix, v. p. 170; and on a reduced scale in Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. -S._, iii. p. 125. A MS. plan (1725) is noted in the _Catalogue of the -King’s Maps in the British Museum_, i. p. 38; as also are other plans -of 1751, 1752, 1755. One of date 1729 by Nathaniel Blackmore is plate -no. 27 in Moll’s _New Survey of the Globe_. One of 1733 is in the North -collection of maps in Harvard College library, vol. ii. pl. 11. One of -1779, after a manuscript in the Dépôt des Cartes in Paris, is no. 11 in -the _Neptune Americo-Septentrional_. This Bellin map may be compared -with the draughts of the basin made in the early part of the preceding -century by Lescarbot, published in his _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ -(1609), and by Champlain as given in his _Voyages du Sieur de Champlain -Xaintongeois_ (1613),—both of which maps are produced in the present -_History_, Vol. IV. pp. 140, 141. - -There is on a previous page a view of the town and fort of Annapolis at -the upper end of the basin. Various papers respecting Annapolis Royal, -as it was called after coming into English possession, can be found -in the _Belknap Papers_ (MSS.) in the library of the Massachusetts -Historical Society, including letters from Governor Richard Phillips, -Lieutenant-Governor John Doucett, and Paul Mascarene. The history of -Nova Scotia so much centres in Annapolis, previous to the founding of -Halifax, that all the histories of Acadia and Nova Scotia tell the -story of the picturesque and interesting region in which the town is -situated. (Cf. Vol. IV. p. 156.) - -Jacques Nicolas Bellin, the maker of the opposite map, as he was of all -the maps given by Charlevoix, was born in Paris in 1703, and died in -1772. He was one of the principal hydrographers of his time in France, -and was the earliest to hold a governmental position in the engineer -department of the Marine. He has left a large mass of cartographical -work, chiefly given on a large scale in his _Neptune Français_ (1753 in -folio) and his _Hydrographie Française_ (1756 in folio). The same, with -other maps reproduced on a smaller scale, constitute his _Petit Atlas -Maritime_ (1764, five volumes in quarto). All of these publications -contain maps of American interest, and in 1755 he printed a special -contribution to the study of American cartography, _Mémoires sur les -cartes des côtes de l’Amérique septentrionale_.] - -The uneasy disposition of the times upon the conclusion of the peace -may be followed in Gov. Shute’s letter to the Jesuit Father Rasle, -Feb. 21, 1718 (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 112); in the conference with -the Penobscots[935] and Norridgewocks, at Georgetown, Oct. 12, 1720 -(_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 68); and in the letter of the eastern Indians -(in French) to the governor, July 27, 1721 (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xviii. -259). - - -=C.= LOVEWELL’S OR GOV. DUMMER’S WAR.—There are documents from the -Penhallow Papers relative to the Indian depredations at the eastward in -the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register_, 1878, p. 21. Some of them antedate -the outbreak of the war. Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., vol. v. 268) tells -the story of the counter-missions of the French and English; and the -Indians, incited by the French, made demands on the English, who held -some of their chiefs as hostages in Boston. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, 2d -ser., viii. 259; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 903; Kip, _Jesuit Missions_, -13.) The seeming truce with the Abenakis was further jeopardized by -the act of seizing (Dec., 1721) the younger Baron de St. Castin, when -he was taken to Boston for examination. After a detention of five -months he was set at liberty.[936] A more serious source of complaints -with the Indians before the war was the attempt to seize Father Rasle -in Jan., 1722, by an expedition sent to Norridgewock under Col. -Westbrook, but in the immediate charge of Capt. Harmon. (_N. Y. Col. -Docs._, ix. 910; Rasle in Kip, 15.) Rasle was warned and escaped, but -the party found letters from Vaudreuil in his cabin, implicating the -Quebec governor as having incited the increasing depredations of the -Indians.[937] - -The war began in the summer of 1722. Gov. Shute made his declaration, -July 25, 1722 (_Mass. Archives_, xxxi. 106), and the Rev. Benjamin -Wadsworth, at the Thursday lecture, Aug. 16, made it the subject of his -discourse. (Brinley, i. no. 429.) - -[Illustration] - -In March, 1723, Col. Thos. Westbrook made a raid along the Penobscot. -(_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxii. 264; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 933.) - -Capt. Jeremiah Moulton, under orders of Col. Westbrook, made a scouting -expedition in the early summer of 1723, and dated at York, July, 4, his -report to Lieut.-Gov. William Dummer, which is printed in the _Maine -Hist. and Genealog. Recorder_, i. p. 204. (Cf. Penhallow, 96; Niles in -_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 345; Williamson, ii. 120.) In 1723 there -was an Indian raid on Rutland, in which the Rev. Joseph Willard and -two children were killed, and two others were carried off. (Cf. Israel -Loring’s _Two Sermons_, Boston, 1724, cited in Brinley, i. no. 1,928.) - -A conference was held at Boston, August 22, 1723, of which there is a -printed account among the _Belknap Papers_ (MSS.), in the Mass. Hist. -Soc. library. - -On the 21st July, 1724, there was another conference with the Indians -held at St. Georges fort. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 154.) - -In Aug., 1724, Moulton and Harmon were sent to make an end of Rasle’s -influence. They surprised the Norridgewock settlement, and Rasle was -killed in the general slaughter. The opposing chroniclers do not agree -as to the manner of his death. Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., v. 279) says he -was shot and mutilated at the foot of the village cross. The English -say they had intended to spare him, but he refused quarter, and had -even killed a captive English boy in the confusion. His scalp and -those of other slain were taken to Boston.[938] - -[Illustration] - -In Nov., 1724, Capt. John Lovewell and two others had petitioned to be -equipped to scour the woods to the eastward after Indians, and, the -legislature acceding (Nov. 17) to their request, Lovewell enrolled -his men and made three campaigns in quick succession. The journal of -his second expedition (Jan.-Feb., 1724-5) is in the _Mass. Archives_, -vol. lxxxvi., and is printed by Kidder in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, Jan., 1853, and in his _Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell_. -It was on the third of these expeditions, May 9, 1725, that Lovewell -encountered the Indians near a pond in Fryeburg, Maine, now known as -Lovewell’s pond, upon whose wood-girt surface the summer tourist to-day -looks down from the summit of the Jockey-Cap. Their leader was killed -early in the action, which lasted all day, and only nine of the English -who remained alive were unwounded when the savages drew off. - -The news reached Boston on the 13th of May. Kidder gives the despatches -received by the governor, with the action of the council upon them. -On the 17th an account was printed in the _Boston Gazette_, which is -also in Kidder. The day before (May 16) the Rev. Thomas Symmes, of -Bradford, who had gathered his information from some of those who had -escaped, delivered a sermon in that town, which, when printed with an -“historical preface or memoirs of the battle at Piggwacket,” became -popular, and two editions were printed at Boston during the same -year. Both editions are of the greatest rarity. The first is called: -_Lovewell lamented, or a Sermon occasion’d by the fall of the brave -Capt. John Lovewell and several of his valiant company in the late -heroic action at Piggwacket_. Boston, 1725.[939] The other edition was -entitled: _Historical memoirs of the late fight at Piggwacket; with -a sermon occasion’d by the fall of the brave Capt. John Lovewell and -several of his valiant company.... The second edition, corrected_. -Boston, 1725.[940] A third edition was printed at Fryeburg, with some -additions, in 1799. The narrative, but not the sermon, was later -printed in Farmer and Moore’s _Historical Collections_, i. 25. At -Concord (N. H.), in 1861, it was again issued by Nathaniel Bouton, as -_The original account of Capt. John Lovewell’s Great Fight with the -Indians at Pequawket, May 8, 1725_.[941] Mr. Frederic Kidder, in _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._,[942] Jan., 1853 (p. 61), printed an account -of Lovewell’s various expeditions, with sundry documents from the -_Massachusetts Archives_, which, together with the second edition of -Symmes, were later, in 1865, embodied in his _Expeditions of Capt. John -Lovewell and his encounters with the Indians, including a particular -account of the Pequauket battle_.[943] This is a faithful reprint of -the Symmes tract, while those of Farmer and Moore, and of Bouton, -introduce matters from other sources. The bibliography of Symmes’s -sermon is traced in Dr. S. A. Green’s _Groton during the Indian Wars_, -p. 134. - -The relations of the French to the Abenaki war during 1724-25 are shown -in various documents printed in the _N. Y. Coll. Docs._, vol. ix., as -when the French ministry prompts the governor of Canada to sustain -the savages in their struggle with the English (p. 935); a memoir is -registered upon their condition (p. 939); Intendant Begon reports on -the war (p. 941); other letters are written (p. 945); and the ministry -again counsel the governor to instigate further hostilities (p. 956). - -A journal of a scout by Westbrook, beginning June 23, 1725, is among -the _Belknap Papers_ (MSS.). - -Four eastern sagamores came to Boston, Nov. 10, 1725 (_Mass. Archives_, -xxix. 191; Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, i. 429), and a treaty with them was -signed Dec. 15, 1725, known as “Dummer’s treaty” (_Mass. Archives_, -xxxiv.), which was ratified at Falmouth, Aug. 6, 1726. (_Mass. -Archives_, xxix. 230; xxxiv. See also Penhallow, 117; _N. H. Hist. -Coll._, i. 123; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iv. 188; Niles in _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, xxxv. 360; Williamson, ii. 145, 147; Palfrey, iv. 443.) - -This treaty was separately printed under the title of _Conference with -the Indians at the ratification of peace held at Falmouth, Casco Bay, -by Governour Dummer, in July and August, 1726_. Boston, 1726, pp. 24. -It was reprinted in 1754. (Cf. Brinley, i. 432, 434; Harvard College -library, 5325.32.) - -There was another Indian treaty at Casco Bay, July 25, 1727. (_Mass. -Archives_, xxix. 256.) In Akins’s _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_ is a -fac-simile of a copy of this treaty, attested by Dummer, evidently made -to be used by Cornwallis in 1749, in negotiating another treaty. (Cf. -_N. H. Hist. Coll._, ii. 260, where the treaty is printed; and the -explanation of the Indians in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 966.) - -This treaty of 1727 was separately printed as _Conference with the -Eastern Indians at the further ratification of the peace, held at -Falmouth, in Casco Bay, in July, 1727_. Boston, 1727, pp. 31. It was -reprinted in 1754. (Cf. Brinley, i. 433, 434.) - -Cf. also _Conferences of Lieut.-Gov. Dummer with the Eastern Indians -in 1726 and 1727_. Boston, 1754. For the treaties of 1726-27, see also -_Maine Hist. Coll._, iii. 377, 407; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iv. 255-258; -Palfrey, iv. 444. - -There is in the _Mass. Archives_ (xxix. 283) the document which -resulted from a conference with the Eastern Indians in the council -chamber in Boston, Dec. 9-Jan. 15, 1727-28. - -Dr. Colman’s memoir of the troubles at the eastward in 1726-27 is in -the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 108. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. -324.) - -The French were disconcerted by the treaty of 1727, as sundry papers in -the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. ix., show. They reiterate their complaints -of the English encroachments on the Indians’ lands (p. 981); observe -great changes in the Abenakis since they made peace with the English -(p. 990); and the king of France tells the Canadians he does not see -how the Indians could avoid making the treaty with the English (p. -995).[944] - -The letters of caution, which Belcher was constantly writing -(1731-1740) to Capt. Larrabee, in command at Fort George, Brunswick, -indicate how unstable the peace was. (_N. E. Hist. & Gen. Reg._, -Apr., 1865, p. 129.) The continued danger from French intrigue is -also shown in Colman’s memoir, etc., in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 109, -and in the repeated conferences of the next few years: _Conference -of his Excellency Governor Belcher with the chiefs of the Penobscot, -Norridgewock, and Ameriscoggin tribes at Falmouth, July, 1732_. Boston, -reprinted at London. (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 428; Carter-Brown, iii. -482; Harv. Coll. lib., 5325.33; Brinley, i. no. 435.) - -_A Conference held at Deerfield, the 27th of August_ [to Sept. 1], -1735, _by his Excellency, Jonathan Belcher, and Ountaussoogoe and -others_, etc. [Boston, 1735]. (Brinley, i. no. 437.) This tract is -reprinted in the _Maine Hist. Coll._, iv. 123. - -[Illustration: LOVEWELL’S FIGHT. - -From the map in Bouton and Kidder.] - -Conference with the Penobscots at the council chamber in Boston, June, -1736. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 317.) - -The nine Penobscot chiefs who held this conference were lodged with -one John Sale in Boston, who renders an account of his charges for -twenty-four days’ entertainment of them, which is suggestive. He -charges for three half-pints of wine, per day, each; for twelve pence -worth of rum per day, each; for 120 gallons of cider; for damage -done in breaking of sash doors, frames of glass, China bowl, double -decanter, and sundry glasses and mugs; for two gross of pipes and -tobacco; for candles all night; for showing them the rope-dancers; for -washing 49 of their “greasy shirts;” and “for cleaning and whitewashing -two rooms after them.” The following “memorandum” is attached: “They -eat for the most part between 50 and 60 pounds of meat per day, beside -milk, cheese, etc. The cider which they drank I sold for twelve -shillings per quart. Besides, they had beer when they pleased. And as -for meat, they had the best, as I was ordered.” - -Conference with the Penobscots and Norridgewocks, June 28-July 6, 1738. -(_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 336.) - -Conference with the Penobscots at the council chamber in Boston, Aug. -25-Sept. 2, 1740. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 364.) - -Conference with the Penobscots, Dec. 3, 1741. (Mass. Archives, xxix. -376.) - -“Projets sur la prise de l’Acadie, 1741.” (Parkman MSS. in Mass. Hist. -Soc., _New France_, i. p. 1.) - -_Conference held at the Fort at St. George in the County of York, the -4th of August, 1742, between William Shirley, Governor, and the Chief -Sachems and Captains of the Penobscott, Norridgewock, Pigwaket or -Amiscogging or Saco, St. John’s, Bescommonconty or Amerescogging and -St. Francis tribes of Indians, August, 1742._ (Carter-Brown, iii. no. -703; Brinley, i. no. 440. Cf. Williamson, ii. 209.) - - -=D.= KING GEORGE’S, SHIRLEY’S, OR FIVE YEARS’ WAR.—France had declared -war against England, Mar. 15, 1744 (_Coll. de Manuscrits_, Quebec, -iii. p. 196), and the capitulation of Canso had taken place, May 24. -(_Ibid._, iii. p. 201.) In July, 1744, Pepperrell and others, including -some chiefs of the Five Nations, met the Penobscots at St. Georges -and agreed to join in a treaty against the Cape Sable Indians. The -Penobscots did not keep the appointment. War was declared against the -Cape Sable and St. John’s Indians, Oct. 19, 1744. The General Court -of Massachusetts offered a reward for scalps; and a proclamation was -made for the enlistment of volunteers, Nov. 2, 1744. (_Mass. Archives_, -xxxi. 506, 514; printed in W. W. Wheildon’s _Curiosities of History_, -Boston, 1880, pp. 107, 109.) - -The most brilliant event of the war was impending. - -The French had begun the construction of elaborate defences at -Louisbourg in 1720. A medal struck in commemoration of this beginning -is described in the _Transactions_ (1872-73, p. 75) of the Literary and -Historical Society of Quebec. - -[Illustration] - -It has always been open to question from whom came the first suggestion -of the expedition of 1745. The immediate incentive seems to have been a -belief, prompted by the reports of prisoners released from Canso, that -Louisbourg could be captured, if attacked before relief could reach it -from France. Judge Robert Auchmuty, of Roxbury, developed a plan for -the capture in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for July, 1745,—the same -number in which was also printed the news of the attack and capture. -When the paper was reprinted in a thin folio tract shortly afterwards, -he or some one for him emphasized his claim to the suggestion in the -title itself as follows: _The importance of Cape Breton to the British -Nation, humbly represented by Robert Auckmuty_ [sic], _Judge, &c., in -New England. N. B. Upon the plan laid down in this representation the -island was taken by Commodore Warren and General Pepperill the 14th of -June, 1745_. London, 1745.[945] - -[Illustration] - -It is claimed on behalf of William Vaughan that he suggested the -expedition to Governor Wentworth, of New Hampshire, who in turn -referred him to Governor Shirley. An anonymous tract, published in -London in 1746, _The Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton truly -stated and impartially considered_,[946] often assigned to William -Bollan, and believed by some to have been inspired by Vaughan, says -that Vaughan had “the honor of reviving, at least, if not of having -been the original mover or projector,” of the expedition, since it -is claimed that Lieutenant-Governor Clarke, of New York,[947] had -suggested the attack to the Duke of Newcastle as early as 1743. -Douglass (_Summary_, etc., i. 348) says that Shirley was taken with the -“hint or conceit” of Vaughan, “a whimsical, wild projector.” Hutchinson -says that Vaughan “was called the projector of the expedition,” and -Belknap accords him the priority in common report.[948] When Thomas -Prince came to dedicate his sermon, preached on the Thanksgiving day -following the triumph, he inscribed it to Shirley as the “principal -former and promoter of the expedition;” but the language hardly claims -the origination, though Shirley was generally recognized as the moving -spirit in its final determination.[949] - -[Illustration: PEPPERRELL. - -After a painting, now owned by Mrs. Anna H. C. Howard, of Brooklyn, -N. Y., and which has descended from Pepperrell. (Cf. _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, iii. p. 358.) This likeness, painted in London in 1751 by -Smibert, is also engraved in Parsons’ _Life of Pepperrel_l, in Drake’s -_Boston_, and in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1866, -where Dr. Parsons gives a genealogy of the Pepperrell family. There -is in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_ (ii. 114) an engraving after an -original full-length picture in the hall of the Essex Institute at -Salem,—artist unknown. See also Higginson’s _Larger History_, p. 188.] - -[Illustration: - -A sword of Pepperrell is shown in the group of weapons engraved in -Vol. III. p. 274. (Cf. _Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, p. 123; _Proc. -Mass. Hist. Soc._, v. 373; and Parsons’ _Life of Pepperrell_.) Views of -the Pepperrell mansion at Kittery, where considerable state was kept, -are given in Parsons (p. 329), and in a paper on Pepperrell by J. A. -Stevens in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, vol. ii. 673. Cf. also Lamb’s -_Homes of America_ (1879), and _Appleton’s Journal_, xi. 65.] - -The earliest account of this mettlesome enterprise, which showed -special research and opportunities, was that of Dr. Belknap in his -_History of New Hampshire_, which was written in 1784, less than -forty years after the event, and when he might have known some of the -participants. The most important of the _Pepperrell Papers_ had fallen -into his hands, and he made good use of them, after which he deposited -them in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society, where -they now are, bound in two volumes, covering the years 1699-1779, but -chiefly concerning the Louisbourg expedition. - -[Illustration: PEPPERRELL ARMS. - -This cut of the Pepperrell arms is copied from one in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1878, p. 684.] - -With them in the same depository are the _Belknap Papers_, three -volumes,[950] as well as a composite volume, _Louisbourg Papers_, -devoted entirely to the expedition.[951] Others of the scattered papers -of Pepperrell have since been found elsewhere. Dr. Usher Parsons, in -his _Life of Pepperrell_,[952] beside using what Belknap possessed, -sifted a mass of papers found in an old shed on the Pepperrell estate. -This lot covered the years 1696-1759, and some of them were scarcely -legible. The mercantile letters and accounts among them yielded little, -but there was a smaller body of Pepperrell’s own letters and those of -his correspondents, which proved of more or less historical value. - -[Illustration] - -Unremitting search yielded gain to Dr. Parsons in other directions. -Some manuscripts coming from a Kittery house into the hands of Capt. -Luther Dame, of Newburyport, were reported upon by Col. A. H. Hoyt in -the _New England Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (Oct., 1874, p. 451), in a -paper afterwards reprinted by him, separately, with revision; but they -throw no considerable light upon the Louisbourg siege. They would add -little to what Parsons presents in chronologically arranged excerpts -from letters and other records which make up his account of the -expedition.[953] - -Of all other contemporary accounts and aids, most, so far as known, -have been put into print, though George Bancroft quotes a journal of -Seth Pomeroy,[954] not yet in type; and there are papers which might -still be gleaned in the _Mass. Archives_. There are in print the -instructions of Shirley, and a correspondence between Pepperrell and -Warren (_Mass. Hist. Collections_, i. 13-60); letters of Wentworth -and Shirley on the plan of attack, and other letters of Shirley -(_Provincial Papers of New Hampshire_, vol. v. pp. 931, 949, etc.); -and many others of Pepperrell, Warren, Shirley, etc. (_Rhode Island -Colonial Records_, vol. v.). The _Colonial Records of Connecticut_ -(vol. ix.) for this period give full details of the legislative -enactment regarding the part that colony bore in the expedition; but -the absence of most of the illustrative documents from her archives -during that interval deprives us, doubtless, of a correspondence -similar to that which is included in the Rhode Island printed _Records_. - -Shirley’s letters to Governor Thomas, of Penna., respecting the -preparations for the Louisbourg expedition, are in _Penna. Archives_, -i. 667, etc. - -Stray letters and documents of some interest, but throwing no essential -light upon historical events, are found in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, v. 88; xii. 263; xix. 225, etc. - -Various accounts of the siege, of no great extent were published -soon after its close. Chief among them was an _Accurate journal and -account of the proceedings of the New England land forces, during -the late expedition against the French settlements on Cape Breton -to the time of the surrender of Louisbourg_, Exon, 1746 (40 pp.). -The manuscript of this journal was sent to England by Pepperrell to -his friend Capt. Henry Stafford; and as printed it was attested by -Pepperrell, Brig.-General Waldo, Col. Moore, Lieut.-Col. Lothrop, -and Lieut.-Col. Gridley.[955] This journal was printed, with some -curious verbal differences, as an appendix to a _Letter from William -Shirley, Esq., to the Duke of Newcastle, with a Journal of the Siege -of Louisbourg_, London, 1746. It was by vote of the legislature, Dec. -30, 1746, reprinted in Boston, once by Rogers and Fowle, and again by -J. Draper.[956] An account by Col. James Gibson, published in London in -1745, as a _Journal of the late siege by the troops of North America -against the French at Cape Breton_,[957] contained a large engraved -plan of the siege, of which a reduced fac-simile is annexed.[958] -The narrative was edited in Boston in 1847 by Lorenzo D. Johnson, -under the misleading title _A Boston merchant of 1745_. Other diaries -of the siege, of greater or less extent, have been printed, like -Wolcott’s,[959] in the _Collections_ (vol. i.) of the Connecticut -Historical Society; Curwen’s in his letters (_Hist. Collections Essex -Institute_, vol. iii. 186), and in his _Journal_, edited by Ward (p. -8); Craft’s journal (_Hist. Coll. Essex Inst._, iv. p. 181); that of -Adonijah Bidwell, the chaplain of the fleet (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, April, 1873); and the folio tract entitled _A particular -Account of the taking of Cape Breton by Admiral Warren and Sir William -Pepperell, with a description of the place ... and the articles of -capitulation, By Philip Durell, Esq., Capt. of his majesty’s ship -“Superbe_.” _To which is added a letter from an officer of marines_, -etc., etc., London, 1745. Durell’s account is dated June 20, 1745, in -Louisbourg harbor. Douglass gives the force by sea and land before -Louisbourg. _Summary_, etc., i. 350. - -A list of the commissioned officers of the expedition, drawn from the -_Belknap Papers_, is edited by Charles Hudson in the _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1870.[960] In _Ibid._, April, 1868, a list of 221 -names of the common soldiers had been printed; but in July, 1871, a -much longer enumeration is made out by Mr. Hudson from the Pepperrell -papers, the Council Records, and other sources. Potter in the _N. H. -Adj.-General’s Report_, ii. (1866, pp. 61-76), afterwards published -as _Mil. Hist. of N. H._, gives the New Hampshire rolls of Louisbourg -soldiers. - -On the occasion of a Thanksgiving (July 18, 1745) in Boston, two -sermons preserve to us some additional if slight details. That of -Thomas Prince, _Extraordinary events the doings of God and marvellous -in pious eyes_, Boston and London, 1745 (Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.42 -and 43), is mainly reprinted in S. G. Drake’s _Five Years’ French -and Indian Wars_, p. 187; and that of the Rev. Charles Chauncy, the -brother-in-law of Pepperrell, _Marvellous Things done by the right hand -and holy arm of God in getting him the victory_, was printed both in -Boston and London.[961] - - * * * * * - -The capture of Louisbourg and the question of the disposition of the -island at the peace led to several expositions of its imagined value to -the British Crown, among which may be named:— - -_The importance and advantage of Cape Breton considered, in a letter -to a member of Parliament from an inhabitant of New England_, London, -1746. (Brinley, no. 69.) This is signed “Massachusettensis.”[962] - -_Two letters concerning some farther advantages and improvements -that may seem necessary to be made on the taking and keeping of Cape -Breton_, London, 1746. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 822.) - -_The importance and advantage of Cape Breton, truly stated and -impartially considered. With proper maps_, London, 1746. (Carter-Brown, -iii. no. 823.) The maps follow those of Bellin in Charlevoix. Its -authorship is usually ascribed to William Bollan. (Sabin, ii. 6,215.) - -_The great importance of Cape Breton demonstrated and exemplified by -extracts from the best writers, French and English_, London, 1746. -This is a plea against the surrender of it to the French. It is -dedicated to Governor Shirley, and contains Charlevoix’s map and plan. -(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 821.) - -_An accurate description of Cape Breton, Situation, Soil, Ports, etc., -its Importance to France, but of how much greater it might have been to -England; with an account of the taking of the city by the New England -forces under General Pepperell in 1745_, London, 1755. - -_Memoir of the principal transactions of the last war between the -English and French in North America, from 1744 to the conclusion of the -treaty at Aix-la-Chapelle, containing in particular an account of the -importance of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton to both nations_ (3d ed., -London, reprinted, Boston, 1758.) - -Douglass (_Summary_, etc.), the general historian nearest the time, -was an eager opponent of Shirley, and in his account of the expedition -he ascribes to good luck the chief element in its success. He calls -it “this infinitely rash New England Corporation adventure, though -beyond all military or human probability successful.” (_Summary_, -etc., 1751, ii. p. 11.) “Fortified towns are hard nuts to crack, and -your teeth have not been accustomed to it,” wrote Benjamin Franklin -from Philadelphia to his brother in Boston. (_Franklin’s Works_, vii. -16.)[963] - -Accounts of the expedition enter necessarily into the more general -narratives, like those of Hutchinson (_Mass. Bay_); Chalmers (_Revolt_, -etc.); Minot (_Massachusetts_); Gordon (_Amer. Rev._); Marshall -(_Washington_); Bancroft (_United States_); Grahame (_United States_); -Williamson (_Hist. of Maine_); Murdoch (_Nova Scotia_, ii. ch. 5); -Haliburton (_Nova Scotia_); Stone (_Sir Wm. Johnson_, vol. i.); Palfrey -(_Compendious Hist. of New England_, iv. ch. 9); Bury (_Exodus of -the Western Nations_, ii. ch. 6); Gay (_Pop. Hist. United States_); -Drake (_Boston_). The _Memorial Hist. Boston_ (ii. 117) and Barry’s -_Massachusetts_ (ii. 140, etc.) give numerous references. Joel T. -Headley has a popular narrative in _Harper’s Monthly_, xxviii. p. 354. -Garneau (_Hist. du Canada_, 4th ed., ii. 190) offers the established -French account. Cf. _Lettre d’un habitant de Louisbourg contenant une -relation exacte de la prise de l’Ile Royale par les Anglais_, Quebec, -1745. (Sabin, x. no. 40,671.)[964] - -The present condition of the site of Louisbourg is described by Parsons -(_Life of Pepperrell_, 332); by Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_); by J. -G. Bourinot in his “The old forts of Acadia” in _Canadian Monthly_, v. -369; and in the _Canadian Antiquarian_, iv. 57. - - * * * * * - -Maps, both French and English, showing the fortifications and harbor of -Louisbourg are numerous. - -Both editions of Charlevoix’s _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, the -duodecimo in six volumes, and the quarto in three volumes issued in -1744, the year before the siege, have plans of Louisbourg and its -fortifications, and the same are reproduced in Dr. Shea’s translation -of Charlevoix. They are the work of Nicholas Bellin, and to the same -draughtsman belongs _Le Petit Atlas Maritime_, 1764, in the volume of -which devoted to North America, there are other (nos. 23, 24) plans of -the harbor and fortifications. - -Following French sources is a _Plan des fortifications de Louisbourg_, -published at Amsterdam by H. de Leth about 1750. A “Plan special de -Louisbourg” is also to be found on the map published by N. Visscher at -Amsterdam, called “_Carte Nouvelle contenant la partie de l’Amérique la -plus septentrionale_.” - -Among the French maps is one “levé en 1756,” after a plan of -Louisbourg, preserved in the Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine in Paris. -This appeared in 1779 in the _Neptune Americo-Septentrional_, “publiée -par ordre du Roi;” and another, dated 1758, “levé par le ch^{ev.} de la -Rigaudiere,” was accompanied by a view, of which there is a copy in the -_Mass. Archives; Docs. collected in France, Atlas_, ii. 5. In this last -(composite) Atlas (ii. nos. 44, 45) are maps of the town and harbor, -and a large plan of the fortifications, marked “Tome i. no. 23,” which -can probably be identified. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: CAPE BRETON, 1746. - -Reduced fac-simile of the “Map of the Island of Cape Breton as laid -down by the Sieur Bellin, 1746,” annexed to _The Importance and -Advantage of Cape Breton, truly stated and impartially considered_, -London, 1746. A general map of the island of Cape Breton, with Bellin’s -name attached, is found in the several editions of Charlevoix and in -the _Petit Atlas maritime, par le S. Bellin_, 1764. The earliest more -elaborate survey of this part of the coast was the one published by J. -F. W. Des Barres, in 1781, in four sheets, _The South East Coast of -Cape Breton Island, surveyed by Samuel Holland_. A map by Kitchen was -published in the _London Mag._, 1747.] - -Richard Gridley,[965] of Massachusetts Bay, who was present as an -officer of the artillery, made a plan of the fortifications after the -surrender, and this, called a _Plan of the City and Fortifications of -Louisbourg from surveys made by Richard Gridley in 1745_, was engraved -and published by Jefferys, in 1758, and was used by him in his _History -of the French Dominions in America_, London, 1760 (p. 124), and in his -_General Topography of North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768 -(no. 25).[966] - -[Illustration: GRIDLEY’S PLAN AS REDUCED IN BROWN’S CAPE BRETON.] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: LOUISBOURG, 1745. - -From a survey made by Richard Gridley, lieut.-col. of the train of -artillery. A fac-simile of part of the plate in Jeffery’s _French -Dominions in America_, p. 125.] - -[Illustration: LOUISBOURG (_Set of Plans, etc._)] - -Gridley’s surveys have been the basis of many of the subsequent English -plans. The draught reduced from Gridley in Richard Brown’s _History -of the Island of Cape Breton_ (London, 1869) is herewith given in -fac-simile, and is understood by the following key:— - - A. Dauphin bastion and circular battery. - B. King’s bastion and citadel. - C. Queen’s bastion. - D. Princess’ bastion. - E. Bourillon bastion. - F. Maurepas bastion. - G. Batterie de la Gréve. - 1, 1, etc. Glacis. - 2, 2, etc. Covered way. - 3, 3, etc. Traverses. - 4, 4, etc. Ditch. - 5, 5, etc. Parapet. - 6, 6, etc. Ramparts. - 7, 7, etc. Slopes of same. - 8, 8, etc. Places of arms. - 9, 9, etc. Casemates. - 10, 10, etc. Guard houses. - 11, 11, etc. Wooden bridges. - 12. Governor’s apartments. - 13. Church. - 14. Barracks. - 15. Powder magazine. - 16. Fortification house. - 17. Arsenal and bake-house. - 18. Ordnance. - 19. General storehouse. - 20. West gate. - 22. East gate. - 23. Gates in quay curtain (_b. b. b._). - 24. Parade. - 25. Nunnery. - 26. Hospital and church. - _a. a._ Palisade, with ramparts for small arms. - _c. c._ Picquet (raised during the siege). - -Another plan of an early date is one, likewise annexed, which appeared -in _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual surveys_, -1763, and published in London.[967] The plan which George Bancroft -added to his _History of the United States_, in one of the early -editions, was used again by Parsons in his _Life of Pepperrell_. - -[Illustration: FROM BROWN’S CAPE BRETON.] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: VIEW OF LOUISBOURG. - -A reduced sketch from a painting owned by Mrs. Anna H. C. Howard -of Brooklyn, N. Y., which came to her by descent from Sir William -Pepperrell. The canvas is very dark and obscure, and the artist may -have missed some of the details, particularly of the walls along the -shore. The point of view seems to be from the northwest side of the -interior harbor, near the bridge (seen in the foreground), which spans -one of the little inlets, as shown in some of the maps. This position -is near what are called “Hale’s Barracks” in the draft of the town and -harbor on the preceding page. The dismantled ships along the opposite -shore are apparently the French fleet, while an English ship is near -the bridge. - -The following letter describes the present condition of the ground:— - - BOSTON, June 4, 1886. - -MY DEAR MR. WINSOR,—It gives me great pleasure to comply with your -request, and to give my recollections of Louisburg as seen in September -last. - -The historical town of that name, or rather the ruin of the old -fortress, lies perhaps three miles from the modern town, which is -a small village, situated on the northeasterly side of the bay or -harbor. The inhabitants of the neighborhood live, for the most part, -by fishing and other business connected with that branch of industry, -eking out their livelihood by the cultivation of a rocky and barren -soil. The road from the village to the old fortress runs along the -western shore of the bay, passing at intervals the small houses of -the fishermen and leaving on the left the site of the Royal Battery, -which is still discernible. This was the first outpost of the French -taken at the siege, and its gallant capture proved subsequently to be -of the greatest service to the English. From this point the ruins of -the fortress begin to loom up and show their real character. Soon the -walls are reached, and the remains of the former bastions on the land -side are easily recognized. This land front is more than half a mile -in length, and stretches from the sea on the left to the bay on the -right, forming a line of works that would seem to be impregnable to -any and all assaults. From its crown a good idea can be gained of the -size of the fortifications, which extend in its entire circuit more -than a mile and a half in length, and inclose an area of a hundred and -twenty acres, more or less. The public buildings within the fortress -were of stone, and, with the help of a guide, their sites can easily -be made out. The burying-ground, on the point of land to the eastward, -where hundreds of bodies were buried, is still shown; and the sheep and -cattle graze all unconscious of the great deeds that have been done -in the neighborhood. Taken all in all, the place is full of the most -interesting associations, and speaks of the period when the sceptre -of power in America was balancing between France and England; and -Louisburg forms to-day the grandest ruin in this part of the continent. - - Very truly yours, - - SAMUEL A. GREEN.] - -It follows an English plan procured by Mr. Bancroft in London, and -closely resembles the sketch owned by a descendant of Pepperrell, -and herewith given. Haliburton in his _History of Nova Scotia_ gives -a similar plan, as well as a draught of the harbor. The plan of the -town and the vicinity which is given by Brown in his _Cape Breton_ is -also reproduced herewith. The earliest of the more elaborate charts -of the harbor is that published by Des Barres in Oct., 1781. We find -a rude sketch of the Island battery in _Curwen’s Journal_ as edited -by Ward (Boston, 4th ed. 1864), which was sent by that observer from -Louisbourg, July 25, 1745. A reproduction of this sketch, herewith -given, needs the following key:— - -[Illustration: PLAN OF ISLAND BATTERY.] - -“The embrasures in the front are not more than three feet above the -ground. - - 1. Fronting mouth of harbor: 22 embrasures; - 21 guns, 36 and 48 pounders. - - 2. Barracks. - - 3. Sally-ports. - - 4. Wall framed of timber, and covered with - plank, and filled with stone and lime, - in which is an embrasure with a 48 - pounder. - - 5. Wall, defended with two small swivels. - - 6. The place at which whale-boats might - easily land 500 men. - - 7. One entire rock, perpendicular on the face, - and absolutely impossible to be climbed. - - 8. Piquet of large timber, fastened by iron - clamps, drilled into the solid rock. - - 9. Commandant’s apartment, five feet high. - - 10. The gate under the wall, about four feet - wide, formed like a common sally-port; - not straight, but made an angle of 160 - degrees. Ten men can prevent ten hundred - making their way; this wall has but - four guns and two swivels. - -“I paced the island, and judged it to be about 56 yards wide and 150 -long at the widest part, nearly.” - -There is in the _Collections_ of the Maine Hist. Soc. (viii. p. 120) a -life of Lieut.-Col. Arthur Noble, who, by order of Brigadier Waldo, led -on May 23 the unsuccessful attack on this battery. - -The _Catalogue of the king’s maps in the British Museum_ (vol. i. 718, -etc.) shows plans of the town and fortifications (1745) in MS. by -Durell and Bastide; others of the town and harbor (1755) by William -Green; with views by Bastide (1749), Admiral Knowles (1756), Ince -(1758, engraved by Canot, 1762), and Thomas Wright (1766). - -Jefferys also published in copperplate _A view of the landing of the -New England forces in the expedition against Cape Breton_, 1745. -(Carter-Brown, iii. p. 335.) A copy of this print belongs to Dr. John -C. Warren of Boston. - - * * * * * - -Three months after the fall of Louisbourg there was another treaty with -the eastern Indians, Sept. 28-Oct. 22, 1745. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. -386.) The renewed activity of the French is shown in the _N. Y. Col. -Docs_., x. p. 3. - -A little later, Dec. 12, 1745, Shirley made his first speech to the -Massachusetts Assembly after his return to Boston, and communicated the -King’s thanks for “setting on foot and executing the late difficult and -expensive enterprise against Cape Breton.”[968] - - * * * * * - -The next event of importance in the Acadian peninsula was the attack -of the French upon an English post, which is known as the “battle of -Minas.” - -The English _accounts (Boston Weekly Post Boy_, March 2 and 9, 1747), -which give the date Jan. 31, old style, and the French (official -report), Feb. 11, new style, are edited by Dr. O’Callaghan with the -articles of capitulation, in the _New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -April, 1855, p. 107. For general references see Haliburton’s _Nova -Scotia_, ii. 132; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 250; Hannay (p. 349) and -the other histories of Nova Scotia. - -[Illustration: ENTRANCE OF MINES BASIN. - -One of Des Barres’ coast views 1779. (In Harvard College library.)] - -Douglass (_Summary_, etc., i. 316) says: “Three companies from Rhode -Island were shipwrecked near Martha’s Vineyard; two companies of New -Hampshire went to sea, but for some trifling reason put back and never -proceeded. The want of these five companies was the occasion of our -forces being overpowered by the Canadians at Minas with a considerable -slaughter.” - -[Illustration: CAPE BAPTIST. - -One of Des Barres’ coast views, marked _A view of Cate Baptist in the -entrance into the basin of Mines, bearing W. by N., two miles distant_. -(In Harvard College library.)] - -The French account of these transactions of the command of Ramezay -is in a “Journal de la compagne du détachement de Canada à l’Acadie -et aux Mines en 1746 et 1747” (June, 1746, to March, 1747). It is in -the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, i. pp. -59-153. For the attack at Minas in particular see the “Relation d’une -expédition faite sur les Anglois dans les pays de l’Acadie, le 11 Fév., -1747, par un détachement de Canadiens,” dated at Montreal, 28 Sept., -1747, and signed Le Chev. de la Corne. (_Ibid._, pp. 155-163.) Cf. also -_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 78, 91. - -The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Oct., 1748, was proclaimed in Boston, -May 10, 1749, and a reprint of it issued there. - -Shirley (June 3, 1749) writes to Gov. Wentworth that he had agreed with -nine Indian chiefs, then in Boston, to hold a conference at Casco bay, -Sept. 27. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, v. 127.) - -Meanwhile the English government, in pursuance of an effort to -anglicize the peninsula,[969] had planned the transportation to Nova -Scotia of an equipped colony under Edward Cornwallis, which arrived at -Chebucto harbor in the summer of 1749, and founded Halifax. A treaty -with the Indians was held there Aug. 15, 1749. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, -ix. 220.) There is a full-size fac-simile of the document in Akins’s -_Public Doc. of Nova Scotia_. It was in confirmation of the Boston -treaty of Dec. 15, 1725, which is embodied in the new treaty. - -Another treaty with the eastern Indians was made at Falmouth, Oct. 16, -1749. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 427; xxxiv.; _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. -220; _N. H. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 264; Williamson’s _Maine_, i. 259, -taken from Mass. Council Records, 1734-57, p. 108; Hutchinson, iii. 4.) - -This treaty was proclaimed in Boston, Oct. 27. Cf. _Journal of the -proceedings of the commissioners appointed for managing a treaty of -peace at Falmouth, Sept. 27, 1749, between Thomas Hutchinson, John -Choate_ [and others], _commissioned by Gov. Phips, and the eastern -Indians_, Boston [1749]. (Brinley, i. no. 441; Harv. Col. lib. -5325.39.) This tract is reprinted in _Maine Hist. Coll._, iv. 145. - -There was another conference with the Penobscots and Norridgewocks, -Aug. 3-8, 1750. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 429.) - -A tract to encourage emigration to the new colony at Halifax was -printed in London in 1750, and reprinted in Dublin: _A genuine account -of Nova Scotia, to which is added his majesty’s proposals as an -encouragement to those who are willing to settle there_. Cf. the German -tract: _Historische und Geographische Beschreibung von Neu-Schottland_, -Franckfurt, 1750. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 935.) Counter-statements not -conducive to the colony’s help, appeared in John Wilson’s _Genuine -narrative of the transactions in Nova Scotia since the settlement, -June, 1749, till Aug. 5, 1751 ... with the particular attempts of the -Indians to disturb the colony_, London, 1751. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. -966.) - -There are papers relating to the first settlement of Halifax in Akins’s -_Documents_, 495; and a paper on the first council meeting at Halifax, -by T. B. Akins, in the _Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. ii. See -also Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, ii. ch. 11. Various maps of Halifax and -the harbor were made during the subsequent years. The _Catalogue of the -king’s maps_ (i. 483) in the British Museum shows several manuscript -draughts. A small engraved plan was published in the _Gentleman’s -Magazine_, 1750, p. 295. A large map, dedicated to the Earl of Halifax, -is called: _Carte du havre de Chibucto avec le plan de la ville de -Halifax sur la coste de l’Accadie ou Nova Scotia, publiée par Jean -Rocque, Charing Cross_, 1750.[970] - -A smaller _Plan des havens von Chebucto und der stadt Halifax_ was -published at Hamburg, 1751. Jefferys issued a large _Chart of the -Harbor of Halifax_, 1759, which was repeated in his _General Topography -of North America and West Indies_, London, 1768. A “Plan de la Baye de -Chibouctou nommée par les Anglois Halifax,” bears date 1763. Another is -in the _Set of plans and forts_ (No. 7) published in London in 1763. In -the Des Barres series of coast charts of a later period (1781) there is -a large draft of the harbor, with colored marginal views of the coast. - - * * * * * - -In 1752-54 there were other conferences with the eastern Indians. - -_Instructions for treating with the eastern Indians given to the -commissioners appointed for that service by the Hon. Spencer Phips -... in 1752_, Boston, 1865. Fifty copies printed from the original -manuscript, for Samuel G. Drake. (Sabin, xv. 62,579; Brinley, i. no. -443.) - -_Journal of the proceedings of Jacob Wendell, Samuel Watts, Thomas -Hubbard, and Chamber Russel, commissioners to treat with the eastern -Indians, held at St. Georges, Oct. 13, 1752, in order to renew and -confirm a general peace_, Boston, 1752. (Sabin, ix. 36,736; Brinley, i. -no. 442.) The original treaty is in the _Mass. Archives_, xxxiv. - -_A conference held at St. George’ s on the 20th day of September, 1753, -between commissioners appointed by_ [Gov.] _Shirley and the Indians of -the Penobscot_ [and Norridgewock] _tribes_, Boston, 1753. (Brinley, -i. no. 444; Sabin, no. 15,436; Harv. Coll. lib., 5325.42.) Cf. the -treaty in _Maine Hist. Coll._, iv. 168. The original treaties with the -Penobscots at St. Georges (Sept. 21) and the Norridgewocks at Richmond -(Sept. 29) are in the _Mass. Archives_, xxxiv. - -[Illustration] - -_A journal of the proceedings at two conferences begun to be held at -Falmouth_, 28_th June_, 1754, _between William Shirley, Governor, etc., -and the Chiefs of the Norridegwock Indians, and on the 5th of July with -the Chiefs of the Penobscot Indians_, Boston, 1754. (Brinley, i. no. -444; Sabin, ix. 36,730; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 292.) The original -treaties with the Norridgewocks, July 2, and Penobscots, July 6, 1754, -are in the _Mass. Archives_, xxxiv. - -[Illustration: THE NECK OF THE ACADIAN PENINSULA.] - - -=E.= OLD FRENCH WAR.—This was begun in April, 1755. There was a -declaration of war against the Penobscots, Nov. 3, 1755. (_Mass. -Archives_, xxxii. 690.) - -[Illustration] - -Meanwhile, towards the end of April, 1755, Cornwallis at Halifax -had sent Lawrence[971] to the neck of the peninsula[972] of Nova -Scotia to fortify himself on English ground, opposite the French -post at Beauséjour. Instigated by the French priest, Le Loutre, the -Micmacs[973] were so threatening and the French were so alarmingly near -that the English, far outnumbered, withdrew; but they returned in the -autumn, better equipped, and began the erection of Fort Lawrence. The -French attempted an “indirect” resistance through the Indians and some -indianized Acadians, and were, in the end, driven off; but not until -the houses and barns of neighboring settlers had been burned, with the -aim of compelling the Acadians to fly to the French for shelter and -sustenance.[974] The French now began a fort on the Beauséjour hill. -A petty warfare and reprisals, not unmixed with treachery, became -chronic, and were well set off with a background of more portentous -rumors.[975] It happened that letters crossed each other, or nearly -so, passing between Lawrence (now governor) and Shirley, suggesting -an attack on Beauséjour. So the conquest was easily planned. Shirley -commissioned Col. John Winslow to raise 2,000 men, and but for delay in -the arrival of muskets from England this force would have cast anchor -near Fort Lawrence on the first of May instead of the first of June. -Monckton, a regular officer, who had been Lawrence’s agent on the -Boston mission, held the general command over Winslow, a provincial -officer. The fort surrendered before the siege trains got fairly to -work. Parkman, who gives a vivid picture of the confusion of the -French, refers for his authorities to the _Mémoires sur le Canada_, -1749-1760; Pichon’s _Cape Breton_, and the journal of Pichon, as cited -by Murdoch in his_ Hist. of Nova Scotia_.[976] The captured fort became -Fort Cumberland; Fort Gaspereau, on the other side of the isthmus, -surrendered without a blow. Rouse, the Boston privateersman, who had -commanded the convoy from Boston, was sent to capture the fort at the -mouth of the St. John, and the Indians, whom the French had deserted on -Rouse’s approach, joyfully welcomed him. - -[Illustration: FORT BEAUSÉJOUR AND ADJACENT COUNTRY. - -Part of a folding map, “Fort Beauséjour and adjacent country, taken -possession of by Colonel Monckton, in June, 1755;” in Mante’s _Hist. of -the Late War_ (London, 1772), p. 17. Cf. Des Barres’ Environs of Fort -Cumberland, 1781, and various drawn maps in _Catal. King’s Library_ -(Brit. Mus.), i. 281.] - -Three hundred of the young Acadians, the so-called “neutral French,” -were found among the defenders of Beauséjour.[977] The council at -Halifax had no easy question to solve in determining the next step to -be taken. - -[Illustration: COLONEL MONCKTON. - -After a mezzotint preserved in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. library, in which -he is called “Major-General, and Colonel of the Seventeenth Foot, and -Governor of New York,” as he later was. Cf. other mezzotints noted in -J. C. Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, ii. 883; iv. 1,525, 1739. -There is a portrait in Entick’s _Hist. of the Late War_, v. 355. See -account of Monckton in Akins’s _Nova Scotia Docs._, 391.] - -[Illustration] - -With the documentary evidence now in hand, chiefly the records of the -French themselves, we can clearly see the condition which the English -rather suspected than knew in detail.[978] They indeed were aware -that the neutrals of Chignecto in 1750 had been in effect coerced to -crossing the lines at the neck, while the burning of their houses and -barns had been accomplished to prevent their return. They further knew -that this gave an increased force of desperate and misguided men to be -led by priests like Le Loutre, and encouraged by the French commanders, -acting under orders of the central government at Quebec. They had good -reason to suspect, what was indeed the fact, that the emissaries of the -Catholic church and the civil powers in Canada were confident in the -use they could in one way and another make of the mass of Acadians, -though still nominally subjects of the British king.[979] Their loyalty -had always been a qualified one. A reservation of not being obliged -to serve in war against the French had been in the past allowed in -their oath; but such reservation had not been approved by the Crown, -though it had not been practically disallowed. It was a reservation -which in the present conjunction of affairs Governor Lawrence thought -it inexpedient to allow, and he required an unqualified submission -by oath. He had already deprived them of their arms. The oath was -persistently refused and the return of their arms demanded. This act -was in itself ominous. The British plans had by this time miscarried in -New York and Pennsylvania, and under Braddock the forces had suffered -signal defeat. The terms of the New England troops in Acadia were -fast expiring. With these troops withdrawn, and others of the Acadian -garrisons sent to succor the defeated armies farther west, and with -the Canadian government prompted to make the most of the disaffection -toward the English and of the loyalty to the French flag which existed -within the peninsula, there could hardly have been a hope of the -retention of the country under the British flag, unless something -could be done to neutralize the evil of harboring an enemy.[980] “In -fact,” says Parkman, “the Acadians, while calling themselves neutrals, -were an enemy encamped in the heart of the province.”[981] Colonel -Higginson (_Larger History_, etc.) presents the antithesis in a milder -form, when he says, “They were as inconvenient as neighbors as they -are now picturesque in history.” It has been claimed that the cruelty -of deportation might have been avoided by exacting hostages of the -Acadians. That involves confidence in the ability of an abjectly -priest-ridden people to resist the threats of excommunication, should -at any time the emissaries of Quebec find it convenient to sacrifice -the hostages to secure success to the French arms. Under such a plan -the English might too late learn that military execution upon the -hostages was a likely accompaniment of a military disaster which it -would not avert. The alternative of deportation was much surer, and -self-preservation naturally sought the securest means. Simply to drive -the Acadians from the country would have added to the reckless hordes -allured by the French in 1750, which had fraternized with the Micmacs, -and harassed the English settlements. To deport them, and scatter them -among the other provinces, so that they could not combine, was a safer -and, as they thought, the only certain way to destroy the Acadians -as a military danger. It was a terrible conclusion, and must not be -confounded with possible errors in carrying out the plan. The council, -taking aid from the naval commanders, decided upon it.[982] - -[Illustration] - -The decision and its execution have elicited opinions as diverse as the -characters of those who have the tender and the more rigid passions -mixed in them in different degrees. The question, however, is simply -one of necessity in war to be judged by laws which exclude a gentle -forbearance in regard to smaller for the military advantages of larger -communities. - -[Illustration: GEN. JOHN WINSLOW. - -After an original formerly in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc., but -now in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 192, -and _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 123. The sword of General Winslow, shown -in the cut (Vol. III. p. 274), has also been transferred to Plymouth, -as well as the portraits of Governor Edward and Governor Josiah -Winslow. (_Ibid._, pp. 277, 282.) Other engravings of General Winslow -are given in Raikes’ _Hon. Artillery Co. of London_ (1878), i. p. 348, -and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 276.] - -Writers of the compassionate school have naturally sought to heighten -the enormity of the measure by pictures of the guilelessness of the -people, who were the sufferers. It was not long after the event -when the Abbé Raynal played upon such sympathetic responses in his -description[983] of the Acadians, setting forth an ideal simplicity -and content to which Longfellow in his _Evangeline_ has added the -unbounded charms of his verse. That the Acadians were a prolific people -might argue content, but Hannay (_Acadia_, ch. xvi.), who best traces -their mutations and growth, shows evidences that this fruitfulness -had not been without some admixture, at least, with the Micmacs.[984] -Though it is the usual assertion that bastardy was almost unknown among -them, Hannay adduces testimony to their licentiousness which he deems -sufficient.[985] We may pick out the most opposite views regarding the -comforts of their daily life. A French authority describes their houses -as “wretched wooden boxes, without ornament or convenience;”[986] -but George Bancroft[987] and many others tell us, after the Raynal -ideal, that these same houses were “neatly constructed and comfortably -furnished.” - -A simple people usually find it easy to vary the monotony of their -existence by bickerings and litigations; and if we may believe the -French authorities whom Hannay quotes, the Acadians were no exception -to the rule, which makes up for the absence of excitements in a -diversified life by a counterbalance of such evils as mix and obscure -the affections of society. - -Their religious training prompted them to place their priests in the -same scale of infallibility with their Maker, while the machinations -of Le Loutre[988] ensnared them and became, quite as much as that -“scrupulous sense of the indissoluble nature of their ancient -obligation to their king,”[989] a great cause of their misfortunes. -To glimpses of the character of the Acadians which we get in the -published documents, French and English, of their own day, we can add -but few estimates of observers who were certainly writing for the eye -of the public. There is a rather whimsical, but, as Parkman thinks, a -faithful description of them, earlier in the century, to be found in -the _Relation_ of Diéreville. - -Let us now observe some of the mutations of opinion to which -allusion has been made. Gov. Lawrence, in his circular letter to the -other colonies, naturally set forth the necessity of the case in -justification. Edmund Burke, not long after, judged the act a most -inhumane one, and “we did,” he says, “upon pretences not worth a -farthing, root out this poor, innocent, deserving people, whom our -utter inability to govern or to reconcile gave us no sort of right to -extirpate.” But this was in the guise of a running commentary from a -party point of view, and in ignorance of much now known. The French, -English, and American historians nearest the event take divergent -positions. Raynal started the poetic ideal, to which reference has been -made. It must not be forgotten, however, that the Abbé had a purpose -in his picture, aiming as he did to set off by a foil the condition of -the French peasantry at a period preceding the French Revolution.[990] -Entick[991] commends the measure, but not the method of its execution. -A pamphlet published in London in 1765, setting forth the sacrifices -of the province during the French and Indian wars, referring to the -deportation, says: “This was a most wise step,” but the exiles “have -been and still remain a heavy bill of charge to this province.”[992] -Hutchinson[993] simply allows that the authors of the movement -supposed that self-preservation was its sufficient excuse. When -Minot[994] surveyed the subject, he was quite as chary of an opinion. -He probably felt, as indeed was the case, that no one at that time had -access to the documents on which a safe judgment could be based. The -first distinct defence of the English came when Raynal’s views were -printed, in translation, in Nova Scotia in 1791. Secretary Bulkely and -Judge Deschamps now published a vindication of the English government, -but it was necessarily inadequate in the absence of proof. It served -not much purpose, however, in diverting the general opinion from the -channels of compassion. In 1787, the Rev. Andrew Brown, a Scotchman, -was called to settle over a church in Halifax. He remained till 1795, -when he returned to Scotland, where he lived till 1834, a part of the -time occupying the chair of rhetoric in the University of Edinburgh, -which had been previously filled by Dr. Blair. During his sojourn -in Nova Scotia, and down to so late a period as 1815, he collected -materials for a history of the province. His papers, including original -documents, were discovered serving ignoble purposes in a grocer’s shop -in Scotland, and bought for the collections of the British Museum. -Transcripts from the most interesting of them relating to the expulsion -of the Acadians have been made at the instance of the Nova Scotia -Record Commission, and have been printed in the second volume of the -_Collections_ of the Nova Scotia Historical Society. They consist of -letters and statements from people whom Brown had known, and who had -taken part in the expulsion, with other contemporary papers regarding -the condition of the Acadians just previous to their removal. Brown’s -own opinion of the act classed it, for atrocity, with the massacre of -St. Bartholomew. - -Robert Walsh, in his _Appeal from the Judgment of Great Britain_ (2d -ed. 1819, p. 86), says: “It has always appeared to me that the reason -of state was never more cheaply urged or more odiously triumphant than -on this occasion.” He follows Minot in his account. - -Judge Thomas C. Haliburton approached the subject when he might have -known, among the very old people of the province, some whose earliest -recollections went back to the event, or to its train of succeeding -incidents. Haliburton’s sympathy is unmistakably aroused, and failing -to find in the records of the secretary’s office at Halifax any -traces of the deportation, his deduction is that the particulars -were carefully concealed. For such an act he finds no reason, save -that the parties were, “as in truth they well might be,” ashamed of -the transaction. “I have therefore,” he adds, “had much difficulty -in ascertaining the facts.” He seems to have depended almost wholly -upon Hutchinson, Raynal, and Minot, and through the latter he got -track of the journal of Winslow. Haliburton’s _Nova Scotia_ was -published in 1829,[995] and Hutchinson’s third volume had only the -year before (1828) been printed in England from his manuscript. Of -Winslow’s journal he seems to have made but restricted use.[996] -Haliburton’s allegations in respect to the archives of Halifax were -founded on a misconception. The papers which he sought in vain in -fact existed, but were stored away in boxes, and the archive-keepers -of Haliburton’s day apparently had little idea of their importance. -A recent writer (Smith’s _Acadia_, p. 164) hastily infers that this -careless disposition of them was intentional. Parkman says that copies -of the council records were sent at the time to England and are now -in the Public Record Office; but it does not appear that Haliburton -sought them; and had he done so, if we may judge from the printed copy -which we now have of them, he would have discovered no essential help -between July, 1755, and January, 1756. It was not till 1857 that the -legislative assembly of Nova Scotia initiated a movement for completing -and arranging the archives at Halifax, and for securing in addition -copies of documents at London and Quebec,—the latter being in fact -other copies from papers in the archives at Paris. - -Between 1857 and 1864, Thomas B. Akins, Esq., acting as record -commissioner of the province, bound and arranged, as appears by his -_Report_ of Feb. 24, 1864, and deposited in the legislative library of -the province, over 200 volumes of historical papers. The most important -of these volumes for other than the local historian, and covering the -period of the present volume appear to be the following:— - - Despatches from the Lords of Trade to the governor at - Annapolis, 1714-48; and to the governor at Halifax, - 1749-99. - - Despatches from the governors of Nova Scotia to the - Lords of Trade, 1718-1781; and to the Secretaries of - State, 1720-1764 (all from the State Paper Office). - - Despatches from the governor at Louisbourg to the Sec. - of State, 1745-48 (from State Paper Office). - - Despatches from the governor of Mass. to the Sec. of - State, 1748-51 (State Paper Office). - - Documents from the files of the legislative council, 1760-1829; - and of the assembly, 1758-1831, with - - Miscellaneous papers, 1748-1841. - - Acadia under French rule, 1632-1748 (copied from the - transcripts in Canada from the Paris archives[997]). - - Tyrell’s (Pichon’s) paper relating to Monckton’s capture - of Fort Cumberland, 1753-1755. - - Council minutes at Annapolis, 1720-49. - - Crown prosecutions for treason, 1749-88. - - Royal instructions to the governors, 1720-1841. - - Royal proclamations, 1748-1807. - - Orders of the Privy Council, 1753-1827. - - Indians, 1751-1848. - -But before this arranging of the Halifax Archives was undertaken, -Bancroft in his _United States_[998] had used language which he has -allowed to stand during successive revisions: “I know not if the annals -of the human race keep the records of sorrows so wantonly inflicted, -so bitter and so perennial, as fell upon the French inhabitants of -Acadia.” About the same time the Canadian historian, Garneau,[999] -simply quotes the effusions of Raynal. The publication of the _Neutral -French_, by Catharine R. Williams, in 1841, a story in which the -writer’s interest in the sad tale had grown with her study of the -subject on the spot,[1000] followed by the _Evangeline_ of Longfellow -in 1847, which readily compelled attention, drew many eyes upon the -records which had been the basis of these works of fiction. The most -significant judgment, in consequence, made in America was that of the -late President Felton, of Harvard University, in the _North American -Review_ (Jan., 1848, p. 231), wherein he called the deportation “a most -tyrannical exercise of superior force, resting for its justification -not upon sufficient proofs, but upon an alleged inevitable state -necessity.” This gave direction to current belief.[1001] Barry -(_Massachusetts_, ii. 200) wrote as if Raynal had compassed the truth. -_Chambers’ Journal_ (xxii. 342, or _Living Age_, xliv. 51) called an -article on the subject “The American Glencoe.” In 1862, Mr. Robert -Grant Haliburton, a son of Judge Haliburton, gave token of a new -conception in the outline of a defence for the British government, -which he drew in an address, _The Past and the Future of Nova Scotia_ -(Halifax, 1862). A more thorough exposition was at hand. Mr. Akins -had been empowered to prepare for publication a selection of the more -important papers among those which he had been arranging. In 1869 a -volume of _Selections_, etc., appeared. In his preface Mr. Akins says: -“Although much has been written on the subject, yet until lately it has -undergone little actual investigation, and in consequence the necessity -for their removal has not been clearly perceived, and the motives -which led to its enforcement have been often misunderstood.” The views -which he enforces are in accord with this remark. Mr. W. J. Anderson -followed up this judgment in the _Transactions_[1002] of the Literary -and Historical Society of Quebec, and termed the act “a dreadful -necessity.” The old view still lingered. It was enforced by Célestin -Moreau in his _Histoire de l’Acadie Françoise de 1598 à 1755_ (Paris, -1873), and Palfrey, in the _Compendious Hist. of New England_ (1873), -which carried on the story of his larger volumes, leaves his adhesion -to a view adverse to the English to be inferred. As to the character of -the Acadians, while he allows for “a dash of poetry” in the language of -Raynal, he mainly adopts it.[1003] - -In 1879 Mr. James Hannay, perceiving the necessity of a well-ordered -history, to embody in more readable shape the vast amount of material -which Beamish Murdoch in his _History of Nova Scotia_[1004] had -thrown into the form of annals, published his _History of Acadia from -its first discovery to its surrender to England by the Treaty of -Paris_ (St. John, N. B., 1879). Hannay embodied in this book the most -elaborate account which had yet been written of the deportation, and -referring to it in his preface he says: “Very few people who follow the -story to the end will be prepared to say that it was not a necessary -measure of self-preservation on the part of the English authorities in -Nova Scotia.” - -Still the old sympathies were powerful. Henry Cabot Lodge in his _Short -History of the English Colonies_[1005] (1881) finds the Acadians -“harmless.” Hannay’s investigations were not lost, however, on Dr. -George E. Ellis, who in his _Red Man and White Man in North America_ -(Boston, 1882) prefigured the results which two years later were to be -adduced by Parkman. - -Meanwhile, Mr. Philip H. Smith published at Pawling, N. Y., a book, -doubly his own, for he inserted in it rude wood-cuts of his own -graving. The book, which was coarsely printed on an old Liberty job -press, was called _Acadia, a lost chapter in American history_,—why -lost is not apparent, in view of the extensive literature of the -subject. He refers vaguely to fifty authorities, but without giving -us the means to track him among them, as he in an uncompromising way -condemns the course of the British government. He is found, however, -to draw largely from Judge Haliburton, and to adopt that writer’s -assertion of the loss or abstraction of records. A few months later -Mr. Parkman published the first volume of his _Montcalm and Wolfe_, -using some material, particularly from the French Archives, which his -predecessors had not possessed.[1006] In referring to the deportation, -he says that its causes have not been understood[1007] by those who -follow or abet the popular belief. Though he does not suggest any -alternative action, he sets forth abundantly the reasons which palliate -and explain a measure “too harsh and indiscriminate to be wholly -justified.”[1008] - -[Illustration] - -Widely different statements as to the number of those deported have -been made. Lawrence in his circular letter,[1009] addressed (Aug. -11, 1755) to the governors of the English colonies, says that about -7,000 is the number to be distributed, and it is probably upon his -figures that the Lords of Trade in addressing the king, Dec. 20, 1756, -place the number at near 7,000. “Not less than 6,000 at least” is -the language of a contemporary letter.[1010] That these figures were -approximately correct would appear from the English records, which -foot up together for the several centres of the movement—Beaubassin, -Fort Edward, Minas, and Annapolis—a little over 6,000, as Parkman -shows. The Canadian government in making a retrospective census in -1876, figured the number of Acadians within the peninsula in 1755 at -8,200. In giving 18,000 as the number of Acadians in 1755, Haliburton -must have meant to include all of that birth in the maritime provinces, -for he accepts Lawrence’s statement that 7,000 were deported. P. H. -Smith[1011] uses these figures (18,000) so loosely that he seems to -believe that all but a few hundred of them were removed. Rameau, a -recent French authority, makes the number 6,000.[1012] Hannay, a late -New Brunswick writer, allows only 3,000, but this number seems to have -been reached by ignoring some part of the four distinct movements, as -conducted by Monckton, Winslow, Murray, and Handfield. Minot accepts -this same 3,000, and he is followed by Gay in the _Popular Hist. of the -United States_, and by Ellis in his _Red Man and White Man in North -America_. - -Gov. Lawrence agreed with some Boston merchants, Apthorp and Hancock, -to furnish the transports for conveying the exiles away.[1013] These -contractors furnished the necessary flour, bread, pork, and beef for -the service. The delay of the vessels to arrive seems to have arisen -from Lawrence’s not giving timely notice to the contractors, for fear -that the Acadians might learn of the intention.[1014] Winslow had told -those who came under his supervision, that he would do everything in -his power to transport “whole families in the same vessel.” Parkman -thinks (i. 279) that the failures in this respect were not numerous. -Smith, with little regard for the confusion which the tardy arrival of -the transports occasioned, thinks they indicate that Winslow violated -his word as a soldier. One of the actors in the movement, as reported -in the Brown Papers (_Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 131), says -that “he fears some families were divided, notwithstanding all possible -care was taken to prevent it.” - -Hutchinson (iii. 40) says: “Five or six families were brought to -Boston, the wife and children only, without the husbands and fathers, -who by advertisements in the newspapers came from Philadelphia to -Boston, being till then utterly uncertain what had become of their -families.” - -Miss Caulkins (_New London_, p. 469) says more were landed at New -London than at any other New England port. The _Connecticut Colony -Records_ (vol. x. pp. 452, 461, 615) show how the Acadians were -distributed throughout the towns, and that some were brought there from -Maryland. - -The journals of the House of Representatives in Massachusetts (1755-56) -note the official action which was taken in that province respecting -them. There are two volumes in the _Mass. Archives_ (vols. xxiii., -xxiv.) marked “French Neutrals,” which explain that for fifteen years -(1755-1769) the charge of their support entered more or less into the -burdens of the towns among which they were then scattered.[1015] A -committee was in charge of benefactions which were bestowed upon them, -and papers relating to their doings make part of the collection of old -documents in the Charity Building in Boston. - -Hutchinson (iii. 40), who had personal knowledge of the facts, says -of their sojourn in Massachusetts: “Many of them went through great -hardships; but in general they were treated with humanity.” He also -tells us (iii. 41) that he interested himself in drafting for them a -petition to the English king to be allowed to return to their lands or -to be paid for them; but they refused to sign it, on the ground that -they would thereby be cut off from the sympathy of the French king. - -When in the spring of 1756 Major Jedediah Preble returned with some of -the New England troops to Boston, he was directed by Lawrence to stop -at Cape Sable and seize such Acadians as he could find.[1016] Though -Smith (p. 252) says he did not see fit to obey the order, a letter -from him, dated April 24, 1756, printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1876, p. 19, shows that he carried out the order and burnt the -houses. When these newer exiles arrived at Boston, the provincial -authorities declined to receive them. A vessel was hired to convey them -to North Carolina, but the captives refused (May 8, 1756) to reëmbark. -(_Ibid._, p. 18.) In 1762 the work of deportation was still going on, -and five more transports arrived in Boston, but these seem largely to -have been gathered outside the peninsula. They were returned by the -Massachusetts authorities to Halifax, with the approval of the Lords of -Trade and General Amherst, who thought there was no longer occasion to -continue the deportation.[1017] - -The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ of Sept. 4, 1755, the day before the action -of Winslow at Minas, informed that province of the intended action in -Nova Scotia. The exiles were hardly welcome when they came. Governor -Morris wrote to Shirley (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 506; _Col. Rec._, vi. -712) that he had no money to devote to their support, and that he -should be obliged to retain, for guarding them, some recruits which -he had raised for the field.[1018] There were kind people, however, -in Philadelphia, of kindred blood, among the descendants of Huguenot -emigrants, and their attention to the distresses of the exiles renders -it possible for Akins to say: “They appear to have received better -treatment at the hands of the government of Philadelphia than was -accorded to them in some of the other provinces.” (_Select. from Pub. -Docs. of Nova Scotia_, p. 278.) Haliburton (i. 183), averred that -the proposition was made in Pennsylvania to sell the neutrals into -slavery. Mr. William B. Reed, in a paper on “The Acadian exiles, or -French neutrals in Pennsylvania (1755-57),” published in Memoirs (vol. -vi. p. 283) of the Penna. Hist. Soc.,[1019] refutes the assertion. The -poor people seem to have had less fear of provoking the ill-will of -France than their brethren in Massachusetts had shown, and a petition -to the king of Great Britain is preserved, apparently indited for -them, as Robert Walsh, Jr., in his _Appeal from the Judgment of Great -Britain respecting the United States_ (Philadelphia, 1829, p. 437), -printed it “from a draft in the handwriting of Benezet,” one of the -Philadelphia Huguenots. It is reprinted in the appendix of Smith’s -_Acadia_ (p. 369). Another document is preserved to us in _A Relation -of the Misfortunes of the French Neutrals as laid before the Assembly -of the Province of Pennsylvania by John Baptist Galerm, one of the -said People_. It constitutes a broadside extra of the Pennsylvania -Gazette of about February, 1756,—the document being dated Feb. 11. -It sets forth the history of their troubles, but did not specifically -ask for assistance, which was, however, granted when the neutrals were -apportioned among the counties. It is reprinted in the _Memoirs_ (vi. -314) of the Penna. Hist. Soc., in Smith’s _Acadia_ (p. 378), and in -_Penna. Archives_; iii. 565. Walsh (p. 90) says that, notwithstanding -charitable attentions, more than half of those in Pennsylvania died in -a short time. - -Daniel Dulany, writing of the Acadians arriving in Maryland in 1755, -says that they insist on being treated as prisoners of war,—thereby -claiming to be no subjects. “They have almost eat us up,” he adds; “as -there is no provision for them, they have been supported by private -subscription. Political considerations may make this [the deportation] -a prudent step, for anything I know, and perhaps their behavior -may have deservedly brought their sufferings upon them; but ‘t is -impossible not to compassionate their distress.”[1020] - -In Virginia Governor Dinwiddie received them with alarm, at a time when -their countrymen were scalping the settlers on the western frontiers. -He seemed to suppose from Lawrence’s letter that 5,000 were coming, -but only 1,140 actually arrived. He writes that they proved lazy and -contentious, and caballed with the slaves, and tried to run away with -a sloop at Hampton. He managed to maintain them till the assembly met, -when he recommended that provision should be made for their support; -but the clamor against them throughout the colony was so great that the -legislature directed their reshipment to England at a cost of £5,000. -When Governor Glen, of Carolina, sent fifty more of them to Virginia, -Dinwiddie sent them north.[1021] - -In the Carolinas and Georgia they were not more welcome. Jones[1022] -says that the 400 received in Georgia went scattering away. Dinwiddie -reports[1023] that in these southern colonies vessels were given them, -and that at one time several hundreds of them were coasting north in -vessels and canoes, so that the shores of the Dominion were opened to -their descents for provision as they voyaged northward. When Dinwiddie -sent a sloop after some who had been heard of near the capes, they -eluded the search. When Lawrence learned of this northern coursing, -he sent another circular letter to the continental governors, begging -them to intercept the exiles and destroy their craft.[1024] Some such -destruction did take place on the Massachusetts coast,[1025] and others -were intercepted on the shores of Long Island.[1026] - -In Louisiana many of them ultimately found a permanent home, and 50,000 -“Cajeans,” as they are vulgarly called, constitute to-day a separate -community along the “Acadian coast” of the Mississippi, in the western -parts of the State.[1027] After the peace and during the next few years -they wandered thither through different channels: some came direct from -the English colonies,[1028] others from Santo Domingo, and still others -passed down the Mississippi from Canada, where their reception had been -even worse than in the English colonies.[1029] - -Until recent years have given better details, the opinions regarding -the ultimate fate of most of the Acadians have remained erroneous. So -little did Hutchinson know of it that he speaks (iii. 42) of their -being in a manner extinct, the few which remained being mixed with -other subjects in different parts of the French dominions. Later New -England writers have not been better informed. Hildreth (_United -States_, ii. 459) says that “the greater part, spiritless, careless, -helpless, died in exile.” Barry (ii. 204) says, “They became extinct, -though a few of their descendants, indeed, still live at the South!” -The later Nova Scotia authorities have come nearer the truth. Murdoch -says very many of them returned within a few years. Rameau, in his _Une -Colonie féodale_, speaks of 150 families from New England wandering -back by land. Some of them, pushing on past their old farms, reached -the bay of St. Mary’s, and founded the villages which their descendants -now occupy. Those which returned, joined to such as had escaped the -hunt of the English, counted 2,500, and in 1871 their numbers had -increased to 87,740 souls. Rameau, in an earlier work, _La France aux -Colonies: Études sur le développement de la race française hors de -l’Europe: Les Français en Amérique, Acadiens et Canadiens_ (Paris, -1859), had reached the same conclusion (p. 93) about the entire number -of Acadians within the peninsula (16,000) as already mentioned, and -held that while 6,000 were deported (p. 144), about 9,000 escaped the -proscription (p. 62). He traces their wanderings and enumerates the -dispersed settlements. - -A more recent writer, Hannay (pp. 406, 408), says: “The great bulk of -the Acadians, however, finally succeeded in returning to the land of -their birth.... At least two thirds of the 3,000 (?) removed eventually -returned.” - -The guide-books and a chapter in Smith’s _Acadia_ tell of the numerous -settlements now existing along the Madawaska River, partly in New -Brunswick and partly in Maine, which are the villages of the progeny of -such as fled to the St. John, and removed to these upper waters of that -river when, after the close of the American Revolution, they retired -before the influx of the loyalists which settled in the neighborhood of -the present city of St. John.[1030] - -[Illustration - -After an engraving by Ravenet. Cf. David Ramsay’s _Mil. Memoirs of -Great Britain, or a History of the War_, 1755-1763 (Edinburgh, 1779), -p. 192; and John Entick’s _Hist. of the Late War_, iii. p. 443.] - -Lord Loudon’s abortive attempt on Louisbourg has been mentioned in -another place.[1031] Parkman gives the authorities. (_Montcalm and -Wolfe_, i. 473; cf. Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 223.) - - * * * * * - -An agreement (Sept. 12) for the supply of arms, etc., between sundry -merchants and others of Maine and certain men, “for an intended scout -or cruise for the killing and captivating the Indian enemy to the -eastward,” to be under the command of Joseph Bayley, Jr., for sixty -days from Sept. 20, 1757, is in the _Maine Hist. and Geneal. Recorder_, -i. p. 11. - -The journal (1758) of Captain Gorham’s rangers and other forces under -Major Morris, in a marauding expedition to the Bay of Fundy, is given -in the Aspinwall Papers, in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxix. 222. - - * * * * * - -Franquet, who a year or two before the war began was sent by the French -to strengthen Louisbourg and inspect the defences of Canada, kept a -journal, which Parkman uses in his _Montcalm and Wolfe_. - -Admiral Knowles, in the memorial for back pay which he presented in -1774 to the British government, claimed the credit of having planned -the movements for this second capture of Louisbourg. - -The most authoritative contemporary account of the siege of 1758, -on the English side, is contained in the despatches of Amherst and -Boscawen sent to Pitt, extracts from which were published as _A journal -of the landing of his majesty’s forces on the island of Cape Breton, -and of the siege and surrender of Louisbourg_ (22 pp.). What is called -a third edition of this tract was printed in Boston in 1758.[1032] The -so-called journal of Amherst was printed in the _London Magazine_, and -is included in Thomas Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War in North America_ -(London, 1772). - -Of the contemporary French accounts, Parkman says he had before him -four long and minute diaries of the siege. The first is that of -Drucour, the French commander, containing his correspondence with -Amherst, Boscawen, and Desgouttes, the naval chief of the French. -Tourville, who commanded the “Capricieux,” one of the French fleet, -kept a second of these diaries. A third and fourth are without -the names of their writers. They agree in nearly all essential -particulars.[1033] The _Parkman MSS._, in the Mass. Hist. Society’s -library, contain many letters from participants in the siege, which -were copied from the Paris Archives de la Marine. The manuscript of -Chevalier Johnstone, a Scotch Jacobite serving with the French, gives -an account of the siege, which is described elsewhere (_post_, in -chapter viii.) and has been used by Parkman. The _Documents Collected -in France—Massachussetts Archives_ (vol. ix. p. i.) contains one of -the narratives. - -[Illustration: FROM BROWN’S CAPE BRETON.] - -[Illustration: VIEW OF LOUISBOURG. - -From the northeast. One of Des Barres’ coast views. (In Harvard College -library.) Dr. A. H. Nichols, of Boston, possesses a plan of Louisbourg -made by Geo. Follings, of Boston, a gunner in the service. He has also -a contemporary sketch of the fort at Canso.] - -[Illustration: ENTRANCE TO LOUISBOURG HARBOR. - -One of Des Barres’ coast views, 1779. (In Harvard College library.) A -contemporary view showing the town from a point near the light-house is -given in _Cassell’s United States_, i. 528.] - -The printed materials on the French side are not nearly so numerous -as on the English. Of importance is Thomas Pichon’s[1034] _Lettres et -Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire du Cap Breton_ (a la Haye, 1760), of -which there is an English translation, of the same year, purporting to -be copied from the author’s original manuscript.[1035] - -[Illustration: WOLFE. - -After the print in Entick’s _Gen. Hist. of the Late War_, 3d ed., vol. -iv. p. 90. See the engraving from Knox’s journal, on another page, in -ch. viii.] - -Of individual experiences and accounts there are, on the English side, -John Montresor’s journal, in the _Coll. of the N. Y. Hist. Soc._, 1881 -(p. 151);[1036] _An Authentic Account of the Reduction of Louisbourg -in June and July, 1758, by a Spectator_ (London, 1758),[1037] which -Parkman calls excellent, and says that Entick, in his _General History -of the Late War_ (London, 1764),[1038] used it without acknowledgment. -The same authority characterizes as admirable the account in John -Knox’s _Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America_, -1757-1760[1039] (vol. i. p. 144), with its numerous letters and orders -relating to the siege. Wright, in his _Life of Wolfe_, gives various -letters of that active officer. Parkman also uses a diary of a captain -or subaltern in Amherst’s army, found in the garret of an old house -at Windsor, Nova Scotia. Some contemporary letters will be found in -the _Grenville Correspondence_ (vol. i. pp. 240-265);[1040] and other -views of that day respecting the event can be gleaned from Walpole’s -_Memoirs of George the Second_ (2d ed., vol. iii. 134).[1041] Of -the modern accounts, the most considerable are those in Warburton’s -_Conquest of Canada_ (N. Y., 1850, vol. ii. p. 74), Brown’s _History of -Cape Breton_, and the story as recently told with unusual spirit and -acquaintance with the sources in Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_ (vol. -ii. chap. xix). - -Amherst had wished to push up to Quebec immediately upon the fall -of Louisbourg, but the news from Abercrombie and some hesitancy of -Boscawen put an end to the hope. _Chatham Correspondence_, i. 331-333. - -The reports of the capture reached London August 18. (_Grenville -Correspondence_, i. p. 258.) - -Jenkinson writes (Sept. 7, 1758), “Yesterday the colours that were -taken at Louisbourg were carried in procession to Saint Paul’s; the mob -was immense.” (_Grenville Corresp._, i. 265.) - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -Speaking of Amherst’s success at Louisbourg, Burrows, in his _Life -of Lord Hawke_ (London, 1883, p. 340), says: “So entirely has the -importance of this place receded into the background that it requires -an effort to understand why the success of Boscawen and Amherst should -have been thought worthy of the solemn thanks of Parliament, and why -the captured colors of the enemy should have been paraded through the -streets of London.” - -Mr. William S. Appleton, in the _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc_., vol. xi. pp. -297, 298, describes three medals struck to commemorate the siege of -1758. Cf. also _Trans. Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc._, 1872-73, p. 79. - -_A view of Louisburg in North America, taken from near the light-house, -when that city was besieged in 1758_, is the title of a contemporary -copperplate engraving published by Jefferys. (Carter-Brown, iii. p. -335.) Cf. the view in Cassell’s _United States_, i. 528. - - * * * * * - -The plan of the siege, here presented, is reproduced from Brown’s -_Hist. of Cape Breton_ (p. 297):— - -KEY: The French batteries to oppose the landing were as follows:— - - C. One swivel. - D. Two swivels. - E. Two six-pounders. - F. One twenty-pounder and two six-pounders. - G. One seven-inch and one eight-inch mortar. - H. Two swivels. - I. Two six-pounders. - K. Two six-pounders. - N. Two twelve-pounders. - O. Two six-pounders. - P. Two twenty-four pounders. - Q. Two six-pounders. - R. Two twelve-pounders. - - * * * * * - -The points of attack were as follows:— - - A. Landing of the first column. - B. Landing of the second column. - -These troops carried the adjacent batteries and pursued their defenders -towards the city. The headquarters of the English were now established -at H Q, while the position of the various regiments is marked by the -figures corresponding to their numbers. Three redoubts (R 1, 2, 3) were -thrown up in advance, and two block-houses (B H 1, 2) were built on -their left flank; and later, to assist communication with Wolfe, who -had been sent to the east side of the harbor, a third block-house (B H -3) was constructed. Then a fourth redoubt was raised at Green Hill (G -H R 4) to cover work in the trenches. Meanwhile the English batteries -at the light-house had destroyed the island battery, and the French had -sunk ships in the channel to impede the entrance of the English fleet. -The first parallel was opened at T, T1, T2, and a rampart was raised, -E P, to protect the men passing to the trenches. Wolfe now erected a -new redoubt at R 5, to drive off a French frigate near the Barachois, -which annoyed the trenches; and another at R 6, which soon successfully -sustained a strong attack. The second (T 3, 4) and third (T 5, 6) -parallels were next established. A boat attack from the English fleet -outside led to the destruction and capture of the two remaining French -ships in the harbor, opening the way for the entrance of the English -fleet. At this juncture the town surrendered. - -Cf. also the plans in Jefferys’ _Natural and Civil Hist. of the French -Dominions in North America_ (1760), and in Mante’s _Hist. of the War_ -(annexed). Parkman, in his _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 52, gives an -eclectic map. _Father Abraham’s Almanac_, published at Philadelphia and -Boston in 1759, has a map of the siege. - - * * * * * - -Treaty at Halifax of Governor Lawrence with the St. John and -Passamaquoddy Indians, Feb. 23, 1760. (_Mass. Archives_, xxxiv.; -Williamson, i. 344.) - -Conference with the Eastern Indians at Fort Pownall, Mar. 2, 1760. -(_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 478.) - -Pownall’s treaty of April 29, 1760. Brigadier Preble’s letter, April -30, 1760, respecting the terms on which he had received the Penobscots -under the protection of the government. (_Mass. Archives_, xxxiii.) -Conference with the Penobscots at the council chamber in Boston, Aug. -22, 1763. (_Mass. Archives_, xxix. 482.) Cf. on the Indian treaties, -_Maine Hist. Soc. Collections_, iii. 341, 359. The treaty of Paris had -been signed Feb. 10, 1763. - - -THE MAPS AND BOUNDS OF ACADIA. - -BY THE EDITOR. - -THE cartography of Acadia begins with that coast, “discovered by -the English,” which is made a part of Asia in the map of La Cosa in -1500.[1042] The land is buried beneath the waves, west of the land -of the king of Portugal, in the Cantino map of 1502.[1043] It lies -north of the “Plisacus Sinus,” as a part of Asia, in the Ruysch map -of 1508.[1044] It is a vague coast in the map of the Sylvanus Ptolemy -of 1511.[1045] For a long time the eastern coast of Newfoundland and -neighboring shores stood for about all that the early map-makers -ventured to portray; called at one time Baccalaos, now Corterealis, -again Terra Nova; sometimes completed to an insular form, occasionally -made to face a bit of coast that might pass for Acadia, often doubtless -embracing in its insularity an indefinite extent that might well -include island and main together, vaguely expressed, until in the -end the region became angularly crooked as a part of a continental -coast line. The maps which will show all this variety have been given -in previous volumes. The Homem map of 1558[1046] is the earliest to -give the Bay of Fundy with any definiteness. There was not so much -improvement as might be expected for some years to come, when the -map-makers followed in the main the types of Ruscelli and Ortelius, as -will be seen by sketches and fac-similes in earlier volumes. - -In 1592 the Molineaux globe of the Middle Temple[1047] became a little -more definite, but the old type was still mainly followed. In 1609 -Lescarbot gave special treatment to the Acadian region[1048] for the -first time, and his drafts were not so helpful as they ought to have -been to the more general maps of Hondius, Michael Mercator, and Oliva, -all of 1613, but Champlain in 1612[1049] and 1613[1050] did better. -The Dutch and English maps which followed began to develop the coasts -of Acadia, like those of Jacobsz (1621),[1051] Sir William Alexander -(1624),[1052] Captain Briggs in Purchas (1625),[1053] Jannson’s of -1626, and the one in Speed’s _Prospect_, of the same year.[1054] The -Dutch De Laet began to establish features that lingered long[1055] -with the Dutch, as shown in the maps of Jannson and Visscher; while -Champlain, in his great map of 1632,[1056] fashioned a type that the -French made as much of as they had opportunity, as, for instance, -Du Val in 1677. Dudley in 1646[1057] gave an eclectic survey of the -coast. After this the maps which pass under the names of Covens and -Mortier,[1058] and that of Visscher with the Dutch, and the Sanson -epochal map of 1656[1059] among the French, marked some, but not much, -progress. The map of Heylin’s _Cosmographie_ in 1663, the missionary -map of the same year,[1060] and the new drafts of Sanson in 1669 show -some variations, while that of Sanson is followed in Blome (1670). The -map in Ogilby,[1061] though reëngraved to take the place of the maps in -Montanus and Dapper,[1062] does not differ much. - -[Illustration: ACADIA.] - -To complete the two centuries from La Cosa, we may indicate among the -French maps a missionary map of 1680,[1063] that of Hennepin,[1064] -the great map of Franquelin (1684),[1065] the “partie orientale” of -Coronelli’s map of 1688-89,[1066] and the one given by Leclercq in the -_Établissement de la Foy_ (1691). The latest Dutch development was seen -in the great Atlas of Blaeu in 1685.[1067] - -With the opening of the eighteenth century, we have by Herman Moll, a -leading English geographer of his day, a _New Map of Newfoundland, -New Scotland, the isles of Breton, Anticoste, St. Johns, together with -the fishing bancks_, which appeared in Oldmixon’s _British Empire in -America_, in 1708,[1068] and by Lahontan’s cartographer the _Carte -générale de Canada_, which appeared in the La Haye edition (1709) of -his travels, repeated in his _Mémoires_ (1741, vol. iii.). A section -showing the southern bounds as understood by the French to run on the -parallel of 43° 30′, is annexed. - -From 1714 to 1722 we have the maps of Guillaume Delisle, which embody -the French view of the bounds of Acadia. - -In 1718 the Lords of Trade in England recognized the rights of -the original settlers of the debatable region under the Duke of -York,—which during the last twenty years had more than once changed -hands,—and these claimants then petitioned to be set up as a province, -to be called “Georgia.”[1069] - -In 1720, Père Anbury wrote a _Mémoire_, which confines Acadia to -the Nova Scotia peninsula, and makes the region from Casco Bay to -Beaubassin a part of Canada.[1070] - -In March, 1723, M. Bohé reviewed the historical evidences from 1504 -down, but only allowed the southern coast of the peninsula to pass -under the name of Acadia.[1071] - -In 1731 the crown took the opinion of the law-officers as to the right -of the English king to the lands of Pemaquid, between the Kennebec and -the St. Croix, because of the conquest of the territory by the French, -and reconquest causing the vacating of chartered rights; and this -document, which is long and reviews the history of the region, is in -Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. p. 78, etc. - -In 1732 appeared the great map of Henry Popple, _Map of the British -Empire in America and the French and Spanish settlements adjacent -thereto_. It was reproduced at Amsterdam about 1737. Popple’s large -MS. draft, which is preserved in the British Museum,[1072] is dated -1727. When in 1755 some points of Popple told against their claim, -the English commissioners were very ready to call the map inaccurate. -We have the Acadian region on a small scale in Keith’s _Virginia_, in -1738. The Delisle map of North America in 1740 is reproduced in Mills’ -_Boundaries of Ontario_ (1873). The _English Pilot_ of 1742, published -at London, gives various charts of the coast, particularly no. 5, -“Newfoundland to Maryland,” and no. 13, “Cape Breton to New York.” - -Much better drafts were made when Nicolas Bellin was employed to draw -the maps for Charlevoix’s _Nouvelle France_,[1073] which was published -in 1744. These were the _Carte de la partie orientale de la Nouvelle -France ou du Canada_ (vol. i. 438), a _Carte de l’Accadie dressée sur -les manuscrits du dépost des cartes et plans de la marine_ (vol. i. -12),[1074] and a _Carte de l’Isle Royale_ (vol. ii. p. 385), beside -lesser maps of La Heve, Milford harbor, and Port Dauphin. These are -reproduced in Dr. Shea’s English version of Charlevoix. Bellin’s -drafts were again used as the basis of the map of Acadia and Port -Royal (nos. 26, 27) in _Le petit atlas maritime_, vol. i., _Amérique -Septentrionale, par le S. Bellin_ (1764). - -The leading English and French general maps showing Acadia at this -time are that of America in Bowen’s _Complete System of Geography_ -(1747)[1075] and D’Anville’s _Amérique Septentrionale_ (Paris), which -was reëngraved, with changes, at Nuremberg in 1756, and at Boston -(reprinted, London) 1755, in Douglass’s _Summary of the British -Settlements in North America_. It is here called “improved with the -back settlements of Virginia.”[1076] - -The varying territorial claims of the French and English were -illustrated in a _Geographical History of Nova Scotia_, published at -London in 1749; a French version of which, as _Histoire géographique -de la Nouvelle Écosse_, made by Étienne de Lafargue, and issued -anonymously, was published at Paris in 1755, but its authorship was -acknowledged when it was later included in Lafargue’s _Œuvres_.[1077] -The _Mémoire_ which Galissonière wrote in December, 1750, claimed for -France westward to the Kennebec, and thence he bounded New France on -the water-shed of the St. Lawrence and Mississippi.[1078] In 1750-51 -Joseph Bernard Chabert was sent by the French king to rectify the -charts of the coasts of Acadia, and his _Voyage fait par ordre du -Roi en 1750 et 1751 dans l’Amérique Septentrionale pour rectifier -les cartes des côtes de l’Acadie, de l’îsle Royale, et de l’îsle de -Terre Neuve_, Paris, 1753, has maps of Acadia and of the coast of Cape -Breton.[1079] - -In 1753 the futile sessions of the commissioners of England and France -began at Paris. Their aim was to define by agreement the bounds of -Acadia as ceded to England by the treaty of Utrecht (1713),[1080] under -the indefinite designation of its “ancient limits.” What were these -ancient limits? On this question the French had constantly shifted -their grounds. The commission of De Monts in 1603 made Acadia stretch -from Central New Brunswick to Southern Pennsylvania, or between the -40th and 46th degrees of latitude; but, as Parkman says, neither side -cared to produce the document. When the French held without dispute -the adjacent continent, they never hesitated to confine Acadia to the -peninsula.[1081] Equally, as interest prompted, they could extend it to -the Kennebec, or limit it to the southern half of the peninsula. Cf. -the _Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie_ (joint à la lettre de Begon, -Nov. 9, 1713), in the Parkman MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc., _New France_, -i. p. 9. - -In July, 1749, La Galissonière, in writing to his own ministry, had -declared that Acadia embraced the entire peninsula; but, as the English -knew nothing of this admission, he could later maintain that it was -confined to the southern shore only. Cf. again _Fixation des limites de -l’Acadie, etc._, 1753, among the Parkman MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc., _New -France_, i. pp. 203-269. - -On this question of the “ancient limits,” the English commissioners -had of course their way of answering, and the New England claims were -well sustained in the arguing of the case by Governor Shirley, of -Massachusetts,[1082] who with William Mildmay was an accredited agent -of the English monarch. The views of the opposing representatives were -irreconcilable,[1083] and in 1755 the French court appealed to the -world by presenting the two sides of the case, as shown in the counter -memoirs of the commissioners, in a printed work, which was sent to -all the foreign courts. It appeared in two editions, quarto (1755) -and duodecimo (1756), in three and six volumes respectively, and was -entitled _Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi et de ceux de sa Majesté -Britannique_. Both editions have a preliminary note saying that the -final reply of the English commissioners was not ready for the press, -and so was not included.[1084] This omission gave occasion to the -English, when, the same year (1755), they published at London their -_Memorials of the English and French commissaries concerning the limits -of Nova Scotia or Acadia_, to claim that, by including this final -response of the English commissioners, their record of the conference -was more complete. This London quarto volume[1085] contained various -documents.[1086] - -In 1757 a fourth volume was added to the quarto Paris edition, -containing the final reply of the English commissioners, and completing -the record of the two years’ conference. The four volumes are a very -valuable repository of historical material; and, from printing at -length the documents offered in evidence, it is a much more useful -gathering than the single English volume, which we have already -described. The points of difference between the two works are these:— - -The memorial of Shirley and Mildmay (Jan. 11, 1751), given in French -only in the Paris edition, and accompanied by observations of the -French commissioners in foot-notes, is here given in French and -English, but without the foot-notes. The English memorial of Jan. -23, 1753, lacks the observations of the French commissioners which -accompany it in their vol. iv.[1087] - -Among the “pièces justificatives” in the London edition, various papers -are omitted which are given in the Paris edition. The reason of the -omission is that they already existed in print. Such are the texts of -various treaties, and extracts from printed books. - -The London edition prints, however, the MS. sources among these proofs, -but does not give the observations of the French commissioners which -accompany them in the Paris edition. Among the papers thus omitted in -the London edition are the provincial charter of Massachusetts Bay and -Gen. John Hill’s manifesto, printed at Boston from Charlevoix. - -Vol. iv. of the Paris edition has various additional “pièces produites -par les commissaires du Roi,” including extracts from Hakluyt, Peter -Martyr, Ramusio, Gomara, Fabian, Wytfliet, as well as the English -charters of Carolina (1662-63, 1665) and of Georgia (1732). - -The Paris edition was also reprinted at Copenhagen, with a somewhat -different arrangement, under the title _Mémoires des commissaires de -sa Majesté très chrétienne et de ceux de sa Majesté Britannique. À -Coppenhague, 1755._ - -[Illustration: THE FRENCH CLAIM, 1755. - -KEY OF THE FRENCH MAP: Limits proposed by English commissaries, Sept. -21, 1750, and Jan. 11, 1751 (exclusive of Cape Breton),------ - -By the treaty of Utrecht, ++++++ - -Port Royal district, by the same treaty,—————— - -Grant to Sir William Alexander, Sept. 10, 1621, ........... - -Cromwell’s grant to La Tour, Crown, and Temple, Aug. 9, 1656, ══════ - -What was restored to France by the treaty of Breda includes Cromwell’s -grant and the country from Mirlegash to Canseau. - -Denys’ government (1654), _shaded horizontally_. - -Charnesay’s government (1638), _shaded obliquely_. - -La Tour’s government (1638), _shaded perpendicularly_.] - -[Illustration: THE ENGLISH CLAIM, 1755. - -KEY OF THE ENGLISH MAP: Claim of the English under the treaty of -Utrecht (1713), marked ——— - -Grant to Sir William Alexander (1621), and divided by him into -Alexandria and Caledonia, being all east of line marked ·─·─·─·─ - -According to Champlain (1603-1629), all, excepting Cape Breton, east of -this line, ...... - -Grants of Louis XIII. and XIV. (1632-1710), the same as the claim of -the English for Nova Scotia or Acadia. - -Nova Scotia, enlarged westward to the Kennebec, as granted to the Earl -of Sterling (Alexander). - -Acadia proper, as defined by Charlevoix in accordance with the -tripartite division, _shaded perpendicularly_. - -Charnesay’s government (1638), ══════ - -La Tour’s government (1638), +++++++ - -Cromwell’s grant to La Tour, Crown, and Temple, being the same ceded to -France by the treaty of Breda (1667), ——— - -Norembega, according to Montanus, Dapper, and Ogilby, is the country -between the Kennebec and Penobscot. - -The Etechemin region, as defined by Champlain and Denys, _shaded -obliquely_.] - -[Illustration: JEFFERYS’ NOVA SCOTIA.] - -All three of the editions in French have a map, marking off the limits -of Acadia under different grants, and defining the claims of France. It -is engraved on different scales, however, in the two Paris editions, -and shows a larger extent of the continent westerly in the Copenhagen -edition. The fourth volume of the quarto Paris edition has also a map, -in which the bounds respectively of the charters of 1620, 1662, 1665, -and 1732 (Virginia, Carolina, and Georgia), claimed by the English to -run through to the Pacific, are drawn.[1088] - -Thomas Jefferys, the English cartographer, published at London in 1754 -his _Conduct of the French with regard to Nova Scotia from its first -settlement to the present time. In which are exposed the falsehood and -absurdity of their arguments made use of to elude the force of the -treaty of Utrecht, and support their unjust proceedings. In a letter to -a member of Parliament._[1089] - -The map of the French claims and another of the English claims are -copied herewith from Jefferys’ reproduction of the former and from his -engraving of the latter, both made to accompany his later _Remarks -on the French Memorials concerning the limits of Acadia, printed at -the Royal Printing-House at Paris, and distributed by the French -ministers at all the foreign courts of Europe, with two maps exhibiting -the limits: one according to the system of the French, the other -conformable to the English rights. To which is added An Answer to the -Summary Discussion_,[1090] _etc._ London, T. Jefferys, 1756.[1091] - -Both of these Jefferys maps were included by that geographer in his -_General Topography of North America and the West Indies_, London, -1768, and one of them will also be found in the _Atlas Amériquain_, -1778, entitled “Nouvelle Écosse ou partie orientale du Canada, -traduitte de l’Anglais de la Carte de Jefferys publiée à Londres en -May, 1755. A Paris par Le Rouge.” Jefferys also included in the London -edition of the _Memorials_ (1755) a _New map of Nova Scotia and Cape -Britain, with the adjacent parts of New England and Canada_,[1092] -which is also found in his _History of the French Dominion in -North and South America_, London, 1760, and also in his _General -Topography_, etc. A section of this map, showing Acadia, is reproduced -herewith.[1093] - - * * * * * - -The great map of D’Anville in 1755[1094] enforced the extreme French -claim, carrying the boundary line along the height of land from the -Connecticut to Norridgewock, thence down the Kennebec to the sea. The -secret instructions to Vaudreuil this same year (1755) allow that the -French claim may be moved easterly from the Sagadahock to the St. -Georges, and even to the Penobscot, if the English show a conciliatory -disposition, but direct him not to waver if the water-shed is called in -question at the north.[1095] - -A German examination of the question appeared at Leipzig in 1756, -in _Das Brittische Reich in Amerika ... nebst nachricht von den -Gränzstreitigkeiten und Kriege mit den Franzossen_. It is elucidated -with maps by John Georg Schrübers.[1096] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE STRUGGLE FOR THE GREAT VALLEYS OF NORTH AMERICA. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR, - -_The Editor_. - - -THE death of Frontenac[1097] and the peace of Ryswick (September, -1697) found France in possession of the two great valleys of North -America,—that of the St. Lawrence, with the lakes, and that of the -Mississippi, with its affluents.[1098] In 1697 the Iroquois were -steadfast in their adherence to Corlear, as they termed the English -governor, while they refused to receive French missionaries. In -negotiations which Bellomont was conducting (1698) with the Canadian -governor, he tried ineffectually to induce a recognition of the Five -Nations as subjects of the English king.[1099] Meanwhile, the French -were omitting no opportunity to force conferences with these Indians, -and Longueil was trying to brighten the chain of amity with them as -far west as Detroit, where in July, 1701, La Motte Cadillac began a -French post. Within a month the French ratified at Montreal (August -4, 1701) a treaty with the Iroquois just in time to secure their -neutrality in the war which England declared against France and Spain -the next year (1702). So when the outbreak came it was the New England -frontiers which suffered (1703-4),[1100] for the Canadians were careful -not to stir the blood of the Iroquois. The French jealously regarded -the English glances at Niagara, and proposed (1706) to anticipate -their rivals by occupying it. When, in 1709, it was determined to -retaliate for the ravages of the New England borders, the Iroquois, -at a conference in Albany[1101] (1709), were found ready to aid in -the expedition which Francis Nicholson tried to organize, but which -proved abortive. Already Spotswood, of Virginia, was urging the home -government to push settlers across the Alleghanies into the valley of -the Ohio.[1102] But attention was rather drawn to the petty successes -in Acadia,[1103] and the spirit of conquest seethed again, when Sir -Hovenden Walker appeared at Boston,[1104] and a naval expedition in -the summer of 1711 was well under way to capture the great valley of -the St. Lawrence. Stupidity and the elements sent the fleet of the -English admiral reeling back to Boston, leaving Quebec and Canada -once more safe. The next year (1712) the distant Foxes tried to wrest -Detroit from the French; but its garrison was too enduring. France had -maintained herself all along her Canadian lines, and she was in fair -hopes of gaining the active sympathy of the Iroquois, when the treaty -of Utrecht (1713) brought the war to a close. - -[Illustration: FRENCH SOLDIER (1700). - -After a water-color sketch in the _Mass. Archives: Documents collected -in France_, v. p. 271. The coat is red, faced with brown.] - -The language of this treaty declared that the “Five Nations[1105] were -subject to the dominion of England.” The interpretation of this clause -was the occasion of diplomatic fence at once. The French claimed a -distinction between the subjectivity of the Indians and domination -over their lands. The English insisted that the allegiance of the Five -Nations carried not only their own hereditary territory, but also -the regions of Iroquois conquests, namely, all west of the Ottawa -River and the Alleghany Mountains to the Mississippi River.[1106] -The peace of Utrecht was but the prelude to a struggle for occupying -the Ohio Valley, on the part of both French and English. Spotswood -had opened a road over the Blue Ridge from Virginia in 1716, and he -continued to urge the Board of Trade to establish a post on Lake Erie. -Governor Keith, of Pennsylvania, reported to the board (1718) upon -the advances of the French across the Ohio Valley, and the English -moved effectually when, in 1721, they began to plant colonists on the -Oswego River. By 1726 they had completed their fort on the lake, and -Montreal found its Indian trade with the west intercepted. Meanwhile, -New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia strengthened their alliance with -the Iroquois by a conference at Albany in September, 1722, and in 1726 -the Indians confirmed the cession of their lands west and north of Lake -Erie. - -When Vaudreuil, in 1725, not long before his death (April 10) suggested -to the ministry in Paris that Niagara should be fortified, since, with -the Iroquois backing the English, he did not find himself in a position -openly to attack them, the minister replied that the governor could at -least craze the Indians by dosing them with brandy. Shortly afterwards -the commission of his successor, Beauharnois, impressed on that -governor the necessity of always having in view the forcible expulsion -of the Oswego garrison. In 1727 the French governor tried the effect of -a summons of the English post, with an expressed intention “to proceed -against it, as may seem good to him,” in case of refusal; but it was -mere gasconade, and the minister at home cautioned the governor to let -things remain as they were. - -[Illustration: BRITISH INFANTRY SOLDIER (1725). - -Fac-simile of a cut in Grant’s _British Battles_, i. p. 564.] - -NOTE TO ANNEXED MAP.—In the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 1021, is a -fac-simile of a map in the Archives of the Marine and Colonies, called -_Carte du lac Champlain avec les rivières depuis le fort de Chambly -jusques à Orangeville_ [Albany] _de la Nouvelle Angleterre, dressé sur -divers mémoires_. It is held to have been made about 1731. There is -in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i. p. 557, a _Carte du lac Champlain -depuis le fort Chambly jusqu’au fort St. Frederic, levée par le Sr. -Anger, arpenteur du Roy en 1732, fait à Quebec le 10 Oct., 1748,—Signé -de Lery_. - -Nicolas Bellin made his _Carte de la rivière de Richelieu et du lac -Champlain_ in 1744, and it appeared in Charlevoix’s _Nouvelle France_, -i. 144, reproduced in Shea’s ed., ii. 15. There is also a map of Lake -Champlain in Bellin’s _Petit Atlas Maritime_, 1764. - -There were surveys made of Lake Champlain, in 1762, by William -Brassier, and of Lake George by Captain Jackson, in 1756. These were -published by order of Amherst in 1762, and reproduced in 1776. (Cf. -_American Atlas_, 1776.) The original drawings are noted in the _Catal. -of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), i. 223. The Brassier map is also -given in Dr. Hough’s edition of Rogers’s _Journals_. The same British -Museum _Catalogue_ (i. 489) gives a drawn _Map of New Hampshire_ -(1756), which shows the route from Albany by lakes George and Champlain -to Quebec. Cf. the _Map of New Hampshire_, by Col. Joseph Blanchard and -Rev. Samuel Langdon, engraved by Jefferys, and dated 21 Oct., 1761, -which shows the road to Ticonderoga in 1759. - -[Illustration: FROM POPPLE’S BRITISH EMPIRE IN AMERICA, 1732.] - -A few years later a sort of flank movement was made on Oswego, as -well as on New England, by the French pushing up Lake Champlain, and -establishing themselves in the neighborhood of Crown Point (1731), -where they shortly after built Fort St. Frederick. The movement alarmed -New England more than it did New York. - -The French persisted in seeking conferences with the Six Nations,—as -they had been called since the Tuscaroras joined them about 1713,—and -in 1734 succeeded in obtaining a meeting with the Onondagas. They -ventured in 1737 to ask the Senecas to let them establish a post at -Irondequot, farther west on Lake Ontario than Oswego. The Iroquois -would not permit, however, either side to possess that harbor. For some -years Oswego was the burden of the French despatches, and the English -seemed to take every possible occasion for new conferences with the -fickle Indians. - -The most important of these treaties was made at Lancaster, -Pennsylvania, in 1744, when an indefinite extent of territory beyond -the mountains was ceded to the English in the form of a confirmation -of earlier implied grants. A fresh war followed. The New Englanders -took Louisbourg,[1107] but New York seemed supine, and let French -marauding parties from Crown Point fall upon and destroy the fort -at Saratoga without being aroused.[1108] Oswego was in danger, but -still the New York assembly preferred to quarrel with the governor; -and tardily at best it undertook to restore the post at Saratoga, -while the Albanians were suspected of trading clandestinely through -the Caughnawagas with the French in Canada. Both sides continued in -their efforts to propitiate the Iroquois, while a parade of arming was -made for an intended advance on Crown Point and Montreal. Governor -Shirley, from Boston, had urged it, since a demonstration which had -been intended by way of the St. Lawrence had to be given up, because -the promised fleet did not arrive from England. To keep the land levies -in spirits, Shirley had written to Albany that he would send them to -join in an expedition by the Lakes, and had even despatched a 13-inch -mortar by water to New York.[1109] Before the time came, however, the -rumors of D’Anville’s fleet frightened the New Englanders, and they -thought they had need of their troops at home.[1110] It was some time -before Governor Clinton knew of this at Albany, and preparations went -on. Efforts to enlist the Iroquois in the enterprise halted, for the -inaction of the past year had had its effect upon them, and it needed -all the influence of William Johnson, who now first appears as Indian -commissioner, to induce them to send a sufficient delegation to a -conference at Albany. - -[Illustration: VIEW OF QUEBEC, 1732. - -From Popple’s _British Empire in America_. It is repeated in fac-simile -in Cassell’s _United States_, p. 372; and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. -S._, iii. 307. Cf. The view from La Potherie in Vol. IV. p. 320; also -reproduced in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. v. Kalm described the town in -1749 (_Travels_, London, 1771, ii. p. 258). See views under date of -1760 and 1761, noted in the _Cat. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. -220. Cf. De Lery’s report on the fortifications of Quebec in 1716, in -_N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 872.] - -The business still further dragged; the withdrawal of New England -became in the end known, and by September 16 Clinton had determined to -abandon the project, and the French governor had good occasion to twit -old Hendrick, the Mohawk chief, when he ventured with more purpose than -prudence to Montreal in November.[1111] - -[Illustration: BRITISH FOOTGUARD, 1745. - -This sketch of a footguard, with grenade and match, is taken from -Grant’s _British Battles_, ii. 60. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. -462; and the uniform of the forty-third regiment of foot (raised in -America), represented from a drawing in the British Museum, in _The -Century_, xxix. 891.] - -[Illustration: FRENCH SOLDIER, 1745. After a water-color sketch in the -_Mass. Archives: Documents collected in France_, viii. p. 129. The coat -is red, faced with blue; the breeches are blue.] - -Early the next summer (June, 1747) the French had some experience of -a foray upon their own borders, when a party of English and Indians -raided upon the island of Montreal,—a little burst of activity -conspicuous amid the paralysis that the quarrels of Clinton and De -Lancey had engendered. Shirley had formed the plan of a winter attack -upon Crown Point, intending to send forces up the Connecticut, and from -Oswego towards Frontenac, by way of distracting the enemy’s councils; -but the New York assembly refused to respond. - -The next year (1748) the French, acting through Father Picquet, made -renewed efforts to enlist Iroquois converts, while Galissonière was -urging the home government to send over colonists to occupy the Ohio -Valley. A number of Virginians, on the other hand, formed themselves -into the Ohio Company, and began to send explorers into the disputed -valley. In order to anticipate the English, the French governor had -already despatched Céloron de Bienville to take formal possession -by burying lead plates, with inscriptions, at the mouths of the -streams.[1112] - -For the present, there was truce. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, -entered upon in May, and signed in October (1748), had given each side -time to manœuvre for an advantage. Picquet established a new barrier -against the English at La Presentation, where Ogdensburg now is;[1113] -and in 1749 Fort Rouillé was built at the present Toronto.[1114] - -The Virginians, meanwhile, began to push their traders farther and -farther beyond the mountains. The Pennsylvanians also sent thither -a shrewd barterer and wily agent in George Croghan, and the French -emissaries whom he encountered found themselves outwitted.[1115] The -Ohio Company kept out Christopher Gist on his explorations. Thus it -was that the poor Ohio Indians were distracted. The ominous plates of -Céloron meant to them the loss of their territory; and they appealed -to the Iroquois, who in turn looked to the government of New York. -That province, however, was apathetic, while Picquet and Jean Cœur, -another Romish priest, who believed in rousing the Indian blood, urged -the tribes to maraud across the disputed territory and to attack the -Catawbas. William Johnson, on the one side, and Joncaire, on the other, -were busy with their conferences, each trying to checkmate the other -(1750); while the English legislative assemblies haggled about the -money it cost and the expense of the forts. The Iroquois did not fail -to observe this; nor did it escape them that the French were building -vessels on Ontario and strengthening the Niagara fort (1751). - -While Charles Townshend was urging the English home government (1752) -to seize the Ohio region forcibly, the French were attacking the -English traders and overcoming the allied Indians, on the Miamis. -Virginia, by a treaty with the Indians at Logstown, June 13, 1752, -got permission to erect a fort at the forks of the Ohio; but the -undertaking was delayed. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -In the spring of 1753 Duquesne, the governor of Canada, sent an -expedition[1116] to possess by occupation the Ohio Valley, and the -party approached it by a new route.[1117] They landed at Presquisle, -built a log fort,[1118] carried their munitions across to the -present French Creek, and built there another defence called Fort Le -Bœuf.[1119] This put them during high water in easy communication by -boat with the Alleghany River. French tact conciliated the Indians, and -where that failed arrogance was sufficient, and the expedition would -have pushed on to found new forts, but sickness weakened the men, and -Marin, the commander now dying, saw it was all he could do to hold -the two forts, while he sent the rest of his force back to Montreal -to recuperate. Late in the autumn Legardeur de Saint-Pierre arrived -at Le Bœuf, as the successor of Marin. He had not been long there, -when on the 11th of December a messenger from Governor Dinwiddie, of -Virginia, with a small escort, presented himself at the fort. The -guide of the party was Christopher Gist; the messenger was George -Washington, then adjutant-general of the Virginia militia.[1120] Their -business was to inform the French commander that he was building forts -on English territory, and that he would do well to depart peaceably. -Washington had been made conscious of the aggressive character of the -French occupation, as he passed through the Indian town of Venango, -at the confluence of French Creek and the Alleghany River, for he -there had seen the French flag floating over the house of an English -trader, Fraser, which the French had seized for an outpost of Le -Bœuf, and there he had found Joncaire in command.[1121] Washington -had been received by Joncaire hospitably, and over his wine the -Frenchman had disclosed the unmistakable purpose of his government. -At Le Bœuf Washington tarried three days, during which Saint-Pierre -framed his reply, which was in effect that he must hold his post, while -Dinwiddie’s letter was sent to the French commander at Quebec. It was -the middle of January, 1754, when Washington reached Williamsburg on -his return, and made his report to Dinwiddie. - -The result was that Dinwiddie drafted two hundred men from the Virginia -militia, and despatched them under Washington to build a fort at the -forks of the Ohio. The Virginia assembly, forgetting for the moment its -quarrel with the governor, voted £10,000 to be expended, but only under -the direction of a committee of its own. Dinwiddie found difficulty -in getting the other colonies to assist, and the Quaker element in -Pennsylvania prevented that colony from being the immediate helper, -which it might from its position have become. - -Meanwhile, some backwoodsmen had been pushed over the mountains and -had set to work on a fort at the forks. A much larger French force -under Contrecœur soon summoned them,[1122] and the English retired. The -French immediately began the erection of Fort Duquesne. - -[Illustration] - -While this was doing, Dinwiddie was toiling with tardy assemblies and -their agents to organize a regiment to support the backwoodsmen. Joshua -Fry was to be its colonel, with Washington as second in command. The -latter, with a portion of the men, had already pushed forward to Will’s -Creek, the present Cumberland. Later he advanced with 150 men to Great -Meadows, where he learned that the French, who had been reinforced, had -sent out a party from their new fort, marching towards him. Again he -got word from an Indian—who, from his tributary character towards the -Iroquois, was called Half-King, and who had been Washington’s companion -on his trip to Le Bœuf—that this chieftain with some followers had -tracked two men to a dark glen, where he believed the French party were -lurking. Washington started with forty men to join Half-King, and under -his guidance they approached the glen and found the French. Shots were -exchanged. The French leader, Jumonville, was killed, and all but one -of his followers were taken or slain. - -[Illustration] - -The mission of Jumonville was to scour for English, by order of -Contrecœur, now in command of Duquesne, and to bear a summons to any -he could find, warning them to retire from French territory. The -precipitancy of Washington’s attack gave the French the chance to -impute to Washington the crime of assassination; but it seems to have -been a pretence on the part of the French to cover a purpose which -Jumonville had of summoning aid from Duquesne, while his concealment -was intended to shield him till its arrival. Rash or otherwise, this -onset of the youthful Washington began the war. - -The English returned to Great Meadows, and while waiting for -reinforcements from Fry, Washington threw up some entrenchments, which -he called Fort Necessity. The men from Fry came without their leader, -who had sickened and died, and Washington, succeeding to the command of -the regiment, found himself at the head of three hundred men, increased -soon by an independent company from South Carolina. - -Washington again advanced toward Gist’s settlement, when, fearing an -attack, he sent back for Mackay, whom he had left with a company of -regulars at Fort Necessity. Rumors thickening of an advance of the -French, the English leader again fell back to Great Meadows, resolved -to fight there. It was now the first of July, 1754. Coulon de Villiers, -a brother of Jumonville, was now advancing from Duquesne. The attack -was made on a rainy day, and for much of the time a thick mist hung -between the combatants. After dark a parley resulted in Washington’s -accepting terms offered by the French, and the English marched out with -the honors of war.[1123] - -[Illustration] - -The young Virginian now led his weary followers back to Will’s Creek. -It was a dismal march. The Indian allies of the French, who were only -with difficulty prevented from massacring the wounded English, had -been allowed to kill the cattle and horses of the little army; and -Washington’s men had to struggle along under the burdens of their -own disabled companions. Thus they turned their backs upon the great -valley, in which not an English flag now waved. - - * * * * * - -Appearances were not grateful to Dinwiddie. His house of burgesses -preferred to fight him on some domestic differences rather than to -listen to his appeals to resist the French. He got little sympathy -from the other colonies. The Quakers and Germans of Pennsylvania cared -little for boundaries. New York and Maryland seemed slothful.[1124] -Only Shirley, far away in Massachusetts, was alive, but he was busy -at home.[1125] The Lords of Trade in London looked to William Johnson -to appease and attach the Indians; but lest he could not accomplish -everything, they directed a congress of the colonial representatives -to be assembled at Albany, which talked, but to the liking neither of -their constituents nor of the government in England.[1126] - -Dinwiddie, despairing of any organized onset, appealed to the home -government. The French king was diligently watching for the English -ministry’s response. So when Major-General Braddock and his two -regiments sailed from England for Virginia, and the Baron Dieskau and -an army, with the Marquis of Vaudreuil[1127] to succeed Duquesne as -governor, sailed for Quebec, the diplomates of the two crowns bowed -across the Channel, and protested to each other it all meant nothing. - -The English thought that with their superiority on the sea they could -intercept the French armament, and Admiral Boscawen was sent to hover -about the Gulf of St. Lawrence. He got only three ships of them,—the -rest eluding him. - -The two armies were to enter the great valleys, one of the St. -Lawrence, the other of the Ohio, but not in direct opposition. Dieskau -was hurled back at Lake George; Braddock on the Monongahela. We must -follow their fortunes. - -In February, 1755, Braddock landed at Hampton, Virginia, and presently -he and Dinwiddie were living “in great harmony.” A son of Shirley of -Massachusetts was serving Braddock as secretary, and he was telling -a correspondent how “disqualified his general was for the service he -was employed in, in almost every respect.” This was after the young -man had seen his father, for Braddock had gone up to Alexandria[1128] -in April, and had there summoned for a conference all the governors -of the colonies, Shirley among the rest, the most active of them all, -ambitious of military renown, and full of plans to drive the French -from the continent. The council readily agreed to the main points of an -aggressive campaign. Braddock was to reduce Fort Duquesne; Shirley was -to capture Niagara. An army of provincials under William Johnson was -to seize Crown Point. These three movements we are now to consider; a -fourth, an attack by New Englanders upon the Acadian peninsula, and the -only one which succeeded, is chronicled in another chapter.[1129] - -Braddock’s first mistake was in moving by the Potomac, instead of -across Pennsylvania, where a settled country would have helped him; -but this error is said to have been due to the Quaker merchant John -Hanbury. He cajoled the Duke of Newcastle into ordering this way, -because Hanbury, as a proprietor in the Ohio Company, would profit by -the trade which the Virginia route would bring to that corporation. -Dinwiddie’s desire to develop the Virginia route to the Ohio had -doubtless quite as much to do with the choice. While plagued with -impeded supplies and the want of conveyance as he proceeded, Braddock -chafed at the Pennsylvanian indifference which looked on, and helped -him not. He wished New England was nearer. The way Pennsylvania finally -aided the doomed general was through Benjamin Franklin, whom she had -borrowed of New England. He urged the Pennsylvania farmers to supply -wagons, and they did, and Braddock began his march. On the 10th of -May he was at Will’s Creek,[1130] with 2,200 men, and as his aids -he had about him Captains Robert Orme and Roger Morris, and Colonel -George Washington. Braddock invested the camp with an atmosphere little -seductive to Indian allies. There were fifty of them present at one -time, but they dwindled to eight in the end.[1131] Braddock’s disregard -had also driven off a notorious ranger, Captain Jack, who would have -been serviceable if he had been wanted. - -On the 10th of June the march was resumed,—a long, thin line, -struggling with every kind of difficulty in the way, and making perhaps -three or four miles a day. By Washington’s advice, Braddock took his -lighter troops and pushed ahead, leaving Colonel Dunbar to follow more -deliberately. On the 7th of July this advance body was at Turtle -Creek, about eight miles from Fort Duquesne. - -[Illustration: FRENCH SOLDIER, 1755. - -After a water-color sketch in the _Mass. Archives: Documents collected -in France_, vol. ix. p. 425. The coat is blue, faced with red. - -Parkman (vol. i. 368), speaking of the troops which came with Dieskau -and Montcalm, says that their uniform was white, faced with blue, red, -yellow, or violet, and refers to the plates of the regimental uniforms -accompanying Susane’s _Ancienne Infanterie Française_. Parkman (i. p. -370) also says that the _troupes de la marine_, the permanent military -establishment of Canada, wore a white uniform faced with black. He -gives (p. 370, _note_) various references.] - -[Illustration: FORT DUQUESNE AND VICINITY. - -From _Father Abraham’s Almanac_, 1761. Key: 1, Monongahela River; 2, -Fort Du Quesne, or Pittsburgh; 3, the small fort; 4, Alleghany River; -5, Alleghany Indian town; 6, Shanapins; 7, Yauyaugany River; 8, Ohio, -or Alleghany, River; 9, Logs Town; 10, Beaver Creek; 11, Kuskaskies, -the chief town of the Six Nations; 12, Shingoes Town; 13, Alleguippes; -14, Sennakaas; 15, Tuttle Creek; 16, Pine Creek. The arrows show the -course of the river. - -A “Plan of Fort le Quesne, built by the French at the fork of the Ohio -and Monongahela in 1754,” was published by Jefferys, and is included in -his _General Topography of North America and the West Indies_, London, -1768. I suppose this to be based upon the MS. plan noted in the _Catal. -of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. 184. Cf. the plan (1754) in the -_Memoirs_ of Robert Stobo, Pittsburgh, 1854, which is repeated in -Sargent’s _Braddock’s Exped._, p. 182, who refers to a plan published -in London in 1755, mentioned in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, xxv. P. 383. -Stobo’s plan is also engraved in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 147, and the -letters of Stobo and Croghan respecting it are in _Penna. Col. Rec._, -vi. 141, 161. Parkman refers (i. 208) to a plan in the Public Record -Office, London, and (p. 207) describes the fort as does Sargent (p. -182). See the plan in Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. 189, and Gay’s _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, iii. 260. - -Duquesne was finished in May, 1755. Cf. Duquesne’s Memoir on the Ohio -and its dependencies, addressed to Vaudreuil, dated Quebec, July 6, -1755, and given in English in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 253. -M’Kinney’s Description of Fort Duquesne (1756) is in Hazard’s _Penna. -Reg._, viii. 318; and letters of Robert Stobo, who was a hostage there -after the surrender of Fort Necessity, are in _Col. Rec. of Penna._, -vi. 141, 161. Cf. notice of Stobo by L. C. Draper in _Olden Time_, i. -369. Parkman also refers to a letter of Captain Hazlet in _Olden Time_, -i. 184. - -Sargent says (p. 184) that in 1854 the magazine was unearthed, which at -that time was all remaining visible of the old fort. (Hazard’s _Penna. -Register_, v. 191; viii. 192.) There is a view of the magazine in John -Frost’s _Book of the Colonies, N. Y._, 1846.] - -The enemy occupying the fort consisted of a few companies of French -regulars, a force of Canadians, and about 800 Indians,—all under -Contrecœur, with Beaujeu, Dumas, and Ligneres as lieutenants. They knew -from scouts that Braddock was approaching, and Beaujeu was sent out -with over 600 Indians and 300 French, to ambush the adventurous Briton. - -As Braddock reached the ford, which was to put him on the land-side of -the fort, Colonel Thomas Gage, some years later known in the opening -scenes of the American Revolution,[1132] crossed in advance, without -the opposition that was anticipated. Beaujeu had intended to contest -the passage, but his Indians, being refractory, delayed him in his -march. - -Gage, with the advance, was pushing on, when his engineer, laying out -the road ahead, saw a man, apparently an officer, wave his cap to his -followers, who were unseen in the woods. From every vantage ground of -knoll and bole, and on three sides of the column, the concealed muskets -were levelled upon the English, who returned the fire. Beaujeu soon -fell.[1133] Dumas, who succeeded in command, thought the steady front -of the redcoats was going to carry the day, when he saw his Canadians -fly, followed by the Indians, after Gage had wheeled his cannon upon -the woods. A little time, however, changed all. The Indians rallied and -poured their bullets into the massed, and very soon confused, British -troops. - -[Illustration: A Sketch of the field of battle.] - -Braddock, when he spurred up, found everybody demoralized except the -Virginians, who were firing from the tree-trunks, as the enemy did. The -British general was shocked at such an unmilitary habit, and ordered -them back into line. No one under such orders could find cover, and -every puff from a concealed Indian was followed by a soldier’s fall. No -exertion of Braddock, or of Washington, or of anybody, prevailed.[1134] -The general had four horses shot under him; Washington had two. Still -the hillsides and the depths of the wood were spotted with puffs of -smoke, and the slaughter-pen was in a turmoil. Young Shirley fell, -with a bullet in his brain.[1135] Horatio Gates and Thomas Gage were -both wounded. Scarce one Englishman in three escaped the bullets. The -general had given the sign to retreat, and was wildly endeavoring to -restore order, when a ball struck him from his horse. The flight of -the survivors became precipitous, and when the last who succeeded in -fording the river stopped to breathe on the other side, there were -thirty Indians and twenty Frenchmen almost upon them. The French, -however, pursued no farther. They had enough to do to gather their -plunder, while the Indians unchecked their murderous instincts as -they searched for the wounded and dying Britons. The next morning a -large number of the Indians left Contrecœur for their distant homes, -laden with their booty. The French general feared for a while that -Braddock, reinforced by Dunbar, would return to the attack. He little -knew the condition of his enemy. The British army had become bewildered -fugitives. Scarce a guard could be kept for the wounded general, as he -was borne along on a horse or in a litter. When they met Dunbar the -fright increased. Wagons and munitions were destroyed, for no good -reason, and the mass surged eastward. The sinking Braddock at last -died, and they buried him in the road, that the tramp of the men might -obliterate his grave.[1136] Nobody stopped till they reached Fort -Cumberland, which was speedily turned into a disordered hospital. The -campaign ended with gloomy forebodings. Dunbar, the surviving regular -colonel, instead of staying at Cumberland and guarding the frontier, -retreated to Philadelphia, leaving the Virginians to hold Cumberland -and its hospitals as best they could. - - * * * * * - -By the death of Braddock Shirley became the ranking officer on -the continent, and we must turn to see how the tidings of his new -responsibilities found him. - -The Massachusetts governor was at Albany when the bad news reached him, -and Johnson being taken into the secret, the two leaders tried to keep -it from the army. Shirley immediately pushed on the force destined -for Fort Niagara, at the other end of Lake Ontario; while Johnson as -speedily turned the faces of his men towards Lake George. Shirley’s -army found the path to Oswego, much of the way through swamp and -forest; and the young provincials sorrowfully begrimed their regulation -bedizenments, assumed under the king’s orders, as with the Jersey Blues -they struggled along the trail and tugged through the watercourses. -It was easier to get the men to their destination than to transport -the supplies, and many stores that were on the way were abandoned at -the portages when the wagoners heard the fearful details from the -Monongahela. Short rations and discouragements harried the men sorely. -The axe and spade were put in requisition, and additional forts were -planned and constructed as the army pursued its way. Across the lake at -Fort Frontenac the enemy held a force ready to be sent against Oswego -if Shirley went on, for the capture of Braddock’s papers had revealed -all the English plans. Shirley put on a brave face, with all his -bereavement, for the death of his son, with Braddock, was a heavy blow. -A council of war, on the 18th of September, determined him to take to -the lake with his bateaux as soon as provisions arrived. He had now got -word of Dieskau’s defeat,[1137] and he tried to use it to inspirit the -braves at his camp. It seemed to another council, on the 27th, that the -attempt to trust their river bateaux on the lake was foolhardy, and -so the purpose of the campaign was abandoned. At the end of October he -left the garrison to strengthen the forts, and returned to Albany. He -did not get much comfort there. Johnson showed no signs of following -up the victory of Lake George, and as late as November Shirley was -still at Albany, where he had received his new commission, advising a -movement on Crown Point for the winter;[1138] and in December he was -exciting the indignant jealousy of Johnson[1139] by daring to instruct -him about his Indian management, for Johnson had now been made Indian -superintendent.[1140] Shirley had despatched these orders from New -York, where he was laying before a congress of governors his schemes -for a new campaign. - - * * * * * - -We need now to see how Dieskau’s defeat had been the result of the -third of the expeditions of the campaign just brought to a close. - -[Illustration] - -Before the arrival of Braddock, Shirley had begun (January, 1755) -arrangements for an attack on Crown Point,—a project confirmed, as we -have seen, by the council at Alexandria, where William Johnson, whom -Shirley had already named, was approved as the commander. Johnson, as -a young Irishman of no military experience, had been sent over twenty -years before by his uncle, Sir Peter Warren, the admiral, to look after -some lands of his in the Mohawk Valley. Settling here and building a -house, about ten years earlier than this, he had called it first Mount -Johnson, though when it was fortified, at a later day, it was usually -called Fort Johnson.[1141] It was the seat of numerous conferences -with the Indians, over whom Johnson gained an ascendency, which he -constantly turned to the advantage of the English. - -The provincials who assembled, first at Albany and then at the -carrying place between the Hudson and Lake George, were mostly New -Englanders, and a Connecticut man, General Phineas Lyman, was placed -second in command. The French were not without intelligence of their -enemy’s purpose, derived, as already said, from the captured papers -of Braddock. So Dieskau, who had come over, as we have seen, with -reinforcements, was ordered to Lake Champlain instead of Oswego, as had -been the original intention. - -[Illustration: SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON. - -From a plate in the _London Mag._, Sept., 1756; which is also the -original of prints in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, ii. 545, and in Hough’s -_Pouchot_, i. 181. Cf. also Stone’s _Life of Johnson_; Simms’s -_Trappers of N. Y._; Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. 331; Entick’s -_General Hist. of the Late War_ (London, 1765); J. C. Smith’s _Brit. -Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1342 (by Adams, engraved by Spooner).] - -Johnson found among those who joined his camp some who knew much -better what war was than he did: such were Colonel Moses Titcomb and -Lieutenant-Colonel Seth Pomeroy, of Massachusetts; and Colonel Ephraim -Williams, who had just made his will, by which the school was founded -which became Williams College. He also was a Massachusetts man, as was -Israel Putnam by birth, though now a Connecticut private. The later -famous John Stark was a lieutenant of the New Hampshire forces. There -were also others in command who knew scarce more of war than Johnson -himself, and such was Colonel Timothy Ruggles, of a Massachusetts -regiment, who was a college-bred lawyer and an innkeeper, destined to -be president of the Stamp Act congress. - -At the carrying place Lyman began a fort, which was named after him, -but all preparations for the campaign proceeded very leisurely, the -fault rather of the loosely banded union and hesitating purpose that -existed among the colonies which had undertaken the movement; and -matters were not mended by a certain incompatibility of temper existing -between Johnson and Shirley, now commander-in-chief. - -Leaving a garrison at Fort Lyman, the main body marched to the lake, -to which Johnson had, out of compliment to the king, given the name -of George. Meanwhile Dieskau had pushed up in his canoes to the very -head of Lake Champlain, and had started through the wilderness to -attack Fort Lyman. An Indian brought the news to Johnson, and Ephraim -Williams and Hendrick, the Mohawk chief, were sent out to intercept -the enemy. Dieskau, gaining information by capturing a messenger bound -to Fort Lyman, and finding his Indians indisposed to assail a fort -armed with cannon, turned towards the lake. Scouts informed him of -the approach of the party under Williams, and an ambush was quickly -planned. The English scout was badly managed, and fell into the trap. -The commander and Hendrick were both killed. Nathan Whiting, of -Connecticut, extricated the force skilfully, and a reinforcement from -Johnson rendered it possible to hold the French somewhat in check. -Could Dieskau have controlled his savages, however, he might have -followed close enough to enter the English camp with the fugitives. -As he did not, Johnson was given time to form a defence of his wagons -and bateaux, mixed with tree-trunks, and when the French came on the -English fought vigorously behind their barricade. Johnson was wounded -and was borne to his tent. Lyman brought the day to a successful issue, -and at its end his men leaped over the breastworks and converted the -defeat of the French into a rout. - -Meanwhile, a part of Dieskau’s Canadians and Indians had broken away -from him, and had returned to the field where Williams had been killed, -in order to strip the slain. There, near a pond, known still as Bloody -Pond,[1142] a scouting party from Fort Lyman attacked them and put them -to flight.[1143] - -The French, routed by Lyman, were not followed far, and in gathering -the wounded on the field Dieskau was discovered. He was borne to -Johnson’s tent, and the English commander found it no easy task to -protect him from the vengeance of the Mohawks. He was, however, in the -end taken to New York, whence he sailed for England, and eventually -reached France, but so shattered from his wounds that he died, though -not till several years afterwards. - -The defeat of the French had taken place on the 8th of September, -and an active general would have despatched a force to intercept -the fugitives before they reached their canoes, at the head of Lake -Champlain; but timidity, the fear of a fresh onset, or a dread of a -further tension of the weakening power of the army induced Johnson to -tarry where he was, and to erect a fort, which in compliment to the -royal family he named Fort William Henry, while in a similar spirit he -changed the name of the post at the carrying place from Fort Lyman to -Fort Edward. Of Lyman he seems to have been jealous, and in writing his -report on the fight he makes no mention of the man to whose leadership -the success was largely due. In this way Lyman’s name failed to obtain -recognition in England, while the commander received a gift of £5,000 -from Parliament and became Sir William Johnson, Baronet. - -If Lyman’s advice had been followed, Ticonderoga might have been -seized; but the French who reached it had so strongly entrenched -themselves in a fortnight that attack was out of the question, and -though Shirley, writing from Oswego, urged an advance, nothing was -done. A council of war finally declared it inexpedient to proceed, -and on the 27th of November Johnson marched the main part of his army -southerly to their winter quarters. - -[Illustration] - -British and French diplomates finally ceased bowing to each other, -while their ships and armies fought together, and in May and June -(1756), respectively, the two governments declared a war which was -now nearly two years old.[1144] The French at once sent the Marquis -de Montcalm, now about forty-four years of age, to succeed Dieskau. -With him went the Chevalier de Lévis and the Chevalier de Bourlamaque -as the second and third in command, and Bougainville as his principal -aide-de-camp. By the middle of May the French general was in Quebec, -and soon proceeded to Montreal to meet Vaudreuil, who was not at -all pleased to share the responsibility of the coming campaign with -another. The French troops were now divided, being mainly placed at -Carillon (Ticonderoga), Fort Frontenac, and Niagara, and these posts -had been during the winter severally strengthened,—Lotbinière[1145] -superintending at Ticonderoga, Pouchot at Niagara, and two French -engineers at Frontenac. - -Already in February the French, by sending a scouting party, had -captured and destroyed Fort Bull, a station of supplies at the carrying -place on the way from Albany to Oswego; but the intervening time till -June was spent in preparation. Word now coming of an English advance -on Ticonderoga, Montcalm proceeded thither, and found the fort of -Carillon, as the French termed it, which was now completed, much as he -would wish it. - -[Illustration: LOUDON. - -This follows a painting by Ramsay, engraved by Spooner, which is -reproduced in J. C. Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, p. 1343.] - -Shirley, on his part, was preparing to carry out such of the lordly -plans which he had suggested at New York as proved practicable. He -would repeat the Niagara movement himself, with a hope of better -success. For the command in the campaign on Lake Champlain he named -Gen. John Winslow, and the New England colonies eagerly furnished the -troops. - -[Illustration: LORD LOUDON. - -From a print in the _London Magazine_, Oct., 1757. Cf. the full-length -portrait in Shannon’s _N.Y. City Manual_, 1869, p. 767, given as a -fac-simile of an old print.] - -The eastern colonies and the Massachusetts governor were not fully -aware how the cabal of Johnson and De Lancey, the lieutenant-governor -of New York, against Shirley was making head with the home government, -and so were not well prepared for the tidings which came in June, -while Shirley was in New York, that Colonel Webb, Major-General -Abercrombie, and the Earl of Loudon were to be sent over successively -to relieve Shirley of the chief command.[1146] - -[Illustration: ALBANY. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. (Copy in Harvard College -library,—5325.67.) A map of the region about Albany and Schenectady, -from Sauthier’s map (1779), is given in Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_ -(1883), p. 290. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ Feb., 1886.] - -While Winslow was employed in pushing forward from Albany his men -and supplies, French scouting parties constantly harassed him. Col. -Jonathan Bagley was making ready sloops and whale-boats at Lake George; -and the English were soon as active as the French in their scouting -forays, Capt. Robert Rogers particularly distinguishing himself. - -[Illustration: FORT FREDERICK AT ALBANY. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. An old view of the fort is given -in Holden’s _Queensbury_, p. 313. There is an early plan of Albany -and its fort (1695) in Miller’s _Description of the Province and City -of New York_, of which a fac-simile is given in Weise’s _Albany_, pp. -257-8. The _Catal. of the King’s Maps_, i. 13 (Brit. Mus.), shows a MS. -plan of Albany of the 18th century. There is a plan dated 1765 in the -_Annals of Albany_, vol. iv. 2d ed. - -Mrs. Grant’s _Memoirs of an American Lady_ gives a picture of Albany -and its life at this time, which may be compared with the description -in Kalm’s _Travels_. (London, 1771, vol. ii. p. 98; also in _Annals -of Albany_, vol. i. 2d ed., 1869.) Parkman (i. p. 319), who sketches -the community from these sources, speaks of Mrs. Grant’s book as “a -charming book, though far from being historically trustworthy;” while -it affords a “genuine picture of colonial life.” Grahame (_United -States_, ii. 256) considers the picture of manners “entirely fanciful -and erroneous.” - -Mrs. Grant herself says “I certainly have no intention to relate -anything that is not true;” yet it must be remembered that she wrote in -1808, forty years after she, a girl of thirteen, had left the country. -The book was published at Edinburgh in 1808; again in 1809, also in -New York and in Boston the same year; in London in 1817, and again in -New York in 1836 and 1846. The last edition is one printed at Albany -in 1876, with notes by Joel Munsell and a memoir by Gen. J. G. Wilson. -Cf. Munsell’s _Bibliog. of Albany_; Lossing’s _Schuyler_ (1872), i. 34; -Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 171. - -The most extensive repository of historical data respecting Albany is -in Joel Munsell’s _Annals of Albany_ (1850-59), 10 vols. Vol. i. to iv. -were issued in a second edition, 1869-71. (See Vol. IV. p. 435.)] - -Johnson, who had now got his commission as sole Indian superintendent, -was busily engaged in conferences with the Six Nations, whom he secured -somewhat against their will to the side of the English. He extended his -persuasions even to the Delawares and Shawanoes. Some of these tribes -were coquetting, however, with Vaudreuil at Montreal, and it was too -apparent that nothing but an English success would confirm any Indian -alliance. - -Shirley also carried out a plan of his own in organizing a body of -New England whalemen and boatmen for the transportation service, -who, being armed, could dispense with an escort. These were placed -under the command of Lieut.-Col. John Bradstreet. In May, before -Montcalm’s arrival, a party had been sent by Vaudreuil to cut off the -communications of Oswego, and Bradstreet encountered and beat them. - -This was the state of affairs in June, 1756, when Abercrombie and Webb -arrived with reinforcements, and Pitt was writing in England, “I dread -to hear from America.”[1147] Shirley went to New York and received them -as well as Loudon, who followed the others on the 23d of July. The new -governor proceeded to Albany, and countermanded the orders for the -Niagara expedition, and stirred up the New Englanders by promulgating -a royal direction which in effect made a provincial major-general -subordinate to a regular major.[1148] - -[Illustration] - -Affairs were stagnating in the confusion consequent upon the change -of command, and Albany was telling other towns what it was to have -foreign officers billeted upon its people. Not till August did some -fresh troops set off for Oswego, when apprehension began to be felt for -the safety of that post. It was too late. The reinforcement had only -reached the carrying place when they heard of the capture of the forts. - -Montcalm had suddenly returned from Ticonderoga to Montreal, and had -hastened to Niaouré Bay (Sackett’s Harbor), where Villiers was with the -force which had escaped Bradstreet’s attack. Here Montcalm gathered -about three thousand men, and then appeared without warning before -the entrenchments at Oswego. Fort Ontario was soon abandoned by its -defenders, and gave Montcalm a place to plant his cannon against the -other fort, while he sent a strong force by a ford for an attack on -the other bank. Colonel Mercer, the commander, was soon killed by a -cannon-shot from Ontario. The enemy’s approach in the rear discouraged -the garrison, and they surrendered. Montcalm did what he could to -prevent a slaughter of the prisoners, which was threatened when his -Indian allies became infuriated by the rum among the plunder.[1149] - -While the French were destroying what they could not remove, and were -later retiring to Montreal, Webb, who commanded the relief which never -came, fell back to German Flats, and orders were sent to Fort William -Henry to suspend preparations for a movement down the lake.[1150] - -[Illustration: THE FORTS AT OSWEGO. - -After a plan in the contemporary _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1763, -as published in 1838 by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, and -(réimpression) 1873, p. 77. It is also reproduced in Dr. Hough’s -transl. of Pouchot, i. 65, and in _Doc. Hist. of N. York_, i. 482. - -There was a contemporary English draft of the forts “Ontario and -Oswego,” published in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, 1757, which is reproduced -in Dr. Hough’s _Pouchot_, i. 64, and in the _Doc. Hist. N. York_, i. -447, 483, where will be found various papers relating to the first -settlement and capture of Oswego, 1727-1756. - -The _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. 118, shows a plan -made in 1756 for Gov. Pownall, and others of dates 1759, 1760, 1762, -1763, with a view in 1761. - -In the _New York Col. Docs._, ix. p. 996, is what is called a plan of -the mouth of the Chouaguen, showing the English redoubt,—an outline -sketch found by Brodhead in the Archives de la Marine at Paris. Martin, -_De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 35, gives a plan, “_D’après un MS. du dépôt -des Colonies_”, in Paris. - -Parkman speaks (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 416) of the published plans -and drawings of Oswego at this time as very inexact. There is a French -description of the country between Oswego and Albany, 1757, in _Doc. -Hist. N. Y._, vol. i.; cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 674. Another map -showing the communication between Albany and Oswego is given in Mante’s -_Hist. of the Late War_, London, 1772, p. 60. - -A view of Oswego, looking towards the lake between the high banks, -appeared in the _London Magazine_ (1760), p. 232. It has been -reproduced on different scales in Smith’s _Hist. of N. York_, -4^o, Lond. 1767; _Doc. Hist. New York_, i. 495; Hough’s transl. -of _Pouchot_, i. 68, Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 49; Clark’s -_Onondaga_, P. 353; _The Century_, xxviii. 240.] - -[Illustration: FORT EDWARD. - -From Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, London, 1772. The _Catalogue of -the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Museum), i. 336, shows various drawn plans of -the fort, dated 1755; and another of the same date, marked no. 15,535, -is among the _Brit. Mus. MSS._ John Montresor’s Journal at Fort Edward, -in 1757, is in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 148. He gives a -profile of the work (_Ibid._, p. 36).] - -Montcalm was soon back at Carillon, watching Winslow’s force at Fort -William Henry, while the rest of Loudon’s army was divided between Fort -Edward and Albany. Neither opponent moved, and, leaving garrisons at -their respective advanced posts, they retired to winter quarters. The -regulars were withdrawn to Boston, Philadelphia, and New York; and not -a little bad blood was produced by Loudon’s demand for free quarters -for the officers.[1151] - -The French had the advantage in Indian allies; and during the autumn -and winter the forays of the prowling savage and the adventurous scout -over the territory neighboring to Lake George and Lake Champlain -were checked by the English as best they could. Foremost among their -partisans was the New Hampshire ranger, Robert Rogers, whose exploits -and those of the Connecticut captain, Israel Putnam, fill a large space -in the records of this savage warfare. - -[Illustration: FORT EDWARD. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. Cf. the plan in Lossing’s -_Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 95.] - -The campaign of the next year (1757) opened in March with an attempt -to surprise Fort William Henry. The French under Rigaud came up on the -ice, 1,600 strong, by night. The surprise failed. They burned, however, -two sloops and some bateaux. The next day they summoned Major Eyre, the -English commander, but he felt that his four hundred men were enough -to hold the fort, and declined to surrender. Rigaud now made a feint -of storming the work, but it was only to approach the storehouses, -saw-mill, and other buildings outside the entrenchments, which he -succeeded in firing, and then withdrew. - -Montcalm, when he heard the details, was not over-pleased; and if he -had had his way, De Lévis or Bougainville would have led the attack. -As it was, Rigaud was a brother of the governor, and Vaudreuil was -tenacious of his superiority. The news broke in upon a round of -festivities at Montreal, stayed only by Lent. At this season Montcalm -prayed, as he had before feasted, with no full recognition of the -feelings which Vaudreuil entertained for him. But the minister in -France knew it, and he was not, perhaps, so ready to doubt the numbers -of the English, exaggerated in Vaudreuil’s report, as he was the -prowess of the Canadians in comparison with the timidity of Montcalm -and his regulars, which was also reported to him. In Montreal, however, -the mutual distrust and dislike of the governor and the general were -cloaked with a politeness that was not always successful, when they -were apart, in keeping their feelings from their neighbors. - -[Illustration: ENVIRONS OF FORT EDWARD. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London.] - -Loudon had resolved on attacking Louisbourg, with the aid of a -fleet from England.[1152] Withdrawing a large part of the force on -the northern frontier, he departed for Halifax, where everything -miscarried. But before he returned to New York, crestfallen, the French -had profited by his absence. - -The English general had left the line of the approach by the lakes -from Canada to be watched by Webb, who was at Fort Edward, while Col. -Munro, with a small force, held Fort William Henry, at the head of -Lake George. This was the most advanced post of the English, and the -opportunity for Montcalm had come. - -[Illustration: FORT ST. JEAN. - -After a plan in the contemporary _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760, -as published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec (réimpression), 1873, -p. 95. Kalm describes the fort in 1749. _Travels_, London, 1771, ii. -216.] - -At Montreal the French general was gathering his Indian allies from -points as distant as Acadia and Lake Superior. He pushed forward his -commingled forces, and they rallied at Fort St. John on the Sorel. On -again they swept in a fleet of bateaux and canoes to Ticonderoga. They -were prepared for quick work, and Montcalm set an example by discarding -the luxuries of personal equipments. - -[Illustration: FORT WILLIAM HENRY. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. A plan of this fort is in the -_Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. 15,355, and various plans of 1756 and 1757 are -noted in the _King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. 475. Plans are also given -in Martin’s _Montcalm et les dernières années de la colonie Française -au Canada_, and in Hough’s ed. of Pouchot, p. 48. - -A sketch of the fort preserved on a powderhorn is engraved in Stone’s -_Life of Johnson_, i. p. 553, and in Holden’s _Queensbury_, 306.] - -At the portage, and before launching his flotilla on Lake George, -Montcalm held a grand council, and bound his Indian allies by a mighty -belt of wampum. Up the smaller lake the main body now went by boat, but -some Iroquois allies led De Lévis, with 2,500 men, along its westerly -bank. The force on the lake disembarked under cover of a point of -land, which hid them from the English. - -[Illustration: THE SITE OF FORT WILLIAM HENRY, 1851. - -From a sketch made in 1851. The fort was on the bluff at the left, now -the position of the Fort William Henry hotel. Montcalm’s trenches were -where the modern village of Caldwell is built, seen beyond the water. -The way to the entrenched camp started along the gravelly beach in the -foreground, towards the spectator.] - -The extent of the demonstration was first made known to Munro when the -savages spread out across the lake in their bark canoes. Montcalm soon -pushed forward La Corne and De Lévis till they cut the communications -of the English with Fort Edward, and then the French general began -his approaches from his own encampment. When he advanced his lines to -within gun-shot of the ramparts, he summoned the fort. Munro declined -to surrender, hoping for relief from Webb; but the timid commander at -Fort Edward only despatched a note of advice to make terms. This letter -was intercepted by Montcalm, who sent it into the fort, and it induced -Munro to agree to a capitulation. - -On the 9th of August the English retired to the entrenched camp, and -the French entered the fort. Munro’s men were to be escorted to Fort -Edward, being allowed their private effects, and were not to serve -against the French for eighteen months. Montcalm took the precaution -to explain the terms to his Indian allies, and received their seeming -assent; but the savages got at the English rum, and, with passions -roused, they fell the next day upon the prisoners. Despite all -exertions of Montcalm and the more honorable of his officers, many -were massacred or carried off, so that the line of march became a -disorderly rout, beyond all control of the escort, and lost itself in -the woods. Not more than six hundred in a body reached Fort Edward, but -many others later straggled in. Another portion, which Montcalm rescued -from the clutch of the Indians, was subsequently sent in under a strong -escort. - -[Illustration: ATTACK ON FORT WILLIAM HENRY. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. - -KEY.—A, dock. B, garden. C, Fort William Henry. D, morass. E, French -first battery of nine guns and two mortars. F, French second battery -of ten guns and three mortars. G, French approaches. H, two intended -batteries. I, landing-place of French artillery. K, Montcalm’s camp, -with main body. L, De Lévis’ camp, with regulars and Canadians. M, -De la Corne, with Canadians and Indians. N, where the English first -encamped. O, bridge over morass. P, English entrenchments, where Fort -George later stood. - -Cf. the plans in Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 494, and in -Palmer’s _Lake Champlain_, p. 73, based on this, and the reproduction -of it in Bancroft’s _United States_, orig. ed., iv. p. 263. There is a -rough contemporary sketch given in J. A. Stoughton’s _Windsor Farms_, -1884, showing the lines of the attacking force, and endorsed, “Taken -Oct. 22, 1757, by John Stoughton.” There is another large plan of the -attack preserved in the New York State Library, and this is given in -the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 602. Martin, _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. -81, gives a “Plan du siège de Fort George [William Henry was often so -called by the French] dressé par Fernesic de Vesour le 12 Septembre, -1757,” preserved in the Dépôt des Fortifications des Colonies, no. 516, -at Paris.] - - -The French destroyed the fort, throwing the bodies of the slain on the -fire which was made of its timber, and, lading their boats with the -munitions and plunder, they followed the savages, who had already -started on their way to Montreal. - -[Illustration: FORT AT GERMAN FLATS. - -After a plan in the _Doc. Hist. New York_, ii. 732. In Benton’s -_Herkimer County_, p. 53, is also a “plan and profile of the entrenched -works round Harkemer’s house at y^e German Flats, 1756.” Cf. _Set of -Plans_, etc., no. 13.] - -Loudon reached New York on the last of August,[1153] but he had already -heard of the Lake George disaster from a despatch-boat which met him on -the way. On landing he learned from Albany that Montcalm had retired. -Webb, who was much perplexed with the hordes of militia which all too -late began to pour in upon him, was now bold enough to think there was -no use of retreating to the passes of the Hudson. The necessity of -allowing the Canadians to gather their crops, as well as Montcalm’s -inability to transport his cannon, had influenced that general to -retreat. At Montreal he learned the stories of the fiendish cruelty -practised upon their prisoners by the Indians who had preceded him, and -who had not been restrained by Vaudreuil,—so Bougainville said; for -the governor’s policy of buying some of the captives with brandy led to -the infuriation which wreaked itself on the rest. - -The campaign closed in November with an attack on the post at German -Flats, a settlement of Palatine Germans, by a scouting body of French -and Indians under one of Vaudreuil’s Canadians, Belêtre. Everything -disappeared in the havoc, which a detachment sent by Colonel Townshend -from Fort Herkimer, not far off, was powerless to check. Before Lord -Howe, with a larger force from Schenectady,[1154] could reach the -scene, the French had departed. - - * * * * * - -The winter of 1757-58 at Montreal and Quebec passed with the usual -official gayety and bureaucratic peculation. The passions of war were -only aroused as occasional stories of rapine and scalps came in from -the borders. Good hearty rejoicing took place, however, in March, over -the report that a scouting party from Ticonderoga had encountered -Rogers, and that the dreaded partisan had been killed and his followers -annihilated. The last part of the story was too true, but Rogers had -escaped, leaving behind his coat, which he had thrown off in the fray, -and in its pocket was his commission, the capture of which had given -rise to the belief in his death. Meanwhile, on the English side a new -spirit of control was preparing to give unaccustomed vigor to the -coming campaign. In England’s darkest hour William Pitt had come to -power, thrown up by circumstances. He was trusted in the country’s -desperation, and proved himself capable of imparting a momentum that -all British movements had lacked since the war began. He developed his -plans for America, and made his soldiers and sailors spring to their -work. Loudon was recalled. The provincial officer was made the equal -of the regular, by conferring upon him the same right of seniority by -commission. The whole colonial service felt that they were thereby -made equal sharers of the honors as well as of the burdens of the -times. Pitt put his finger upon the three vulnerable gaps in the French -panoply. He would reach Quebec by taking Louisbourg; and singling out -a stubborn colonel who had shown his mettle in Germany, he made him -Major-General Amherst, and sent him with a fleet to take Louisbourg, as -we may see in another chapter.[1155] Circumstances, or a mischance in -judgment, made him retain Abercrombie for the Crown Point campaign, but -a better decision named Brigadier John Forbes to attack Fort Duquesne. -It belongs to this place to tell the story of these last two campaigns. - -In June, Abercrombie had assembled at the head of Lake George a force -of 15,000 men, of whom 6,000 were regulars. Montcalm was at Ticonderoga -with scarce a quarter as many; but Vaudreuil was tardily sending -forward some scant reinforcements under De Lévis. The French general -got tidings early in July of the embarkation in England, but had done -nothing up to that time to protect his army, which was lying on the -peninsula of Ticonderoga, mainly outside the fort. In fact, he was at -a loss what to do; no help had reached him, and the approaching army -was too numerous to hope for success. He thought of retreating to Crown -Point, but some of his principal officers opposed it. He now began a -breastwork of logs on the high ground before the fort, and, felling the -trees within musket range, he covered the ground with a dense barrier. - -[Illustration] - -All the while, the English were in a heydey of assurance. Pitt was -waiting anxiously in London for the first tidings. Abercrombie, now -a man of fifty-two years, did not altogether inspire confidence. -His heavy build and lethargic temperament made lookers-on call him -“aged.” There was, however, a proud expectation of success from the -vigorous, companionable Earl Howe, the brigadier next in command, -whom Pitt hoped to prove the real commander, because of the trust -which Abercrombie put in him. On the 5th of July the immense flotilla, -which bore the English army and its train, started down Lake George. -To a spectator it completely deadened the glare of the water for -miles away. The next morning at daybreak the army was passing Rogers’ -Slide, whence a French party under Langy watched them. By noon it had -disembarked at the extreme north end of Lake George, and near the -river conducting to Ticonderoga they built an entrenchment, to protect -their bateaux. Rogers, with his rangers, was sent into the woods to -lead the way, while the army followed; but the denseness of the forest -soon brought the column into confusion. Meanwhile, the French party -under Langy, finding the English had got between them and their main -body, endeavored to pass around the head of the English column, and, -in doing so, got equally confused in the thickness of the wood, and -suddenly encountered that part of the English force where Lord Howe and -Major Putnam were. A skirmish ensued, Howe fell,[1156] and the army was -practically without a head. Rogers, who was in advance, turned back -upon Langy, and few of the Frenchmen escaped. - -[Illustration: LORD HOWE. - -From an engraving in Entick’s _Hist. of the Late War_, 3d ed., 1765, -vol. iii. p. 209. For the impression made by Howe’s character on the -colonists, see Mrs. Grant’s _American Lady_, Wilson’s ed., p. 222.] - -In the morning Abercrombie withdrew the army to the landing. -Bradstreet, with his watermen, having rebuilt the bridges destroyed by -the French, the original intention of skirting the river on the west -was abandoned, and the army now started to follow the ordinary portage -across the loop of the river, which held the rapids. The French had -already deserted their positions at either end of this portage. At -the northerly end, near a saw-mill, the English general halted his -army. He was at one base-corner of the triangular peninsula of which -Ticonderoga was the apex. He had now to encounter, not far from the -fort, the entrenchment which Montcalm was busily constructing out of -the forest-trees which had been laid along its front as by a hurricane. -Scorning all measures which might have spared his army great losses, -and thoughtless of movements which could have intercepted Montcalm’s -reinforcements,[1157] the English general undertook, from the distant -mill, to direct repeated assaults in front. His soldiers made a deadly -push through the entanglements of the levelled trees and against the -barricade, behind which the defenders were almost wholly protected. He -could have done nothing to help Montcalm so much. The stores of the -French were sufficient for eight days only, and the chief dread of the -French general was that Abercrombie would cut his communications with -Crown Point. - -[Illustration: TICONDEROGA, 1851. - -After a sketch made in 1851. The ruins of Ticonderoga and the -landing-wharf are seen on the right. The high hill on the left is Mount -Defiance, on whose side Johnson and his Indians were posted during -Abercrombie’s attack. At its base is the outlet leading to Lake George. -The ruins in the foreground are a part of Fort Independence.] - -As it was, De Lévis, with a considerable force, arrived in the night. -Sir William Johnson and some Indians opened fire in the morning across -the river from the sides of Mount Defiance; but accomplished nothing, -and took no further part in the day’s work. About noon the attack began -in front, and all day long—now here, now there—the French repelled -assaults which showed prodigies of valor and brought no reward. Some -rafts, with cannon sent by Abercrombie to enfilade the French line, -were driven back by the guns of the fort. At twilight the cruel work -ceased. Abercrombie had lost nearly 2,000 men, and Montcalm short of -400. - -[Illustration: ABERCROMBIE’S ATTACK ON TICONDEROGA, 1758. - -From Almon’s _Remembrancer_, London, 1778, where it is called “Sketch -of Cheonderoga or Ticonderoga, taken on the spot by an English officer, -in 1759.” - -A plan of the approaches and attack by Lieut. Meyer, of the 60th regt., -is given in Parkman, ii. p. 94. Cf. other plans in Bancroft, orig. ed. -iv.; Palmer’s _Lake Champlain_, p. 79, etc.] - -Montcalm was still anxious. He knew that Abercrombie had cannon, and -had not used them. The most natural thing in the world for the English -general would be to occupy the night in bringing the cannon up. In the -morning Montcalm sent out to reconnoitre, and it was found that the -English, still 13,000 strong, had reëmbarked, and all the signs showed -the great precipitancy of their flight. - -The French general could well rejoice, but he exaggerated his -enemy’s strength to 25,000 and their losses to 5,000, which last was -considerably more than the victor’s whole force. - -[Illustration: FORT FRONTENAC. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. The fort was at the modern -Kingston, Canada. There is a view or plan of it in _Mémoires sur les -affaires du Canada_, 1749-60, p. 115.] - -[Illustration: NOTE.—The annexed map is from Mante’s _Hist. of the -Late War_, Lond., 1772. A map of the lake, from surveys made in 1762, is -given in Parkman, i. 285. It is also reproduced in De Peyster’s -_Wilson’s Orderly Book_. - -Holden (_Hist. Queensbury_, 302, 303) mentions several MS. maps of Lake -George of this period, preserved in the State Library at Albany. A map -of the military roads (1759) from the Hudson to Lake George is given in -_Ibid._, p. 341. - -There is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 721, a sketch map copied from an -original in the Archives de la Guerre at Paris, called _Frontiers du -lac St. Sacrement, 1758, 8 Juillet_. It shows Lake Champlain from below -Crown Point, together with Lake George and the country towards Albany, -marking the routes, forts, etc. - -Cf. the section giving Lake George in Jefferys’ _Map of the most -inhabited part of New England_, published November 29, 1755, and -contained in his _General Topography of North America and the West -Indies_, Lond., 1768, no. 37; and the separate map of Lake George, -1756, in Sayer and Bennet’s _American Military Pocket Atlas_, 1776. -This I suppose to be the survey made in 1756 by Captain Jackson, of -which a tracing is given in F. B. Hough’s ed. of _Rogers’s journals_, -Albany, 1883. The map in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 284, is a -modern one. - -Views of historic interest on Lake George, by T. A. Richards, are given -in _Harper’s Mag._, vii. 161.] - -Abercrombie apparently magnified beyond belief an enemy whom he had not -seen, and went up the lake in trepidation, lest he should be pursued. -Safe on his old camping-ground at the head of the lake, he made haste -to entrench himself, while Montcalm, lucky to escape as he did, -prepared for a new campaign by rebuilding his lines. So the two armies -still watched each other at a safe distance.[1158] - -Montcalm for a while tried to harass the English communications with -Fort Edward, by sending out his leading partisan, Marin; but Rogers -was more than his match, and gave the English general some grains of -comfort by his successes. Putnam, however, was captured and carried -to Canada. Meanwhile, much greater relief came to the army’s spirits -in September when the news of Bradstreet’s success at Fort Frontenac -reached them. - -[Illustration] - -A council of war had forced Abercrombie to give Bradstreet 3,000 men, -and with these he made his way to Oswego, whence, towards the end of -August, his whale-boats and bateaux pushed out upon the lake, and in -three days he was before Frontenac. The fort quickly surrendered. -Bradstreet levelled it, ruined seven armed vessels, put as much of -the plunder as he could carry on two others, and returned to Oswego -unmolested. Here he landed his booty, destroyed the vessels, and the -French naval power on Ontario was at an end. He began his march for -Albany, and, passing the great carrying place where Brigadier Stanwix -was building a fort for the protection of the valley, left there a -thousand men for its garrison. In October Amherst came overland from -Boston, with some of his victorious regiments from Louisbourg. It was -too late for further campaigning; and each side left garrisons at their -camps, and retired to winter quarters. - -[Illustration: FORT STANWIX. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. The _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ -(Brit. Mus.), ii. 354-55, shows drawn plans (1758, 1759, 1764) of Fort -Stanwix, built by I. Williams, engineer. - -A large map of the neighborhood of Fort Stanwix is in the _Doc. Hist. -New York_ (iv. p. 324), with a plan of the fort itself (p. 327), -accompanied by a paper on the history of the fort. A map of the siege -of the fort, presented to Col. Gansevoort by L. Flury, is given with -a plan of the modern city of Rome superposed, in Dr. Hough’s ed. of -_Pouchot_, i. 207. Cf. the chapter on Fort Schuyler (Stanwix) in -Bogg’s _Pioneers of Utica_, 1877. The fort was originally called Fort -Williams. It was begun on July 23, 1758, by Brig.-Gen. John Stanwix. -Cf. note on Stanwix in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 280. - -There is in Harvard College library a copy of a MS. journal of Ensign -Moses Dorr, from May 25 to Oct. 28, 1758, including an account of -the building of Fort Stanwix. The original MS. was in 1848 in the -possession of Lyman Watkins, of Walpole, N. H.] - -The destruction of Frontenac and the French fleet on Ontario had cut -off Fort Duquesne from its sources of supply, and to the substantial, -if not brilliant, success of Brigadier John Forbes[1159] we must now -turn. It is a story of a stubborn Scotch purpose. Forbes had no dash, -and purposely dallied with the forming and marching of his army to -weary the Indian allies of the French, and to secure time to gain over -all of the savages that he could. The English general got upon his -route by June, but soon fell sick, and was carried through the marches -in a litter; but he breasted every discomfort and harassing complexity -of the details, which he had to manage almost in every particular, with -a courage that might have done credit to a man in vigor. He had made -up his mind to open a new road over the mountains more direct than -Braddock’s. Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Bouquet, a Swiss officer of the -Royal Americans, sustained him in this purpose; but Washington argued -for the older route,—not without inciting some distrust, for Forbes -was not blind to the rival interests of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and -suspected that Washington was influenced by a greater loyalty for his -colony than for the common cause. - -Forbes did not fail, however, to recognize the young Virginian’s merit -in the kind of warfare which was before them; and there exists in -Washington’s hand a plan of a line of march for forces in a forest, -with diagrams for throwing the line into order of battle, which Forbes -had requested him to make.[1160] Braddock’s defeat was not lost on -Forbes, and in his marches and preparations he availed himself of -all the arts of woodcraft and partisanship which Washington could -teach him. He did not, nevertheless, have a very high opinion of the -provincials in his train, and, with the exception of some of their -higher officers, they were, no doubt, a sorry set. As he pushed on he -established fortified posts for supplies; but all the help he ought to -have got from his quartermaster-general, Sir John Sinclair, stood him -in poor stead, for that officer was “a very odd man,” and only added -to his general’s perplexities. The advice of Washington about taking -the other route had so far unsettled Forbes’s faith in him, that, -though he told his subordinates among the advance to consult with the -Virginia colonel, it might not be best, he suggested, to follow his -advice. While the march went on he had little success in attaching some -Cherokees and Catawbas, for they stayed no longer than the gifts held -out. An occasional scout brought him intelligence of the enemy, and -he felt that their numbers were not great, and that the weariness of -delays would drive the Indian allies of the French into desertion,—as -it did. - -At Raystown he built Fort Bedford, to protect his supplies, and pushed -on to Loyalhannon[1161] Creek, and there founded his last depot, fifty -miles away from Duquesne. - -In August Forbes was planning for a general convention with the Indians -at Easton. The treaty of the previous year had secured the Delawares -and Shawanoes, and a further conference had been held with them in -April.[1162] Sir William Johnson was bullied, as Forbes says, into -bringing into the compact the eastern tribes of the Six Nations, while -other influences induced the Senecas and the western tribes also to -join, despite the labors of Joncaire to retain them in the French -interests. The chief difficulty was to inspire the Ohio Indians with a -distrust of the French; while the failure of French presents, thanks -to British cruisers on the ocean, was beginning to dispose them for -a change. A Moravian brother, Christian Frederick Post, was sent to -the tribes on a hazardous mission, and his confidence and fearlessness -carried him through it alive; for he had to confront French officers -at the conferences, one of which was held close by Fort Duquesne. As -a result of his mission, the convention of the allied tribes which -met the English at Easton in October decided confidently to send a -wampum belt, in the name of both the whites and the red men, to the -Ohio Indians, and Post, with an escort, was commissioned to bear it, -the party setting out from Loyalhannon. It became a struggle for -persuasion between the English messenger and a French officer, who -again confronted Post and offered the Indians a belt of wampum of his -own. The French won the young warriors; but Post impressed the sages of -the Indian councils, and the old men carried the day. The overtures of -peace from the English were accepted, and this happened notwithstanding -that the garrison of Duquesne had but just badly used a reconnoitring -party of the English under Major Grant, of the Scotch Highlanders. - -It was a success of forest diplomacy that encouraged and rendered -despondent the respective sides. The French scouting parties were -hanging about Loyalhannon, while the little army at Duquesne kept -dwindling under the prospect of famine, now that Bradstreet’s raid on -Frontenac had checked their supplies. A rough and weltering October -made the bringing up of provisions very difficult for the English, and -their weakening general found his time, on his litter, disagreeably -spent, as he says, “between business and medicine;” but in early -November he himself reached Loyalhannon. He would have stopped here -for winter quarters, but scouts brought in word that the French were -defenceless; so a force was hurriedly pushed forward in light order, -which, when it reached Turkey Creek, heard a heavy boom to the west. It -was the explosion of the French mines, as the garrison of Duquesne blew -up the fort and fled. - -[Illustration] - -Forbes hutted a portion of his troops within a stockade, which he -called Pittsburg, and early in December began his march eastward. -The debilitated general reached Philadelphia, but died in March. Few -campaigns were ever conducted so successfully from a litter of pain. - -[Illustration] - -The winter of 1758-59 was an unquiet one in Canada. Vaudreuil and -Montcalm disputed over the results of the last campaign, and the -governor was doing all he could to make the home government believe -that Montcalm neither deserved, nor could profit by, success. All his -intrigue to induce the general’s recall only resulted in the ministry -sending him orders to defer to Montcalm in all matters affecting the -war. - -[Illustration: GENERAL AMHERST. - -From an engraving in John Knox’s _Historical Journal of the Campaigns -in North America (1757-60)_. London, 1769. There is also an engraving -in Entick’s _Hist. of the Late War_, iv. 129. Reynolds painted three -likenesses of Amherst, and sketched a fourth one, begun May, 1765, and -finished February, 1768, which gave his army in the background, passing -the rapids of the St. Lawrence. This was engraved in mezzotint by James -Watson. (Hamilton’s _Engraved Works of Reynolds_, pp. 1, 163; J. C. -Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, London, 1878-83, iii. 1008, and -iv. 1488; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vii. 101; _Catal. Cab. M. H. Soc._, -p. 45.) Amherst was born in 1717, and died in 1797.] - -There was never more need of strong counsel in Canada. The gasconade of -Vaudreuil had reached the limit of its purpose. The plunder -by officials, both of the people and of the king, was an enormity -that could not last much longer. It seemed to the wisest that food -and reinforcements, and those in no small amounts, could alone save -Canada, unless, indeed, some kind of a peace could be settled upon -in Europe. To claim help and to learn, Bougainville and Doreil were -sent to France. Nothing they said could gain much but what was easily -given,—promotion in rank to Montcalm and the rest. They represented -that the single purpose which now animated the English colonies was -quite a different thing from the old dissensions among them, the -existence of which had favored the French in the past. The demand in -Europe was, however, inexorable; and all that France could promise was -a few hundred men and a campaign’s supplies of munitions. - -[Illustration: FORT PITT OR PITTSBOURG. - -From Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, London, 1772, p. 158. Cf. also -the plan in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 98; and the corner sketch of the -plate in Bancroft, _United States_ (orig. ed.), iv. 189.] - -In the spring of 1759 Bougainville came back with the little which was -precious to those who had nothing, as Montcalm said. But the returning -soldier brought word of the great fleet which England was fitting out -to attack Quebec, and that fifty thousand men would constitute the -army with which Canada was to be invaded. Vaudreuil could hardly count -twenty thousand men to meet it, and to do this he had to reckon the -militia, _coureurs de bois_, and Indians. If the worst came, Montcalm -thought he could concentrate what force he had, and retreat by way of -the Ohio to the Mississippi, and hold out in Louisiana.[1163] - -[Illustration: NEW FORT AT PITTSBURGH. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London.] - -On the English side matters looked encouraging. Amherst, a sure and -safe soldier, without any dash, was made commander-in-chief, and was to -direct in person the advance over the old route from Lake George,[1164] -while at the same time he took measures to reëstablish Oswego and -reinforce Duquesne. To the latter point General Stanwix was sent, where -in the course of the summer he laid out and strengthened a new fort, -called after the prime minister. Fort Pitt was not, however, wholly -secure till success had followed Brigadier Prideaux’s expedition to -Niagara, the reduction of which was also a part of Amherst’s plans. -Prideaux seated Haldimand at Oswego, and made good its communications -with the Mohawk Valley. It was an open challenge to the French, and -after Prideaux had proceeded to Niagara, Saint-Lac de la Corne came -down with a force from the head of the St. Lawrence rapids to attack -Haldimand, but the English cannon sent the French scampering to their -boats, and the danger was over. - -[Illustration: FORT NIAGARA. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. This same plan is given in _Doc. -Hist. N. Y._, ii, p. 868, and in Hough’s edition of Pouchot’s _History -of the Late War_, ii. p. 153. There is another plan on a large scale, -showing less of the neighboring ground, in the latter book, i. p. 161, -and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. p. 976. - -A plan of Fort Niagara, 1759, is noted among the _Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. -15,535; and in the _King’s Maps_, ii. 92, are plans of the fort dated -1766, 1768, 1769, 1773, and a view of the falls in 1765. - -O’Callaghan, in the _Doc. Hist. of New York_, ii. 793, gives a map of -the Niagara River, 1759, showing the landing place of Prideaux and the -path around the cataract. For the track of the Niagara portage, see O. -H. Marshall’s “Niagara Frontier,” in _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ._, ii. -412-13.] - -At Niagara, in the angle formed by the lake and the Niagara -River, stood the strong fort which Pouchot had rebuilt. It had a -dependency[1165] some distance above the cataract, commanded by -Joncaire; but that officer withdrew from this outwork on the approach -of Prideaux, and reinforced the main work. It was the same Joncaire who -had formerly resisted successfully, but of late less so, the efforts -of Johnson to secure the alliance to the English of the Senecas and -the more westerly tribes of the Six Nations; and now Johnson with a -body of braves was in Prideaux’s camp. The English general advanced his -siege lines, and had begun to make breaches in the walls of the fort, -when new succor for the French approached. Their partisan leaders at -the west had gathered such bushrangers and Indians as they could from -Detroit and the Illinois country, and were assembling at Presquisle and -along the route to the Monongahela for a raid on the English there, -in the hopes of recapturing the post. They got word from Pouchot of -his danger, and immediately marched to his assistance, under Aubry and -Ligneris. - -[Illustration: FORT GEORGE. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. This plan is reproduced in De -Costa’s _Hist. of Fort George_. For the ruins of the fort and the view -from them, see the cuts in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. 112; -and _Scribnner’s Monthly_, Mar., 1879, p. 620.] - -[Illustration: LAKE GEORGE.] - -Early in the siege, Prideaux had been killed by the bursting of one of -his own shells, and the command fell on Johnson, who now went with a -part of his force to meet the new-comers, already showing themselves up -the river. He beat them, and captured some of their principal officers, -while those who survived led the panic-stricken remainder to their -boats above the cataract. Thence they fled to Presquisle, which they -burned. Here the garrisons of LeBœuf and Venango joined them, and the -fugitives continued on to Detroit, leaving the Upper Ohio without a -fighting Frenchman to confront the English. - -On the same day of the defeat, negotiations for a surrender of Fort -Niagara began, and Pouchot, being convinced of the reverses which his -intending succorers had experienced, finally capitulated. Johnson -succeeded in preventing any revengeful onset of his Indians, who had -not forgotten the massacre of William Henry. - -The extreme west of Canada was now cut off from the central region, -which was threatened, as we shall see, by Amherst and Wolfe, and -Vaudreuil could have little hope of preserving it. To press this -centre on another side, Amherst now sent General Thomas Gage to -succeed Johnson in the command of the Ontario region, and, gathering -such troops as could be spared from the garrisons, to descend the St. -Lawrence and capture the French post at the head of the rapids. Gage -had little enterprise, and was not inclined to undertake a movement in -which dash must make up for the lack of men, and he reported back to -Amherst that the movement was impossible. - -When this disappointment came to the commander-in-chief he was at Crown -Point,—but we must track his progress from the beginning. - -At the end of June, Amherst had at Lake George about 11,000 men, one -half regulars. He set about the campaign cautiously. He had fortified -new posts in his rear, and began the erection of Fort George at the -head of the lake, of which only one bastion was ever finished. On the -21st of July he embarked his army on the lake, and, landing at the -outlet, he followed the route of Abercrombie’s approach to Ticonderoga -during the previous year. The disparity of the opposing armies was -much like that when Montcalm so successfully defended that post; but -Bourlamaque, who now commanded, had orders to retire, and was making -his arrangements. Amherst brought up his cannon, and protected his -men behind the outer line of entrenchments, which Bourlamaque had -abandoned. On the night of the 23d, Bourlamaque escaped down the lake, -but a small force under Hebecourt still held the fort, which kept up -a show of resistance till the evening of the 26th, when the remaining -French, leaving a match in the magazine, also fled. In the night one -bastion was hurled to the sky, and the barracks were set on fire. - -[Illustration: TICONDEROGA. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. Various plans and views are noted -in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. 395. Cf. plans in -Palmer’s _Lake Champlain_, 85; Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. -118, and views and descriptions of the ruins in Lossing, i. 127, 131; -Watson’s _County of Essex_, 112. Lieut. Brehm’s description of the fort -after its capture is in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1883, p. -21.] - -[Illustration: CROWN POINT. - -From a small vignette on a map by Kitchin of the Province of New York, -in the _London Magazine_, Sept., 1756. There is a similar map in the -_Gentleman’s Mag._, vol. xxv. p. 525. - -Various MS. plans and views of Crown Point are noted in the _Catal. of -the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), i. 277, under date of 1759. The _Brinley -Catal._, ii. 2,939, shows a MS. “Plan of Crown Point Fort, March, -1763,” on a scale of 90 feet to the inch. - -There was published in Boston in 1762 a _Plan of a part of Lake -Champlain and the large new fort at Crown Point, mounting 108 cannon, -built by Gen. Amherst_. (Haven’s _Bibliog._, in Thomas, ii. p. 560.) -Cf. the plans, nos. 24, 25, in _Set of plans_, etc. (London, 1763). - -For the ruins of Crown Point, see Lossing, _Field-Book of the -Revolution_, i. 150-152; Watson’s _County of Essex_, pp. 104, 112. -These are a part, however, of the fort built by Amherst. Kalm describes -the previous fort (_Travels_, London, 1771, ii. 207), and it is -delineated in _Mémoires sur les affaires du Canada_, p. 53.] - -Amherst began to repair the works, with his army now succumbing -somewhat to the weather,[1166] and was about advancing down the lake, -when scouts brought in word that Bourlamaque had also abandoned Crown -Point. So Amherst again advanced. He knew nothing of the progress Wolfe -was making in his attack on Quebec by water, but he did know that it -was a part of Pitt’s plan that success on Lake Champlain should inure -to Wolfe’s advantage, and this could only be brought about by an active -pursuit of the enemy down the lake. Amherst was, however, not a general -of the impetuous kind, and believed beyond all else in securing his -rear. So he began to build at Crown Point the new fort, whose massive -ruins are still to be seen, and sent out parties to open communication -with the Upper Hudson on the west and with the Connecticut River on the -east. - -The French, as he knew, were strongly posted at Isle-aux-Noix, in the -river below the lake, and they had four armed vessels, which would -render dangerous any advance on his part by boat. So Captain Loring, -the English naval commander, was ordered to put an equal armament -afloat for an escort to his flotilla. - -Bourlamaque, meanwhile, was confident in his position, for he knew -that, in addition to his own strength, Lévis had been sent up to -Montreal with 800 men to succor him, if necessary, and all the militia -about Montreal was alert. - -Amherst, on his part, was anxious to know how the campaign was going -with Wolfe. In August he sent a messenger with a letter by the -circuitous route of the Kennebec, which Wolfe received in about a -month, but it helped that general little to know of the building going -on at Crown Point. Amherst then tried to pass messengers through the -Abenaki region, but they were seized. Upon this, Major Rogers was -sent with his rangers to destroy the Indian village of St. Francis, -which he did, and then, to elude parties endeavoring to cut him off, -he retreated by Lake Memphremagog to Charlestown, on the Connecticut, -enduring as he went the excruciating horrors of famine and exhaustion. - -[Illustration: CROWN POINT, 1851. - -From a sketch made in 1851, showing in the foreground a slope of the -embankment, with part of the ruins of the barracks, the lake beyond, -looking to the north.] - -[Illustration: ISLE-AUX-NOIX. - -After a plan in the contemporary _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760, -as published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec (réimpression), 1873, -p. 154. See the view in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. 167.] - -It was near the middle of October when Loring pronounced the armed -vessels ready, and Amherst embarked; but the autumn gales soon -convinced him that the risks of the elements were too great to be -added to those of the enemy, and after his demonstration had caused -the destruction of three of the enemy’s vessels, and one had reached -their post on the Richelieu River, the English general, still ignorant -of Wolfe’s luck, withdrew to Crown Point, and gave himself to the -completion of its fortress. - - * * * * * - -We must now turn to the most brilliant part of the year’s work. This -was the task assigned to General Wolfe, who had already shown his -quality in the attack on Louisbourg the previous year.[1167] Late -in May he was at Louisbourg, with his army under three brigadiers, -Monckton, Townshend, and Murray, and the fleet of Saunders, who had -come direct from England, combined with that of Holmes, who had been -first at New York to take troops on board. A third fleet under Durell -was cruising in the gulf to intercept supplies for Quebec, but that -officer largely failed in his mission, for all but three of the French -supply ships eluded him, and by the 6th of June, when the last of -Wolfe’s fleet sailed out of Louisbourg, Quebec had received all the -succor that was expected. - -The French had done their best to be prepared for the blow. Their -entire force at Quebec was congregated in the town defences and in a -fortified camp, which had been constructed along the St. Lawrence, -beginning at the St. Charles, opposite Quebec, and extending to the -Montmorenci, and on this line about 14,000 men, beside Indians, manned -the entrenchments. A bridge connected the camp with Quebec, and a boom -across the St. Charles at its mouth was intended to stop any approaches -to the bridge by boats; while earthworks along the St. Charles formed -a camp to fall back upon in case the more advanced one was forced. -Beside the 106 cannon mounted on the defences of the city, there were -gun-boats and fire-ships prepared for the moment of need. In the town -the Chevalier de Ramezay commanded a garrison of one or two thousand -men. Montcalm had his headquarters[1168] in the rear of the centre of -the entrenched line along the St. Lawrence, and Vaudreuil’s flag was -flying nearer the St. Charles. - -On the 21st of June the masts of the advanced ships of the English -were first seen, and one of the fire-ships was ineffectually sent -against them. There was a difficult passage between the north shore of -the river and the lower end of the Island of Orleans; but the English -fleet managed to pass it without loss, much to the disappointment -of the French, who had failed to plant a battery on the side of Cape -Tourmente, whence they could have plunged shot into the passing -vessels. Past the dangers of the stream, the English landed their -army on the island,[1169] less than 9,000 in all, for Wolfe could -count little on the sailors who were needed for the management of the -fleet.[1170] - -[Illustration: GENERAL JAMES WOLFE. - -From an engraving in John Knox’s _Hist. Journal of the Campaigns in -North America_ (1757-1760), London, 1769. An engraving from Entick is -given in the preceding chapter. There is a head of Wolfe in _London -Mag._ (1759), p. 584. - -J. C. Smith, in his _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, notes four different -prints (vol. ii. 783; iii. 1027, 1345, the last by H. Smith, engraved -by Spooner; and iv. 1750), but he does not reproduce either. - -Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii.) gives a picture of Wolfe in early -youth—weak enough in aspect—which follows a photograph from an -original portrait owned by Admiral Warde. - -Wright, in his _Life of Wolfe_, gives a photograph of the same. See -_Ibid._, p. 604, for an account of various portraits and memorials. - -The common picture representing him standing and in profile is engraved -in Parkman’s _Historical Handbook of the Northern Tour_; in the Eng. -ed. of Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, etc.] - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF QUEBEC, 1759. - -Reproduced from the map in Miles’s _Canada_, called “Plan of the St. -Lawrence River from Sillery to the Fall of Montmorency, with the -operations of the siege of Quebec, 1759,” which has a corner “View of -the action gained by the English, Sept. 13, 1759, near Quebec.” This -map is a reduction of one engraved by Jefferys, and dedicated to Pitt, -entitled “Authentic plan of the River St. Lawrence from Sillery to -the Fall of Montmorenci, with the operations of the siege of Quebec, -under the command of Vice-Admiral Saunders and Major-General Wolfe, -down to the fifth of September, 1759, drawn by a captain in his -Majesty’s navy.” The sideplan is called “View of the action gained by -the English Sept. 13, 1759, near Quebec, brought from thence by an -officer of distinction.” This was also inserted by Jefferys in his -_History of the French Dominion in America_, London, 1760, p. 131. -The same map is given in Entick’s _General Hist. of the Late War_, -London, 1770 (3d ed.), iv. 107; and a similar one is in the _American -Atlas_. Jefferys repeats this map in his _General Topography of North -America and the West Indies_, London, 1768 (no. 18), and adds another -(no. 21), called “A correct plan of the environs of Quebec and the -battle fought 13 Sept., 1759,” which is accompanied by a superposed -“second plate,” showing the disposition of the forces on the Plains of -Abraham. This plan had already appeared separately in _Journal of the -siege of Quebec, to which is annexed a correct plan of the environs of -Quebec, and of the battle fought on the 13th September, 1759, together -with a particular detail of the French lines and batteries, and also -of the encampments, batteries, and attacks of the British army, etc. -Engraved from original survey by Thomas Jefferys_ [London, 1760], 16 -pp. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,276.) - -The maps given in James Grant’s _British Battles_, ii. 91, and in -Cassell’s _United States_, are seemingly based on Jefferys’. - -The _London Magazine_ for 1759 has a plan of Quebec (Apr.) and of the -siege (Nov.), with a map of the river (Sept.); and for 1760, a view of -the taking of Quebec (p. 280), and a view of the town from the basin -(p. 392). - -There is a large folding plan, showing the fleet and the landing of -the boats, in Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, 1772, p. 233. Alfred -Hawkins published at London, in 1842, _A Plan of the Naval and Military -Operations before Quebec_, accompanied by an engraving of West’s “Death -of Wolfe.” (H. J. Morgan, _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, no. 179.) - -In the _Atlantic Neptune_ (Additional Plates, no. 1) is a plan of three -sheets, called “A plan of Quebec and environs, with its defences and -the occasional entrenched camps of the French, commanded by the Marquis -of Montcalm, showing likewise the principal works and operations of the -British forces under the command of Maj.-Gen. Wolfe, during the siege -of that place, 1759.” It is accompanied by a key. In the same, Part ii. -no. 16, there is a map of the St. Lawrence from Quebec to the gulf, -which shows the region of Quebec on a large scale. - -Among existing MS. plans of Wolfe’s attack may be noted one in the -Faden Collection of maps in the library of Congress (E. E. Hale’s -_Catal. of the Faden Maps_); others in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ -(Brit. Mus.), ii. 220, under date of 1755, 1759, 1760; also _Brit. -Mus. MSS._, no. 15,535; and _Additional MSS._, no. 31,357; this last -is a large plan in four sheets. Parkman (ii. 440) refers to a large -MS. plan, 800 feet to an inch, belonging to the Royal Engineers, which -was made by three engineers of Wolfe’s army, and of which he says that -he possesses a fac-simile. In his _Montcalm and Wolfe_ (ii. 200) he -gives an eclectic plan; and other plans are in Lemoine’s _Picturesque -Quebec_, p. 301 (being Jefferys’ on a small scale); Bancroft’s _United -States_, orig. ed., iv. 315, etc., repeated in vol. i. of his _Hist. of -the Amer. Revolution_ (English edition). - -A plan was published at Amsterdam in 1766. - -Dussieux, in _Le Canada sous la domination Française_, gives a map of -the siege, “D’après un manuscrit Anglais du Dépôt de la Guerre.”] - -[Illustration: PLAN OF THE CITY OF QUEBEC. - -From _Father Abraham’s Almanac_ (by Abraham Weatherwise, Gent.), 1761. -Key: A, the west part of the Island of Orleans, on which General -Wolfe landed. B, Point Leveé, on which one grand battery was erected. -C, Wolfe’s camp to the east of Montmorency Falls. D, the river St. -Charles. E E E, the river St. Lawrence, with some of the English ships -going up. F, the lower town, to the right of which is a cross (in the -middle of the passage to the upper town), and a man kneeling before it, -saying his Ave Maria. G, the upper town and passage to the castle. H, -Montcalm’s camp and entrenchments, to the west of Montmorency Falls, -from whence he marched when Wolfe recrossed the river to Point Leveé, -in order to get above the city, where they luckily met, and fought it -out bravely. I, Montmorency Falls and Saunders’ ships playing upon the -town. - -This cut has interest as a contemporary sketch for popular instruction.] - -He knew also that he must place little reliance on the cannon of the -ships, for the high rocks and bluffs of the defences were above the -elevation which could be given to the guns, and a broad stretch of -mud-flats kept the vessels from a near approach to that portion of -the French camp which was low and lay nearest the St. Charles. Cape -Diamond, the promontory of Quebec, so jutted out that Wolfe could not -inspect at present the banks of the river above the town. - -Montcalm had determined on a policy of wearing out his assailants,—and -he came very near doing it,—and when a gale sprang up he hoped that -its power of devastation would be his best ally. When he saw that fail, -he tried his fire-ships; but the British sailors grappled them and -towed them aground, where they were harmless. - -Wolfe’s next movement was to occupy Point Levi, opposite the -city,[1171] whence he showered shot and shell into the town, and drove -the non-combatants out. The French tried to dislodge him, but failed. -The English army was now divided by the river, and ran some risk of -attack in detail. Montcalm, however, was not tempted; nor was he later, -when Wolfe next landed a force below him, beyond the Montmorenci, and -began to entrench himself, though the English general was interrupted -in the beginning of this movement by an attack of Canadians, who had -crossed the Montmorenci by an upper ford. The attack was not persisted -in, however, and Wolfe was soon well entrenched. The cannonading was -incessant. Night after night the sky was streaked with the shells from -the vessels, and from each of Wolfe’s three camps. - -The dilatory policy of Montcalm soon began to tell on his force, and -then weariness and ominous news from Bourlamaque and Pouchot hastened -the desertion of his Canadians. Wolfe tried to affect the neighboring -peasantry by proclamations more and more threatening, and felt himself -obliged at last to enforce his authority by the destruction of crops -and villages. - -On the 18th of July, in the night, the “Sutherland” and some smaller -vessels pushed up the river beyond the town, while a fleet of boats was -dragged overland back of Point Levi and launched above, out of gun-shot -from the town. A force was sent by a détour to operate with them. Thus -Wolfe, in defiance of the French general, had made a fourth division of -his troops, each liable to separate attack. The English vessels above -the town made descents along the north shore, and took some prisoners, -but did little else. The French made their final attempt with a huge -fire-raft, but it was as unsuccessful as the earlier ones. - -Wolfe now determined to provoke Montcalm to fight, and under cover -of a cannonade from Point Levi and from some of his ships[1172] he -landed a force from boats beneath the precipice at the lower end of -the French camp. An additional body at the same time crossed by a -ford, in front of the falls of Montmorenci, which was traversable at -low tide. The impetuosity of the grenadiers, who were in advance, not -waiting for support, and a tempest which at the moment broke over them, -convinced the quick eye of Wolfe that the attempt was to fail, and he -recalled his men. The French let them retire in good order, and began -to think their Fabian policy was to be crowned with success. Wolfe was -correspondingly shaken and rebuked the grenadiers. He began to think, -even, that the season might wear away with no better results, and that -he should have to abandon the campaign. - -There was one plan yet, which might succeed, and he sought to push -more ships and march more troops above the town. Murray, who now -took command at that point, began to raid upon the shore, but with -poor success. Montcalm sent Bougainville with 1,500 men to patrol -the shore, and incessant marching they had, as the English by water -flitted up and down the river with the tides, threatening to land. -The English restlessness was too oppressive, however, for the French -camp at Beaufort, which felt that its supplies from Three Rivers -and Montreal might be cut off at any moment by an English descent. -Desertions increased, and rapidly increased when in August the French -got decisive and unfavorable news from Lake Champlain and Ontario. The -French fearing an approach of Amherst down the St. Lawrence, Quebec was -further weakened by the despatch of Lévis to confront the English in -that direction. By the end of August there were no signs of immediate -danger at Montreal, and the French took heart. - -Wolfe was now ill,—not so prostrate, however, but he could propose -various new plans to a council of his brigadiers, but his suggestions -were all rejected as too hazardous. They recommended, in the end, -an attempt to gain the heights somewhere above the town, and force -Montcalm to fight for his communications. Wolfe was ready to try it; -but it was the first of September before he was able to undertake -it.[1173] He saw no other hope, slight as this one was. The letter -which Amherst had sent to him by the Kennebec route had just reached -him, and he felt there was to be no assistance from that quarter. On -the 3d of September he evacuated the camp at Montmorenci, Montcalm -being prevented from molesting him by a feint which was made by boats -in front of his Beaufort lines. Other troops were now marched above -Quebec, and when Wolfe himself joined Admiral Holmes, who commanded -that portion of the fleet which was above the town, he found he had -almost 3,600 men, beside what he might draw from Point Levi, for his -adventurous exploit. The French were deceived, and thought that the -English were to go down the river, as indeed, if the scheme to scale -the banks failed on the first attempt, they were. Bougainville’s corps -of observation was increased, and it was its duty to patrol a long -stretch of the river shore. - -[Illustration: BOUGAINVILLE. - -After a cut in Bonnechose’s _Montcalm_, 5th ed., 1882, p. 138.] - -Wolfe with a glass had discovered a ravine,[1174] up which it seemed -possible for a forlorn hope to mount, and the number of tents at -its top did not indicate that there was a numerous guard there to -be overcome. Robert Stobo, who had been a prisoner in Quebec after -the fall of Fort Necessity, had recently joined the camp, and his -biographer says that his testimony confirmed Wolfe in the choice, or -rather directed him to it.[1175] While the preparations were going on, -the English ships perplexed Bougainville by threatening to land troops -some distance up the river, near his headquarters; and by floating up -and down with the tide, the English admiral kept the French on the -constant march to be abreast of them. - -The plan was now ripe. Wolfe was to drop down the river in boats -with the turn of the tide, having with him his 3,600 men, and 1,200 -were to join him by boat from Point Levi. As night came on, Admiral -Saunders, who commanded the fleet in the basin below Quebec, made every -disposition as if to attack the Beauport lines, and Montcalm thought -the main force of the British was still before him. - -As the ships opposite Bougainville began to swing downward with the -tide, the French general took pity on his weary men, and failed to -follow the moving vessels. This kept the main part of his troops well -up the river. This French general had, as it happened, informed the -shore guards and batteries towards the town that he should send down by -water a convoy with provisions, that night, which was to creep along to -Montcalm’s camp under the shadow of the precipice. Wolfe heard of this -through some deserters, and he seized the opportunity to cast off his -boats and get ahead of the convoy, in order that he might answer for -it if hailed. He was hailed, and answered in the necessary deceitful -French. This quieted the suspicion of the sentries as he rowed gently -along in the gloom. - -[Illustration: BRITISH SOLDIERS. - -Reduced fac-simile of a cut in J. Luard’s _Hist. of the Dress of the -British Soldier_, London, 1852, p. 95. This shows a heavy and light -dragoon and two guardsmen of about the time of Wolfe’s attack, 1759. -The cap of the guardsmen is of German origin, and was in general use -by the English grenadiers of this period. The heavy dragoon is on the -right. The one on the left is a light dragoon of the 15th regiment. The -breeches are of leather; the coat is of scarlet.] - -As it happened, the Canadian officer, Colonel de Vergor, who commanded -the guard at the top of the ravine, where Wolfe’s advanced party -clambered up, was asleep in his tent, and many of his men had gone -home, by his permission, to hoe their gardens. The English forlorn hope -made, therefore, quick work, when they reached the top, as they rushed -on the tents. Their shots and huzzas told Wolfe, waiting below, that -a foothold was gained, and he led his army up the steeps with as much -haste as possible. While the line of battle was forming, detachments -were sent to attack the batteries up the river, which, alarmed by the -noise, were beginning to fire on the last of the procession of boats. -The celerity of the movement accomplished its end, and the French were -driven off and the batteries taken. - -Sheer good luck, quite as much as skill and courage, had at last placed -Wolfe in an open field, where Montcalm must fight him, if he would save -his communications and prevent the guns of Quebec, in the event of its -capture,[1176] being turned upon his camp. - -Not a mile from Quebec, and fronting its walls, Wolfe had formed his -final line, but he had turned its direction on the left, and there the -line faced the St. Charles. In the early morning he saw the French form -on a ridge in front of him, when some skirmishing ensued, as also in -his rear, where a detachment sent by Bougainville began to harass him. -With a foe before and behind, quick and decisive work was necessary. - -[Illustration: MONTCALM. - -After a portrait, “une gravure du temps,” in Charles de Bonnechose’s -_Montcalm et le Canada Français_, 5th ed., Paris, 1882. Cf. the -likeness in Daniel, _Nos Gloires_, ii. 273, and in Martin, _De Montcalm -en Canada_. - -The portrait given in Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, vol. i.) is after -a photograph from an original picture, representing him at 29, now in -the possession of the present Marquis de Montcalm. Cf. the likeness in -Higginson’s _Larger Hist. of the United States_, p. 190.] - -Montcalm, whom Admiral Saunders had been deceiving all night, hurried -over to Vaudreuil’s headquarters in the morning to learn what the -firing above the town meant. From this position he saw the seriousness -of the situation at once. The red coats of the British line were in -full view beyond the St. Charles. He hastened across the bridge, and -was soon on the ground, bringing the regiments into line as they came -up. But all the help he had a right to expect did not come. Ramezay -made excuses for not sending cannon. Vaudreuil kept back the left wing -at Beaufort, for fear that Saunders meant something, after all. - -Montcalm’s impetuosity, now that it was unshackled, could not brook -delay. It would take time to concert with Bougainville an attack on the -front and rear of the British simultaneously, and that time would give -Wolfe the chance to entrench and bring up reinforcements, if he had -any. So the decision in Montcalm’s council was for an instant onset. - -It was ten o’clock when Wolfe saw it coming. He advanced his line to -meet it, and when the French were close upon them the fire burst from -the English ranks. Another volley followed; and as the smoke passed -away, Wolfe saw the opportunity and gave the word to charge. As he -led the Louisbourg grenadiers he was hit twice before a shot in the -breast bore him to the ground. He was carried to the rear, and as he -was sinking he heard those around him cry that the enemy was flying. He -turned, praised God, and died.[1177] - -[Illustration: QUEBEC AS IT SURRENDERED, 1759. - -After a plan in Miles’s _Hist. of Canada_, p. 363, which is mainly the -same as the large folding map by Jefferys, published Jan. 15, 1760, -which also makes part of the _Hist. of the French Dominion in America_, -London, 1760, and of his _General Topog. of North America and the West -Indies_, London, 1768, no. 19. There is another plan in the _Nouvelle -Carte de la Province de Québec selon l’edit du Roi d’Angleterre du -8 Sep^{bre}, 1763, par le Capitaine Carver et autres, traduites de -l’Anglois, à Paris_, 1777. One is annexed to Joseph Hazard’s _Conquest -of Quebec_, a poem, London, 1769; and another to Lemoine’s _Picturesque -Quebec_, 1882. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Apr., 1884, p. 280. - -Richard Short made some drawings of the condition of Quebec after the -bombardment, which were engraved and published in 1761. - -The French plans of Quebec of this period, to be noted, are those -of Bellin in Charlevoix, viz.: _Plan du bassin de Québec et de les -environs_, 1744 (vol. iii. p. 70); _Plan de la ville de Québec_, 1744 -(_Ibid._, p. 72); and _Carte de l’isle d’Orléans, et du passage de la -traverse dans le Fleuve St. Laurent_, 1744 (_Ibid._, p. 65); beside the -plan of Quebec in Bellin’s _Petit Atlas Maritime_, vol. i., 1764. - -In vol. lxiv. of the _Shelburne MSS._ there are various plans of the -fortifications and citadel, made after the surrender. Edw. Fitzmaurice -reported on these in the _Hist. MSS. Commission’s Fifth Report_, p. 231. - -Such books as Hawkins’s _Picturesque Quebec_ and Lossing’s paper in -_Harper’s Magazine_, xviii. 176, give pictures of most of the points of -historical interest in and about the town. Cf. J. M. Lemoine’s “Rues de -Québec,” in the _Revue Canadienne_, xii. 269. - -Various views connected with the siege of Quebec are given in -_Picturesque Canada_, Toronto, 1884, showing the present condition of -Wolfe’s Cove and the ascent from it (pp. 25, 47), the martello towers -(p. 27), as well as the monuments to commemorate Wolfe and Montcalm -(pp. 27, 46).] - -Montcalm, mounted, borne on by the panic, was shot through the breast -just before he entered the town, and was taken within to die. - -Part of the fugitives got into Quebec with their wounded general; -part fled down the declivity towards the St. Charles, and, under -cover of a stand which some Canadian bushrangers made in a thicket, -succeeded in getting across the river to the camp, where everything -was in the confusion which so easily befalls an army without a head. -It was necessary for the English to cease from the pursuit, for -Townshend,[1178] who had come to the command (Monckton being wounded), -feared Bougainville was upon his rear, as indeed he was. When that -general, however, found that the English commander had recalled his -troops, and was forming to receive him, he withdrew, for he had -only 2,000 men,—probably all he could collect from their scattered -posts,—and seeing the English were twice as many, he did not dare -attack. So Townshend turned to entrenching, and working briskly he soon -formed a line of protection, and had a battery in position confronting -the horn-work beyond the St. Charles, which commanded the bridge. - -Vaudreuil was trying to get some decision, meanwhile, out of a council -of war at Beaufort. They sent to Quebec for Montcalm’s advice, and the -dying man told them to fight, retreat, or surrender. The counsel was -broad enough, and the choice was promptly made. It was retreat. That -night it began. Guns, ammunition, provisions,—everything was left. The -troops by a circuitous route flocked along like a rabble, and on the -15th they went into camp on the hill of Jacques Cartier, thirty miles -up the St. Lawrence. - -The morning after the fight, the tents still standing along the -Beaufort lines were a mockery; for Ramezay knew that Vaudreuil had -gone, since he had received word from him to surrender the town when -his provisions failed. - -Bougainville was still at Cap Rouge, and undertook to send provisions -into Quebec. Lévis had joined Vaudreuil at Jacques Cartier,[1179] and -inspired the governor with hope enough to order a return to his old -camp. On the evening of the 18th the returning army had reached St. -Augustine, when they learned that Ramezay had surrendered and the -British flag waved over Quebec. - -Preparations for the departure of the fleet were soon made, and -munitions and provisions for the winter were landed for the garrison, -which under Murray was to hold the town during the winter. The middle -of October had passed, when Admiral Saunders, one of his ships bearing -the embalmed body of Wolfe, sailed down the river. Montcalm lay in a -grave, which, before the altar of the Ursulines, had been completed out -of a cavity made by an English shell.[1180] - -The winter passed with as much comfort as the severe climate and a -shattered town would permit. There were sick and wounded to comfort, -and the sisters of the hospitals devoted themselves to French and -English alike. A certain rugged honesty in Murray won the citizens who -remained, and the hours were beguiled in part by the spirits of the -French ladies. There was an excitement in November, when a fleet of -French ships from up the river tried to run the batteries, and seven -or eight of them which did so carried the first despatches to France -which Vaudreuil had succeeded in transmitting. There was rough work in -December, in getting their winter’s wood from the forest of Sainte-Foy, -for they had no horses, and the merriment of companionship, checkered -with the danger of the skulking enemy, was the only lightening of -the severities of the task. Deserters occasionally brought in word -that Lévis was gathering and exercising his forces for an attack, so -vigilance was incessant. Both sides preserved the wariness of war in -onsets and repulses at the outposts, and the English usually got the -better of their enemies. Captain Hazen and some New England rangers -merited the applause which the regular officers gave them when they -buffeted and outwitted the enemy in a series of skirmishes. - -By April it became apparent that Lévis was only waiting for the ice -in the river to break up, when he could get water carriage for his -advance. Murray knew that the enemy could bring much greater numbers -against him, for his 7,000 men of the autumn, by sickness and death, -had been reduced to about 3,000 effectives, and the spies of Lévis -kept the French general well informed of the constant weakening of the -English forces. - -[Illustration: CAMPAIGN OF LÉVIS AND MURRAY. - -This follows a map in Miles’s _Hist. of Canada_, p. 427; also in -Lemoine’s _Picturesque Quebec_, p. 419.] - -The French placed their cannon and stores on the frigates and smaller -vessels which had escaped up the river in the autumn, and with their -army in bateaux they started on the 21st April for the descent from -Montreal. With the accessions gained on the way, by picking up the -scattered garrisons, Lévis landed between eight and nine thousand men -at Cap Rouge, and advanced on Sainte-Foy. The English at the outposts -fell back, and the delay on the part of the French was sufficient for -Murray to learn of their approach. He resolved to meet them outside -the walls. It must be an open-field fight for Murray, since the frozen -soil still rendered entrenching impossible in the time which he had. He -led out about three thousand men, and at first posted himself on the -ridge, where Montcalm had drawn up his lines the year before. He pushed -forward till he occupied Wolfe’s ground of the same morning, when, -with his great superiority of cannon, he found a position that gave -him additional advantage, which he ought to have kept. The fire of the -English guns, however, induced Lévis to withdraw his men to the cover -of a wood, a movement which Murray took for a retreat, and, emulous of -Wolfe’s success in seizing an opportune moment, he ordered a general -advance. His cannon were soon stuck in some low ground, and no longer -helped him. The fight was fierce and stubborn; but after a two hours’ -struggle, the greater length of the enemy’s line began to envelop -the English, and Murray ordered a retreat. It was rapid, but not so -disordered that Lévis dared long to follow. - -[Illustration: QUEBEC, 1763. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London.] - -The English had lost a third of their force; the French loss was -probably less. Murray got safely again within the walls, and could -muster about 2,400 men for their defence.[1181] There was sharp work, -and little time left further to strengthen the walls and gates. Officer -and man worked like cattle. A hundred and fifty cannon were soon -belching upon the increasing trenches of Lévis, who finally dragged -some artillery up the defile where Wolfe had mounted, and was thus -enabled to return the fire. - -Both sides were anxiously waiting expected reinforcements from the -mother country. On the 9th of May a frigate beat up the basin, and -to the red flag which was run up at Cape Diamond she responded with -similar colors. It was ominous to Lévis, for he felt she was the -advanced ship of a British squadron, as she proved to be. It was a week -before others arrived, when some of the heavier vessels passed up the -river and destroyed the French fleet. As soon as the naval result was -certain, Lévis deserted his trenches, left his guns and much else, with -his wounded, and hastily fled. This was in the night; in the morning -the French were beyond Murray’s reach. - -[Illustration: VIEW OF MONTREAL. - -A sample of the popular graphic aids of the day, which is taken from -_Father Abraham’s Almanac_, 1761 (Philadelphia). “Key: A, river St. -Lawrence; B, the governor’s house and parade; C, arsenal and yard -for canoes and battoes; D, Jesuits’ Church and Convent; E, the fort, -a cavalier, without a parapet; F, the Parish Church; G, the nunnery -hospital and gardens; H, Sisters of the Congregation, and gardens; I, -Recollects’ convents and gardens; K, the Seminary; L, the wharf.” - -Cf. view and plan published in _London Mag._, Oct., 1760. Parkman (ii. -371) refers, as among the king’s maps in the Brit. Mus., to an east -view of Montreal, drawn on the spot by Thomas Patten. Cf. Lossing’s -_Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. 179.] - -Their loss of cannon and munitions was a serious one, and the stores -from France which might have replaced them were already intercepted -by the English cruisers. Vaudreuil and Lévis made their dispositions -to defend Montreal, their last hope; yet it was not a place in itself -capable of successful defence, for its lines were too weak. It soon -became evident that it was to be attacked on three sides; and the -French had hopes that so dangerous a combination of armies, converging -without intercommunication, would enable them to crush the enemy in -detail. - -Amherst was directing the general advance on the English side. He kept -the largest force with him, and passed from Oswego, across Ontario, and -down the St. Lawrence. If Lévis sought to escape westward and hold out -at Detroit, Amherst intended to be sure to intercept him. He had about -11,000 men, including a body of Indians under Johnson. Near the head -of the rapids he stopped long enough to capture Fort Lévis, now under -Pouchot, and because they could not kill the prisoners, three fourths -of Johnson’s Indians mutinied and went home. Amherst now shot the -rapids with his flotilla, not without some loss, and on September 6th -he reached Lachine, nine miles above Montreal. - -[Illustration: MONTREAL. - -From _A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual -surveys_, 1763, published in London. There is a plan of Montreal, -and of Isle Montreal in a _Carte de la Province de Quebec ... par le -Capitaine Carver, etc., traduites de l’Anglois, à Paris_, 1777. The -isle of Montreal as surveyed by the French engineers is mapped in the -_London Mag._, Jan., 1761.] - -Meanwhile, the other commanders had already approached the city so near -as to open communication with each other. Murray had sailed up the -river with about 2,500 men, but was soon reinforced by Lord Rollo with -1,300 others from Louisbourg. The English had some skirmishes along -the banks, but Bourlamaque, who was opposing them, fell back with a -constantly diminishing force, as the Canadians, despite all threats and -blandishments, deserted him. Murray was ahead of the others, when he -stopped just before reaching Montreal, and encamped on an island in -the river. He was not without apprehension that he might have to bear -the brunt of an attack alone. - -Bougainville, meanwhile, was trying to resist Haviland’s advance at -the Isle-aux-Noix, for this English general now commanded on the -Champlain route. The two sides were not ill-matched as to numbers; -but the English advance was skilfully conducted, and the French -found themselves obliged to retreat down the river and unite with -Bourlamaque. It was now that Haviland, pushing on, opened communication -by his right with Murray, and both stood on the defensive, waiting to -hear of Amherst’s approach above the town. - -[Illustration: MONTREAL, 1758. - -Follows a plan in Miles’s _Hist. of Canada_, p. 297. It is mainly the -same as the large folding map by Thomas Jefferys, published Jan. 30, -1758, and making part of the _Hist. of the French Dominion in America_, -London, 1760, p. 12. This last is in the F. North Collection in Harvard -College Library, vol. iii. no. 22; and was again used by Jefferys in -his _General Topog. of No. America and the West Indies_, London, 1768, -no. 22. - -These other plans belonging to the 18th century may be noted:— - -MS. plans of 1717 and 1721 recorded in the _Catalogue of the Library of -Parliament_, Toronto, 1858, p. 1618, nos. 58 and 59. - -Map of 1729, made by Chaussegros de Léry, in the Paris Archives. - -_Carte de l’isle de Montreal et de ses environs, par N. Bellin_, 1744, -in Charlevoix, i. p. 227, and reproduced in Dr. Shea’s edition of -Charlevoix; as well as the plan of the town, in Charlevoix, ii. 170. - -A MS. plan of 1752, giving details not elsewhere found, is noted in the -_Library of Parliament Catal._, p. 1620, no. 81. - -A plan of 1756, and one of 1762 by Patten, engraved by Canot, are -marked in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. 54. - -A plan of Montreal and its neighborhood by Bellin, in his _Petit Atlas -Maritime_, 1764.] - -The delay was brief. Amherst, advancing from Lachine, encamped before -Montreal, above it, while Murray ferried his men from the island -and encamped below. What there was left of the force which opposed -Haviland withdrew across the river into the town, and Haviland’s tents -dotted the shore which the French had left. The combined French army -now numbered scarce 2,500; Amherst held them easily with a force of -17,000. - -[Illustration: ROUTES TO CANADA, 1755-1763. - -Follows map in Miles’s _Hist. of Canada_, p. 293. - -Other contemporary maps showing the country, brought within the -campaigns about Lakes Champlain and Ontario, are the following:— - -_A chorographical map of the country between Albany, Oswego, Fort -Frontenac, and Les Trois Rivières, exhibiting all the grants by the -French on Lake Champlain_, which was included by Jefferys in his -_General Topog. of North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. It -is, in fact, the northerly sheet of Jefferys’ _Provinces of New York -and New Jersey, with part of Pensilvania, drawn by Capt. Holland_. The -same _General Topography_, no. 32, etc., contains also in Blanchard -and Langdon’s _Map of New Hampshire_ (Oct. 21, 1761) a corner map, -showing “The River St. Lawrence above Montreal to Lake Ontario, with -the adjacent country on the west from Albany and Lake Champlain.”] - -Vaudreuil saw there was no time for delays, and at once submitted a -plan of capitulation. A few notes were exchanged to induce less onerous -conditions; but Amherst was not to be moved. On September 8th the -paper was signed, and all Canada passed to the English king; the whole -garrison to be sent as prisoners to France in British ships. - -[Illustration: ROBERT ROGERS. - -From the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa, Elfter Theil_, -Nürnberg, 1777. This follows a print published in London, Oct. 1, 1776, -described in Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, and in Parkman’s -_Pontiac_, i. p. 164.] - -This stipulation was adhered to, and during the autumn the principal -French officers were on their way to France. The season for good -weather on the ocean was passed, and the transportation was not -accomplished without some wrecks, accompanied by suffering and death. -Vaudreuil, Bigot, Cadet, and others found a dubious welcome in France -after they had weathered the November storms. The government was not -disposed that the loss of Canada should be laid wholly to its account, -and the ministry had heard stories enough of the peculations of its -agents in the colony to give a chance of shifting a large part of the -responsibility upon those whose bureaucratic thefts had sapped the -vitals of the colony. Trials ensued, the records of which yield much to -enable us to depict the rotten life of the time; and though Vaudreuil -escaped, the hand of the law fell crushingly on Bigot and Cadet, and -banishment, restitution, and confiscation showed them the shades of a -stern retribution. They were not alone to suffer, but they were the -chief ones. - -The war was over, and a new life began in Canada. The surrender of -the western posts was necessary to perfect the English occupancy, and -to receive these Major Rogers was despatched by Amherst on the 13th -of September. On the way, somewhere on the southern shore of Lake -Erie,[1182] he met (November 7) Pontiac, and, informing him of the -capitulation at Montreal, the politic chief was ready to smoke the -calumet with him. Rogers pushed on towards Detroit.[1183] There was -some apprehension that Belêtre, who commanded there, would rouse his -Indians to resist, but the French leader only blustered, and when -(November 29) the white flag came down and the red went up, his 700 -Indians hailed the change of masters with a yell; and it was with -open-eyed wonder that the savages saw so many succumb to so few, and -submit to be taken down the lake as prisoners. An officer was sent -along the route from Lake Erie to the Ohio to take possession of the -forts at Miami and Ouatanon; but it was not till the next season -that a detachment of the Royal Americans pushed still farther on to -Michillimachinac and the extreme posts.[1184] - -English power was now confirmed throughout all the region embraced in -the surrender of Vaudreuil. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE ninth volume of the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ richly illustrates the -French movements near the beginning of the century to secure Indian -alliances.[1185] - -A number of papers from the archives of the Marine, respecting the -founding of Detroit (1701), is given by Margry (_Découvertes_, etc.) in -his fifth volume (pp. 135-250), as well as records of the conferences -held by La Motte Cadillac with the neighboring Indians (p. 253, etc.). -These papers come down to 1706.[1186] - -The contracts made at Quebec in 1701 and later, respecting the right -to trade at the straits, are given in Mrs. Sheldon’s _Early Hist. of -Michigan_ (N. Y., 1856, pp. 93, 138). In Shea’s _Relation des affaires -du Canada, 1696-1702_ (N. Y., 1865), there is a “Relation du Destroit,” -and other papers touching these Western parts.[1187] - -Mrs. Sheldon’s _Early History of Michigan_ contains various documents -on the condition of the colony at Detroit and Michilimackinac.[1188] - -On the attack on Detroit in 1712, made by the Foxes, in which, as -confederates of the Iroquois, they acted in the English interest, we -find documents in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. pp. 857, 866; and the -Report of Du Buisson, the French commander, is in W. R. Smith’s _Hist. -of Wisconsin_, iii. 316.[1189] - -The report of Tonti, on affairs at Detroit in 1717, is given by Mrs. -Sheldon (p. 316). - -In Margry’s _Découvertes et Établissements des Français dans l’Amérique -Septentrionale_ (vol. v. p. 73) is a “Relation du Sieur de Lamothe -Cadillac, capitaine en pied, ci-devant commandant de Missilimakinak et -autres postes dans les pays élorgnés, où il a été pendant trois années” -(dated July 31, 1718). - -In the third volume of the _Wisconsin Historical Collections_ there are -other documents among the Cass papers.[1190] - - * * * * * - -There is in another chapter some account of preparations at Boston -for the fatal expedition of 1711, under Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker, -with its contingent of Marlborough’s veterans.[1191] An enumeration -of the forces employed was printed in the _Boston Newsletter_, no. -379 (July 16-23, 1711), and is reprinted in what is the authoritative -narrative, the _Journal or full account of the late expedition to -Canada_, which Walker printed in London in 1720,[1192] partly in -vindication of himself against charges of peculation and incompetency. -The failure of the expedition was charged by constant reports in -England to the dilatoriness of Massachusetts in preparing the outfit. -Walker does not wholly share this conviction, it is just to him to -say; but Jeremiah Dummer, then the agent of the province in London, -thought it worth while to defend the provincial government by printing -in London, 1712 (reprinted, Boston, 1746), a _Letter to a noble lord -concerning the late expedition to Canada_,[1193] in which he contended -that this expedition was wisely planned, and that its failure was -not the fault of New England. There is another tract of Dummer’s to -a similar purpose: _A letter to a friend in the country, on the late -expedition to Canada_, London, 1712.[1194] Palfrey[1195] says that he -found various letters and documents among the British Colonial Papers, -including a “Journal of the expedition, by Col. Richard King.”[1196] - -[Illustration: FRENCH SOLDIER, 1710. - -After a water-color sketch in the _Mass. Archives: Documents collected -in France_, vi. p. 1. The coat is red, faced with blue.] - -[Illustration: FRENCH SOLDIER, 1710. - -After a water-color sketch in the _Mass. Archives: Documents collected -in France_, viii. p. 1. The coat is blue, faced with red. Cf. sketches -in Gay’s Pop. _Hist. United States_, ii. 545.] - -We have the French side in Charlevoix (Shea’s),[1197] with annotations -and references by that editor. Walker, in his _Journal_, gives a rough -draft in English of a manifesto intended to be distributed in Canada. -Charlevoix gives the French into which it was translated for that -use.[1198] - -The recurrent interest taken, during Alexander Spotswood’s term of -office (1710-1722) as governor of Virginia, in schemes for occupying -the region beyond the mountains is traceable through his _Official -Letters_, published by the Virginia Historical Society in 1882-5.[1199] - -The journey of Spotswood over the mountains in 1716 is sometimes called -the “Tramontane Expedition;” it was accomplished between Aug. 20 and -Sept. 17.[1200] - -At the time when Spotswood was urging, in 1718, that steps should be -taken to seize upon the Ohio Valley,[1201] James Logan was furnishing -to Gov. Keith, to be used as material for a memorial to the Board of -Trade, a report on the French settlements in the valley (dated Dec., -1718).[1202] - -Previous to 1700 the Iroquois had scoured bare of their enemies a -portion, at least, of the Ohio country; but during the first half of -the last century, the old hunting grounds were reoccupied in part by -the Wyandots, while the Delawares centred upon the Muskingum River, and -the Shawanoes, or Shawnees, coming from the south, scattered along the -Scioto and Miami valleys,[1203] and allied themselves with the French. -The Ottawas were grouped about the Sandusky and Maumee rivers in the -north.[1204] - -Respecting the Indians of the Ohio Valley we have records of the -eighteenth century, in a _Mémoire_ on those between Lake Erie and the -Mississippi, made in 1718.[1205] - -Among the Cass MSS. is a paper on the life and customs of the -Indians of Canada[1206] in 1723, which has been translated by Col. -Whittlesey.[1207] - -A report (1736) supposed to be by Joncaire, dated at Missilimakinac, is -called, as translated, “Enumeration of the Indian tribes connected with -the government of Canada.”[1208] - -Conrad Weiser’s notes on the Iroquois and the Delawares (Dec., 1746) -have been also translated.[1209] - -An account of the Miami confederacy makes part of a book published -at Cincinnati in 1871, _Journal of Capt. William Trent from Logstown -to Pickawillany in 1752_, edited by Alfred T. Goodman, secretary of -the Western Reserve Hist. Soc. It includes papers from the English -archives, secured by John Lothrop Motley.[1210] In 1759 Capt. George -Croghan made “a list of the Indian nations, their places of abode and -chief hunting.”[1211] - -The subject of the dispersion and migrations of the Indians of the -Ohio Valley has engaged the attention of several of the Western -antiquaries.[1212] The most exhaustive collation of the older -statements regarding these tribal movements is in Manning F. Force’s -lecture before the Historical and Philosophical Soc. of Ohio, which was -printed at Cincinnati in 1879 as _Some Early Notices of the Indians -of Ohio_. “In the latter half of the seventeenth century, after the -destruction of the Eries in 1656 by the Five Nations,” he says, “the -great basin, bounded north by Lake Erie, the Miamis, and the Illinois, -west by the Mississippi, east by the Alleghanies, and south by the -headwaters of the streams that flow into the Gulf of Mexico, seems to -have been uninhabited except by bands of Shawnees, and scarcely visited -except by war parties of the Five Nations.” He then confines himself -to tracing the history of the Eries and Shawnees. He tells the story -of the destruction of the Eries, or “Nation du Chat,” in 1656; and -examines various theories about remnants of the tribe surviving under -other names. The Chaouanons of the French, or Shawanoes of the English -(Shawnees), did not appear in Ohio till after 1750. Parkman[1213] -says: “Their eccentric wanderings, their sudden appearances and -disappearances, perplex the antiquary and defy research.” Mr. Force -adds to the investigations of their history, but still leaves, as he -says, the problem unsolved. The earliest certain knowledge places them -in the second half of the seventeenth century on the upper waters of -the Cumberland, whence they migrated northwest and northeast, as he -points out in tracking different bands. - -The claim of the English to the Ohio Valley and the “Illinois -country,” as for a long series of years the region east of the upper -Mississippi and north of the Ohio was called,[1214] was based on a -supposed conquest of the tribes of that territory by the Iroquois -in 1672 or thereabouts. No treaty exists by which the Iroquois -transferred this conquered country to the English, but the transaction -was claimed to have some sort of a registry,[1215] as expressed, for -instance, in a legend on Evans’ map[1216] (1755), which reads: “The -Confederates [Five Nations], July 19, 1701, at Albany surrendered -their beaver-hunting country to the English, to be defended by them -for the said Confederates, their heirs and successors forever, and the -same was confirmed, Sept. 14, 1728 [1726], when the Senecas, Cayugaes, -and Onondagoes surrendered their habitations from Cayahoga to Oswego -and six miles inland to the same for the same use.” The same claim is -made on Mitchell’s map[1217] of the same year (1755), referring to the -treaty with the Iroquois at Albany, Sept., 1726, by which the region -west of Lake Erie and north of Erie and Ontario, as well as the belt of -land from Oswego westward, was confirmed to the English.[1218] - -Not much is known of the Indian occupation of the Ohio Valley before -1750,[1219] and any right by conquest which the Iroquois might have -obtained, though supported at the time of the struggle by Colden,[1220] -Pownall,[1221] and others,[1222] was first seriously questioned, when -Gen. W. H. Harrison delivered his address on the _Aborigines of the -Ohio Valley_.[1223] He does not allow that the Iroquois pushed their -conquests beyond the Scioto. - -The uncertainty of the English pretensions is shown by their efforts -for further confirmation, which was brought about as regards westerly -and northwesterly indefinite extensions of Virginia and Pennsylvania -by the treaty of Lancaster in 1744 (June 22-July 4).[1224] - -In 1748 Bollan in a petition to the Duke of Bedford on the French -encroachments, complains that recent English maps had prejudiced the -claims of Great Britain.[1225] Since Popple’s map in 1732, of which -there had been a later edition, maps defining the frontiers had -appeared in Keith’s _Virginia_ (1738), in Oldmixon’s _British Empire_ -(1741) by Moll, and in Bowen’s _Geography_ (1747). - -There is in the _Penna. Archives_ (2d series, vi. 93) a paper dated -Dec., 1750, on the English pretensions from the French point of view. -On the English side the claims of the French are examined in the -_State of the British and French Colonies in North America_, London, -1755.[1226] - -J. H. Perkins, in the _North American Review_, July, 1839, gave an -excellent sketch of the English effort at occupation in the Ohio Valley -from 1744 to 1774, which later appeared in his _Memoir and Writings_ -(Boston, 1852, vol. ii.) as “English discoveries in the Ohio Valley.” -His sketch is of course deficient in points, where the publication of -original material since made would have helped him. - - * * * * * - -The rivalry in the possession of Oswego and Niagara, beginning in 1725, -is traced in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ (ix. 949, 954, 958, 974), and in -a convenient form an abstract of the French despatches for 1725-27 -is found in _Ibid._, ix. 976, with a French view (p. 982) of the -respective rights of the rivals.[1227] - -There had been a stockade at Niagara under De Nonville’s rule, and the -fort bore his name; but it was soon abandoned.[1228] The place was -reoccupied in 1725-26, and the fort rebuilt of stone.[1229] - - * * * * * - -In 1731 the French first occupied permanently the valley of Lake -Champlain,[1230] but not till 1737 did they begin to control its water -with an armed sloop, and to build Fort St. Frederick.[1231] - -Beauharnois’ activity in seeking the Indian favor is shown in his -conference with the Onondagas in 1734 and in his communications with -the Western tribes in 1741.[1232] The condition of the French power at -this time is set forth in a _Mémoire sur le Canada_, ascribed to the -Intendant Gilles Hocquart (1736).[1233] - -In 1737 Conrad Weiser was sent to the Six Nations to get them to agree -to a truce with the Cherokees and Catawbas, and to arrange for a -conference between them and these tribes.[1234] - -The expedition to the northwest, which resulted in Vérendrye’s -discovery of the Rocky Mountains in Jan., 1743, is followed with more -or less detail in several papers by recent writers.[1235] - -The first settlement in Wisconsin took place in 1744-46 under Charles -de Langlade.[1236] - -The Five Years’ War (1744-48) so far as it affected the respective -positions of the combatants in the two great valleys was without -result. The declaration of war was in March, 1744, on both sides.[1237] - -In 1744 the Governor of Canada sent an embassy to the Six Nations, -assuring them that the French would soon beat the English.[1238] - -In 1744 Clinton proposed the erection of a fort near Crown Point, and -of another near Irondequot “to secure the fidelity of the Senecas, the -strongest and most wavering of all the six confederated tribes.”[1239] - -The scalping parties of the French are tracked in the _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, x. 32, etc., with the expedition against Fort Clinton in 1747 -(p. 78) and a retaliating incursion upon Montreal Island by the English -(p. 81). - -In 1745 both sides tried by conferences to secure the Six Nations. In -July, August, and September. Beauharnois met them.[1240] Delegates from -Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania convened under the New -York jurisdiction at Albany, in October, 1745, and did what they could -by treaty to disabuse the Indian mind of an apprehension which the -French are charged with having raised, that the English had proposed to -them to dispossess the Iroquois of their lands.[1241] - -Upon the abortive Crown Point expedition of 1746,[1242] as well as the -other military events of the war, we have _Memoirs of the Principal -Transactions of the last War between the English and French in North -America_, London, 1757 (102 pp.).[1243] It is attributed sometimes to -Shirley, who had a chief hand in instigating the preparations of the -expedition. This will be seen in the letters of Shirley and Warren, -in the _R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 183, etc.; and in _Penna. Archives_, i. -689, 711, as in an _Account of the French settlements in North America -... and the two last unsuccessful expeditions against Canada and the -present on foot_. _By a gentleman._ Boston, 1746.[1244] - -A letter of Col. John Stoddard, May 13, 1747, to Governor Shirley, -showing how the Six Nations had been enlisted in the proposed -expedition to Canada, and deprecating its abandonment, is in _Penna. -Archives_, i. 740; as well as a letter of Shirley, June 1, 1747 (p. -746). - -A letter of Governor Shirley (June 29, 1747) respecting a congress -of the colonies to be held in New York in September is in _Penna. -Archives_, i. 754; and a letter of Conrad Weiser, doubting any success -in enlisting the Six Nations in the English favor, is in _Ibid._, p. -161. - -Clinton (November 6, 1747) complains to the Duke of Bedford of De -Lancey’s efforts to thwart the government’s aims to secure the -assistance of the Six Nations for the invasion of Canada.[1245] - -[Illustration: BONNECAMP’S MAP, AFTER THE KOHL COPY.] - -In February, 1749-50, a long report was made to the Lords Commissioners -of the Treasury on the expenses incurred by the colonies during the war -for the attempts to invade Canada. It is printed in the _New Jersey -Archives_, 1st ser., vii. 383-400. The annual summaries on the French -side, 1745-48, are in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 38, 89, 137. - -A stubborn fight in 1748 with some marauding Indians near Schenectady -is chronicled in Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_, p. 298. - -In 1749 came Céloron’s expedition to forestall the English by burying -his plates at the mouths of the streams flowing into the Ohio. A -fac-simile of the inscription on one of these plates has been given -already (_ante_, p. 9).[1246] - -While Céloron was burying his plates, and La Galissonière was urging -the home government to settle 10,000 French peasants on the Ohio, -the kinsmen of Washington and others were forming in 1748 the Ohio -Company, which received a royal grant of half a million acres between -the Monongahela and the Kenawha rivers, on condition of settling -the territory;[1247] “which lands,” wrote Dinwiddie,[1248] “are his -Majesty’s undoubted right by the treaty of Lancaster and subsequent -treaties at Logstown[1249] on the Ohio.” Colonel Thomas Cresap was -employed to survey the road over the mountains,—the same later -followed by Braddock. - -Of the subsequent exploration by Christopher Gist, in behalf of the -Ohio Company, and of George Croghan and Montour for the governor of -Pennsylvania, note has been taken on an earlier page.[1250] A paper -on Croghan’s transactions with the Indians previous to the outbreak -of hostilities has been printed.[1251] Referring to the Ohio region -in 1749, Croghan wrote: “No people carry on the Indian trade in so -regular a manner as the French.”[1252] - -Reference has already been made (_ante_, pp. 3, 4) to the movement in -1749 of Father Piquet to influence the Iroquois through a missionary -station near the head of the rapids of the St. Lawrence, on the New -York side, at the site of the present Ogdensburg. The author of the -_Mémoires sur le Canada_, whence the plan of La Présentation (_ante_, -p. 3)[1253] is taken, gives an unfavorable account of Piquet.[1254] - -The new French governor, Jonquière, had arrived in Quebec in August, -1749. Kalm[1255] describes his reception, and it was not long before he -was having a conference with the Cayugas,[1256] followed the next year -(1751) by another meeting with the whole body of the Iroquois.[1257] -His predecessor, La Galissonière,[1258] was busying himself on a -memoir, dated December, 1750,[1259] in which he shows the great -importance of endeavoring to sustain the posts connecting Canada with -Louisiana, and the danger of English interference in case of a war. - -William Johnson, meanwhile, was counteracting the French negotiation -with the Indians as best he could;[1260] and both French and English -were filing their remonstrances about reciprocal encroachments on the -Ohio.[1261] Cadwallader Colden was telling Governor Clinton how to -secure (1751) the Indian trade and fidelity,[1262] the Privy Council -was reporting (April 2, 1751) on the condition of affairs in New York -province,[1263] and the French government was registering ministerial -minutes on the English encroachments on the Ohio.[1264] - -What instructions Duquesne had for his treatment of the Indians on the -Ohio and for driving out the English may be seen in the _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, x. 242. - -Edward Livingston, in 1754, writing of the French intrigues with the -Indians, says, “They persuade these people that the Virgin Mary was -born in Paris, and that our Saviour was crucified at London by the -English.”[1265] - -The English trading-post of Picktown, or Pickawillany, at the junction -of the Great Miami River and Loramie’s Creek, was destroyed by the -French in 1752.[1266] This English post and the condition of the -country are described in the “Journal of Christopher Gist’s journey -... down the Ohio, 1750, ... thence to the Roanoke, 1751, undertaken -on account of the Ohio Company,” which was published in Pownall’s -_Topographical Description of North America_, app. (London, 1776). Gist -explored the Great Miami River.[1267] - -Parkman[1268] tells graphically the story of the incidents, in which -Washington was a central figure, down to the retreat from Fort -Necessity.[1269] The journal of Gist, who accompanied Washington to Le -Bœuf,[1270] is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxv. 101.[1271] - -The _Dinwiddie Papers_ (vol. i. pp. 40-250) throw full light on the -political purposes and other views during this interval. Parkman had -copies of them, and partial use had been made of them by Chalmers. -Sparks copied some of them in 1829, when they were in the possession of -J. Hamilton, Cumberland Place, London, and these extracts appear among -the Sparks MSS. in Harvard College library as “Operations in Virginia, -1754-57,” accompanied by other copies from the office of the Board of -Trade, “Operations on the Frontier of Virginia, 1754-55.”[1272] - -The Dinwiddie papers later passed into the hands of Henry Stevens, and -are described at length in his _Hist. Collections_, i. no. 1,055; and -when they were sold, in 1881, they were bought by Mr. W. W. Corcoran, -of Washington, and were given by him to the Virginia Historical -Society, under whose auspices they were printed in 1883-4, in two -volumes, edited, with an introduction and notes, by R. A. Brock.[1273] - -Very soon after Washington’s return to Williamsburgh from Le Bœuf, -his journal of that mission was put to press under the following -title: _The Journal of Major George Washington, sent by the Hon. -Robert Dinwiddie, Esq., his Majesty’s Lieutenant-Governor and -Commander-in-Chief of Virginia, to the Commandant of the French forces -in Ohio; to which are added the Governor’s letter and a translation -of the French Officer’s answer_, Williamsburgh, 1754. This original -edition is so rare that I have noted but two copies.[1274] It has been -used by all the historians,—Sparks, Irving, Parkman, and the rest. - -Sparks[1275] says he found the original sworn statement of Ensign -Ward, who surrendered to Contrecœur, in the Plantation Office in -London, which had been sent to the government by Dinwiddie. The French -officer’s summons is in De Hass’s _West. Virginia_, p. 60, etc. - -There is another journal of Washington, of use in this study of what -a contemporary synopsis of events, 1752-54, calls the “weak and small -efforts” of the English.[1276] It no longer exists as Washington wrote -it. It fell into the hands of the French at Braddock’s defeat the next -year (1755), and, translated into French, it was included in a _Mémoire -contenant le précis des faits, avec leurs pièces justificatives -pour servir de réponse aux Observations envoyées par les ministres -d’Angleterre dans les cours de l’Europe_.[1277] There were quarto and -duodecimo editions of this book published at Paris in 1756;[1278] -and the next year (1757) appeared a re-impression of the duodecimo -edition[1279] and an English translation, which was called _The Conduct -of the late ministry, or memorial containing a summary of facts, with -their vouchers, in answer to the observations sent by the English -ministry to the Courts of Europe_, London, 1757.[1280] Sparks says that -the edition appearing with two different New York imprints (Gaine; -Parker & Weyman), as _Memorial, containing a summary of the facts, with -their authorities, in answer to the observations sent by the English -ministry to the Courts of Europe_, was translated from a copy of the -original French brought by a prize ship into New York. He calls the -version “worthy of little credit, being equally uncouth in its style -and faulty in its attempts to convey the sense of the original.”[1281] -Two years later (1759) the English version again appeared in London, -under the title of _The Mystery revealed, or Truth brought to Light, -being a discovery of some facts, in relation to the conduct of the late -ministry.... By a patriot_.[1282] - -This missing journal of Washington, and other of these papers, are -given in their re-Englished form in the second Dublin edition (1757) -of a tract ascribed to William Livingston: _Review of the military -operations in North America from the commencement of the French -hostilities on the frontiers of Virginia in 1753 to the surrender of -Oswego, 1756 ... to which are added Col. Washington’s journal of his -expedition to the Ohio in 1754, and several letters and other papers -of consequence found in the cabinet of General Braddock after his -defeat_.[1283] - -There is also in this same volume, _Précis des Faits_, a “Journal de -compagne de M. de Villiers (en 1754),” which Parkman[1284] says is -not complete, and that historian used a perfected copy taken from -the original MS. in the Archives of the Marine.[1285] The summons -which Jumonville was to use, together with his instructions, are -in this same _Précis des Faits_. The French view of the skirmish, -of the responsibility for it, and of the sequel, was industriously -circulated.[1286] On the English side, the _London Magazine_ (1754) has -the current reports, and the contemporary chronicles of the war, like -Dobson’s _Chronological Annals of the War_ (1763) and Mante’s _Hist. -of the Late War_ (1772), give the common impressions then prevailing. -Sparks, in his _Washington_ (i. p. 46; ii. pp. 25-48, 447), was the -first to work up the authorities. Irving, _Life of Washington_, follows -the most available sources.[1287] - -The Indian side of the story was given at a council held at -Philadelphia in December, 1754.[1288] The transaction, in its -international bearings, is considered as Case xxiv. by J. F. Maurice, -in his _Hostilities without Declaration of War_, 1700-1870, London, -1883. - - * * * * * - -For the battle of Great Meadows and surrender at Fort Necessity,[1289] -the same authorities suffice us in part, particularly Sparks;[1290] -and Parkman points out the dependence he puts upon a letter of -Colonel Innes in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_, vi. 50, and -a letter of Adam Stephen in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ (no. 1,339), -1754, part of which he prints in his Appendix C.[1291] The provincial -interpreter,[1292] Conrad Weiser, kept a journal, which is printed in -the _Col. Rec. of Penna._, vi. 150; and Parkman found in the Public -Record Office in London a _Journal_ of Thomas Forbes, lately a private -soldier in the French service, who was with Villiers.[1293] That the -French acted like cowards and the English like fools is given as the -Half-King’s opinion, by Charles Thomson, then an usher in a Quaker -grammar-school in Philadelphia, and later the secretary of Congress, -in his _Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and -Shawanese Indians_, London, 1759,—a volume of greater rarity than of -value, in Sargent’s opinion.[1294] - -_A map of the most inhabited part of Virginia, drawn by Joshua Fry and -Peter Jefferson in 1751_, as published later by Jefferys, and included -by him in his _General Topography of North America and the West -Indies_, 1768 (no. 53), shows the route of Washington in this campaign -of 1754. - -In Pittsburgh, 1854, was published _Memoirs of Major Robert Stobo of -the Virginia Regiment_,[1295] with an introduction by Neville B. Craig, -following a copy of a MS., procured by James McHenry from the British -Museum. The publication also included, from the Pennsylvania Archives, -copies of letters (July 28, 1754), with a plan of Duquesne which Stobo -sent to Washington while himself confined in that fort as a hostage, -after the capitulation at Fort Necessity, as well as a copy of the -articles of surrender.[1296] These letters of Stobo were published by -the French government in their _Précis des Faits_, where his plan of -the fort is called “exact.” - - * * * * * - -The most extensive account of the battle of Monongahela and of the -events which led to it is contained in a volume published in 1855, -by the Pennsylvania Historical Society, as no. 5 of their _Memoirs_, -though some copies appeared independently. It is ordinarily quoted as -Winthrop Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_.[1297] The introductory -memoir goes over the ground of the rival territorial claims of France -and England, and the whole narrative, including that of the battle -itself (p. 112, etc.), is given with care and judgment. Then follow -some papers procured in England for the Penna. Historical Society by -Mr. J. R. Ingersoll. The first of these is a journal of Robert Orme, -one of Braddock’s aids, which is no. 212 of the King’s MSS., in the -British Museum.[1298] It begins at Hampton on Braddock’s arrival, and -ends with his death, July 13. It was not unknown before, for Bancroft -quotes it. Parkman later uses it, and calls it “copious and excellent.” -It is accompanied by plans, mentioned elsewhere. There is also a letter -of Orme, which Parkman quotes from the Public Record Office, London, -in a volume marked _America and West Indies_, lxxiv.[1299] - -It will be remembered that Admiral Keppel,[1300] who commanded the -fleet which brought Braddock over, had furnished four cannon and a -party of sailors to drag them. An officer of this party seems to have -been left at Fort Cumberland during the advance, and to have kept a -journal, which begins April 10, 1755, when he was first under marching -orders. What he says of the fight is given as “related by some of the -principal officers that day in the field.” The diary ends August 18, -when the writer reëmbarked at Hampton. It is this journal which is -the second of the papers given by Sargent. The third is Braddock’s -instructions.[1301] - -The Duke of Cumberland, as commander-in-chief, directed through Colonel -Napier a letter (November 25, 1754) to Braddock, of which we have -fragments in the _Gent. Mag._, xxvi. 269, but the whole of it is to be -found only in the French version, as published by the French government -in the _Précis des Faits_. Sargent also gives a translation of this, -collated with the fragments referred to. - -[Illustration: FORT CUMBERLAND AND VICINITY. - -Reduced—but not in fac-simile—from a sketch among the Sparks maps -in the library of Cornell University, kindly submitted to the editor -by the librarian. The original is on a sheet 14 × 12 inches, and is -endorsed on the back in Washington’s handwriting, apparently at a later -date, “Sketch of the situation of Fort Cumberland.”] - -Parkman had already told the story of the Braddock campaign in his -_Conspiracy of Pontiac_,[1302] but, with the aid of some material -not accessible to Sargent, he retold it with greater fulness in his -_Montcalm and Wolfe_ (vol. i. ch. 7), and his story must now stand -as the ripest result of investigations in which Bancroft[1303] -and Sparks[1304] had been, as well as Sargent, his most fortunate -predecessors, for Irving[1305] has done scarcely more than to avail -himself gracefully of previous labors. The story as it first reached -England[1306] will be found in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, and, after it -began to take historic proportions, is given in Mante’s _Hist. of the -Late War in North America_, London, 1772, and in Entick’s _General -History of the Late War_, London, 1772-79.[1307] Braddock himself -was not a man of mark to be drawn by his contemporaries, yet we get -glimpses of his rather unenviable town reputation through the gossipy -pen of Horace Walpole[1308] and the confessions of the actress, George -Anne Bellamy,[1309] which Parkman and Sargent have used to heighten -the color of his portraiture. He did not, moreover, escape in his -London notoriety the theatrical satire of Fielding.[1310] His rise in -military rank can be traced in Daniel MacKinnon’s _Origin and Hist. of -the Coldstream Guards_, London, 1833. His correspondence in America is -preserved in the Public Record Office; and some of it is printed in the -_Colonial Records of Penna._, vi., and in _Olden Time_, vol. ii.[1311] -His plan of the campaign is illustrated in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 942, -954.[1312] Of the council which he held at Alexandria with Shirley -and others, the minutes are given in the _Doc. Hist. New York_, ii. -648.[1313] - -From Braddock’s officers we have letters and memoranda of use in the -history of the movement. The Braddock orderly books in the library -of Congress (Feb. 26-June 17, 1755) are printed in the App. of -Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 495. The originals are a part of the -Peter Force Collection, and bear memoranda in Washington’s handwriting. -His quartermaster-general, Sir John St. Clair, had arrived as early -as January 10, 1755, to make preliminary arrangements for the march, -and to inspect Fort Cumberland,[1314] which the provincials had been -building as the base of operations.[1315] - -From Braddock’s secretary, Shirley the younger, we have a letter dated -May 23, 1755, which, with others, is in the _Col. Rec. of Penna._, -vi. 404, etc. Of Washington, there is a letter used by Parkman in the -Public Record Office.[1316] Of Gage, there is a letter to Albemarle in -Keppel’s _Life of Keppel_, i. 213, and in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -xxxiv., p. 367, is a statement which Gage prepared for the use of -Chalmers. A letter of William Johnston, commissary, dated Philadelphia, -Sept. 23, 1755, is in the _Eng. Hist. Review_ (Jan., 1886), vol. i. -p. 150. A letter of Leslie (July 30, 1755), a lieutenant in the 44th -regiment, is printed in _Hazard’s Penna. Reg._, v. 191; and _Ibid._, -vi. 104, is Dr. Walker’s account of Braddock’s advance in the field. -Livingston, in his _Rev. of Military Operations_, 1753-56, gives a -contemporary estimate.[1317] Other letters and traditions are noted in -_Ibid._, iv. pp. 389, 390, 416.[1318] The depositions of some of the -wagoners, who led in the flight from the field, are given in _Col. Rec. -of Penna._, vi. 482.[1319] - -The progress of events during the preparation for the march and the -final retreat can be gleaned from the _Dinwiddie Papers_. Sargent -found of use the _Shippen MSS._, in the cabinet of the _Penna. Hist. -Society_. A somewhat famous sermon, preached by Samuel Davies, Aug. 17, -1755, before an independent troop in Hanover County, Va., prophesying -the future career of “that heroic youth Col. Washington,”[1320] shows -what an impression the stories of Washington’s intrepidity on the -field were making upon observers. The list of the officers present, -killed, and wounded, upon which Parkman depends, is in the Public -Record Office.[1321] - -The news of the defeat, with such particulars as were first transmitted -north, will be found in the _New Hampshire Provincial Papers_, vi. -413, and in Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, 409, etc. The shock -was unexpected. Seth Pomeroy, at Albany, July 15, 1755, had written -that the latest news from Braddock had come in twenty-five days, by -an Indian a few days before, and it was such that, in the judgment -of Shirley and Johnson, Braddock was at that time in the possession -of Duquesne. (_Israel Williams MSS._, i. p. 154.) Governor Belcher -announced Braddock’s defeat July 19, 1755. _New Jersey Archives_, -viii., Part 2d, 117. In a letter to his assembly, Aug. 1 (_Ibid._, p. -119), he says: “The accounts of this matter have been very various, but -the most authentic is a letter from Mr. Orme wrote to Gov. Morris, of -Pennsylvania.” - -Governor Sharp’s letters to Lord Baltimore and Charles Calvert are in -Scharf’s _Maryland_ (i. pp. 465, 466). - -The Rev. Charles Chauncy, of Boston, embodied the reports as they -reached him (and he might have had excellent opportunity of learning -from the executive office of Governor Shirley) in a pamphlet printed at -Boston shortly after (1755), _Letter to a friend, giving a concise but -just account, according to the advices hitherto received, of the Ohio -defeat_.[1322] - -Two other printed brochures are of less value. One is _The life, -adventures, and surprising deliverances of Duncan Cameron, private -soldier in the regiment of foot, late Sir Peter Halket’s_. _3d ed., -Phila._, 1756 (16 pp.).[1323] The other is what Sargent calls “a -mere catch-penny production, made up perhaps of the reports of some -ignorant camp follower.” The _Monthly Review_ at the time exposed its -untrustworthiness. It is called _The expedition of Maj.-Gen’l Braddock -to Virginia, ... being extracts of letters from an officer, ... -describing the march and engagement in the woods_. London, 1755.[1324] - -Walpole[1325] chronicles the current English view of the time. - -There was a young Pennsylvanian, who was a captive in the fort, and -became a witness of the preparation for Beaujeu’s going out and of -the jubilation over the return of the victors. What he saw and heard -is told in _An Account of the Remarkable Occurrences in the life and -travels of Col. James Smith during his captivity with the Indians_, -1755-59.[1326] - -Let us turn now to the French accounts. The reports which Sparks used, -and which are among his MSS. in Harvard College library, were first -printed by Sargent in his fourth appendix.[1327] These and other -French documents relating to the campaign have been edited by Dr. Shea -in a collection[1328] called _Relations diverses sur la bataille du -Malangueulé [Monangahela] gagné le 9 juillet 1755, par les François -sous M. de Beaujeu, sur les Anglois sous M. Braddock. Recueillies par -Jean Marie Shea. Nouvelle York_, 1860 (xv. 51 pp.).[1329] - -Pouchot[1330] makes it clear that the French had no expectation of -doing more than check the advance of Braddock. - - * * * * * - -The peculiar difficulties which beset the politics of Pennsylvania -and Virginia at this time are concisely set forth by Sargent in the -introduction of his _Braddock’s Expedition_ (p. 61), and by Parkman -in his _Montcalm and Wolfe_ (vol. i. p. 329). Dulany’s letter gives a -contemporary view of these dissensions.[1331] - -The apathy of New Jersey drew forth rebuke from the Lords of -Trade.[1332] Scharf[1333] describes the futile attempts of the governor -of Maryland to induce his assembly to furnish supplies to the army. - -The belief was not altogether unpopular in Pennsylvania, as well as in -Virginia, that the story of French encroachments was simply circulated -to make the government support the Ohio Company in their settlement -of the country, and Washington complains that his report of the 1753 -expedition failed to eradicate this notion in some quarters.[1334] In -Pennsylvania there were among the Quaker population unreconcilable -views of Indian management and French trespassing, and similar beliefs -obtained among the German and Scotch-Irish settlers on the frontiers -of the province, while the English churchmen and the Catholic Irish -added not a little to the incongruousness of sentiment. The rum of -the traders among the Indians further complicated matters.[1335] -This contrariety of views, as well as a dispute with the proprietary -governor over questions of taxation, paralyzed the power of -Pennsylvania to protect its own frontiers, when, following upon the -defeat of Braddock, the French commander thrust upon the settlements -all along the exposed western limits party after party of French and -Indian depredators.[1336] Dumas, now in command, issued orders enough -to restrain the barbarities of his packs, but the injunctions availed -nothing.[1337] Washington, who was put in command of a regiment of -borderers at Winchester, found it impossible to exercise much control -in directing them to the defence of the frontiers thereabouts.[1338] -Fears of slave insurrection and a hesitating house of burgesses -were quite as paralyzing in Virginia as other conditions were in -Pennsylvania, and the _Dinwiddie Papers_ explain the gloom of the hour. - -For the Pennsylvania confusion, the views of the anti-proprietary -party found expression in the _Historical Review of the Constitution -and Government of Pennsylvania_, a “hotly partisan and sometimes -sophistical and unfair”[1339] statement, inspired and partly written by -Franklin, the leader in the assembly against the Penns.[1340] While the -quarrel went on, and the assembly was neglecting the petitions of the -borderers for the organization of a militia to protect them, the two -parties indulged in crimination and recrimination, and launched various -party pamphlets at each other.[1341] The _Col. Records of Penna._ -(vol. vi.) chronicle the progress of this conflict. We get the current -comment in Franklin’s letters,[1342] in the histories of Pennsylvania, -and in such monographs as Edmund de Schweinitz’s _Life and Times of -David Zeisberger_ (Philad., 1870),—for the massacre at Gnadenhütten -brought the Moravians within the vortex, while the histories[1343] of -the missions of that sect reiterate the stories of rapine and murder. - -Patience ceased to be a virtue, and a “Representation”[1344] to the -House was finally couched in the language of a demand for protection. -The assembly mocked and shirked; but the end came. A compromise was -reached by the proprietaries furnishing as a free gift the money which -they denied as a tax on their estates, and Franklin undertook to manage -the defence of the frontiers, with such force and munitions as were now -under command.[1345] - -Any history of the acquisition of lands by the English, particularly by -Pennsylvania, shows why the Indians of the Ohio were induced at this -time to side with the French.[1346] - -Pownall, in his treatise[1347] on the colonies, classified the Indian -tribes by their allegiance respectively to the English and French -interests.[1348] It is claimed that the Iroquois were first allured -by the Dutch, through the latter’s policy of strict compensation for -lands, and that the retention of the Iroquois to the English interests -arose from the inheritance of that policy by their successors at Albany -and New York.[1349] - - * * * * * - -Braddock’s instructions to Shirley for the conduct of the Niagara -expedition are printed in A. H. Hoyt’s _Pepperrell Papers_ (1874), p. -20. This abortive campaign does not occupy much space in the general -histories, and Parkman offers the best account. The _Massachusetts -Archives_ and the legislative _Journal_ of that province, as well as -Shirley’s letters, give the best traces of the governor’s efforts to -organize the campaign.[1350] Some descriptive letters of the general’s -son, John Shirley, will be found in the _Penna. Archives_, vol. -ii.[1351] The best contemporary narratives in print are found in _The -Conduct of Shirley briefly stated_, and in Livingston’s _Review of -Military Operations_.[1352] - - * * * * * - -The main dependence in the giving of the story of the Lake George -campaign of 1755 is, on the English side, upon the papers of Johnson -himself, and they are the basis of the _Life and Times of Sir William -Johnson_,[1353] which, being begun by William L. Stone, was completed -by a son of the same name, and published in Albany in 1865, in two -volumes.[1354] The preface states that Sir William’s papers, as -consulted by the elder Stone, consist of more than 7,000 letters and -documents, which were collected from various sources, but are in good -part made up of documents procured from the Johnson family in England, -and of the Johnson MSS. presented to the N. Y. State library by Gen. -John T. Cooper.[1355] An account of Johnson’s preparatory conferences -with the Indians (June to Aug., 1755) is printed in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, -vi. 964, etc., and in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 267-99.[1356] On -the 22d of August Johnson held a council of war at the great carrying -place,[1357] whence on the 24th he wrote a letter,[1358] while Col. -Blanchard, of the New Hampshire regiment, a few days later (Aug. 28-30) -chronicled the progress of events.[1359] - -The account of the fight (Sept. 8), which Johnson addressed to the -governors of the assisting colonies, was printed in the _Lond. Mag._, -1755, p. 544.[1360] - -The sixth volume of the _New York Col. Docs._ (London documents, -1734-1755) contains the great mass of papers preserved in the archives -of the State;[1361] but reference may also be made to vols. ii. 402, -and x. 355. The _Mass. Archives_ supplement them, and show many letters -of Shirley and Johnson about the campaign.[1362] In the _Provincial -Papers of New Hampshire_, vol. vi., there are various papers indicating -the progress of the campaign, particularly (p. 439) a descriptive -letter by Secretary Atkinson, dated Portsmouth, December 9, 1755, and -addressed to the colony’s agent in London. It embodies the current -reports, and is copied from a draft in the Belknap papers.[1363] - -The jealousy between Massachusetts and New York is explained in part by -Hutchinson.[1364] The Massachusetts assembly complained that Johnson’s -chief communication was with New York, and, as was most convenient, -he sent his chief prisoners to the seaport of that province, while -they should have been sent, as the assembly said, to Boston, since -Massachusetts bore the chief burden of the expedition.[1365] It was -also complained that the £5,000 given by Parliament to Johnson was -simply deducted from the appropriation for the colonies.[1366] - -The jealousy of the two provinces was largely intensified in -their chief men. Shirley did not hide his official eminence, and -had a feeling that by naming Johnson to the command of the Crown -Point expedition he had been the making of him. Johnson was not -very grateful, and gained over the sympathy of De Lancey, the -lieutenant-governor of New York.[1367] - -[Illustration: DIESKAU’S CAMPAIGN. - -Fac-simile of the map in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, xxv. 525 (Nov., -1755), which is thus explained: “The French imagined the English army -would have crossed the carrying place from Fort Nicholson at G [B -in southeast corner?] to Fort Anne at F, and accordingly had staked -Wood Creek at C to prevent their navigation; but Gen. Johnson, being -informed of it, continued his route on Hudson’s River to H. The French -marched from C to attack his advanced detachments near the lake. -The dotted lines show their march. A, Lake George, or Sacrament. B, -Hudson’s River. C, Wood Creek. D, Otter Creek. E, Lake Champlain. F, -Fort Anne. G, Fort Nicholson. H, the place where Gen. Johnson beat the -French. H C, the route of the French.” - -A copy of the map used by Dieskau on his advance, and found among his -baggage, as well as plans of the fort at Crown Point, are among the -Peter Force maps in the Library of Congress. A MS. “Draught of Lake -George and part of Hudson’s river taken Sept. 1756 by Joshua Loring” -is also among the Faden maps (no. 19); as is also Samuel Langdon’s MS. -_Map of New Hampshire and the Adjacent Country_ (MS.), with a corner -map of the St. Lawrence above Montreal, including observations of -Lieut. John Stark.] - -Parkman received copies of the journal of Seth Pomeroy from a -descendant, and Bancroft had also made use of it. A letter of Pomeroy, -written to headquarters in Boston, is preserved in the _Massachusetts -Archives_, “Letters,” iv. 109. He supposed himself at that time the -only field-officer of his regiment left alive. The papers of Col. -Israel Williams are in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library,[1368] and give -considerable help. The campaign letters of Surgeon Thomas Williams, -of Deerfield, addressed chiefly to his wife (1755 and 1756), are in -the possession of William L. Stone, and are printed in the _Historical -Magazine_, xvii. 209, etc. (Apr., 1870).[1369] The French found in the -pocket of a captured English officer a diary of the campaign, of which -Parkman discovered a French version in the Archives of the Marine. - -The Rev. Samuel Chandler, who joined the camp at Lake George in October -as chaplain of a Massachusetts regiment, kept a diary, in which he -records some details of the previous fights, as he picked them up -in camp, giving a little diagram of the ambush into which Williams -was led.[1370] In it are enumerated (p. 354) the various reasons, -as he understood them, on account of which the further pursuit of -the campaign was abandoned. Johnson’s chief of ordnance, William -Eyre, advised him that his cannon were not sufficient to attack -Ticonderoga.[1371] Parkman speaks of the text accompanying Blodget’s -print[1372] and the _Second Letter to a Friend_ as “excellent for -information as to the condition of the ground and the position of the -combatants.” Some months later, and making use of Blodget, Timothy -Clement also published in Boston another print, which likewise shows -the positions of the regiments after the battle and during the building -of Fort William Henry.[1373] - -There are three contemporary printed comments on the campaign. -The first is a sequel to the letter written by Charles Chauncy on -Braddock’s defeat, which was printed at Boston, signed T. W., dated -Sept. 29, 1755, and called _A second Letter to a Friend; giving a more -particular narrative of the defeat of the French army at Lake George by -the New England troops, than has yet been published, ... to which is -added an account of what the New England governments have done to carry -into effect the design against Crown Point, as will show the necessity -of their being helped by Great Britain, in point of money_.[1374] This -and the previous letter were also published together under the title -_Two letters to a friend on the present critical conjuncture of affairs -in North America; with an account of the action at Lake George_, -Boston, 1755.[1375] - -[Illustration: - -NOTE. - -The sketch on the other side of this leaf follows an engraving, unique -so far as the editor knows, which is preserved in the library of -the American Antiquarian Society. It is too defective to give good -photographic results. The print was “engraved and printed by Thomas -Johnston, Boston, New England, April, 1756.” - -The key at the top reads thus: “(1.) The place where the brave Coll. -Williams was ambush^{’d} & killed, his men fighting in a retreat to the -main body of our army. Also where Cap^t. McGennes of York, and Cap^t. -Fulsom of New Hampshire bravely attack’d y^e enemy, killing many. The -rest fled, leaving their packs and prisoners, and also (2.) shews the -place where the valiant Col. Titcomb was killed, it being the westerly -corner of the land defended in y^e general engagement, which is -circumscribed with a double line, westerly and southerly; (3.) with the -s^d double line, in y^e form of our army’s entrenchments, which shows -the Gen. and each Col. apartment. (4.) A Hill from which the enemy did -us much harm and during the engagement the enemy had great advantage, -they laying behind trees we had fell within gun-shot of our front. (W.) -The place where the waggoners were killed.” - -On the lower map is: “The prick^{’d} line from South bay shews where -Gen. Dieskau landed & y^e way he march^{’d} to attack our forces.” - -The two forts are described: “Fort Edward was built, 1755, of timber -and earth, 16 feet high and 22 feet thick & has six cannon on its -rampart.” - -“This fort [William Henry] is built of timber and earth, 22 feet -high and 25 feet thick and part of it 32. Mounts 14 cannon, 33 & 18 -pounders.” - -The dedication in the upper left-hand corner reads: “To his Excellency -William Shirley, esq., Captain general and Gov^r-in-chief in and -over his Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, -Major General and Commander-in-chief of all his Majesty’s land forces -in North America; and to the legislators of the several provinces -concerned in the expeditions to Crown Point,—this plan of Hudson River -from Albany to Fort Edward (and the road from thence to Lake George -as surveyed), Lake George, the Narrows, Crown Point, part of Lake -Champlain, with its South bay and Wood Creek, according to the best -accounts from the French general’s plan and other observations (by -scale No. 1) & an exact plan of Fort Edward & William Henry (by scale -No. 2) and the west end of Lake George and of the land defended on the -8^{th} of Sept. last, and of the Army’s Intrenchments afterward (by -scale 3) and sundry particulars respecting y^e late Engagement with the -distance and bearing of Crown Point and Wood Creek from No. 4, by your -most devoted, humble servant, TIM^O. CLEMENT, _Surv^r._ Have^l. Feb. -10, 1756.”] - -The second is William Livingston’s _Review of the military operations -in North America from ... 1753 to ... 1756, interspersed with various -observations, characters, and anecdotes, necessary to give light into -the conduct of American transactions in general, and more especially -into the political management of affairs in New York. In a letter to a -nobleman_, London, 1757.[1376] - -The third is, like the tract last named, a defence of the commanding -general of all the British forces in America, and is said to have been -written by Shirley himself, and is called _The Conduct of Major-General -Shirley, late General and Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty’s forces in -North America, briefly stated_, London, 1758.[1377] - -Dwight, in his _Travels in New England and New York_ (vol. iii. 361), -and Hoyt, in his _Antiquarian Researches on the Indian Wars_ (p. 279), -wrote when some of the combatants were still living. Dwight was the -earliest to do General Lyman justice. Stone claims that the official -accounts discredit the story told by Dwight, that Dieskau was finally -shot, after his army’s flight, by a soldier, who thought the wounded -general was feeling for a pistol, when he was searching for his -watch.[1378] - -Daniel Dulany, in a MS. Newsletter after the fashion of the day, gives -the current accounts of the fight.[1379] - -The story of the fight had been early told (1851) by Parkman in his -_Pontiac_, revised in his second edition;[1380] and was again recast -by him in the _Atlantic Monthly_ (Oct., 1884), before the narrative -finally appeared in ch. ix. of the first volume of his _Montcalm and -Wolfe_.[1381] - -[Illustration: FORT GEORGE AND TICONDEROGA. - -After an inaccurate plan in the contemporary _Mémoires sur le -Canada_, 1749-1760, as published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec -(réimpression), 1873, p. 98. The French accounts often call Fort -William Henry Fort George. Cf. the map in Moore’s _Diary of the Amer. -Revolution_, i. p. 79. - -The _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), i. 424, shows a drawn map -of the fort at the head of Lake George, under date of 1759, and (p. -425) another of the lake itself.] - -On the French side, the official report of Dieskau[1382] was used by -Parkman in a copy belonging to Sparks, obtained from the French war -archives, and this with other letters of Dieskau—one to D’Argenson, -Sept. 14; another to Vaudreuil, Sept. 15—can be found in the _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, vol. x. pp. 316, 318 (Paris Documents, 1745-78),[1383] as -can the reports of Dieskau’s adjutant, Montreuil (p. 335), particularly -those of Aug. 31 and Oct. 1, which, with other papers, are also -preserved in the _Mass. Archives, documents collected in France_ -(MSS.), ix. 241, 265.[1384] The report made by Vaudreuil,[1385] as -well as his strictures on Dieskau, is preserved in the Archives de la -Marine, as is a long account by Bigot (Oct. 4, 1755),—both of which -are used by Parkman. Cf. also the French narratives in the _Penna. -Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 320, 324, 330. There is also in this same -collection (p. 316) a Journal of occurrences, July 23 to Sept. 30, -1755, which is also in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. p. 337, where are -other contemporary accounts, like the letter of Doreil to D’Argenson -(p. 360) and those of Lotbinière (pp. 365, 369). The _Mémoires_ of -Pouchot is the main early printed French source; though there was a -contemporary _Gazette_, printed in Paris, which will be found in the -_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. p. 383. - -A paper in the Archives de la Guerre is thought by Parkman to have -been inspired by Dieskau himself, and, in spite of its fanciful form, -to be a sober statement of the events of the campaign. It is called -_Dialogue entre le Maréchal de Saxe et le Baron de Dieskau aux Champs -Elysées_.[1386] Some of the events subsequently related by Dieskau to -Diderot are noticed in the latter’s _Mémoires_ (1830 ed.), i. 402. - -Henry Stevens, of London, offered for sale in 1872, in his _Bibliotheca -Geographica_, no. 553, a manuscript record of events between 1755 -and 1760, which came from the family of the Chevalier de Lévis. It -purports to be the annual record of the French commanders in the -field, beginning with Dieskau, for six successive campaigns. Stevens, -comparing this record of Dieskau with such of the papers as are printed -in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, where they were copied from the documents as -they reached the government in France, says that the latter are shown -by the collection to have been “cooked up for the home eye in France,” -and that “we lose all sympathy for the unfortunate Dieskau.” Stevens -refers particularly to two long letters of Dieskau, Sept. 1 and 4, sent -to Vaudreuil.[1387] - - * * * * * - -The feeling was rapidly growing that the next campaign should be -a vigorous one. Gov. Belcher (Sept. 3, 1755) enforces his opinion -to Sir John St. Clair, that “Canada must be rooted out.”[1388] The -_Gentleman’s Magazine_ printed papers of similar import. - -In November, 1755, Belcher had written to Shirley, “Things look to me -as if the coming year will be the criterion whereby we shall be able -to conclude whether the French shall drive us into the sea, or whether -King George shall be emperour of North America.”[1389] In December, -Shirley assembled a congress of governors at New York, and laid his -plans before them.[1390] When Shirley returned to Boston in Jan., 1756, -the _Journal_ of the Mass. House of Representatives discloses how -active he was in preparing for his projects.[1391] Stone[1392] portrays -the arrangements. - -To Stone,[1393] too, we must turn to learn the efforts of Johnson -to propitiate the Indians,[1394] in which he was perplexed by the -movements in Pennsylvania and Virginia against the tribes in that -region.[1395] The printed contemporary source, showing Johnson’s -endeavors with the Indians, is the _Account of Conferences_, London, -1756, which may be complemented by much in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, -vols. i. and iv. Thomas Pownall published in New York, in 1756, -_Proposals for securing the friendship of the Five Nations_. As the -campaign went on, Johnson held conferences at Fort Johnson, July 21 -(of which, under date of Aug. 12, he prepared a journal), and attended -later meetings at German Flats, Aug. 24-Sept. 3, and again at Fort -Johnson. These will be found in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. -461-496;[1396] and in the same volume, pp. 365-376, will be found -the conference of deputies of the Five Nations, July 28, 1756, with -Vaudreuil, at Montreal.[1397] - -[Illustration: CROWN POINT CURRENCY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. - -From an original bill in an illustrated copy of _Historical Sketches of -the Paper Currency of the American Colonies, by Henry Phillips, Jr._, -Roxbury, 1865,—in Harvard College library.] - -The early events of the year, like the capture of Fort Bull,[1398] find -illustrations in various papers in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i. 509, -and _N. Y. Col. Docs._ x. 403, with some local associations in Benton’s -_Herkimer County_. - -The centre of preparation for the campaign during the winter was in -Boston, and Parkman[1399] shows the methods of military organization -which the New England colonies, with some detriment to efficiency -employed. He finds his material for the sketch in the manuscripts of -the _Mass. Archives_ (“Military”), vols. lxxv. and lxxvi., and in -equivalent printed papers in _R. I. Colonial Records_, v., and _N. H. -Provincial Papers_, vi. The latter colony issued bills this year, as -they had the previous season, called Crown Point currency, in aid of -the expedition, a fac-simile of one of which is annexed.[1400] - -Another main source for these preliminaries, as well as for the routine -of the campaign later in Albany and at Lake George is the _Journal_ of -General John Winslow, who, after some coquetting with Pepperrell on -Shirley’s part, was finally selected for the command of the expedition -against Crown Point.[1401] The second volume of this journal, which is -in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society, covers Feb.-Aug., and the -third, Aug.-Dec., 1756. They consist of transcripts of letters, orders, -etc., chronologically arranged. - -The volumes labelled “Letters” in the _Massachusetts Archives_ (MSS.) -contain various letters, which depict the condition of the camps and -the progress of the campaign. Parkman[1402] refers to them, as well as -to a report of Lieut.-Col. Burton to Loudon on the condition of the -camps,[1403] and to the journal of John Graham, a chaplain in Lyman’s -Connecticut regiment.[1404] - - * * * * * - -Shirley rightfully understood the value of Oswego to the colonies. As -Parkman[1405] says, “No English settlement on the continent was of such -ill omen to the French. It not only robbed them of the fur-trade, but -threatened them with military and political, no less than commercial -ruin.” The previous French governor, Jonquière, had been particularly -instructed to compass its destruction, above all by inciting the -Iroquois to do it, if possible, for the post was a menace in the eyes -of the Indians. Shirley hoped to redeem the failure of last year, and -he had the satisfaction of hearing of Bradstreet’s success in the midst -of the personal detraction which assailed him.[1406] The military -interest of the year, however, centres in the siege and fall of Oswego -(Aug. 14), introducing Montcalm on the scene.[1407] Capt. John Vicars, -a British officer who was with Bradstreet, gives an account of the -fortifications, which Parkman[1408] uses. The correspondence of Loudon -and Shirley in the English archives marks the progress of events.[1409] -Respecting the siege itself there is a letter, from an officer -present, in the _Boston Evening Post_, May 16, 1757. Stone[1410] uses -MS. depositions of two of the English prisoners who escaped from the -French.[1411] A declaration by soldiers of Shirley’s regiment is -printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 126. - -Of the contemporary printed sources, note must be made of the “State -of facts” in the _Lond. Mag._, 1757, p. 14; of the _Conduct of General -Shirley_, etc., p. 110; of Livingston’s _Review_; of _The military -history of Great Britain for 1756-57_. _Containing a letter from an -English officer at Canada, taken prisoner at Oswego, exhibiting the -cruelty of the French. Also a journal of the Siege of Oswego_, London, -1757.[1412] - -Of somewhat less authority is a popular book, _French and Indian -cruelty exemplified in the life of Peter Wilkinson_, with “accurate -detail of the operations of the French and English forces at the siege -of Oswego.”[1413] Of a more general character are the accounts in -Mante,[1414] Smith,[1415] and Hutchinson.[1416] - -Parkman, who sketches the early career of Montcalm,[1417] surveys the -chief French authorities on the siege, as gathered mainly from the -Archives of the Marine and those of War, at Paris;[1418] the _Livre des -Ordres_; Vaudreuil’s instructions to Montcalm, July 21; the journal of -Bougainville; the letters of Vaudreuil, Bigot, and Montcalm. The _N. -Y. Col. Docs._ (vol. x.) contain various translations of these,[1419] -including (p. 440) a journal of the siege transmitted by Montcalm; -other versions are in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i. - -There was printed at Grenoble, in 1756, a _Relation de la prise des -forts de Choueguen, ou Oswego, & de ce qui s’est passée cette année en -Canada_. A small edition was privately reprinted in 1882, from a copy -belonging to Mr. S. L. M. Barlow, of New York.[1420] Martin, in his _De -Montcalm en Canada_, ch. iii., presents the modern French view, as also -does Garneau, _Hist. du Canada_, 4th ed., vol. ii. 251. Maurault, in -his _Hist. des Abénakis_ (1866), tells the part of the Indians in the -siege. - -Of the partisan warfare conducted by Rogers and Putnam, we have the -best accounts in the reports which the former made to his commanding -officer.[1421] These various reports constitute the volume which was -published in London in 1765 “for the author,” called _Journals of Major -Robert Rogers, containing an account of the several excursions he made -under the generals who commanded, during the late war_.[1422] Rogers’ -Journals are written in a direct way, apparently without exaggeration, -but sometimes veil the atrocities which he had not screened in the -original reports.[1423] Parkman points out that the account of his -scout of Jan. 19, 1756, is much abridged in the composite _Journals_. - -The exploits of Rogers are frequently chronicled in Winslow’s -_Journal_, and there are other notes in the _Mass. Archives_, vol. -lxxvi. Parkman cites Bougainville’s _Journal_ as giving the French -record.[1424] There is a contemporary account of one of Rogers’ -principal actions, in what Trumbull[1425] calls “perhaps the rarest of -all narratives of Indian captivities.” The edition which is mentioned -is a second one, published at Boston in 1760, and Sabin[1426] does -not record the first. It is called _A plain narrative of the uncommon -sufferings and remarkable deliverance of Thomas Brown, of Charlestown -in New England, who returned to his father’s house the beginning of -Jan., 1760, after having been absent three years and about eight -months; containing an account of the engagement, Jan., 1757, in which -Captain Spikeman was killed and the author left for dead_. - -Of Putnam’s exploits there is a report (Oct. 9, 1755) in the _Doc. -Hist. N. Y._, iv. p. 172. The _Life_ of Putnam by Humphreys chronicles -his partisan career, while that by Tarbox passes it over hurriedly. -Hollister’s and other histories of Connecticut give it in outline. - - * * * * * - -The circulars of Pitt to the colonies, asking that assistance be -rendered to Loudon, and (Feb. 4, 1757) urging the raising of additional -troops, is in _New Jersey Archives_, viii. Pt. ii. pp. 209, 241. There -are in the _Israel Williams MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.) letters of Loudon, -dated Boston, Jan. 29 and Feb., 1757, respecting the organization of -the next campaign. - -For the attack on Fort William Henry (1757) conducted by Rigaud, -Parkman[1427] cites, as usual, his MS. French documents,[1428] but -gives for the English side a letter from the fort (Mar. 26, 1757), in -the _Boston Gazette_, no. 106, and in the _Boston Evening Post_, no. -1,128; with notes of other letters in the _Boston News-Letter_, no. -2,860. - -The best account yet published of Montcalm’s later campaign against -Fort William Henry (the Fort George of the French) is contained in -the last chapter of the first volume of Parkman’s _Montcalm and -Wolfe_.[1429] - -On the French side there is the work of Pouchot, and Dr. Hough’s -translation of it (i. 101). The _Rough List_ of Mr. Barlow’s library -(no. 941) shows, as the only copy known, a _Relation de la prise du -Fort Georges, ou Guillaume Henry, situé sur le lac Saint-Sacrement, et -de ce qui s’est passé cette année en Canada_ (12 pp.), Paris, 1757. - -Of the documentary evidence of the time Parkman makes full use. He -secured from the Public Record Office in London the correspondence -of Webb and a letter and journal of Colonel Frye, who commanded the -Massachusetts troops, and from these he gives extracts in his Appendix -F.[1430] - -In the Paris documents as gathered (copies) in the archives at -Albany,[1431] and in the copies of other documents from France, -supplementing these, and contained in the series of MSS. given by Mr. -Parkman to the Mass. Historical Society, there are the _Journal_ of -Bougainville, “a document,” says Parkman, “hardly to be commended too -much,” the diary of Malartic, the correspondence of Montcalm, Lévis, -Vaudreuil, and Bigot. In adding to the graphic details of the theme, -there is a long letter of the Jesuit Roubaud, which is printed in the -_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_.[1432] - -Jonathan Carver, who was a looker-on, has given an account in his -_Travels_, which Parkman thinks is trustworthy so far as events came -under Carver’s eye.[1433] - -The journals of the Montresors, father and son, Colonels James and -John, during their stay in 1757-59 in the neighborhood of Forts William -Henry and Edward, throw light upon the spirit of the time.[1434] They -are preserved in the family in England, and, edited by G. D. Scull, -have been printed in the _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1881, accompanied by -heliotypes of portraits of the two engineers.[1435] - -Living at the time, and enjoying good advantages for acquiring -knowledge, Hutchinson, in his _Massachusetts_ (vol. iii. p. 60), might -have given us more than he does, but his purpose was mainly to show the -effect of the campaign upon that colony. It is noticeable, however, -that he says the victims of the massacre were not many in number. Most -later writers on the English side add little or nothing not elsewhere -obtainable.[1436] - -Bancroft[1437] made use of a considerable part of the material -available to Parkman; but his latest revision does not add to his -earlier account. - -Dwight, in his _Travels in New England and New York_,[1438] who -remembered the event as a child, expresses the view which long -prevailed in New England, that Montcalm made no reasonable effort to -check the Indians, and emphasizes the timidity and imbecility of Webb, -who lay at Fort Edward with 6,000 men, doing nothing. Dwight narrates -as from Captain Noble, who was present, that when Sir William Johnson -would gather volunteers from Webb’s garrison to proceed to Munro’s -assistance Webb forbade it.[1439] - -Respecting the attack in the autumn (Nov. 28, 1757) on German Flats, -there are the despatches of Vaudreuil, the _Journal_ of Bougainville, -and papers in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 520, and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. -672, the latter being a French summary of M. de Belêtre’s campaign. -Loudon’s despatch to Pitt, Feb. 14, 1758, is the main English -source.[1440] - - * * * * * - -While Webb held the chief command at Albany, Stanwix was organizing, -with the help of Washington, the defence along the Pennsylvania and -Virginia borders, and Bouquet further south.[1441] The lives of -Washington and the histories of those provinces trace out the events -of the summer in that direction. The main thread of this history -is the precarious relation of the provinces with the Indians, and -much illustrative of this connection is found in the _Penna. Col. -Rec._, vol. vii. Dr. Schweinitz’s _Life of Zeisberger_ and the -various Moravian chronicles show how that people strove to act as -intermediaries. - -The Delawares had not forgotten the deceit practised upon them at -Albany in 1754, in inveigling them into giving a deed of lands, and Sir -William Johnson was known to be in favor of revoking that fraudulent -purchase. Conferences with the Indians were numerous, even after the -spring opened.[1442] Johnson received the deputies of the Shawanese -and Delawares at Fort Johnson in April, and concluded a treaty with -them.[1443] - -It boded no good that the Six Nations also, in April, had sent deputies -to Vaudreuil, and all through the spring the region north of the -Mohawk was the scene of rapine.[1444] The truth was, the successes of -the French had driven the westerly tribes of the Six Nations into a -neutrality, which might turn easily into enmity, and to confirm them in -their passiveness, and to incite the Mohawks and the easterly tribes -into active alliance, Johnson, who knew his life to be in danger, -summoned the deputies of the confederacy to meet him at Johnson Hall on -the 10th of June. His journal for some time previous to the meeting is -printed by Stone.[1445] Johnson accomplished all he could hope for. His -answer to the Senecas of June 16 is in the _Penna. Archives_, vi. 511. -Under his counsel, the final conclusion with the Indians farther south -was reached in a conference at Easton, in Pennsylvania, in July and -August.[1446] - - * * * * * - -Of the defeat of Rogers in March, which opened the campaign of 1758, -his own report after he got into Fort Edward, printed at the time in -the newspapers, is mainly given in his _Journals_, together with a long -letter of two British regular officers who accompanied him, and who in -the fight escaped capture, but wandered off in the woods, till hunger -compelled them to seek the French fort, whence by a flag of truce they -despatched (Mar. 28) their narrative. The French accounts are derived -from the usual documentary sources as indicated by Parkman (ii. p. 16). - - * * * * * - -The English historians of the war in Europe all describe the change -in political feeling which brought Pitt once more into power, with -popular sympathy to sustain him.[1447] The public had aroused to the -incompetency of the English military rule in America, and upon the -importance of making head there against the French, as a vantage -for any satisfactory peace in Europe.[1448] This revulsion is best -described in Parkman[1449] and in Bancroft.[1450] The letter of -Pitt recalling Loudon (who was not without his defenders[1451]), as -addressed to the governor of Connecticut, is in the Trumbull MSS., vol. -i. p. 127. - -The condition of the camp at Lake George in the spring and early summer -is to be studied in the official papers, as well as in letters printed -in the _Boston News-Letter_ and in the _Boston Evening Post_.[1452] -Parkman describes from the best sources the fort and the outer -entrenchments.[1453] - - * * * * * - -The official reports on the English side of the fight on July 8th are -in the Public Record Office. The letter which Abercrombie addressed to -Pitt from Lake George, July 12, as it appeared in the _London Gazette -Extraordinary_, Aug. 22, is printed in the _N.Y. Col. Docs._, x. 728. -Dwight represents the opinions of Abercrombie’s generalship as current -in the colonies,[1454] and we read in Smith’s _New York_, vol. ii. p. -264, that the difficulty “appeared to be more in the head than the -body.” The diary of William Parkman, a youth of seventeen, who was in -a Massachusetts regiment, reflects the charitable criticism of his -troops, when the diarist calls their commander “an aged gentleman, -infirm in body and mind.”[1455] We have various other descriptions and -diaries from officers engaged.[1456] - -Parkman[1457] collates the different authorities as respects the -losses on the two sides,[1458] and his details are the best of all -the later historians.[1459] Of the French contemporary accounts, which -are numerous, there are several from the Paris Archives in the Parkman -MSS., which have been used for the first time in his _Montcalm and -Wolfe_. Some of the more important ones are printed in the _N. Y. Col. -Docs._ x.[1460] - -There is an account in Pouchot, and Chevalier Johnstone’s “Dialogue in -Hades” is in the _Transactions_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, -and summarized accounts in Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, ch. vii., -and in Garneau’s _Canada_, p. 279.[1461] For the life of the camp later -established at the head of Lake George, there are items to be drawn, -not only from the official reports, but from the _Israel Williams MSS._ -Parkman (ii. 117) uses a diary of Chaplain Cleaveland. An orderly -book of Col. Jonathan Bagley, of a Connecticut regiment, covering -Aug. 20-Sept. 11, 1758, is in the library of the American Antiq. -Society.[1462] It indicates that the celebration at Lake George of -the victory at Louisbourg took place Aug. 28, as does an orderly book -of Rogers’ Rangers, covering Aug.-Nov., 1758, at Lake George and Fort -Edward.[1463] - -Of the autumn scouting, there are letters in the _Boston Weekly -Advertiser_, the centre of interest being the fight between Rogers and -Morin.[1464] - -Of the Frontenac expedition, Bradstreet’s own report to Abercrombie is -in the Public Record Office. Parkman uses it, as well as letters in the -_Boston Gazette_, no. 182; _Boston Evening Post_, no. 1,203; _Boston -News-Letter_, no. 2,932; _N. H. Gazette_, no. 104. The articles of -capitulation are in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 826. Smith (_New York_, -ii. 266), speaking of Bradstreet’s expedition, says he “rather flew -than marched.”[1465] - -On the French side, there are the official documents, the _Mémoire sur -la Canada_, 1749-60 (published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec), -and Pouchot, i. 162. - -The loss of Frontenac gave rise to a disagreement between Vaudreuil and -Montcalm as to the dispositions to be made upon Lake Ontario, and the -papers which passed between them are in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 866, -etc., as well as others on the conflict of their opinions respecting -the defence of Ticonderoga (_Ibid._, p. 873, etc.). - - * * * * * - -The main sources for the Duquesne expedition of 1758 are in the Public -Record Office, _America and West Indies_, including the correspondence -of Forbes.[1466] There are also papers in the _Col. Records of Penna._ -and _Pennsylvania Archives_. The letters of Washington in Sparks’ -_Washington_ (vol. ii.) may be supplemented by the fuller text of the -same, and by others, in _Bouquet and Haldimand Papers_, in the British -Museum. Washington’s letters to Bouquet are in _Additional MSS._, vol. -21, 641, of the British Museum, and there is a copy of them among the -Parkman MSS.[1467] There is a letter of a British officer in the _Gent. -Mag._, xxix. 171. For the new route made by Forbes, see Lowdermilk’s -_Cumberland_, p. 238. The routes of Braddock and Forbes are marked on -the map given in Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 38, and Washington’s opinion -of their respective advantages is in _Ibid._, ii. 302. - -Of Grant’s defeat, the principal fight of the campaign, there are -contemporary accounts in the _Penna. Gazette_,[1468] _Boston Evening -Post_, _Boston Weekly Advertiser_, _Boston News-Letter_, etc.; in -Hazard’s _Penna. Reg._, viii. 141; in _Olden Time_, i. p. 179. Grant’s -imprudence met with little consideration in England. (_Grenville -Correspondence_, i. 274.) - -The account of Post’s embassy, July 15 to Sept., 1758, appeared -in London in 1759, as the _Second Journal of Christian Frederick -Post_.[1469] - -Parkman,[1470] Bancroft,[1471] and Irving,[1472] of course, tell -the story of Forbes’s campaign,—the first with the best help to -sources.[1473] - - * * * * * - -The concomitants of the winter of 1758-59 in Canada must be studied -in order to comprehend the inequality of the two sides in the signal -campaign which was to follow. Parkman finds the material of this study -in the documents of the Archives de la Marine et de la Guerre in -Paris; in the correspondence of Montcalm, of which he procured copies -from the present representative of his family, including the letters -of Bougainville[1474] and Doreil[1475] on their Paris mission; and -in the letters of Vaudreuil, in the Archives Nationales.[1476] Much -throwing light on the strained relations between the general and -the governor will be found in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. x.[1477] -French representations of the situation in Canada are given in the -_Considérations sur l’État présent du Canada_, published by the -Literary and Historical Society of Quebec in 1840, sometimes cited as -Faribault’s _Collection de Mémoires_, no. 3. Further use may be made -of _Mémoire sur le Canada_, 1749-1760, _en trois parties_, Quebec, -1838.[1478] - -The comparative inequality of the two combatants was a fruitful subject -of inquiry then, especially upon the French side. There is in the -_Penna. Archives_, 2d series, vi. 554, a French _Mémoire_, setting -forth their respective positions, needs, and resources, dated January, -1759, and similar documents are given in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. -897, 925, 930. - -Later writers, with the advantage of remoteness, have found much -for comment in the several characteristics, experiences, aims, -and abilities of the two warring forces. These are contrasted in -Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_.[1479] Judge Haliburton[1480] points -out the great military advantages of the paternal and despotic -government of Canada. Viscount Bury, in his _Exodus of the Western -Nations_,[1481] compares the outcome of their opposing systems. Parkman -gives the last chapter of his _Old Régime in Canada_ to a vigorous -exposition of the subject. The institutional character of the English -colonists, developed from the circumstances of their life, is compared -with the purpose of the French colonists to reproduce France, in E. G. -Scott’s _Development of Constitutional Liberty in the English Colonies -of America_.[1482] - -Among the later French authors, Rameau, in his _France aux Colonies_ -(Paris, 1859), writes in full consciousness of the limitations and -errors of policy which deprived France of her American colonies.[1483] -The efforts which were made to propitiate the Indians before the -campaign opened are explained in Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, ii. ch. v., -and in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 378. - -Upon the movement to render secure the new fort at Pittsburgh, Parkman -found in the Public Record Office, in London, letters of Col. Hugh -Mercer (who commanded), January-June, 1759; letters of Brigadier -Stanwix, May-July;[1484] and a narrative of John Ormsby, beside a -letter in the _Boston News-Letter_, no. 3,023. In the Wilkes Papers, in -the _Historical MSS. Commission Report, No. IV._, p. 400, are long and -interesting accounts of affairs at this time in Pennsylvania, written -from Philadelphia to Wilkes by Thomas Barrow (May 1, 1759). - -The Niagara expedition was a mistake, in the judgment of some military -critics, since the troops diverted to accomplish it had been used more -effectually in Amherst’s direct march to Montreal. More expedition on -that general’s part in completing his direct march would have rendered -the fall of Niagara a necessity without attack. Perhaps the risk of -leaving French forces still west of Niagara, ready for a siege of Fort -Pitt, is not sufficiently considered in this view.[1485] - -The Public Record Office yields Amherst’s instructions and letters to -Prideaux, and the letters of Johnson to Amherst. Stone[1486] prints -Johnson’s diary of the expedition, and the Haldimand Papers in the -British Museum throw much light.[1487] Letters of Amherst are in the N. -Y. State Library at Albany. - -On the French side, the account in Pouchot’s _Mémoires sur la dernière -guerre_[1488] is that of the builder and defender of the fort.[1489] -His narrative is given in English in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 977, etc., -as well as in Hough’s ed. of Pouchot. The letters of Vaudreuil from the -French Archives are in the Parkman MSS. The English found in the fort -a French journal (July 6-July 24, 1759), of which an English version -was printed in the _N. Y. Mercury_, Aug. 20, 1759. It is also given in -English in the _Hist. Mag._ (March, 1869), xv. p. 199. - -For the Oswego episode, beside Pouchot,[1490] see _Mémoire sur le -Canada_, 1749-60, and a letter in the _Boston Evening Post_, no. 1,248. - -The best recent accounts are in Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. ch. -26; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, ii. ch. 9, and Stone’s _Life of -Johnson_, vol. ii. - -Johnson’s diary, as given by Stone,[1491] shows how undecided, under -Amherst’s instructions, Gage was about attacking the French at La -Galette, on the St. Lawrence. - -Gage, who, in August and September, 1759, was at Oswego, was much -perplexed with the commissary and transportation service, but got -relief when Bradstreet undertook to regulate matters at Albany.[1492] - - * * * * * - -While the expeditions of Stanwix and Prideaux constituted the left wing -of the grand forward movement, that conducted by Amherst himself was -the centre. - -The letters of Amherst to Pitt and Wolfe are in the Public Record -Office in London,[1493] as well as a journal of Colonel Amherst, -a brother of the general. Mante and Knox afford good contemporary -narratives.[1494] - -The best general historians are Parkman (ii. 235, etc.), Bancroft -(orig. ed., iv. 322; final revision, ii. 498); Warburton’s _Conquest -of Canada_, ii. ch. 8. For local associations, see Holden’s _Hist. of -Queensbury_, p. 343.[1495] - -Bourlamaque’s account of his retreat is in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. -1,054. Pitt’s letter, when he learned that Amherst had abandoned the -pursuit, is in _Ibid._, vii. 417. - -Rogers sent to Amherst a letter about his raid upon the St. Francis -village, which was written the day after he reached the settlements on -the Upper Connecticut, and it makes part of his _Journals_. The story -was the subject of recitals at the time in the provincial newspapers, -like the _New Hampshire Gazette_ and the _Boston Evening Post_. Hoyt, -in his _Antiquarian Researches_ (p. 302), adds a few particulars from -the recollections of survivors.[1496] - -In coming to the great victory which virtually closed the war on the -Heights of Abraham, we can but be conscious of the domination which -the character of Wolfe holds over all the recitals of its events, and -the best source of that influence is in the letters which Wright has -introduced into his life of Wolfe.[1497] - -To the store of letters in Wright, Parkman sought to add others from -the Public Record Office, beside the secret instructions given by -the king to Wolfe and Saunders. The despatches of Wolfe, as well as -those of Saunders, Monckton, and Townshend, are found, of course, in -the contemporary magazines. A few letters of Wolfe, not before known, -preserved among the Sackville Papers, have recently been printed in -the _Ninth Report_ of the Hist. MSS. Commission, Part iii. pp. 74-78. -(_Brit. Doc. Reports_, 1883, vol. xxxvii.)[1498] - -There is a printed volume which is known as _Wolfe’s instructions to -young officers_ (2d ed., London, 1780), which contains his orders -during the time of his service in Canada. Manuscript copies of it, -seemingly of contemporary date, are occasionally met with, and usually -begin with orders in Scotland in 1748, and close with his last order -on the “Sutherland,” Sept. 12, 1759.[1499] The general orders of the -Quebec campaign, given at greater length than in these _Instructions_, -have been printed in the _Hist. Docs., 4th ser._, published by the Lit. -and Hist. Soc. of Quebec. Various orders are given in the _Address_ of -Lorenzo Sabine, on the centennial of the battle.[1500] - -A large number of contemporary journals and narratives of the siege of -Quebec, both on the English and French sides, have been preserved, most -of which have now been printed.[1501] - -The letters of Montcalm in the Archives de la Marine mostly pertain to -events antecedent to the investment of Quebec. The letters of Vaudreuil -are in the Archives Nationales,[1502] while those of Bigot, Lévis, and -Montreuil are in the Archives de la Marine et de la Guerre.[1503] - -Parkman has a note[1504] on the contemporary accounts of Montcalm’s -death[1505] and burial, and in the _Mercure Français_ is an _éloge_ on -the French general, which is attributed to Doreil. Some recollections -of Montcalm in his last hours are given in a story credited to Joseph -Trahan, as told in the _Revue Canadienne_, vol. iv. (1867, p. 850) by -J. M. Lemoine, in a paper called “Le régiment des montagnards écossais -devant Quebec, en 1759,” which in an English form, as “Fraser’s -Highlanders before Quebec,” is given in Lemoine’s _Maple Leaves_, new -series, p. 141. - -There is a story, told with some contradictions, that Montcalm -entrusted some of his letters to the Jesuit Roubaud. Parkman, in -referring to the matter, cites[1506] Verreau’s report on the Canadian -Archives (1874, p. 183), and the “Deplorable Case of M. Roubaud,” in -_Hist. Mag._, xviii. 283.[1507] - -Referring to the principal English contemporary printed sources, -Parkman (ii. 194) says that Knox, Mante, and Entick are the best. -Knox’s account is reprinted by Sabine in an appendix. Using these -and other sources then made public, Smollett has told the story very -intelligently in his _History of England_, giving a commensurate -narrative in a general way, and has indicated the military risks -which the plan of the campaign implied. The summary of the _Annual -Register_[1508] is well digested. - -In the _Public Documents of Nova Scotia_ there are papers useful to the -understanding of the fitting out of the expedition. - -Jefferys intercalated in 1760, in his _French Dominions in North -America_, sundry pages, to include such a story of the siege as he -could make at that time.[1509] - -Of the later English writers on the siege, it is enough barely to -mention some of them.[1510] - -Parkman first told the story in his _Pontiac_ (vol. i. 126), erring -in some minor details, which he later corrected when he gave it more -elaborate form in the _Atlantic Monthly_ (1884), and engrafted it -(1885) in final shape in his _Montcalm and Wolfe_ (vol. ii.). - -The recent histories of Canada, like Miles’, etc., and such general -works as Beatson’s _Naval and Mil. Memoirs_ (ii. 300-308), necessarily -cover the story; and there is an essay on Montcalm by E. S. Creasy, -which originally appeared in _Bentley’s Magazine_ (vol. xxxii. -133).[1511] Carlyle repeats the tale briefly, but with characteristic -touches, in his _Friedrich II._ (vol. v. p. 555). - -On the French side the later writers of most significance, beside the -general historian of Canada, Garneau,[1512] are Felix Martin in his_ -De Montcalm en Canada_ (1867), ch. 10, which was called, in a second -edition, _Le Marquis de Montcalm et les dernières années de la colonie -Française au Canada_, 1756-1760 (3d ed., Paris, 1879); and Charles de -Bonnechose in his _Montcalm et le Canada Français_, which appeared in a -fifth edition in 1882.[1513] - -As to the forces in the opposing armies, and the numbers which the -respective generals brought into opposition on the Heights of Abraham, -there are conflicting opinions. Parkman[1514] collates the varying -sources. Cf. also Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 196; Miles’ -_Hist. of Canada_, app., etc.; _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. -229, 230. - -The record of the council of war (Sept. 15) which Ramezay held after he -found he had been left to his fate by Vaudreuil is given in Martin’s -_De Montcalm en Canada_ (p. 317), and in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, -x. 1007. Ramezay prepared a defence against charges of too easily -succumbing to the enemy, and this was printed in 1861 by the Lit. and -Hist. Soc. of Quebec, as _Mémoire du Sieur de Ramezay, Commandant à -Quebec, au sujet de la reddition de cette ville, le 18 septembre, 1759, -d’après un manuscrit aux Archives du Bureau de la Marine à Paris_. The -paper is accompanied by an appendix of documentary proofs, including -the articles of capitulation, which are also to be found in the -appendix of Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (vol. ii. p. 362), _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, x. 1011, and in Martin (p. 317). - -[Illustration: TOWNSHEND. - -From Doyle’s _Official Baronage_, iii. 543.] - -It has been kept in controversy whether Vaudreuil really directed -Ramezay to surrender,[1515] but the note sent by Vaudreuil to Ramezay -at nine in the evening, Sept. 13, instructing him to hoist the white -flag when his provisions failed, is in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1004. - -General Townshend returned to England, and when he claimed more than -his share of the honors[1516] a _Letter to an Honourable Brigadier -General_ (London, 1760) took him sharply to task for it, and rehearsed -the story of the fight.[1517] This tract was charged by some upon -Charles Lee, but when it was edited by N. W. Simons, in 1841, an -attempt by parallelisms of language, etc., was made to prove the -authorship of Junius in it. It was answered by _A refutation of a -letter to an Hon. Brigadier by an officer_.[1518] Parkman calls it -“angry, but not conclusive.” There were other replies in the _Imperial -Magazine_, 1760. Sabine, in his address, epitomizes the statements of -both sides. - -On the 17th of January, 1760, Pitt addressed Amherst respecting the -campaign of the following season,[1519] and on April 27th Amherst -addressed the Indians in a paper dated Fort George, N. Y., April -27.[1520] Letters had passed between Amherst and Johnson in March, -about the efforts which were making by a conference at Fort Pitt to -quiet the Indians in that direction.[1521] Later there were movements -to scour the country lying between Fort Pitt and Presqu’isle, as shown -in the Aspinwall Papers,[1522] where[1523] there is a fac-simile of a -sketch of the route from Fort Pitt, passing Venango and Le Bœuf, which -Bouquet sent to Monckton in August, 1760. - -The earliest description of this country after it came into English -hands is in a journal (July 7-17, 1760) by Capt. Thomas Hutchins, of -the Sixtieth Regiment, describing a march from Fort Pitt to Venango, -and from thence to Presqu’isle, which is printed in the _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._ (ii. 849). - -Bourlamaque, in a _Mémoire sur Canada_, which he wrote in 1762, -presents Quebec as the key to the military strength of the -province.[1524] - -The interest of the winter and spring lies in the vigorous efforts of -Lévis to recover Quebec. The English commander, Murray, kept a journal -from the 18th of September till the 25th of May. The original was in -the London War Office, and Miles used a copy from that source. Parkman -records it as now being in the Public Record Office,[1525] and says -it ends May 17; and the reprint of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec -credits it to the same source, in their third series (1871). - -Parkman[1526] refers to a plan among the King’s Maps (Brit. Mus.) of -the battle and situation of the British and French on the Heights of -Abraham, 28 April, 1760. - -This engagement is sometimes called the battle of Sillery, though the -more common designation is the battle of Ste. Foy. - -Murray’s despatch to Amherst, April 30, is among the Parkman Papers, -and that to Pitt, dated May 25, 1760, is in Hawkins’ _Picture of -Quebec_, and in W. J. Anderson’s _Military Operations at Quebec from -Sept. 18, 1759, to May 18, 1760_, published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. -of Quebec (1869-70), and also separately. It is a critical examination -of the sources of information respecting the battle, particularly as to -the forces engaged. Parkman (ii., app., p. 442) examines this aspect -also. - -We have on the English side the recitals of several eye-witnesses. -Knox[1527] was such. So were Mante, Fraser, and Johnson; the journals -of the last two are those mentioned on a preceding page. Parkman, who -gives a list of authorities,[1528] refers to a letter of an officer of -the Royal Americans at Quebec, May 24, 1760, printed in the _London -Magazine_, and other contemporary accounts are in the _Gentleman’s_ and -_English Magazine_ (1760). There is also a letter in the _N. Y. Geneal. -and Biog. Record_, April, 1872, p. 94. - -The principal French contemporary account is that of Lévis, _Guerre -du Canada, Relation de la seconde Bataille de Québec et du Siége de -cette ville_,—a manuscript which, according to Parkman, has different -titles in different copies, and some variations in text. Vaudreuil’s -instructions to Lévis are in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1069. There is -a journal of the battle annexed to Vaudreuil’s letter to Berryer, May -3, 1760, in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1075, 1077. The Parkman MSS. have -also letters of Bourlamaque and Lévis, and there is something to be -gleaned from Chevalier Johnston and the _Relation_ of the hospital nun, -already referred to. - -Of the modern accounts by the Canadian historians, Lemoine[1529] calls -that of Garneau[1530] the best, and speaks of it as collated from -documents, many of which had never then (1876) seen the light. Smith -takes a view quite opposite to Garneau’s, and Lemoine[1531] charges him -with glossing over the subject “with striking levity.”[1532] - -Col. John Montresor was in the force which Murray led up the river to -Montreal, and we have his journal, July 14-Sept. 8, 1760, in the _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 236. - -For the progress of the converging armies of Amherst and Haviland, -there are the histories of Mante and Knox and the journals of Rogers. -Parkman adds a tract printed in Boston (1760), _All Canada in the hands -of the English_. Beside the official documents of the Parkman MSS., -he also cites a _Diary of a sergeant in the army of Haviland_, and a -_Journal of Colonel Nathaniel Woodhull_.[1533] There is a glimpse of -the condition of the country to be got from the _Travels and Adventures -of Alexander Henry in Canada and the Indian territory_, 1760-1776 (New -York, 1809). - -Amherst’s letter to Monckton on the capture of Fort Lévis is in the -Aspinwall Papers (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxix. 307), and reference -may be made to Pouchot (ii. 264), Mante (303), and Knox (ii. 405).[1534] - -Parkman uses the _Procès verbal_ of the council of war which Vaudreuil -held in Montreal; and the terms of the capitulation (Sept. 8, 1760) -can be found in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1107; Miles’ _Canada_, 502; -Bonnechose’s _Montcalm et le Canada_ (app.); and Martin’s _De Montcalm -en Canada_ (p. 327), and his _Marquis de Montcalm_ (p. 321). - -The protest which Lévis uttered against the terms of the capitulation -is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1106, with his reasons for it (p. -1123). - -The circular letter about the capitulation which Amherst sent to the -governors of the colonies is in the _Aspinwall Papers_.[1535] - -Parkman’s[1536] is the best recent account of this campaign, though it -is dwelt upon at some length by Smith and Warburton. - -Gage was left in command at Montreal; Murray returned to Quebec -with 4,000 men; while Amherst, by the last of September, was in New -York.[1537] - -Rogers’s own _Journals_ make the best account of his expeditions -westward[1538] to receive the surrender of Detroit and the extremer -posts. Parkman, who tells the story in his _Pontiac_ (ch. 6), speaks -of the journals as showing “the incidents of each day, minuted down in -a dry, unambitious style, bearing the clear impress of truth.” Rogers -also describes the interview with Pontiac in his _Concise Account of -North America_, Lond., 1765. Cf. _Aspinwall Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, xxxix. 362) for Croghan’s journal[1539] and (_Ibid._, pp. 357, -387) for letters on the surrender of Detroit.[1540] - -Later Lieutenant Brehm was sent as a scout from Montreal to Lake Huron, -thence to Fort Pitt, and his report to Amherst, dated Feb. 23, 1761, is -in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1883_, p. 22. - -Philippe Aubert de Gaspé, in _Les Anciens Canadiens_ (1863), attempts, -as he says, to portray the misfortunes which the conquest brought on -the greater portion of the Canadian _noblesse_.[1541] There is a sad -story of the shipwreck on Cape Breton of the “Auguste,” which in 1761 -was bearing a company of these expatriated Canadians to France, and one -of them, M. de la Corne Saint-Luc, has left a _Journal du Naufrage de -l’Auguste_, which has been printed in Quebec.[1542] - -The trials of Bigot and the others in Paris elicited a large amount -of details respecting the enormities which had characterized the -commissary affairs of Canada during the war. Cf. “Observations on -certain peculations in New France,” in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1129. -There is in Harvard College library a series of the printed reports and -judgments in the matter.[1543] - -Mr. Parkman has published in _The Nation_ (Apr. 15, 1886) an account -of a MS. lately acquired by the national library at Paris, _Voyage au -Canada dans le Nord de l’Amérique Septentrionale fait depuis l’an 1751 -à 1761 par T. C. B._, who participated in some of the battles of the -war; but the account seems to add little of consequence to existing -knowledge, having been written (as he says, from notes) thirty or forty -years after his return. It shows, however, how the army store-keepers -of the French made large fortunes and lost them in the depreciation of -the Canadian paper money. - - -NOTES. - -=A.= INTERCOLONIAL CONGRESSES AND PLANS OF UNION.—The confederacy -which had been formed among the New England colonies in 1643 had -lasted, with more or less effect, during the continuance of the -colonial charter of Massachusetts.[1544] As early as 1682 Culpepper, -of Virginia, had proposed that no colony should make war without the -concurrence of Virginia, and Nicholson, eight or ten years later, -had advocated a federation. In 1684 there had been a convention at -Albany, at which representatives of Massachusetts, New York, Maryland, -and Virginia had met the sachems of the Five Nations.[1545] In 1693 -Governor Fletcher, by order of the king, had called at New York a -meeting of commissioners of the colonies, which proved abortive. -Those who came would not act, because others did not come. In 1694 -commissioners met at Albany to frame a treaty with the Five Nations, -and Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey were -represented. A journal of Benjamin Wadsworth, who accompanied the -Massachusetts delegates, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Collections_, -xxii. 102. This journal was used by Holmes in his _Amer. Annals_, 2d -ed., i. p. 451. - -Such were the practical efforts at consolidating power for the common -defence, which the colonies had taken part in up to the end of the -seventeenth century. We now begin to encounter various theoretical -plans for more permanent unions.[1546] In 1698 William Penn devised a -scheme which is printed in the _New York Colonial Documents_, iv. 296. -In the same year Charles Davenant prepared a plan which is found in -Davenant’s _Political and Commercial Works_, vol. ii. p. 11.[1547] In -1701 we find a plan, by a Virginian, set forth in an _Essay upon the -government of the English plantations_;[1548] and one of the same year -(May 13, 1701) by Robert Livingston, suggesting three different unions, -is noted in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 874. - -In 1709 another temporary emergency revived the subject. Colonel Vetch -convened the governors of New England at New London (Oct. 14) for a -concert of action in a proposed expedition against Canada, but the -failure of the fleet to arrive from England cut short all effort.[1549] -Again in 1711 (June 21) the governors of New England assembled at the -same place, to determine the quotas of their respective colonies for -the Canada expedition, planned by Nicholson; and later in the year, the -same New England governments invited New York to another conference, -but it came to naught. - -In 1721 there was a plan to place a captain-general over the colonies. -(Cf. a Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, in _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, v. p. 591.) - -On Sept. 10, 1722, Albany was the scene of another congress, at which -Pennsylvania and New York joined to renew a league with the Five -Nations; and a few days later (Sept. 14), Virginia having joined them, -they renewed the conference. (Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 567.) - -The same year, 1722, Daniel Coxe,[1550] in his _Carolana_, offered -another theory of union. - -In June, 1744, George Clinton, of New York, submitted to a convocation -of deputies from Massachusetts a plan of union something like the -early New England confederacy. The Six Nations sent their sachems. - -On July 23, 1748, there was another conference for mutual support at -Albany, at which the Six Nations met the deputies of New York and -Massachusetts. - -In 1751, Clinton, of New York, invited representatives of all the -colonies from New Hampshire to South Carolina to meet the Six Nations -for compacting a league. The journal of the commissioners is in the -_Mass. Archives_, xxxviii. 160.[1551] - -In 1751, Archibald Kennedy, in his tract _The importance of gaining -and preserving the friendship of the Indians to the British interest -considered_, N. Y., 1751, and London, 1752 (Carter-Brown, iii. 955, -975), developed a plan of his own.[1552] - -In 1752 Governor Dinwiddie advocated distinct northern and southern -confederacies. - -In June, 1754, the most important of all these congresses convened -at Albany,[1553] under an order from the home government. The chief -instigator of a union was Shirley,[1554] and the most important -personage in the congress was Benjamin Franklin, who was chiefly -instrumental in framing the plan finally adopted, though it failed -in the end of the royal sanction as too subversive of the royal -prerogative, while it lost the support of the several assemblies in the -colonies because too careful of the same prerogative. Franklin himself -later thought it must have hit a happy and practicable mean, from this -diversity of view in the crown and in the subject. - -This plan, as it originally lay in Franklin’s mind, is embodied in his -“Short Hints towards a Scheme for uniting the Northern Colonies,” which -is printed in _Franklin’s Works_.[1555] This draft Franklin submitted -to James Alexander and Cadwallader Colden, and their comments are given -in _Ibid._, pp. 28, 30, as well as Franklin’s own incomplete paper (p. -32) in explanation. - -It was Franklin’s plan, amended a little, which finally met with the -approval of all the commissioners except those from Connecticut. - -This final plan is printed, accompanied by “reasons and motives for -each article,” in Sparks’s ed. of _Franklin’s Works_, i. 36.[1556] - -An original MS. journal of the congress is noted in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, iii. no. 1,067. The proceedings have been printed in -O’Callaghan’s _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, ii. 545; in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, -vi. 853; in _Pennsylvania Col. Records_, vi. 57; and in the _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Collections_, xxv. p. 5, but this last lacks the last day’s -proceedings. Cf. rough drafts of plans in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. -203, and _Penna. Archives_, ii. 197; also see _Penna. Col. Rec._, v. -30-97. There are some contemporary extracts from the proceedings of the -congress of 1754 in a volume of _Letters and Papers_, iv. (1721-1760), -in Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. - -We have four accounts of the congress from those who were -members.[1557] - -Pownall read (July 11, 1754) at the congress a paper embracing -“Considerations towards a general plan of measures for the colonies,” -which is printed in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 893, and in _Penna. -Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 197. - -At the same time William Johnson brought forward a paper suggesting -“Measures necessary to be taken with the Six Nations for defeating the -designs of the French.” It is printed in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 897; -_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 203. - -Shirley (Oct. 21, 1754) wrote to Morris, of Pennsylvania, urging him to -press acquiescence in the plan of union. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 181.) - -Shirley’s own comments on the Albany plan are found in his letter, -dated Boston, Dec. 24, 1754, and directed to Sir Thos. Robinson, which -is printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 213, and in _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, vi. 930. During this December Franklin was in Boston, and -Shirley showed to him the plan, which the government had proposed, -looking to taxing the colonies for the expense of maintaining the -proposed union. Franklin met the scheme with some letters, afterwards -brought into prominence when taxation without representation was -practically enforced. These Franklin letters were printed in a London -periodical in 1766, and again in _Almon’s Remembrancer_ in 1776. They -can best be found in Sparks’s ed. of _Franklin’s Works_, vol. iii. p. -56.[1558] - -Livingston’s references to the congress are in his _Review of Military -Operations_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vii. 76, 77). - -A list of the delegates to the congress is given in _Franklin’s Works_, -iii. 28, in Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, ii. 226, and elsewhere. - -The report of the commissioners on the part of Rhode Island is printed -in the _R. I. Col. Records_, v. 393. The report of the commissioners of -Connecticut, with the reasons for rejecting the plan of the congress, -is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vii. 207, 210. - -There is much about the congress in the _Doc. Hist. New York_, i. -553-54; ii. 545, 564, 570-71, 589-91, 605, 611-15, 672. - -Of the later accounts, that given by Richard Frothingham in his _Rise -of the Republic_ is the most extensive and most satisfactory.[1559] - -After the Albany plan had been rejected by the Massachusetts -assembly, another plan, the MS. of which in Hutchinson’s hand exists -in the _Mass. Archives_, vi. 171,[1560] was brought forward in the -legislature. It was intended to include all the colonies except Nova -Scotia and Georgia. It failed of acceptance. It is printed in the -appendix of Frothingham’s _Rise of the Republic_. - -Pownall suggested, in his _Administration of the Colonies_, a plan -for establishing barrier colonies beyond the Alleghanies, settling -them with a population inured to danger, so that they could serve as -protectors of the older colonies, in averting the enemy’s attacks. -Franklin shared his views in this respect. (Cf. _Franklin’s Works_, -iii. 69, and also _Pennsylvania Archives_, ii. 301, vi. 197.) - -Among the Shelburne Papers (_Hist. MSS. Commissioners’ Report_, no. -5, p. 218) is a paper dated at Whitehall, Oct. 29, 1754, commenting -upon the Albany congress, and called “A Representation[1561] to the -King of the State of the Colonies,” and “A Plan for the Union of the -Colonies,” signed August 9, 1754, by Halifax and others.[1562] This -was the plan already referred to, presented by the ministry in lieu of -the one proposed at Albany, which had been denied. Bancroft (_United -States_, orig. ed., iv. 166) calls it “despotic, complicated, and -impracticable.” It is named in the draft printed in the _New Jersey -Archives_, 1st ser., viii., Part 2d, p. 1, as a “Plan by the Lords of -Trade of general concert and mutual defence to be entered into by the -colonies in America.” - -In the interval before it became a serious question of combining -against the mother country, two other plans for union were urged. John -Mitchell (_Contest in America_) in 1757 proposed triple confederacies, -and in 1760 a plan was brought forward by Samuel Johnson. (_N. Y. Col. -Docs._, vii. 438.) - - -=B.= CARTOGRAPHY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE AND THE LAKES IN THE EIGHTEENTH -CENTURY.—Various extensive maps of the St. Lawrence River were made in -the eighteenth century. Chief among them may be named the following:— - -There is noted in the _Catal. of the Lib. of Parliament_ (Toronto, -1858, p. 1619, no. 65) a MS. map of the St. Lawrence from below -Montreal to Lake Erie, which is called “excellent à consulter,” and -dated 1728. - -Popple’s, in 1730, of which a reduction is given in Cassell’s _United -States_, i. 420. - -A “Carte des lacs du Canada, par N. Bellin, 1744,” is in Charlevoix, -iii. 276. - -A map of Lake Ontario by Labroguerie (1757) is noted in the _Catal. of -the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), ii. 112. - -General Amherst caused sectional maps to be made by Captain Holland -and others, which are noted in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. -Mus.), i. 608. - -Subsequent to the conquest of 1760, General Murray directed Montresor -to make a map of the St. Lawrence from Montreal to St. Barnaby Island. -This is preserved. (_Trans. Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_, 1872-73, p. -99.) - -Maps in Bellin’s _Petit Atlas Maritime_, 1764 (nos. 4 to 8). - -Jefferys’ map of the river from Quebec down, added to a section above -Quebec, based on D’Anville’s map of 1755, is in Jefferys’ _Gen. Topog. -of North America, etc._, 1768, nos. 16, 17. - -The edition of 1775 is called _An exact Chart of the River St. Lawrence -from Fort Frontenac to Anticosti (and Part of the Western Coast of -the Gulf of St. Lawrence), showing the Soundings, Rocks, and Shoals, -with all necessary Instructions for navigating the River, with Views -of the Land, etc., by T. Jefferys_. It measures 24 × 37 inches, and -has particular Charts of the Seven Islands; St. Nicholas, or English -Harbor; the Road of Tadoussac; Traverse, or Passage from Cape Torment. - -A map engraved by T. Kitchen, in Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, -London, 1772, p. 30, shows the river from Lake Ontario to its mouth, -defining on the lake the positions of Forts Niagara, Oswego, and -Frontenac; and (p. 333) is one giving the course of the river below -Montreal. - -In the _Atlantic Neptune_ of Des Barres, 1781, Part ii. no. 1, is the -St. Lawrence in three sheets, from Quebec to the gulf; Part ii., no. -16, has the same extent, on a larger scale, in four sheets; Part ii., -Additional Charts, no. 8, gives the river from the Chaudière to Lake -St. Francis, in six sheets, as surveyed by Samuel Holland. - -Moll made a survey of the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1729. The most -elaborate map is that of Jefferys (1775), which measures 20 × 24 -inches, and is called _Chart of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, composed from -a great number of Actual Surveys and other Materials, regulated and -connected by Astronomical Observations_. - -There is a chart of Chaleur Bay in the _North American Pilot_ (1760), -nos. 14, 15; and of the Saguenay River, by N. Bellin, in Charlevoix, -iii. 64. - - -=C.= THE PEACE OF 1763.—The events in Europe which led to the downfall -of Pitt and to the negotiations for peace are best portrayed among -American historians in Parkman[1563] and Bancroft.[1564] - -The leading English historians (Stanhope, etc.) can be supplemented by -the _Bedford Correspondence_, vol. iii. Various claims and concessions, -made respectively by the English and French governments, are printed -from the official records in Mills’ _Boundaries of Ontario_ (App., -p. 209, etc.). See also the _Mémoire historique sur la négociation -de la France et de l’Angleterre depuis le 26 Mars, 1761, jusqu’au 20 -septembre de la même année, avec les pièces justificatives_, Paris, -1761.[1565] - -As soon as Quebec had surrendered there grew a party in England who put -Canada as a light weight in the scales, in comparison with Guadaloupe, -in balancing the territorial claims to be settled in defining the terms -of a peace. The controversy which followed produced numerous pamphlets, -some of which may be mentioned.[1566] - -The surrender of Canada was insisted upon in 1760 in a _Letter -addressed to two great men on the prospect of peace, and on the terms -necessary to be insisted upon in the negotiation_ (London); and the -arguments were largely sustained in William Burke’s _Remarks on the -Letter addressed to two great men_ (London, 1760), both of which -pamphlets passed to later editions.[1567] - -Franklin, then in London, complimented the writers of these tracts -on the unusual “decency and politeness” which they exhibited amid -the party rancor of the time. This was in a voluminous tract, which -he then issued, called _Interest of Great Britain considered with -regard to her colonies and the acquisition of Canada and Guadaloupe_, -London, 1760.[1568] In this he repelled the intimation that there -was any disposition on the part of the Americans to combine to throw -off their allegiance to the crown, though such views were not wholly -unrife in England or in the colonies.[1569] He also advocated, in a way -that Burke called “the ablest, the most ingenious, the most dexterous -on that side,” for the retention of Canada, insisting that peace in -North America, if not in Europe, could only be made secure by British -occupancy of that region.[1570] - -The preliminaries of peace having been agreed upon in November, -1762, and laid before Parliament, the discussion was revived.[1571] -The ratification, however, came in due course,[1572] and the royal -proclamation was made Oct. 7, 1763.[1573] - - -=D.= THE GENERAL CONTEMPORARY SOURCES OF THE WAR, 1754-1760.—During -the war and immediately following it, there were a number of English -reviews of its progress and estimates of its effects, which either -reflect the current opinions or give contemporary record of its events. - -Such are the following:— - -John Mitchell’s _Contest in America between Great Britain and France, -with its consequences and importance_, London, 1757.[1574] It was -published as by “an impartial hand.” - -W. H. Dilworth’s _History of the present War to the conclusion of the -year 1759_, London, 1760.[1575] - -Peter Williamson’s _Brief account of the War in North America, -containing several very remarkable particulars relative to the natural -dispositions, tempers, and inclinations of the unpolished savages, -not taken notice of in any other history_, Edinburgh, 1760,[1576]—a -book of no value, except as incidentally illustrating the dangers of -partisan warfare. - -_A review of Mr. Pitt’s Administration, second edition, with -alterations and additions_, London, 1763. This particularly concerns -that minister’s policy in America. - -John Dobson’s _Chronological Annals of the War_ (Apr. 2, 1755, to the -signing of the preliminaries of peace), Oxford, 1763.[1577] - -John Entick’s _General History of the late War ... in Europe, Asia, -Africa, and America_, London, 1764, 5 vols.[1578] The author was a -schoolmaster and maker of books. Some contemporary critics speak -disparagingly of the book. It includes numerous portraits and maps. - -_History of the late War from 1749 to 1763._ Glasgow, 1765. - -J. Wright’s _Complete History of the late War, or Annual Register of -its rise, progress, and events in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America_. -_Illustrated with heads, plans, maps, and charts._ London, 1765.[1579] - -Capt. John Knox’s _Historical Journal of the campaigns in North -America for the years 1757, 1758, 1759, and 1760, containing the -most remarkable occurrences, the orders of the admirals and general -officers, descriptions of the country, diaries of the weather, -manifestos, the French orders and disposition for the defence of the -colony_, London, 1769, 2 vols.[1580] - -_The beginning, progress, and conclusion of the late War_, London, -1770.[1581] - -Thomas Mante’s _History of the late War in North America, including -the campaign of 1763 and 1764 against his Majesty’s Indian enemies_, -London, 1772. Mante was an engineer officer in the service, but he -did not share in the war till the last year of it.[1582] The book has -eighteen large maps and plates. It has been praised by Bancroft and -Sparks. - -As a supplement to the accounts of the war, we may place Major Robert -Rogers’s _Concise account of North America_, London, 1765;[1583] a -description of the country, particularly of use as regards the region -beyond the Alleghanies, with accounts of the Indians. - -The best contemporary English monthly record before 1758 is to be found -in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, but occasional references should be made to -other magazines.[1584] After 1758 the monthly accounts yield in value -to the yearly summary of Dodsley’s _Annual Register_. - -Respecting the French territory of North America, the readiest English -account is Thomas Jefferys’ _Natural and Civil History of the French -Dominions in North and South America_, London, 1760.[1585] Charlevoix -is largely used in the compilation of this work, without acknowledgment. - -Foremost among the special histories of the war, which were -contemporary on the French side, is the _Mémoires sur la dernière -guerre de l’Amérique Septentrionale_, written by Pouchot, of the -regiment of Bearn, who twice surrendered his post, at Niagara and -Lévis. The book bears the imprint of Yverdon, 1781,[1586] is in -three volumes, and has been published in an English version with the -following title:— - -_Memoir upon the late war in North America, between the French and -English, 1755-60, followed by observations upon the theatre of -actual war, and by new details concerning the manners and customs of -the Indians, with topographical maps, by M. Pouchot, translated by -Franklin B. Hough, with additional notes and illustrations._ Roxbury, -Massachusetts. 1866.[1587] 2 vols. - -The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec[1588] published in 1838 -contemporary _Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760, avec cartes et plans_. -It was reprinted in 1876. The original MS. has a secondary title, -“Mémoires du S—— de C——, contenant l’histoire du Canada durant la -guerre et sous le gouvernement anglais.” The introduction to it as -printed suggests that its author was M. de Vauclain, an officer of -marine in 1759. - -Concerning the _Histoire de la guerre contre les Anglois_, Geneva, -1759-60, two volumes, Rich[1589] says it relates almost entirely to -the war in America, and cites Barbier as giving the authorship to -Poullin de Lumina.[1590] - -There is a contemporary account of the campaigns, 1754-58, preserved in -the Archives de la Guerre at Paris, which is ascribed to the Chevalier -de Montreuil, and is given in English in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. -912. In the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 439, it is made a part of -an extensive series of documents relating to the period of the French -occupation of western Pennsylvania. - -Among the Parkman MSS. is a series called _New France_, 1748-1763, -in twelve volumes, mainly transcripts from the French Archives, with -copies of some private papers, all supplementing the selection which -Dr. O’Callaghan printed in his _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. x. - -The papers of this period make a part of the review given by Edmond -Lareau in his “Nos Archives,” in the _Revue Canadienne_, xii. 208, 295, -347. A paper on the “Archives of Canada,” by a former president of the -Lit. and Hist. Society of Quebec, Dr. W. J. Anderson, describes the -labors of that society, which have been aided by an appropriation from -the government to collect and arrange the historical records.[1591] -Of a collection made by Papineau from the Paris Archives, in ten -volumes, six were burned in the destruction of the Parliament House -in 1849. The transcripts of Paris documents in the Mass. Archives, -having been copied for the Province of Quebec, have been included in -the publication, issued in four quarto volumes, under the auspices -of that province, and called _Collection de manuscrits contenant -lettres, mémoires, et autres documents historiques relatifs à la -Novvelle-France, recueillis aux archives de la province de Québec, -ou copiés à l’étranger_. _Mis en ordre et édités sous les auspices -de la législature de Québec._ [Edited by J. Blanchet.] (Quebec. -1883-85.)[1592] - -It was a stipulation of the capitulation at Montreal in 1760 that all -papers held by the French which were necessary for the prosecution of -the government should be handed over by the French officials to the -victors. These are now supposed to be at Ottawa.[1593] - -The papers from the Public Record Office (London) from 1748 to 1763, -and referring to Canada, occupy five volumes of the Parkman MSS., in -the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society.[1594] - -The State of New York, in its _Documentary Hist. of New York_ and its -_New York Col. Docs._; New Jersey, in its _New Jersey Archives_; and -Pennsylvania in its _Colonial Records_ and _Pennsylvania Archives_, -have done much to help the student by printing their important -documents of the eighteenth century. - -In New England, Massachusetts has done nothing in printing; but a -large part of her important papers are arranged and indexed, and a -commission has been appointed, with an appropriation of $5,000 a -year,[1595] to complete the arrangement, and render her documents -accessible to the student, and carry out the plan recommended by the -same commission,[1596] whose report (Jan., 1885) was printed by the -legislature. It gives a synopsis of the mass of papers constituting -the archives of Massachusetts. Dr. Geo. H. Moore, in Appendix 5 of his -_Final Notes on Witchcraft_, details what legislative action has taken -place in the past respecting the care of these archives. - -The other New England States have better cared for their records of -the provincial period; New Hampshire having printed her _Provincial -Papers_, Rhode Island and Connecticut their _Colonial Records_.[1597] - - * * * * * - -Certain historical summaries—contemporary or nearly so—of the English -colonies are necessary to the study of their conditions at the outbreak -and during the progress of the war. - -First, we have an early French view in George Marie Butel-Dumont’s -_Histoire et Commerce des Colonies Angloises dans l’Amérique -Septentrionale_, 1755. A portion of it was issued in London in a -translation, as _The Present State of North America_, Part i.[1598] - -The Summary of Douglass has been mentioned elsewhere,[1599] and it -ends at too early a date to include the later years of the wars now -under consideration. - -The work of Edmund Burke, _An Account of the European Settlements in -America_, though published in 1757, was not able to chronicle much of -the effects of the war. It has passed through many editions.[1600] - -M. Wynne’s _General History of the British Empire in America_, London, -1770,[1601] 2 vols., is in some parts a compilation not always -skilfully done. - -Smith’s _History of the British Dominions in America_ was issued -anonymously, and Grahame (ii. 253) says of it that it “contains more -ample and precise information than the composition of Wynne, and, like -it, brings down the history and state of the colonies to the middle of -the eighteenth century. It is more of a statistical than a historical -work.” - -_A History of the British Dominions in North America_ (London, 1773, 2 -vols. in quarto) was a bookseller’s speculation, of no great authority, -as Rich determined.[1602] - -William Russell, the author of a _History of America from its discovery -to the conclusion of the late war_ [1763], London, 1778, 2 vols. in -quarto, was of Gray’s Inn,[1603]—the same who wrote the _History of -Modern Europe_, which, despite grave defects, has had a long lease -of life at the hand of continuators. His _America_ has had a trade -success, and has passed through later editions. - -_A New and Complete History of the British Empire in America_ (London) -is the running-title of a work issued in numbers in London about 1756. -It was never completed, and has no title-page.[1604] - -Jefferys’ _General Topography of North America and the West Indies_, -London, 1768, has a double title, French and English. It is the -earliest publication of what came later to be known as _Jefferys’ -Atlas_, in the issues of which the plates are inferior to the -impression in this book.[1605] - -[Illustration] - -The special histories of two of the colonies deserve mention, because -their authors lived during the war, and they wrote with authority -on some of its aspects. These are Thomas Hutchinson’s _Hist. of -Massachusetts Bay_,[1606] and William Smith’s _History of the Province -of New York_.[1607] The latter book, as published by its author, -came down only to 1736, though, being written during the war, he -anticipated in his narrative some of its events. He, however, prepared -a continuation to 1762, and this was for the first time printed as -the second volume of an edition of the work published by the New York -Hist. Society in 1829-30. In editing this second volume, the son of -the author says that his father was “a prominent actor in the scenes -described,” which are in large part, however, the endless quarrels -of the executive part of the government of the province with its -assembly. Parkman characterizes Smith as a partisan in his views. Smith -acknowledges his obligations to Colden for “affairs with the French -and Indians, antecedent to the Peace of Ryswick;” and while he follows -Colden in matters relating to the English, he appeals to Charlevoix for -the French transactions.[1608] - -Two special eclectic maps of the campaigns of the war may be -mentioned:— - -Bonnechose, in his _Montcalm et le Canada Français_, 5th ed., Paris, -1882, gives a “Carte au théâtre des opérations militaires du M^{r.} de -Montcalm, d’après les documents de l’époque.” - -In L. Dussieux’s _Le Canada sous la domination française_ (Paris, 1855) -is a general map “pour servir a l’histoire de la Nouvelle France, ou du -Canada, jusqu’en 1763, dressées principalement d’après des matériaux -inédits conservés dans les Archives du ministère de la Marine, par L. -Dussieux, 1851.” - -As an instance of the curious, perverse error which could be made to do -duty for cartographical aids, reference may be made to a publication of -Georg Cristoph Kilian, of Augsburg, in 1760, entitled _Americanische -Urquelle derer innerlichen Kriege des bedrängten Teutschlands ... -historisch verfasset durch L. F. v. d. H._ - - -=E.= THE GENERAL HISTORIANS OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH COLONIES.—The -bibliography of the general histories of Canada has been already -attempted,[1609] and to the sources of such bibliography then given may -be added M. Edmond Lareau’s _Histoire de la Littérature Canadienne_ -(Montreal, 1874), for its chapter (4th) on Canadian historians; and -Mr. J. C. Dent’s _Last forty years of Canada_ (1881), for its review -of the historians in its chapter on “Literature and Journalism.” New -France and her New England historians is the subject of a paper in the -_Southern Review_ (new series, xviii. 337). - -It is not necessary here to repeat in detail the enumeration of the -historians, both French and English, which have been thus referred to. - -[Illustration: GARNEAU. - -After a likeness in Daniel’s _Nos Gloires Nationales_, ii. p. 107. -There is another portrait in his _Hist. du Canada_, 4th ed., Montreal, -1883, in connection with a memoir of its author.] - -The leading historian of Canada in the French interests is, without -question, François Xavier Garneau, the earlier editions of whose -_Histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu’à nos jours_ have been -mentioned elsewhere;[1610] the final revision of which, however, has -since appeared at Montreal (1882-83) in a fourth edition in four -volumes, accompanied by a “notice biographique” by Chauveau.[1611] -English writers question his clearness of vision, when his national -sympathies are evoked by his story, and there are some instances -in which they accuse him of garbling his authorities. It must be -confessed, however, that the disasters of the French do not always -elicit Garneau’s sympathy, and his own compatriots have not all -approved his reflections upon Montcalm for his last campaign. - -Among the later of the French writers on the closing years of the -French domination, Mr. J. M. Lemoine, of Quebec, is conspicuous. -Such of his writings as are in English have been gathered in part -from periodicals, and principal among them are his _Quebec Past and -Present_, and its sequel, _Picturesque Quebec_, beside his collection -of _Maple Leaves_, in two series (Quebec, 1863, 1873).[1612] - -Jean Langevin delivered at the Canadian Institute, in Quebec, a series -of lectures on “Canada sous la domination française” (1659-1759), which -have appeared in the _Journal de Québec_. - -The latest of the French chronicles are Eugène Réveillaud’s _Histoire -du Canada et des Canadiens français de la découverte jusqu’à nos -jours_, Paris, 1884 (pp. 551, with map), and Benjamin Sulte’s _Histoire -des Canadiens français_, 1608-1880 (Montreal, 1882-1884), in eight thin -quarto volumes, with illustrations, including portraits of the Canadian -historians and antiquaries, Pierre Boucher, Jacques Viger, Garneau, L. -J. Papineau, Michel Bibaud, Aubert de Gaspé, Ferland, Abbé Casgrain, -and E. Rameau. - -The Abbé J. A. Maurault’s _Histoire des Abénakis depuis 1605 jusqu’à -nos jours_, Quebec, 1866, covers portions of the wars of Canada in -which those Indians took part. - - * * * * * - -The _American Annals_ of Dr. Abiel Holmes was published in Cambridge -(Mass.) in 1805. It is a book still to inspire confidence, and “the -first authoritative work from an American pen which covered the whole -field of American history.”[1613] Libraries in America were then scant, -but the annalist traced where he could his facts to original sources, -and when he issued his second edition, in 1829, its revision and -continuation showed how he had availed himself of the stores of the -Ebeling and other collections which in the interval had enriched the -libraries of Harvard College and Boston. Grahame[1614] gives the book -no more than just praise when he calls it perhaps “the most excellent -chronological digest that any nation has ever possessed.” - -The history of the colonies, which formed an introduction to Marshall’s -_Life of Washington_, was republished in Philadelphia in 1824, as -_History of the Colonies planted by the English on the Continent of -North America to the commencement of that war which terminated in their -independence_. - -[Illustration: JAMES GRAHAME. - -After the engraving in the Boston ed. of his _History_.] - -James Grahame was a Scotchman, born in 1790, an advocate at the -Scottish bar, and a writer for the reviews. By his religious and -political training he had the spirit of the Covenanters and the -ideas of a republican. In 1824 he began to think of writing the -history of the United States, and soon after entered upon the work, -the progress of which a journal kept by him, and now in the library -of Harvard College, records. In Feb., 1827, the first two volumes, -bringing the story down to the period of the English revolution, were -published,[1615] and met with neglect from the chief English reviews. -As he went on he had access to the material which George Chalmers -had collected. He finished the work in Dec., 1829; but before he -published these closing sections a considerate notice of the earlier -two volumes appeared in January, 1831, in the _North American Review_, -the first considerable recognition which he had received. It encouraged -him in the more careful revision of the later volumes, which he was -now engaged upon, and in Jan., 1836, they were published.[1616] His -health prevented his continuing his studies into the period of the -American Revolution. In 1837 Mr. Bancroft had in his _History_ (ii. -64) animadverted on the term “baseness,” which Grahame in his earliest -volumes had applied to John Clarke, who had procured for Rhode Island -its charter of 1663, charging Grahame with having invented the -allegations which induced him to be so severe on Clarke. Mr. Robert -Walsh and Mr. Grahame himself repelled the insinuation in _The New York -American_, and a later edition of Mr. Bancroft’s volume changed the -expression from “invention” to “unwarranted misapprehension,” and Mr. -Grahame subsequently withdrew the term “baseness,” which had offended -the local pride of the Rhode Islanders, and wrote “with a suppleness of -adroit servility.” It is not apparent that either historian sacrificed -much of his original intention. Josiah Quincy defends Grahame’s view -in a note to his memoir of the historian prefixed to the Boston -edition of his _History_, in which Grahame had said he was incapable -of such dishonesty as Bancroft had charged upon him. Bancroft wrote in -March, 1846, a letter to the _Boston Courier_, calling the retort of -Grahame a “groundless attack,” and charging Quincy, who had edited the -new edition of Grahame, with giving publicity to Grahame’s personal -criminations. Quincy replied in a pamphlet, _The Memory of the late -James Grahame, Historian, vindicated from the charges of Detraction -and Calumny, preferred against him by Mr. George Bancroft, and the -Conduct of Mr. Bancroft towards that Historian stated and exposed_, in -which use was also made of material furnished by the Grahame family, -and thought to implicate Mr. Bancroft in literary jealousy of his -rival.[1617] Grahame was not better satisfied with the view which Mr. -Quincy had taken of the character of the Mathers in his _History of -Harvard University_. “The Mathers are very dear to me,” Grahame wrote -to Quincy, “and you attack them with a severity the more painful to -me that I am unable to demur to its justice. I would fain think that -you do not make sufficient allowance for the spirit of their times.” -This difference, however, did not disturb the literary amenities -of their relations; and Grahame, in 1839, demurred against Walsh’s -proposition to republish his _History_ in Philadelphia, for fear he -might be seeming to seek a rivalry with Mr. Bancroft on his own soil. -Three years later, July 3, 1842, Mr. Grahame died, leaving behind him -a corrected and enlarged copy of his _History_. Subsequently this copy -was sent by his family for deposit in the library of Harvard College, -and from it, under the main supervision of Josiah Quincy, but with the -friendly countenance of Judge Story and of Messrs. James Savage, Jared -Sparks, and William H. Prescott, an American edition of _The History of -the United States of North America, from the Plantation of the British -Colonies till their Assumption of National Independence_, in four -volumes, was published in Boston in 1845, accompanied by an engraved -portrait after Healy. - -Excluding Parkman’s series of histories, upon which it is not necessary -to enlarge here after the constant use made of them in the critical -parts of the present volume, the most considerable English work to be -compared with his is Major George Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, -edited by Eliot Warburton, and published in London in two volumes in -1849, and reprinted in New York in 1850. He surveys the whole course -of Canadian history, but was content with its printed sources, as they -were accessible forty years ago. - -Among the other general American historians it is enough to mention in -addition Bancroft,[1618] Hildreth,[1619] and Gay;[1620] and among the -English, Smollett,[1621] who had little but the published despatches, -as they reached England at the time, and Mahon (Stanhope), who availed -himself of more deliberate research, but his field did not admit -of great enlargement.[1622] The _Exodus of the Western Nations_, -by Viscount Bury, is not wholly satisfactory in its treatment of -authorities.[1623] - -Henry Cabot Lodge’s _Short History of the English Colonies_ (N. Y., -1881) has for its main purpose a presentation of the social and -institutional condition of the English colonies at the period of the -Stamp Act Congress in 1765; and the condensed sketches of the earlier -history of each colony, which he has introduced, were imposed on the -general plan, rather unadvisedly, to fill the requirements of the -title. He says of these chapters: “They make no pretence to original -research, but are merely my own presentation of facts, which ought to -be familiar to every one.” - - -=F.= BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NORTHWEST.—Concerning the historical -literature of the States of the upper lake region and the upper -Mississippi, a statement is made in Vol. IV. p. 198, etc. Since -that was written some additions of importance have been made. The -_Northwest Review, a biographical and historical monthly_, was begun at -Minneapolis in March, 1883; but it ceased after the second number. In -Nov., 1884, there appeared the first number of the _Magazine of Western -History_, at Cleveland. - -The two most important monographs to be added to the list are:— - -S. Breese’s _Early history of Illinois, from 1673 to 1763, including -the narrative of Marquette’s discovery of the Mississippi. With a -biographical memoir by M. W. Fuller. Edited by T. Hoyne_. Chicago, -1884; and Silas Farmer’s _History of Detroit and Michigan: a -chronological cyclopædia of the past and present, including a record -of the territorial days in Michigan and the annals of Wayne county_. -Detroit, 1884,—the latter the most important local history yet -produced in the West. The first volume of the _Final Report of the -Geological Survey of Minnesota_, by Winchell, adds something to the -early cartography of the region, and gives an historical chart of -Minnesota, showing the geographical names and their dates, since 1841. -The Historical Society of Minnesota has added a fifth volume (1885) -to the _Collections_, which is largely given to the history of the -Ojibways. - -The Historical Society of Iowa having ceased to publish the _Annals -of Iowa_ in 1874 (1863-1874, in 12 vols.), a new series was begun in -1882 by S. S. Howe, but the society declined to make it an official -publication, and began the issue of a quarterly _Iowa Historical -Record_ in 1885. - -On the Canada side the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba -have been issuing since 1882, at Winnipeg, its Reports, Publications, -and Transactions. - - - - - INDEX. - -[Reference is commonly made but once to a book, if repeatedly mentioned -in the text; but other references are made when additional information -about the book is conveyed.] - - - Abbott, J. S. C., _Maine_, 163. - - Abenakis, 421; - memoir on, 430. - - Abercorn (Georgia), 372, 373, 379, 401. - - Abercrombie, General, 154; - to succeed Webb, 508; - autog., 521; - to attack Crown Point, 521; - blunders in his attack on Ticonderoga, 522; - does not bring up his cannon, 523; - retreats, 523 (_see_ Ticonderoga); - his letters, 597; - authorities on his defeat, 597. - - Abington (Mass.), history of, 461; - Acadians in, 461. - - Acadia, power of England nominal, 407; - in French hands, 407; - harassed by Benj. Church, 407; - restored to France, 407; - ceded to England by treaty of Utrecht (1713), 408; - wars in, 407; - the English settlers ask to be set up as the province of Georgia, - 474; - Anburey’s view of bounds, 474; - maps of the eighteenth century, 474; - _Geographical History of Nova Scotia_, 475; - sessions of commissioners in Paris (1755) to define bounds, 475; - earliest grant to De Monts, 475; - the French constantly shifted their ground, 475; - French policy in, under Jonquière, 9; - under Galissonière, 11; - French population, 409; - critical essay on sources of its history, 418; - authorities on its wars, 420; - contemporary French _Mémoires_ on the French claim, 473; - correspondence of Albemarle with Newcastle, 475; - _Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi_, etc., 475; - two editions of it, 475; - the French view in _A Summary View of Facts_, 475; - _Memorials of the English and French Commissaries_, 476; - memorial of Shirley and Mildmay (1750), 476; - _Mémoires_ of the French (1750), 476; - maps and bounds of, 472; - map by Lahontan, 473; - _Memorial_ (1751), 476; - _Mémoire_ (1751), 476; - _Memorial_ (1753) signed by Mildmay and Ruvigny de Cosne, 476; - concession to Thomas Gates (1606), 476; - to Sir Wm. Alexander (1621), 476; - other early papers, 476; - act ceding Acadia to France (1667-68), 476; - reports of the French and English commissioners (1755) compared, - 477; - reprints of the French edition at Copenhagen, 477; - papers (1632-1748) from French archives, 459; - papers in library at Ottawa, 459; - manuscripts quoted in the French report, 477; - _Répliques des Commissaires anglois_, 477; - map of French claim, 478; - of English claim, 479; - early grants mapped out, 478, 479; - _Conduct of the French with regard to Nova Scotia_, 482; - _A fair representative_, 482; - French readiness to yield the Kennebec if pressed, 482. - - Acadian coast (Mississippi River), 463. - - Acadians in Canada, 57; - captured at Beauséjour, 452; - were they neutral? 455; - their qualified loyalty, 455; - unqualified submission required by Lawrence, 455; - the French depend on their assistance, 455; - could hostages have been taken? 455; - deportation resolved upon, 455; - their lands coveted, 455; - necessity in war, 455; - guilelessness claimed for them, 456; - Raynal and other sympathizers, 456; - their mixed blood, 457; - migrations of families, 457; - their houses, 457; - their habits, 457; - religious training, 457; - influenced by Le Loutre, 457; - mutations of opinion respecting them, 457, etc.; - “Evangeline and the Archives of Nova Scotia”, 459; - diverse views of the number deported, 460, 461; - method of their transportation, 461; - families separated, 461; - ports where they were landed, 461; - the colonies which received them, 461, etc.; - refused in Boston to sign petition to the king, 461; - signed one in Philadelphia, 462; - not received (1762) in Boston, 462; - Governor Bernard’s estimate of them, 462; - Galerm’s _Relation_, 462; - became widely scattered, 463; - erroneous views of their fate, 463; - many returned to Nova Scotia, 463; - the Madawaska settlements, 463; - intercepted in endeavoring to return, 463. - _See_ French Neutrals, Nova Scotia. - - Acquia Creek, 277. - - _Acta Upsaliensia_, 241. - - Adaes, missions, 39, 40. - - Adair, Jas., _History American Indians_, 68. - - Adams, Amos, _Concise History of New England_, 435. - - Adams, C. K., 354. - - Adams, Hannah, _New England_, 159; - portrait, 160. - - Adams, Herbert B., _Germanic Origin of New England Towns_, 169; - edits _Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political - Science_, 271; - _Maryland’s Influence upon Land Sessions to the United States_, 271; - _Maryland’s Influence in founding a National Commonwealth_, 271. - - Adams, John, _Novanglus_, 613; - in Rhode Island, 153; - on Shirley, 144. - - Adams, Sam., his Commencement part, 139. - - Addington, Isaac, 92; - autog., 425. - - Addison, Jas., _Spectator_, 107. - - Admiralty, Court of, 96. - - Aigrement, Sieur d’, 560. - - Ainsworth, _John Law_, 77. - - Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 10, 11, 148, 449, 476, 490; - Bedford correspondence, 476. - - Akins, Thomas B., arranges records of Nova Scotia, 458; - edits _Public Documents of Nova Scotia_, 418, 459; - on the first council at Halifax, 450. - - Alatamaha river, 359, 375. - - Albach, James R., _Annals of the West_, 53. - - Albany, 236; - bibliog. of, 249; - history by Weise, 249; - congress at in 1748, 612; - congress of 1754, 150, 205, 495; - its plan rejected, 150; - congress of 1754, authorities on, 612; - instigated by Shirley, 612; - journal, 612; - proceedings printed, 612; - accounts of by members, 612; - Shirley urged acquiescence, 613; - list of delegates, 613; - reports of the commissioners of the colonies, 613; - the minister’s plan proposed in lieu, 613; - the society pictured in Mrs. Grant’s _American Lady_, 509; - in Kalm’s _Travels_, 509; - officers billeted on the people, 510; - plans of the town, 508, 509; - other maps, 508; - Fort Frederick at, 509; - Schuyler house at, 252; - Van Rensselaer house, 252; - trade with Montreal, 567; - treaty at (1701) surrendering Iroquois country to the English, 564; - treaty (Sept., 1722), 245, 485, 563, 611. - - Albee, John, _Newcastle_ (N. H.), 140. - - Albemarle, Duke of, 286; - autog., 287. - - Alden, Capt. John, 420. - - Aldrich, P. E., 169. - - Alexander, James, on the congress of 1754, 612. - - Alexander, N., map of frontier posts, 85. - - Alexander, S. D., 247. - - Alexander, W., letters to Shirley on the Niagara campaign, 583. - - Alexander, Sir Wm., Earl of Sterling, 587; - claims in Acadia (1621), 476, 479; - his grant in Acadia as defined by English and French, 478, 479. - - Alexandria (Acadia), 479. - - Alexandria (Virginia), Braddock’s conference at, 495; - his headquarters, 495. - - Alibamons, 42, 66, 70, 86. - - _All Canada in the hands of the English_, 609. - - _All the Year Round_, 394. - - Allard, _Minor Atlas_, 234. - - Alleghany Mountains, spelling of the name, 8. - - Allegheny city, 8. - - Allen, Ethan (Maryland), 271. - - Allen, Ethan (Vermont), _Concise Refutation_, etc., 179; - _Present State of the Controversy_, 179; - _Proceedings of the Government of New York_, 178; - _Animadversary Address_, 178; - _Vindication, etc._, 178, 179. - - Allen, Ira, _History of Vermont_, 178, 179. - - Allen, J. A., _Bibliog. of Cetacea_, 345. - - Allen, Samuel, 110. - - Allen, Wm., _Norridgewock_, 431. - - Allsop, Geo., 603. - - Almon, John, _Anecdotes_, 613. - - Amelia Sound, 375. - - America, maps of, 234. - - _American Architect_, 169. - - _American Commonwealths_, a series of histories, 271. - - _American Magazine_ (Boston), 158. - - _American Magazine_ (Philadelphia) (published 1741), 248; - (1757-58), 248. - - _American Military Pocket Atlas_, 527. - - _American Weekly Mercury_, 248. - - Ames, Ellis, edits _Massachusetts Province Laws_, 167; - on the Vernon expedition, 135. - - _Ames’s Almanac_, 455. - - Amherst, General Jeffrey, 154; - autog., 527; - portraits, 531; - as a soldier, 533; - siege of Louisbourg, 464; - at Lake George (1759), 536; - builds Fort George, 536; - occupies and repairs Ticonderoga, 536; - his army sick, 537; - occupies and strengthens Crown Point, 537; - communicates with Wolfe by way of the Kennebec, 538; - advances on the lake, but returns to Crown Point for winter - quarters, 540; - advances on Montreal, 556; - surrounds it, 558; - captures it, 558; - his campaign of 1759, 601; - letters, 233, 601; - his family, 601; - his campaign of 1760, 608; - on the capture of Fort Lévis, 609; - causes maps of the St. Lawrence to be made, 614; - correspondence with Johnson on the campaign of 1760, 608; - made Knight of the Bath, 610; - his instructions to Prideaux, 601; - orders to Rogers (1760), 610; - reasons for taking the St. Lawrence route (1760), 610; - his correspondence with the Nova Scotia authorities, 610. - - Amory, M. B., _Copley_, 141. - - Anastase, Father, 17. - - Anburey, T., _Travels_, 284. - - Anbury, Père, on bounds of Acadia (1720), 474. - - Ancram, 224. - - Andastes, 484. - - Anderson, Adam, 364. - - Anderson, Hugh, 399. - - Anderson, John, 219. - - Anderson, W. J., on the Acadians, 459; - “Archives of Canada”, 617; - _Military Operations at Quebec_, 1759-1760, 608. - - Anderson, W. T., 574. - - Anderson, _American Colonial Church_, 272, 282. - - Andover (Mass.), histories of, 184, 461; - Acadians in, 461. - - Andros, Sir Edmund, imprisoned, 87; - sent to England, 87; - in Virginia, 91, 265, 278; - papers on his period in Massachusetts, 165. - - Andros, Fort, 181. - - Anger, Sieur, 238. - - Anger, map of Lake Champlain, 485. - - Angerville, Mouffle d’, _Vie privée de Louis XV._, 75. - - Annapolis Basin, map by Bellin, 429; - other maps, 429. - - Annapolis Royal (_see_ Port Royal), - garrison at, 165; - under Samuel Vetch, 408; - threatened by the French, 410, 413; - journal of capture (1710) 419; - view of, 423; - map of vicinity, 428; - view of Annapolis Gut, 429; - old block house at, 429; - papers concerning, 429; - governor at (1714-1748), 459. - - Annapolis (Md.), 260. - - Anne Arundel (Annapolis), 260. - - Anne, Queen, dies, 103, 113. - - _Annual Register_, 606. - _See_ Dodsley. - - Anson, Fort, 187. - - Anthony’s Nose (Hudson), 237. - - Apalache (Palachees) Bay, 70. - - Apalatchees, 319. - - Appleton, William S., 186; - medals on Siege of Quebec, 603; - on the medals of Louisbourg, 471. - - Apthorp and Hancock (Boston), 461. - - Archdale, John, autog., 344; - _Carolina_, 344; - sent to pacify Carolina, 316. - - Argoud, 14, 16. - - Arkansas (Arcanças), 82. - - Armor, W. C., _Governors of Pennsylvania_, 249. - - Armstrong, Edw., 242. - - Armstrong, John, 581. - - Armstrong, Lawrence, 409. - - Arnold, R. D., 401. - - Arnold, S. G., _Rhode Island_, 163. - - Arnold, Theodore, 344. - - Arrowsick Island, 118; - Indian conference at (1717), 424. - - Arthur, T. S. (with W. H. Carpenter), _History of Georgia_, 406. - - Arthur, W., on Wesley, 403. - - Arundel, Earl of, 335. - - Ash, Thomas, _Carolina_, 340. - - Ashley Lake, 340, 341. - - Ashmead, H. G., _Chester_, 249. - - Ashurst, Sir Henry, dies, 107, 111. - - Ashurst, Sir Wm., 107. - - Aspinwall Papers, 608. - - Atkins’s _America’s Messenger_, 248. - - Atkinson, Sec., letter on Lake George battle (1755), 584. - - Atkinson, Theo., 139, 180. - - Atkinson, T. C., on Braddock’s march, 500. - - _Atlantic Souvenir_, 431. - - _Atlas Amériquain_, 83. - - _Atlas Maritimus_, 239. - - Atwood, William, case of, 241. - - Aubry, 535. - - Auchmuty, Robt., autog., 434; - _Importance of Cape Breton to the British Nation_, 434; - letters, 436. - - Azilia, margravate of, 360. - - - Babson, J. J., _Gloucester_, 169. - - Backus, Isaac, _New England_, 159; - his life by Hovey, 159. - - Bacon’s rebellion in Virginia, authorities on the penal proceedings, - 263. - - Bagley, Colonel Jonathan, 508, 585; - orderly book, 598. - - Baie Verte, 9, 451 - - Bailey, S. L., _Andover_, 184, 461. - - Bailly, _Histoire Financière de la France_, 77. - - Baird, C. W., _Huguenots’ Emigration to America_, 98, 247. - - Baird, R., _Religions in America_, 246. - - Baker, Margaret, 186. - - Baker, Captain Thomas, 186. - - Balch, Thomas, _Les Français en Amérique_, 574; - _Paper on Provincial History of Pennsylvania_, 243. - - Baldwin, C. C., _Indian Migrations in Ohio_, 564. - - Baldwin, S. E., 177. - - Balise, 66. - - Baltimore, Charles, third lord, dies, 260; - fourth lord, Benedict, 260; - fifth lord, Charles, 260; - sixth lord, Frederick, 261; - his portrait, 262; - notes on the family, 271. - - Baltimore (city), commemoration of its founding, 261, 271; - _Memorial Volume_, 271; - plans, 272; - the earliest directory, 272; - earliest view, 272. - - Bancroft, Geo., controversy with Grahame, 620; - owns Chalmers’s paper on Carolina, 352, 354; - on the relations of European politics, 166; - on Carolina history, 355; - gives plan of siege of Louisbourg (1745), 444; - used by Parsons, 444. - - Bancroft, H. H., on Moncacht Apé, 78. - - _Bangor Centennial_, 430. - - Banks, projects to found, in Mass., 170. - - Banque Royale of Law, 34. - - Banyar, Goldsbrow, his diary, 594. - - Baptists in New England, 159; - in Pennsylvania, 246; - In Virginia, 282. - - Barbadoes, explorers from, on the Carolina coast, 288; - map in Ogilby, 472; - relations with Carolina, 306. - - Barbé Marbois, _Louisiane_, 68. - - Barber, John, 182. - - Barlow, S. L. M., 592. - - Barnes, Albert, _Life and Times of Davies_, 578. - - Barnwell, Colonel, 322; - his march (1711), 345; - defeats Tuscaroras, 298. - - Barré, Isaac, at Quebec, 543. - - Barrington, Geo., governor of Carolina, 300, 301; - account of North Carolina, 356. - - Barrow, Thomas, 600. - - Barry, John S., _Massachusetts_, 162. - - Barry, Wm., 424. - - Bartlett, J. R., “Naval History of Rhode Island”, 410. - - Barton, Ira M., 98. - - Bartram, John, _Observations_, 244. - - Bartram, William, 244; - describes Whitefield’s Orphan House (1765), 404. - - Basire, Jas., 337. - - Bass, Benj., _Journal of Expedition against Fort Frontenac_, 599. - - Basse, Jeremiah, 219. - - Bassett, Wm., _Richmond, N. H._, 179. - - Bastide, J. F., _Mémoire Historique_, 614; - views and plans of Louisbourg, 448. - - Bateman, Edmund, 400. - - Bathurst, Sir Francis, 377. - - Baton Rouge, 82. - - Battles, K. P., _History of Raleigh_ (N. C.), 355. - - Baxter, Rev. Jos., journal, 424. - - Bay of Fundy, earliest shown in maps, 472. - - _Bay State Monthly_, 432. - - Bay Verte. _See_ Baie. - - Bayagoulas, 18, 19, 66, 70. - - Bayard, Nicholas, _Account of his trial_, 241. - - Bayley, Jos., Jr., 464. - - Beaford, Arthur, 364. - - Bearcroft, Philip, 400. - - Beardsley, E. E., 120; - on Yale College, 102; - on the Mohegan land controversy, 111; - his _Wm. Sam. Johnson_, 111, 601; - on Dean Berkeley, 142. - - Beatson, _The Plains of Abraham_, 606. - - Beatty, Charles, _Journal_, 246. - - Beaubois, 44. - - Beaufort (S. C.), fort at, 332. - - Beauharnois, Governor, 7; - autog., 7; - confers with the Onondagas, 567; - letter (1726), 561; - meets the Six Nations (1745), 568; - on Oswego, 567. - - Beauharnois, Fort, 7. - - Beaujeu at Duquesne, 497; - sent against Braddock, 497; - notice of by Shea, 498, 580; - pictures of, 498; - his family, 498; - killed, 498. - - Beaumont, J. B. J. E. de, 610. - - Beaurain, 36. - - Beaurain, Jean de, _Journal Historique_, 63; - MS. copies of it, 63, 64. - - Beauséjour, Fort, map of, 451; - built, 452; attacked, 452; - taken, 415, 452; - renamed Fort Cumberland, 452; - French neutrals captured at, 452; - plan of, 453; - papers on the capture, 459. - - Beauvilliers, De, his map, 81. - - Beaver Creek (Ohio), 497. - - Beck, L. C., _Gazetteer of Illinois_, 54. - - Beckford, Wm., 601. - - Beckwith, Bishop, 404. - - Beckwith, H. W., _Illinois and Indiana Indians_, 564. - - Bédard, T. P., 560. - - Bedford, Duke of, on the reduction of Canada, 568. - - Beekman, Henry, his lands, 237. - - _Beginning, Progress, and Conclusion of the Late War_, 616. - - Belcher, Andrew, autog., 425. - - Belcher, Governor, 589; - on Braddock’s defeat, 579; - letter-books, 166; - letters to Larrabee, 432. - - Belcher, Jona., 109, 116; - sent by Massachusetts to England, 131; - made governor of Massachusetts, 131; - governor of New Jersey, 221; - dies, 222; - and the Indians, 139; - his character, 139. - - Beletha, Wm., 364. - - Belêtre at Detroit, 559; - attacks German Flats, 520. - - Belknap, Jeremy, his account of the Louisbourg expedition, 436; - his papers, 166, 436; - _New Hampshire_, 163; - portraits, 163; - forms Massachusetts Historical Society, 163; - his life, 163; - _Belknap Papers_, 163; - correspondence with Hazard, 163. - - Bellamy, George Anne, _Apology_, 577. - - Bellin, J. N., and his maps, 429; - his maps in Charlevoix, 81, 474; - favors the French claims, 82, 83; - maps of Cape Breton, 440; - of Lake Champlain, 485; - of Louisbourg, 439; - of Montreal, 556; - of Saguenay River, 614; - of the St. Lawrence, 614; - of Quebec, 549; - _Neptune Français_, 429; - _Hydrographie Française_, 429; - _Petit Atlas Maritime_, 429; - _Mémoires_, 429; - _Remarques_, 83. - - Bellingham, Governor, his widow dies, 103. - - Bellomont, governor of New York, 194; - his negative, 194; - portrait, 97; - governor of Massachusetts, etc., 97; - in Boston, 98; - character, 98; - life by De Peyster, 98; - dies, 102, 195; - and the Iroquois, 483; - _Propositions by the Five Nations_, 483, 560; - correspondence with the French governor, 560. - - Belmont, grand vicaire, 6. - - Benezet, Huguenot in Philadelphia, 462. - - Bennett, D. K., _Chronology of North Carolina_, 355. - - Bennett, James, 404. - - Bennett, account of New England (MS.), 168. - - Bennington (Vt.), 178. - - Benson, Eugene, 179. - - Bentley, Rev. Wm., 89, 128. - - _Bentley’s Magazine_, 603. - - Benton, N. S., _Herkimer County_, 587. - - Beresford, 76, 80. - - Berkeley, George (Dean), 140, 141; - portrait, 140; - autog., 140; - in Newport, 141; - favors Yale College, 141; - returns to England, 141; - authorities on, 141; - his letters, 141. - - Berkeley, John, Lord, 286; - autog., 287. - - Berkely, Sir Wm., 286, 287; - autog., 287. - - Berkshire County (Mass.), histories, 188. - - Bermuda, colony of Presbyterians at, 307; - proposed college at, 141. - - Bernard, Francis, governor of Massachusetts, 155; - governor of New Jersey, 222; - on the Indian conference, (1758), 245. - - Bernetz on Montcalm’s death, 605. - - Bernheim, G. D., _German Settlements in Carolina_, 345, 348. - - Berniers, letters, 608. - - Berriman, Wm., 400. - - Berwick, Me., 105. - - Best, Wm., 400. - - Beverley, Robt., _History of Virginia_, 279. - - Beverley family, 280; - their mansion, 275. - - Bexar archives, 69. - - Bibaud, M., portrait, 619. - - Bidwell, A., chaplain of the fleet at Louisbourg, 438. - - Bienville, midshipman, 17, 18, 20; - meets the English on the Mississippi, 20; - at Biloxi, 21; - on the Red River, 23; - portrait and autog., 26, 73; - would enslave Indians, 27; - attacks the Natchez, 30; - quarrels with Lamothe, 30; - made commandant, 35; - his titles, 35; - arrives at New Orleans, 43; - his downfall, 44; - defended by La Harpe, 45; - his memorial, 45; - returns to Louisiana, 49; - attacks the Chickasaws, 49; - resigns, 50; - correspondence, 72. - - Bigot, J., 561; - account of the Lake George battle (1755), 588; - in France, 559; - intendant, 57; - his corruption, 10; - at siege of Quebec (1759), 605. - - Biloxi, deserted, 27; - again deserted, 41, 43; - fortified by Iberville, 19; - position of, 22; - sites of the two, 82. - _See_ New Biloxi. - - Biloxi bay, 66. - - Binneteau, J., 561. - - Bishop, J. L., _American Manufactures_, 118. - - Black, Wm., journal, 247, 268, 566. - - Blackbeard. _See_ Teach. - - Blackburn, 150. - - Blackman, E. C., _Susquehanna County_, 249. - - Blackmoe, Nath., map of Annapolis Basin, 429. - - Blackmore, 80. - - Blackwell, John, 170; - governor of Pennsylvania, 207. - - Blagg, Benj., 257. - - Blaikie, _Presbyterianism in New England_, 98, 132. - - Blair, James, character of, 278; - _Present State of Virginia_, 278; - autog., 279; - correspondence, 279; - gets charter for William and Mary College, 264; - character, 265. - - Blake, Jos., in Carolina, 316; - dies, 316. - - Blakiston, Nathaniel, governor of Maryland, 260. - - Blanc, Louis, _Révolution Française_, 77. - - Blanchard, Jos., _Map of New Hampshire_, 485; - his New Hampshire regiment at Lake George (1755), 584. - - Blanchet, J., 459, 617. - - Blodgett, Saml., _Prospective plan of the battle near Lake George_, - 586; - _Account of the Engagement_, 586; - reëngraved in London, 586. - - Blome, Richard, _Jamaica and Other Isles_, 341; - _L’Amérique_, 88; - _Present State_, 340. - - Bloody Pond (Lake George), fight at, 504. - - Board of Trade and Plantations, papers, 164. - - Boardman, G. B., on printing in the middle colonies, 248. - - Bobin, Isaac, _Letters_, 243. - - Bogart, W. S., 361. - - Bogue, David (with James Bennett), _History of Dissenters_, 404. - - Bohé, on Acadia’s limits, 474. - - Boimore, 68. - - Boisbriant, 35, 52. - - Boishebert, 610. - - Boismare, MSS., 72. - - Boismont, 55. - - Bollan, Wm., 149; - goes to England, 176; - _Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton_, 434, 475; - on the value of Cape Breton, 438. - - Bolton, improves D’Anville’s maps, 235. - - Boltwood, L. M., 187. - - Bolzius, J. M., 374; - portrait, 396. - - Bombazeen, 106; - killed, 127. - - Bond, Rev. S., 308. - - Bonnecamps, accompanies Céloron, 8; - map of Céloron’s route, 570. - - Bonnechose, C. de, _Montcalm et le Canada Français_, 607. - - Bonnet, the pirate, 323. - - Bonrepos, Chevalier de, 39. - _See_ Vallette Laudun. - - Book Auctions, early, in Boston, 121. - - Boone, Thomas, 333; - governor of New Jersey, 222. - - Borgue, lake, 41. - - Borland, John, 423. - - Boscawen, Admiral Edward, sent to intercept Dieskau, 495; - portrait and autog., 464. - - Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages_, 67; - English translation, 67. - - Boston, in 1692, 92; - described by Bellomont, 99; - by Ned Ward, 99; - Acadians in, 461, 462; - its centenary, 132; - conferences with Indians at (1723, 1727), 430, 432; - corn panic at, 110; - fire in (1711), 109; - fortified (1709), 122; - picture of the light-house, 123; - French plans for attacking, 420; - printing in, 120; - social life, (1730), 137; - corps of Cadets, 137; - town rates, 139; - cost of maintaining the town’s affairs (1735), 139; - importance of in Shirley’s time, 144; - fear of D’Anville’s fleet, 147, 413; - drama introduced, 150; - Amherst’s army in, 154; - town house burned (1747), 165; - _Memorial History of Boston_, 169; - _Distressed State of the Town of Boston_, 171; - _News from Robinson Crusoe’s Castle_, 171; - specie for the cost of the Louisbourg siege received, 176; - views of, 108. - - _Boston Gazette_, 121. - - Boston Harbor, in Popple’s map, 134; - on a larger scale, 143. - - _Boston News Letter_, 106. - - Bostwick, David, 579. - - Boucher, Pierre, 619. - - Boudinot, Elias, 225. - - Bougainville, comes over with Montcalm, 505; - sent to France, 532; - above Quebec, 545, 546, 547; - harasses Wolfe’s rear, 548; - retires, 550; - at Cap Rouge, 550; - at Isle-aux-Noix, 556; - unites with Bourlamaque, 556; - letters, 599, 608; - letter on attack on Fort William Henry, 594; - his journal, 592, 594; - on Montcalm’s death, 605. - - Boulaix, fort, 41. - - Bouquet, Colonel Henry, 595; - with Forbes, 529; - his map, 608. - - Bourdonnais, 610. - - Bourgmont, 55. - - Bourinot, J. G., “Old Forts of Acadia”, 439. - - Bourlamaque, comes over, 505; - at Ticonderoga (1759), 536; - evacuates, 536; - abandons Crown Point, 537; - at Isle-aux-Noix, 538; - falls back before Murray, 555; - on the battle of Ste. Foy, 609; - his retreat before Amherst, 602; - _Mémoire sur Canada_, 608; - his letters, 608; - papers, 605. - - Bourmont, 55. - - Bourne, E. E., _Garrison Houses_, 183. - - Bournion, 55. - - Bouton, Nath., _The Original Account of Lovewell’s Great Fight_, 431. - - Bowen, Clarence W., _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, 177, 181. - - Bowen, Daniel, _History of Philadelphia_, 252. - - Bowen, Emanuel, _Geography_, 234, 352; - _Map of Carolina_, 352. - - Bowles, Carrington, 85. - - Bownas, Samuel, 186. - - Boylston, Dr. Zabdiel, and inoculation, 120. - - Bradbury, Jabez, autog., 183. - - Braddock, General, sent to Virginia, 494; - landed, 495; - holds conference at Alexandria, 495, 578; - his mistake in moving by the Potomac, 495; - finds the Pennsylvanians apathetic, 495; - alienates the Indians, 496; - his march, 496; - plans of his march, 500; - ambushed, 498; - MS. plan of the battle, 498, 499; - other plans, 498; - Braddock’s horses shot, 500; - views of the battle-field, 500; - wounded, 500; - dies, 500; - his remains discovered, 501; - his sash, 501; - view of his grave, 501; - his papers captured by the French, 501; - his instructions, 575, 576; - story of his defeat in England, 577; - his early character, 577; - his plan of campaign, 578; - used Evans’s map, 84, 578; - letters of his officers, 578; - his orderly books, 578; - contemporary accounts, 578; - court of inquiry, 578; - list of his officers, 579; - his loss, 579; - news of the defeat as sent north, 579; - _The Expedition of Maj.-Gen. Braddock_, 579; - French accounts of his defeat (_see_ Monongahela), 580; - list of captured munitions, 580. - - Bradford, Alden, 164. - - Bradford, Andrew, printer, 248; - authorities on, 248. - - Bradford, Wm., father of printing in the middle colonies, 248; - his publications, 248; - his genealogy, 248; - prints New York Laws, 232. - - Bradford, Colonel Wm., life by Wallace, 248. - - Bradley, S. R., _Vermont’s Appeal_, 179. - - Bradstreet, Colonel John, 436, 591; - his report on his capture of Fort Frontenac, 527, 598; - with Abercrombie, 522; - letters, 233; - commissary at Albany, 601; - head of transportation service, 510; - beats a French party, 510. - - Bradstreet, Simon, restored to power, 87; - dies, 96. - - Brainerd, David, 246; - life, by Jonathan Edwards, 246. - - Brandon house, 275. - - Brassier, Wm., survey of Lake Champlain, 485. - - Brattleboro’ (Vt.), 127, 183. - - Bray, Thomas, _Apostolic Charity_, 282; - fac-simile of title, 283. - - Breard, 610. - - Breda, treaty at (1667), 476; - part of Acadia restored to France, 478. - - Breese, S., _Early History of Illinois_, 71, 622. - - Brehm, Lieutenant, describes Ticonderoga, 537; - sent to Lake Huron, 610; - report to Amherst, 610. - - Brevoort, J. C., 68. - - Brewster, _Portsmouth, N. H._, 169. - - Brickell, John, 301; - _Natural History of North Carolina_, 344. - - Bricks, imported, 226; - made in America, 226. - - Bridger, 116. - - Briggs, C. A., _American Presbyterianism_, 132, 247. - - Brinley, Francis, 176. - - Brissot de Warville, _Nouveau Voyage_, 284. - - British footguard (1745), 489. - - British Museum, _Catalogue of prints, etc._, 114; - _Catalogue of printed maps_, 233; - MSS. in, 164, 617. - - British soldier, 485; - (1701-14), picture of, 109; - of Wolfe’s time, 547. - - Brock, R. A., edits Spotswood’s letters, 281; - edits Dinwiddie’s letters, 281, 572; - on Black’s journal, 566. - - Brockland (Brooklyn), 254. - - Brodhead, J. R., on Cornbury, 241. - - Bromfield, Edw., autog., 425. - - Bronson, Henry, _Connecticut Currency_, 170. - - Brooker, Wm., 121. - - Brookfield (Mass.), 184. - - Brooklyn. _See_ Brockland. - - Brooks, Noah, 424. - - Broughton, Sampson, 237. - - Broughton, Thomas, 332. - - Brown, Andrew, on the Acadians, 458; - intending a history of Nova Scotia, 458. - - Brown, James, 208. - - Brown, Richard, _Cape Breton_, 44; - maps from, 441, 445. - - Brown, Thomas, _Plain Narrative_, 186; - _Sufferings and Deliverances_, 593. - - Browne, Fox, _Life of John Locke_, 336. - - Browne, Wm. Hand, edits Maryland records, 270; - his _Maryland_, 271. - - Bruce, Lewis, 400. - - Brunswick (Me.), 181; - _Remarks on the plan_ (1753), 474. - - Bryan, Hugh, 352. - - Bryan, Jona., 391. - - Bryent, Walter, journal, 180; - his regiment, 183. - - Buache, 67, 82. - - Buchanan, Geo., 353. - - Buchanan, John, 603; - _Glasgow_, 603. - - Buckingham, Rev. Mr., journal of siege of Port Royal (1710), 423. - - Buffalo Historical Society, 249. - - Buffaloes, to be propagated, 21. - - Buissonière, 50. - - Bulkely, Secretary, 458. - - Bull, Wm., 332, 352, 367, 370. - - Bullard, H. A., 72. - - Bundy, Richard, 364. - - Burd, Colonel James, journal, 270. - - Burgess, Colonel Elisha, 115. - - Burgis, W., 123. - - Burgiss, Wm., engraver, 252. - - Burk, John, 593; - _Virginia_, 280. - - Burke, Edmund, on the Acadians, 457; - _European Settlements in America_, 618; - _Works_, 618; - _Comparative Importance of the Commercial Principles_, 615. - - Burke, Wm., _Remarks on the Letter addressed to Two Great Men_, 615. - - Burling, Jas., 257. - - Burling, Jno., 257. - - Burlington (N. J.), 228. - - Burnaby, Andrew, _Travels_, 168, 245, 284; - various editions, 245. - - Burnet, Governor Wm., _Answer to a Romish Priest_, 186; - governor of New Jersey, 220; - transferred to Massachusetts, 129, 220; - governor of New York, 197; - quarrels with the Massachusetts Assembly, 131; - as a literary man, 131; - dies, 131. - - Burnwell, John, _Settlement on the Golden Islands_, 392. - - Burrows, _Life of Lord Hawke_, 438. - - Burton, General, 57. - - Burton, John, 364, 400. - - Burton, Lieutenant-Colonel, 591. - - Bury, Viscount, on Braddock’s defea, 577; - _Exodus of the Western Nations_, 138, 439, 621. - - Bushrangers, 4. - - Busk, H. W., _New England Company_, 169. - - Butel-Dumont, G. M., _Histoire et Commerce des Colonies Angloises_, - 617; - _Present State of North America_, 617; - notes on Jeffrey’s _Conduct of the French_, 482. - - Butler, _Kentucky_, 265. - - Byfield, Colonel, 113. - - Byles, Mather, portrait, 128; - poem on George II., 129; - on Burnet, 130; - and the Great Awakening, 135. - - Bynner, E. L., 169. - - Byrd, Wm., helps Stith in his Virginia, 280; - on quit-rents of Virginia, 280; - _Progress to the Mines_, 281; - his character, 276; - his library, 276; - _History of Dividing Line_, 275; - portrait, 275; - Westover Papers, 275; - letters, 282; - runs line of Northern Neck, 276; - _Byrd Manuscripts_, 276. - _See_ Burd. - - - Cadet, Joseph, 57; - in France, 559. - - Cadillac, accounts of, 560; - statue, 560; - letters, 561. - - Cadodaquais, 40. - - Cadogan, George, _The Spanish Hireling_, 397. - - Caffey Inlet, 338. - - Cahokia, 80, 566. - - Cajeans, 463. - _See_ Acadians. - - Calamy, Edmund, his _Increase Mather_, 125. - - Caledonia (Acadia), 479. - - Callender, Elisha, 119. - - Callender, John, _Rhode Island Century Sermon_, 137. - - Callières, 4; - autog., 4. - - Calvert, Benedict Leonard, 267. - - Calvert, Charles, 261; - on the boundary dispute of Maryland, 239. - - Calvert, Sir George, 271. - - Cameron, Baron, 276. - - Cameron, Duncan, _Life and Adventures_, 579. - - Campbell, Alex., letter from Quebec, 604. - - Campbell, C., _Spotswood Family_, 281. - - Campbell, D., _Nova Scotia_, 419. - - Campbell, Major Duncan, 597. - - Campbell, G. L., _Journal of Expedition by Oglethorpe_, 398. - - Campbell, Lord Wm., 333. - - Campbell, _Tryon County_, 587. - - Camuse, Jacques, 387. - - Canada in the eighteenth century, 5; - population, 5, 7; - commerce, 7, 60; - postal service, 7; - military posts (1752), 11; - dual government, 57; - controlled in France, 60; - errors of historians, 64; - attack on ordered (1709), 422; - expedition (1710), 107; - (1711), 108; - military routes to, 557; - surrendered, 558; - cost of the invasion, 569; - French summaries of events, 569; - resources in 1759 failed, 600; - paternal government, 600; - compared with the English colonies, 600; - her plunderers tried in France, 610; - their trials, 610; - her importance in settling the terms of peace (1763), 614; - tracts cited, 615; - Acadians in, 463; - archives, 617; - papers in public record office, 617; - copies at Quebec, 459; - list of them in _Réponse à un Ordre_, 459; - _Collection de Manuscrits_, etc., 617; - Chalmers’s papers, 354; - _Mémoire_ (1682, etc.), 561; - Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, 621; - _Picturesque Canada_, 549; - _Royal Society Transactions_, 452. - - _Canadian Antiquarian_, 279. - - _Canadian Monthly_, 439. - - Canso, fort at, plan, 467; - surprised by the French, 145, 410, 434. - - Canzes, 55. - - Cap Rouge (near Quebec), 550, 552. - - Cape Baptist, view of, 449. - - Cape Breton, _Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton truly stated_, - 422, 438; - _The Great Importance of Cape Breton_, 439; - _Accurate Description of Cape Breton_, 439; - _Memoir of the Principal Transactions_, 439; - map of, 481; - by Bellin, 440; - by Des Barres, 440; - by Kitchin, 440; - map of coast (1753), 475; - tracts for and against retaining it at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, - 438; - _Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton considered_, 438; - _Two Letters_, 438; - wars in, 407. - - Cape Carteret, 288. - - Cape Cod, in Popple’s map, 134. - - Cape Diamond (Quebec), 544. - - Cape Fear River, 288; - settlement at, 288; - fort at, 303; - English at, 338; - on early map, 338. - - Cape Hatterash (Hatteras), 338. - - Cape Hope (N. C.), 338. - - Cape Romano, 288, 338. - - Cape Sable Indians, 103, 434. - - Cape Tourmente, 542. - - Cape. _See_ names of capes. - - Capefigue, J. B. H. R., _Opérations Financières_, 77. - - Captivities (class of books), 186, 590. - - Capuchins in Louisiana, 43, 44. - - Carew, Bampfylde Moore, 252. - - Carey, Thomas, 297. - - Carillon. _See_ Ticonderoga. - - Carleton, Guy, 603; - at Quebec, 543. - - Carlisle, Pa., treaty at (1753), 245. - - Carlyle, _Frederick the Great_, 606; - on Wolfe’s victory, 607. - - Carmelites in Louisiana, 43. - - Carmichael, Sir James, 608. - - Carmichael-Smyth, Sir James, _Précis of the Wars in Canada_, 608. - - Carolinas, history of, 285; - proprietary government, 285; - grants (1663-1729), shown in a map, 285; - Comberford’s map (1657), 285; - this region variously called, 286; - origin of name “Carolina” or “Carolana”, 286; - names of proprietors, 286, 287; - Clarendon County, 288; - it disappears, 293; - Craven County, 289; - Albemarle County, 289; - Chowan Colony, 289; - purposes of the proprietors, 290; - their charters, 290, 477; - they oppose democratic tendencies, 291; - fundamental constitutions, 291; - their provisions, 291; - titles, 291; - Church of England established, 292; - land tenure in, 292; - surrendered to the crown, 361; - Acadians in, 463. - _See_ North and South Carolina. - - Carolines (coin), 230. - - Carpenter, Geo., 364. - - Carpenter, J. C., “Old Maryland”, 272. - - Carpenter, W. H., 405. - - Carr, Lucian, on the mounds of the Mississippi and on women among the - Iroquois, 23. - - Carr’s Fort, 375. - - Carroll, B. R., _Historical Collections of South Carolina_, 355, 404. - - Carroll, Chas., _Journal to Canada_, 594; - his mansion, 272. - - Carter, C. W., _York County, Pa._, 249. - - Carter, Robert, 267. - - Carteret, Lord, his share of Carolina not sold to the crown, 301. - - Carteret, Sir George, 286; - autog., 287. - - Carteret, conveys land to the trustees of Georgia, 361. - - Carthagena, taken, 69. - - Caruthers, W. A., _Knights of the Horseshoe_, 563. - - Carver, Jona., _Travels_, 594. - - Casco Bay, Indian treaty at, 432. - - Casgrain, Abbé, portrait, 619. - - Cass papers, 561. - - Cassell, _United States_, 239. - - Cassiques, in Carolina, 291. - - Castin, the younger, 122. - - Castle William (Boston), plan of, 108. - - Catawbas, 490, 567; - language, 356. - - Catesby, Mark, _Natural History of Carolina_, 350. - - Cathcart papers, 604. - - Catholics excluded from Georgia, 364; - in Maryland, 259, 260, 262; - and the treaty of 1763, 615. - - Caton family mansion, 272. - - Catskill Creek, 237. - - Caughnawaga, 4, 186, 487. - - Causton, Thomas, 380. - - Cayuga Historical Society, 249. - - Céloron de Bienville, his expedition, 8, 490, 569; - authorities, 8; - inscription on his plates, 9; - his plates found, 9, 570; - map showing where they were buried, 569, 570. - - Cerisier, A. M., _Remarques sur les Erreurs de Raynal_, 457. - - Cevallos, Pedro, 69. - - Chabert, Joncaire, 610. - - Chabert, J. B., _Voyage_, 475. - - Chaigneau, L., 561. - - Chaleur Bay, map, 614. - - Chalmers, Geo., _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, 261; - _Political Annals_, 352, 354; - refuses aid to Williamson, 352; - Grahame’s use of his papers, 352, 353, 354, 620; - his papers, 352; - _Introduction to the History of the Colonies_, 353; - edited by Sparks, 353; - autog., 353; - on Virginia, 278; - on Maryland, 271, 278. - - Chamberlain, Mellen, on the Massachusetts Records, 165. - - Chambers, G., _Irish and Scotch in Pennsylvania_, 249. - - Chambers, _Eminent Scotsmen_, 76. - - Champigny, Chev. de, 73; - _Etat Présent de la Louisiane_, 67. - - Champlain, his notion of bounds of Acadia, 479. - - Champlain, Lake, misplaced in the Dutch maps, 88, 234; - French grants on, 238; - first occupied by the French, 567; - maps of, 485; - surveys, 485; - Popple’s map, 486. - - Chandler, P. W., _American Criminal Trials_, 241. - - Chandler, Rev. Sam., diary at Lake George, 586. - - Channing, Edw., _Town and County Government_, 169, 281. - - Chaouanons, 564. - _See_ Shawnees. - - Chaouchas, 41. - - Chapais, Thomas, _Montcalm et le Canada_, 607. - - Chapman, T. J., 563, 572; - on Connecticut claims in Pennsylvania, 180. - - Charlestown (N. H.), 183. - - Charlestown (S. C.), _later Charleston_, plan by Crisp, 343; - “South Carolina Society”, 349; - map of vicinity, 351; - of harbor, 351; - founded, 290, 307; - first site, 308; - threatened by the Spaniards, 308; - Albemarle Point, 308; - town removed to Oyster Point, 308, 309; - map of vicinity, 315; - other early maps, 315; - descriptions, 315; - plantations on the rivers, 317; - commerce, 317, 332; - population, 317; - slaves, 317; - religion in, 317; - attacked by the Spanish, 319; - Popple’s plan of the town (1732), 330; - view of town (1742), 331; - name changed to “Charleston” (1783), 331; - Oglethorpe at, 367; - Spanish attack on, 342. - - Charlevoix, on the bounds of Acadia, 473, 479; - used by Jefferys, 616; - his historical journal, 72; - used in Smith’s _New York_, 618; - _Nouv. France,_ 63; - editions and translations, 63, 474; - at New Orleans, 63; - annotated by Dr. Shea, 63; - portrait, 64; autog., 64; - his maps (by Bellin), 474. - - Charnock, _Biographia Navalis_, 437. - - Chartres, Fort, 52, 69; - visited by Charlevoix, 52; - plan, 54; - position, 55; - described, 71. - - Chase, E. B., _Over the Border_, 429. - - Chase, G. W., _Haverhill_, 184. - - Chasse, Father de la, 431. - - Chasteaumorand, 16. - - Chateauguay, 23. - - Chatham, Lord, _Correspondence_, 467. - - Chatkas, 66. - - Chauncey, Chas., sermon on Louisbourg victory, 435, 438; - and the Great Awakening, 135; - _Seasonable Thoughts_, 135; - _Letter to Whitefield_, 135; - _Letter to a Friend_, 579; - S_econd Letter to a Friend_, 586; - _Two Letters to a Friend_, 587. - - Chauncey, Isaac, 185. - - Chaussegros de Léry, 556. - - Chautauqua, 570. - - Chauveau, on Garneau, 619. - - Chebucto harbor. _See_ Halifax. - - Chebuctou. _See_ Halifax. 450. - - Checkley, John, 126; - prints Leslie’s _Method_, 126; - _Discourse concerning Episcopacy_, 126; - in Providence, 126. - - Chequins (coin), 230. - - Cherokees, 25, 86, 345, 350, 359, 484, 567; - Sir Alex, Cuming’s visit to, 392; - maps of their country, 393, 484; - depredating (1756), 333; - make war, 333; - forts built among, 332; - _Some Observations on Campaigns_, 350; - treaty with, 329. - - Chesapeake Bay, maps of, 273, 472. - - Chiaha River, 70. - - Chickasaws, 25; - (Chicazas), 70; - (Chicachas), 82; - attacked, 49, 50, 51, 52; - _Journal de la Guerre contre les Chicachas_, 68. - - Chignectou, plans, 452. - - Child, Josiah, _New Discourse of Trade_, 119. - - _Chimera_, 76. - - Choate, John, 450, 591. - - Choctaws, 25, 47; - (Chactas), 83; - (Chatkas), 86. - - Chogage, 559. - - Chouaguen, 511. - - Chowan, river, 287. - - Christ Church (Cambridge) chimes, 145. - - Christie’s Surveys of New York, 238. - - Christmas Day, 101; - observance in New England, 118. - - Chubb, surrenders Pemaquid, 96. - - Church, Benj., _Entertaining Passages_, 420, 427; - fac-simile of title, 427; - his eastward expedition (1704), 420; - divers estimates of his conduct, 421; - at the eastward again, 106, 407, 408; - sources on his career, 420. - - Church, Thomas, prepares his father’s narrative, 427; - edited by H. M. Dexter, 427. - - Church of England in the colonies, 230. - - Claiborne, J. F. H., _Mississippi_, 48, 71. - - Clap, Roger, _Memoirs_, 137. - - Clap, Thomas, _Yale College_, 102. - - Clarendon, Earl of, 286; - autog., 287. - - Clarendon Historical Society, _Reprints_, 135. - - Clark, H. A., 278. - - Clarke, George, _Voyage to America_, 243. - - Clarke, John, and the Rhode Island charter, 620. - - Clarke, R. H., 271. - - Clarke, Wm. (Boston), 490. - - Clarke, Wm., _Observations on the Conduct of the French_, 430, 475. - - Clarke, lieutenant-governor of New York, 200; - suggests attack on Louisbourg, 434. - - Clarke, _Wesley family_, 404. - - Clavarack Creek, 237. - - Clayton, John, _Observables in Virginia_, 278. - - Cleaveland, Chaplain, 598. - - Cleland, _Tombo-chi-qui_, 399. - - Clement, J. P., _Portraits Historiques_, 77. - - Clement, Thomas, plan of the Lake George battle (1755), reduced - fac-simile, 586a, 586b. - - Clérac, 44. - - Cleveland, 559. - - Clifton, Wm., 390, 391. - - Clinton, Admiral Geo., 201; - governor of New York, 201; - autog. and seal, 202; - retires, 203, 204; - and the Six Nations, 147; - his plan of union (1744), 611; - invites (1751) a conference of the colonies, 612. - - Clinton, De Witt, 570. - - Clos, 610. - - Coal mines, 225. - - Cobb, Sylvanus, 146; - projects a raid, 149. - - Cochrane, J., 238. - - Cochut, John, _Law, son système_, 77. - - Cod-fish, emblem of Massachusetts, 177. - - Cœur, Jean, 490. - - Cohen, J. B., 356. - - Cohoes fall, 236. - - Coin, in use, 229; - Spanish, 229; - clipped, 229; - counterfeit, 230. - - Coke and Moore, _John Wesley_, 403. - - Colburn, Jere., _Bibliography of Massachusetts_, 181. - - Colden, Cadwallader, account of Lancaster treaty (1744), 566; - on the congress of 1754, 612; - on the Indian trade, 571; - letters, 107; - map of the Lakes and the Iroquois country, 83, 235, 238, 491; - on Smith’s _New York_, 618; - governor of New York, 206; - autog. and seal, 206; - _Papers on the Encouragement of the Indian Trade_, 235; - his _Five Nations_, 235; - his surveys of the Hudson river lands, 235-237; - papers on New York, 241; - a botanist, 241; - his likeness, 241; - his papers, 241; - printed, 241; - on the capture of Fort Lévis, 609. - - Coleman, _Lyman Family_, 585. - - Colleton, Sir John, 286; - autog., 287. - - Colleton, Sir Peter, 288, 306. - - Colleton, Thos., 306. - - Collins, _Kentucky_, 565. - - Colman, Benj., 101, 126, 396; - and the Great Awakening, 135; - on Governor Burnet, 131; - on the Indian wars, 432; - on C. Mather, 157; - letters, 168, 436; - papers, 436; - sermon before Shirley, 144; - life by Turell, 168. - - Colman, John, 124, 171; - _Distressed State of Boston_, etc., 171. - - Colonies, as understood by France and England, 59, 600; - French method described, 61; - English method, 61. - - Columbia College, 248. - - Comberford, Nicholas, his map of North Carolina coast (1657), 285. - - Commerce, 118; - in the colonies, 227; - MS. sources, 232. - - Common law, carried by English emigrants, 261. - - Company of the Indies, 33 (_see_ Company of the West); - surrenders its right, 49. - - Company of the West, 31; - absorbs other companies, 33 (_see_ Law, John; and “Company of the - Indies”); - _Recueil d’arrests_, etc., 65, 76. - - Conant, H. C., _New England Theocracy_, 159. - - Condon, F. F., 65. - - Conestoga, 484; - council at, 212. - - Coney Island, 226, 254. - - Congress of 1754, Georgia not represented, 391. - _See_ Albany. - - Connecticut, Chalmers papers on, 354; - _Colonial Record_, 166, 617; - legislative history, 166; - financial history, 170; - New London Society for trade, etc., 171; - conservative in finances, 176; - boundary controversies, 177; - claims in Pennsylvania, 180; - bounds on Massachusetts, 180; - names of her towns, 181; - local histories, 188; - report of her commissioners on the Albany congress, 612, 613; - defends her borders, 129; - quiet career, 90; - the Great Awakening in, 135; - Governor Saltonstall dies, 143; - Joseph Talcott succeeds, 143; - her first press, 151; - condition (1755), 151; - authorities on her history, 163; - her appeal in 1705, 164; - map of, 88; - sends troops to Massachusetts, 94; - refuses Fletcher of New Jersey command of her militia, 94; - her orthodoxy, 102; - on Port Royal expedition, 107; - her militia, 111; - Fitz-John Winthrop, governor, 111; - Mohegan case, 111; - Gurdon Saltonstall, governor, 111; - the Saybrook platform, 111. - - Connecticut River, in Popple’s map, 134; - the bounds of New York, 178; - the Versche River of the Dutch, 234. - - Connecticut Valley in the Indian wars, 184; - plan, 184. - - _Continental Monthly_, 268. - - Contrecœur, autog., 493; - commanding at Duquesne, 493; - his official report on Braddock’s defeat, 580; - letter, 574. - - Convicts in Louisiana, 36. - - Conyngham, Redmond, _Dunkers at Ephrata_, 246. - - Coode, his quarrel with Nicholson, 260. - - Cook, Eben, _Sot-weed Factor_, 272; - _Sot-weed Redivivus_, 272. - - Cook, Fort, 134. - - Cook, the navigator, at Quebec, 543; - _Life of Cook_, 545. - - Cooke, Elisha, the elder, popular tribune, 87; - in England, 87; - his likeness, 89; - champion of old conditions, 92; - returns to Boston, 93; - devises grants to the governors, 94; - and Bellomont, 98; - opposes Jos. Dudley, 103; - who is finally reconciled, 113; - dies, 113; - his papers, 162. - - Cooke, Elisha, the younger, 116; - his portrait, 117; - his _Just and Reasonable Vindication_, 117; - sent to England, 124; - loses favor, 133. - - Cooke, J. E., _History of Virginia_, 280; - _Stories of the Old Dominion_, 563; - on the Westover mansion, 275. - - Cooper, Sir Anthony Ashley, 286; - autog., 287. - - Cooper, J. F., _Mohicans_, 595. - - Cooper, General J. T., 232, 584. - - Cooper, Peter, his view of Philadelphia, 258. - - Cooper, Samuel, 586; - _The Crisis_, 177. - - Cooper, Wm., 135. - - Coosa River, 359. - - Coote, Richard. _See_ Bellomont. - - Cope, Alfred, edits Penn and Logan letters, 242. - - Copley, J. S., 169; - life and works by Perkins, 141; - by Martha B. Amory, 141. - - Copley, Sir Lionel, 259. - - Copper, in New Jersey, 225. - - Coram, Thos., 364. - - Corcoran, W. W., buys the Dinwiddie Papers, 572. - - Cornbury, Lord, 111; - autog., 192; - in New Jersey, 192, 218; - in New York, 195; - his grant of land to Rip Van Dam, 236; - in women’s clothes, 241; - portrayed by Brodhead, 241; - a profligate, 195; - in prison, 196; - recalled, 196; - made Earl of Clarendon, 196. - - Cornwallis, Edw., 410, 450; - settles Halifax (N. S.), 414. - - Coronelli and Tillemon’s map, 79, 473. - - Corter’s Kill, 237. - - Corvettes, 136. - - Cosa, province of, 359. - - Cosby, governor of New York, 193, 198; - governor of New Jersey, 220; - dies, 198. - - Costebelle, Pastour de, 421. - - Costume, preserved in portraits, 141. - - _Cotton Papers_, 166. - - Counties, origin of, 281. - - County histories, 249. - - Courtenay, W. A., 306; - _Charleston Year Books_, 340. - - Courtois, Alphonse, _Banques en France_, 75. - - Coventry forge (Pennsylvania), 224. - - Cox, W. W., 253. - - Cox, _Bibliotheca Curiosa_, 137. - - Coxe, Daniel, 335; - _Carolana_, 13, 69, 72, 81, 611; - his portrait, 611; - plan of union for the colonies, 611; - _Collection of Voyages_, 69; - his map of Carolana, 69, 70; - in New Jersey, 219, 220; - his ship on the Mississippi, 20. - - Cozas, 70. - - Crafford, John, _Carolina_, 340. - - Craft, journal of siege of Louisbourg, 438. - - Craig, N. B., edits Stobo’s _Memoirs_, 575; - _Olden Time_, 576; - on Braddock’s defeat, 576; - _Pittsburg_, 249; - plan of Braddock’s march, 500. - - Craven, Sir Anthony, dies, 322. - - Craven, Colonel Chas., 320. - - Craven, William, Lord, 286; - autog., 287; - palatine, 320. - - Creasy, E. S., Essay on Montcalm, 607. - - Creek Indians, 321; - cede lands to Oglethorpe, 370; - upper and lower, 370, 371; - their country, 401. - - Creigh, Alfred, _Washington County, Pennsylvania_, 249. - - Cresap, Thomas, 261, 490; - surveys a road over the mountains, 570; - lives of, 272. - - Cresap war, 272. - - Crèvecœur, French at, 566. - - Crisp, Edw., plan of Charlestown (S. C.), 343. - - Croatoan, 338. - - Croghan, Geo., explorer, 10, 490, 570; - his journals, 10, 596, 610; - list of Indian nations, 564; - his statement, 575; - transactions with the Indians, 570; - his letter on Duquesne, 498. - - Cromwell, his grant in Acadia according to English and French view, - 478, 479. - - Crown Point expeditions, 165; - Massachusetts troops in, 585; - French fort at, 7; - occupied by the French (1731), 487; - strengthened by Amherst, 537; - fort built in 1731, plan of, 537; - view of ruins at, 538; - other plans and views, 538. - - Crowne, _Memoirs_, 476. - - Cross, _An Answer_, 582. - - Crozat, Antony, permitted to trade, 28; - his character, 28; - his plans fail, 31. - - Cullum, Geo. W., _Defences of Narragansett Bay_, 142. - - Culpepper, John, 295; - his rebellion, 311; - tried, 295. - - Culpepper, Lord Thomas, in Virginia, 263; - portrait, 263; - his financial schemes, 263; - receives the northern neck, 276; - his daughter marries Fairfax, 276; - his letters, 282; - proposes federation, 611. - - Cumberland (Maryland), 493. - - Cumberland, Fort (Acadia), 452; - Des Barres’s map, 453. - - Cumberland Island, 358. - - Cuming, Sir Alexander, 329; - aimed to establish trade with the Cherokees (1730), 392. - - Cummings, C. A., 169. - - Curren, Benj., 418. - - Curteis, _Bampton Lectures_, 403. - - Curwen, diary of siege of Louisbourg, 438. - - Cusick, David, 233. - - Custis family, 276. - - Cutler, Timothy, 102; - becomes Episcopalian, 120; - in Boston, 120; - and Harvard College, 126. - - Cutter, A. R., 436. - - - Dabney, W. P., 282. - - Daine, on Abercrombie’s defeat, 598. - - Daire, Eugène, _Économistes Financiers_, 75, 77. - - Dalcho, F. D., _Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, 341. - - Dale, James W., _Presbyterians on the Delaware_, 247. - - Dalhousie, Earl, 616; - governor of Canada, 551. - - Dallas, Geo. M., 258. - - Dalton, Jos., 307. - - Damariscotta River, 181. - - Dame, Luther, 437. - - Danforth, Samuel, 420. - - Danforth, Thomas, 92, 131. - - Daniel, Geo. F., _Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country_, 98, 184. - - Daniel, Major, 317, 318. - - Daniel, Colonel Robt., 296, 322. - - Daniel, _Nos Gloires_, 14, 106. - - Daniels, R. L., 463. - - D’Anville, Admiral, sent to attack Boston, 147, 413, 487. - - D’Anville, J. B., as geographer, 81; - his map of Louisiana, 81; - his _Œuvres Géog._, 81; - _Amérique Septentrionale_, 81, 474; - improved on Douglass, 475; - map of 1746, 11; - map of the St. Lawrence, 614; - his map showing the claims of France, 83, 482; - his _Mémoire_, 83; - map of North America, improved by Bolton, 235; - published by Homann, 235. - - Dapper, Olfert, _Die unbekante Neue Welt_, 472; - its maps, 472. - - Darby, Wm., _Louisiana_, 81. - - Darien Expedition, 77. - - Darien (Georgia), 375, 377. - - Darlington, Wm., 273. - - Darlington, W. M., edits Smith’s _Remarkable Occurrences_, 579. - - Darlington, Countess of, 113. - - D’Aulnay, his territory in Acadia, 478, 479; - his _Lettres-patentes_, 476. - - Dauphin Island, 27, 28, 66, 70 (_see_ Massacre Island); - siege of, 37. - - Davenant, Charles, _Works_, 611; - plan of uniting the colonies, 611. - - Davidson and Struvé, _Illinois_, 71. - - Davies, Samuel, _Sermon_, 578; - account of, 578; - _Works_, 579; - on death of George II., 579. - - Davis, Andrew McF., “Canada and Louisiana”, 1; - _Journey of Moncacht-Apé_, 77. - - Davis, Geo. T., on the St. Regis bell, 186. - - Davis, J., _Welsh Baptists_, 247. - - Davis, S., on the Moravians, 246. - - Dawes, E. C., edits _Journal of Rufus Putnam_, 594. - - Dawson, H. B., on the New Hampshire grants, 179; - _Papers on the Boundary of New York and New Jersey_, 238; - _Sons of Liberty_, 241. - - Day, Mrs. C. M., _Eastern Townships_, 602. - - Day, T., _Judiciary of Connecticut_, 166. - - De Bow, J. D. W., 72; - _Political Annals of South Carolina_, 355. - - De Brahm, J. G. W., 391; - (MS.) _History of the Three Provinces_, 401; - account of South Carolina, 350; - _Philosophico-Historico Hydrography_, 350; - _Map of South Carolina_, 352; - _Province of Georgia_, 401. - - De Chambon, account of siege of Louisbourg (1745), 439. - - De Costa, B. F., _History of Fort George_, 535; - introduction to White’s _Episcopal Church_, 244; - early Episcopacy in Virginia, 282; - on the Shapley map, 337; - on St. Regis, 186. - - D’Estournelle, Vice-Admiral, 413. - - De Fer, Nicholas, his maps, 80. - - De Foe, Daniel, _Party Tyranny_, 342; - _Case of Protestant Dissenters_, 342; - _Captain Jack_, 284. - - De Forest, _Indians of Connecticut_, 111. - - De Haas, Wells, _Western Virginia_, 581. - - D’Hébécourt, letters, 608. - - De la Coone, 449. - - De la Jonquière, Admiral, 413. - - De Laet’s map of Carolina, 336. - - De Lancey, E. F., on James De Lancey, 241. - - De Lancey, James, memoir of, by E. F. De Lancey, 241; - made chief justice of New York, 198; - leader of popular faction, 202; - becomes governor, 204; - autog. and seal, 205; - on the Congress of 1754, 205; - resigns, 206; - dies, 207; - thwarts the New York government (1767), 569. - - De Mille, on the Evangeline Country, 459. - - De Peyster, J. W., on the French war, 621. - - De Peyster, N., 233. - - De Renne (_see_ Wymberley-Jones), 401. - - De Voe, T. F., _Public Markets of New York_, 249. - - Deane, Chas., on the bibliography of Hutchinson, 162; - edits _Trumbull Papers_, 181; - on Mather’s _Magnalia_, 156; - on the Montcalm forgeries, 606; - owns Vaughan’s Journal, 500. - - Decanver’s bibliography of Methodism, 403. - - Deerfield, 105; attacked, 185, 186; - conference (1735) with Indians at, 433. - - Delamotte, Charles, 377. - - Delaville, Abbé, _État Présent_, 582. - - Delaware, bounds of, fixed, 263; - acquired by Penn, 207; - “lower counties”, 209. - - Delaware River, its source, 234. - - Delawares on the Muskingum, 563; - treaty (1757), 596. - - Delisle, Claude, 80, 233; - his maps, 80. - - Delisle, Guillaume, 80; - his maps, 80; - map of Louisiana, 72; - his map shows the French claims in Acadia, 474. - - Denny, Wm., governor of Pennsylvania, 216. - - Dent, J. C., _Last Forty Years of Canada_, 619. - - Denys, his government in Acadia (1654), 478. - - Derby, E. H., on the landbank, etc., 376. - - Des Barres, _Atlantic Neptune_, 429; - map of the St. Lawrence, 614. - - Deschamps, Chas., 610. - - Deschamps, Judge, 458. - - Desgouttes, 464. - - Detroit (1706), 561; - attacked (1712), 561; - attacked by the Foxes, 484; - conferences at, 560; - founded, 483; - the French flee to (1759), 535; - maps, 559, 560; - accounts of, 560; - French families, 560; - papers on its founding, 560; - surrendered (1760), 559, 610. - - Dexter, Arthur, 141. - - Dexter, F. B., _Founding of Yale College_, 102; - _Biographical Sketches of Graduates_, 102; - on names of Connecticut towns, 181. - - Dexter, H. M., on Cotton Mather, 157; - edits Church’s _Entertaining Passages_, 427; - on John Wise, 108. - - Dickinson, Jonathan, his house in Philadelphia, 258. - - Didier, E. L., on the Baltimores, 271. - - Diéreville, on the Acadians, 457; - _Relation_, 422. - - Dieskau, sent to Canada, 494; - ordered to Lake George, 502; - his line of march, 526; - defeated by Johnson and Lyman, 504; - wounded and taken, 504, 587; - his map of his campaign (1755), 585; - official report, 588; - letters, 588, 589; - commission and instructions, 588; - thought to have inspired the _Dialogue entre le Maréchal Saxe et le - Baron Dieskau_, 589; - his statements in Diderot’s _Mémoires_, 589; - his despatches said to be falsified, 589. - - Digby, Edw., 364. - - Dilworth, W. H., _History of the Present War_, 615. - - Dinwiddie, Robt., governor of Virginia, 268; - portrait and autog., 269; - goes to England, 270; - advocated (1752) northern and southern unions of the colonies, 612; - his papers, 572; - use of them by historians, 572; - Sparks’s copies, 572; - described by Henry Stevens, 572; - bought by W. W. Corcoran, 572; - given to Virginia Historical Society, 572; - edited by R. A. Brock, 572; - _Official Records_, 572, 281; - precipitates conflict on the Ohio, 12; - sends Washington’s expedition to Le Bœuf, 492; - the disaster at Fort Necessity, 494. - - Diron d’Artaguette, 27. - - Diron, his map, 80. - - Disosway, G. P., on the Huguenots, 247, 349. - - Ditchley House, 275. - - Dobbs, Arthur, 303; - portrait, 304; - governor of North Carolina, 304. - - Dobson, John, _Chron. Annals of the War_, 574, 616. - - Dockwa, 218. - - Doddridge, Jos., _Notes of Virginia and Pennsylvania_, 581. - - Dodge, W., edits Penhallow, 425. - - Dodsley’s _Annual Register_, 616. - - Dog dollars, 194, 229. - - Dolberry, Capt., 92. - - Dongan, Governor, a Catholic, 190. - - Dongan’s laws, 232. - - Donne, Robt., 307. - - Doolittle, Rev. Mr., _Short Narrative_, 189. - - Dorchester (S. C.), 379. - - Doreil on Abercrombie’s defeat, 578; - _Éloge sur Montcalm_, 605; - sent to France, 532; - Lake George battle (1755), 588; - letters on his Paris mission, 600. - - Dorr, Moses, 528. - - Doubloons, 230. - - Doucette, John, 409. - - Douglass, David, 399. - - Douglass, Captain James, 438. - - Douglass, John, supposed author of _Letter Addressed to Two Great - Men_, 615. - - Douglass, Dr. William, on Dean Berkeley, 142; - on the Great Awakening, 135; - his map, 474, 475; - on the maps of New England, 133; - his _Summary_, 121, 158; - on finances, 173; - _Some Observations_, etc., 173; - _Essay concerning Silver and Paper Currencies_, 174; - _Discourse concerning the Currencies_, 174; - rejoinders, 174; - quarrel with Knowles, 158; - with Shirley, 159; - his character, 159; - his style, 159; - opposes inoculation, 120; - on the siege of Louisbourg (1745), 146, 438, 439. - - Doyle, John A., on Maryland history, 271; - his _English in America_, 271, 356. - - Drake, Samuel A., _Old Landmarks of Boston_, 169; - _Old Landmarks of Middlesex_, 169; - _Nooks and Corners of New England Coast_, 169. - - Drake, Samuel G.. on Cotton Mather, 156, 157; - _Early History of Georgia_, 392; - edits Norton’s _Redeemed Captive_, 187; - _Five Years’ French and Indian Wars_, 438; - prints Phips’s instruction to commissioners, 450; - _Tragedies of the Wilderness_, 421. - - Drama, interdicted in Massachusetts, 150. - - Draper, Lyman C., 74; - on the expedition against the Shawanoes, 589; - _Recollections of Grignon_, 580; - on Stobo, 498. - - Draper, Richard, 586. - - Drucour, account of defences of Louisbourg, 467; - diary of Louisbourg (1758), 464. - - Drummond, Wm., governor of Albemarle in Carolina, 288. - - Drysdale, Hugh, speeches in Virginia, 267. - - Du Buisson, 561. - - Du Guay, 16. - - Du Poisson, 46. - - Duane, Jas., _Rights of the Colony of New York_, 178; - _Royal Adjudication concerning Lands_, etc., 178; - _Collection of Evidence_, etc., 179; - _State of the Evidence_, 179. - - Duck, Stephen, 137. - - Dudley, Jos., autog., 425; - correspondence for a peace with Vaudreuil, 421; - charged with trading illicitly with the French, 422; - bitter tracts against, 422; - _Memorial of the Present Deplorable State of New England_, 422; - _A Modest Inquiry_, 422; - _Deplorable State of New England_, 422; - his letters, 166; - made governor of Massachusetts, 103; - his instructions, 103; - comes to Boston, 104; - his character, 104; - quarrels with the Mathers, 104, 422; - with the legislature, 105; - conspires with Cornbury, 111; - reappointed governor, 113; - attacks Leverett, 119; - imprisoned, 87; - in New York, 91; - would be governor, 95; - at Isle of Wight, 95; - opposed landbank, 170; - on Walker’s expedition (1711), 561; - instructions to Colonel Church, 420; - at Casco, 420. - - Dudley, Paul, 113; - _Banks of Credit_, 171; - his diary, 135. - - Dudley, Wm., 185. - - Dudley, Colonel Wm., 423. - - Duhautchamp, 76; - _Systéme des Finances_, 77. - - Duke’s Laws, 231. - - Dulany, Daniel, 578; - on the Acadians, 462; - on the Lake George battle (1755), 587. - - Dumas, commands the French in Pennsylvania, 581; - at Duquesne, 497; - letter on Braddock’s defeat, 580. - - Dummer, Jeremy, _Letter to a Friend_, 109, 562; - _Defence of the New England Charters_, 121; - made London agent, 107; - _Letter to a Noble Lord_, etc., 109, 562; - his portrait, 115; - in England, 116; - on the salary question in Massachusetts, 131; - urged that the St. Lawrence was the proper boundary of New England, - 422. - - Dummer, Wm., lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, 116; - portrait, 114; - in power, 131; - his treaty, 127, 432. - - Dummer, Fort, 183. - - Dummer’s war, 430. - - Dumont, Butel, 67. - - Dumont de Montigny, 73; - his identity, 66; - _Mémoires Historiques sur la Louisiane_, 65; - his MS. map of Louisiana, 81; - fac-simile of his engraved map, 82. - - Dumplers. _See_ Dunkers. - - Dunbar, Colonel, 496. - - Dunbar, Colonel David, 139, 181. - - Dunkers (Dunkards), 217, 246; - authorities on, 246; - their press, 246. - - Duquesne de Menneville, Marquis, governor of Canada, 11, 566; - his instructions, 571; - _Mémoire_ on the Ohio, 498; - sent expedition into the Ohio region (1753), 490; - autog., 492. - - Duquesne, Fort, _Registre du Fort_, 580; - _Registres des Baptesmes_, etc., 589; - expedition against (1758), 599. - - Durell, Philip, _Particular Account of the taking of Cape Breton_, - 438; - cruising on the St. Lawrence Gulf, 540. - - Dussieux, L., map of the old French war, 618. - - Dustin, Hannah, 96. - - Dutisné, 55. - - Dutot, _Réflexions Politiques_, 75. - - Duverger de Saint Blin, 610. - - Duvergier, 51. - - Duverney, P., _Examen_, 76. - - Dwight, Sereno E., edits life of Brainerd, 246. - - Dwight, Theodore, edits _Madam Knight’s Journal_, 423. - - Dwight, Theo. F., 30. - - Dwight, Timothy, _Travels_, 587, 594. - - - Earle, J. C., _English Premiers_, 596. - - Earthquake (1755), 152; - in New England (1727), 128; - literature of, 128. - - Eastburn, Robt., _Faithful Narrative_, 591. - - Eastchurch, governor of Carolina, 294. - - _Eastern Chronicle_ (New Glasgow, N. S.), 423. - - Easton (Pa.), conference (1767), 596; - (1758), 530; - MS. records, 596; - treaties at, 227, 245. - - Eaton, S. J. M., _Venango County_, 249, 492. - - Ebeling, C. D., translates Burnaby’s _Travels_, 245. - - Ebenezer (Georgia), founded, 374, 375; - referred to, 379, 401; - plan of, 396, 401. - - Echard, Lawrence, _Gazetteer_, 235. - - Echols, John, journal, 270. - - _Eclectic Magazine_, 603. - - Eden, Charles, governor of Carolina, 299. - - Edenton (N. C.), 300. - - Education, common school, 237; - in the middle colonies, 247. - - Edwards, Jonathan, 133; - his _Faithful Narrative_, 133; - _Some Thought_, etc., 133; - _Life of David Brainerd_, 246; - edited by Sereno E. Dwight, 246. - - Edwards, Morgan, _Baptists in Philadelphia_, 247. - - Edwards, T., 273. - - Effingham. _See_ Howard. - - Eggleston, Edward, on colonial life, 118, 168, 371; - _Colonists at Home_, 141. - - Egle’s _Notes and Queries_, 249; - _Historical Register_, 249. - - Egleston, N. H., _Williamstown_, 187. - - Egmont MSS., 141. - - Eliot tracts, 169. - - Elliott, Benj., _Report of Historical Commission of Charleston - Library Association_, 312. - - Ellis, Geo. E., on the Massachusetts royal governors, 147; - on Judge Sewall, 167; - on the Mather diaries, 168; - _Red Man and White Man_, 460. - - Ellis, Henry, 391. - - Elizabeth, N. J., 254. - - _Encyclopédie Méthodique_, 77. - - Endress, Christian, _History of the Dunkers_, 246. - - Enfield, Conn., 180. - - Engel, Samuel, _Mémoires Géographiques_, 77. - - English claims in North America, 235; - maps of, 235. - - English Colonies, the plan of union, 611; - proposed by the ministry, 613 (_see_ Albany, Congress of); - a triple confederacy proposed, 613; - compared with the French, 56; - copies of their charters, 394; - _Essay upon the Government of the English Plantations_, 611; - general historians of, 619; - populations (1755), 151; - books on their condition, 617. - _See_ Colonies. - - _English Historical Review_, 578. - - _English Pilot_, 234, 474. - - English traders in the Mississippi Valley, 25. - - Entick, John, _General History of the Late War_, 616; - on the Acadians, 457; - on the siege of Louisbourg (1758), 467. - - Ephrata, Dunkers at, 246. - - Episcopacy in the colonies, Chalmers’s paper on, 354. - - Episcopal church in Carolina, 341, 342; - in the middle colonies, 244. - - Erie (Pennsylvania), 492. - - Erie Indians destroyed, 564; - history of, 564. - - Errett, Russel, 564. - - Erving, John, 144. - - Esopus, 237. - - Etechemin territory, 479. - - Ethier, _La Prise de Deerfield_, 186. - - Evans, John, deputy governor of Pennsylvania, 210; - memoirs by Neill, 243. - - Evans, Captain John, his lands, 237. - - Evans, Lewis, Essays, 85; - _Map of Middle Colonies_, 83, 244; - pirated by Jefferys, 84; - as issued by Jefferys, denounced by Pownall, 565; - enlarged by Pownall, 85, 564; - used by Braddock, 578; - the best of the Ohio region, 565. - - Everard, Sir Richard, 301. - - Everett, Edward, on the army of the French war, 154; - on Harrison’s address, 565; - on the Seven Years’ War as a school of the Revolution, 437; - _Orations_, 437. - - Ewen, Wm., 402. - - _Examen sobre los Límites de la Acadie_, 235. - - Eyles, Francis, 364. - - Eyma, Xavier, _La Légende du Meschacébè_, 79. - - Eyre, Major, defends Fort William Henry, 513. - - Eyre, Wm., 586. - - - Faillon, notice by Lemoine, 619. - - Fairfax, Lord Thomas, at Greenway court, 268; - his character, 268; - marries Culpepper’s daughter and inherits the Northern Neck, 276. - - Falmouth (Portland, Me.), 105; - treaty at (1726, 1727, 1732), with Indians, 432; - (1749), 450. - - Faneuil, Peter, 109, 145; - his portraits, 145. - - Farmer, John, edits Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, 163. - - Farmer, Silas, _Detroit_, 560, 622. - - Farrar, John, 336. - - _Father Abraham’s Almanac_, 471, 497, 543, 554. - - Fay, Jonas, 179. - - Felt, Jos. B., arranges Massachusetts archives, 165; - _Customs of New England_, 169; - _Eccles. Hist. of New Eng._, 169; - _Mass. Currency_, 170, 173. - - Felton, C. C., on the Acadians, 459. - - Ferland, Abbé, portrait, 619; - notice of, by Lemoine, 619. - - Fernow, B., on “MS. sources of New York history”, 331; - on the Boundary Controversies of New York, 238; - “The Middle Colonies”, 189. - - Field, John W., 242. - - Fielding, H., _Covent Garden Tragedy_, 577. - - Fisher, G. H., 595. - - Fisher, _American Political Ideas_, 169. - - Fishkill, 237. - - Fiske, Frank S., _Mississippi Bubble_, 77. - - Fiske, John, _American Political Ideas_, 169, 533; - on North Carolina history, 355; - on the town-meeting, 169. - - Fiske, Nathan, _Brookfield_, 184. - - Fitch, Asa, 593. - - Fitzhugh, George, 276. - - Fitzhugh, Wm., his letters, 282. - - Five Nations, claimed as subjects by the English king, 483; - conference (1722), 266; - country of, on Colden’s map, 235, 491; - their various designations, 484. - _See_ Iroquois. - - Five years’ war, 434; - declared, 568. - - Flatbush, 254. - - Fleet, Thomas, 145; - his ballads, 121; - on the comet, 145; - ridicules the Great Awakening, 135. - - Fleming, Wm., and Eliz., _Narrative of Sufferings_, 590. - - Fletcher, Benj., governor of New York, 193; - autog. and seal, 194; - recalled, 194; - governor of Pennsylvania, 208; - called meeting of the colonies (1693), 611. - - Fletcher’s manor, 237. - - Florida, bounds undefined, 358, 359; - documents on, 73; - map of, 615; - (1753), 365; - name applied by the French to Carolina, 286. - - _Flying Post_, 118. - - Foligny, M. de, at siege of Quebec (1759), 605. - - Follings, Geo., 467. - - Fontaine, John, his diary, 563. - - Fontaine, Peter, his map of the Virginia and North Carolina line, 276; - on Sir Wm. Johnson, 584. - - Fonte, Admiral, 69. - - Foote, H. W., King’s Chapel, 169. - - Foote, W. H., _Sketches of Virginia_, 278; - on the valley of Virginia, 281. - - Forbes, General John, letters on his expedition (1758), 599; - his route, 599; - advances on Fort Duquesne, 528; - suspicious of Washington, 529; - treats with the Indians, 529; - occupies Duquesne, 530; - dies, 530; - autog., 530. - - Forbes, Thomas, journal, 574. - - Forbonnais, _Finances de France_, 77. - - Force, M. F., _Indians of Ohio_, 564. - - Ford, Paul L., 248. - - Forrest, W. S., _Norfolk_, 281. - - Forstall, Edmund, 74. - - Forster, J. R., translates Bossu’s _Travels_, 67; - translates Kalm’s _Travels_, 245. - - Fort Anne (New York), 486, 585. - - Fort Argyle (Georgia), 372, 375, 379. - - Fort Augusta, 214, 270, 333, 375, 379; - (Shamokin), plan, 581. - - Fort Barrington, plan and view of, 401. - - Fort Bedford, 464, 529; - (Raystown) plan, 581. - - Fort Bull, its situation, 595; - captured, 505, 590. - - Fort Byrd, 564. - - Fort Chartres, old and new, 564. - - Fort Clinton, 568; - (1746), 487. - - Fort Cumberland (Maine), 578; - plans, 578; - view, 578. - - Fort Cumberland (Maryland), 464, 495; - plan of, 495; - Washington’s plan of the vicinity, 577. - - Fort Diego, 375. - - Fort Dummer, 127. - - Fort Duquesne, begun by the French, 493; - French force at, 497; - rude contemporary map of the vicinity, 497; - plans of, 497, 498; - ruins, 498; - threatened by Forbes, 529; - supplies cut off, 530; - blown up, 530; - name changed by Forbes to Pittsburg, 530. - - Fort Edward, plans of, 512, 513; - John Montressor’s journal at, 512; - plan of environs, 514; - situation, 526. - _See_ Fort Lyman. - - Fort François, 86. - - Fort Frederick (Albany), 509. - - Fort Frederick (Maryland), built, 590; - ruins, 590. - - Fort Frontenac, 614; - authorities on Bradstreet’s capture of, 527, 598; - _Impartial Account_, 598; - articles of capitulation, 598; - plans of, 525. - - Fort George (Coxpur Island, Georgia), plan of, 401. - - Fort George (Lake George), plan, 535; - begun by Amherst, 536; - described (1775), 594. - _See_ Fort William Henry. - - Fort George (South Carolina), 359. - - Fort Halifax (Maine), 151. - - Fort Herkimer, 520. - - Fort James (New York), 190. - - Fort King George, 379. - - Fort Le Bœuf, 492. - - Fort Lévis captured, 555, 609; - plan of the attack, 609. - - Fort Ligonier, 464; - (Loyalhannon) plan, 581. - - Fort Littleton, 564. - - Fort Loudon, 270, 332, 564. - - Fort Louis, 86. - - Fort Lyman, 504; - renamed Fort Edward, 505. - - Fort Massachusetts, 145. - - Fort Moore, 332, 345. - - Fort Necessity, authorities on the surrender, 494, 574; - view of the fort, 574; - plans, 574; - remains, 574; - Washington at, 493. - - Fort Niagara, 614. - - Fort Nicholson (New York), 486, 585. - - Fort No. 4, 183. - - Fort Ontario (Oswego), 510, 511. - - Fort Pelham, 145. - - Fort Pepperell (Oswego), 511. - - Fort Pitt, 564; - plan, 581. - _See_ Fort Duquesne. - - Fort Ponchartrain (Detroit), 560. - - Fort Pownall built, 154; - conference at, 471. - - Fort Prince George, 332. - - Fort Rouillé (Toronto), 490. - - Fort Schlosser, 534. - - Fort Shirley, 145; - (Virginia), 564. - - Fort Sorel, 486. - - Fort St. Francis (Florida), 375. - - Fort St. Frederick (Crown Point), 487, 567. - - Fort St. George, 375. - - Fort St. Jean, or St. John (Sorel), 486, 575. - - Fort St. Louis (Illinois River), 566. - - Fort St. Louis (Quebec), 553. - - Fort St. Thérèse, 486. - - Fort William (Cumberland Island), 375. - - Fort William Henry, situation, 526; - attacked by Montcalm (1757), 165, 515; - plans of, 516; - view of site, 517; - plan of attack, 518; - other plans, 518; - surrenders, 517; - often called Fort George by the French, 518; - attempted surprise by Rigaud, 513; - built, 505; - described (1775), 594; - massacre at, 517, 595; - Montcalm charged the fury of the Indians upon the English rum, 595; - Rigaud’s attack, authorities, 593; - Montcalm’s attack, authorities, 593; - _Relation de la Prise de Fort George_, 593; - articles of capitulation, 594; - forces engaged, 594. - _See_ Montcalm. - - Fort Williams, its situation, 595. - - Fort. _See_ names of forts and places having forts. - - Foster, Nath., 584. - - Foster, W. E., “Statesmanship of the Albany Congress”, 613; - _Stephen Hopkins_, 139, 163, 612; - _Reference Lists_, 169. - - Fowle, Daniel, _Monster of Monsters_, 177; - _Total Eclipse_, 177. - - Fowler, _Durham, Conn._, 585. - - Fox River, 566. - - Foxcroft, Thomas, 132; - and the Great Awakening, 135. - - Foxes (Indians), 564; - attack Detroit, 484, 560. - - _Foyer, Canadien, le_, 581. - - France, collections of ancient laws, 76; - debt of, 31; - John Law’s scheme, 32; - decline of, 59; - her claims in the New World, 83; - maps showing them, 83, 84; - forts established, 84. - - Francis, Convers, _Life of Rasle_, 431. - - Frankland, Sir Henry, 144; - his marriage, 144; - at Lisbon, 152. - - Franklin, Benjamin, _Autobiography_, 168; - in the Congress of 1754, 612; - _Short Hints_, 612; - drew the plan adopted, 612; - in his _Works_, 612; - other plans considered, 612; - his account of the Congress, 612; - in Boston conferring with Shirley, 613; - his letters on taxing the colonies to support the union, 613; - writes (with Wm. Smith) _A Brief State of the Province of - Pennsylvania_, 582; - helps Braddock, 495, 576; - _Historical Review_, 582; - question of his authorship, 582; - _Interest of Great Britain Considered_, 615; - argues for the retention of Canada, 615; - prints paper money, 247; - records of his press, 248; - buys _Pennsylvania Gazette_, 248; - _Poor Richard’s Almanac_, 248; - upon Shaftesbury, 119; - prints matter on the Penn-Baltimore dispute, 272; - sent to England by Pennsylvania, 216; - _True and Impartial State_, 582; - in command of the frontiers of Pennsylvania, 583; - on inoculation, 120; - his kite, 152; - _Plain Truth_, 243. - - Franklin, James, 121; - _New England Courant_, 121; - in Rhode Island, 141. - - Franklin, Thos., 400. - - Franklin, Wm., governor of New Jersey, 222. - - Franklin (Pa.), 570. - - Franquelin, his maps, 79. - - Franquet, 464. - - Fraser, A. C., _Works of Berkeley_, 141; - lives of Berkeley, 141. - - Fraser, Colonel Malcolm, _Siege of Quebec_, 604. - - Frederica, 333, 375, 401; - authorities on Oglethorpe’s repulse of the Spaniards, 398; - plan of, 379, 398; - founded, 377; - appearance of the town, 377. - _See_ St. Simon’s Island. - - Frederick, Fort (Me.), 181. - _See_ Fort. - - Freeman, Milo, _Word in Season_, 176. - - Freeman, _Cape Cod_, 169. - - French, B. F., _Historical Collection Louisiana_, 71; - described, 71; - contents given, 72; - title changed to _Historical Memoirs_, 72; - second series, 73. - - French captures in Massachusetts Bay (1694), 420. - - French colonies, general historians of, 619. - - French Creek, 11, 492. - - French encroachments in Acadia, 419. - - French frigate, cut of, 412. - - French neutrals and the British government, 409; - expelled from Nova Scotia, 415; - the numbers assigned to the several colonies, 416; - Longfellow’s picture of them a false one, 417; - their character, 417; - jealousies between them and the English, 450; - papers on, 419. - _See_ Acadians. - - French soldier, costume of, 497; - (1700), 484; - (1710), 562; - (1745), 489; - (1755), 496, 497. - - French and Spanish in the Gulf of Mexico, 24. - - Freneau, _The Dying Indian Tomo-chi-chi_, 399. - - Fresenius, 396. - - Frigates, 136. - - Frontenac, dies, 2; - on the English colonies, 91. - - Frontenac, Fort, 85. - _See_ Fort. - - Frost, H. W., 169. - - Frost, John, _Book of the Colonies_, 498. - - Frothingham, Richard, _Rise of the Republic_, 613; - on the Albany congress, 613. - - Fry, Joshua, made Colonel, 493. - - Fry, Joshua, and Peter Jefferson, _Map of Virginia_, 272. - - Fry, Richard, 137. - - Frye, Colonel, journal of attack on Fort William Henry, 594. - - Fryeburg, fight at, 431. - - _Fryeburg Webster Memorial_, 432. - - Fuller, M. W., 71, 622. - - Fundamental constitutions of Carolina, 336. - - Funeral sermons, 105. - - Funerals, costly, 119. - - Fur trade. _See_ Peltries. - - - Gabarus (Chapeau Rouge) Bay, 411, 469. - - Gage, Thomas, letter on Braddock’s campaign, 578; - his statement, 578; - papers, 233; - in command at Lake Ontario (1759), 536; - (1760), 610; - leads Braddock’s advance, 498. - - Gagnon, D., _Drapeau de Carillon_, 598. - - Galerm, J. B., _French Neutrals_, 462. - - Galissonière, Comte de la, 8; - autog., 8; - occupies the Ohio Valley, 8; - on the importance of posts connecting Canada and Louisiana, 571; - map of Vérendrye, 568; - his _Mémoire_ on the limits of New France, 475; - urges occupation of Ohio Valley, 489. - - Galley, a kind of vessel, 438. - - Galloway, G., 604. - - Galt, _Life of Benjamin West_, 500. - - Gambrall, Theo. C., _Church Life in Colonial Maryland_, 272. - - Gandastogues, 484. - - Ganilh, Ch., _Le Revenue Publique_, 77. - - Gansevoort, Colonel, 528. - - Garden, Alex., opposes Whitefield, 404. - - Gardenier, Andrew, 236. - - Gardiner, Captain Richard, _Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec_, 603. - - Garneau, F. X., his portrait, 619; - _Histoire du Canada_, 619; - memoir, 619; - on Montcalm, 619; - on the Acadians, 459; - on the battle of Sainte-Foy, 609; - on the Jumonville affair, 574; - on the siege of Louisbourg (1745), 439. - - Gaspé, P. Aubert de, portrait, 619; - _Anciens Canadiens_, 574, 610. - - Gaspereau, 451; - captured, 415, 452. - - Gates, Horatio, with Braddock, 498. - - Gates, Thomas, claims in Acadia (1606), 476. - - Gayangos, Pascual de, 74. - - Gayarré, Chas., books on Louisiana, 65; - and the Louisiana archives, 74. - - Gee, Joshua, on C. Mather, 157; - _Trade and Navigation_, 119. - - Gemisick, fort at, 476. - - _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 616. - - George I., 113; - dies, 129. - - George II., his likeness in Boston, 145; - proclaimed in Boston, 129; - likeness, 130; - dies, 154. - - George, Lake, Popple’s map of, 486; - prisoners taken at, 186. - - George’s River, 181. - - Georgia, Heath’s patent, 358; - early occupations, 359; - mining in, 359; - Montgomery’s grant, 358; - “Azilia”, 360; - land granted to trustees of Georgia, 361; - names of proprietors, 352; - principles of the founding of the colony, 363 (_see_ Oglethorpe); - charter, 364; - Catholics excluded, 364; - seal, 364; - _Some Account of the Design of the Trustees_, 365; - _Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia_, 365, 401; - slaves forbidden, 366; - provisions for settlers, 366; - _New Map of Georgia_ (1737), 366; - character of settlers, 366; - first arrivals, 367 (_see_ Savannah _and_ Oglethorpe); - Salzburgers’ arrival, 374; - foundation of Ebenezer, 374; - Moravians arrive, 374; - absence of slaves impedes the colony’s growth, 376; - Scotch immigration, 376; - the Wesleys arrive, 377; - depressed condition, 380; - Whitefield in, 380; - slavery introduced, 387; - silk culture fails, 387; - agricultural failures, 387; - the Trustees surrender their charter, 389; - population, 390; - Butler’s colony, 390; - organization as a royal province, 390; - its seal, 391; - origin of name, 392; - critical essay on the sources of her history, 392; - Cuming and the Cherokees, 392; - tracts and magazine articles to induce settlements, 394, 396; - charter printed, 394; - _Account showing the Progress of Georgia_ (1741), 395, 401; - _State and Utility of Georgia_, 395; - _State of the Province of Georgia_, 395; - Germans in (_see_ Salzburgers); - _New Voyage_, 396, 401; - _Description of Famous New Colony_, 396; - _Description by a Gentleman_, 396; - Stephens’s _Journal_, 397; - _Account of Moneys_, etc. (MS.), 397; - printed financial statements, 397; - discontent in the colony, 398; - _Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility of the Province_, 398, - 401; - _Resolution Relating to Grants of Lands_, 398; - _State of the Province_, 398, 401; - _Brief Account of the Causes which have Retarded the Progress of the - Colony_, 398, 401; - _Hard Case of the Distressed People_, 398; - Tailfer’s tracts against, 399; - _Georgia, a Poem_, etc., 399; - sermons before the Trustees, 400; - copies of records from the English archives secured (1837), 400; - MSS. in private hands in England, 400; - records by Percival, 400; - given by J. S. Morgan to the State, 400; - Stephens’s records, 400; - attorney-general’s report of the surrender of the Trustees, 400; - opinions of the king’s attorney, 400; - historical society founded, 400; - its hall, 400; - its _Collections_, 400; - _Itinerant Observations on America_ (1745), 401; - De Brahm’s MS. (_see_ De Brahm); - _Observation on the Effects of Certain Late Political Suggestions_, - 401; - Acadians in, 463; - _Acts of the Assembly_ (1755-74), 402; - engrossed acts, 402; - John Wesley in Georgia, 402; - Whitefield’s Orphan House, 404; - civil and judicial history, 405; - history of, projected by Langworthy, 405; - history by McCall, 405; - Chalmers’s papers, 354; - charters of, 477; - English colonization of, 357; - maps of, 350, 352 (1733), 365; - (1737), 366; - (1743), 375; - (Urlsperger), 378, 379; - (Harris’s _Voyages_), 396; - the same name proposed for an English province in Acadia, 474. - - _Georgia Gazette_, 402. - - Gerard, J. W., _Peace of Utrecht_, 475. - - German Flats, attack on, authorities, 595; - its situation, 595; - plan of fort at, 519; - attacked, 520. - - Germanna, Va., 267, 274. - - Germans in Carolina, 309, 331, 332, 345; - in Virginia, 607. - - Gibson, Hugh, _Captivity_, 590. - - Gibson, James, _Journal of Siege of Louisbourg_, 437; - _A Boston Merchant_, 438; - on the siege of Quebec, 604. - - Gibson, improves Evans’s map, 84. - - Gillam, Captain, 96. - - Gillett, E. H., _Presbyterian Church_, 132. - - Gilman, D. C., on Berkeley, 141. - - Gilman, M. D., on bibliography of Vermont, 179. - - Gilman, Colonel Peter, 585. - - Gilmer, G. R., 405. - - Gilmor, Geo., letters, 282. - - Gilmor, Robt., 312, 336. - - Gist, Christopher, 490, 570; - conducts Washington to Le Bœuf, 492; - his expedition, 10; - his journal, 10; - journal (1750), 571; - explores Great Miami River, 571; - journal with Washington (1753), 572. - - Glass-making, 223. - - Gleig, G. R., _Eminent British Military Commanders_, 602. - - Glen, James, answer about South Carolina, 356; - _South Carolina_, 350; - governor of South Carolina, 332. - - Glossbrener, A. J., _York County, Pa._, 249. - - Glover, Wm., 297. - - Gnadenhütten, massacre, 582. - - Goddard, D. A., 168, 169. - - Godefroy, on Braddock’s defeat, 580. - - Godfroy, Claude, 592. - - Goelet, Francis, diary, 168. - - Gold mining in Georgia, 359. - - Golden Islands (Georgia) described, 392. - _See_ St. Simon, St. Catharine, etc. - - Goldsmith, O., “Fanny Braddock”, 575. - - Gooch, governor of Virginia, 267; - _Researches_, 280. - - Goodell, A. C., edits _Massachusetts Province Laws_, 167; - on Mark and Phillis, 152; - on Thomas Maule, 95. - - Goodloe, D. P., 355. - - Goodman, Alf. T., 563. - - Gookin, Charles, 211. - - Goold, William, on Colonel Wm. Vaughan, 434; - on Fort Halifax, 182. - - Gordon, Harry, journal, 69. - - Gordon, Patrick, _Geography_, 234; - governor of Pennsylvania, 214. - - Gordon, Peter, 369. - - Gordon-Cumming, C. F., 597. - - Gorham, Captain, his rangers, 464. - - Gorham, John, 436. - - Gorrie, _Eminent Methodist Ministers_, 404. - - Gospel, distinct societies for propagating the, 169. - - Grace, Henry, _Life and Sufferings_, 452. - - Graffenreid, baron de, 345. - - Graham, John, chaplain, 591. - - Graham, Patrick, 389, 391, 395. - - Grahame, Jas., on Cotton Mather, 157, 621; - his portrait, 620; - _United States_, 620, 621; - controversy with Bancroft, 620; - defended by Josiah Quincy, 621; - on Carolina history, 355; - his use of Chalmers, 352. - - Grand Pré, French neutrals at, 417; - view of, 459. - - _Granite Monthly_, 166. - - Grant, Anne, _American Lady_, 247, 509; - editions, 509. - - Grant, Major, defeated near Duquesne, 530, 599. - - Grant, Sir Wm., 597. - - Grant, _British Battles_, 589. - - Granville, Lord, retains his share of Carolina, 347; - his sale of it, 356. - - Graveline, 30. - - Gravesend, 254. - - Gravier, Gabriel, edits Ursuline letters, 36, 68. - - Gravier, Jacques, 73. - - Gravier, Père, on the missions, 561. - - Gray Sisters, 24. - - Great Awakening, 123; - literature of, 135. - - Great Meadows, Washington at, 493. - - Great Miami River, 570. - - Green, Bartholomew, 121. - - Green, Joseph, 135; - _Death of Old Tenor_, 176. - - Green, S. A., _Groton during the Indian Wars_, 184, 432; - on the site of Louisbourg, 447. - - Green, Wm., 448; - “Genesis of Counties”, 281; - memoir of, 281. - - Green Bay (Michigan), 566. - - Green Briar Company, 570. - - Green Island, 127. - - Greene, G. W., _Historical View American Revolution_, 613. - - Greenhow, _History of Oregon_, 77. - - Greenway Court, 268. - - Greenwood, Isaac J., “First American built vessels in the British - navy”, 438. - - Greenwood, John, 122. - - Grenville, Lord, _Correspondence_, 467. - - Gridley, Jeremy, 156; - _Weekly Rehearsal_, 137. - - Gridley, Richard, at Louisbourg, 410, 440; - autog., 440; - plan of Louisbourg (1745), 440, 441, 442, 443. - - Griffeth, John, _Journal_, 244. - - Griffeth, Robert, 254. - - Griffin, A. P. C., _American Local History_, 181. - - Griffin, H. A., 560. - - Grim, David, plan of New York, 254. - - Gronan, I. C., 374. - - Groton (Mass.), 184. - - Grove, Jos., _Glorious Success at Quebec_, 604. - - Grover, James, 224. - - Guild, E. P., _Heath, Mass._, 187. - - Guilford, Lord, 260. - - Guinea Company, 28. - - Gunston Hall, 275. - - Gyles, Captain John, 181. - - Gyles, John, 420; - autog., 421; - notes on, 421; - _Memoirs_, 421; - reprints, 421. - - - Habersham, James, 387, 390, 391, 404. - - Hachard, Madeline, letters, 68. - _See_ Ursulines. - - Hack, Wm., his map, 340. - - Hackensack, 254. - - Hacks, Robt., 364. - - Hadley, 186, 187. - - Hagany, J. B., 404. - - Haldimand at Oswego, 534; - attacked, 534. - - Hale, E. E., _Catalogue of the Faden Maps_, 500. - - Hale, Geo. S., on Boston charities, 169. - - Hales, Stephen, 400. - - Half-King, 493; - his opinion of the affair of Fort Necessity, 575. - - Half-way Brook, 186. - - Haliburton, R. G., on the Acadians, 459; - _Past and Future of Nova Scotia_, 459. - - Haliburton, Judge T. C., charged the British authorities with - concealing the records of the Acadian deportation, 458; - _Nova Scotia_, 458; - _Rule and Misrule_, 162. - - Halifax, Fort, description, plans, and - - views, 182-184; - account of, by Wm. Goold, 182; - and by Joseph Williams, 182. - _See_ Fort. - - Halifax (N. S.), founded, 414, 450; - treaty with Indians at, 450; - governor at (1749, etc.), 459; - papers respecting its founding, 419, 450; - maps of, 83, 450; - views of, 450. - - Hall, B. H., _Bibliography of Vermont_, 179; - _Eastern Vermont_, 166. - - Hall, C. H., _Dutch and the Iroquois_, 583. - - Hall, Hiland, 178; - replies to Dawson, 179; - _Early History of Vermont_, 179. - - Hall, James, _The West_, 71. - - Hall, Jos., Bishop of Exeter, 308. - - Hall, Wm., 219. - - Halsted, Captain, 309. - - Hamersley, _Philadelphia Illustrated_, 252. - - Hamilton, Andrew, 218; - conducts the Zenger trial, 199; - his standing, 242; - his portrait, 242. - - Hamilton, Geo., Earl of Orkney, 265. - - Hamilton, governor of Pennsylvania, 209. - - Hamilton, John, 215, 216; - postmaster-general, 219, 221; - governor of New Jersey, 221; - dies, 221. - - Hamlin, M. C. W., _Legends of Detroit_, 560. - - Hammond, on Wesley, 403. - - Hampstead (Georgia), 372. - - Hampton, on Wesley, 403. - - Hanbury, John, 495. - - Hancock, John, his house, 137. - - Hancock, Thomas, builds his mansion, 137, 139; - denounced, 149; - letter book, 149. - - Handfield, Major John, 416. - - Hannay, James, on the Acadians, 457, 460; - confronted by Catholics, 457; - _Acadia_, 419, 460. - - Hanson, Eliz., _Captivity_, 186. - - Hanson, J. H., _The Lost Prince_, 186. - - Hanway, Jos., _Account of Society for the Encouragement of the British - Troops_, 606. - - Hardlabor Creek (S. C.), 348. - - Hardwick (Georgia), 401. - - _Hardwick Papers_, 475. - - Hardy, Josiah, governor of New Jersey, 222. - - Hardy, Sir Chas., governor of New York, 206. - - Harmon, Captain, 127; - Colonel, 430. - - Harper’s _Cyclopædia of United States History_, 252. - - Harris, Alex., _Lancaster County_, 249. - - Harris, Benj., 92. - - Harris, Francis, 391. - - Harris, John, _Voyages_, 234, 396; - account and map of Georgia, 396. - - Harris, T. M., edits Rasle’s letters, 431; - _Memorials of Oglethorpe_, 394. - - Harrison, Carter B., 278. - - Harrison, Geo. E., 275. - - Harrison, W. H., _Aborigines of the Ohio Valley_, 568. - - Hart, John, governor of Maryland, 260. - - Harvard College to gain by the landbank, 170; - under the provincial charter of Massachusetts, 94; - new charter of, 98; - Cotton Mather and, 105, 126; - attacked by Dudley, 119; - Joseph Sewall and Benj. Colman decline the presidency, 126; - Benj. Wadsworth accepts, 126; - Timothy Cutler would be an overseer, 126; - and Thomas Hollis, 137; - _Pietas et Gratulatio_, 155. - - Harvey, John, 296. - - Harvey, Thomas, 296. - - Hassam, John T., 337. - - Hathorne, John, attacks Nachouac, 407. - - Hats of beaver, 227; - making of, prohibited, 138. - - Hatteras, Cape, 337. - _See_ Cape. - - Haven, S. F., on Cotton Mather, 157. - - Haverhill, 105. - - Haviland, General, advances on Montreal, 556, 609; - opens communication with Murray, 556. - - Hawkes, Colonel John, 186. - - Hawkes, Sergeant, 187. - - Hawkins, Alfred, _Operations before Quebec_, 543. - - Hawkins, Benj., _Creek Country_, 401. - - Hawkins, his map, 83. - - Hawkins, _Missions of the Church of England_, 342, - - Hawks, F. L., _North Carolina_, 355. - - Hawley, Gideon, journey among the Mohawks, 246. - - Hawnes, Baron of, 361. - - Hay, P. D., 315. - - Hayward, G., 253. - - Hazard, Eben, 163. - - Hazard, Jos., _Conquest of Quebec_, 549. - - Hazard, Willis P., 249. - - Hazen, Captain, 552. - - Hazlet, Captain, 498. - - Hazzen, Richard, Journal, 180. - - Headley, Joel T., 439; - on Philadelphia, 252. - - Heap, George, view of Philadelphia, 257, 258. - - Heath, Sir Robert, 69, 335; - his claim in Carolina, 287; - his patent, 358. - - Heath (Mass.), fort at, 187. - - Heathcote, Caleb, 124; - grants to, 237. - - Heathcote, Geo., 364. - - Hebecourt at Ticonderoga, 536. - - Heckewelder, John, _Mission of the United Brethren_, 245, 582; - _History of the Indians of Pennsylvania_, 245, 583; - on Indian names, 246. - - Hell Gate, 254. - - Hemenway, Abby M., _Vermont Historical Gazetteer_, 179. - - Hemp manufacture, 276. - - Henchman, Daniel, 137. - - Hendrick, the Mohawk chief, 489, 504, 587. - - Hening, W. W., _Statutes at Large of Virginia_, 281. - - Hennepin, his maps, 79; - suspected by Iberville, 18, 19. - - Henry, Alex., _Travels_, 609. - - Henry, John, map of Virginia, 565. - - Herbert, H. W., translates Weiss’s _French Protestant Refugees_, 349. - - Herkimer’s house at German Flats, 519. - - Hermsdorf, Captain, 377. - - Hertel de Rouville, 105; - portrait, 106. - - Hewitt (Hewatt, Hewat, Hewit), Alex., _South Carolina and Georgia_, - 333, 352, 404. - - Heymann, J., _Law und sein System_, 77. - - Hickcox, J. H., _Bills of Credit in New York_, 247. - - Higginson, John, 422. - - Higginson, T. W., _Larger History of the United States_, 435. - - Highgate (Georgia), 372. - - Hildeburn, Charles R., _Century of Printing_, 248; - Philadelphia titles, 249; - on Sir John St. Clair, 578. - - Hildreth, S. P., _Pioneer History of Ohio Valley_, 570. - - Hill, Gen., in Boston, 108. - - Hill, G. M., _Church in Burlington_, 243. - - Hilton, Wm., discoveries on Carolina coast, 337; - map, 337; - his career, 337; - _True Relation_, 337; - at Cape Fear River, 288. - - _Hinckley Papers_ (Plymouth colony), 166. - - Hinsdale (N. H.), massacre, 184. - - Historical MSS. Commission, its _Reports_, 164. - - _History of the British Dominions in North America_, 618. - - _History of the Late War_, 616. - - Hoadly, C. J., edits _Connecticut Colonial Records_, 166. - - Hobart, Aaron, _Abington_, 461. - - Hobby, Sir Chas., 104, 106, 408; - his regiment, 165. - - Hocquart, Gilles, 58; - _Mémoire_, 567. - - Hodge, Chas., _Presbyterian Church_, 132. - - Hodgson, W. B., 401. - - Hoffman, C. F., _Life of Leisler_, 241. - - Holbourn, Admiral, 206. - - Holbrook, Mrs. H. P., 402. - - Holden, _Queensbury, N. Y._, 179, 509, 602. - - Holderness authorizes force to be used against the French, 573. - - Holland, Edw., 255. - - Holland, Roger, 364. - - Holland, Sam., disowned a map of New York and New Jersey, published as - his, by Jefferys, 565; - surveys of Cape Breton, 440; - surveys of the St. Lawrence, 614; - map of New York, 238. - - Holland, trade with, 229. - - Holland, _Western Massachusetts_, 587. - - Hollis, Thomas, 137. - - Hollister, H., _Lackawanna Valley_, 249. - - Hollister, _Connecticut_, 169. - - Holme, Benj., _Epistles and Works_, 243. - - Holmes, Abiel, _American Annals_, 619; - on the Huguenots, 98. - - Holmes, Alex., writes tract against Jos. Dudley, 422. - - Holmes, O. W., _Agnes_, 144. - - Homann, J. B., his maps, 234; - map of Louisiana, 81; - _Atlas Novus_, 234; - _Atlas Methodicus_, 234; - map of _Nova Anglia_, 133, 234. - - Hopkins, Stephen, 176; - _True Representation of the Plan formed at Albany_, 612. - - Hopson, General, 603. - - Hopson, P. T., 410. - - Hopton, Lord, 276. - - Horsey, Samuel, 332. - - Horsmanden, Daniel, autog., 242; - _Journal_, etc., 242; - various editions, 242. - - Horwood, A. J., on the Shaftsbury Papers, 356. - - Hough, F. B., edits Pouchot, 616; - edits Rogers’s _Journals_, 527, 592; - _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, 608. - - Housatonic River in the Indian wars, 187. - - Housatonic Valley plan, 184. - - Houstoun, Sir Patrick, 391. - - Hovey, Alvah, _Isaac Backus_, 159. - - How, Nehemiah, _Captivity_, 186. - - Howard, Mrs. A. H. C., 435, 447. - - Howard, C. W., historical agent of Georgia, 400. - - Howard, G. W., _Monumental City_, 271. - - Howard, John, on Kentucky, 565. - - Howard of Effingham, in Virginia, 264. - - Howe, Geo., _Presbyterian Church in South Carolina_, 348. - - Howe, Lord, at Schenectady, 520; - with Abercrombie, 521; - portrait, 522; - killed, 522; - burial and remains, 522; - his character, 522; - place of his death, 524. - - Howe, S. S., 622. - - Howe, Sir William, at Quebec, 543. - - Howe, W. W., 65. - - Howell, R. B. C., “Early Baptists in Virginia”, 282. - - Howell’s _State Trials_, 241. - - Howes, Job, 318. - - Hoyne, Thomas, 71, 622. - - Hoyt, A. H., _Pepperrell Papers_, 147, 437. - - Hoyt, Epaphras, _Antiq. Researches_, 187. - - Hoyt, W. C., on Wesley, 403. - - Hubbard, F. M., 345. - - Hubbard, Thomas, 450; - autog., 427. - - Hudson, Chas., _Marlborough_ (Mass.), 184; - on the siege of Louisbourg, 438. - - Hudson, F., _American Journalism_, 90, 248. - - Hudson Bay Co., bounds, 85. - - Hudson River, called “Groote Esopus”, 234; - military roads from, to Lake George, 527. - - Huguenots, intending for Carolina, stop in Virginia, 335; - in Massachusetts, 96, 98, 184; - in the middle colonies, 247; - settlements in America before 1787, 350; - society of, 98, 349; - C. W. Baird on them, 98; - writers on, 98; - in Rhode Island, 98; - in South Carolina, 349, 355; - in Virginia, 265, 282. - - Humphreys, David, _Works_, 609; - _Historical Account_, 169, 239, 341; - map of New England, 133. - - Hunnewell, J. F., _Bibliography of Charlestown_, 177. - - Hunter, Robert, governor of New York, 196; - autog. and seal, 196; - retires, 197; - governor of New Jersey, 218. - - Huntoon, D. T. V., 167. - - Huske, John, his map of North America, 83; - sketched, 84; - _Present State of North America_, 83, 84. - - Hutchins, Captain Thomas, describes the country from Fort Pitt to - Presque Isle, 608; - books on Louisiana, 71; - _Environs du Fort Pitt et la Nouvelle Province Indiana_, 564; - plan of Illinois villages, 564; - _Topographical Description of Virginia_, 564. - - Hutchinson, Eliakim, autog., 425. - - Hutchinson, Elisha, autog., 425. - - Hutchinson, Thos., 450; - account of the congress of 1754, 612; - _Case of Massachusetts Bay and New York_, 177; - as a financier, 171, 176; - _Dissertation on the Currencies_, 172; - _Massachusetts Bay_, 162, 184, 618; - bibliography of, 162; - on the massacre at Fort William Henry, 594; - the most conspicuous man in New England, 155; - made chief justice, 155; - holds other offices, 155; - plan of union, 613; - treats with Indians, 149; - his youth, 122; - on the Acadians, 457. - - Hyde, Edw., governor of Carolina, 297, 298. - - Hyde, Edw. _See_ Clarendon. - - Hyde, Edw. _See_ Cornbury. - - - Iberville, Pierre le Moyne d’, his career, 14; - portrait, 15; - the Louisiana coast, 16; - enters the Mississippi, 18; - at Biloxi, 19; - sails to France, 20; - returns to Biloxi, 20; - third voyage, 21; - at Mobile, 21; - rewarded, 23; - dies, 23; - his wife, 26; - his narrative, 73; - voyage of 1698, 73; - sources in Margry, 73. - - Ichicachas, 86. - - Illinois, country of, 83; - annexed to Louisiana, 35; - bounds of, 564; - plan of villages, by Thomas Hutchins, 564; - histories of, 71; - by Breese, 621; - Indians of, 564; - visited by Lamothe, 30; - prosperous (1711), 51, 52; - mines, 52; - sources of history, 69. - - Illinois River, fort on, 82. - - _Imperial Magazine_, 607. - - _Importance of the British Plantations_, 276. - - Indian charity school, 246. - - Indian geographical names, 564. - - Indian tribes near Lake Erie, 565; - tribes and their numbers in the southern colonies (1733), 365. - - Indiana, Indians of, 564; - old province of, 564. - - Indians in the battle on the Monongahela, 580; - of Canada, 563; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - classified by their English or French leanings, 583; - conferences with, records in Massachusetts archives, 424; - hold conferences only in their own tongue, 574; - conferences with (1757), 596; - councils (1707), 561; - French movement to secure alliance with, 560; - of Maine, conference at Boston (1713-14), 424; - fac-simile of signatures, 425; - conference at Portsmouth, 424; - at Georgetown, 424; - conferences (1752-54), 450; - sign Dummer’s treaty in Boston, 432; - treaties with, 420; - (1745), 448; - make massacre at Fort William Henry, 594; - in the middle colonies, 245; - relations with the Schuyler family, 245; - treaties, 245; - names given by them to streams, etc., 246; - in Nova Scotia, papers concerning, 459; - in Ohio, 564; - relations with Moravians, 245; - repelled by Braddock, 496; - treaties with, 471, 612; - in Virginia, 278, 279. - - Indicott, John, 182. - - Ingersoll, Jared, on Pitt, 601. - - Ingersoll, J. R., 575. - - Ingle, Captain Richard, 271. - - Ingle, Edw., _Captain Richard Ingle_, 271; - “County Government in Virginia”, 281; - _Local Institutions of Virginia_, 281; - _Parish Institutions of Maryland_, 271. - - Ingoldsby, Lieutenant-governor of New York, 196. - - Ingoldsby, Major Richard, governor of New Jersey, 218. - - Innes, Colonel, 574. - - Insurance, method of, established, 127. - - _International Review_, 272. - - _Iowa Historical Record_, 622. - - Iowa, Historical Society, its _Annals_, 622. - - Irish in Carolina, 331; - in Pennsylvania, 217, 247. - - Iron forging in Virginia, 265; - mining, 223; - working, 223; - works suppressed, 118. - - Irondequot, 568; - coveted by French and English, 487. - - Iroquois, called “Confederate Indians”, 83; - conquer the Ohio Valley, 564; - noted in Evans’s map, 564; - conquests of, 484; - extent of their conquests in the Ohio Valley, 565; - their friendships, 2; - peace with, in 1700, 4; - their hereditary and conquered territories, 84; - ceded to the English, 84, 565; - allured by the Dutch, 583; - incited by the English and French equally, 584; - Morgan’s map of their distribution, 583; - missions, 561; - mythology of, 233; - treaties with, 245; - women among, 23. - _See_ Five Nations, Six Nations. - - Irving, W., on John Law, 76. - - Isle-aux-Noix, plan of, 539; - Bourlamaque at, 539. - - Italians in Georgia, 372. - - - Jackson, R., 169. - - Jackson, Rich., 615. - - Jacob, _Life of Cresap_, 272. - - Jacques Cartier, hill of, Vaudreuil at, 550. - - Jaillot, Hubert, royal geographer, 79. - - Jalot, 72. - - Jamaica, map in Ogilby, 472. - - James, Captain Thomas, voyage, 69. - - James, G. P. R., _Great Commanders_, 603. - - James River, 274. - - Jamestown (Stono River) founded, 309. - - Janes, _Wesley his own Historian_, 403. - - Jans, Anneke, 230. - - Janvier, _L’Amérique_, 85. - - Jay, John, 349. - - Jefferson, Peter. _See_ Fry, Joshua. - - Jefferson, Thomas, _Notes on Virginia_, 273; - its map, 273. - - Jefferys, T., _General Topography of North America_, 38, 85, 444, 618; - _Atlas_, 618; - _History of the French Dominion_, etc., 38, 85, 444, 616; - his map in it, 85; - maps of Louisbourg (1745 and 1758), 442, 443, 444, 468, 469; - his issue of Evans’s map, 565; - his maps of the Acadian bounds, 482; - maps of _Montreal_, 556; - of _Lake Champlain_, 557; - of _New York and New Jersey_, 557; - map of Nova Scotia, 480, 481; - map of Quebec, 549; - map of the St. Lawrence River, 614; - gulf, 614; - maps of Virginia and New York, 565; - plan of Ticonderoga, 525; - plans of the siege of Quebec (1759), 542; - publishes Fry and Jefferson’s _Virginia_, 575; - publishes plans of Braddock’s defeat, 500; - reëngraves Blodgett’s plan of the battle at Lake George, 586; - republishes Evans’s map, 84; - on the siege of Quebec (1759), 606; - _Conduct of the French_, 482; - _Conduite des François_, 482; - _Remarks on the French Memorials_, 482. - - Jenckes of Rhode Island, 141. - - Jenings, Edw., 265. - - Jenkins, Howard M., _Gwynedd_, 247. - - Jenning, Isaac, _Memorials of a Century_, 238. - - Jennings, David, _Dr. Cotton Mather_, 157. - - _Jésuites Martyrs du Canada_, 431. - - Jesuits in the English colonies, 164; - in Louisiana, 43, 44. - - Joannes, Major de, _La Campagne de 1759_, 605. - - Jogues, Jesuit, in New York, 190. - - Johannis, a coin, 230. - - _Johns Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science_, - 271. - - Johnson, B. T., _Foundation of Maryland_, 271. - - Johnson, John, _Old Maryland Manors_, 271. - - Johnson, Mrs., _Captivity_, 186. - - Johnson, Lorenzo D., 438. - - Johnson, Robt., 322. - - Johnson, Samuel, plan of union, 614. - - Johnson, Sir Nath., 317; - governor of Carolina, 318; - on the condition (1708) of Carolina, 344. - - Johnson, Sir Wm., with Abercrombie, 523; - _Treaty with the Shawanese_ (1757), 581; - with Amherst (1760), 555; - campaign of 1760, 608; - his circular letter on the Lake George battle, 584; - _Letter dated at Lake George_, 584; - letters in the _Massachusetts Archives_, 584; - his commission and instructions for Shirley, 584; - jealous of Shirley, 585; - received £5,000 from parliament, 585; - favored revoking the purchase of lands from the Delawares (1754), - 595; - Niagara expedition (1759), 535, 601; - his life, by Stone, 584; - minor characteristics of him, 584; - in fiction, 584; - attached to Clinton in his feuds with De Lancey, 584; - his papers, 232, 584; - partly printed, 584; - his council of war (Aug.), 584; - his views on measures necessary to defeat the designs of the French, - 571, 584, 613; - sought to relieve Monro at Fort William Henry, 595; - at the Albany congress (1754), 613; - autog., 502; - portrait, 503; - his house, 503; - views of it, 503; - leads campaign to capture Crown Point (1755), 503; - fights Dieskau, 504; - wounded, 504; - fails to follow up the victory, 505; - builds Fort William Henry, 505; - rewarded and made a baronet, 505; - goes into winter-quarters, 505; - Indian conferences (1753), 245; - (1755-56), 581, 584, 589, 590; - (1757), 596; - propitiates the Indians, 581, 589; - resigned as Indian agent, 204; - sole Indian superintendent, 508; - relations with the Indians, 487. - - Johnson, governor of South Carolina, dies, 332. - - Johnston, Gabriel, governor of Carolina, 301; - dies, 303. - - Johnston, James, 402. - - Johnston, Thomas, 586. - - Johnston, Wm., 578. - - Johnston, _Cecil County_, 272. - - Johnstone, Chevalier, on the siege of Louisbourg (1758), 464; - _Memoirs of a French Officer_, 604. - - Joliet, his maps, 79. - - Joncaire, 6, 7; - on the Canada Indians, 490, 563; - near Niagara, 534; - at Venango, 492. - - Jones, C. C., on Count Pulaski, 401; - _Dead Towns of Georgia_, 401; - on the Georgia Historical Society, 400; - _History of Georgia_, 406; - edits _Acts of the Assembly of Georgia_ (1755-1774), 402; - edits Purry’s tract, 347; - “English Colonization of Georgia”, 357; - _Tomo-chi-chi_, 399. - - Jones, Hugh, _Present State_, 250; - autog., 278. - - Jones, H. G., _Andrew Bradford_, 248; - on the Dublin (Pa.) Baptist church, 247. - - Jones, M. M., 592. - - Jones, Nobel, 391. - - Jones, U. J., _Juniata Valley_, 249. - - Jonquière, Adm. de la, 8; - autog., 8; - captured, 8; - assumes the government of Canada, 9; - dies, 10; - in Quebec, 571; - confers with the Cayugas, 571. - - Joppa (Md.), 261. - - Jordan, river, 338. - - Joseph’s Town (Georgia), 372, 373, 379. - - _Journal de Québec_, 619. - - _Journal Historique_ (Louisiana), 55, 63. - _See_ Beaurain. - - _Journal Œconomique_, 67. - - Joutel, _Journal Historique_, 81. - - Juchereau, _Hôtel Dieu_, 562. - - Judd, Sylvester, _Hadley_, 187. - - Jumonville, 574; - autog., 493; - killed, 493. - - Juniata, Indian depredations, 590. - - - Kalbfleisch, C. H., 93. - - Kalm, Peter, on Niagara, 244; - _En Risa tel Norra America_, 244; - translation, 244. - - Kankakee River, 52. - - Kaokia, 53. - - Kapp, F., _Deutschen in New York_, 246. - - Kaskaskia, 53, 67, 69, 566. - - Kaskaskias, 52. - - _Katholische Kirche in den Vereinigten Staaten_, 431. - - Kearsarge, name of, 180. - - Keble, John, 225. - - Keith, Chas. P., _Councillors of Pennsylvania_, 249. - - Keith, Geo., in Boston, 103; - his _Journal_, 104, 168, 243; - portraits, 243. - - Keith, Sir Wm., _British Plantations_, 280; - _Present State of the Colonies_, 280; - his house in Philadelphia, 258; - notice of, 243; - portrait, 243; - tracts on his controversy, 243; - governor of Pennsylvania, 211-214; - dies, 214; - treaty with Five Nations, 563; - map in his _Virginia_, 272. - - Kellet, Alex., 391. - - Kendall, Duchess of, 113. - - Kennebec, forts on, 151, 181, 182; - marked as western bounds of Acadia, 475, 482; - Plymouth claims upon, 474; - _A Patent for Plymouth_, 474; - survey of, 474; - westerly limit of grant to Alexander, 479. - - Kennedy, Archibald, _Importance of Gaining the Indians_, 612; - his plan of union, 612; - _Serious Considerations_, 612. - - Kennedy, John P., _Swallow Barn_, 284. - - Kent, Captain Richard, 356. - - Kentucky, early explorers, 565; - histories, 565. - - Keppel, Admiral, 576; - journal of one of his officers, 576; - letter, 576; - _Life of Keppel_, 578. - - Ker, John, of Kersland, his _Memoirs_, 81; - map, 81. - - Kercheval, _Valley of Virginia_, 581. - - Kerlerec, governor of Louisiana, 51. - - Keulen, Gerard van, his map of New France, 81. - - Kiawah, cassique of, 305; - settled, 307. - _See_ Charlestown, S. C. - - Kickapoos, 564. - - Kidd, pirate, 195. - - Kidder, Fred., _Abnaki Indians_, 424; - _Expeditions of Lovewell_, 431. - - Kilby, Christopher, 147; - his letters, 149. - - Kilian, G. C., _Americanische Urquelle derer innerlichen Kriege_, 618, - 619. - - Kinderhook township, map, 236. - - King, Colonel Richard, 562. - - King George’s war, 434. - - King, James, 400. - - King William’s war (1688, etc.), 420. - - Kingsley on Yale College, 102. - - Kingston (Canada), 525. - - Kingston (N. Y.), 237. - - Kinlock, James, 325. - - Kinsey, John, 220. - - Kip, _Early Jesuit Missions_, 68. - - Kirk, Louis, occurrences in Acadia, 476. - - Kitchin, Thos., his maps, 83; - map of Acadia, 474; - map of the Cherokee country, 484; - map of the St. Lawrence, 614; - map of province of Quebec, 615; - map of French settlement, 566; - map of Nova Scotia, 482; - of New England, 482. - - Kleinknecht, C. D., _Nachrichten von den Colonisten zu Eben-Ezer_, - 396. - - Knight, Madam, her _Journey_, 168. - - Knowles, Com., in Boston, 148; - causes riot, 148; - quarrel with Douglass, 158. - - Knox, Captain John, _Historical Journal_ (1757-1760), 467, 616; - account of siege of Louisbourg (1758), 467. - - Knox, J. J., _United States Notes_, 176. - - Kohl, J. G., his maps described in _Harvard University Bulletin_, 473. - - Kussoe Indians, 311. - - - L’Assumption, Fort de, 82. - - La Corne, in attack on Fort William Henry, 517. - - La Croix, Paul, _Dix-huitième Siècle_, 34, 77, 412. - - La Grange de Chessieux, _La Conduite des François justifiée_, 482. - - La Harpe, B. de, 36, 63; - autog., 63; - defends Bienville, 44; - at Cadadoquais, 40; - at St. Bernard Bay, 40; - translated, 72. - - La Lande, de, account of Piquet, 571. - - La Loire, MM., 29. - - La Mothe Cadillac, 483; - governor of Louisiana, 29; - autog., 29. - _See_ Cadillac. - - La Prairie, 486. - - La Presentation, 490. - - La Salle, Nic. de, 27. - - La Salle’s explorations, 13. - - La Tour, his _Lettres Patentes_, 476; - his territory in Acadia, 478, 479. - - Labat, M., 421. - - Labroguerie, map of Lake Ontario, 614. - - Lachine, 555. - - Lafargue, E. de, on Nova Scotia, 475; - _Œuvres_, 475. - - Lahontan, map of Acadia, 473; - of Canada, 474. - - Lahoulière’s account of siege of Louisbourg (1758), 467. - - Lake. _See_ names of lakes. - - Lake George, battle (1755), _A Ballad Concerning the Fight_, 557; - three contemporary printed comments, 586; - French accounts, 588; - map, 585, 586, 589; - view, 586; - authorities, 583; - Johnson’s letters, 584; - various contemporary letters, etc., 584, 585; - expense largely borne by Massachusetts, 585; - men sent by Massachusetts, 585; - rude map from _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 585; - Dieskau’s map, 585; - list of killed and wounded, 586; - reasons for abandoning the campaign, 586; - plan of the ambuscade, 586; - contemporary French map, 388; - other maps of, 526, 527; - (1759), 589; - modern map, 536; - “Rogers’s Slide”, 593. - - Lake St. Sacrement. _See_ Lake George. - - Lalor, _Cyclopædia of Political Science_, 76. - - Lamb, Martha J., _Homes of America_, 252. - - Lamberville, Jac. de, 561. - - Lambing, A. A., 580. - - Lancaster (Mass.), 184; - Acadians in, 461. - - Lancaster (Pa.), treaty (1744), 487, 566; - Colden’s account, 566; - (1747), 245; - (1748), 569; - (1762), 245. - - Land-bank schemes, 170, 173; - _Model for Erecting a Bank of Credit_, 170. - - Landgraves in Carolina, 291. - - Lane, Daniel, 604. - - Lane, John, 438. - - Langdon, Sam., _Map of New Hampshire_ (MSS.), 485, 585. - - Langevin, Jean, “Canada sous la Domination française”, 619. - - Langlade, Chas. de, 568; - at Monongahela, 580; - papers on, 568. - - Langworthy, Edw., projected a history of Georgia, 405. - - Langy watches Abercrombie, 521, 522. - - Lansdowne MSS., 475. - - Lareau, Edmond, _Littérature Canadienne_, 619; - “Nos Archives”, 617. - - Laroche, John, 364. - - Larrabee, Captain, 432; - his garrison house, 183. - - Larrabee, _Wesley and his Coadjutors_, 404. - - Lastekas, 30. - - Latimer, E. W., on Maryland colonial life, 272. - - Latrobe, C. I., translates Loskiel’s _Moravian Missions_, 245, 582. - - Laudonnière, _Histoire Notable_, 73. - - Laval, P., _Voyage à Louisiane_, 86. - - Law, John, and his schemes, 32; - his bank, 33; - fac-simile of note, 34; - a fugitive, 35; - grant on Arkansas River, 35; - literature of, 75; - portraits, 75, 76; - _Œuvres_, 75; - his proposal in _Verzameling_, etc., 76; - contemporary publications, 76; - laments of victims, 76; - _Het Groote Tafereel_, etc., 76; - satires, 76; - lives of, 76; - autog., 76; - _Law, the Financier_, 76; - account by Irving, 76; - by many others, 77; - in fiction, 77; - in _Mémoires_, 77. - - Law, Wm., on Georgia history, 401. - - Lawrence, Governor Charles, 410; - autog., 452; - and the French neutrals, 416. - - Lawrence, Wm. B., 68. - - Lawrence, fort, map, 451, 452, 453. - _See_ Fort. - - Lawson, John, _New Voyage to Carolina_, 344; - translations, 345; - murdered, 345; - his map, 345. - - Lawyers, late in New England legislatures, 166. - - Le Beau, Christine, 186. - - Le Ber, Mdlle., 6. - - Le Bœuf, 566. - - L’Epinay, governor of Louisiana, 31; - autog., 31. - - Le Gac, _Mémoire_, 76. - - Le Loutre, Abbé de, 146; - his station 451, 452; - letter to Lawrence, 453; - character of, 457. - - Lemoyne, Catholic missionary, 190. - - Le Moyne family, 23. - _See_ Lemoine. - - Le Page du Pratz, 36; - autog., 65; - _Histoire de la Louisiane_, 65; - translations, 65. - - Le Petit, 46; - narrative, 72. - - Le Sueur, 80; - account of, 67; - on the upper Mississippi, 25; - his explorations, 22. - - Lea, Philip, map of Carolina, 315. - - Leake, John, 257. - - Lecky, _England in the Eighteenth Century_, 615. - - Leddel, Henry, 458. - - Lederer, John, 359; - his _Discoveries_, 338; - his map, 339; - his travels, 340. - - Lediard, _Naval History_, 562. - - Lee, Chas., 607; - at Abercrombie’s defeat, 597; - letters on the siege of Niagara, 601; - goes to Duquesne, 601. - - Lee, Hon. Charles, Attorney-General U. S. A., 392. - - Lee, Hannah F., on the _Huguenots in France and America_, 98, 349. - - Lee, J. S., _Colonel Hawkes_, 186. - - Lee family, their mansion, 275. - - Leisler, Jacob, arrives in New Netherland, 189; - autog., 189; - proclaimed lieutenant-governor, 190; - hanged, 190; - his legislation, 192; - authorities on, 241; - his body reinterred, 195; - _Letter from a Gentleman of New York_, 240; - his attainder reversed, 240; - papers, 240; - _Loyalty Vindicated_, 240; - _Modest and Impartial Narrative_, 240. - - Lelièvre on John Wesley and the English translation, 403. - - Lemercier, _Church History of Geneva_, 137. - - Lemoine, J. M., on Garneau, 619; - “Nos quatre historiens modernes”, 619; - _Quebec Past and Present_, 619; - _Picturesque Quebec_, 619; - _Glimpses of Quebec_, 600; - “Fraser’s Highlanders before Quebec”, 604, 605, 606; - _Maple Leaves_, 604; - on the death of Montcalm, 605; - _Le régiments des Montagnards écossais_, 606; - _La Mémoire de Montcalm vergée_, 594; - “Les Archives du Canada”, 617; - _Maple Leaves_, 15, 619; - _Rues de Québec_, 549; - “Sur les dernières années de la domination française en Canada”, - 610. - _See_ Le Moyne. - - Lemoine brothers, 71. - - Lémontey, P. E., _Histoire de la Régence_, 77. - - Lery, Macdonald, A. C., de, 495. - - Léry, his map, 238; - plan of Detroit, 559; - plan of Oswego, 567. - - Lesdignierres, 63. - - Leslie, Chas., _Short and Easy Method_, 126. - - Leslie, letter on Braddock’s campaign, 578. - - _Lettres édifiantes_, 68. - - Levasseur, P. E., _Le Système de Law_, 77. - - Leverett, Captain John, 421; - orders from Cromwell (1656), 476. - - Leverett, C. E., _John Leverett_, 421. - - Lévis, Chevalier de, comes over with Montcalm, 505; - in attack on Fort William Henry (1757), 516; - attacks Murray, 552; - plan of the campaign, 552; - battle of Sainte-Foy, 552; - attacks Quebec, 553; - retreats, 554; - his efforts to recover Quebec, 608; - _Guerre du Canada_, 608; - his instructions, 609; - at Jacques Cartier, 550; - letters, 608; - his MS. record (1755-60), 589; - sent from Quebec to confront Amherst, 545; - in the siege of Quebec (1759), 605; - at Ticonderoga (1758), 521, 523. - - Lewis, John F., 276. - - Lewis, Major Thomas, 276. - - Libraries in Virginia, 276. - - Lieber, O. M., 356. - - Ligneres at Duquesne, 497; - at Niagara, 535. - - Lignery, De, treaty by (1726), 561. - - Lindsey’s _Unsettled Boundaries of Ontario_, 80. - - Linen-making, 119, 227. - - Linn, J. B., _Buffalo Valley_, 249. - - Linsey-woolsey, 227. - - Lithgow, Wm., autog., 182. - - Livingston, Edw., on the Albany congress, 613; - on French intrigues with the Indians, 571. - - Livingstone, Major, sent to Canada, 424; - his journal, 424. - - Livingston, Peter, & Co., 254. - - Livingston, P. & R., 233. - - Livingston, Robt., plan of a triple confederacy, 611. - - Livingston, Wm., on Braddock’s campaign, 578; - defends Shirley, 508; - edits Mackemie’s trial, 241; - _Review of the Military Operations_, 587. - _See_ Smith, Wm. - - Livingston family, 252. - - Livingston manor, map, 237; - other maps, 238. - - _Livre d’Ordres_, 589. - - Lloyd, David, 210, 214. - - Lloyd, Thomas, 207; - governor of Pennsylvania, 207. - - Löber, M. C., tract on Georgia, 396. - - Locke, John, 336; - autog., 336; - _Several Pieces_, 336; - works, 337; - his connection with Carolina, 356; - the fundamental constitutions, 291; - intended description of Carolina, 338; - portrait, 337; - _Familiar Letters_, 337. - - Lodge, H. C., _Short History of the English Colonies_, 168, 247, 280, - 621; - on Virginia life, 284. - - Lodge, _Portraits_, 337. - - Logan, James, 209; - goes to England, 211; - president of the council, 215; - his correspondence with Penn, 242; - his portrait, 242; - on defensive war, 243; - on the French settlement in the Ohio Valley, 563. - - Logan, J. H., _Upper Country of South Carolina_, 350. - - Logan Historical Society, 576. - - Logstown, 497, 564; - treaty at (1752), 490, 570; - position of, 570. - - London, treaty at (1686-87), 476; - bishop of, made head of the American church, 195. - - _London Spy_, 99. - - Londonderry (N. H.), 119. - - Longfellow, H. W., verses on Lovewell’s fight, 432; - _Evangeline_, 456, 459. - - Longueil, at Detroit, 483; - letter (1726), 561; - governor of Montreal, 7; - governor of Canada, 10. - - Loomis, A. W., 599. - - Lord, Rev. Joseph, 342. - - Lords of Trade, 96. - - Loring, Captain, on Lake Champlain, 538, 540. - - Loring, Israel, 430. - - Loring, Joshua, draught of Lake George, 585. - - Loskiel, G. H., _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., 582; - English version, 245, 582. - - Lossing, B. J., _Cyclopædia of United States History_, 252; - edits Washington’s diary (1789-91), 573; - _Military Journals of two Private Soldiers_, 597; - on Princeton College, 248. - - Lotbinière, letter on Braddock’s defeat, 580; - letter on Lake George battle (1755), 589; - at Oswego, 592; - at Ticonderoga, 505. - - Lotteries, 145. - - Loudon, Earl of, 153; - autog., 510; - portraits, 506, 507; - sent over to assume command, 508, 591; - correspondence with Shirley, 591; - his despatches, 593, 595; - his dilatoriness, 575; - his intended attack on Louisbourg (1757), 515; - returns, 520; - his military orders as to rank, 510; - his demand for officers’ quarters, 513; - Pitt asks assistance for him, 593; - recalled, 154, 596; - _Conduct of a Noble Commander_, 596. - - Louis XIV., baffled, 5. - - Louis XV., De Tocqueville on, 77. - - Louisbourg, fortified, 409, 434; - cost of, 410; - medal commemorating, 434; - suggestions for the attack (1745), 434, 435; - expedition to and siege of (1745), 146, 410; - rolls of, 165; - share of the different New England colonies, 437; - offers of other colonies, 147; - expenses ultimately borne by Great Britain, 412; - which repays the colonies, 176; - surrenders, 411; - the news reaches Boston, 146; - papers on the siege, 436; - sermons on, 438; - councils of war, 436; - diaries, 438; - (Pomeroy), 437; - (Pepperrell), 437; - letters, 437; - other contemporary accounts, 437; - _Accurate and Authentic Account_, 437; - list of officers, 438; - New Hampshire troops, 438; - great risk of the attempt, 439; - credit given to Warren, 439; - accounts in the general histories, 439; - French accounts, 439; - _Lettre d’un Habitant_, 439; - the town restored to France (1748), 148, 413; - governors of (1745-1748), 459; - attempted attack by Loudon (1757), 464, 515; - the town strengthened, 464; - siege by Amherst (1758), 165, 418, 464, 471, 604; - planned by Knowles, 464, 467; - English accounts, 464; - diaries, 464; - _Journal of the Siege_, 464; - _Authentic Account_, 467; - letters of Wolfe, 467; - Wolfe at, 540; - French accounts, 464, 467; - papers in Parkman MSS., 464; - account of defences, by Drucour, 467; - colors taken to London, 467; - present condition of the site, 439; - maps of the town and sieges, 83, 439-448; - _Set of Plans_, 444; - siege of 1745 maps (Pepperrell’s), 446; - (Gibson’s), 437; - siege of 1758 maps, 465, 468, 469, 470, 471; - (Folling’s), 467; - chart of the harbor, 448; - plan of island battery, 448; - medals (1758), 471; - views of the town, 466, 467, 471; - of harbor, 466; - (Pepperrell’s), 447, 448; - (Jefferys), 448. - - Louisiana, history of, 1, 13; - limits of, 13, 28; - French claims to, 13; - Spanish claims to, 13; - English claims to, 13; - La Salle in, 13; - Tonty in, 14; - immigrants from Canada, 24; - English traders, 25; - Indian wars, 25; - its name, 25; - its government under Sauvolle, 25; - Iberville held it to be distinct from Canada, 25; - government of, 27; - grants to Crozat, 28; - English traders in, 29; - legal tribunals in, 31, 43; - population, 27, 31, 49, 55; - under L’Epinay, 31; - Company of the West, 31; - absorbs Illinois, 35; - convicts sent to, 36; - effect of Law’s collapse, 42; - currency of the company, 43; - ecclesiastical government, 43; - Company of the Indies ceases, 49; - sold to Spain, 58; - descriptions occasioned by Law’s scheme, 76; - geographical names in, 79; - frontier posts of the French and the English, 84; - the encroachments of the French, 84; - papers in Spanish archives, 74; - papers from the Paris archives, 74; - sources of history, 63; - histories, 64; - separate papers, 65; - boundary question, 69; - historical society, 72; - help from Paris archives, 73; - archives of the state despoiled, 74; - maps of, 79; - (1720), 76; - (1763), 615; - (Dumont’s), 82; - (of the rival claims), 83; - (Delisle’s), 72; - (German), 345; - Acadians in, 463. - - Louvigny, 14. - - Lovelace, John, governor of New York, autog., 195; - governor of New Jersey, 218; - dies, 196; - sermon on his death, 241. - - Lovell, James, 145. - - Lovewell, John, 127; - his fight and death, 431; - autog., 431; - sources, 431; - map of his fight, 433. - - Lovewell’s war, 430. - - Lowdermilk, _Cumberland_, 574, 577. - - Lowry, Jean, _Captivity_, 590. - - Loyalhannon Creek, 529; - variously spelled, 529. - - Luard, _Dress of British Soldiers_, 109, 547. - - Lucas, Jonathan, 308. - - Ludwell, Philip, 296. - - Luna, Tristan de, 359. - - Lurting, Colonel, Robt., 253. - - Lyman, General Phineas, at Lake George, 502; - builds Fort Lyman, 504; - defeats Dieskau, 504; - letter to his wife, 585; - overlooked by Johnson, 585; - defended by President Dwight, 587. - - Lynde, Samuel, _Bank of Credit_, 171. - - Lyne, James, plan of New York, 253. - - Lyon, Lemuel, journal, 597. - - Lyttleton, Wm. H., governor of Carolina, 333; - letters, 350. - - Lyttleton papers, 350. - - - M’Cluny, J. A., _Western Adventure_, 579, 581. - - M’Kinney describes Fort Duquesne, 498. - - MacMasters, J. B., on a free press in the middle colonies, 248. - - MacMurray, J. W., edits Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_, 249. - - Macaulay, _Chatham_, 596. - - Mackay, Alex., 322. - - Mackay, Hugh, 376. - - Mackay, _Popular Delusions_, 76. - - Mackellar, Patrick, 498. - - Mackemie, Francis, authorities on, 282; - _Narrative of his Imprisonment_, 282; - in Virginia, 268; - favors towns in Virginia, 279; - _Plain and Friendly Persuasive_, 279; - prosecuted by Cornbury, 241; - his _Trial_ edited by Wm. Livingston, 241. - - Mackenzie, Alex., 169. - - Mackenzie, G., 459. - - Mackinnon, D., _Coldstream Guards_, 577. - - Macleod, Daniel, _Memoirs_, 549. - - Macy, _Nantucket_, 118. - - Madawaska River, Acadians upon, 463. - - Maerschaick, F., surveyor of New York, 255; - his plan of New York, 257. - - _Magazine of Western History_, 621. - - Magne, 74. - - Mahon, _England_, 621; - on Wolfe, 603. - - Maine, Province of, bounds, 134; - garrison houses in, 183; - histories of, 163, 181; - Indian wars in, 420; - plan of the coast, by Jos. Heath (1719), 474; - by Phineas Jones (1751), 474; - by John North (1752), 474; - towns in, 181. - - Malartic, diary, 594; letters, 608. - - Malbranchia (Mississippi), 17. - - _Manhattan Magazine_, 247. - - Manifesto Church in Boston, 101. - - Manitoba, 86; - historical and scientific society of, 622. - - Mante, Thomas, _History of the Late War_, 616. - - Manufactory Bank, 171, 173. - - Manufactures in the colonies, 222; - opposed by England, 223. - - Maps, _Catalogue of Printed Maps in British Museum_, 233; - incorrectness of early, a useful element for the historian, 338. - - Maquas in Boston, 107; - pictures of, 107. - _See_ Five Nations. - - March, Colonel, before Port Royal, 408, 421. - - Marcou, Mrs. Jules, _Belknap_, 163. - - Marest, Gabriel, 561. - - Margry, Pierre, _Découvertes et Établissements_, 73; - titles of separate volumes, 73; - on Vérendrye’s discovery, 567. - - Maricheets, 452. - - Maricourt, 14. - - Marietta (Ohio), 570. - - Marigny de Mandeville, memoirs, 71. - - Marin, 57, 492, 527; - journal of, 16. - - Marion, Joseph, 127. - - Markham, governor of Delaware, 207; - rules for Penn in Pennsylvania, 208. - - Marlborough, Duke of, his victories, 106. - - Marmontel, J. F., _Régence du Duc de Orleans_, 77. - - Marquette and Joliet’s account of discovery, 72. - - Marquette’s maps, 79. - - Marsh, Perez, 586. - - Marshall, John, diary (1707), 421. - - Marshall, John (Va.), _History of the Colonies_, 620. - - Marshall, O. H., on Céloron, 570; - on the Niagara frontier, 534. - - Marshall, Ralph, 307. - - Marshe, Wm., journal of conference at Lancaster, 566. - - Martel, T. B., 610. - - Martin, Clement, 391. - - Martin, E. K., _Mennonites_, 246. - - Martin, Felix, _De Montcalm en Canada_, 607; - _Le Marquis de Montcalm au Canada_, 607. - - Martin, F. X., account of, 72, 354; - _Louisiana_, 65; - _North Carolina_, 354. - - Martin, J. H., _Bethlehem_, 249. - - Martin, governor of North Carolina, 305. - - Martyn, Benj., _Reasons for Establishing Georgia_, 394; - _Progress of Georgia_, 395; - secretary of trustees of Georgia, 366. - - Martyn, Henry, 395. - - Marvin, A. P., _Lancaster_, 184. - - Maryland, Acadians in, 461, 462; - archives, 617; - papers in the Maryland Historical Society, 617; - _Calendar of State Archives_, 270; - _Archives of Maryland_, 270; - histories of, 259, 271; - editions of laws, 260, 271; - views on the early Toleration Act, 271; - life of the province, 272; - religion, 272; Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - Copley the first royal governor, 259; - Episcopal Church established, 259; - Francis Nicholson, governor, 260; - John Hart ruled for the proprietary, 260; - the assembly claim the common law, 261; - currency troubles, 261; - as a crown province, 259; - tobacco crop, 259; - life in, 259; - absence of towns, 259; - boundary disputes with Pennsylvania, 239, 261, 263, 272, 273; - map used, 272; - disputes with Virginia, 263, 273; - map showing present and charter boundaries, 273; - _Report of Commissioners on the Maryland and Virginia Bounds_, 273; - population, 261; - institutional life, 261; - Horatio Sharpe, governor, 262; - money voted for the French war, 262; - Catholics, 262; - war on the proprietary, 262; - her records, 270; - history of their preservation, 270; - refuses to assist Braddock, 580. - - _Maryland Gazette_, 261. - - Mascarene, Paul, 139, 409; - autog., 450; - description of Nova Scotia, 409; - his “Events at Annapolis” (1710-1711), 423. - - Mason, Arthur, 110. - - Mason, Edw. G., 69; - _Illinois in the Eighteenth Century_, 52. - - Mason, _Newport_, 141. - - Mason and Dixon’s line, 263, 273; - their journals, 273; - authorities on, 273. - - Massachusetts, expedition from, to New Mexico (1678), 69; - provincial charter, 91, 477; - printed, 92; - original of, 92; - population, 92; - seal of, 93; - seals of governors, 93; - document on the arms of, 93; - quarrels with the governors over their salaries, 94, 104, 116, 130, - 131, 132, 133; - witchcraft court, 94; - bill making representatives necessarily residents of towns - represented by them, 95; - London agents, 106, 107; - paper money, 113; - loss in Indian wars, 113; - Burgess commissioned governor, 115; - Shute, governor, 115; - Wm. Dummer, lieutenant-governor, 116; - freedom of press, 117; - tracts on her depressed condition (1717, etc.), 119; - picture of the province sloop, 123; - under Dummer, 124; - explanatory charter, 124; - cost of the war (1723), 127; - Burnet removes General Court to Salem, 130; - sends Jona. Belcher to England, 131; - made governor, 132; - Spencer Phips, governor, 139; - Shirley, governor, 143; - exhausted by the Louisbourg expedition, 146; - Brief State of the Services, etc., 147; - relations with its agents, 147; - Spencer Phips governor in Shirley’s absence, 149, 153; - capital offences in, 152; - Pownall, governor, 153; - cost of the war, 153; - refuse to have troops quartered on the people, 154; - her troops (1759), 154; - Bernard, governor, 155; - authorities on her history, 162; - documentary history, 164; - her appeal in 1699, 164; - fines traders with the French, 164; - trees reserved for royal navy, 164; - negative of the governor, 164; - encroachments on the royal prerogative, 164; - her archives cared for, 164; - report on them, 165; - papers on the revolution of 1689, 165; - on the Andros period, 165; - French archives, 165, 617; - copies from England, 165; - council records, 165; - records of House of Representatives, 165; - their printed journals, 165; - muster rolls of French and Indian wars, 165; - legislative history, 166; - _Province Laws_, 166, 167; - _Acts and Resolves_, edited by Ames and Goodell, 167; - cost of printing Massachusetts Colony Records, Plymouth Colony - Records, and provincial laws, 167; - histories of manners, 169; - financial history, 170; - banks, 170; - penny bills, 171; - manufactory bank, 171; - silver scheme, 171; - volumes marked “Pecuniary” in her archives, 173; - pamphlets on the subject, 174, 175; - old tenor v. new tenor, 176; - depreciation table, 176; - emblems of Massachusetts, 177; - towns in, 92; - names of her towns, 181; - frontier towns, 184, 187; - border wars, 184; - massacres, 187; - _Brief State of the Services_, etc., 457; - despatches of the governor to the secretary of state (1745-51), 459; - troops in Crown Point expedition, 585; - Acadians in, 461; - papers on them in the archives, 461; - town histories referring to them, 461; - declined to receive others, 462; - intercepted, 463; - expense of supporting Acadians, 462; - Bernard refuses to receive them, 462; - bounds on Popple’s map, 134; - boundary disputes, 177; - claims land at the west, 180; - bounds on New Hampshire, 180; - on Rhode Island, 180, 232; - on Connecticut, 180; - map of, 88. - - Massachusetts, fort, 187. - _See_ Fort. - - “Massachusetts”, frigate, 437. - - Massacre Island, 17. - - Mather, Cotton, _Bills of Credit_, 170; - _Life of Phips_, 170; - his character, 101, 129; - his library, 101, 162; - favors Jos. Dudley’s appointment, 103; - quarrels with him, 104; - disappointed in not being president of Harvard College, 105; - his _Le Vrai Patron_, 106; - his Iroquois tract, 107; - _Question and Proposal_, 108; - answered by John Wise, 108; - his _Winthropi Justa_, 212; - and Governor Shute, 116; - _Decennium Luctuosum_, 420; - diary, 168; - _Duodecennium Luctuosum_, 430; - incites or writes _Memorial_ against Jos. Dudley, 422; - _Magnalia_, 156; - _Manuductio ad Ministerium_, 156; - his style, 157; - lives of, 157; - map in his _Magnalia_, 88; - his _Parentator_, 125; - tries to have a synod, 126; - on Sebastian Rasle, 127; - _Waters of Marah_, 127; - praises Shute, 118; - receives a doctorate, 119; - _Testimony against Evil Customs_, 119; - favors inoculation, 120; - attacked, 120; - despised by Douglass, 120; - and Wm. Dummer, 123; - his reputation in successive generations, 157; - his literary fecundity, 157; - authorities, 157; - _The Terror of the Lord_, 128; - _Boanerges_, 128; - dies, 129; - judged by James Savage, 129. - - Mather, Increase, diary, 168; - his character, 101, 125, 126; - goes to England, 87; - and the new charter of Massachusetts Bay, 91; - returns to Boston, 93; - laments the decline of theocratic views, 93; - made D. D. by Harvard, 94; - relations to the college, 98; - relations with Sam. Sewall, 100; - _Order of the Gospel_, 101; - attacked by the Manifesto Church party, 101; - declines to go to England, 114; - and the _New England Courant_, 121; - dies, 125; - portrait, 125; - memoirs, 125. - - Mather, Samuel, _Life of Cotton Mather_, 157. - - Mathers, the, Quincy and Grahame upon, 621. - - _Mather Papers_, 166. - - Mathews, Alfred, 565. - - Matler’s Rock, 237. - - Matthews, A., 577. - - Mauduit, Jasper, 462. - - Maule, Thomas, 95; - _Truth Held Forth_, 95; - _New England Persecutors_, 95; - genealogy of, 95; - _Tribute to Cæsar_, 562. - - Maurault, Abbé, J. A., _Histoire des Abénakis_, 421, 619. - - Maurepas, lake, 41. - - Maurice, J. F., _Hostilities without Declaration of War_, 574. - - Maury, Ann, _Huguenot Family_, 276. - - Maury, Jas., on Evans’s map, 564. - - Maxwell, Thomson, 598, 602. - - Maxwell, _Virginia Register_, 284. - - Mayer, Brantz, edits _Sot-Weed Factor_, 272; - _Logan and Cresap_, 272. - - Mayer, F. B., 271; - _Old Maryland Manners_, 272. - - Mayer, Lewis, _Ground Rents in Maryland_,271; - on Maryland Papers, 617. - - Mayhew, Jona., his bold utterances, 150. - - Mayo, John, lays out Richmond, 268. - - Mayo, Colonel William, 268. - - McCall, Hugh, _History of Georgia_, 405. - - McGill, A. T., 273. - - McHenry, James, 575. - - McLeod, Rev. John, 376. - - Meade, _Old Churches, etc., of Virginia_, 279, 282, 284. - - Mease, James, _Picture of Philadelphia_, 252. - - Mecklenburg declaration of independence, 304. - - Meginness, J. F., _Valley of the Susquehanna_, 249. - - Melchers, Julius, 560. - - Melish, John, _Description of United States_, 53. - - Mellish, T., 331. - - Melon, _Essai politique_, 75. - - Melvin, Eleazer, 182. - - _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 57; - MS. of, 57. - - _Memoirs of the Principal Transactions of the Last War_, 568. - - Mennonists, 217, 246; - authorities on, 246. - - Menwe. _See_ Five Nations. - - Mercer, Colonel, killed at Oswego, 510. - - Mercer, Colonel Hugh, at Pittsburgh, 600. - - Mercer, John, 278. - - Merrimac River, 88; - in Popple’s map, 134. - - Merriman, Sergeant, diary, 602. - - _Methodist Quarterly_, 403. - - Meursius, Jacob, map, 472. - - Mexico, St. Denys in, 71. - - Miami Confederacy, 563. - - Miami, fort at, 559. - - Miamis, 564. - - Miamis, French on the, 490, 566. - - Michelet, Jules, _La France sous Law_, 77. - - Michilimackinac, French at, 566; - map, 559. - - Micmacs, country of, 480; - threatening, 452; - accounts of, 452; - _Customs and Manners of the Micmakis_, 452. - - Middle Colonies in the eighteenth century, 189; - life in, 247; - literature of, 248; - publications in, 248; - population of, 246. - - Middleton, Arthur, governor of Carolina, 328; - conflicts with the Assembly, 329. - - Middleton, Henry, 350. - - Middleton, map of Braddock’s march, 500. - - Mildmay, Wm., 475. - - _Military History of Great Britain, 1756-57_, 592. - - Miller, John, _Province and City of New York_, 253. - - Miller, secretary of Carolina, 294. - - Mills, _Boundaries of Ontario_, 86. - - Mills, rolling, prohibited, 149. - - Minas, basin of, view of entrance, 449; - battle of, 448; - English and French accounts, 448, 449. - - Minet, his maps, 79. - - Mingoes, 484. - _See_ Five Nations. - - Minnesota, historical chart of, 622; - historical society of, 622. - - Minot, G. R., on the Acadians, 458; - _Massachusetts Bay_, 162; - portrait, 162. - - Minquas, 484. - - Misère, 55. - - Mississippi Bubble, 75. - _See_ Law, John. - - Mississippi River, mouths of, map (1700), 22; - called St. Louis, 86; - entered by Iberville, 18; - maps of, by De Fer, 23; - by Le Blond de la Tour, 23; - by De Pauger, 23; - by Sérigny (1719), 41; - its scouring action, 42; - map of lower parts, by Le Page, 66; - by Bellin, 66; - other maps, 66; - explored by the English, 69; - name of, 70; - spelling of name, 79. - - Mississippi Valley, maps of, 79; - maps supporting the English and French claims, 83. - - Missouri Indians, 39. - - Missouri River, French on the, 566. - - Mistasin, lake, 84. - - Mitchell, John, _Contest in America_, 83, 615; - his _Map of the British Colonies_, 83. - - Mittelberger, Gottlieb, _Reise_, 244. - - Moales, John, 271. - - Mobile Bay, 17, 66; - plan, 71; - visited by Iberville, 21. - - Mobilians, 86. - - Mohawk River, 236; - map, 595. - - Mohawk Valley, map, 238. - - Mohawks, 484; - conference with (1753), 245; - (1758), 245; - missions among, 246. - - Mohegan case, 111, 232; - authorities on, 111; - Cæsar, a Mohegan sachem, 112. - - Moidores (coin), 230. - - Moll, Herman, his maps, 80, 234; - map of South Carolina, 315; - map of Virginia and Maryland, 273; - survey of St. Lawrence Gulf, 614; - map of New England, 133, 234; - _New Survey_, 81, 133, 351; - _World Displayed_, 474; - _Carolina, divided into Parishes_, 348; - _Map of Dominions of the King of Great Britain in America_, 344; - made maps for Oldmixon, 344, 474; - view of Niagara Falls (1715), 567. - - Mombert, J. I., _Lancaster County_, 249, 566. - - Mompesson, chief justice, 196. - - Moncacht-Apé, story of, 77. - - Monckton, Robert, governor of New York, autog. and seal, 206; - commands in expedition against Beauséjour, 452; - in Nova Scotia, 415; - portrait and autog., 454; - account of, 454; - wounded at Quebec, 550; - at Fort Pitt (1760), 610. - - Moncrief, Major, _Expedition against Quebec_, 604. - - Monette, J. W., _Mississippi Valley_, 71. - - Monk, George. _See_ Albemarle. - - Monongahela, battle of, authorities on, 575; - French reports, 575; - ballads, 575. - _See_ Braddock. - - Montague, Captain Wm., 437. - - Montague, Lord Chas. Greville, 333. - - Montanus, _Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld_, 472; - its maps, 472. - - Montbeillard, Potot de, _Mémoires_, 605. - - Montcalm, Marquis de, autog., 505; - succeeds Dieskau, 505; - at Ticonderoga, 505; - suddenly attacks Oswego, 510; - captures it, 510; - again at Ticonderoga, 511; - goes into winter-quarters, 512; - jealousies of Vaudreuil, 514; - advances (1757) on Fort William Henry, 516; - retreats to Canada, 520; - again at Ticonderoga awaiting Abercrombie’s attack, 521; - repels it, 523 (_see_ Ticonderoga); - strengthens Ticonderoga, 527; - disputes with Vaudreuil, 530; - promoted, 532; - apprehensive, 533; - at Quebec, 540; - his headquarters, 540; - his policy of delay, 544; - on the Plains of Abraham, 548; - portraits, 548; - advances on Wolfe, 548; - killed, 550; - buried, 550; - his remains disturbed, 550; - monuments to his memory, 551; - his early career, 592; - his despatches to the department of war, 592; - his instructions as to Oswego, 592; - on Rigaud’s attack on Fort William Henry, 593; - his letter on his own attack on Fort William Henry, 594; - his instructions, 594; - letter to Webb, 594; - contemporary English view of his conduct during the massacre, 595; - Cooper’s view in the _Last of the Mohicans_, 595; - his conduct respecting the massacre at Fort William Henry, variously - considered, 595; - letters on Abercrombie’s defeat, 598; - dispute with Vaudreuil respecting the loss of Fort Frontenac, 599, - 600; - disheartened (1759), 600; - at siege of Quebec (1759), 604; - letters, 604; - contemporary accounts of death and burial, 605; - letters owned by the present Marquis de Montcalm, 605; - correspondence with Bourlamaque, 605; - letters entrusted to Roubaud, 606; - _Lettres de Montcalm à Messieurs de Berryer et de la Molé_, 606; - known to be forgeries, 606; - have deceived many, 606; - essay on M. by Creasy, 607; - books by Martin, 607; - by Bonnechose, 607; - his commission (1756), 591; - map of his campaigns, 618; - his papers, 599. - _See_ Quebec, Wolfe, etc. - - Monteano, Manuel de, 386. - - Montgomerie, John, governor of New York, 198; - governor of New Jersey, 220. - - Montgomery, Richd., on Wolfe’s attack on Quebec, 547. - - Montigni, 561. - - Montour, Andrew, interpreter, 10, 490, 570; - his family, 490. - - Montreal, 486; - defended by Vaudreuil, 534; - threatened by Amherst, 555; - surrounded, 556; - surrender, 558, 609; - raided upon, 489, 568; - trade with Albany, 567; - Gage at, 610; - treaty at (1701), 560; - views of, 554; - plans of, 555, 556. - - Montresor, James, his journal, 594; - portrait, 594. - - Montresor, Colonel John, plan for the campaign (1759), 533, 601; - at siege of Quebec, 604; - traverses the Kennebec route (1760) with despatches, 609; - his map, 609; - accompanied Murray up the St. Lawrence, 609; - journal of Louisbourg (1758), 467; - his journals, 594, 609; - portrait, 594; - map of the St. Lawrence, 614. - - Montreuil, Chevalier de, 617. - - Montreuil, Dieskau’s adjutant, 588; - letter, 588, 605. - - Moor, Robt., 364. - - Moore, Colonel James, his march (1712), 345; - defeats the Apalatchees, 319; - defeats the Tuscaroras, 299; - governor of South Carolina (1700), 316. - - Moore, Colonel Maurice, his march (1713 and 1715), 345; - sent against the Yemassees, 321. - - Moore, Francis, _Voyage to Georgia_, 396, 401. - - Moore, Geo. H., 117; - _Final Notes on Witchcraft_, 164, 617; - on Massachusetts legislation, 166. - - Moore, James, 318, 341, 359; - his account of his incursion into Florida, 342; - fights the Yemassees, 322; - made governor of South Carolina by the people, 327. - - Moore, James (jr.), dies, 332. - - Moore, J. W., _North Carolina_, 355. - - Moore, on Wesley, 403. - - Moorhead, John, 132. - - Moravians, their historical society, 246; - its publications, 246; - monuments erected by it, 246; - in Connecticut, 246; - at Shekomeko in New York, 246; - at Wechquodnach, 246; - in Philadelphia, 246; - their _Manual_, 246; - intermediate in the war with the Indians, 595; - in Georgia, 374; - in New York, 257; - in North Carolina, 348; - in Pennsylvania, 217; - their schools, 231; - founded Bethlehem, 245; - in New York, 245, 246; - relations with Indians, 245; - sources of their history, 245. - - Morden, Robert, _New Map of Carolina_, 340, 341. - - Moreau, C., 610; - _L’Acadie française_, 424. - - Morgan, Daniel, with Braddock, 498. - - Morgan, Geo., 564. - - Morgan, Geo. H., _Harrisburg_, 249. - - Morgan, L. H., _League of the Iroquois_, 235. - - Morilon du Bourg, 476. - - Morris, Colonel, his sloop “Fancy”, 252. - - Morris, F. O., 575. - - Morris, Lewis, 196, 219, 220; - chief justice of New York, 198; - governor of New Jersey, 220; - dies, 221. - - Morris, Major, marauding expedition to Bay of Fundy (1758), 464. - - Morris, Robt. Hunter, governor of Pennsylvania, 215. - - Morris, Roger, 496; - his house, 252. - - Morris, Wm., 219. - - Moseley, Edw., 299. - - Moss, L., _Baptists and the National Centenary_, 282. - - Mother Goose, 121. - - Motley, John L., 563. - - Mougoulachas, 18, 19. - - Moulton, Captain Jere., scouting expedition, 430. - - Mount Defiance (Ticonderoga), 523. - - Mountgomery, Sir Robt., _Discourse_, 392; - plan of Azilia, 392; - _Golden Islands_, 392; - his grant in Georgia, 359. - - Mt. Pleasant (Va.), 570. - - Mudyford, Thomas, 288. - - Munro, Colonel, at Fort William Henry (1757), 515; - surrenders, 517. - - Munsell, Frank, _Bibliography of Albany_, 249. - - Munsell, Joel, notes on Mrs. Grant’s _American Lady_, 509; - _Annals of Albany_, 509. - - Murdoch, B., _Nova Scotia_, 419, 460. - - Murphy, A. D., projected history of North Carolina, 354. - - Murray, Colonel A., autog., 460. - - Murray, F., _French Financiers_, 76. - - Murray, General James, his campaign against Lévis, 552; - plan of the campaign, 552; - his retreat, 553; - commands above Quebec, 545; - holds Quebec, 550; - approaches Montreal, 555; - journal at Quebec, 608; - his despatches, 608; - letters, 608. - - Musgrove, Mary, 369. - - Muskets, first made in America, 149. - - Muskhogee Confederacy, 370. - - Muskingum, river, 563. - - Muys, M. de, 27. - - - Nanfan, lieutenant-governor of New York, 195. - - Nansemond, Va., 307. - - Nantucket, her whalers, 118. - - Napier, letter to Braddock, 575, 576. - - Narragansetts, 342. - - Narragansett Bay, fortifications of, 142. - - Narragansett country claimed by Rhode Island and Connecticut, 181. - - Nason, Elias, annotates Baxter’s journal, 424; - _Dunstable_, 184; - _Frankland_, 144. - - Nassau, isle of, 70. - - Nassonites, 40. - - Natchez, fort, 66, 82; - trading post, 29. - _See_ Rosalie. - - Natchez Indians, 21, 23; - attack the French, 30; - massacre, 46 (_see_ St. André); - wars, 46; - defeated by Choctaws, 48; - authorities, 68. - - Natchitoches, 40; - island, occupied, 30. - - Navigation laws, 138. - - Neal, Daniel, _New England_, 157; - judged by Watts, 158; - by Prince, 158. - - Nearn, T., 80. - - Negro plot in New York city, 201. - _See_ New York. - - Neill, E. D., on the Calverts, 271; - on Governor Evans, 243; - _Vérendrye and his Sons_, 568; - _Virginia Carolorum_, 335; - _Virginia Colonial Clergy_, 279. - - Nelson, John, 476. - - _Neptune Americo-Septentrional_, 429. - - Nervo, _Les Finances françaises_, 77. - - _Neu-gefundenes Eden_, 348. - - _New American Magazine_, 597. - - _New and Complete History of the British Empire in America_, 350, 618. - - New Biloxi, 36. - - New England (1689-1763), chapter on, 87; - restrictive acts in, 95; - her politics little cared for in England, 114; - her exports (1716), 116; - the king’s rights to the woods, 116; - oppressed by acts of parliament, 118; - industries, 118; - war declared (1722), 122; - earthquake (1727), 128; - the Great Awakening, 133; - Catholic view of modifications of faith in, 133; - sends troops to the West Indies, 135; - smuggling, 138; - war of 1744, 145; - population (1745), 145; - expedition against Canada (1746), 148; - frontier forts, 149; - population (1755), 151; - earthquake (1755), 152; - their lead in military matters, 152; - sources of her history, 156; - legislative history, 166; - manners of, 167; - authorities on, 167, 168; - Chalmers’s notes on, 352, 354; - coast life, 169; - town system, 169; - religious history, 169; - organizations for propagating the gospel, of similar names, 169; - financial history, 170; - reimbursed for the cost of siege of Louisbourg, 176; - disputed bounds, 177; - forts and frontiers, 181; - local histories, 181; - earliest discussion of the Catholic question in, 186; - her people on the Carolina coast, 295; - her territory ravaged by Indians (1703-4), 5, 7, 420, 483; - her military system, 591; - confederacy (1643), 611; - maps, 133; - (1688), 88; - (Moll’s), 133; - (1732, Popple’s), 134; - (1755), 238; - Douglass on maps, 133; - (Salmon’s), 234; - (Pownall’s), 565; - (Kitchin’s), 482. - _See_ names of New England States. - - _New England Courant_, 121. - - _New England Journal_, 131. - - _New England Weekly Journal_, 135. - - New France, _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’Histoire de la - Nouvelle France_, 473; - general historians, 619; - English writers on, 619. - - New Hampshire, annexed to Massachusetts, 90; - without political government, 90; - the Mason claim, 110; - John Usher, governor, 110; - George Vaughan, governor, 110; - Vaughan, ruling, 123; - John Wentworth, governor, 123, 129; - united with Massachusetts under Burnet, 139; - Waldron, secretary, 139; - his correspondence with Belcher, 139; - authorities on her history, 163; - _Provincial Papers_, 166, 167; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - issues of the press, 166; - judicial history, 166; - fac-similes of her five-shillings bill, 174; - three-pounds bill, 175; - Crown Point currency, 590, 591; - failed to use the Louisbourg money to help her bills, 176; - Stevens’s _Books on New Hampshire_, 180; - frontier posts of, 183; - Acadians in, 46; - Indian wars, 183; - regiments at Lake George, 585; - troops in the field, 591; - men killed at Fort William Henry, 595; - towns of, 183; - bounds and boundary disputes, 134, 180; - maps (1756), 485; - (1761), 485. - - New Hampshire Grants, and the controversy over them, 166, 178, 179, - 238. - - New Inverness (Georgia), 377. - - New Jersey, Alexander’s drafts used by Pownall, 565; - apathy of, at the time of Braddock’s expedition, 580; - finally alarmed, 580, 583; - boundary disputes with New York, 222, 238; - Catholics in, 191; - _Celebration of the Proprietors_, 238; - population, 246; - Baptists in, 247; - paper money in, 230, 247; - laws, 252; - first brick house in, 258; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - copper ore in, 225; - divided into East and West, 217; - surrendered by the proprietors, 217; - united, 217; - history of, 217, etc.; - education in, 231; - Governor Belcher’s papers on, 166; - Rutgers College, 230; - Princeton College, 230; - trade of, 228; - treaty with Indians (1756), 590. - - New London, Acadians at, 461; - governors at, 108. - - New Orleans founded, 36; - map by Le Page du Pratz, 37; - in Dumont, 38; - by N. Bellin, 38; - by Jefferys, 38; - view of (1719), 39; - by Pauger, 42; - Ursulines in, 44. - - New York City, negro plot in, 201, 242; - smuggling in, 229; - Trinity Church, 230; - King’s College, 230; - Columbia College, 230; - monographs on phases of New York, 248; - its police, 249; - old coffee houses, 249; - its markets, 249; - its ferries, 248; - Catholic churches, 248; - views of, engraved, 250-252; - Popple’s, 250, 252; - Blakewell’s, 251, 252; - from _London Magazine_, 251, 252; - keys to landmarks, 252-254; - other views, 252; - City Hall, 252; - Fort George, 252; - Broadway and its history, 252; - Wall Street and its history, 252; - tombs of Trinity, 252; - domestic architecture, 252; - Dutch houses, 252; - Rutgers mansion, 252; - Cortelyou house, 252; - Van Cortland house, 252; - Roger Morris house, 252; - Beekman house, 252; - Livingston house, 252; - Verplanck house, 252; - plans of the city, 253; - Miller’s, 253; - key to, 253; - other plans, 253; - Lyne’s plan, 253; - Popple’s, 253; - map of harbor, 253, 254; - fac-simile, 254; - Grim’s plan, 254; - _Collegiate Reformed Dutch Church_, 254; - plan of environs made for Lord Loudon, 254; - city arms, 255; - Maerschalk’s plan (1755), 255; - Bellin’s, 257. - - _New York Gazette_, 248. - - _New York Mercury_, 85, 601. - - New York Province, threatened by the Catholics, 189; - Papists not tolerated, 190, 191; - early Catholics in, 190; - Bill of Rights (1691), 191, 193; - money raised by a general tax, 192; - charter of liberties, 192; - a crown province, 192; - form of government, 193; - legislative struggle for supremacy, 194; - courts established, 194; - seals of governors, 196; - oppressed by war, 197; - trade with Canada, 198; - courts of equity, 198; - court of exchequer, 200; - MS. sources of her history, 231; - Duke’s laws, 231; - Dongan’s laws, 232; - other laws, 232; - Bradford’s editions of, 232; - council minutes, 232; - land records, 232; - _Calendar_ of them, 232; - records of Indian affairs, 233; - sources on religious life, 233; - papers on trade and manufactures, 233; - sources of the rules of the different governors, 241; - Bayard trial, 241; - Episcopal Church in, 244; - population of, 246; - German element in, 246; - French and German names in, 247; - life in, 247; - paper money in, 247; - no bibliography of its historical literature, 248; - local histories, 249; - local historical societies, 249; - education in, 241; - manufactures in, 226; - Huguenots in, 247; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - and the New Hampshire Grants, 178; - bounds of, 84, 177, 238; - _Report of the Regents of the University on the Bounds_, 238; - maps, 88, 234, 235, 238; - (manorial grants), 236, 237; - (French grants), 238; - (New York harbor), 235. - - New lights, 135, 145. - - Newbern (N. C.), 303. - - Newcastle, Del., fort at, 210. - - Newfoundland, map of, 482; - naval engagement at, 452. - - Newport, R. I. (1729), 141; - privateers, 166. - - Newspapers, 90. - - Newton, J. H., _History of the Panhandle_, 570. - - Niagara (cataract), view by Moll, 567; - described by Kalm, 244; - (Jagara on Colden’s map), 491. - - Niagara (fort), plans, 534, 567; - strengthened, 490; - French at, 483; - Joncaire at, 6, 7; - project to seize (1706), 560; - attacked by Prideaux, 533, 600; - taken, 536; - articles of capitulation, 601; - letters, 601; - French accounts, 601; - rivalry for, 566. - - Niagara (river), map (1759), 534. - - Niaouré Bay (Sackett’s Harbor), 510. - - Nicholas, a Huron, 568. - - Nichols, A. H., 467, 604. - - Nichols, Timothy, 604. - - Nichols, _Literary Anecdotes_, 367. - - Nicholson, Gen. Francis, in Boston, 107, 108; - goes to New York, 109; - governor of Maryland, 260; - sent to Virginia, 264; - his character, 260, 264; - his ambition, 264; - helps to found William and Mary College, 264; - in the “Burwell affair”, 264; - recalled, 264; - made royal governor of Carolina, 327; - attacks Port Royal (1710), 107, 408; - autog., 422, 425; - his journal of the siege of Port Royal, with other papers, 423; - plan by which the fleet sailed, 424; - advocates a union of the colonies, 611. - - Nihata, 80. - - Niles, Samuel, _French and Indian Wars_, 425; - poem on Louisbourg, 438. - - Nimégue, treaty at (1678), 476. - - Nitschman, David, 377. - - Noble, Arthur, 436; - account of, 448; - attacked at Grand Pré, 413. - - Norfolk, Va., 267. - - Norridgewock, 118; - conference at, 430. - - North, John, survey of the coast of Maine (1752), 474. - - North Carolina, history of, 294; - at first known as Albemarle County, 294; - Quakers in, 294; - New Englanders monopolizing the trade, 295; - Culpepper rebellion, 295; - Seth Sothel, governor, 296; - sent to England, 296; - Philip Ludwell, governor, 296; - Carey’s rebellion, 297; - aims of the popular party, 297; - murders by Tuscaroras, 298; - Virginia and South Carolina send help, 298; - journals of the lower house missing, 299; - causes operating to check the prosperity of the colony, 300; - population, 297, 300, 303; - bad governors, 300; - the crown buys out seven of the proprietors, 301; - under royal government, 301; - bounds upon South Carolina, 302; - Bath County, 302; - educational failure, 303; - printing introduced, 303; - laws, 303; - commerce, 303, 305; - immigration from Pennsylvania and Virginia, 304; - indemnified for war expenses, 305; - sources of her history, 335; - charters, 336; - printed with the fundamental constitutions, 336; - seal of the proprietors, 336; - _Revised Statutes_, 336; - Hilton’s discoveries, 337; - _Brief Description of the Province of Carolina_, 337; - changes in the coast line, 338; - boundary with Virginia, first shown, 340; - _Carolina described more fully than heretofore_, 340; - laws, 345; - surrender of title, 347; - German settlements, 348; - Moravians in, 348; - Swiss in, 348; - Chalmers’s notes on, 352; - Culpepper revolution, 352; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - later histories of, 354; - Williamson’s, 354; - Martin’s, 354; - Wheeler’s, 354; - Hawks’s, 355; - Moore’s, 355; - maps, 336, 337, 338, 340, 350; - bounds on Virginia, absence of legislative records, 356; - Barrington’s account, 356; - Byrd’s estimate of the people, 275. - - _North Carolina Gazette_, 303, 350. - - North (Hudson) River, map, 236, 237. - _See_ Hudson. - - Northern Neck of Virginia, its bounds, 276; - _Survey of the Northern Neck_, 276; - fac-simile of it, 277. - - Northumberland Papers, 603. - - _Northwest Review_, 621. - - Norton, Charles Eliot, 242. - - Norton, John, _Redeemed Captive_, 187. - - Norumbega defined by Montanus, Dapper, and Ogilby, 479. - - Nourse, H. S., on the Acadians, 461; - _Lancaster_, 184. - - _Nouvelles des Missions_, 68. - - _Nouvelles Soirées canadiennes_, 607. - - Nova Belgica, map of, 234. - - Nova Scotia, separated from Massachusetts, 96; - governors of, 409; - emigrants invited to settle, 414; - Halifax founded, 414; - first assembly, 415; - expulsion of Acadians, 415 (_see_ French Neutrals); - _Public Documents_, 418; - histories of, 419; - tracts to encourage settlers, 450; - _Genuine Account_, 450; - _Beschreibung von Neu-Schottland_, 450; - counter statements in Wilson’s _Genuine Narrative_, 450; - _Account of the Present State of Nova Scotia_, 452; - _French Policy defeated_, 452; - papers of Andrew Brown upon, 458; - council records sent to England, 458; - records arranged, 458; - T. B. Akins as record commissioner, 458; - synopsis of records, 459; - royal instructions, 459; - proclamations, 459; - _Historical Society Collections_, 419; - _Letter from a Gentleman_, 460; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - maps of, 482; - (Jefferys) 480, 481; - maps made by order of Lawrence, 482; - Montresor’s surveys, 482; - map, by Kitchin, 482; - of the coasts, by Des Barres, 482. - _See_ Acadia. - - Noyes, Nic., _New England’s Duty_, 420. - - - O’Callaghan, E. B., on the battle of Minas, 449; - edits _Clarke’s Voyage_, 243; - edits _Voyage of Sloop Mary_, 422; - annotates Wilson’s _Orderly Book_, 602; - edits Bobin’s _Letters_, 243. - - O’Reilley, governor of Louisiana, 73. - - O’Sullivan, D. A., 615. - - Oakes, Thomas, 87. - - _Occasional Reflections on the Importance of the War_, 596. - - Ochagach, 568. - - Ocmulgee River, 359. - - Oconee River, 359. - - Ogden, John C., _Excursion to Bethlehem_, 245. - - Ogdensburg, 490, 571. - - Ogeechee River, 373, 375, 379. - - Ogilby, his map of Carolina, 338; - assistance sought from Locke, 338; - _America_, 472; - its map, 472. - - Ogle, Samuel, 261. - - Oglethorpe, General James Edward, his attack on the Spanish, 342; - _Report_ on its failure, 342; - his origin, 361; - his early life, 361; - portrait, 362, 406; - named in charter of Georgia, 364; - reached Georgia with the first settlers, 367; - in Charlestown (S. C.), 370; - meets the Indians, 370; - goes to England with Tomo-chi-chi, 376; - made colonel, 380; - commander-in-chief of forces in Georgia and Carolina, 380; - attacks St. Augustine, 381, 385; - maps of, 382, 383; - opposes Spanish attack on St. Simon, 386; - departs, 387; - fac-simile of his handwriting, 393; - lives of, 394; - notices in general histories and periodicals, 394; - his _New and Accurate Account_, 394, 401; - letter of, 394; - _Curious Account of the Indians_, 396; - _Poem to, on his arrival_, 396 (_see_ St. Augustine _and_ St. Simon - Island); - tracts against him, 398; - attacked by Tailfer, 399; - Spalding’s _Oglethorpe_, 401; - letters of, 401. - - Ohio Company, 10, 490; - charged with circulating stories of French encroachments, 580; - founded (1748), 570; - sends out Gist, 570; - grants to, 570. - - Ohio, Indians in, 564; - desert the French, 529; - distracted, 490; - migrations, 564; - side with the French after Braddock’s defeat, 583; - treaties, 245, 566. - - Ohio River, held to be the main stream with the Mississippi, 483; - Indian names along the, 564; - divides Canada from Louisiana, 563; - English claim on, based on the Iroquois conquest, 564; - forks of the, 273; - fort at, 493; - Ward surrenders the post, 573; - the French officer’s summons, 573; - the French building a fort (1732) on, 563; - the Indians in the country, 563. - - Ohio Valley, prehistoric axe-cuts in, 565; - English in, 566; - their knowledge of it derived from the French, 566; - grants made by them, 10; - their traders seized, 10; - French in, 9, 484, 566, 571, 572; - Céloron’s plates, 9; - (Duquesne), 11, 490; - French and English conflict in, precipitated by Dinwiddie, 12; - _Wisdom and Policy of the French_, 566; - _French Encroachments Exposed_, 564; - _Present State of North America_, 566; - statement of English claim (Franklin), 565; - as viewed by the French, 566; - English view in _State of the British and French Colonies_, 566; - maps of (Evans), 565; - (Pownall’s), 566; - (showing English claims), 566. - - _Ohio Valley Historical Series_, 579. - - Ojibways, history of, 622. - - Old French war, 453; - general contemporary accounts of, 615; - maps of, 618. - - Old lights, 135. - - Oldmixon, John, autog., 344; - _British Empire in America_, 273, 344, 474; - German edition, 344. - - Oldschool, Oliver (Dennie), _Portfolio_, 594. - - Oliphant, Mrs., on Wesley, 403; - _Historical Sketches of the Reign of George II._, 403. - - Oneida Historical Society, 249. - - Onondaga, salt springs, 226. - - Onondagas, conference (1734), 567; - French treaty with, 487. - - Ontario, French vessels on, 490; - map (1757), 614. - - Orangeburg (S. C.), 348. - - Orchard, Robin, 92. - - Orleans, Fort, founded, 55. - - Orleans, Island of, map of, 549; - Wolfe at, 543; - history of, 543. - - Orme, Robt., 496; - his letters, 575, 576, 579; - plan of Braddock’s field, 500; - journal, 575. - - Ormsby, John, 600. - - Orr, Hugh, 149. - - Orris, Luis de, 69. - - Osages, 55. - - Osborn, Sir Danvers, governor of New York, 204. - - Ossabaw Island, 279, 370. - - Ossoli, _Methodism at its Fountain_, 404; - _Art, Literature, and Drama_, 404. - - Oswego, 186, 601, 614; - a bone of contention, 487, 566; - garrisoned, 7; - summoned by the French (1727), 485; - captured, 510, 511, 591; - Gage’s failure, 601; - letters, 601; - Indians at, 592; - authorities on, 591, 592; - French sources, 592; - despatches, 567; - Beauharnois on, 567; - _La Prise des Forts_, 592; - English sources, 511; - Walpole’s paper, 567; - plan of (1727), 567; - (1757), 511, 512; - situation, 567; - description, 512; - view, 512; - importance of, 591. - - Otis, Christine, 186. - - Otis, James, sues the custom-house officers for the province, 155; - treats with Indians, 149; - writs of assistance, 156. - - Otis, Colonel James, 155. - - Ottawa River, bounds of Canada under treaty of Utrecht, 85. - - Ottawas on the Sandusky and Maumee rivers, 563. - - Ottens, _Atlas_, 235; - his maps, 79. - - Otter Creek, 585. - - Ouabache (Ohio River), 26. - - Ouatanon, 559. - - Oumas, 18. - - Outagamis, 6. - - Owens, Wm., 308. - - Oxford, Mass., abandoned, 96. - - Oyster beds, and the Virginia boundary line, 263. - - - Paddock, Ichabod, 118. - - Padoucahs, 55. - - Page du Pratz, map of Louisiana, 85; - fac-simile, 86. - - Paine, Nath., _Early Paper Currency_, 170. - - Paine, T. O., 182. - - Palfrey, F. W., 160. - - Palfrey, J. G., _New England_, 160; - his details, 161; - portrait, 161; - abridged edition of his _New England_, 161; - on the Acadians, 459. - - Palissado (Mississippi), 18. - - Palmer, Anthony, 215. - - Palmer, Eliakim, 149. - - Palmer, W. P., 278. - - Palmer, _Lake Champlain_, 587. - - Pan Handle, boundary of, 240. - - Panet, Jean Claude, journal at Quebec (1759), 605. - - Panionassas, 55. - - Paper manufacture, 223. - - Paper money, 112; - in Carolina, 323; - forbidden in the colonies by Parliament, 203; - in Maryland, 261; - in Massachusetts, 170; - in the middle colonies, 247; - in New Jersey, 230; - in Pennsylvania, 212. - - Papineau, L. J., portrait, 619; - and the archives of Canada, 617. - - Papists not tolerated in New York, 190. - _See_ Catholics. - - Pardo, Juan, 359. - - Paris, treaty of (1712), 476; - treaty of (1763), _see_ Peace of 1763. - - Parke, Colonel, of Virginia, 265. - - Parker, Henry, 388. - - Parker, J., on New Jersey boundaries, 238. - - Parker, _Londonderry_, 119. - - Parkman, Francis, _Historical Handbook of the Northern Tour_, 541; - _Montcalm and Wolfe_, 460; - on the Acadians, 460; - controversy with P. H. Smith, 460; - on Washington’s expedition to Le Bœuf, 572; - on the battle of Lake George (1755), 584, 587; - on Braddock’s defeat, 576; - on the campaign of 1760, 609; - on the comparative resources of the French and English colonies, - 600; - on the siege of Louisbourg (1758), 467; - his MSS., 617; - on the Montcalm forgeries, 606; - on the Quaker and anti-Quaker quarrels in Pennsylvania, 582; - on the siege of Quebec (1759), 607. - - Parkman, G. F., 604. - - Parkman, Wm., 597. - - Parks, W., 278. - - Parsons, Usher, _Life of Pepperrell_, 437. - - Partridge, Oliver, on Abercrombie’s defeat, 597; - on Robt. Rogers, 598. - - Partridge, Richard, 221. - - Partridge, Saml., 187. - - Pasquotank (North Carolina), 295. - - Passamaquoddy Indians, treaty with (1760), 471. - - Pastorius, _Continuatio_, etc., 239. - - Patten, Thos., 554; - map of Montreal, 556. - - Patterson, Dr. Geo., _History of Pictou_, 419; - on Samuel Vetch, 423. - - Pattin, John, 490. - - Paulding, J. K., _Sketches_, 284. - - Paxton, Captain, 96. - - Paxton, Chas., 155. - - Payer, T., 233. - - Peabody, W. B. O., _Cotton Mather_, 157; - on Cotton Mather’s diary, 168; - _Life of Oglethorpe_, 394. - - Peace of 1763, 58, 156, 471; - authorities, 614; - boundary claims, 614; - _Mémoire Historique_, 614; - _Appeal to Knowledge_, 615; - royal proclamation, 615; - map of the acquired territory, 615. - _See_ Paris. - - Pean, M. T. H., 610. - - Pearce, S., _Luzerne County_, 249. - - Pearlash, 225. - - Pearson, Jonathan, _Schenectady Patent_, 190, 249. - - Pejebscot (Brunswick, Me.), 181; - Indian conference (1699), 420. - - Pelham, Henry, his administration in England, 203. - - Pelham, Peter, 141. - - Pelham, Fort (Mass.), 187. - - Peltries, trade in, 1. - - Pemaquid, 181; - fort, 96, 104; - Indian conference at (1693), 420; - rights of the English to, 474; - surrendered by Chubb, 96. - - Pemberton, Ebenezer, 121. - - Penhallow, Samuel, _Wars of New England_, 424; - fac-simile of title, 424; - edited by W. Dodge, 425; - his papers, 430; - his mission to the Penobscots, 425; - his family, 425; - letters, 425. - - Penicaut, 25, 71; - _Annals of Louisiana_, 67, 73; - relation, 72. - - Penicooke Indians, 420. - - Penn, Hannah, 214. - - Penn, John (son of Richard), 216. - - Penn, John (son of Wm.), 215. - - Penn, Richard, 215. - - Penn, Thomas, 215; - his correspondence with Richard Peters, 242. - - Penn, Wm., agent of Rhode Island, 110; - arrested in England, 207; - regains his province, 208; - in prison, 210; - dies, 211; - correspondence with Logan, 242, 247; - used and printed, 242; - _Essay upon Government_, 611; - the Catholics, 191; - his view of his rights, 214; - and the Susquehannas, 245. - - Pennoyer, Jesse, 602. - - Pennsylvania in the eighteenth century, 207; - put under Governor Fletcher of New York, 208; - charter of 1701 from Penn, 209; - Quaker influence in politics, 209; - mortgaged by Penn, 210; - votes money for the war, 211, 213; - court of chancery, 212; - sends Franklin to England, 216; - dreads Spanish attacks, 216; - most flourishing of the colonies, 216; - its mines, 224; - smuggling in, 228; - penal laws in, 191; - Penn’s leniency to Catholics, 191; - overrun by Indians (1753), 204; - French occupation of the western part, 617; - sources of her history, 242; - correspondence of Penn and Logan, 242; - travels in, 243; - Swedes in, 246; - Welsh in, 246; - Germans in, 246; - Baptists in, 246, 247; - foreign names in, 247; - life in, 247; - Presbyterians in, 247; - paper money in, 212, 247; - university of, 231, 248; - publications in, 248; - local history, 249; - governors and councillors, 249; - domestic architecture in, 258; - tracts to induce German immigration, 348; - Indian forays within, after Braddock’s defeat, 581, 582, 583; - authorities, 581; - records of her troops, 581; - defences erected, 581; - list of forts, 581; - plans of some, 581; - _Etat présent_, 582; - frontiers defended by Franklin, 583; - Franklin drafts militia act, 583; - politics at the time of Braddock’s expedition, 580, 582; - held back in the war by the Quakers, 493; - movement against the Indians (1755-56), 589; - conferences at Easton, 589; - _Several Conferences of the Quakers_, etc., 589; - _A True Relation_, etc., 590; - narratives of captivities, 590; - Acadians in, 462; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - maps of, 239, 582; - Kitchin’s map (1761), 239; - map of Indian purchases, 240; - land claimed by Connecticut, 180; - “Walking Purchase”, 240; - boundary disputes, 278. - _See_ Maryland, Quakers, etc. - - _Pennsylvania Gazette_, 248. - - _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, 249. - - Pennypacker, S. W., _Phœnixville_, 249; - translates Scheffer’s Mennonite Emigration, 246; - his _Sketches_, 246. - - Penobscots, conferences with, 430, 433, 434, 450; - their conduct in Boston, 433; - received under protection (1760-63), 471; - war with, 452. - - Penobscot River forts, 183. - - Pensacola, 70, 86; - captured, 36; - founded, 17; - Spanish at, 17; - plans of, 39. - - Pentagoet, wines seized at (1687), 476. - - Pepin, Lake, 7. - - Pepperrell, Sir Wm., attacks Louisbourg, 410, 436; - portrait, 435; - autog., 435; - genealogy, 435; - his sword, 435; - his house, 435; - his papers, 436; - correspondence with Shirley, 436; - with Commodore Warren, 436; - his arms, 436; - his life by Parsons, 436; - other accounts, 437; - his plan of siege of Louisbourg, 446; - returns to Boston from Louisbourg, 147; - dies, 154; - in command (1757) of Massachusetts militia, 153. - - Pequods, 342. - - Percival, Andrew, 313. - - Percival, John, Earl of Egmont, 363, 364, 395; - MS. records of Georgia, 400. - - Perier, governor of Louisiana, 46; - autog., 46; - fights the Natchez, 48. - - Periwigs, 99. - - Perkins, A. T., _Copley_, 141, 169; - on portraits of Smybert, etc., 141. - - Perkins, F. B., _Check-list Local History_, 181. - - Perkins, John, 74. - - Perkins, J. H., “English Discoveries in the Ohio Valley”, 566; - _Memoir and Writings_, 565. - - Perles, Rivière aux (Louisiana), 41. - - Perry, A. L., on Fort Shirley, 187; - proposed _History of Williamstown_, 188. - - Perry, W. S., _American Episcopal Church_, 169, 272; - on Wesley and Whitefield, 404; - _Historical Collection of the American Colonial Church_, 272. - - Perth Amboy, 228; - harbor, map of, 253, 254. - - Peters, Richard, 597; - correspondence with Thomas Penn, 242; - his letter, 243. - - Peters, Samuel, gives name to Vermont, 178. - - Petersburg (Georgia), 401. - - Peyster, F. de, _Life of Bellomont_, 98. - - Peyster, J. W. de, 602; - edits _Wilson’s Orderly Book_, 527. - - Peyton, J. L., _Augusta County, Va._, 281. - - Peyton, Sir Yelverton, 384. - - Philadelphia, 214; - election riots (1742), 215; - commerce of, 216; - _Sylvan City_, 252; - early organized government in, 252; - views of, 257; - Heap’s, 258; - view of state-house, 258; - Bellin’s plan, 257; - Chalmers’ papers on, 354; - conferences at (1747), 569; - histories of, 249, 252; - Westcott and Scharf’s, 249; - made a city, 209; - population, 216; - college of Philadelphia, 231; - map, by Scull and Heap, 240; - Indian treaty at (1742), 245; - (1747), 245; - Moravians in, 246; - Watson’s _Annals_, 247. - - _Philadelphia American_, 462. - - Philips manor house, 252. - - Philipse, Adolph, his lands, 237. - - Phillips, Henry, Jr., _Historical Sketches_, 170; - _Paper Money in Pennsylvania_, 247; - _Paper Currency of the American Colonies_, 247. - - Phillips, Richard, governor of Acadia, 122, 409. - - Phipps, Constantine, 95, 103. - - Phips, Spencer, 152, 450; - lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, 139, 144; - dies, 153. - - Phips, Sir Wm., expedition to Quebec, 90; - cost of, 91; - goes to England, 91; - made governor of Massachusetts, 92; - returns to Boston, 93; - goes to England, 94; - dies, 95; - lives, 95; - his will, 95. - - Pichon, _Cape Breton_, 452; - his journal, 452; - _Lettres_, 467; - papers, 467. - _See_ Tyrrell. - - Pickawillany. _See_ Picktown. - - Pickering, Charles, mines copper, 224. - - Pickett, A. J., _History of Alabama_, 406. - - Picktown (Pickawillany), 571. - - Picquet. _See_ Piquet. - - _Picturesque Canada_, 459. - - Pidansat de Mairobert, M. F., _Discussion Sommaire_, 482. - - Pieces of eight, 229. - - Pierrepont, H. E., _Fulton Ferry_, 249. - - Pigwacket fight, 127, 431. - _See_ Lovewell, Symmes. - - Pike, Jas. S., _New Puritan_, 420. - - Pike, Richard, 183. - - Pike, Robert, _Life_ of, by J. S. Pike, 420. - - Pinckney, Mrs. E. L., _Journal and Letters_ (1739-1762), 402. - - Pine-tree, emblem of Massachusetts, 177. - - Pinhorn, Wm., 219. - - Piquet, 4; intrigues with the Iroquois, 489; - at La Présentation, 571; - plan of his mission, 571; - account of it, 571; - accounts of him, 571. - - Piracy, action on, in Pennsylvania, 208; - in Rhode Island, 102. - - Pirates on Cape Cod, 118; - on the Carolina coast, 323; - in the Chesapeake, 260. - - Pistoles (coin), 230. - - Pitkin, _Civil and Political History of the United States_, 613. - - Pitt, Wm., _A Review of Mr. Pitt’s Administration_, 616; - his influence on the French war, 520; - rehabilitates provincial officers in rank, 521; - sends Amherst to take Louisbourg, 521; - on Amherst’s delays, 602; - his plan of campaign (1759) criticised, 601; - his letter to the governors, 601; - to Amherst, 601; - on the campaign of 1760, 608; - his rise to power, 596; - recalls Loudon, 596. - - Pittman, Philip, _European Settlements on the Mississippi_, 47, 71. - - Pittsburg, named by Forbes, 530; - plan of fort, 532; - threatened (1759), 535. - _See_ Fort Duquesne. - - Pittsfield (Mass.), 128, 187. - - Placentia (Newfoundland), 409. - - Plains of Abraham. _See_ Quebec. - - Plaisted, Ichabod, autog., 425. - - Plymouth Colony, 88; annexed to Massachusetts, 89; - records, printed, cost of, 167. - - Point Leveé (Quebec), 543. - - Point-aux-Trembles, 552. - - Poirier, Pascal, 457. - - _Politique danois, Le_, 574. - - Pollard, Benj., his portrait, 137. - - Pollock, Colonel, 298. - - Pomeroy, Seth, 579; - his journal of the Lake George campaign (1755), 502, 585; - letter, 585; - his account of the fight of July 8, 585; - journal of the siege of Louisbourg, 437; - his letter, 437. - - Pont le Roy, 525. - - Pontbriand, Bishop, _Jugement sur le Campagne de 1759_, 605; - _Lettres_, 605. - - Pontchartrain, 18. - - Pontchartrain, Fort (Detroit), 566. - - Pontchartrain, Lake, 22, 41. - - Pontiac meets Rogers, 559. - - Poole, R. Lane, _Huguenots of the Dispersion_, 349. - - Poontoosuck (Pittsfield, Mass.), 145, 187. - - Pope, F. L., 177. - - Popple, Henry, _Map of British Empire in America_, 81, 235, 474; - the French edition, 235; - map of New England, 134; - map of Lake Champlain and vicinity, 486; - map of the St. Lawrence River, 614; - his view of Quebec, 488. - - Porcher, F. A., 355. - - Port Royal (Carolina), 289, 307, 375. - _See_ Beaufort. - - Port Royal (Nova Scotia, _later called_ Annapolis) surrendered (1670), - 476; - attacked (1707) by March, 106, 408, 421; - expedition to (1709), 107; - taken by Nicholson (1710), 108, 408, 423; - articles of capitulation, 408; - English authorities, 424; - _Journal of an Expedition_, 423; - documents, 408; - French authorities, 423; - defined by the treaty of Utrecht, 478; - becomes Annapolis Royal, 408, maps (Bellin), 428. - - Portages between the lakes and the Mississippi Valley, 7, 71, 570; - shown on Colden’s map, 491; - accounts of, 492. - - Porter, John, 296. - - Porter, Noah, _Bishop Berkeley_, 140. - - Post, C. F., sent to the Ohio Indians, 530; - his _Second Journal_, 575, 599. - - Post office in the colonies, 267. - - Postlethwayt, _Dictionary of Commerce_, 235. - - Potash, 225. - - Potato introduced, 119. - - Potherie, La, _Histoire de l’Amérique_, 81. - - Potomac Company, 271. - - Potomac River, maps of, 274, 276, 277. - - Pottawatomies, 564. - - Potter, C. E., _Military History of New Hampshire_, 438, 584. - - Potter, E. R., on Rhode Island paper money, 170; - _French Settlements in Rhode Island_, 98. - - Pouchot, on Braddock’s defeat, 580; - his map, 85; - _Mémoires sur la dernière Guerre_, 85, 616; - English translation edited by Hough, 616; - at Niagara, 505; - on the siege of Niagara, 601; - rebuilds Niagara, 534; - surrenders it, 536; - plan of attack on Fort Lévis, 609; - surrenders Fort Lévis, 555. - - Poughkeepsie, 237. - - Poullin de Lumina, _Histoire de la Guerre_, 616, 617. - - Poussin, G. T., _De la puissance Américaine_, 51, 69. - - Povey, Thomas, 103. - - Powhatan seat (mansion), 275. - - Pownall, John, 83. - - Pownall, Thomas, _Administration of the Colonies_, 69, 565; - _Topographical Description of North America_, 69, 565; - at the Albany Congress, 1754, 613; - governor of Massachusetts, 153; - portraits, 153; - letter books, 153; - governor of New Jersey, 222; - plan for barrier colonies, 613; - _Proposals for securing the Friendship of the Five Nations_, 590; - reissues Evans’s map, 85, 565; - view of Boston, 108; - treaty with Indians, 471. - - Pownall, Fort, 183. - - Prairie du Rôcher, 53. - - Preble, G. H., notes on early ship-building, 437. - - Preble, Major Jed, brings off Acadians, 461. - - Presbyterianism, histories of, 132; - in Pennsylvania, 247; - in Virginia, 267, 282. - - Prescott, Wm. H., 621. - - _Present State of Louisiana_, 73. - - Présentation, La, plan of, 3. - - Presque Isle (Lake Erie), 492, 535. - - Press, freedom of, established by the Zenger trial, 199. - - Prideaux, his instructions for the Niagara campaign, 601; - sent against Niagara (1759), 533; - killed, 535. - - Prince, Thomas, 121, 474; - _Christian History_, 135; - _Chronological History of New England_, 137, 163; - his other publications, 137; - and the D’Anville fleet, 147; - and the Great Awakening, 135; - his library, 121, 164; - portraits, 122; - prints _Memoirs of Roger Clap_, 137; - sermon on the Louisbourg victory, 438. - - Prince Papers (Plymouth Colony), 166. - - Princeton College, 231, 247; - _Account of_, 247; - _Princeton Book_, 247. - - Printing in the middle colonies, 223; - forbidden in Virginia, 264; - presses to be licensed, 195. - - Prisoners, exchanges of (1713), 110. - - Pritt, J., _Mirror of Olden Time Border-Life_, 579. - - Privateers of Boston, 144. - - _Proposals for Uniting the English Colonies_, 596. - - _Publick Occurrences_, 90. - - Puellin de Lumina, _Guerre contre les Anglois_, 574. - - Pulteney, Wm. (Earl of Bath), perhaps author of _Letter Addressed to - two Great Men_, 615; - _Thoughts on the Present State of Affairs_, 613. - - Punshon, W. M., _Lectures_, 404. - - Purry, I. P., _Mémoire_, 347; - description of Carolina, 348; - _Proposals_, 348. - - Purrysbourg, 348, 373, 375, 379. - - Putnam, Israel, captured (1758), 527; - at Lake George, 503; - his partisan exploits, 593; - his scouts (1756), 513. - - Putnam, Rufus, his _Journal_, 594. - - Pyrlæus, Christopher, his MS. on the Indians, 246. - - - Quakers, make affirmations, 211; - smugglers, 229; - bibliography of, 243; - on defensive war, 243; - _Several Conferences between the Quakers and the Six Nations_ - (1756), 575; - in North Carolina, 287, 294; - _A True and Impartial State_, 582; - Parkman’s view of the authorities on this quarrel, 582; - made obnoxious in the _Brief State_, 582; - _An Answer_, 582; - _A Brief View_, 582; - _État Présent_, 582; - defended in _An Humble Apology_, 582. - - Quarry, Colonel Robt., 104, 210, 218. - - Quatrefage, M. de, on Moncacht-Apé, 77. - - Quebec, attacked by Phips, 90; - De Lery’s report on the fortifications, 488; - Montcalm at, 540; - the French camp, 540; - the English fleet approaches (1759), 540; - fire-ships, 540, 544; - plans of the siege, 83, 542, 543, 549, 604; - views of the town, 488, 542, 549; - rude plan of the town, 543; - length of the conflict on the Plains of Abraham, 549; - captured by Wolfe, 58; - held by Murray, 550, 551; - French ships run the batteries, 551; - threatened by Lévis, 552; map of the vicinity, 552; - plan of the town (1763), 553; - attacked by Lévis, 553 (_see_ Ste. Foy); - authorities on the siege of 1759: _Memoirs of a French Officer_, - 604; - _Dialogue in Hades_, 604; - English printed authorities, 606; - French, 607; - forces engaged, 607; - council of war held by Ramezay, 607; - articles of capitulation, 607; - the key to the defence of Canada, 608; - journals of the siege, French and English, 603, 604, 605; - letters on, 604; - monument to Wolfe and Montcalm, 605; - Literary and Historical Society of, 616; - _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 616. - _See_ Montcalm _and_ Wolfe. - - Queen Anne’s war (1702, etc.), 420. - - Querdisien-Trémais, 58. - - Quidor, 203. - - Quincy, Josiah, the elder, 149. - - Quincy, Josiah (d. 1864), _History of Harvard University_, 157; - _Grahame Vindicated_, 621; - his view of the Mathers, 157, 621; - republishes Grahame’s _History_, 621. - - Quinipissas, 18. - - Quint, A. H., on Cotton Mather, 157. - - - Raffeix, his map, 79. - - Raikes’s _Honorable Artillery Company of London_, 456. - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, story of his being in Georgia, 395. - - Ramage, B. J., _Local Government, etc., in South Carolina_, 355. - - Rameau, E., _Une Colonie Féodale_, 424; - portrait, 619; - _La France aux Colonies_, 463; - on Cadillac, 560; - _Notes sur Détroit_, 560; - _La Race française en Canada_, 600. - - Ramezay at the battle of Minas, 449; - in Quebec, 540; - his council of war, 607; - _Mémoire_, 607. - - Ramsay, David, _South Carolina_, 355; - _Soil, Climate, etc., of South Carolina_, 355. - - Randall, O. E., _Chesterfield_, N. H., 179. - - Randolph, E., on William and Mary College, 278. - - Rapidan River, 274; - map, 277. - - Rappahannock River, 274; - map, 276, 277. - - Raritan River, 254. - - Rasle, Sebastian, letter to Shute, 118; - his warnings, 122; - attempts to seize, 430; - alleged letters, 430; - killed, 430; - his scalp in Boston, 127; - diverse French and English accounts, 430; - letters edited by T. M. Harris, 431; - lives of, 431; - his character, 431. - - Ratzer, Bernard, map of New York and New Jersey boundary (1769), 238. - - Raudin, his map, 79. - - Rawson, Grindall, 420. - - Ray, F. M., 597. - - Raynal, G. T., _Histoire Philosophique_, 456; - on the Acadians, 457, 458. - - Raystown, 529. - - Rea, Caleb, _Journal_, 597. - - Reading, John, 219, 221, 222. - - Reck, P. G. F. von, 374; - _Nachricht_, 395. - - Red River, explored by Bienville, 22; - (Riv. Rouge), 66. - - Redemptioners, 261. - - Reed, W. B., on the Acadians in Pennsylvania, 462; - _Contributions to American History_, 462. - - Reichel, W. C., on the Moravians, 246; - on Indian names, 246; - edits Heckewelder’s _Indian Nations_, 583; - _Memorials of the Moravian Church_, 583. - - Reichell, L. T., _Moravians in North Carolina_, 348. - - Religion, intolerance in, 230. - - Rémonville, Sieur de, 14; - memoir, 73. - - Renault (Renaud), 52. - - Reveillaud, E., _Histoire du Canada_, 619. - - _Revue d’Anthropologie_, 77. - - _Revue Canadienne_, 549. - - _Revue Contemporaine_, 79. - - Reynolds, John, 390. - - Reynolds, Sir Joshua, his portraits of Amherst, 531. - - Rhett, Wm. (the elder), dies, 332. - - Rhett, Colonel Wm., 317. - - Rhode Island, her heterogeneous population, 102; - and the Port Royal expedition, 107; - her militia, 110; - Governor Cranston, 110, 129; - Dudley’s enmity, 111; - act against Romanists, 124; - in Popple’s map, 134; - Callender’s _Century Sermon_, 17; - ejects Governor Jenckes, 141; - Wm. Wanton, governor, 141; - John Wanton, governor, 141; - Dean Berkeley in, 141; - James Franklin in, 141; - in the war with Spain, 142; - at the siege of Louisbourg, 146, 410; - fear of D’Anville, 147; - rejects the Albany plan (1754), 151, 613; - Sunday in, 153; - Hannah Adams on her history, 160; - authorities on, 163; - claim of the governor of Massachusetts to command her militia, 164; - validity of acts, 164; - _Colonial Records_, 166, 617; - pirates and privateers, 111, 166; - reckless in issuing paper money, 129, 166, 171, 172; - financial history, 170; - _Money the sinews of trade_, 171; - fac-simile of her twelve-pence bill, 172; - her arms, 172, 173; - her three-shillings bill, 173; - failed to use the Louisbourg payment to help her bills, 176; - boundary disputes with Massachusetts, 180, 232; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354. - - _Rhode Island Gazette_, 141. - - Ribault in Georgia, 357. - - Rice, J. H., 578. - - Rice, John L., 178. - - Rice, Nath., 301, 303. - - Richards, T. A., 527. - - Richardson, C. F., and H. A. Clark, _College Book_, 102, 278. - - Richebourg, Claude Philippe de, 265; - on the Natchez war, 68. - - Richmond, Fort, 181. - - Richmond, portraits of some people of, 268. - - Rickson, Colonel, 602. - - Rider, S. S., 612; - _Bills of Credit_, 170. - - Ridgley, David, 271. - - Ridley, Gloucester, 400. - - Rigaud’s attack on Fort William Henry, 513. - - Rigaudière, plan of siege of Louisbourg (1745), 439. - - Rigg, James H., _Relations of Wesley and of Wesleyan Methodism_, 403; - _Living Wesley_, 403. - - Ritter, Abraham, _Moravian Church in Philadelphia_, 246. - - Rivers, W. J., “The Carolinas”, 285; - on the expedition against St. Augustine (1740), 350; - _Sketch of the History of South Carolina_, 356; - _Chapter in the Early History_, 356. - - Rivière-aux-Bœufs. _See_ French Creek. - - Rix dollar, 229. - - Robbins, Chandler, _Second Church in Boston_, 157. - - Roberts, _History of Florida_, 39. - - Robin, C. C., _Nouveau Voyage_, 284. - - Robinson, Beverley, and Morrison, Malcom, 233. - - Robinson, Pickering, 391. - - Robinson, Sir Thomas, urges resistance to French encroachments, 573. - - Robjohns, Sydney, 606. - - Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Voyage_, 284. - - Rocky Mountains discovered, 567. - - Rocque, Jean, 450. - - Rocque, Mary Ann, _Set of Plans_, 444. - - Rogerenes, 112. - - Rogers, Robt., 186; - his scouts (1756), 508, 513; - report of his capture, 520; - with Abercrombie, 521; - attacks Langy, 522; - opposes Marin, 527; - his expedition against the St. Francis Indians, 540, 602; - portrait, 558; - sent to receive surrender of Detroit, 559, 610; - meets Pontiac, 559, 610; - at Fort William Henry, 585; - his reports, 592; - his _Journals_, 592, 610; - editions of, 592; - edited by Hough, 527; - proposed memoir, 592; - his atrocities, 593; - other accounts of his scouts, 593; - his defeat (1758), 596; - orderly book, 598; - authorities on his fight with Marin, 598; - _Concise Account of North America_, 610, 616. - - Rollo, Lord, 555. - - Rolof Johnston’s kill, 237. - - Romana, Cape, 337. - - Romer, Wolfgang, 108. - - Rosalie, Fort, map of, 47. - - Roubaud (Jesuit), his letter on Montcalm’s attack on Fort William - Henry, 594; - his “Deplorable Case”, 594. - - Rouge, Sieur le, his map, 83. - - Rous, John, 146, 436; - at Louisbourg, 437; - autog., 437; - his career, 438; - at St. John, 452. - - Rouse, Wm., 423. - - Rouville, Hertel de, 105. - - Rowan, Matthew, 303. - - Rowlandson, Mrs., _Narrative_, 185. - - Royal African Company, 328. - - Royal Americans (soldiers), 559. - - Royce, C. C., 563. - - Ruffin, Edmund, 275. - - Ruggles, Timothy, at Lake George, 504. - - Rundle, Thos., 400. - - Rupp, I. D., _Names of Germans_, etc., 247; - his local histories, 249; - _Early History of Western Pennsylvania_, 572, 573. - - Russel, Wm., 391. - - _Russell’s Magazine_, 344. - - Russell, Chamber, 450. - - Russell, Wm., _History of America_, 618; - _History of Modern Europe_, 618. - - Rutgers College, 230. - - Rutland, attacked by Indians, 430. - - Ryswick, peace of, 96, 407, 476, 483. - - - Sabbath-day Point (Lake George), 526. - - Sabine, Lorenzo, on Robert Rogers, 593; - address on Wolfe’s victory, 603. - - Sacks, 564. - - Sackville Papers, 603. - - Sagadahock country, disputed bounds of, 96; - truce at, 420. - - Saguenay River, map, 614. - - Sainsbury, W. N., 335; - _Report of the Department Keeper of the Public Records_, 336. - - St. André, massacre, 68. - _See_ Natchez. - - St. Andrews, Fort (Cumberland Island), 375. - - St. Augustin (near Quebec), 552. - - St. Augustine, 375, 379; - attacked, 318, 381; - Spaniards at, 358; - plans and maps, 381, 382, 383; - described, 384; - _Impartial Account of the Expedition under Oglethorpe_, 397; - _Report of the Committee of Assembly of South Carolina_, 397; - _The Spanish Hireling_, 397; - _A Full Reply_, 397; - _Both Sides of the Question_, 397; - _The Hireling Artifice_, 398; - Campbell’s _Journal_, 398. - - St. Bernard Bay, 40. - - St. Castin, Baron de, 424. - - St. Castin family, 430. - - St. Castin (the younger), seized in Boston, 430. - - St. Catharine’s Island (Georgia), 370, 375, 379. - - St. Christopher Island (Georgia), 372. - - St. Clair’s expedition (1791), 402. - - St. Clair, Sir John, account of, 578; - portrait, 578. - - St. Denys, Juchereau, 25; - his identity, 25; - in Mexico, 29, 71; - his goods seized, 30; - on the Red River, 22; - memoirs, 65. - - St. Francis Indians, 183; - their village destroyed, 540. - - St. Genevieve, 55. - - St. George’s, Fort (Georgia), 382. - - St. George’s (Me.), conference with Indians at (1724), 430. - - St. Germain-en-Laye, treaty at (1632), 476. - - St. Jerome River, 28. - _See_ Ouabache. - - St. John’s Indians, 434; - treaty with (1760), 471. - - St. Joseph’s (Lake Michigan), 566. - - St. Joseph’s Bay, 35. - - St. Lawrence River, maps of, 542, 543, 557, 614. - - St. Louis, Fort, 66, 70. - - St. Louis, river, 28. - _See_ Mississippi. - - St. Luc, De la Corne, 534; - _Naufrage de l’Auguste_, 610. - - St. Lucia Island, 476. - - St. Mary River, 358. - - St. Mary, Straits of, map, 559. - - St. Mary’s (Md.), 260, 274. - - St. Mary’s (Nova Scotia), returned Acadians at, 463. - - St. Mary’s River (Md.), 277. - - St. Philip River, 28. - _See_ Missouri. - - St. Philippe, village, 53. - - St. Pierre, island, 462. - - St. Pierre, Legardeur de, at Le Bœuf, 492; - letter to Dinwiddie, 573. - - St. Regis Chapel bell, 186. - - St. Simon Island, 370; - map of, 379; - attacked by the Spanish, 386. - - St. Vincent, Earl, at Quebec, 543. - - Sainte-Foye, battle of, 552; - plan of, 608; - accounts of, 608; - eye-witnesses of, 608; - monument, 609. - - Sale, John, 433. - - Salisbury, E. E., _Family Memorials_, 168. - - Salmon, Thomas, _History of all Nations_, 234; - _Modern Gazetteer_, 234; - _Geographical and Historical Grammar_, 159; - _Modern History_, 394. - - Salt-making, 226. - - Saltonstall, Gurdon, 111, 424; - his house, 102; - in Boston, 107; - portrait, 112; - autog., 112; - dies, 143. - - Salzburgers in Georgia, 374; - authorities, 395; - _Journals of Von Reck and Bolzius_, 395; - _Urlsperger Tracts_, 395. - - Sandford, Robt., 288; - explores South Carolina coast, 305; - _Relation of his Voyage_, 306. - - Sandusky, French at, 566. - - Sandy Hook, 254. - - Sanson, Nic., his maps, 79. - - Santa Rosa Island, 39. - - Sapelo Island, 370. - - Saratoga, fort at, destroyed by the French, 487; - called Fort St. Frederick, 487; - site of, 487; - lake, 236. - - Sargent, Hon. Daniel, 436. - - Sargent, Henry, 163. - - Sargent, L. M., on the Huguenots, 98; - _Dealings with the Dead_, 98. - - Sargent, W., _Diary_, 402. - - Sargent, Winthrop, _Braddock’s Expedition_, 575. - - Saunders, Admiral, at Quebec, 546; - sails, 550. - - Saunders, Romulus, 74. - - Saunders, W. L., 294; - _North Carolina_, 304. - - Saunderson, _Charlestown, N. H._, 179. - - Saussier, 54. - - Sauvolle, 17; - _Journal_, 72. - - Savage, Jas., on C. Mather, 157; - the antiquary, 337, 621. - - Savannah laid out, 367; - bird’s-eye view of, 368; - situation of, 369, 375, 379; - lots granted, 372; - map of the county of Savannah from the _Urlsperger Tracts_, 373; - view of, 394; - De Brahm’s plan of, 401; - chart of Savannah Sound, 401. - - Savile, Samuel, 168. - - Saw-mills, 223. - - Sayle, Sir Wm., governor of Carolina, 293, 307; - dies, 308. - - Scaife, W. B., on the bounds of Maryland and Pennsylvania, 273. - - Schaeffer Eugene, translates Zinzendorf’s diaries, 246. - - Scharf, J. Thomas, _History of Philadelphia_ (with Westcott), 249; - _Chronicles of Baltimore_, 271; - _History of Baltimore City_, 272; - _History of Maryland_, 272. - - Scheffer, J. G., De Hoop, on the Mennonites in Pennsylvania, 246. - - Schele de Vere, on a Protestant Convent, 246. - - Schenectady attacked (1690), 190; - fort at, plans of, 520; - fight near (1748), 569. - - Schlatter, Michael, his travels in Pennsylvania, 244. - - Schoolcraft, _Notes on the Iroquois_, 587. - - Schooner, origin of, 177. - - Schrübers, J. G., map on Acadia, 482. - - Schuyler, Arent, 225; - his estate shown on map, 254. - - Schuyler, G. W., _Colonial New York_, 560. - - Schuyler, John, 186. - - Schuyler, John (son of Arent), 225. - - Schuyler, Peter, 7; - map of his patent, 236; - holds Magdalen Island, 237; - letters, 241. - - Schuyler, Philip, 560; - and the Moquas, 107. - - Schweinitz, _David Zeisberger_, 245, 582. - - Schwenckfeld, 217. - - _Scot in British North America_, 423. - - Scotch-Irish, 118. - - Scotch in Georgia, 376; - to settle near Lake George, 241; - in Pennsylvania, 217. - - Scott, E. G., _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, 119, 166, 247, - 284. - - Scott, J. M., 179. - - Scottow, Joshua, _Old Men’s Tears_, 92. - - Scudder, H. E., _Men and Manners_, 169; - edits _American Commonwealths_, 271. - - Scull, G. D., on the corporation for propagating the gospel, 169; - account of Daniel Coxe, 335; - edits the Montresor Journals, 594. - - Scull, N. (with Heap, G.), map of Philadelphia, 240; - map of Pennsylvania, 240; - assists Evans in his map, 565. - - Scutter, M., his maps, 234. - - Sea of the West, 8. - - Seabury, S., 233. - - Searing, Dr. James, 597. - - Sedgwick, Theo., _Edw. Livingston_, 241. - - Seguenot, Francis, 186. - - Semple, _Baptists_, 282. - - Senecas, 568; - in Ohio, 484, 497. - - Senex, John, map of Louisiana, 81; - _Map of Virginia_, 273; - based on Smith’s, 273. - - Sérigny, 23, 80. - - Seventh-day Baptists, 112. - - Seville, treaty of, 359. - - Sewall, Jos., 126. - - Sewall, Samuel, _Selling of Joseph_, 99; - portrait, 100; - his relations with the Mathers, 100; - his political tribulations, 113; - and Shute, 116; - riding the circuit, 120; - on the _Kennebec Indians_, 122; - his character, 99; - drawn by Dr. Ellis, 167; - his diary, 167, 168; - used by historians, 167, 168; - bought for Massachusetts Historical Society, 167; - printed, 167; - his letter-books, 167; - his autog., 425; - his family, 168. - - Sewall, Stephen, dies, 155. - - Seward, Wm., _Journal_, 244. - - Seymour, John, governor of Maryland, 260. - - Shaftsbury, Earl of, 291. - - Shaftsbury papers, 306, 356; - account of them by Horwood, 356. - - Shaler, N. S., _Kentucky_, 565. - - Shamokin, 270. - - Shanapins, 497. - - Shapley, Nicholas, his map of Carolina coast, 337. - - Sharpe, Horatio, on Braddock’s council, 578; - his letter on Braddock’s defeat, 579; - governor of Maryland, 261; - portrait, 262. - - Shawanoes, expedition against, 270, 589; - treaty with (1757), 596. - See Shawnees. - - Shawnees, 563, 564; - in the Scioto and Miami Valleys, 563; - history of, 564. - - Shea, John G., _Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi_, 67; - reprints _Relation du Voyage_, 68; - _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, 72; - on Puritanism in New England, 162; - _Catholic Question in New England_, 186; - edits Miller’s New York, 253; - _Early Southern Tracts_, 272; - on Wesley, 403; - edits _Relation sur la bataille du Malangueulé_, 498, 580; - on Beaujeu, 498; - _Relation du Canada_ (1696), 561; - notes on Washington’s diary, 573; - _Registres des Baptesmes au Fort Duquesne_, 580. - - Sheffield (Mass.), settled, 127. - - Sheffield, _Privateersmen of Newport_, 142. - - _Shelburne Papers_, 164, 241, 245, 356, 549, 612, 613, 615. - - Sheldon, Mrs., _Early History of Michigan_, 560. - - Shenandoah River, 274. - - Sherburn, Jos., 436. - - Ship Island, 42 - (Isles-aux-Vaisseaus), 66. - - Shipbuilding, 223. - - Shippen, Edw., mayor of Philadelphia, 209; - his house in Philadelphia, 258. - - Shippen Papers, 243, 578. - - Ships, English, of the seventeenth century, 136; - earliest man-of-war built in America, 136; - built for the royal navy in America, 136; - style of (1732), 488. - - Ships-of-the-line, 136. - - Shingoes, town, 497. - - Shirley, John, letters, 583. - - Shirley, J. M., _Jurisprudence in New Hampshire_, 186. - - Shirley, Wm., governor of Massachusetts, 143; - portrait, 142; - his character, 144; - defamed by Douglass, 159, 439; - treaties with Indians, 145; - plans eastern defences, 149; - returns to Boston (1753), 150; - his marriage, 150; - plans defences to the westward, 150; - confers with Franklin, 150; - commissioned to raise a regiment, 150; - on the Kennebec, 151; - goes to confer with Braddock 151, 495; - goes to England, 152; - correspondence with Governor Wentworth, 436; - with Pepperrell, 436; - organizes the Louisbourg expedition (1745), 146, 435; - letters, 437; - _Letter to Duke of Newcastle_, 437; - his speech on his return from the siege, 448; - his portrait given to Boston, 448; - commissioner to consider the bounds of Acadia, 475; - a winter attack upon Crown Point, 487, 489; - his son with Braddock, is killed, 495, 500; - his son’s letters, 578; - succeeds Braddock in general command, 152, 501; - hears news of Braddock’s defeat, 501; - pushes for Oswego, 501; - abandons the campaign, 502; - quarrels with Johnson, 502, 585; - plans a new campaign, 502; - still aiming at Niagara (1756), 506; - cabal against him, 507; - superseded, 508; - his campaign of 1755 defended, 508; - Franklin’s opinion, 508; - Loudon countermands his Niagara plans, 510; - _Memoirs of the Principal Transactions_, 568; - letters, 568; - _Account of the French Settlements_, 568; - correspondence with Stoddard (1746), 569; - his instructions for the Niagara campaign, 583; - his letters on it, 583; - _The Conduct of Shirley briefly stated_, 583; - council of war decides to abandon the Niagara campaign, 583; - defends Livingston, 586; - _Conduct of Major-General Shirley_, 587; - assemblesa congress of governors (Dec., 1755), 589; - proposes a winter attack on Ticonderoga, 589; - explains his views, 589; - correspondence with Loudon, 591; - understands the value of Oswego, 591; - selects John Winslow for the Crown Point expedition, 591; - on a plan of union, 612; - instigates the congress of 1754, 612; - urges acceptance of the plan of the Albany congress, 613; - his own comments, 613; - confers with Franklin, 613. - - Shirley, Fort (Mass.), 187; - (Me.), 181. - - “Shirley galley”, 437. - - Shirley’s war, 434. - - Short, Richard, 549. - - Shrewsbury (N. J.), iron works, 224. - - Shute, Chaplain, 597. - - Shute, Colonel Samuel, 115; - governor of Massachusetts, 115; - goes to England, 123, 124, 129; - meets the Indians (1717), 424; - letter to Rasle, 430; - correspondence with Wentworth, 166; - his _Memorial_, 124; - correspondence with Vaudreuil, 430; - declares war against the Indians (1722), 430. - - Sibley, J. L., on Cotton Mather, 157; - carries Chalmers’s _Introduction_ through the press, 353. - - Sicily Island (Arkansas), 48. - - Silk industry in Georgia, 372, 387. - - Sillery, battle of. _See_ Sainte-Foye. - - Silver scheme in banking, 171, 173. - - Simms, J. R., _Trappers of New York_, 584; - _Scoharie County_, 584; - _Frontiersmen of New York_, 249, 584. - - Simms, W. G., on Charleston (S. C.), 315; - _South Carolina_, 355. - - Simon, J., 107. - - Simons, N. W., 607. - - Sinclair, Sir John, 529. - _See_ St. Clair. - - Six Nations and the Catawbas, 203; - conference with them (1751), 204; - (after 1713), 487; - truce with the Cherokees, 567; - conference at Albany (1745), 568. - _See_ Five Nations. - - Skene, Alex., 325; dies, 332. - - Skidoway Island, 372. - - Slade, Wm., _Vermont State Papers_, 179. - - Slaughter, Philip, _Memorial of William Green_, 281; - _Saint George’s Parish_, 282; - _St. Mark’s Parish_, 282, 284; - _Bristol Parish_, 282. - - Slavery in the middle colonies, 228; - in Carolina, 309; - permitted in Louisiana, 28, 36, 45. - - Sloops-of-war, 136. - - Sloper, Wm., 364. - - Sloughter, governor, arrives in New York, 190; - calls a general assembly, 193; - dies, 193. - - Small-pox, inoculation for, 120; - literature of, 120. - - Smibert, the artist, 435. - _See_ Smybert. - - Smiles, Samuel, _Huguenots_, 247. - - Smith, C. C., on the Huguenots, 98; - “Wars on the Seaboard”, 407. - - Smith, Geo., on English Methodism and Wesley, 403. - - Smith, Colonel James, _Remarkable Occurrences_, 579; - _Treatise of Indian War_, 579; - sketch of, 579. - - Smith, Jos., _Bibliotheca Quakeristica_, 243. - - Smith, J. E. A., _Pittsfield_, 187. - - Smith, Paul, 307. - - Smith, Philip H., _Green Mountain Boys_, 179; - _Acadia_, 460; - controversy with Parkman, 460. - - Smith, Samuel, _Necessary Truth_, 243. - - Smith, Samuel (of Georgia), 364, 400; Sermon, 394; - _Design of the Trustees of Georgia_, 394. - - Smith, Wm., _Connecticut Claims in Pennsylvania_, 180; - the historian, 199; - on the French enterprise, 571; - said to have had a share in Livingston’s _Military Operations_, 587; - account of the congress of 1754, 612; - New York, 618; - _Histoire de la Nouvelle York_, 618; - autog., 618. - _See_ Franklin, B. - - Smith, _British Dominions in America_, 618. - - Smollett, _England_, 606, 621; - on Wolfe’s victory, 606. - - Smucker, Isaac, 565. - - Smuggling, 227, 228, 229; - in New England, 138. - - Smybert, John, 140. - _See_ Smibert. - - Smyth, J. F. D., _Travels_, 284; - praised by John Randolph, 284. - - Smyth, Wm., on John Law, 76; _Lectures on Modern History_, 353. - - Snelling, Captain, 438. - - Snow, Captain, 578. - - Snow, a kind of vessel, 438. - - Snow-shoes, 183. - - Society for the propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts, 341; - its history, 341; - its MS. correspondence, 233. - - Society for the propagation of the Gospel in New England, 101. - - Sola bills, 388. - - _Some Considerations on the Consequences of the French Settling on the - Mississippi_, 80. - - Somers (Conn.), 180. - - Sonmans, Peter, 218, 219. - - Sothel, Seth, 296, 313. - - Soto, papers on, 72. - - South Carolina, proprietary government, 305; - Kiawah settled, 307; - named Charlestown, 307; - the Palatine, 308; - first slaves, 309; - population, 309, 310, 335; - religious harmony, 309; - Granville Palatine, 309 - struggle of the popular party against the fundamental constitutions, - 310, 312; - laws, 310; - landgraves and cassiques, 310, 311; - different sets of the fundamental constitutions, 311, 312; - popular demands, 314; - rules of the proprietors, 315; - map of Cooper and Ashley rivers, showing settlers’ names, 315; - map of Carolina by Philip Lea, 315; - Archdale, governor, 316; - conditions of living (1700), 317; - expedition against St. Augustine, 318; - Episcopacy to be established, 319; - act establishing religious worship, 320; - dissenters, 320; - the laws for Episcopacy annulled, 320; - the proprietary charter threatened, 320; - High-Church party fails, 320; - peaceful times under Craven, 321; - parish system, 321; - war with the Yemassees, 321; - the frontiers garrisoned, 322; - end of proprietary rule, 323-327; - issue of paper money, 323; - cupidity of the proprietors, 324; - struggles of the popular party, 325; - war with Spain, 325; - the people elect Moore governor, 326; - the king commissions Francis Nicholson, 327; - under royal government, 327; - scheme of government, 328; - Middleton’s rule, 329; - intrigues to prevent French alliances with the Indians, 329; - campaign against the Spaniards, 329; - dispute about Fort King George, 330; - slaves tampered with by the Spaniards, 331; - negro insurrection, 331; - immigration of Germans and Swiss, 331; - war with Cherokees, 333; - development of the people’s power, 333; - essay on the sources of South Carolina history, 335; - _Statutes at Large_, 336; - descriptions of the country, 340; - Wilson’s map, 340; - Episcopacy in, 342; - contemporary tracts, 342; - French and Spanish invasion (1706), 344; - tracts to induce German and Swiss immigration, 345; - map of the campaigns of 1711-1715, 345, 346; - Yamassee war (authorities), 347; - laws, 347; - records disappear, 347; - tracts on the struggle with the proprietors, 347; - _Liberty and Property Asserted_, 347; - surrender of title, 347; - German settlements, 348; - tracts to induce Swiss immigration, 348; - Presbyterians in, 348; - Episcopacy in, 348; - map showing parishes, 348, 351; - Huguenots in, 349; - Indian map of, 349; - expedition against St. Augustine (1740), 350; - _South Carolina Gazette_, 350; - _South Carolina and American General Gazette_, 350; - maps of, 350, 351; - De Brahm’s MS. account, 350; - names of proprietors, 352; - Chalmers’s papers on, 352; - Statutes at Large, 355; - modern histories, 355; Ramsay’s, 355; - Carroll’s _Historical Collection_, 355; - Simms’s, 355; - De Bow’s, 355; - Historical Society, 355; - their _Collections_, 355; - abstracts of papers in State Paper Office, 355, 356; - _Review of Documents and Records in the Archives of South Carolina_, - 356; - _Topics in the History of South Carolina_, 356; - absence of legislative records, 356; - map of (1733), 365; - shows Huguenot settlement, 365; - westerly extension of, 365; - north bounds of, 365; - map from Urlsperger Tracts, 379. - _See_ Charlestown. - - South Sea Scheme, 76, 77. - - Southack, Cyprian, his maps, 88, 106; - _Coast Pilot_, 254. - - _Southern Lutheran_, 348. - - _Southern Quarterly Review_, 355. - - Southey, Robert, _Wesley_, 403; - proposed life of Wolfe, 602. - - Souvolle, 19; - left in Biloxi, 20; - dies, 21. - - Spangenberg, Gottlieb, 374; - _Account of Missions among the Indians_, 246; - travels through Onondaga, 246. - - Sparhawk, N., 436. - - Sparks, Jared, 621; - on Braddock’s march, 500, 576; - as an editor, 572. - - Spaulding, Thos., _Life of Oglethorpe_, 394. - - Spencer, Edw., 271. - - Spikeman, Capt., 593. - - Spinning-schools, 119. - - Spiritu Sancto Bay, 81. - - Spotsilvania, 277. - - Spotswood, Alex., governor of Virginia, 265; - conciliates the Indians, 265; - his speeches, 266; - portrait, 266; - his arms, 266; - removed, 267; - made department postmaster-general, 267; - dies, 267; - his _Official Letters_, 281, 563; - his character, 267, 281; - his journey over the mountains, 563; - known as “Tramontane Expedition”, 563; - Knights of the Golden Horseshoe, 563; - map of their route, 563; - his family, 281; - his letter-book, 345; - urging the settlement of the Ohio Valley, 483; - his marks in the Valley, 570. - - Sprague, W. B., 233; - _American Pulpit_, 246. - - Stafford, Captain Henry, 437. - - Stamp Act (of 1755), 177; - (of 1765), 227. - - Stanhope, Earl, on Methodism, 403. - _See_ Mahon. - - Stanley, A. P., 597. - - Stanwix, General, builds a fort, 527, 528; - at Duquesne, 533; - on the Pennsylvania border, 595; - at Pittsburgh, 600. - - Stanwix, Fort, plan of, 528; - map of its vicinity, 528; - its history, 528. - - Staple, _Providence_, 169. - - Staples, H. B., _Province Laws_, 167, 176. - - Stark, Caleb, _French War_, 592; - _John Stark_, 592; - Robert Rogers, 592, 593; - his officers, 593. - - Stark, John, with Abercrombie, 522; - at Lake George, 503; - observations on Langdon’s map, 585. - - Staten Island, Huguenots of, 247; - map of, 254. - - Steam-engine, first one in the colonies, 225. - - Stephen, Adam, 574. - - Stephens, Samuel, 289, 294. - - Stephens, Thomas, _Brief Account_, 398; - _Hard Case_, 398. - - Stephens, Colonel Wm., 386; - governor of Georgia, 387; - _State of the Province of Georgia_, 395; - _Journal_, 397, 398; - dies, 397; - records of Georgia (MS.), 400. - - Sternhold and Hopkins’s psalms, 126. - - Stevens, Abel, on Methodism, 403. - - Stevens, Henry (G. M. B.), _Books on New Hampshire_, 180; - on Georgia records, 400; - on the Dinwiddie Papers, 572; - on Dieskau’s despatches, 589; - on the Montcalm forgeries, 606. - - Stevens, Hugh, Sr., 179. - - Stevens, John, _Voyages and Travels_, 344. - - Stevens, J. A., on Pepperrell, 435; - on New York coffee-houses, 249. - - Stevens, Captain Phineas, 183. - - Stevens, Simon, 597. - - Stevens, Wm. B., _Discourse_, 401; - _History of Georgia_, 405; - _Observations on Stevens’s History_, 405. - - Stewart, Andrew, on Moncacht-Apé, 77. - - Stewart, _Political Economy_, 76. - - Stickney, M. A., 594. - - Stillé, C. J., “Religious Tests in Provincial Pennsylvania”, 243. - - Stith, _Virginia_, 280. - - Stobo, Robert, plan of Duquesne, 498, 575; - letters, 498; - notice of, 498, 575; - with Wolfe at Quebec, 546; - _Memoirs_, 575. - - Stoddard, Amos, _Sketches of Louisiana_, 68. - - Stoddard, Captain, 185. - - Stoddard, Colonel John, 110, 188, 569. - - Stoddard, Jonathan, 128. - - Stokes, Anthony, _Constitution of the British Colonies_, 405. - - Stone, W. L., _Life and Times of Sir Wm. Johnson_, 584; - on the Lake George campaign (1755), 584. - - Stoner, Nicholas, 584. - - Stony Point, 237. - - Story, Joseph, 621. - - Story, Thomas, his _Journal_, 243. - - Stoughton, Governor, correspondence with Frontenac, 420. - - Stoughton, John, plan of siege of Fort William Henry, 518. - - Stoughton, J. A., _Windsor Farms_, 518. - - Stoughton, Wm., lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, 92; - rules Massachusetts, 95; - his character, 99; - dies, 103. - - Streatfield, Thomas, 602. - - Strobel, P. A., _Salzburgers and their Descendants_, 396. - - Strong, M. M., _Territory of Wisconsin_, 568. - - Subercase, 476; - attacks Newfoundland, 421; - character of, 423. - - Suffield, Conn., 180. - - Sufflet de Berville, 610. - - Sugar Act, 155. - - Sugar cane in Louisiana, 51. - - Sunbury (Georgia), 401. - - Sullivan, James, on the Penobscots, 430. - - Sulte, Benj., _Histoire des Canadiens_, 619; - _La Vérendrye_, 567; - _Champlain et le Vérendrye_, 567; - _Le Nom de Vérendrye_, 568. - - Sumner, W. G., _American Currency_, 176. - - Surgères, Chevalier de, 16, 18, 21. - - Surriage, Agnes, 152. - - Susane, _Ancienne Infanterie française_, 497. - - Susquehanna River, fort on, 80. - - _Susquehanna Title Stated_, 240. - - Susquehanna Valley lands, claimed by Connecticut, 180. - - Susquehannas, 484. - - Suze, treaty at (1629), 476. - - Swain, D. L., historical agent of North Carolina, 355. - - Swedes in Pennsylvania, 246. - - Sweet, J. D., 264. - - Swiss in Carolina, 331, 345, 347. - - Symmes, Thomas, _Lovewell Lamented_, 431, 432; - _Historical Memoirs_, 431; - _Original Account_, 431. - - - Tache, E. P., 609. - - Taensas, 20, 66. - - Tailer, Wm., 408; - lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, 132; - dies, 139; - autog., 425. - - Tailfer, Patrick, _True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of - Georgia_, 399, 401. - - _Tait’s Magazine_, 603. - - Talbot, John, 243. - - Talbot, Sir Wm., 338. - - Talcott, Jos., 143. - - Tamoroa, 53. - - Tanguay, Abbé, _Dictionnaire Généalogique_, 14, 186. - - Tassé, Jos., _Langlade_, 568, 580; - _Canadiens de l’Ouest_, 568; - on Piquet, 571; - _Sur un Point d’Histoire_, 598. - - Taylor, A. W., _Indiana County, Pennsylvania_, 249. - - Taylor, H. O., _Constitutional Government_, 281. - - Taylor, John, 185. - - Taylor, _Wesley and Methodism_, 403. - - Teach, the pirate, captured, 266. - - Teedyuskung, king, 596. - - Temple and Sheldon, _Northfield_, 185. - - _Temple Bar_, 394. - - Temple, letters on Acadia, 476; - order from Charles II., 476; - to Captain Walker, 476; - surrender of Acadia, 476. - - Texas occupied by the Spanish, 29; - claimed by the French, 40; - history of, by Yoakum, 69. - - Thacher, Oxenbridge, 156. - - Thackeray, W. M., _The Virginians_, 284. - - _The Eclipse_, 177. - - Thiers, on John Law, 77. - - Thomas, Gabriel, map of Pennsylvania, 239. - - Thomas, George, governor of Pennsylvania, 215, 437. - - Thomas, John, diary, 419. - - Thomas, _Jumonville_, 574; - _Œuvres_, 574. - - Thomassy, R., _Géol. prat. de la Louisiane_, 22, 68. - - Thomaston, Me., 181. - - Thomlinson, John, correspondence, 180. - - Thompson, Jas., _Expedition against Quebec_, 604. - - Thompson, Thos., _Missionary Voyages_, 244. - - Thomson, Chas., _Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians_, - 245, 575; - its map, 577; - annotated by Governor Hamilton, 575; - at Easton conference (1757), 596. - - Thornton, John, _Map of Virginia_, 273. - - Thorpe, Thos., _Catalogue of MSS._, 354. - - Three Rivers, 486. - - Thunderbolt Island, 372, 373. - - Thurloe, _State Papers_, 336. - - Ticonderoga, road to (1759), 485; - attacked by Abercrombie (1758), 523; - his defeat, 523; - view of its ruins, 523; - map of the attack, 524; - called “Cheonderoga”, 524; - other plans, 524, 525; - accounts of the fort (1758), 525; - its situation, 526; - attacked by Amherst (1759), 536; - abandoned, 536; - plan of the fort, 537; - described after its capture, 537; - contemporary French map, 588; - descriptions of defences, 597; - authorities on Abercrombie’s attack, 597, 598; - losses, 597; - _Journal de l’Affaire du Canada_, 598. - - Tiddeman, Mark, map of New York harbor, 235. - - Tilden, _Poems_, 587. - - Timberlake, Henry, _Draught of the Cherokee Country_, 393; - _Memoirs_, 393. - - Timlow, H. R., 248. - - Titcomb, Moses, 502. - - Tobacco in Maryland, 259; - a legal tender, 261; - in Virginia, 263, 265, 267, 280; - the plants cut by mobs, 263; - method of cultivating, 280; - _Present State of Plantations_ (1709), 280; - in North Carolina, 303. - - Tomachees, 70. - - Tomo-chi-chi, chief of the Yamacraws, 369; - portrait, 371; - in England, 376, 399; - portrait in _Urlsperger Tracts_, 395; - _Tombo-chi-qui, or the American Savage_, 399. - - Tonicas, 20, 66. - - Tonti, Henri de, 14, 18, 19, 21; - on affairs at Detroit, 561; - his remonstrance, 561; - search for La Salle, 19; - dies, 24. - - Toomer, J. W., 349. - - Toronto, 490. - - Torrey, H. W., 167. - - Toulouse, Fort, 29. - - Tourville, diary of Louisbourg (1758), 464. - - Tower, Thos., 364. - - Town system of New England, 169. - - Townsend, Chas., urges the seizure of the Ohio, 490; - said to have arranged the English _Memorials_, 476. - - Townshend, General, succeeds Wolfe at Quebec, 550; - his portrait, 607; - criticised in a _Letter to an Hon. Brigadier-General_, 607; - _A Refutation_, 607. - - Townshend, Penn, 102; - autog., 425. - - Tracy, _Great Awakening_, 135. - - Trahan, Jos., recollections of Montcalm, 605. - - Travelling, 244. - - Treby, Sir Geo., 91. - - Trent, James, 212. - - Trent, Wm., 564. - - Trent, _Journal_, 563. - - Trenton, New Jersey, 212. - - Trescott, W. H., 356. - - Trinity River (La.), 40. - - Trott, Nicholas, 317, 318, 324, 341; - charges against, 324; - chief justice of South Carolina, 347; - edits laws, 347; - _Laws relating to Church and Clergy_, 347; - dies, 332. - - Truck-houses in Maine, 182. - - Trumbull, Benj., Connecticut, 163; - _Connecticut Title to Lands_, etc., 180. - - Trumbull, Jonathan, his papers, edited by C. Deane, 181. - - Trumbull, J. H., _First Essays at Banking_, 170. - - Tryon, Wm., governor of North Carolina, 305. - - Tuckerman, H. T., _America and her Commentators_, 141, 244. - - Tunkers. _See_ Dunkers. - - Turcotte, _L’île d’Orléans_, 543. - - Turell, _Benj. Colman_, 168. - - Turner, Dawson, his sale, 602. - - Turner, James, 85. - - Turtle Creek, 497. - - Tuscaroras commit murder (1711), 298; - defeated by Barnwell, 298; - by Moore, 299; - join the Five Nations, 299, 583. - - Tuttle, C. W., 90. - - Twightwees, 491, 569. - - Tybee Island, 370, 373, 375. - - Tyerman, his _Whitefield_, 135, 404; - _Life and Times of Wesley_, 403; - _Oxford Methodists_, 404. - - Tyler, M. C., on Dean Berkeley, 141; - on Cotton Mather, 157; - on Sam. Sewall, 168. - - Tyng, Edw., at Louisbourg (1745), 410, 437; - autog., 437; - at Annapolis, 146. - - Tyng, S. H., on the Huguenots, 247. - - Tynte, Colonel Edw., governor of Carolina, 320. - - Tyrell papers, 459. - - Tyrrell, T. S. (Pichon), 467. - - Tyson, Job R., _Social and Intellectual State of Pennsylvania_, 248. - - - Uchees, 370, 371. - - Uhden, H. F., _Geschichte der Congregationalisten_, 159. - - Ulster County Historical Society, 249. - - Universalists, beginning of, 135. - - Uring, Nath., _Travels_, 168. - - Urlin, _Wesley’s Place in Church History_, 403. - - Urlsperger, J. A., his _Tracts_, 395; - edited by Samuel Urlsperger, 395; - details of the publication, 395, 396; - supplement called _Americanisches Ackerwerk Gottes_, 396. - - Urlsperger, Samuel, edits _Urlsperger Tracts_, 396; - correspondence with Fresenius, 396. - - Urmstone, Rev. John, 297. - - Ursuline Nuns in New Orleans, 44; - _Relation du Voyage_, 68. - _See_ Hachard. - - Usher, John, 110. - - Utrecht, treaty of (1713), 6, 110, 409, 476, 484; - its intended limits of Acadia a question, 475, 478, 479; - _Actes, Mémoires_, etc., 475; - considered by J. W. Gerard, 475. - - - Valentine’s _Manual of the City of New York_, 252; - his _History of New York_, 252. - - Vallette, Laudun, 35; - _Relation de la Louisiane_, 39; - reprinted as _Journal d’un Voyage_, etc., 39. - - Van Braam, 494. - - Van Cortlandt, Stephen, his manor, 237; - family, 252. - - Van Dam, Rip, autog., 198; - Zenger libel suit, 198; - claims to act as governor of New York, 200; - his grants of land, 236; - likeness, 241. - - Van Keulen, _Paskart van Carolina_, 336. - - Van Rensselaer, Cortlandt, _Sermons_, 587, 602. - - Van Rensselaer, Kilian, map of his manor, 236; - its addition, 237; - other maps, 238. - - Van Rensselaer family, 252. - - Vander Aa, map of Virginia and Florida, 336. - - Vanderdussen, Colonel, 332. - - Vandyke, Elizabeth, her patent, 237. - - Vassal, John, 288. - - Vatar, Thomas, 254. - - Vauclain, 616. - - Vaudreuil, Philippe de, 5, 421; - autog., 5, 424; - dies, 6, 485. - - Vaudreuil, Pierre François, Marquis de, governor of Louisiana, 50; - correspondence, 53; - marquis (1755), 57; - autog., 57, 530; - letters, 73; - letters captured, 430; - succeeds Duquesne, 495; - disputes with Montcalm, 530; - at Quebec, 540, 548, 604; - holds council of war, 550; - retreats, 550; - tries to return, 550; - in France, 559; - report on the Lake George battle (1755), 588; - conferences (1756), 590; - instructions for his conduct towards the English, 590; - letters about siege of Oswego, 592; - letters on Montcalm’s attack on Fort William Henry, 594; - palliates the Fort William Henry massacre, 595; - reproaches Montcalm after Abercrombie’s defeat, 598; - on the siege of Niagara, 601; - plan of the campaign (1759), 601; - and the surrender by Ramezay, 607; - letters, 608; - on the battle of Sainte-Foy, 609; - council of war in Montreal (1760), 609; - defence in Paris, 610. - - Vaughan, George, 110. - - Vaughan, Sam., on Braddock’s march, 500; - sketch of plan of Fort Pitt, 599. - - Vaughan, Wm., autog., 434; - suggests the Louisbourg expedition, 434; - account of, 434; letters, 436. - - Vaugondy, Robt. de, his map of North America, 83. - - Velasco, Luis de, 359. - - Venango, 11, 492, 566; - fort at, 492; - ruins of, 492; - plan of, 492. - - Venning, W. M., 169. - - Vérendrye’s explorations, 78. - - Vérendrye, discovers Rocky Mountains, 8, 567; - papers on, 567, 568; - his maps, 568. - - Verelst, Harman, 397. - - Vergennes, _Mémoire Historique et Politique de la Louisiane_, 67; - autog., 67. - - Vergor, Colonel de, 547. - - Vermont first settled, 127; - constitution formed, 178; - bibliography of, 179. - - Vernon, Admiral, 135. - - Vernon, James, 364. - - Vernon to Lord Lexington (1700), 476. - - Vernon River, 373. - - Verplanck family, 252. - - Verreau, Abbé, 589, 603; - _Canadian Archives_, 594. - - Vertue, George, 80. - - Vesey, Wm., on Lovelace, 241. - - Vesour, Fernesic de, 518. - - Vetch, Colonel Samuel, 107, 124; - and a union of the New England governors, 611; - at Annapolis Royal, 408, 423; - memoir, 419; - autog., 422; - _Voyage of the Sloop Mary_, 422; - arrested, 423; - accounts of, 423; - governor of Port Royal, 423. - - Veulst, J., 107. - - Vial, Theo., _Law et le Système du Papier Monnaie_, 77. - - Vicars, Captain John, 591. - - “Vigilant”, French frigate, captured, 438. - - Viger, D. B., 605. - - Viger, Jacques, portrait, 619. - - Villebon, letter to Stoughton (1698), 476. - - Villiers, Chevalier de, 56. - - Villiers, Coulon de, 494. - - Villiers, journal, 574. - - Vincennes (town), 566; - founded, 53; - (Vinsennes), 53. - - Vinton, J. A., _Gyles Family_, 421. - - Virginia, history of, 259, 263; - boundary disputes with Maryland, 263; - Lord Culpepper, 263; - Cohabitation Act, 263; - “paper towns”, 263; - becomes a royal province, 264; - printing forbidden, 264; - Williamsburg made the capital, 264; - Spotswood, governor, 265; - _Habeas Corpus_ introduced, 265; - character of the people, 267; - Presbyterians in, 267; - morals of the people, 268; - laws, 268, 278; - part in the French war, 269; - Dinwiddie as governor, 269; - debt, 270; - Loudon, governor, 270; - maps of, 272; - map (1738), 274; - limits under the charters, 84, 275; - _Report of Commissioners on the Bounds of Virginia and Maryland_, - 275; - _Final Report_, 275; - bounds upon North Carolina, 275; - early mansion houses, 275; - eastern peninsula of, 276; - libraries in, 276; - grant of the Northern Neck, 276; - boundary disputes with Pennsylvania, 278; - documentary records, 278; - _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, 278; - Indians of, 278; - successive seals, 278; - Purvis collection of laws, 278; - descriptions of the country, 278; - map of colonial Virginia, 280; - her single staple, 280; - _Case of the Planters_, 280; - histories of Virginia, 280; - Doyle’s account, depends on documents in England, 280; - spread of her population, 280; - historical society, its new series of collections, 281; - _Statutes at Large_, 281, 355; - institutional history, 281; - Valley of, and its illustrative literature, 281; - contrasted with Massachusetts, 281; - ecclesiasticism in, 282; - parish registers, 282; - Huguenots in, 282; - society in, 282; - dearth of letter-writers, 282; - Presbyterians in, 282; - Baptists in, 282; - map of, 350; - Chalmers’s papers on, 354; - Acadians in, 462, 463; - Fry and Jefferson’s map used by Evans, 565; - John Henry’s map, 565; - politics at the time of Braddock’s expedition, 580, 581; - forts in the backwoods described, 581; - Indian forays within after Braddock’s defeat, authorities upon, 581, - 583; - movements against the Indians (1755-56), 589. - - _Virginia Gazette_, 268. - - Virginians remove to Carolina, 287. - - Vivier, Father, 53. - - Volney, C. F., _États-Unis_, 53. - - _Voyage au Canada, 1751-1761, par T. C. B._, 611. - - - Wabash, French on the, 566. - _See_ Ouabache. - - Wade, Captain Robert, 270. - - Wadsworth, Benj., 102; - _King William Lamented_, 103; - chosen president of Harvard College, 126; - on the Indian war (1722), 430; - his journal, 611. - - Wainwright, Captain, 408. - - Waite, _American State Papers_, 69. - - Waldo, Samuel, at Louisbourg, 410; - letters, 436. - - Waldo patent (Me.), 181. - - Waldron, Richd., 139. - - Waldron, W. W., _Huguenots of Westchester_, 247. - - Walker, C. I., _Detroit_, 560. - - Walker, Dr., on Braddock’s advance, 578. - - Walker, Henderson, 296. - - Walker, Sir Hoveden, 108, 483; - his fleet shattered, 6, 109, 561; - his _Journal_, 109, 561; - _Letter from an Old Whig_, 562; - Dudley’s proclamation, 562. - - Walker, J. B., 593. - - Walker, N. McF., 79. - - Walker, Timothy, 579. - - Walking Purchase, 240. - - Walpole, Horace, _George the Second_, 467. - - Wallace, _Life of William Bradford_, 248. - - Waller, Henry, 581. - - Walsh, Robt., _Appeal from the Judgment of Great Britain_, 458, 462; - on the Acadians, 458; - defends Grahame, 620. - - Walton, Captain, 124. - - Walton, Colonel, 408. - - Wanton, John, 141. - - Wanton, Wm., 141. - - War of the Spanish Succession, 420. - - Warburton, Geo., _Conquest of Canada_, 467, 621. - - Ward, Ensign, 573. - - Ward, Ned, in Boston, 99; - _Trip to New England_, 99. - - Warde, Admiral Geo., 602. - - Warde, General, 602. - - Warner, C. D., _Baddeck_, 459. - - Warner, Seth, journal, 602. - - Warren, Commodore Peter, correspondence with Pepperrell, 436; - admiral, 176; - at Louisbourg, 439; - autog., 439; - accounts of, 439; - owns lands on the Mohawk, 502. - - Warren (Pa.), 570. - - Washburn, Emory, _Judicial History of Massachusetts_, 162. - - Washington, George, on the Ohio (1753-54), 12; - given command of a district (1751) in Virginia, 268; - his interest in Western lands, 271; - at Le Bœuf, 492, 572; - attacks Jumonville, 493; - at Fort Necessity, 493; - sent to build fort at the forks of the Ohio, 493; - charged with assassinating Jumonville, 494; - accompanies Braddock, 496; - on Forbes’ expedition (1758), 529; - his plan for a line of battle in a forest, 529; - _Monuments of Washington’s Patriotism_, 529; - Gist’s journal, 572; - his French war letters revised by him, 572; - his _Journal to the Commandant of the French on the Ohio_, 572; - the London edition has a map, 572; - reprints, 572; - original MS., 573; - diary (1789-91), 573; - his journal of events (1752-54), captured by the French, 573; - known only in a French version, 573; - included in _Mémoire Contenant le Précis des Faits_, 573; - translated as _The Conduct of the Late Ministry_, 573; - two editions in New York, 573; - appeared in London as _The Mystery Revealed_, 573; - given in re-Englished form in Livingston’s _Review of Military - Operations_, 573; - route in 1754, 575; - mentioned in Davies’s sermon, 578; - letter on Braddock’s campaign, 578; - commands borderers at Winchester, 581; - map of this region, 581; - on the Virginia border (1757), 595; - his letters to Bouquet on the Duquesne expedition (1758), 599; - his opinion of the Forbes and Braddock routes, 599. - - Waterford (Pennsylvania), 492. - - Waterhouse, Samuel, _Monster of Monsters_, 177. - - Waters, H. F., 337. - - Watkins, Lyman, 528, 599. - - Watson, James, 531. - - Watson, John, 273. - - Watson, John F., _Annals of Philadelphia_, 247, 249; - _Annals of New York_, 252. - - Watson on Wesley, 403. - - Watson, _County of Essex, New York_, 522. - - Watts, Geo., 400. - - Watts, Isaac, 137; - his hymns, 126; - and Cotton Mather, 157; - on Neal’s _New England_, 158. - - Watts, Samuel, 450. - - Wawayanda, 223. - - Webb, Colonel, succeeds Shirley, 508; - at German Flats, 510; - at Fort Edward, 515; - fails to relieve Fort William Henry, 517; - his correspondence, 594; - his reports, 594. - - Webster, Richard, _Presbyterian Church_, 132, 282. - - Wedgwood, Julia, _John Wesley_, 403. - - Wedgwood, W. B., edits Horsmanden’s Journal, etc., 242. - - _Weekly Rehearsal_, 137. - - Weise, A. J., _History of Albany_, 249. - - Weiser, Conrad, 244; - on the Indians, 563; - journals, 563, 567, 574; - on Indian characteristics, 566; - letters, 566, 568, 569; - sent to the Six Nations, 567. - - Weiss, Charles, on the Huguenots, 349. - - Weld, _Travels_, 284. - - Wells, Edw., _New Sett of Maps_, 79. - - Wells (Me.), Indian conference at, 420. - - Welsh, W. L., _Cutting through Hatteras Inlet_, 338. - - Welsh in Pennsylvania, 217, 246; - authorities, 247. - - Wendell, Jacob, 128. - - Wentworth, Benning, 139, 436; - autog., 139; - governor of New Hampshire, 140; - his house, 140; - correspondence, 166, 436. - - Wentworth, John, governor of New Hampshire, 123; - his genealogy, 123. - - Werner, E. A., _Civil List of New York_, 248. - - Wesley, Charles, in Georgia, 377. - - Wesley, John, in Georgia, 402; - _Extract of his Journal_, 402; - lives of, 403; - his literary executors, 403; - his journals, 403; - _Narrative of a Remarkable Transaction_, 404; - troubles with Oglethorpe, 404; - portraits, 404. - - West, Joseph, governor of Carolina, 308. - - West, Samuel, 307. - - West Indies, expedition to, 165. - - West Point, 237. - - Westbrook, Colonel Thomas, 124, 430; - raids on the Penobscots, 430; - autog., 430; - journal of his scout, 432. - - Westcott, Thompson, _Historic Buildings of Philadelphia_, 258; - on Philadelphia history, 249. - - Western, Fort (Me.), 181. - - Western Reserve, 180. - - _Western Review_, 580. - - Westminster, treaty at (1655), 476. - - Weston, David, 159. - - Weston, Nathan, _Fort Western_, 181. - - Weston, P. C. T., _Documents_, 350. - - Westover papers, 275; - mansion, 275; - library, 276. - - Whale-fishery, 118. - - Wharton, Samuel, 564. - - Whately, Richard, on the Fairfaxes of Virginia, 268. - - Wheeler, J. H., _North Carolina_, 354; - _Reminiscences and Memoirs_, 355. - - Wheeler, Sir Francis, 94. - - Wheildon, W. W., _Curiosities of History_, 434. - - White, Jos., 587. - - White, Christopher, his brick house in New Jersey, 258. - - White, Geo., _Statistics of Georgia_, 405; - _Historical Collections_, 405. - - White, R. G., on old New York, 252. - - White, Bishop, _Memoir of the Protestant Episcopal Church_, 341. - - White men barbarized, 4. - - Whitefield, George, 133; - his _Journals_, 135, 168, 244, 404; - literature respecting, 135; - in Virginia, 268; - in Georgia, 380, 404; - favors slavery in Georgia, 387; - his portrait, 288; - lives of, 404; - opposed by Alex. Garden, 404; - _Orphan House in Georgia_, 404; - plan of the building, 404; - _Letter to Governor Wright_, 404. - - Whitehead, W. A., on New Jersey boundaries, 238; - _Eastern Boundary of New Jersey_, 238. - - Whitehead, on Wesley, 403. - - Whiting, Colonel, 408. - - Whiting, Nathan, at Lake George, 504, 594. - - Whitmore, W. H., 586; - _Peter Pelham_, 141; - _Massachusetts Civil List_, 162; - assistant editor of Sewall papers, 167; - on the Virginia Cavaliers, 268. - - Whittemore’s _Universalism_, 135. - - Whittier, J. G., on _Border War_ (1708), 184; - edits Woolman’s _Journal_, 244. - - Whittlesey, Colonel Chas., _Early History of Cleveland_, 559; - on the customs of the Indians, 563. - - Wier, Robt., 549. - - Wilberforce, _Protestant Episcopal Church in America_, 342. - - _Wilbraham Centennial_, 602. - - Wilhelm, L. W., _Local Institutions of Maryland_, 261, 271; - _Sir George Calvert_, 271. - - Wilkes papers, 600. - - Wilkinson, Peter, _French and Indian Cruelty Exemplified_, 592. - - Wilks, Francis, 131. - - Willard, Jos., on the Huguenots, 98. - - Willard, Rev. Joseph, 430. - - Willard, Josiah, 165. - - Willard, Samuel, on Stoughton, 103. - - William, King, his death, 103; - sermons on, 103; - his influence in America, 103. - - William and Mary, accession of, 87. - - William and Mary College founded, 264, 265; - a bequest to it from Spotswood, 267; - authorities on, 278; - _Present State of the College_ (1727), 278; - _History of the College_ (1874), 278; - oration by E. Randolph, 278; - view of the college, 279; - its successive buildings, 279. - - William Henry, Fort (Me.), 181. - - William Henry, Fort (N. Y.), 186. - - Williams, Alfred, 581. - - Williams, Catharine R., _Neutral French_, 459; - account of, 459. - - Williams, Eleazer, 185; - “the Lost Dauphin”, 185. - - Williams, Colonel Eph., 187; - at Lake George, 503, 504; - killed, 504; - grave and monument, 587. - - Williams, Israel, 188; - his papers. 188; - his correspondence with Hutchinson, 188; - efforts to found a college in Hampshire, 188; - papers, 585; - on Abercrombie’s campaign, 597. - - Williams, I., engraver, 528. - - Williams, John, 110; - _Redeemed Captive_, various editions, 185; - his house, 185; - at Quebec, 604. - - Williams, Joseph, on Fort Halifax, 182. - - Williams, J. S., _The American Pioneer_, 526. - - Williams, Stephen W., 185. - - Williams, Surgeon Thomas, his letters (1755-56), 586. - - Williams, Colonel Wm., 145, 187; - his papers, 188; - on Abercrombie’s defeat, 597. - - Williams, Wm. Thorne, 405. - - Williams College, 188. - - Williamsburg, Va., account of, 264. - - Williamson, Hugh, _North Carolina_, 354. - - Williamson, Joseph, 183. - - Williamson, Peter, _Occasional Reflections_, 596; - _Some Considerations_, 596; - _Brief Account of the War_, 615. - - Williamson, W. D., _Orono_, 154; - _Maine_, 163. - - Wills Creek (Cumberland), 493, 495. - - Wilmington, Lord, 301. - - Wilmington (N. C.), 303. - - Wilson, D., on Wolfe, 603. - - Wilson, Jas. Grant, edits Mrs. Grant’s _American Lady_, 247; - on Samuel Vetch, 423. - - Wilson, John, _Genuine Narrative_, 450. - - Wilson, Samuel, _Carolina_, 340; - its map, 340. - - Wilson, commissary, orderly-book, 602. - - Wimer, Jas., _Events in Indian History_, 580. - - Winchell, _Final Report of Geological Survey of Minnesota_, 78, 622. - - Wind-mills, 223. - - Winnebagoes, 564. - - Winnepeesaukee, Lake (Wenipisiocho), 134. - - Winslow, Edward, governor of Plymouth, portrait carried to Plymouth, - 456. - - Winslow, John, on the Kennebec, 151; - plans Fort Halifax, 181; - sent to Nova Scotia, 415; - his speech to the Acadians, 417; - journal of siege of Beauséjour, 419; - sent against Beauséjour, 452, his journal, 452; - autog., 455; - portrait, 455; - his sword, 456; - his journal in Acadia, 458; - printed, 419, 458; - other papers, 458; - to lead the expedition on Lake Champlain (1756), 506; - his journal of the expedition against Crown Point, 591; - his letter, 591; - in England, 601. - - Winslow, Josiah (killed, 1724), 127. - - Winslow, Josiah (Governor), portrait carried to Plymouth, 456. - - Winsor, Justin, maps of Louisiana and the Mississippi, 79; - “New England”, 87; - writes _Report on Massachusetts Archives_, 165; - sketch of block-house, 185; - “Cartography and Bounds of the Middle Colonies”, 233; - notes on the middle colonies, 240; - on “Maryland and Virginia”, 259; - “Sources of Carolina History”, 335; - “Authorities on the French and Indian Wars of New England and - Acadia”, 420; - on maps and bounds of Acadia, 472; - “Struggle for the Great Valleys of North America”, 483; - “Intercolonial Congress and Plans of Union”, 611; - “Cartography of the St. Lawrence and the Lakes”, 614; - “General Contemporary Sources of the War, 1754-1760”, 615; - “General Historians of the French and English Colonies”, 619; - “Bibliography of the Northwest”, 621. - - Winthrop, Adam, 139. - - Winthrop, Fitz-John, 111; - his advance on Montreal, 90; - in England, 94. - - Winthrop, Prof. John, on earthquakes, 152. - - Winthrop, Wait, 103; - autog., 425. - - Wisconsin, settled, 568. - - Wise, John, 422; - _Church’s Quarrel Espoused_, 108; - address on, by Dexter, 108; - _Word of Comfort_, 171. - - Wishart, George, 135. - - Wistar, 223. - - Wiswall, Ichabod, 89. - - Witchcraft in Massachusetts, 94. - - Wittmeyer, A. V., on the Huguenots, 350. - - Wococon, 338. - - Wolcott, Governor, on the siege of Louisbourg, 438. - - Wolfe, General James, portrait, 541; - other likenesses, 541; - leaves Louisbourg for Quebec, 540; - at Island of Orleans, 543; - at Point Levi, 544; - entrenches at Montmorenci, 544; - his proclamations and devastations, 544; - goes above the town, 544, 545; - attacks at Montmorenci, 545; - ill, 545; - his phrase, “Choice of difficulties”, 545; - evacuates Montmorenci, 545; - lands at Wolfe’s Cove, 546, 547; - on the Plains of Abraham, 547; - his good-luck, 547; - attacks and is killed, 549; - accounts of his death, 549; - his body sent to England, 550; - monuments to his memory, 551; - lives of, 602; - letters, 602, 603; - correspondence with Amherst, 603; - his secret instructions, 603; - despatches, 603; - his _Instructions to Young Officers_, 603; - his orders before Quebec, 603; - imaginary conversation in Hades with Montcalm, 604. - _See_ Quebec and Montcalm. - - Wolfe’s Cove, 546; - views of, 546, 549. - - Wood, J. P., _Parish of Cramond_, 76; - his _Life of Law_, 76. - - Wood Creek, 486, 526, 585; - map of, 595. - - Woodbridge, John, _Severals_, etc., 170. - - Woodbridge, Tim., 597. - - Woodhull, Colonel Nath., his _Journal_, 609. - - Woodstock, Conn., 180. - - Woodward, Dr. Henry, 306. - - Woodward and Safery’s line, 180. - - Woolen manufactures forbidden, 226. - - Woolman, John, _Journal_, 244. - - Woolsey, Theo., on Yale College, 102. - - Woolsey, Colonel, 597. - - Woolson, C. F., 315. - - _Worcester Magazine_, 432. - - Worley, the pirate, 323. - - Wormley, Miss, _Cousin Veronica_, 284. - - Wormsloe quartos, 401. - - Wraxall, Peter, secretary for Indian affairs, 233, 590. - - Wright, Sir Jas., governor of Georgia, report and letters (1773-1782), - 391, 401. - - Wright, J., _Complete History of the Late War_, 616. - - Wright, Robert, _Memoir of Oglethorpe_, 394; - _Life of Wolfe_, 602. - - Wright, Thomas, 448. - - Writs of assistance, 155. - - Wyandots on the Ohio, 563. - - Wymberley-Jones, Geo., prints De Brahm, 401. - - Wynne, M., _British Empire in America_, 618. - - Wynne, Thos. H., edits Byrd’s _Dividing Line_, 275. - - - Yale, Elihu, portrait, 102. - - Yale College founded, 102; - authorities on, 102; - and Episcopacy, 120; - and Dean Berkeley, 141. - - Yamacraw Bluff, 361, 367. - - Yamacraws, 369; - pacified, 370, 371. - - Yardley, Francis, 336. - - Yazoo (Yasoue), 70. - - Yazoos, 46. - - Yeamans, Sir John, 289; - in Carolina, 289, 293; - governor, 308; - goes to Barbadoes, 311; - explores South Carolina coast, 305. - - Yeates, Judge, visits Braddock’s field, 500. - - Yemassee Indians, 318; - make war, 321. - - Yoakum, _History of Texas_, 69. - - Yonge, Francis, 324; - _Proceedings of the People of South Carolina_ (1719), 347; - _Trade of South Carolina_, 347. - - Yonge, Henry, 391. - - Yonkers, Philipse, manor house, 252. - - - Zeisberger, David, 245; - life by Schweinitz, 245. - - Zenger libel suit, 198, 199; - reports of, 242; - collection of material by Zenger, 242. - - Zinzendorf, _Diary of his Journeys_, 246. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] [See Vol. IV. p. 351.—ED.] - -[2] [There were two stations established to draw off by missionary -efforts individual Iroquois from within the influences of the English. -One of them was at Caughnawaga, near Montreal, and the other was later -established by Picquet at La Présentation, about half-way thence to -Lake Ontario, on the southern bank of the St. Lawrence river. Cf. -Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 65.—ED.] - -[3] [“Hundreds of white men have been barbarized on this continent for -each single red man that has been civilized.” Ellis, _Red Man and White -Man in North America_, p. 364.—ED.] - -[4] [See Vol. IV. p. 195.—ED.] - -[5] [See _post_, chap. ii.—ED.] - -[6] [See chapters vii. and viii.—ED.] - -[7] [See _post_, chap. viii.—ED.] - -[8] [The treaty of Utrecht, made in 1713, had declared the Five Nations -to be “subject to the dominion of Great Britain,” and under this clause -Niagara was held to be within the Province of New York; and Clinton -protested against the French occupation of that vantage-ground.—ED.] - -[9] While waiting until the Court should name a successor to M. de -Vaudreuil, M. de Longueuil, then governor of Montreal, assumed the -reins of government. - -[10] [See Vol. IV. p. 307.—ED.] - -[11] [See the map in Vol. IV. p. 200.—ED.] - -[12] [See Vol. II. p. 468.—ED.] - -[13] [Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, vol. i. chap. ii.) tells the story -of this expedition under Céloron de Bienville, sent by La Galissonière -in 1749 into the Ohio Valley to propitiate the Indians and expel the -English traders, and of its ill success. He refers, as chief sources, -to the Journal of Céloron, preserved in the Archives de la Marine, -and to the Journal of Bonnecamp, his chaplain, found in the Dépôt de -la Marine at Paris, and to the contemporary documents printed in the -_Colonial Documents of New York_, in the _Colonial Records_, and in the -_Archives_ (second series, vol. vi.) of Pennsylvania.—ED.] - -[14] [There is some confusion in the spelling of this name. A hundred -years ago and more, the usual spelling was _Allegany_. The mountains -are now called _Alleghany_; the city of the same name in Pennsylvania -is spelled _Allegheny_. Cf. note in _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. 255.—ED.] - -[15] [_Mémoire sur les colonies de la France dans l’Amérique -septentrionale._—ED.] - -[16] [Céloron’s expedition was followed, in 1750, by the visit of -Christopher Gist, who was sent, under the direction of this newly -formed Ohio Company, to prepare the way for planting English colonists -in the disputed territory. The instructions to Gist are in the appendix -of Pownall’s _Topographical Description of North America_. He fell -in with George Croghan, one of the Pennsylvania Scotch-Irish, then -exploring the country for the Governor of Pennsylvania; and Croghan was -accompanied by Andrew Montour, a half-breed interpreter. The original -authorities for their journey are in the _New York Colonial Documents_, -vol. vii., and in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_, vol. v.; -while the Journals of Gist and Croghan may be found respectively in -Pownall (_ut supra_) and in the periodical _Olden Time_, vol. i. Cf. -also _Dinwiddie Papers_, index. In the _Pennsylvania Archives_, second -series, vol. vi., are various French and English documents touching the -French occupation of this region.—ED.] - -[17] Prior to this time there had been such an occupation of some of -these posts as to find recognition in the maps of the day. See map -entitled “_Amérique septentrionale_, etc., par le S^r. D’Anville, -1746,” which gives a post at or near Erie, and one on the “Rivière aux -Beuf” (French Creek). - -[18] [See, _post_, the section on the “Maps and Bounds of Acadia,” for -the literature of this controversy.—ED.] - -[19] [See _post_, chap. viii.—ED.] - -[20] Minister of Marine to M. Ducasse (Margry, iv. 294); Same to same -(Margry, iv. 297). See also despatches to Iberville July 29 (Margry, -iv. 324) and August 5 (Margry, iv. 327). - -[21] [See the section on La Salle in Vol. IV. p. 201.—ED.] - -[22] Margry, iv. 3. - -[23] In 1697 the Sieur de Louvigny wrote, asking to complete La Salle’s -discoveries and invade Mexico from Texas (Lettre de M. de Louvigny, 14 -Oct. 1697). In an unpublished memoir of the year 1700, the seizure of -the Mexican mines is given as one of the motives of the colonization of -Louisiana. Parkman’s _La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West_, p. -327, _note_. The memorial of Louvigny is given in Margry, iv. 9; that -of Argoud in Margry, iv. 19. - -[24] Daniel’s _Nos gloires_, p. 39; he was baptized at Montreal, July -20, 1661. (Tanguay’s _Dictionnaire généalogique_.) - -[25] [See Vol. IV. pp. 161, 226, 239, 243, 316.—ED.] - -[26] The Minister in a letter alludes to the reports of Argoud from -London, August 21, about a delay in starting (Margry, iv. 82). - -[27] Charlevoix says the expedition was composed of the “François” -and “Renommée,” and sailed October 17. According to Penicaut the -vessels were the “Marin” and “Renommée.” The _Journal historique_ -states that they sailed from Rochefort September 24. This work is -generally accurate. Perhaps there was some authority for that date. -The vessels had come down from Rochefort to the anchorage at Rochelle -some time before this, and the date may represent the time of sailing -from Rochelle. Margry (iv. 213) in a syllabus of the contents of the -Journal of Marin, which he evidently regarded as a part of the original -document, gives the date of that event as September 5. In the same -volume (p. 84) there is a despatch from the Minister to Du Guay, dated -October (?) 16, in which he says that “he awaits with impatience the -news of Iberville’s sailing, and fears that he may be detained at -Rochelle by the equinoctial storms.” - -[28] The French accounts all say that Pensacola had been occupied by -the Spaniards but a few months, and simply to anticipate Iberville. -Barcia in his _Ensayo cronológico_ (p. 316) says it was founded in 1696. - -[29] Report in Margry, iv. 118, and Journal in Ibid., iv. 157. A third -account of the Journal of the “Marin” says there were twenty-two in one -_biscayenne_, twenty-three in the other; fifty-one men in all (Journal -in Margry, iv. 242). The six men in excess in the total are probably -to be accounted for as the force in the canoes. These discrepancies -illustrate the confusion in the accounts. - -[30] Despatch of the Minister, July 23, 1698, in Margry, iv. 72; -Iberville’s Report, in Margry, iv. 120 - -[31] [See Hennepin’s maps in Vol IV. pp. 251, 253.—ED.] - -[32] Margry, iv. 190. - -[33] The date of this letter is given in the Journal “1686” (Margry, -iv. 274). This is probably correct. [See Vol. IV. p. 238.—ED.]. - -[34] Ten guns, says the Journal, in Margry, iv. 395. One of -twenty-four, one of twelve guns; the latter alone entered the river, -says Iberville to the Minister, February 26, 1700, in Margry, vol. iv. -p. 361. See also Coxe’s _Carolana_, preface. - -[35] [See _post_, chap. v.—ED.] - -[36] Journal, in Margry, iv. 397. - -[37] Instructions, in Margry, iv. 350. - -[38] Minister to Iberville, June 15, 1699, in Margry, iv. 305; Same to -same, July 29, 1699, in Ibid., iv. 324; Same to same, Aug. 5, 1699, in -Ibid., iv. 327. - -[39] [See Vol. IV. p. 239.—ED.] - -[40] _Journal historique_, etc., pp. 30, 34. - -[41] The language used in the text is fully justified by the accounts -referred to. Students of Indian habits dispute the despotism of the -Suns, and allege that the hereditary aristocracy does not differ -materially from what may be found in other tribes. See Lucien -Carr’s paper on “The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley historically -considered,” extracted from _Memoirs of the Kentucky Geological -Survey_, ii. 36, _note_. See also his “The Social and Political -Position of Woman among the Huron Iroquois Tribes,” in the _Report of -Peabody Museum_, iii. 207, _et seq_. - -[42] Pontchartrain to Callières and Champigny, June 4, 1701, in Margry, -v. 351. Charlevoix speaks of Saint-Denys, who made the trip to Mexico, -as Juchereau de Saint-Denys. Dr. Shea, in the _note_, p. 12, vol. vi. -of his _Charlevoix_, identifies Saint-Denys as Louis Juchereau de -Saint-Denys. The founder of the settlement on the “Ouabache” signed -the same name to the Memorial in Margry, v. 350. The author of _Nos -gloires nationales_ asserts (vol. i. p. 207 of his work) that it was -Barbe Juchereau who was sent to Mexico. Spanish accounts speak of the -one in Mexico as Louis. Charlevoix says he was the uncle of Iberville’s -wife. Iberville married Marie-Thérèse Pollet, granddaughter of Nicolas -Juchereau, Seigneur of Beauport and St. Denis (see Tanguay). This -Nicolas Juchereau had a son Louis, who was born Sept. 18, 1676. Martin -says the two Juchereaus were relatives. - -[43] The establishment was apparently made on the Ouabache (Ohio), -_Journal historique_, etc., pp. 75-89. Iberville, writing at Rochelle, -Feb. 15, 1703, says “he will go to the ‘Ouabache,’” in letter of -Iberville to Minister (Margry, iv. 631). Penicaut speaks of it as on -the Ouabache (Margry, v. 426-438). - -[44] _Journal historique_, etc., p. 106. Charlevoix (vol. ii. liv. -xxi. p. 415) says: “It could not be said that there was a colony in -Louisiana—or at any rate it did not begin to shape itself—until -after the arrival of M. Diron d’Artaguette with an appointment as -_commissaire-ordonnateur_.” - -[45] _Journal historique_, etc., p. 129, and Le Page du Pratz, i. -15, 16. Saint-Denys was evidently duped by the Spaniards. Crozat was -anxious for trade. Saint-Denys arranged matters with the authorities at -Mexico, and joined in the expedition which established Spanish missions -in the “province of Lastekas.” In these missions he saw only hopes of -trade; but the title to the province was saved to Spain by them, and no -trade was ever permitted. - -[46] The following itinerary of this expedition is copied, through -the favor of Mr. Theodore F. Dwight, from a rough memorandum in the -handwriting of Thomas Jefferson,—which memorandum is now in the -Department of State at Washington. - -“Oct. 25. Graveline and the other arrived at Rio Bravos at Ayeches, -composed of 10 cabbins, they found a Span. Mission of 2 Peres -Recollets, 3 souldiers and a woman; at Nacodoches they found 4 -Recollets, with a Frere, 2 souldiers and a Span. woman; at Assinays or -Cenis 2 Peres Recollets, 1 souldier, 1 Span. woman. The presidio which -had been 17 leagues further off now came and established itself at 7 -leagues from the Assinayes; it was composed of a Capt^n, ensign and -25 souldiers. They reached the presidio 2 leagues W. of the Rio Bravo -where there was a Capt. Lieut. and 30 souldiers Span. and 2 missions -of St. Jean Baptiste and St. Bernard. All the goods of St. Denys were -seized and in the end lost. On the return of Graveline and the others -they found a Span. Mission at Adayes, founded Jan. 29, 1717.” - -[47] The livre is substantially the same as the franc, and by some -writers the words are used interchangeably. - -[48] There were outstanding, when the bank collapsed, notes of the -nominal value of 1,169,072,540 livres. Statements of the amounts in -hand, of those which had been burned, etc., showed that there had been -emitted more than 3,000,000,000 livres (Forbonnais, ii. 633). - -[49] This is exclusive of an issue of 24,000 shares by the Regent. The -par value of the 600,000 shares was 300,000,000 livres; but the value -represented by them on the basis of the premiums at which they were -respectively issued, amounted to 1,677,500,000 livres. - -[50] Forbonnais, _Recherches et considérations sur les finances de -France_, ii. 604, says shares rose as high as eighteen to twenty -thousand francs. - -[51] The commanders of the post in the early days of the colony have -been generally spoken of as governors. Gayarré (i. 162) says, “The -government of Louisiana was for the second time definitely awarded to -Bienville.” He was, as we have seen, _lieutenant du roy_. As such he -was at the head of the colony for many years, and he still held this -title when he was by letter ordered to assume command after La Mothe -left and until L’Epinay should arrive (Margry, v. 591). In 1716 he was -“commandant of the Mississippi River and its tributaries” (_Journal -historique_, etc., pp. 123, 141). His power as _commandant-général_ was -apparently for a time shared with his brother Sérigny. In a despatch -dated Oct. 20, 1719, quoted by Gayarré, he says, “Mon frère Sérigny, -chargé comme moi du commandement de cette colonie.” M. de Vallette -Laudun, in the _Journal d’un voyage_ (Paris, 1768), on the 1st of July, -1720, says, M. de Bienville “commands in chief all the country since -the departure of his brother, Monsieur de Sérigny.” In 1722 Bienville -applied for the “general government” (Margry, v. 634). - -[52] Margry, v. 589; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vi. 37. - -[53] Vergennes, p. 161. “The inhabitants trembled at the sight of this -licentious soldiery.” - -[54] The Penicaut narrative apparently assigns the year 1717 as the -date of the original foundation of New Orleans. Margry (v. 549) -calls attention in a note to the fact that the _Journal historique_, -which he attributes to Beaurain, gives 1718 as the date. Gravier, in -his Introduction to the _Relation du voyage des dames religieuses -Ursulines_, says that New Orleans was founded in 1717. He cites in a -note certain letters of Bienville which are in the Archives at Paris; -but as he does not quote from them, we cannot tell to what point of the -narrative they are cited as authority. - -[55] [From Le Page du Pratz, _Histoire de la Louisiane_, ii. 262.—ED.] - -[56] [Cf. Vol. II. _index_.—ED.] - -[57] [There is a “Plan de la Baye de Pansacola,” by N. B., in -Charlevoix, iii. 480. Jefferys’s “Plan of the Harbor and Settlement -of Pensacola,” and the view of Pensacola as drawn by Dom Serres, are -contained in Roberts’s _Account of the First Discovery and Natural -History of Florida_ (London, 1763), and in the _General Topography of -North America and the West Indies_ (London, 1768), no. 67. The map -shows Pensacola as destroyed in 1719, and the new town on Santa Rosa -Island.—ED.] - -[58] For the points involved in the discussion of the Louisiana -boundary question, see Waite’s _American State Papers_ (Boston, 1819), -vol. xii. - -[59] Vergennes, p. 153; Champigny, p. 16. - -[60] Thomassy, p. 31. - -[61] Champigny, p. 127, _note_ 5. “They were obliged to change boats -from smaller to smaller three times, in order to bring merchandise to -Biloxi, where they ran carts a hundred feet into the ocean and loaded -them, because the smallest boats could not land.” - -[62] “Clérac” is thus translated by authority of Margry, v. 573, -_note_. He says it means a workman engaged in the manufacture -of tobacco, and is derived from the territory of Clérac -(Charcute-Inférieure). With this interpretation we can understand why -one of the grants was “Celle des Cléracs aux Natchez” (Dumont, ii. 45). - -[63] [See Vol. IV. p. 161.—ED.] - -[64] Natchez is never mentioned by the French writers except with -expressions of admiration for its soil, climate, and situation. Dumont -(vol. ii. p. 63) says “the land at Natchez is the best in the province. -This establishment had begun to prosper.” The number of killed at -the massacre is stated at “more than two hundred” by Father Le Petit -(_Lettres édifiantes_, xx. 151). Writers like Dumont and Le Page du -Pratz state the number at more than seven hundred. Even the smaller -number is probably an exaggeration. The value of the tobacco produced -at Natchez is alluded to in Champigny; but the place does not seem to -have rallied from this blow. Bossu, in 1751, speaks of the fertility of -its soil, “if it were cultivated.” - -[65] The Capuchin in charge of the post at Natchez was away. The Jesuit -Du Poisson, from the Akensas, happened to be there, and was killed. - -[66] Clairborne in his _Mississippi as a Province, Territory, and -State_, places the fort of the Natchez in Arkansas, at a place known as -“Sicily Island,” forty miles northwest from Natchez. - -[67] “I am the only one of the French who has escaped sickness since we -have been in this country.” Du Poussin from the Akensas, in Kip, p. 263. - -[68] Poussin (_De la puissance Américaine_, Paris, 1843, i. 262) -says: “Nevertheless, about this time (1751) the inhabitants began -to understand the necessity of seriously occupying themselves with -agricultural pursuits.” - -[69] _The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and -Indians, of Louisiana_ (London, 1744). - -[70] [Cf. Breese, _Early History of Illinois_, and Vol. IV., p. -198.—ED.] - -[71] “The minute of the surrender of Fort Chartres to M. -Sterling, appointed by M. de Gage, governor of New York, commander -of His Britannic Majesty’s troops in North America, is preserved in -the French Archives at Paris. The fort is carefully described in it -as having an arched gateway fifteen feet high; a cut stone platform -above the gate, and a stair of nineteen stone steps, with a stone -balustrade, leading to it; its walls of stone eighteen feet in height, -and its four bastions, each with forty-eight loop-holes, eight -embrasures, and a sentry-box; the whole in cut stone. And within was -the great storehouse, ninety feet long by thirty wide, two stories -high, and gable-roofed; the guard-house, having two rooms above for the -chapel and missionary quarters; the government house, eighty-four by -thirty-two feet, with iron gates and a stone porch, a coach-house and -pigeon-house adjoining, and a large stone well inside; the intendant’s -house, of stone and iron, with a portico; the two rows of barracks, -each one hundred and twenty-eight feet long; the magazine thirty-five -feet wide and thirty-eight feet long, and thirteen feet high above the -ground, with a door-way of cut stone, and two doors, one of wood and -one of iron; the bake-house, with two ovens and a stone well in front; -the prison, with four cells of cut stone, and iron doors; and one large -relief gate to the north; the whole enclosing an area of more than four -acres.”—_Illinois in the Eighteenth Century_, by Edward G. Mason, -being No. 12 of the _Fergus Historical Series_, p. 39. - -[72] [See map, Vol. IV. p. 200.—ED.] - -[73] _Lettres édifiantes et curieuses_ (Paris, 1758), xxviii. 59. Father -Vivier says that five French villages situated in a long prairie, -bounded at the east by a chain of mountains and by the River Tamaroa, -and west by the Mississippi, comprised together one hundred and forty -families. These villages were (Bossu, seconde édition, Paris, 1768, -i. 145, _note_) Kaskaskia, Fort Chartres, St. Philippe, Kaokia, and -Prairie du Rocher. There were other posts on the lines of travel, but -the bulk of the agricultural population was here. The picture of their -life given by Breese is interesting. - -Vincennes is said by some authorities to have been founded as early as -1702. See Bancroft (New York, 1883), ii. 186; also _A Geographical -Description of the United States_ by John Melish. C. F. Volney, the -author of _Tableau du climat et du sol des États-Unis d’Amérique_ (Paris, -1803), was himself at Poste Vincennes in 1796. He says (p. 401): “I -wished to know the date of the foundation and early history of Poste -Vincennes; but spite of the authority and credit that some attribute to -tradition, I could scarcely get any exact notes about the war of 1757, -notwithstanding there were old men who dated back prior to that time. -It is only by estimate that I place its origin about 1735.” In _Annals -of the West_, compiled by James R. Albach, the authorities for the -various dates are given. The post figures in some of the maps about the -middle of the century. - -[74] “We receive from the Illinois,” he says, “flour, corn, -bacon, hams both of bear and hog, corned pork and wild beef, myrtle and -bees-wax, cotton, tallow, leather, tobacco, lead, copper, buffalo-wool, -venison, poultry, bear’s grease, oil, skins, fowls, and hides” -(Martin’s _History of Louisiana_, i. 316). - -[75] Pownall in his _Administration of the Colonies_ (2d -ed., London, 1765, appendix, section 1, p. 24) gives a sketch of -the condition of the colonies, derived mainly from Vaudreuil’s -correspondence. He says that Vaudreuil (May 15, 1751) thought that -Kaskaskia was the principal post, but that Macarty, who was on the -spot (Jan. 20, 1752), thought the environs of Chartres a far better -situation to place this post in, provided there were more inhabitants. -“He visited Fort Chartres, found it very good,—only wanting a few -repairs,—and thinks it ought to be kept up.” - -[76] Fort Chartres is stated by Mr. Edward G. Mason, in -_Illinois in the Eighteenth Century_ (Fergus Historical Series, no. -12, p. 25), to be sixteen miles _above_ Kaskaskia. In the _Journal -historique_, etc. (Paris and New Orleans, 1831), p. 221, the original -establishment of Boisbriant is stated to have been “eight leagues -below Kaskaskia,” and (p. 243) it is stated that it was transferred -“nine leagues _below_” the village. French, in his _Louisiana -Historical Collections_, published a translation of a manuscript copy -of the _Journal historique_ which is deposited in Philadelphia. His -translation reads that the transfer was made to a point “nine leagues -_above_ Kaskaskia.” Martin, who worked from still another copy of the -_Journal historique_, states that the establishment was transferred -to a point twenty-five miles _above_ Kaskaskia. The “au dessous” (p. -243 of _Journal historique_, or, as ordinarily cited, “La Harpe”) was -probably a typographical error. - -[77] This ground was partly prospected by Dutisné, who, -Nov. 22, 1719, wrote to Bienville an account of an expedition to the -Missouris by river and to the Osages and Paniouassas by land. Bournion, -whose appointment was made, according to Dumont, in 1720, went up the -river to the Canzes, and thence to the Padoucahs in 1724. Le Page du -Pratz gives an account of the expedition. The name of this officer is -variously given as Bournion in the _Journal historique_, Bourgmont by -Le Page du Pratz, Bourmont by Bossu, and Boismont by Martin. - -[78] Neyon de Villiers. - -[79] [See _post_, chap. viii.—ED.] - -[80] [“The English colonies ... at the middle of the century numbered -in all, from Georgia to Maine, about 1,160,000 white inhabitants. By -the census of 1754 Canada had but 55,000. Add those of Louisiana and -Acadia, and the whole white population under the French flag might -be something more than 80,000.” Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. -20.—ED.] - -[81] [See _post_, chap. vii.—ED.] - -[82] [“In the dual government of Canada the governor represented -the king, and commanded the troops; while the intendant was charged -with trade, finance, justice, and all other departments of civil -administration. In former times the two functionaries usually -quarrelled; but between Vaudreuil and Bigot there was perfect harmony” -(Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 18). Foremost among the creatures -of Bigot, serving his purposes of plunder, were Joseph Cadet, a -butcher’s son whom Bigot had made commissary-general, and Marin, the -Intendant’s deputy at Montreal, who repaid his principal by aspiring -for his place. It was not till February, 1759, when Montcalm was -given a hand in civil affairs, that the beginning of the end of this -abandoned coterie appeared (see Ibid., ii. 37, for sources). Upon the -interior history of Canada, from 1749 to 1760, there is a remarkable -source in the _Mémoires sur le Canada_, which was printed and reprinted -(1873) by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. It reached -the committee from a kinsman of General Burton, of the army of General -Amherst, who presumably received it from its anonymous author, and -took it to England for printing. Smith, in his _History of Canada_ -(1815), had used a manuscript closely resembling it. Parkman refers to -a manuscript in the hands of the Abbé Verreau of Montreal, the original -of which he thinks may have been the first draught of these _Mémoires_. -This manuscript was in the Bastille at the time of its destruction, and -being thrown into the street, fell into the hands of a Russian and was -carried to St. Petersburg. Lord Dufferin, while ambassador to Russia, -procured the Verreau copy, which differs, says Parkman, little in -substance from the printed _Mémoires_, though changed in language and -arrangement in some parts (Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 37). The -second volume of the first series of the _Mémoires_ of the Literary and -Historical Society of Quebec also contains a paper, evidently written -in 1736, and seemingly a report of the Intendant Hocquart to Cardinal -Fleury, the minister of Louis XV. In the same collection is a report, -_Considérations sur l’état présent du Canada_, dated October, 1758, -which could hardly have been written by the Intendant Bigot, but is -thought to have been the writing of a Querdisien-Trémais, who had been -sent as commissioner to investigate the finances, and who deals out -equal rebuke upon all the functionaries then in office.—ED.] - -[83] [_Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France, avec le -journal historique d’un voyage fait par ordre du roi dans l’Amérique -septentrionale_ (Paris, 1744). It is in three volumes, the third -containing the _Journal_ (cf. Vol. IV. p. 358), of which there are two -distinct English translations,—one, _Journal of a Voyage to North -America_, in two volumes (London, 1761; reprinted in Dublin, 1766); -the other, _Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguierres_ (London, 1763), -in one volume. A portion of the _Journal_ is also given in French’s -_Historical Collections of Louisiana_ part iii. (Cf. Sabin, no. -12,140, etc.; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,285, 1,347, 1,497.) The -Dublin edition of the _Journal_ has plates not in the other editions -(_Brinley Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 80). There is a paper on “Charlevoix -at New Orleans in 1721” in the _Magazine of American History_, August, -1883.—ED.] - -[84] [_History and General Description of New France_, -translated, with Notes, by John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1866), etc., -6 vols. (See Vol. IV. of the present work, p. 358.) Charlevoix’s -_Relation de la Louisiane_ is also contained in Bernard’s _Recueil de -voyages au nord_ (Amsterdam, 1731-1738).—ED.] - -[85] Upon these expeditions the United States partly based their claims, -in the discussions with Spain in 1805 and 1818, on the Louisiana -boundary question. - -[86] Jean de Beaurain, a geographical engineer, was born in -1696, and died in 1772. He was appointed geographer to the King in -1721. His son was a conspicuous cartographer (_Nouvelle biographie -générale_). - -[87] The libraries of the American Philosophical Society -(Philadelphia) and of the Department of State (Washington) each have a -copy of this manuscript. A copy belonging to the Louisiana Historical -Society is deposited in the State Library at New Orleans. [From the -Philadelphia copy the English translation in French’s _Historical -Collections of Louisiana_, part iii., was made. A. R. Smith, in his -London _Catalogue_, 1874, no. 1,391, held a manuscript copy, dated -1766, at £7 17_s._ 6_d._, and another is priced by Leclerc (_Bibl. -Amer._, no. 2,811) at 500 francs. This manuscript has five plans and -a map, while the printed edition of 1831 has but a single map. The -manuscripts are usually marked as “Dédié et présenté au roi par le -Chevalier Beaurain,” who is considered by Leclerc as the author of the -drawings only.—ED.] - -[88] Ferland, ii. 343; Garneau, ii. 94. For characterizations of these -and other authorities on Canada, see Vol. IV. of this History, pp. 157, -360. - -[89] [It consists of two series of lectures, the first entitled _The -Poetry, or the Romance of the History of Louisiana_, and the second, -_Louisiana, its History as a French Colony_. He says in a preface to a -third series, printed separately in 1852 at New York,—_Louisiana, its -History as a French Colony, Third Series of Lectures_ (Sabin, vol. vii. -nos. 26,793, 26,796),—that the first series was given to “freaks of -the imagination,” the second was “more serious and useful” in getting -upon a basis more historic; while there was a still further “change -of tone and manner” in the third, which brings the story down to -1769. This was published at New York in 1851. Mr. Gayarré had already -published, in 1830, an _Essai historique sur Louisiane_ in two volumes -(Sabin vol. vii. nos. 26,791, 26,795), and _Romance of the History of -Louisiana, a Series of Lectures_, New York, 1848 (Sabin, vol. vii. nos. -26,795, 26,797, 26,799).—ED.] - -[90] This was published at New Orleans in 1846-1847 in two volumes -(Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,792). - -[91] Published as _History of Louisiana: the Spanish Domination, the -French Domination, and the American Domination_,—the three parts -respectively in 1854, 1855, and 1866. - -[92] [There are many papers on Louisiana history in _De Bow’s Review_, -and for these, including several reviews of Gayarré, see Poole’s _Index -to Periodical Literature_, p. 772, where other references will be found -to the _Southern Literary Messenger_, etc.—ED.] - -[93] [The original edition was published at Paris in 1758. An English -version, _The History of Louisiana, or the Western Parts of Virginia -and Carolina; containing a Description of the Countries that lie on -both sides of the River Mississippi_, appeared in London in 1763 -(two vols.) and 1774 (one vol.), in an abridged and distorted form -(Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,352; Sabin, x. 223; Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, nos. 910-912). H. H. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. -598) mentions a different translation published in 1764; but I have -not seen it. Field says of the original: “It is difficult to procure -the work complete in all the plates and maps, which should number -forty-two.”—ED.] - -[94] The authorities upon which are based the statements of most -writers upon the history of Louisiana have been exhumed from the -archives in Paris, but there are French sources for narratives of the -adventures of Saint-Denys which are still missing. Le Page du Pratz -(i. 178) says: “What I shall leave out will be found some day, when -memoirs like these of M. de Saint-Denis and some others concerning the -discovery of Louisiana, which I have used, shall be published.” - -[95] [It was issued in two volumes at Paris in 1753 (Carter-Brown, -vol. iii. no. 996; Leclerc, no. 2,750, thirty francs; Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 463).—ED.] - -[96] _Journal historique_, etc., p. 310. - -[97] _Nouvelle biographie générale, sub_ “Butel Dumont.” - -[98] _Considérations géographiques, etc., par Philippe Buache_ (Paris, -1753), p. 36. See Vol. II. p. 461. - -[99] He tells of a rattlesnake twenty-two feet long, in vol. i. p. 109; -and of frogs weighing thirty-two pounds, in vol. ii. p. 268. - -[100] [It was published at Paris in 1768, and an English translation, -_Travels through that part of North America formerly called Louisiana_ -(by J. R. Forster), was printed in London, in 2 vols., in 1771, and a -Dutch version at Amsterdam in 1769. The original French was reprinted -at Amsterdam in 1769 and 1777.—ED.] - -[101] Vergennes, p. 157. “In considering the savages who were drawn -into an alliance with us by our presents, and who received us into -their houses, would it have been difficult to attach them to us if -we had acted toward them with the candor and rectitude to which they -were entitled? We gave them the example of perfidy, and we are doubly -culpable for the crimes they committed and the virtues they did not -acquire.” - -[102] [See Vol. IV. pp. 199, 316. The book forms no. 8 of Munsell’s -_Historical Series_. See accounts of Le Sueur and other explorers of -the Upper Mississippi in Neill’s _Explorers and Pioneers of Minnesota_. -There are extracts from Le Sueur’s Journal in La Harpe’s _Journal -historique_ and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, -part iii.; and in the new series (p. 35 of vol. vi.) of the same -_Collections_ is a translation of Penicaut’s _Annals of Louisiana -from 1698 to 1722_. The translation was made from a manuscript in the -National Library at Paris. Kaskaskia in Illinois is looked upon as the -earliest European settlement in the Mississippi Valley; it was founded -by Jacques Gravier in 1700. Cf. _Magazine of American History_, March, -1881. There had been an Indian town on the spot previously, and Father -Marquette made it his farthest point in 1675.—ED.] - -[103] [On these books see Vol. IV. pp. 294, 316, where Dr. Shea gives -reasons for supposing the earliest publication of the _Lettres_ to -have been in 1702. Cf. Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_ (1871), p. 3; -H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 191; and the _Nouvelles des missions, -extraites des lettres édifiantes et curieuses: Missions de l’Amérique, -1702-1743_ (Paris, 1827).—ED.] - -[104] [It was first printed in London in 1775, and afterward -appeared in 1782 at Breslau, in a German translation. Cf. Field, -_Indian Bibliography_, no. 11. The _Mémoire de M. de Richebourg sur -la première guerre des Natchez_ is given in French’s _Collections_, -vol. iii. A paper on the massacre of St. André is in the _Magazine of -American History_ (April, 1884), p. 355. Dr. Shea printed in 1859, from -a manuscript in the possession of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort (as no. 9 of -his series, one hundred copies), a _Journal de la guerre du Micissippi -contre les Chicachas, en 1739 et finie en 1740, le 1er d’avril_. -_Par un officier de l’armée de M. de Nouaille._ Cf. Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 807.—ED.] - -[105] [The original was published at Paris in 1829; in 1830 it was -printed in English at Philadelphia as _The History of Louisiana, -particularly of the Cession of that Colony to the United States of -America_. It is said to be translated by the publicist, William Beach -Lawrence.—ED.] - -[106] [It was reprinted in 1726, again in 1727, and with a lengthened -title in 1741 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 315, 372, 376, 679; Sabin, -vol. v. nos. 17, 276, etc.). The edition of 1741 made part of _A -Collection of Voyages and Travels_, edited by Coxe, which contained: -“1. The dangerous voyage of Capt. Thomas James in his intended -discovery of a northwest passage into the South sea (in 1631-1632). 2. -An authentick and particular account of the taking of Carthagena by -the French in 1697 by Sieur Pointis. 3. A description of the English -province of Carolana; by the Spaniards call’d Florida, and by the -French La Louisiane. By Daniel Coxe.” Coxe’s narrative of explorations -is also included in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, -vol. ii. Coxe’s map, which is repeated in the various editions, is -called: “Map of Carolana and the River Meschacebe.” A section of it is -given on the next page.—ED.] - -[107] Coxe’s _Carolana_, p. 118. The writer of an article in the _North -American Review_, January, 1839, entitled “Early French Travellers,” -says: “An examination of contemporary writers and the town records has -failed to lend a single fact in support of the Doctor’s tale.” Cf. H. -H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 122, 123. [The French as traders -and missionaries easily gained a familiarity with the Valley of the -Mississippi, before agricultural settlers like the English had passed -the Alleghanies. There had, however, been some individual enterprises -on the part of the English. Coxe claims that under the grant to Sir -Robert Heath, in 1630, of the region across the continent between 31° -and 36°, Colonel Wood and a Mr. Needham explored the Mississippi Valley -between 1654 and 1664, and that during the later years of that century -other explorers had thridded the country.—ED.]. - -[108] [See Vol. II. p. 462.—ED.] - -[109] His account of Fort Chartres is quoted in the appendix of Mills’s -_Boundaries of Ontario_, p. 198. His plan of Mobile Bay (p. 55), may -be compared with one in Roberts’s _Account of the First Discovery and -Natural History of Florida_ (London, 1763), p. 95. - -[110] [_The Early History of Illinois, from its Discovery by the -French, in 1673, until its Cession to Great Britain in 1763, including -the Narrative of Marquette’s Discovery of the Mississippi. With a -Biographical Memoir by Melville W. Fuller._ Edited by Thomas Hoyne -(Chicago, 1884). It has three folded maps.—ED.] - -[111] [Cf., for these and other titles, Vol. IV. pp. 198, 199. The -routes of Marquette by Green Bay, and of La Salle by the St. Joseph -River, had been the established method of communication of the French -in Canada with Louisiana in the seventeenth century; but as they felt -securer in the Ohio Valley, in 1716, they opened a route by the Miami -and Wabash, and later from Presqu’ Isle on Lake Erie to French Creek, -thence by the Alleghany and Ohio.—ED.] - -[112] Bossu, ii. 151. - -[113] French (part iii. p. 12, _note_) says: “The two brothers -met in deep mourning, and after mutual embraces the brave D’Iberville -sought the tomb of his brother Sauvolle, where he knelt for hours in -silent grief.” All this is purely imaginary; and in French’s second -series (vol. ii. p. 111, _note_) he concludes that Sauvolle would -appear from the text not to have been Iberville’s brother. This doubt -whether Sauvolle was a brother of Iberville penetrates even such a work -as _Nos gloires nationales_. The author not finding such a seigniory, -says of François Le Moyne, “We do not know if he followed his brother -to Louisiana, and is the same to whom the name Sieur de Sauvole was -given,”—all this in face of the record in the previous paragraph -of his burial in 1687 (_Nos gloires_, i. 53). To the account of the -massacre at Natchez, in his translation of Dumont, French appends a -note (vol. v. p. 76), in which he identifies a ship-carpenter, whose -life was spared by the Indians, as “Perricault, who, after his escape, -wrote a journal of all that passed in Louisiana from 1700 to 1729.” -Penicaut, the spelling of whose name puzzled writers and printers, left -the colony in 1721. There was no foundation whatever for the note. - -[114] The reader might easily be misled by the title given -to the translation of a portion of the second volume of Dumont into -the belief that the whole work was before him. There is no mention in -French of the preface, or of the appendix to Coxe’s Carolana. Both -preface and appendix are full of interesting material. - -[115] In this translation French (iii. 83) says: “But -notwithstanding these reports, they now create him [Bienville] -brigadier-general of the troops, and knight of the military order of -St. Louis,” etc. Compare this with the faithful rendering of Martin -(i. 229),—“The Regent ... so far from keeping the promise he had made -of promoting him to the rank of brigadier-general, and sending him the -broad ribbon of the order of St. Louis, would have proceeded against -him with severity if he had not been informed that the Company’s agents -in the colony had thwarted his views.” - -[116] It has all the substantial portions of the copy given in Margry, -but there are occasional abridgments and occasional additions. The -story of the Margry relation is continuous and uninterrupted; but in -the copy given by French items of colonial news are interspersed, and -sometimes repeated with variations. It would seem as if the copyist -had been unable properly to separate the manuscript from that of -some other Relation of colonial affairs, and in the exercise of his -discretion had made these mistakes. A comparison of the two accounts -will readily disclose their differences. A single example will -explain what is meant by repetitions which may have been occasioned -by confusion of manuscripts. On p. 145 of vol. vi., or second series -vol. i. of French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_ occurs the -following: On the 17th of March, 1719, “the ship of war ‘Le Comte de -Toulouse’ arrived at Dauphin Island.” On p. 146 we find, “On the 19th -of April the ships ‘Maréchal de Villars,’ ‘Count de Toulouse,’ and the -‘Phillip,’ under the command of M. de Sérigny, the brother of M. de -Bienville, arrived at Dauphin Island.” These two paragraphs, with their -contradictory statements about the “Comte de Toulouse,” do not occur -in Margry. They are evidently interpolated from some outside source. -Thomassy (1860) quotes _Annales véritables des 22 premières années -de la colonisation de la Louisiane par Pénicaut_, as from the “MSS. -Boismare, dans la Bibliothèque de l’État à Bâton-Rouge.” - -The camp-fire yarn of Jalot, with its marvellous details about -Saint-Denys’ romantic love-affair, the gorgeous establishment of the -Mexican viceroy, and the foolhardy trip of Saint-Denys to see his wife, -are omitted in French’s translation. They are worthless as history, -but they reveal the simplicity of Penicaut, who yielded faith to his -fellow-voyagers, in the belief that it was his good fortune to be -chosen to tell the story to the world. - -[117] [_Historical Collections of Louisiana, ... compiled with -Historical and Biographical Notes and an Introduction by B. F. French. -Part I. Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691_ (New York, 1846). This -volume contains a discourse before the Historical Society of Louisiana -by Henry A. Bullard, its president (originally issued at New Orleans, -1836; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,116), and sundry papers relating to La -Salle, Tonty, and Hennepin, specially referred to in Vol. IV. of the -present History. - -_Same. Part II._ (Philadelphia, 1850). This volume contains a -fac-simile of Delisle’s “Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du -Mississipi;” an account of the Louisiana Historical Society, by -James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow; a discourse on the character of -François-Xavier Martin; an analytical index of the documents in the -Paris Archives relating to Louisiana; papers relating to De Soto -(which are referred to in Vol. II. chap. iv. of the present History); -a reprint of Coxe’s _Carolana_ (omitting, however, the preface and -appendix); and Marquette and Joliet’s account of their journey in 1673 -(referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History). - -_Same. Part III._ (New York, 1851). This volume includes a memoir of H. -A. Bullard; translations of La Harpe, of Bienville’s correspondence, -of Charlevoix’s Historical Journal; accounts of the aborigines, -including Le Petit’s narratives regarding them; De Sauvolle’s _Journal -historique, 1699-1701_; with other documents relating to the period -treated of in the present volume of this History, as well as papers -relating to the Huguenots and Ribault (referred to in Vol. II. of this -History). - -_Same. Part IV._ (New York, 1852). This volume has a second -title-page,—_Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, with -the Original Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membré, Hennepin, and -Anastase Douay_, by John Gilmary Shea, with a fac-simile of the newly -discovered map of Marquette (New York, 1852). The contents of this -volume are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History. - -_Same. Part V._ The title in this part is changed to _Historical -Memoirs of Louisiana, from the First Settlement of the Colony to -the Departure of Governor O’Reilly in 1770, with Historical and -Biographical Notes_ (New York, 1853). It includes translations of -Dumont’s memoir, another of Champigny, with an appendix of historical -documents and elucidations; and all parts of the volume mainly cover -the period of the present chapter. It also contains the usual portrait -of Bienville, purporting to be engraved from a copy belonging to J. -D. B. DeBow, of an original painting in the family of Baron Grant, of -Longueil in Canada. - -A second series of Mr. French’s publications has the title, _Historical -Collections of Louisiana and Florida, including Translations of -Original Manuscripts relating to their Discovery and Settlement, with -Numerous Historical and Biographical Notes_. New Series, vol. i. (New -York, 1869). This volume contains translations of De Remonville’s -memoir (Dec. 10, 1697), of D’Iberville’s narrative of his voyage -(1698), of Penicaut’s Annals of Louisiana (1698 to 1722),—all of -which pertain to the period of the present volume. It contains also -translations of Laudonnière’s _Histoire notable de Floride_, being that -made by Hakluyt (referred to in Vol. II. of the present History). - -_Same_, vol. ii. (New York, 1875). This volume contains, in regard -to Louisiana, translations relating to La Salle, Joliet, Frontenac, -and New France, which are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present -History, as well as the Journal of D’Iberville’s voyage (1698, etc.), -and the letter of Jacques Gravier, who descended the Mississippi to -meet D’Iberville,—all referred to in the present chapter. In regard -to Florida, there are documents of Columbus, Narvaez, Las Casas, -Ribault, Grajales, Solis de las Meras, Fontenade, Villafane, Gourgues, -etc.,—(all of which are referred to in Vol. II. of the present -History). - -It is to be regretted that French sometimes abridges the documents -which he copies, without indicating such method,—as in the case of -Charlevoix and Dumont.—ED.] - -[118] Vol. IV. has the specific title: _Découverte par mer des bouches -du Mississipi et établissements de Lemoyne d’Iberville sur le golfe -du Mexique, 1694-1703_, Paris, 1880. Vol. V. is called: _Première -formation d’une chaîne de postes entre le fleuve Saint-Laurent et le -golfe du Mexique, 1683-1724_, Paris, 1883. - -[119] [Particularly in Vol. IV. pp. 213-289, the _Journal du voyage -fait à l’embouchure de la rivière du Mississipi_ (etc.). Cf. the -_Journal du voyage fait par deux frégattes du roi, La Badine, commandée -par M. d’Iberville, et Le Marin, par M. E. Chevalier de Surgères, qui -partirent de Brest le 24 octobre, 1698, où elles avaient relâché, -étant parties de Larochelle, le 5 septembre précédent_, in _Historical -Documents_, third series, of the Literary and Historical Society of -Quebec (48 pp.), published at Quebec in 1871. See also the _Catalogue -of the Library of Parliament (1858)_, p. 1613.—ED.] - -[120] [See Vol. IV. p. 242.—ED.] - -[121] [For example, _The Present State of the Country ... of Louisiana. -By an Officer at New Orleans to his Friend at Paris. To which are added -Letters from the Governor_ [Vaudreuil] _on the Trade of the French and -English with the Natives_, London, 1744 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. -773; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 955; Sabin, no. 42,283).—ED. - -[122] Gayarré, in his preface, says: “Mr. Magne (one of the editors -of the _New Orleans Bee_) inspected with minute care, and with a -discretion which did him honor, the portfolios of the Minister of the -Marine in France, and extracted from them all the documents relating -to Louisiana, of which he made a judicious choice and an exact copy. -Governor Mouton, having learned of this collection, hastened, in his -position as a clear-headed magistrate whose duty it was to gather -together what might cast light upon the history of the country, to -acquire it for account of the State.” It is understood that this Magne -Collection was purchased for a thousand dollars at the instance of Mr. -Gayarré. It was then deposited in the State Library; but is no longer -to be found. A similar disappearance has happened in the case of some -other copies which were made for Mr. Edmund Forstall, and were likewise -in the State Library; and the same fate has befallen two bound volumes -of copies which were made for the Hon. John Perkins while in Europe, -and which were by him likewise given to the State Library. Many of -these documents were included by Gayarré in his _Histoire_. - -It was also by the influence of Gayarré that the Louisiana Legislature -appropriated $2,000 to secure copies of papers from the Spanish -Archives. It was committed to the Hon. Romulus Saunders of North -Carolina, then the American minister in Madrid, to propitiate the -Spanish Government in an application for permission to make copies. -He failed, though zealous to accomplish it. Through the medium of -Prescott recourse was then had to Don Pascual de Gayangos, who, after -difficulties had been overcome, succeeded in getting copies of a mass -of papers, which greatly aided Gayarré in his _Spanish Domination_. -These papers, like the rest, found their way to the State Library at -Baton Rouge, but disappeared in turn during the Civil War. A small -part of them was discovered by Mr. Lyman Draper, of Wisconsin, in the -keeping of the widow of a Federal officer, and through Mr. Draper’s -instrumentality was restored to the Library. The correspondence -of Messrs. Saunders, Gayangos, and Gayarré makes one of the State -documents of Louisiana. - -A few years since, another movement was made by Mr. Gayarré to get -other papers from Spain, impelled to it by information of large -diaries (said to be four hundred and fifty-two large bundles) still -unexamined in the Spanish Archives, pertaining to Louisiana. The State -of Louisiana was not in a condition to incur any outlay; and by motion -of General Gibson a Bill was introduced into the National House of -Representatives, appropriating $5,000 to procure from England, France, -and Spain copies of documents relating to Florida and Louisiana. -Nothing seems to have come of the effort beyond the printing of a -letter of Mr. Gayarré, with his correspondence with Saunders and -Gayangos, which was done by order of a committee to whom the subject -was referred. The facts of this note are derived from a statement -kindly furnished by Mr. Gayarré. - -[There is among the Sparks manuscripts in Harvard College Library -a volume marked _Papers relating to the Early Settlement of -Louisiana, copied from the Originals in the Public Offices of Paris_ -(1697-1753).—ED.] - -[123] Xavier Eyma adopts another form in “La légende du Meschacébé,”—a -paper in the _Revue Contemporaine_ (vol. xxxi. pp. 277, 486, 746), in -which he traces the history of the explorations from Marquette to the -death of Bienville. - -[124] Norman McF. Walker on the “Geographical Nomenclature of -Louisiana,” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Sept., 1883, p. 211. - -[125] See Vol. IV. p. 375. - -[126] There is an account of him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, vol. -x. p. 385. See Vol. IV. p. 375. - -[127] There are issues of later dates, 1722, etc. - -[128] There are portraits and notices of the two in the _Allg. Geog. -Ephemeriden_, published at Weimar, 1802 (vol. x.). - -[129] An _Atlas Nouveau_ of forty-eight maps was issued at Amsterdam, -with the name of Guillaume Delisle, in 1720, and with later dates. The -maps measure 25 × 21 inches. - -[130] There are modern reproductions of it in French’s _Hist. Coll. -of Louisiana_, vol. ii., as dated 1707; in Cassell’s _United States,_ -i. 475; and for the upper portion in Winchell’s _Geol. Survey of -Minnesota, Final Report,_ vol. i. p. 20. The lower part of it is given -in the present work, Vol. II. p. 294. - -[131] _Géol. practique de la Louisiane_, p. 209. - -[132] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 577. - -[133] Cf. _Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog. d’Anvers_, vii. 462. De Fer -was born in 1646; died in 1720. His likeness is in _Allg. Geog. -Ephemeriden_, Sept., 1803, p. 265. - -[134] This map is worth about $10.00. Moll also published in 1715 a -_Map of North America_, with vignettes by Geo. Vertue,—size 38 × 23 -inches. Moll’s maps at this time were made up into collections of -various dates and titles. - -[135] This map of North America is reproduced in Lindsey’s _Unsettled -Boundaries of Ontario_, Toronto, 1873. It shows a view of the Indian -fort on the “Sasquesahanoch.” Moll’s _Minor Atlas, a new and curious -set of sixty-two maps_, eighteen of which relate to America, was issued -in London, without date, ten or fifteen years later. Cf. also “A new -map of Louisiana and the river Mississipi,” in _Some Considerations on -the consequences of the French settling Colonies on the Mississippi, -from a gentleman of America to his friend in London_. London, 1720. - -[136] Thomassy, p. 212. - -[137] Senex issued a revision of a map of North America this same year, -size 22 X 19 inches. Between 1710 and 1725 Senex’s maps were often -gathered into atlases, containing usually about 36 maps. - -[138] Thomassy, p. 214. - -[139] Sabin, ix. 37,600. Ker was a secret agent of the British -government, and Curl, the publisher, was pilloried for issuing the book. - -[140] _Géologie practique de la Louisiane_, p. 2. - -[141] Homann, b. 1663; d. at Nuremberg, 1724. There is an account of -him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, Nov., 1801. There are extracts -from the despatches of the Governors of Canada, 1716-1726, respecting -the controversy over the bounds between the French and English in _N. -Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 960. - -[142] Sabin, xv. 64,140. - -[143] His _Œuvres Géographiques_ were published collectively at Paris -in five volumes in 1744-45. The atlases which pass under his name bear -dates usually from 1743 to 1767, the separate maps being distinctively -dated, as those of North America in 1746; those of South America in -1748; those of Canada and Louisiana, 1732, 1755, etc. - -[144] The upper part of it is reproduced in Andreas’s _Chicago_, i. 59. - -[145] These maps are reproduced in Dr. Shea’s translation of -Charlevoix. The map showing the respective possessions of the -French, English, and Spanish is reproduced in Bonnechose’s _Montcalm -et le Canada français_, 5th ed., Paris, 1882. By this the English -are confined from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Florida between the -Appalachian range and the sea. - -[146] Thomassy, p. 219. It is said that the maps first published by -Bellin were not thought by the French government sufficiently favorable -to their territorial claims, and accordingly he published a new set, -better favoring the French. When Shirley, speaking with Bellin, -referred to this, Bellin is said to have answered, “We in France must -obey the King’s command.” - -[147] Page 218. - -[148] Cf. his _Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique_, Paris, 1755. - -[149] Sabin, xv. 34,027; and xv. p. 448. - -[150] Referring to the maps (1756), Smith, the New York historian -(_Hist. N. York_, Albany, 1814, p. 218), says: “Dr. Mitchell’s is the -only authentic one extant. None of the rest concerning America have -passed under the examination or received the sanction of any public -board, and they generally copy the French.” Cf. C. C. Baldwin’s _Early -Maps of Ohio_, p. 15. - -[151] It is also contained in the _Atlas Amériquain_, 1778, no. 335, -where it is described as “traduit de l’Anglais par le Rouge,” and is -dated 1777, “Corigée en 1776 par M. Hawkins.” A section of this map is -also included in the blue book, _North American Boundary, Part I._, -1840. - -Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 126) says: “Mitchell pushed the -English claim to its utmost extreme, and denied that the French were -rightful owners of anything in North America, except the town of Quebec -and the trading post of Tadoussac.” This claim was made in his _Contest -in America between Great Britain and France, with its consequences and -importance_, London, 1757. - -[152] Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 384; Sabin, vi. p. 272; -Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, 15; Haven in Thomas’ _Printing_, ii. -p. 525. The main words of the title are: _A General Map of the Middle -British Colonies in America ... of Aquanishuonîgy, the country of the -Confederate indians, Comprehending Aquanishuonîgy proper, their place -of residence; Ohio and Tïiughsoxrúntie, their deer-hunting countries; -Coughsaghráge and Skaniadaráde, their beaver-hunting Countries ... -wherein is also shewn the antient and present seats of the Indian -Nations_. _By Lewis Evans_, 1755. - -The map extends from the falls of the Ohio to Narragansett Bay, and -includes Virginia in the south, with Montreal and the southern end of -Lake Huron in the north. It is dedicated to Pownall, and has a side -map of “The remaining part of Ohio R., etc.,” which shows the Illinois -country. In the lower right-hand corner it is announced as “Published -by Lewis Evans, June 23, 1755, and sold by Dodsley, in London, and the -author in Philadelphia.” The map measures 20-1/2 X 27-1/2 inches. - -[153] Harv. Coll. Atlases, no. 354, pp. 3-6. - -[154] _Hist. New York_ (1814), p. 222. Evans says: “The French being -in possession of Fort Frontenac at the peace of Ryswick, which -they attained during their war with the Confederates, gives them -an undoubted title to the acquisition of the northwest side of St. -Lawrence river, from thence to their settlement at Montreal.” (p. 14.) - -[155] Harv. Col. lib’y, 6371.8; Boston Pub. lib’y [K. 11.7], and -Carter-Brown, iii. 1059, 1113. - -[156] The occasion of Mills’ _Report on the boundaries of Ontario_ -(1873) was an order requiring him to act as a special commissioner -to inquire into the location of the western and northern bounds of -Ontario,—the Imperial Parliament having set up (1871), as it was -claimed, the new Province of Manitoba within the legal limits of -Ontario, which held by transmission the claims westward of the Province -of Quebec and later those of Upper Canada. - -[157] They might well have gone on under this confirmation till the -king supplanted them, but they suffered themselves to be continued in -office by the popular vote in three successive annual elections. - -[158] This Order of King William, with fac-simile of the signature, is -in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 711, the original being in the -cabinet of that society. - -[159] John Marshall’s diary notes under July 20, 1700, the death of -Ichabod Wiswall at Duxbury, “a man of eminent accomplishment for the -service of the Sanctuary.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. -154. Cf. Winsor’s _Duxbury_, p. 180. - -[160] Mr. Chas. W. Tuttle’s paper, “New Hampshire without provincial -government, 1689-90,” in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, October, 1879, -was also printed (50 copies) separately. - -[161] Palfrey, iv. 375. - -[162] _Diary_, i. 329. - -[163] Vol. IV. p. 364. - -[164] Hudson’s _Amer. Journalism_, p. 45; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. -387; Haven’s _Pre-Revolutionary Bibliog._, 333 (in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Collections_). This innocent attempt to correct the floating rumors -gave offence to the magistrates, as a license that should be resisted, -or much worse might happen. Sewall refers to it as giving “much -distaste, because not licensed, and because of passage referring to the -French king and Maquas.” On the 1st of October the governor and council -“disallowed” it. Mather attacked its impudence in a sharp letter the -next day; and the little over-ambitious chronicle never came to a -second issue. (Sewall’s _Diary_, i. 332.) - -[165] See Vol. IV. p. 357; and for sources, p. 361. Sewall, under -date of December 29, 1690 (_Letter book_, p. 115), writes, “I have -discoursed with all sorts, and find that neither activity nor courage -were wanting in him [Phips], and the form of the attack was agreed -on by the Council of War.” A significant utterance of Frontenac is -instanced in the same letter: “When the French injuries were objected -to Count Frontenack by ours at Canada, his answer was that we were all -one people; so if Albany or Hartford provoke them, they hold it just -to fall on Massachusetts, Plimouth, Rode Island, or any other English -plantation. In time of distress the Massachusetts are chiefly depended -on for help;” and Sewall urges Mather to procure the sending of three -frigates,—one to be stationed in the Vineyard Sound, another at -Nantasket, and a third at Portsmouth. - -[166] The charges against Andros were by this time practically -abandoned, and he was commissioned governor of Virginia (see _post_, -ch. iv.), while Joseph Dudley was made a councillor of New York. - -[167] The charter was at once printed in Boston by Benj. Harris, 1692. -It was reprinted by Neal in his _New England_, 2d ed. ii. App., and -is included in various editions of the _Charter and Laws_, published -since. The original parchment is at the State House, and a heliotype -of its appearance, as it hangs in a glass case on the walls of the -Secretary’s office, is given in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, vol. -ii. The explanatory charter of a later year is similarly cared for. The -boxes in which they originally came over are also preserved. - -[168] _Diary_, i. 360. Printed copies of a proclamation by the General -Court have come down to us, expressing joy at their arrival. F. S. -Drake sale, no. 1126, bought by C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. - -[169] May 31, 1693. _The Great Blessing of primitive Counsellors_; an -appendix “To the inhabitants of the Province, &c.,” containing the -vindication. It is reprinted in the _Andros Tracts_, ii. 301. Cf. -Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, i. p. 452. - -[170] Sibley’s _Grad. of H. Univ._, i. - -[171] This story is doubted. Cf. _Conn. Col. Rec. 1689-1706_. Their -majesties’ letter touching the command of the militia (1694) is in the -_Trumbull Papers_, p. 176. - -[172] _Sewall Papers_, i. p. 386. - -[173] His will is given in the _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1884, p. 205. -Cotton Mather published in 1697 his life of Phips, as _Pietas in -Patriam_; it was subsequently included in his _Magnalia_, after it -had passed a second edition separately in 1699. Sibley’s _Harvard -Graduates_, iii. p. 64. - -[174] _Diary_, i. 404. - -[175] The occasion was his tract _Truth held forth_, published in New -York in 1695, for which he was tried at Salem in 1696. His success did -not soften him, and he again assailed them in _New England Persecutors -mauled with their own Weapons_ (1697). Cf. A. C. Goodell in _Essex -Institute Collections_, iii.; _Sewall Papers_, i. 414-16; Dexter’s -_Bibliog._, nos. 2458, 2472; _Maule Genealogy_, Philad. 1868. - -[176] Bancroft, final revision, ii. 238. - -[177] _Report Rec. Com._, vii. pp. 224, 228, 230. - -[178] The fort had been built there in 1690. After this attack the -farms were again occupied, but finally abandoned in 1704. C. W. Baird’s -_Huguenot Emigration to America_, ii. 264, 278. - -[179] April 2, 1697; he had died March 27. - -[180] Pemberton Square, then elevated considerably higher than now. - -[181] John Marshall’s diary, printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1884, p. 153, describes the parade on Bellomont’s reception, -May, 1699. - -[182] Haliburton (_Rule and Misrule of the English in America_, -232) praises him, and calls him “a true specimen of a great liberal -governor.” - -Cf. Frederic de Peyster’s _Life and Administration of Richard, Earl of -Bellomont, governor of the provinces of N. Y., Mass., and N. H., from -1697 to 1701_. N. Y.: 1879,—an address delivered before the N. Y. -Hist. Society. - -Bellomont, in his speech to the General Court, advised them to succor -the Huguenot clergyman of Boston, his congregation being reduced in -numbers. It was five years before that (1695) the Huguenot Oxford -settlement had been broken up by the Indian depredations, and nine -years earlier (1686) they had first come to Massachusetts with their -minister. We have lately had an adequate account of their story in -Charles W. Baird’s _Huguenot Emigration to America_ (N. Y., 1885, two -vols.), and the “Huguenot Society of America” was established in 1884, -when the first part of their _Proceedings_ was published. The earliest -treatment of the subject is Dr. Abiel Holmes’s _Memoir of the French -Protestants_, published in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections_ (vol. -xxii. p. 1). This was largely about the Oxford settlement, which has -since been further illustrated by Geo. T. Daniels in his _Huguenots in -the Nipmuck Country_. Next after Holmes came Hannah F. Lee’s _Huguenots -in France and America_ (Cambridge, 1843), but it is scant in matter. -Somewhat later (1858, etc.), Mr. Joseph Willard considered them in -his paper, “Naturalization in the American Colonies,” printed in the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (iv. 337), showing they were not naturalized -till 1731; and Lucius Manlius Sargent recalled many associations with -their names in his _Dealings with the Dead_ (vol. ii. pp. 495-549). -Cf. further, Ira M. Barton, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Ap., 1862, -Ap., 1864; _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (chap. by C. C. Smith), ii. p. 249; -Blaikie’s _Presbyterianism in New England_ (Boston, 1881), where -their church is considered the forerunner of the Presbyterian method -of government; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. p. 185. The Huguenot -society recognizes by their vice-presidents two other settlements of -the Huguenots before 1787, in New England, beside those of Oxford and -Boston, namely, one in Maine and another in Rhode Island,—the latter -being commemorated by Elisha R. Potter’s _French Settlements in Rhode -Island_, being no. 5 of the _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_, published -by S. S. Rider in Providence, R. I. - -[183] _Trip to New England, with a character of the country and people, -both English and Indian_, Anonymous, London, 1699; second edition in -_Writings of the Author of the London Spy_, London, 1704; third edition -in _The London Spy_, London, 1706. (The present _History_, Vol. III. p. -373; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 2,580; Brinley, i. no. 371; Stevens, _Bibl. -Hist._, 1870, no. 2,278; Shurtleff’s _Desc. of Boston_, p. 53.) - -[184] As a corrective of periwigs he advised the good people to read -Calvin’s _Institutions_, book iii. ch. 10. - -[185] Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, xv. 65,689. - -[186] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 211, and references. - -[187] As to the part Massachusetts discontents, like Sewall and -Addington, took in the founding of Yale College, compare the views -of Quincy, _Harvard University_, i. 198, etc.; and of Prest. Woolsey -in his _Hist. Discourse_ of Aug. 14, 1850; and Prof. Kingsley in the -_Biblical Repository_, July and Oct., 1841. - -The principal sources of the history of Yale College are the following: -Thomas Clap’s _Annals or History of Yale College_, New Haven, 1766. F. -B. Dexter on “The founding of Yale College,” in the _New Haven Hist. -Soc. Papers_, vol. ii., and his _Biographical sketches of the graduates -of Yale College, with annals of the college history. October, 1701-May, -1745_. N. Y. 1885. E. E. Beardsley on “Yale College and the Church,” in -Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, vol. i., monograph 6. The most extensive -work is: _Yale College; a sketch of its history, with notices of its -several departments, instructors, and benefactors; together with some -account of student life and amusements. By various authors_. 2 vols. -New York. 1879. Edited by W. L. Kingsley. In this will be found a -photograph of the original portrait of Gov. Elihu Yale (i. p. 37); the -house of Saltonstall in 1708 (p. 48), a likeness of Timothy Cutler (p. -49) and his house (p. 49), with a plan of New Haven in 1749, and the -college buildings (p. 76). A less extended account is in _The College -Book_, edited by C. F. Richardson and H. A. Clark. - -[188] John Marshall, in his diary, July 15, 1701, records the funeral -of William Stoughton at Dorchester, “with great honor and solemnity, -and with him much of New England’s glory.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1884, p. 155. On July 17, Samuel Willard preached a sermon on -his death, which was published. (Haven in Thomas, ii. 349.) - -[189] For a portrait of Phipps, see _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iii. 1109. - -[190] Dudley’s commission is in Harvard Coll. library (Sibley’s -_Graduates_, ii. 176). His instructions (1702) are in the Mass. Hist. -Soc., and printed in their _Collections_, xxix. 101. Haliburton (_Rule -and Misrule_, etc., 235), while he praises Dudley, questions the wisdom -of the ministry which selected him to govern such a province. Cf. -Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 166. - -[191] On the 4th of June, Benj. Wadsworth preached a sermon, _King -William lamented in America_ (Harv. Col. lib., 10396.74). There is -a portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. gallery (_Proceedings_, vi. 33). -Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1884, for a paper on his influence in -America. - -[192] Keith journeyed from New England to Carolina in 1702-4, indulging -in theological controversies which produced a crop of tracts, and in -1706 he published at London _Journal of travels from New Hampshire to -Caratuck_. - -[193] This was printed in 1702, together with the House’s answer, and -the address of the ministers to Dudley. (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 349.) - -[194] Col. Quarry, who was reporting on the colonies to the home -government, said of New England: “A governor depending on the people’s -humors cannot serve the Crown.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. p. 229. - -[195] Falmouth (Portland) was the most easterly seaboard port of the -English at this time. - -[196] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 502. - -[197] These letters are in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 126, etc. -Cotton Mather took his accustomed satisfaction in calling the governor -“the venom of Roxbury.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 418. - -[198] See _post_, ch. vii. - -[199] Referring to one source of information, common enough in New -England, Palfrey (iv. 342), says: “Funeral sermons are a grievous snare -to the historian.” - -[200] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 389; Palfrey, iv. 304. - -[201] 1709, May. “About the tenth of this month a general impress for -soldiers ran through the Colony. Some say every tenth man was taken to -serve in this expedition.” John Marshall’s diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, April, 1884, p. 160. - -[202] Phototypes of contemporary prints of the Four Maquas are annexed. -They are reduced from originals (engraved by J. Simon after J. Veulst) -in the Amer. Antiq. Society’s Gallery. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Ms. Hist. -Soc._, p. 59; Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1,095, 1692; -Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 44, etc. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 136; -Brinley, no. 5,395; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 553; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, ii. 151, 313, 372; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vi. p. 543; Colden’s -letters in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1868; Addison’s _Spectator_, April -27, 1711. There was published in London at the time _The Four Indian -Kings’ Speech to her Majesty on the 20th April, translated into verse, -with their effigies, taken from the life_. In _Mass. Archives_, xxxi., -are various papers concerning these Indians,—an order for £30 for -their use, the charges of a dinner given to them August 6, 1709, and -other accounts (nos. 62, 76, 80-83, 87). - -[203] November 16, 1710. “A day of Thanksgiving on account of success -at Port Royall.” John Marshall’s diary, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1884, p. 161. - -[204] First ed. 1710; second, in 1715. Cf. Stevens’ _Bibl. Geog._, no. -3,039; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 216; H. M. Dexter’s address on Wise -in the _Two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Church in Essex_, -Salem, 1884, p. 113; and Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 429. - -[205] Various petitions to the queen during 1710-11 are in the _Mass. -Archives_, xx. pp. 133, 145, 152, 164, 170. - -[206] Dudley on the 9th issued a proclamation for an embargo on -outward-bound vessels. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 206. - -[207] Annexed are engravings of a contemporary print, “Exact draft of -Boston harbor,” and of a ground plan of Castle William from originals -in the British Museum. See notes on the construction and history of -this fortress in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 101, 127. The _Catal. of the -King’s Maps in the Brit. Mus._ (i. p. 216) shows a drawn plan of the -Castle, by Colonel Romer, 1705, four sheets, with a profile. Pownall’s -view of Boston (1757) shows the Castle in the foreground. (_Mem. Hist. -Boston_, ii. 127; _Columbian Mag._, Dec., 1787; Drake’s _Boston_, folio -ed.). The plan of the island as given in Pelham’s map is sketched in -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 127. - -[208] The fleet had not been provisioned in England, in order to -conceal its destination. Walker’s _Journal_ shows that in Boston -Jonathan Belcher was the principal contractor for provisions, and Peter -Faneuil for military stores. - -[209] Published in London, 1712. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 166.) -Dummer, referring to Walker’s charges, says, “They can’t do us much, -if any, harm.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxi. 144. Cf. also Dummer’s -_Letter to a friend in the country on the late expedition to Canada, -with an account of former enterprises, a defence of that design and -the share the late M——rs had in it_. Lond. 1712. (Sabin, v. 21,199; -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167.) - -[210] A journal of this negotiation is printed in the _New Eng. Hist. & -Gen. Reg._, January, 1854, p. 26. - -[211] See Vol. III., chapter on New England. - -[212] Cf. papers on the Usher difficulty in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1877, -p. 162. - -[213] This recusant act occasioned a report from the attorney-general -to the queen, cited in _Shelburne Papers_, vol. 61. Cf. _Reports Hist. -MSS. Commission_, v. 228. - -[214] Cf. Memoir of the Mohegans in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 73, etc. - -[215] But this was not the end. It was finally settled in favor of the -colony in 1771. Cf. Trumbull’s Connecticut, i. 410, 421; De Forest’s -_Indians of Conn._, 309; _The Governor and Company of Connecticut -and Mohegan Indians by their guardians: Certified Copy of Book of -Proceedings before the Commissioners of Review_, 1743 (usually called -_The Mohegan Case_, published in 1769,—copies in Harvard College -library; Brinley, no. 2,085; Menzies, no. 1,338; Murphy, no. 660). Cf. -Palfrey, iv. 336, 364; _Trumbull Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. -xlix., index), and E. E. Beardsley on the “Mohegan land controversy,” -in _New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, iii. 205, and his _Life and Times of -Wm. Samuel Johnson_. - -[216] Palfrey, _New Eng._, iv. 489, 495; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, -iii. 277. - -[217] Jeremiah Dummer, however, writes, January, 1714, of Col. Byfield, -then in England, that he is “so excessively hot against Col. Dudley -that he cannot use anybody civilly who is for him.” _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, v. 198. - -[218] This tribune of the people, however, did not long survive his -victory, but died October 31, 1715, aged seventy-eight. - -[219] Dr. Palfrey amply illustrates the reciprocal influence of the -old and new politics. Cf. Dr. Ellis in _Sewall Papers_, iii. 46. There -is no more pointed evidence, however, of the scant interest taken by -the wits of London in the current politics and customs of the American -colonies than the fact that among the multitudinous pictorial satires -of the period, preserved in the British Museum and noted in its _Catal. -of prints, Satires_ (ii., iii., and iv., 1689-1763), there is scarce -a single purely American subject. One or two about the confronting of -the English and French in the Ohio valley, and incidentally touching -English successes in American waters, are the only ones noted in a -somewhat careful examination. _Catal. of prints in the Brit. Mus. -Satires_, iii. pp. 927, 972, 1100. - -[220] Mather was very complacent over this event, and called Shute of a -“very easy, candid, gentlemanly temper.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. -420. - -[221] Discussions of the king’s rights to the woods of Maine and New -England are in the documents (1718-1726, etc.) collected in Chalmers’s -_Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. 110, 115, 118, 136, 138. - -[222] Cf. Barry, _Mass._, ii. 109. - -[223] But compare a paper by Geo. H. Moore in _Boston Daily -Advertiser_, May 12, 1882. - -[224] Cotton Mather would have it that the governor was not at fault, -when he called him “a person born to make every one easy and happy, -that his benign rays can reach unto,” as he said in a letter of Nov. -4, 1758, printed in the _Flying Post_ of May 14-16, 1719. (Harv. Coll. -lib., 10396.92.) - -[225] See _post_, ch. vii., Shute’s letter to “Ralleé,” Feb. 21, 1718, -in which he says that if war occurs it will be because of the urging of -the popish missionaries. (_Mass. Hist. Col._, v.) - -[226] Cf. Edw. Eggleston on “Commerce in the Colonies” in _The -Century_, xxviii. 236; also Macy’s _Nantucket_. The practice of taking -whales in boats from the shore is said to have been introduced into -Nantucket by Ichabod Paddock from Cape Cod. “Nantucket men are the only -New England whalers at present,” says Douglass (_Summary_, etc., 1747, -vol. i. p. 59; also p. 296). - -[227] J. L. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manuf._ (1861), i. p. 491. - -[228] Cf. on parliamentary restrictions of their trade, Edw. Eggleston -in _The Century_, vol. xxviii. p. 252, etc. See on industries of the -province, Palfrey, iv. 429; Lodge’s _Eng. Colonies_, 410, 411; also -the tracts: _Brief account of the state of the Province of Mass. Bay, -civil and ecclesiastical_, _by a lover of his country_ (1717), and -_Melancholy circumstances of the Province_ (1719). Cf. Haven in Thomas, -ii. p. 382. Sir Josiah Child in 1677 had expounded for the first time -the restrictive system in his _New Discourse of Trade_, which was -not, however, published in London till 1694, but was various times -reprinted later. He called New England “the most prejudicial plantation -to the kingdom of England,” inhabited as it was “by a sort of people -called puritans.” Cf. John Adams’ _Works_, x. 328, 330, 332; Scott, -_Development of Constitutional Liberty_, 208. Otis in his speech on the -Writs of Assistance cites Child, as well as Joshua Gee’s _Trade and -Navigation of Great Britain Considered_ (London, 1729), which was the -first to make evident the policy of making the colonies subserve the -public revenue, as they already under the navigation acts bettered the -private trade of the mother country. This book was reprinted at London -in 1730, 1738, and at Glasgow in 1735, 1760, and in “a new edition, -with many interesting notes and additions by a merchant,” in 1767. Cf. -John Adams’ _Works_, x. 335, 350; Scott, _Development of Constitutional -Liberty_ (1882), 216. - -[229] They settled on the left bank of the Merrimac, and gave the name -of Londonderry (whence in Ireland they came) to the new town. Cf. -Parker’s _Hist. of Londonderry, N. H._; and _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, -vi. p. 1. - -[230] Cf. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_, i. 331. - -[231] _Record Com. Rept._, viii. 157. - -[232] The Boston ministers, Mather, Wadsworth, and Colman, issued a -flying sheet in 1719, _A Testimony against Evil Customs_, in which they -regretted that ordinations, weddings, trainings, and huskings were -made the occasion of unseemly merriment, and that lectures were not -more generally attended. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.) Lodge (_Short -Hist. Eng. Colonies_, 463) indicates the change which converted the -simple burial of the early colonists to an ostentatious display in the -provincial period. - -[233] When young men like Franklin were pondering on Collins and -Shaftesbury, liberalism was alarming. - -[234] April 2, 1720. - -[235] Josiah Quincy’s _History of Harvard University_, i. ch. xi. - -[236] Cf. Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. ch. xiv.; and monograph vi. -by E. E. Beardsley in the same. Sprague’s _Amer. Annals_, v. 50. - -[237] Douglass claims that it was he who drew the attention of that -“credulous vain creature, Mather, jr.,” to the account of inoculations -in the _Philosophical Transactions_, xxxii. 169. - -[238] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 448, 449. - -[239] The inoculation controversy produced a crowd of tracts. Cf. -Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. pp. 388-393, 395, 420-422, 444, 456, -515,—extending over thirty years; _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,645, etc.; -Hutchinson, ii. 248; Barry, ii. 115; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. 535. -Franklin wrote _Some account of the success of inoculation for the -small-pox in England and America_, which was printed in London in 1758 -(8 pp.), and is reprinted in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xvii. 7. - -[240] The most distinguished of the Boston printers was Bartholomew -Green, who died in 1733. Cf. Thomas’ _Hist. of Printing_, and ch. vii. -and viii. of Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_ (1861). - -[241] Franklin’s paper, however, did much to arouse the ministers to -the conception of the fact that there was a force in the public press -to direct the public sense, superior to the power of the pulpit, which -must perforce be content with a diminishing power. - -[242] This was published in London and Boston, 1721 (again Boston, -1721, 1768, and London, 1765). Sabin, v. no. 21,197; Carter-Brown, iii. -300. Tyler (_Am. Lit._, ii. 119) is in error in placing its publication -in 1728. The tract has been greatly praised. James Otis referred to -it with commendation in his great Writs-of-Assistance speech. John -Adams (_Works_, x. 343) calls it “one of our most classical American -productions.” Tudor (_Life of Otis_, ch. vi.) thinks that in point -of style it vies with any writing before the Revolution. Grahame -(iii. 72) says it has a great deal of interesting information and -ingenious argument. Bancroft (revised ed., ii. 247) gives it credit for -influence, and makes a synopsis. - -[243] Sabin, xv. 65,582. - -[244] See _post_, ch. vii. - -[245] See _post_, ch. vii. - -[246] Of John Wentworth (b. 1672), lieut.-gov. of N. H. from 1717 -to his death, in 1730, there is a portrait in the gallery of the -Mass. Hist. Soc. Cf. _Catal. Cabinet, Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 16; -_Proceedings_, i. 124. Blackburn’s portrait of him is engraved in -the _Wentworth Genealogy_, which gives a full account of the family, -embracing the genealogical material earlier published in the _N. E. H. -& G. Reg._, 1850, p. 321; 1863, p. 65; 1868, p. 120; also, 1878, p. 434. - -[247] Cf. Caleb Heathcote’s charges (1719) on this point in _R. I. Col. -Rec._, iv. 258; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, April, 1885, p. 270^a. - -[248] See Vol. III. p. 379. - -[249] Papers relating to the governor’s memorial are noted in _Brit. -Mus. MSS._, no. 15,486. _The Report of the Lords of the Committee -upon Governor Shute’s Memorial with his Majesty’s Order in Council -thereupon_, was printed in Boston in 1725. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.4; -Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 402.) - -[250] It is spread on the Boston Records. Cf. _Rec. Com. Rept._, viii. -178. - -[251] See _Mass. Hist. Coll._, i. 32. - -[252] This document is in the _Mass. State Archives_. It was printed -in Boston in 1725 (pp. 8), and has been since included in the several -collections of Charters and Laws. The original parchment hangs in -the office of the secretary of the commonwealth. Cf. _Report to the -Legislature of Massachusetts upon the Condition of the Records, Files, -Papers and Documents in the Secretary’s Department, January, 1885_, pp. -15, 16. - -[253] Fort Dummer was repaired in 1740. On determining the bounds -between Massachusetts and New Hampshire, it was brought within the -latter province. (B. H. Hall, _Eastern Vermont_, i. 15, 27; Temple and -Sheldon, _Northfield_, 199; Shirley, letter, Nov. 30, 1748, in _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, iii. 106; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vol. v.) - -[254] It seems to have been a satisfaction to Cotton Mather, that “the -hairy scalp of Father Rallee paid for what hand he had in the rebellion -into which he infuriated his proselytes.” Cf. Cotton Mather’s _Waters -of Marah Sweetened_ (Boston, 1725), an essay on the death of Capt. -Josiah Winslow in a fight with the Indians at Green Island, May 1, 1724. - -[255] See post, ch. vii. - -[256] It was not till 1773 that a compromise fixed the western line of -Massachusetts, and not till 1787 was it finally run. - -[257] Cf. Dr. Douglass, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 172. - -[258] “The great misery of Cotton Mather was his vanity; and this -gangrene, first applying to his literary, then to his social, may -ultimately have tainted his moral, reputation, in the judgment of his -fellow citizens.” Jas. Savage in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxii. 129. - -[259] Corner of Kilby and State streets, according to present names. - -[260] A Poem, _presented to his excellency William Burnet [t], Esq.; on -his arrival at Boston_ [Boston, 1728?] 5 pp., is not to be confounded -with this poem by Mather Byles. - -[261] _Rec. Com. Report_, viii. 226. (Sept. 30, 1728.) - -[262] _A Collection of the Proceedings of the Great and General Court -or Assembly of His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts Bay in -New England, containing several instructions from the Crown, to the -Council and Assembly of that province, for fixing a salary on the -governour, and their determinations thereon, as also the methods taken -by the Court for supporting the several Governours, since the arrival -of the present charter._ Boston, 1729. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.6; -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 434). Cf. Jeremiah Dummer’s _Letter dated Aug. -10, 1729, on the Assembly fixing the governor’s salary_. (Sabin, v. -21,200; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 418.) Year after year the effusive -arguments on the House’s side are spread upon the town records, in the -instructions given to the members from Boston. - -[263] Haven in Thomas, ii. 418. - -[264] Thomas Foxcroft, however, delivered (Aug. 23, 1730) a century -sermon, to commemorate the founding of Boston, which is printed. -(Haven’s list in Thomas, ii. p. 421.) - -[265] Alexander Blaikie’s _Hist. of Presbyterianism in New England_, -Boston, 1881,—a book unskilful in literary form and unwise in spirit. -A far better book is Chas. A. Briggs’s _Amer. Presbyterianism, -its Origin and Early History_, New York, 1885,—a book showing -more research than any of its predecessors. Cf. also Chas. Hodge’s -_Constitutional Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S._ (Phil. -1851); Richard Webster’s _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in America -to 1760_ (Phil. 1857); E. H. Gillett, _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church -in the U. S._ revised ed. (Phil. 1864), etc. - -[266] “Belcher was not a paper money governor,” says Douglass -(_Summary_, etc., i. 377); “he was well acquainted in the commercial -world.” - -[267] Cf. his _Faithful narrative of the surprising work of God in the -conversion of many hundred souls, etc. Written on November 6, 1736, -with a preface by Dr. Watts_, etc., London, 1737 (two editions); and -“with a shorter preface added by some of the ministers of Boston,” -third ed., Boston, 1738. (Cf. _Prince Catal._, p. 22; and Carter-Brown, -iii. nos. 563, 577, 578.) After the coming of Whitefield, he published -_Some thoughts concerning the present revival of Religion_ (Boston, -1742; Edinburgh, 1743; Worcester, 1808),—perhaps the strongest -presentation of the revivalists’ side. Cf. Dexter’s _Bibliography_, -no. 3092; Quincy’s _Harvard University_, ii.; _Poole’s Index_, p. 393. -A Catholic view of the successive New England modifications of faith -since Jonathan Edwards is in the _Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev._, x. 95 -(1885). - -[268] Cf. annexed extract from Popple’s _British Empire in America_. -The maps of Herman Moll are the chief ones, immediately antecedent to -Popple’s. One of Moll’s, called “New England, New York, New Jersey, -and Pennsylvania,” is in Oldmixon’s _Brit. Empire in America_, 1708. -In 1729 he included what he called a “Map of New England, New York, -New Jersey, and Pennsylvania” in his _New Survey of the Globe_. It -singularly enough omits the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers. A somewhat -amusing transformation of names is found in a map published by Homann, -at Nuremberg, _Nova Anglia Anglorum Coloniis florentissima_. David -Humphrey’s _Hist. Acc. of the Society for the propagation of the Gospel -in Foreign Parts_ has also a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey, -and Pennsylvania, by H. Moll, geographer,” in which the towns are -marked to which missionaries had been sent. It is dated 1730. - -Douglass in 1729, referring to maps of New England, wrote, “There is -not one extant but what is intolerably and grossly erroneous.” In the -same letter Douglass gives some notion of the uncertain cartography of -that day. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 186. - -[269] Chauncy is claimed by the modern Universalists as prefiguring -their faith. Cf. Whittemore’s _Modern Hist. of Universalism_; and _Mem. -Hist. Boston_, iii. 488. See the characterization of Chauncy in Tyler’s -_Amer. Literature_, ii. 200; and his portrait in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -ii. 226. - -[270] _Summary_, etc., i. p. 250. - -[271] The expostulatory and polemical literature of the “Great -Awakening in New England” is abundantly set forth in Haven’s list -appended to the Antiq. Soc. ed. of Thomas’s _History of Printing_, vol. -ii., and in the _Collections towards a bibliog. of Congregationalism_, -appended by Dr. H. M. Dexter to his _Congregationalism as seen in its -Literature_, to be found in chronological order in both places between -1736 and 1750; and in the _Prince Catalogue_, p. 65. Thomas Prince -supported, and his son published, during the excitement, a periodical -called _The Christian History, containing accounts of the revival -and propagation of religion in Great Britain, America, etc._ (March -5, 1743, to February 23, 1744-5, in 104 numbers). Cf. Thomas, _Hist. -Printing_, Am. Antiq. Soc. ed., ii. 66. A letter of Chas. Chauncy to -Mr. George Wishart, concerning the state of religion in New England -(1742), is printed in the _Clarendon Hist. Soc. Reprints_, no. 7 -(1883). Chauncy’s _Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in -New England_, Boston, 1743, is the main expression of his position -in the controversy, followed up by a _Letter to the Rev. Mr. George -Whitefield_, (Boston, 1743), in vindication of passages in the -_Seasonable Thoughts_ which Whitefield had controverted. (Carter-Brown, -iii. no. 813, for this and other tracts of that year.) Whitefield’s -journals were frequently issued (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 631-34, -669-70), and the most comprehensive of the modern Lives of Whitefield -is that by Tyerman (London, 1876). _Poole’s Index_ (p. 1406) gives the -clues to the mass of periodical literature on Whitefield. Cf. Tracy’s -_Great Awakening_ (1842). In Connecticut the controversy between the -New Lights (revivalists) and the Old Lights took on a more virulent -form than in Massachusetts. (Cf. Trumbull, Hollister, etc.) About the -best of the condensed narratives of the “Great Awakening” is that of -Dr. Palfrey in his _Compendious Hist. of New England_, iv. ch. 7 and 8, -the latter chapter outlining the course of the commotion in Connecticut. - -[272] Cf. Ellis Ames’ paper on the part taken by Massachusetts in this -expedition, with extracts from the Council Records. _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, 1881, vol. xviii. p. 364. - -“1740, Apr. 17. Orders arrived [in Boston] to declare the warr in -form against Spain, and accordingly it was proclaimed with the usual -solemnity at Boston the twenty-first.” “Oct. 1740. Five companies, the -quota of Massachusetts for the West Indian expedition, sailed.” Paul -Dudley’s diary in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1881, pp. 29, 30. - -[273] Sabin, xv. 65,585, with a long list of Prince’s other -publications. - -[274] See. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. p. 202; _Amer. Mag._ (1834), i. p. -81. - -[275] Cf. sketch of the history of the Navigation Laws in Viscount -Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_, ii. ch. 2. - -[276] Cf. ch. viii. of W. E. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_ (_Rhode Island -Tracts_, no. 19), tracing these restrictions of trade as a proximate -cause of the Amer. Revolution, and his references. A petition of the -town of Boston in 1735, to the General Court, asking for relief from -taxation, sets forth the condition of trade at this time, and gives the -following schedule of the cost of maintaining the town’s affairs: For -the poor, £2,069; the watch, £1,200; ministry, £8,000; other purposes, -£4,630; county tax, £1,682; imposts, £1,400. _Boston Town Records_ -(1729-1742), p. 120. - -[277] The correspondence between Belcher and Waldron is in the keeping -of the N. H. Hist. Soc., and some of it is printed in the _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, iv. 866, etc. - -[278] There is a view of the Wentworth house at Newcastle in Gay’s -_Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 199; and in John Albee’s _Newcastle historic -and picturesque, Boston_, 1884, p. 70. For the old “Province House,” -see Ibid. p. 36. - -[279] _A proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign -plantations, and for converting the savage Americans to Christianity, -by a college to be erected in the Summer islands, otherwise called -the isles of Bermuda._ London. 1725. Berkeley published this tract -anonymously. - -[280] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 94. - -[281] Cf. D. C. Gilman on Berkeley’s gifts to Yale College in _New -Haven Col. Hist. Soc. Papers_, vol. i. See the house in Mason’s -_Newport_, p. 73, and in Kingsley’s _Yale College_, i. p. 60. Cf. also -Perry’s _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, i. pp. 532, 545 - -[282] Cf. Moses Coit Tyler’s “Dean Berkeley’s sojourn in America” -in Perry’s _Hist. of the Amer. Episcopal Church_, i. p. 519; A. C. -Fraser’s _Works of Berkeley_, with _Life and Letters of Berkeley_, -Oxford, 1871, and his subsequent _Berkeley_, 1881. Some letters of -Berkeley from Newport, among the Egmont MSS., are printed in _Hist. -MSS. Com. Report_, vii. 242. Cf. also D. C. Gilman in _Hours at -Home_, i. 115; Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 162; E. -E. Beardsley in _Amer. Church Rev._, Oct. 1881; Bancroft’s _United -States_, final revision, ii. 266; Noah Porter’s _Two Hundredth Birthday -of Bishop Berkeley_ (New York, 1885); Sprague’s _Amer. Pulpit_, v. -63, and references in _Poole’s Index_, p. 114. Douglass poked fun at -Berkeley in his own scattering way. _Summary_, i. p. 149. - -[283] Cf. Sheffield’s address on _The Privateersmen. of Newport_. - -[284] Cf. _Hist. Sketch of the fortification Defences of Narragansett -Bay_, by Gen. Geo. W. Cullum (Washington, 1884). - -[285] The ministers of Boston in a memorial, Dec. 5, 1737, did what -they could to counteract the machinations of Belcher’s enemies. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, xxii. 272. - -[286] John Adams, with something of the warring politician’s onset, -says of Shirley that he was a “crafty, busy, ambitious, intriguing, -enterprising man; and having mounted to the chair of this province, -he saw in a young, growing country vast prospects of ambition opening -before his eyes, and conceived great designs of aggrandizing himself, -his family, and his friends.” _Novanglus_, in _Works_, iv. 18, 19. - -[287] Cf. Elias Nason’s _Life of Sir Henry Frankland_; Dr. O. W. -Holmes’ Poem of “Agnes;” _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 526; and the -Appendix to the _Boston Evacuation Memorial_. - -[288] His portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Gallery is engraved in the -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 260. There is a steel engraving in the _Mag. -of Am. Hist._, Aug., 1882. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 77. - -[289] New England had under 400,000 population at this time, of whom -200,000 were in Mass., 100,000 in Conn., and Rhode Island and New -Hampshire had about 30,000 each. - -[290] Lotteries were becoming in Massachusetts a favorite method of -raising money in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Cf. H. B. -Staples on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 9; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. -503. - -[291] A Boston fisherman, who had seen the burning fort at Canseau, -gave the colonies notice of the outbreak of the war. Shirley at once -sent a message to Gov. Mascarene at Annapolis to hold out till he could -be reinforced. The messenger being captured, the French vessels had -time to escape before Capt. Edward Tyng, who left Boston July 2d with a -force, could arrive. He reached Annapolis July 4, to find Le Loutre and -his Indians besieging the town. The enemy withdrew; Tyng threw men into -the fort, and by the 13th was back in Boston. Capt. John Rouse, the -Boston privateersman, had also been sent off during the summer, and had -made havoc among the French fishing stations on the Newfoundland shore. - -[292] See _post_, ch. vii. - -[293] _R. I. Col. Record_, v. 100, 102. - -[294] Shirley despatched expresses the next day. His letter to Wanton, -of Rhode Island, urged him to store up powder. A few weeks later, -Phips, the lieutenant-governor, writes to the governor of Rhode -Island, Aug. 14, 1745: “This province is exhausted of men, provisions, -clothing, ammunition, and other things necessary for the support of the -garrison at Louisbourg. If his Majesty’s other provinces and colonies -will not do something more than they have done for the maintaining of -this conquest, we apprehend great danger that the place will fall into -the enemy’s hands again.” _R. I. Col. Records_, v. p. 142. - -[295] Cf. _A brief state of the services and expences of the Province -of Massachusetts Bay in the common cause._ London, 1765. (Carter-Brown, -iii. 1467.) - -[296] Christopher Kilby, the agent of the province, had, July 1, 1746, -memorialized the home government to send succor to the colonies, in -case a French fleet was sent against them. _Pepperrell Papers_, ed. -by A. H. Hoyt (Boston, 1874), p. 5. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 119. -Kilby was the province’s agent from Feb. 20, 1744, to Nov. 1748. Cf. -_Mass. Archives_, xx. 356, 409, 469. The relations of the province with -its agents are set forth in vols. xx.-xxii. of the _Archives_. Cf. the -chapter on the Royal Governors, by Geo. E. Ellis, in the _Mem. Hist. -Boston_, ii. The apprehension was strong in England that D’Anville -would succeed in recovering Acadia and establish himself at Chebuctou, -“which it is evident they design by their preparations.” _Bedford -Corresp._, i. 156. - -[297] The Duke of Bedford, who was the chief English patron of the -expedition of 1746, recognized how great the exhaustion of the colonies -had been in doing their part to bring the movement about. _Bedford -Corresp._, i. 182. - -[298] War was burdensome; but it had some relief. A Boston ship -belonging to Josiah Quincy had, by exposing hats and coats on -handspikes above her rail, allured a heavier Spanish ship into a -surrender; and when the lucky deceiver brought her prize into Boston, -the boxes of gold and silver which were carted through the streets -required an armed guard for their protection. Other profits were less -creditable. Governor Cornwallis writes from Halifax (November 27, -1750) to the Lords of Trade: “Some gentlemen of Boston who have long -served the government, [and] because they have not the supplying of -everything, have done all the mischief they could. Their substance, -which they have got from the public, enables them to distress and -domineer. Without them they say we can’t do, and so must comply with -what terms they think proper to impose. These are Messrs. Apthorp and -Hancock, the two richest merchants in Boston,—made so by the public -money, and now wanton in their insolent demands.” Akins’ _Pub. Doc. -of Nova Scotia_, 630. Thomas Hancock’s letter book (April, 1745-June, -1750), embracing many letters to Kilby, in London, is now in the Mass. -Hist. Society’s Cabinet. It is a sufficient exposure of the mercenary -spirit affecting the operations of these contractors of supplies. - -[299] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 264; Bishop, _Amer. Manuf._, i. 486-7. - -[300] Douglass (_Summary_, i. 552-3) enumerates the frontier forts and -cantonments maintained against the French and the Indians, to the west -and to the east. - -[301] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1870. - -[302] Shirley was commissioned in 1754, as was Pepperrell also, to -raise a regiment in America for the regular service. His instructions -are in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 178. Cf. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter -about enlistments in Shirley’s regiment, in _New Jersey Archives_, -viii. Part 2d, p. 17. - -[303] Cf. various pamphlets on the state of Conn. at this time, noted -by Haven (in Thomas), ii. p. 524-5. - -[304] What seem to be the best figures to be reached regarding the -population of the English colonies at the opening of the war would -place the total at something over a million. This sum is reached -thus: In 1749 Maryland had 100,000. In 1752, Georgia had 3,000, and -South Carolina 25,000. In 1754, Nova Scotia had 4,000. In 1755, North -Carolina had 50,000; Virginia, 125,000; New Jersey, 75,000; New -Hampshire, 75,000. Estimates must be made for the others: Pennsylvania, -220,000 (including 100,000 German and other foreign immigrants); -Connecticut, 100,000; Rhode Island, 30,000; New York, 55,000, and -Massachusetts, 200,000. This foots up 1,062,000. - -[305] Quite in keeping with the fervor of the hour was a pamphlet which -the last London ship had brought, _A scheme to drive the French out -of all the Continent of America_ [by T. C.], which Fowle, the Boston -printer, immediately reissued. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.31.) - -[306] For his military conduct during the following campaign, the -reader must turn to chapters vii. and viii. - -[307] While they were watching at Boston every tidings of the war from -the east and from the west, the gossips were weaving about the trial of -Phillis and Mark for the poisoning of their master all the suspicions -which unsettle the sense of social security; and when in September the -common law of England asserted its dominance, the man was hanged, while -the woman was burned, the last instance in our criminal history of this -dread penalty for petit treason was recorded. Cf. A. C. Goodell, Jr., -in _Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc._ (March, 1883), and in a separate -enlarged issue of the same paper. It is well not to forget that while -in old England at this time there were 160 capital offences, there were -less than one tenth as many in Massachusetts. These are enumerated by -H. B. Staples in his paper on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 10. - -[308] _A lecture on earthquakes; read in Cambridge, November 26th, -1755, on occasion of the earthquake which shook New-England the -week before._ Boston, 1755. 38 pp. 8^o. Haven’s Ante-Revolutionary -bibliography in Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_ (Amer. Antiq. Soc. ed.), -ii. pp. 524-532, 549, shows numerous publications occasioned by this -earthquake. Cf. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 640. - -[309] It is not unlikely that enlistments were impeded by a breach of -faith with the New England troops, for they had been detained at the -eastward beyond their term of enlistment. Shirley remonstrated about -it to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia. Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nov. -Scotia_, 421, 428. Gov. Livingston in 1756 wrote: “The New England -colonies take the lead in all military matters.... In these governments -lies the main strength of the British interests upon this continent.” - -[310] For a portrait of Pownall see _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 63. -Cf. _Catal. Cabinet Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 6. Pownall’s private letter -book, covering his correspondence during the war, was in a sale at -Bangs’s in New York, February, 1854 (no. 1342). - -[311] He took the oath June 16. His commission is printed in the _N. E. -Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1867, p. 208. - -[312] Parsons’ _Sir William Pepperrell_, p. 307. - -[313] H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies_, p. 429; _Mem. -Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 467; J. G. Shea in _Am. Cath. Quart. Rev._, viii. -144. - -[314] “I am here,” writes Pownall, September 6, 1757, “at the head of -what is called a rich, flourishing, powerful, enterprising colony,—’t -is all puff, ’t is all false; they are ruined and undone in their -circumstances.” (_Pownall’s Letter Book._) _A brief State of the -Services and Expences of the Province of the Massachusett’s Bay in the -Common Cause_, London, 1765, sets forth the charges upon the province -during the wars since 1690. Cf. Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. -84; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 53; _Collections_, vi. 44, 47. -Walsh in his _Appeal_ (p. 131) says that it was asserted in the House -of Commons in 1778 that 10,000 of the seamen in the British navy in -1756 were of American birth. “From the year 1754 to 1762, there were -raised by Massachusetts, 35,000 men; and for three years successively -7,000 men each year.... An army of seven thousand, compared with the -population of Massachusetts in the middle of the last century, is -considerably greater than an army of one million for France in the time -of Napoleon.” Edw. Everett on “The Seven Years’ War the School of the -Revolution,” in his _Orations_, i. p. 392. - -[315] See _post_, ch. vii. - -[316] _Grenville Corresp._, i. 305. - -[317] The establishment of Fort Pownall effectually overawed the -neighboring Indians. Cf. W. D. Williamson’s _Notice of Orono_ in Mass. -Hist. Coll., xxix. 87. - -[318] Cf. _post_, ch. viii. - -[319] “Pownall thought there ought to be a good understanding -between the capital and country, and a harmony between both and the -government.... Pownall was the most constitutional and national -governor, in my opinion, who ever represented the Crown in this -province.” _John Adams’ Works_, x. 242, 243. - -[320] Whitehead’s _Perth Amboy_. - -[321] It was through his suggestion that Harvard College published in -1761 a collection of Greek, Latin, and English verses, commemorating -George II. and congratulating George III., called _Pietas et -Gratulatio_. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 431, and references. - -[322] Vol. III. p. 345. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 79. -Typographical errors in the book are very numerous, as Mather did not -have a chance to correct the type. A page of “errata” was printed, -but is found in few copies. Some copies have been completed by a -fac-simile of the page, which Mr. Charles Deane has caused to be made. -Some copies of the book exist on large paper. (_Hist. Mag._, ii. 123; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 37.) The Hartford ed. of 1820 was printed -from a copy without this list of errata, and so preserves the original -crop of errors. So did the edition of 1853; but the sheets of this, -with a memoir by S. G. Drake added, were furnished with a new title in -1855, in which it is professed that the errors have been corrected; -but the profession is said not to be true. (_Hist. Mag._, i. 29.) An -exceptionally fine copy of the original edition, well bound, will -bring $40 to $50. Holmes (_Amer. Annals_, 2d ed., i. 544) says of the -_Magnalia_ that its “author believed more and discriminated less than -becomes a writer of history.” - -[323] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 200. - -[324] Preface to Neal’s _History_, p. vii. - -[325] Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, for editions (iii. 151). - -[326] See Vol. III. p. 345. - -[327] _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 32. - -[328] _Sermon on Mather’s Death._ - -[329] Out of this book was published in London, in 1744, _An abridgment -of the life of the late Reverend and learned Dr. Cotton Mather, taken -from the account of him published by his son, by David Jennings_. -_Recommended by I. Watts, D. D._ - -[330] Grahame (i. 425), taking his cue from Quincy, says of Cotton -Mather that “a strong and acute understanding, though united with real -piety, was sometimes corrupted by a deep vein of passionate vanity and -absurdity.” - -[331] In Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, vol. vi. - -[332] Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 158, gives a list of -authorities on Mather, which may be supplemented by the references -in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_. Sibley’s count of his -printed and manuscript productions (456 in all) is the completest yet -made. Samuel Mather gives 382 titles as the true number of his distinct -printed books and tracts. - -[333] It is usually priced at figures ranging from $7.00 to $10.00. - -[334] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 201. - -[335] Douglass, with his usual swagger, points out (_Summary_, etc., i. -362-3) various errors of Neal. - -[336] Harvard Col. lib., no. 6372.12. - -[337] Carter-Brown, iii. 899; Sabin, v. 20,726. Cf. present _History_, -Vol. III. p. 346. - -[338] The suppression, however, was incomplete. The numbers already out -could not be recalled, and it is these bound up which constitute volume -i. in many copies of the book, and the preface in which the suppression -is promised is often bound with them. Rich (_Catal._, 1832, p. 94) -had seen none of the proper independent issues of vol. i., in which -the suppression was made, and in these copies, sig. Ff. (pp. 233-40) -is reset, as well as other parts of the volume, though not all of it. -A note in vol. i. (pp. 254-5), not bearing gently on Knowles, was -suffered to stand. - -[339] Sabin (vol. v. 20,726) says that some copies of vol. ii., which -have an appendix from Salmon’s _Geog. and Hist. Grammar_, are dated -1753. The Sparks (no. 780) and Murphy (no. 814) catalogues note -Boston editions in 1755. In the last year (1755) and in 1760 the book -was reprinted in London, with a map; but Rich and the Carter-Brown -catalogue seem to err in saying that the 1760 edition was one with a -new title merely. Sabin (vol. v. 20,727-28) says the edition of 1760 -has a few alterations and corrections. - -[340] Douglass loftily says (i. p. 310), in defence of his digressions: -“This Pindarick or loose way of writing ought not to be confined to -lyric poetry; it seems to be more agreeable by its variety and turns -than a rigid, dry, connected account of things.” - -[341] _Mass. Bay_, ii. 78. Cf. Grahame, ii. 167. Douglass himself says -with amusing confidence (_Summary_, etc., i. 356): “I have no personal -disregard or malice, and do write of the present times, as if these -things had been transacted 100 years since.” - -[342] Vol. ii. pp. 151-157. - -[343] Cf. Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 184. - -[344] _Summary_, etc., i. 362. - -[345] See Vol. III. p. 377. - -[346] Cf. Alvah Hovey’s _Life and Times of Isaac Backus_, 1858, p. -281; and Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_. It was while mainly -depending on the _Magnalia_ and Backus that H. F. Uhden wrote his -_Geschichte der Congregationalisten in Neu England bis 1740_, of which -there is an English version by H. C. Conant, _New England Theocracy_, -Boston, 1858. - -[347] An eminent Catholic authority, John G. Shea, in the _Amer. Cath. -Q. Rev._, ix. (1884) p. 70, on “Puritanism in New England,” has said: -“New England has framed not only her own history, but to a great extent -the whole history of this country as it is generally read and popularly -understood.... Schools made New Englanders a reading and writing -people, and no subject was more palatable than themselves.... The -consequence is that the works on New England history exceed those of -all other parts of the country.... The general histories of the United -States, like those of Bancroft and Hildreth, are written from the New -England point of view, and Palfrey embodies in an especial manner the -whole genius and development of their distinctive autonomy, with all -the extenuating circumstances, the deprecating apologies, the clever -and artistic arrangement in the background, of all that might offend -the present taste.” - -[348] See Vol. III. p. 344. Cf. also Chas. Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on -Gov. Hutchinson’s historical publications_ (privately printed, 1857, as -well as in the _Hist. Mag._, Apr., 1857, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._) -and Sabin’s _Dictionary_, xi. p. 22. Cf. Bancroft, _United States_, -orig. ed., v. 228. - -[349] Vol. III. p. 344. There is a rather striking portrait of Judge -Minot (b. 1758; d. 1802), which is reproduced in heliotype in the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. p. 42. - -[350] Vol. III. p. 364. The MS. of Williamson’s _History_ is in Harvard -College library. Mr. John S. C. Abbott published a popular _History of -Maine_ at Boston in 1875. - -[351] Cf. Vol. III. p. 376. - -[352] Vol. III. p. 368. There are two portraits of Belknap by Henry -Sargent in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (cf. _Catal. Cab. M. -H. Soc._, nos. 34, 35, with engravings, p. 37), and the introduction -to the first volume of the _Proceedings_ of that society gives his -portrait and tells the story of his chief influence in forming that -society. Cf. also the index to _Belknap Papers_, 2 vols., published by -that society in 1877, and reissued with an app. in 1882; and the _Life -of Jeremy Belknap, with selections from his correspondence and other -writings, collected and arranged by his granddaughter_ [Mrs. Marcou], -N. Y., 1847. - -[353] Cf. the Belknap-Hazard correspondence in the _Belknap Papers_, -published by the Mass. Hist. Soc., in _Collections_, vol. xlii.; and -_N. H. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. - -[354] Sabin, ii. 4,434. - -[355] Sabin, ii. 4,435-36. - -[356] Sabin, ii. 4,437. - -[357] Cf. John Le Bosquet’s _Memorial of John Farmer_, Boston, 1884. - -[358] See Vol. III. p. 343. - -[359] _Hist. New Eng._, iv. p. xi. - -[360] Vol. IV. p. 366. - -[361] _Report_, etc., p. 17; Moore, _Final notes_, etc., p. 114; Ellis -Ames in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 366. - -[362] Hutchinson, ii. 213. - -[363] _Report of Commissioners on the records, files_, etc., 1885, p. -21. - -[364] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 34. - -[365] _Report_, etc., ut supra, on “General Court Records,” p. 17. - -[366] _Report_, etc., p. 24. Beside the “Mather Papers,” which refer -to the colonial period, the _Prince Catalogue_ shows the “Cotton and -Prince Papers” (p. 153) and the “Hinckley Papers” (p. 154), which -extend beyond the colonial into the provincial period. Gov. Belcher’s -letter-books are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Vol. -i. begins with Sept., 1731, and his connection with Boston ceases -in vol. v., where also his letters from New Jersey begin and are -continued to Dec., 1755. (Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 60.) Dr. Belknap -(_Papers_, ii. 169) speaks of them as having been sold “at Russell’s -vendue for waste paper; some of them were torn up.” Various letters of -Belcher are printed in the _N. H. Provincial Papers_, iv. 866-880. The -list of MSS. in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society (_Proc._, -x., April, 1868) gives various ones of interest in the study of the -last century in New England history. - -[367] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1849, p. 167. Cf. references in -Poole’s _Index_, p. 292. - -[368] Vol. III. p. 367. Of this series, vols. ii. (1686-1691), iii. -(1692-1722), iv. (1722-1737), v. (1738-1749), vi. (1749-1763), concern -the provincial period. Vols. ix., x., xi., xii., xiii., give the local -documents pertaining to the towns. - -[369] _Proc._, x. 160, 324. - -[370] _Final notes_, etc., p. 120. - -[371] The first and second editions are extremely rare. (Brinley, i. -818, 1392.) A third edition was printed in London, coming down to -1719, for the Lords of Trade, the charter being dated 1721 and the -laws 1724. Other editions were printed in Boston in Jan., 1726-27 -(Brinley, i. 1,394); 1742 (Ibid. i. 1,398); 1755 (Temporary Laws); -1759-61 (Perpetual Laws); 1763 (Temporary Laws). These had supplements -in needful cases as the years went on. Such of the Province Laws as -remained in force after the province became a State were printed as an -appendix to the State Laws in 1801, 1807, 1814. (Ames and Goodell’s -edition, preface.) - -[372] A summary of the work done by the Commissioner on the Province -Laws is set forth in D. T. V. Huntoon’s _Province Laws, their value and -the progress of the new edition_, Boston, 1885 (pp. 24), which also -contains a history of the various editions. From this tract it appears -that Massachusetts, for what printing of her early records she has so -far done, for historical uses solely, has expended as follows:— - - _Mass. Colony Records_, five vols. $41,834.44 - _Plymouth Colony Records_, twelve vols. 47,117.66 - _Provincial Laws_, five vols. (to date) 77,505.75 - ——————————— - $166,457.85 - -A synopsis of the contents of these volumes of the Province Laws is -contained in H. B. Staples’ _Province Laws of Massachusetts_, in _Proc. -Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Apr., 1884, and separately. - -[373] _An address on the life and character of Chief-Justice Samuel -Sewall, Oct. 26, 1884. Boston, printed for the author, 1885._ It also -appeared in the volume which the occasion prompted, when its early -ministers, with Samuel Adams and other worthies of its membership, were -commemorated. - -[374] _Proceedings_, x. 316, 411; xi. 5, 33, 43. - -[375] Vols. xlv., xlvi., and xlvii. (1878, 1879, 1882). They are richly -annotated with notes under the supervision of Dr. Ellis, as chairman -of the committee of publication, who was assisted by Professor H. W. -Torrey and Mr. Wm. H. Whitmore, the latter being responsible for the -topographical and genealogical notes, of which there is great store. -Dr. Ellis communicated to the society in 1873 (_Proc._, xii. 358) -various extracts from the letter-book, which accompanied the diary when -it was transferred to the society; but these with other letters and -papers will be included in a fourth and fifth volume of the _Sewall -Papers_, now in press. - -[376] Probably no personal record of the provincial period of New -England history has excited so much interest as the publication -of Sewall’s diary. The judgments on it have been kindly, with few -exceptions. Cf. D. A. Goddard, _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 417; Sibley’s -_Harvard Graduates_, ii. 345, 364; H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the -Eng. Colonies_, 426; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 641; Poole, _Index to -Period. lit._, p. 1181. Tyler (_Hist. Amer. lit._, ii. 99) gives a -generous estimate of Sewall’s character, written before the publication -of his diary. Palfrey in his vol. iv. made use of the diary after it -came into the society’s library. (_Proc._, xviii. 378.) - -There are genealogical records of the Sewalls in _Family Memorials, -a series of genealogical and biographical monographs on the families -of Salisbury, Aldworth-Elbridge, Sewall, etc. ... by Edward Elbridge -Salisbury, privately printed_, 1885, two folio volumes. Cf. also volume -i. of _Sewall Papers_. - -[377] _Address_, etc., p. 5. - -[378] _Address_, etc., p. 5. - -[379] Cf. W. B. O. Peabody on Cotton Mather’s diary in the -_Knickerbocker Mag._, viii. 196. With the exception of a year’s record -preserved in the Congregational library in Boston, what remains of -the diary of Cotton Mather is now in the libraries of the American -Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and of the Mass. Hist. Soc.,—as -follows (A. meaning the Am. Antiq. Soc.; M., the Mass. Hist. Soc.; C., -the Cong. lib.):— - -1681, 83, 85, 86, M.; 1692, A.; 1693, M.; 1696, A.; 1697, 98, M.; 1699, -A.; 1700, 1, 2, M.; 1703, A.; 1705, 6, M.; 1709, 11, 13, A.; 1715, 16, -C.; 1717, A.; 1718, 21, 24, M. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. -42; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. p. xviii.; ii. p. 301. - -[380] Parts of it are printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., -1861. - -[381] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1870. - -[382] Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 386; _Historical -Magazine_, iii. 342. - -[383] Reprinted in _N. H. Hist. Coll._, iii. He was in Boston in 1709, -1717, and 1720. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 537. The date of Uring’s book is -sometimes 1726. - -[384] There was a later edition in 1798 (much enlarged). Tuckerman’s -_America and her Commentators_, p. 175. - -[385] Quincy (_Harv. Univ._) calls Turell’s _Life of Benj. Colman_ -“the best biography of any native of Massachusetts written during its -provincial state.” Letters to and from Rev. Benj. Colman are preserved -among the MSS. of the Mass. Hist. Society. _Proc._, x. 160-162. - -[386] A cursory glance is given in H. W. Frost’s “How they lived before -the Revolution” in _The Galaxy_, xviii. 200. - -[387] Judd’s _Hadley_; Ward’s _Shrewsbury_, etc. - -[388] Particularly vol. ii. ch. 16, “Life in Boston in the Provincial -Period.” In the same work other aspects of social and intellectual -life are studied in Dr. Mackenzie’s chapter on the religious life -(in vol. ii,), in Mr. D. A. Goddard’s on the literary life (in vol. -ii.), and in Mr. Geo. S. Hale’s on the philanthrophic tendency (in -vol. iv.). Incidental glimpses of the ways of living are presented -in several of Mr. Samuel A. Drake’s books, like _The Old Landmarks -of Boston_, _Old Landmarks of Middlesex_, and _Nooks and Corners of -the New England Coast_. The coast life is depicted in such local -histories as Babson’s _Gloucester_, and Freeman’s _Cape Cod_. The -colonial house and household, beside being largely illustrated in the -papers of Dr. Eggleston already mentioned, are discussed in Mr. C. A. -Cummings’ chapter on “Architecture,” and Mr. E. L. Bynner’s chapter on -“Landmarks” in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_. Cf. also Lodge, pp. 446, 458; -and “Old Colonial houses _versus_ old English houses,” by R. Jackson, -in _Amer. Architect_, xvii. 3. Copley’s pictures and the description -of them in A. T. Perkins’s _Life and Works of John Singleton Copley_ -(privately printed, 1873), with such surveys as are given in the -Eggleston papers in _The Century_, present to us the outer appearance -of the governing classes of that day. - -For the other New England colonies, the local histories are still the -main dependence, and principal among them are Hollister’s _Hist. of -Connecticut_, Brewster’s _Rambles about Portsmouth_, and Staple’s _Town -of Providence_. - -[389] _United States_, ii. 401. - -[390] For the town system of New England and its working, compare -references in Lodge (p. 414), _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 454, and W. E. -Foster’s _Reference lists_, July, 1882: to which may be added Herbert -B. Adams’s _Germanic Origin of the New England Towns_ (1882), and -Edward Channing’s _Town and County government in the English colonies -of North America_ (1884),—both published in the “Johns Hopkins -University studies;” Judge P. E. Aldrich in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1884; “Town Meeting,” by John Fiske, in _Harper’s Magazine_, -Jan., 1885 (also in his _American Political Ideas_, N. Y., 1885); -Scott’s _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, p. 174; Fisher’s -_American Political Ideas_, ch. i. (1885). - -For the characteristics of its religious congregations the reader -may consult Felt’s _Ecclesiastical History of New England_; the -“Ecclesiastical Hist. of Mass. and Plymouth Colonies,” in _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vols. vii., viii., ix., etc.; Lodge’s _English Colonies_ (pp. -423-434); the chapters by Dr. Mackenzie in vol. ii., and those on the -various denominations in vol. iii., of the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, -with their references; William Stevens Perry’s _Hist. of the American -Episcopal Church_ (2 vols. 1885); H. W. Foote’s _King’s Chapel_ -(Boston); M. C. Tyler’s _Hist. of American Literature_; H. M. Dexter’s -_Congregationalism as seen in its literature_ (particularly helpful is -its appended bibliography); Dr. W. B. Sprague’s _Annals of the American -Pulpit_; with the notices of such as were ministers in Sibley’s -_Harvard Graduates_; the lives of preachers like Jonathan Edwards; and -among the general histories of New England, particularly that of Backus. - -One encounters in studying the ecclesiastical history of New England -frequent references to organizations for propagating the gospel, -and their similarity of names confuses the reader’s mind. They can, -however, be kept distinct, as follows:— - -I. “Corporation for promoting and propagating the gospel among the -Indians of New England.” Incorporated July 27, 1649. Dissolved 1661. -There is a history of it by Scull in the _New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, xxxvi. 157. What are known as the “Eliot tracts” were its -publications. (Cf. Vol. III. p. 355.) - -II. “Corporation for the propagation of the gospel in New England -and parts adjacent in America.” Incorporated April 7, 1662. It still -exists. The history of it is given by W. M. Venning in the _Roy. Hist. -Soc. Trans._, 2d ser., ii. 293. Its work in New England was broken up -by the American Revolution, but it later (1786) began anew its labors -in New Brunswick. Cf. also Henry William Busk’s _Sketch of the Origin -and the Recent History of the New England Company_, London, 1884. - -III. “Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts.” -Chartered June 16, 1701. _Historical Account_ by Humphreys, London, -1730. The printed annual reports present a reflex of the religious and -even secular society of the colonies in the eighteenth century. The -_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,334, shows an unusual set from 1701 to 1800. -The set in the Carter-Brown library is complete for these years. - -IV. “Society for propagating the gospel among the Indians and others in -North America.” Incorporated by Massachusetts in 1787. - -[391] Separately as _Remarks on the early paper Currency of Mass._, -with photographs of Mass. bills. Cambridge, 1866. - -[392] Brinley, i. no. 857. - -[393] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 333; Brinley, i. no. 726. - -[394] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1866, p. 88; Palfrey, iv. 333, -with references; _Province Laws_ (Ames and Goodell), i. 700; _Sewall -Papers_, ii. 366. - -[395] Cf. Henry Bronson’s “Hist. Acc. of Connecticut Currency” in the -_N. Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, i. p. 171. - -[396] What has been called “the first gun fired in the Land-bank war -of 1714-1721” was a reprint in Boston, in 1714, of a tract which was -originally published in London in 1688, called _A Model for erecting -a Bank of Credit. Adapted especially for his majesties Plantations -in America._ (_Prince Catal._, p. 45.) The Boston preface, dated Feb. -26, 1713-14, says that “a scheme of a bank of credit, founded upon a -land security, ... will be humbly offered to the consideration of the -General Assembly at their next session.” (Sabin, no. 49,795; Brinley, -i. no. 1,430.) - -[397] Sabin, ii. no. 6,710; _Prince Catal._, p. 51. But see Ibid., -under “Bank of Credit,” p. 4, for other titles. - -[398] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1884, p. 226. - -[399] Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 207, 208. - -[400] Brinley, i. no. 1,431. - -[401] Sabin, ii. no. 6,711. - -[402] Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. pp. 370-392; Brinley, i. pp. 188-191; -Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 184, 185, 302. - -[403] _First Essays at Banking in New England._ - -[404] This tract (Brinley, i. no. 1,434; Sabin, iv. 14,536) was the -work of John Colman, who followed it later in the same year with _The -distressed state of the town of Boston once more considered_, etc. -(Brinley, no. 1,439; Sabin, iv. no. 14,537), which was induced by an -answer to his first tract, called _A letter from one in the Country to -his friend in Boston_, 1720 (Brinley, i. no. 1,435, and nos. 1,436-37 -for the sequel; also Sabin, iv. 14,538). There were further attacks on -the council in _News from Robinson Crusoe’s island_, with attendant -criminations (Brinley, i. nos. 1,440-42). - -[405] Fac-similes in _The Century_, xxviii. 248; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. -S._, iii. p. 132. - -[406] In a tract, _Money the Sinews of Trade_, Boston, 1731 (Brinley, -i. no. 1,447), there is a wail over the disastrous effect of Rhode -Island bills in Massachusetts. Rhode Island, in 1733, issued a large -amount of paper money for circulation, chiefly in Massachusetts; and -the elder colony suffered from the infliction in spite of all she could -do. There is in the _Connecticut Col. Records_, 1726-35, p. 421, a -fac-simile of a three-shilling bill of the “New London Society united -for trade and commerce in New England.” - -[407] _Trade and Commerce inculcated ... with some proposals for the -bringing gold and silver into the country._ Boston, 1731. (Brinley, i. -no. 1,448.) - -[408] Bennett, an English traveller, who was in New England at this -time, gives an account of the currency in vogue, and he says that the -merchants informed him that “the balance of trade with England is so -much against them that they cannot keep any money [coin] amongst them.” -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1860-62, pp. 123-24. - -[409] Cf. description of the notes of the “Silver Scheme” in _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, pp. 263-64. - -[410] P. O. Hutchinson’s _Thomas Hutchinson_, p. 51. _A Dissertation -on the Currencies of the British plantations in North America, and -Observations on a paper currency_ (Boston, 1740), is ascribed to -Hutchinson. - -[411] _An Account of the Rise, Progress, and Consequences of the two -late Schemes commonly call’d the Land-bank or Manufactory Scheme and -the Silver Scheme in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, wherein -the Conduct of the late and present G——r during their Ad——ns is -occasionally consider’d and compar’d. In a letter [Apr. 9, 1744] from a -gentleman in Boston to his friend in London._ 1744. The reader of the -life of Sam. Adams remembers how the closing days of his father’s life -and the early years of his own were harassed by prosecutions on account -of the father’s personal responsibility as a director of the Land-bank -Company. (Cf. Wells’ _Life of Sam. Adams_, vol. i. pp. 9, 26; _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, p. 262.) The names of the “undertakers” -of the Land-bank are given in Drake’s _Boston_, p. 613. - -[412] _Historical MSS. Commission’s Report_, v. 229. - -[413] Sabin, v. no. 20,725; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 589; _Boston Pub. -Lib. Bull._, 1884, p. 138. - -[414] Sabin, v. 20,723. - -[415] It was reprinted in Boston in 1740; again in London, 1751, with -a postscript; and once more, London, 1757. Sabin, v. no. 20,721; -Carter-Brown, iii. 608, 660; Brinley, i. no. 1,450; Harvard Col. lib’y, -10352.3. Douglass reiterated his views with not a little feeling in -various notes, sometimes uncalled for, through his _Summary_, etc., in -1747. Two rejoinders to Douglass’s views appeared, entitled as follows: -_An inquiry into the nature and uses of money, more especially of the -bills of public credit, old tenor.... To which is added a Reply to a -former Essay on Silver and Paper Currencies_. _As also a Postscript -containing remarks on a late Discourse concerning the Currencies_, -Boston, 1740. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 659; Boston Pub. Liby. H. 94.53; -Brinley, i. 1,451.) _Observations occasioned by reading a pamphlet -intituled, A discourse concerning the currencies, etc._, London, 1741. -(Brinley, i. no. 1,453.) - -Other tracts in the controversy were these: _A letter to —— ——, -a merchant in London concerning a late combination in the Province -of Massachusetts Bay to impose or force a private currency called -Land-bank money_. [Boston] 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,454.) _A letter to -a merchant in London to whom is directed the printed letter_ [as above] -_dated Feb. 21, 1740_. [Boston] 1741. (_Boston Pub. Liby. Bull._, 1884, -p. 138.) These and other titles can be found in Haven’s Bibliography -in Thomas, ii. pp. 444-508; in Carter-Catal., Brown, vol. iii.; in -the _Prince Catalogue_, under “Land-bank” and “Letter,” pp. 34, 35; in -the _Brinley_ i. pp. 191-192. The general histories like Bancroft (last -revision, ii. 263), Hildreth (ii. 380), Palfrey (iv. 547), Williamson -(ii. 203), Barry (ii. 132), take but a broad view of the subject. -Hutchinson (ii. 352) is an authoritative guide, and W. G. Sumner in his -_Hist. of Amer. Currency_, and J. J. Knox in _U. S. Notes_ (1884), have -summarized the matter. Cf. a paper on the Land-bank and Silver Scheme -read before the Amer. Statistical Association in 1874 by E. H. Derby; -and one by Francis Brinley in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 4, -1856. There is a fac-simile of a Mass. three-shillings bill of 1741 and -a sixpence of 1744 in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. pp. 131, 134. - -[416] In 1749 Douglass said (_Summary_, i. 535), “The parties in -Massachusetts Bay at present are not the Loyal and Jacobite, the -Governor and Country, Whig and Tory, but the debtors and creditors. The -debtor side has had the ascendant ever since 1741, to the almost utter -ruin of the country.” - -[417] P. O. Hutchinson (_Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson_, p. -53) gives a table of depreciation which the governor made:— - -_Rates of Silver in_ - - 1714 8½ - 1715 9⅙ - 1716-17 12 - 1721 13 - 1722 14 - 1724-25 16 - 1725-26 15½ - 1730 18 - 1731 19 - 1733 21 - 1734 25 - 1737 26½ - 1738 27 - 1739 28½ - 1744 30 - 1745 36 - 1746 36, 38, 40, 41 - 1747 50, 55, 60 - -Felt (p. 83) begins his table in 1710-1711, at 8; for 1712-13 he gives -8-1/2; and (p. 135) he puts the value in 1746-48 at 37, 38, 40; and in -1749-52 at 60. Cf. table in Judd’s _Hadley_, ch. xxvii. - -[418] Admiral Warren was authorized to receive the money. _Mass. -Archives_, xx. 500, 508. - -[419] See a humorous contemporary ballad on the Death of Old Tenor, -in 1750, reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 30. It is -ascribed to Joseph Green in the _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,459. Cf. _Some -observations relating to the present circumstances of the Province -of the Mass. Bay; humbly offered to the consideration of the General -Assembly_, Boston, 1750. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 934; Brinley, i. no. -1,457.) Hutchinson’s plan was opposed in _A Word in Season to all true -lovers of their liberty and their country, by Mylo Freeman_, Boston, -1748. (Brinley, i. no. 1,456.) Cf. Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. ch. v. - -[420] Judge H. B. Staples in his _Province Laws of Mass._, Worcester, -1884 (p. 13, etc.), gives a synopsis of Massachusetts legislation -on the subject of paper money during the whole period; but Ames and -Goodell’s ed. of the _Laws_ is the prime source. - -[421] Stephen Hopkins was the chairman of the committee reporting to -the assembly on the paper-money question, Feb. 27, 1749 (_R. I. Col. -Rec._, v. 283, and _R. I. Hist. tracts_, viii. 182; and June 17, 1751, -_R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 130). - -[422] Brinley, i. 1,493; ii. 2,655. - -[423] Harv. Col. Lib., no. 16352.7; Brinley, ii. 2,656. - -[424] Thomas, _Hist. of Printing_, i. 129; Minot, i. 208; Drake’s -_Boston_, p. 635; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 404. - -[425] Nos. 1,494-95. - -[426] Brinley, nos. 1,497-98; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. -9. Various other pamphlets on the Excise Bill are noted by Haven (in -Thomas), ii. pp. 520-21. - -[427] The act is printed and a description of the stamps is given in -the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1860, p. 267. One of the stamps -shows a schooner, another a cod-fish, and a third a pine-tree,—all -proper emblems of Massachusetts. The vessel with a schooner rig was -a Massachusetts invention, being devised at Gloucester in 1714, and -the story goes that her name came from some one exclaiming, “How she -schoons!” as she was launched from the ways. Cf. Babson’s _Gloucester,_ -p. 251; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 474, and (by Admiral -Preble), Feb., 1885, p. 207; and _United Service_ (also by Preble), -Jan., 1884, p. 101. The earliest mention of the fish as an emblem I -find in Parkman’s statement (_Frontenac_, p. 199, referring to Colden’s -_Five Nations_) that one was sent to the Iroquois in 1690 as a token of -alliance. A figure of a cod now hangs in the chamber of the Mass. House -of Representatives, and the legislative records first note it in 1784, -but lead one to infer that it had been used earlier. Cf. _Essex Inst. -Hist. Coll._, Sept., 1866; _Hist. Mag._, x. 197. The pine-tree appeared -on the coined shilling piece in 1652, which is known by its name. Cf. -_Hist. Mag._, i. 225, iii. 197, 317; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. -293; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 354, with references; _Amer. Jour. of -Numismatics_; _Coin Collector’s Journal_, etc. - -[428] Cf. _post_, ch. vii. - -[429] Clarence W. Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iv.; -S. E. Baldwin on the “Boundary line between Connecticut and New York,” -in the _New Haven Hist. Soc. Collections_, iii.; Smith’s _New York_ -(1814), p. 275. - -[430] Cf. further in Smith’s posthumous second volume, p. 250; and in -papers by F. L. Pope in the _Berkshire Courier_, May 13, 20, 27, 1885. -Cf. G. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, i. 281. - -[431] Cf. _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,464; Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on Gov. -Hutchinson’s hist. publications_ (1857), p. 37. - -[432] _Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissaries of New York at -a Congress with the Commissaries of the Massachusetts Bay, relating -to the establishment of a partition line of jurisdiction between the -two provinces_, New York, 1767. _Conference between the Commissaries -of Massachusetts Bay and the Commissaries of New York_, Boston, -1768. _Statement of the case respecting the controversy between New -York and Massachusetts respecting their boundaries_, London, Boston, -Philadelphia, 1767. - -[433] The form of these charters is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. -Reg._. 1869, p. 70. - -[434] H. Hall in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. pp. 22, 74. - -[435] Brinley, ii. no. 2,799; Sabin, x. p. 413. - -[436] _Brinley Catal._, nos. 2,510, 2,622; _Sparks’ Catal._, nos. -47, 50. Allen’s argument in this tract was reprinted in 1779 in his -_Vindication of the opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the -government of New York_ (Dresden, 1779). - -[437] John L. Rice, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. p. 1. Cf. _Journals -of Prov. Cong. etc._ (Albany, 1842). - -[438] Brinley, i. no. 2,511. Cf. for the proclamation, Sabin, xiii. 53, -873. - -[439] Printed at Dresden, Vt., 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of -the Governor and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1877), vol. v. pp. -525-540. Brinley, i. no. 2,512; Boston Pub. Library, 2338.10. - -[440] Printed at Dresden, 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of the -Council of Safety of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1873), vol. i. p. 444. Cf. -Brinley, i. no. 2,513. - -[441] Printed at Hartford, 1780, and reprinted in the _Records of the -Gov. and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier 1874), vol. ii. p. 223. Cf. -Brinley, i. no. 2,514. Stephen R. Bradley published the same year -_Vermont’s appeal to the candid and impartial world_ (Hartford, 1780). -Brinley, i. no. 2,515. The _Journals of Congress_ (iii. 462) show how, -June 2, 1780, that body denounced the claims of the people of the New -Hampshire grants. The same journals (iv. pp. 4, 5) give the Vermont -statement of their case, dated Oct. 16, 1781; and New York’s rejoinder, -Nov. 15, 1781. - -[442] It is reprinted in the _Records of the Gov. and Council of -Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1874), vol. ii. p. 355. Brinley, i. no. 2,516. It -was published anonymously. Cf. under date of March 1, 1782, the Report -on the history of the N. H. grants in the _Journals of Congress_, -iii. 729-32. The pardon by New York of those who had been engaged in -founding Vermont is in Ibid. iv. 31 (April 14, 1782); and a report to -Congress acknowledging her autonomy is in Ibid. iv. p. ii. (April 17, -1782). - -[443] Documentary sources respecting this prolonged controversy will -be found in William Slade, Jr.’s _Vermont State Papers, being a -collection of records and documents connected with the assumption and -establishment of government by the people of Vermont_ (Middlebury, -1823); in _Documents and Records relating to New Hampshire_, vol. x.; -in O’Callaghan’s _Doc. Hist. New York_, vol. iv. pp. 329-625, with a -map; in the _Fund Publications_ of the N. Y. Hist. Society, vol. iii., -and in the _Historical Magazine_ (1873-74), vol. xxi. Henry Stevens, -in the preface (p. vii.) of his _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), refers -to a collection of papers formed by his father, Henry Stevens, senior, -of Barnet, Vermont. The first volume of the _Collections of the -Vermont Hist. Soc._ had other papers, the editing of which was sharply -criticised by H. B. Dawson in the _Historical Magazine_, Jan., 1871; -with a reply by Hiland Hall in the July number (p. 49). The controversy -was continued in the volume for 1872, Mr. Hall issuing fly leaves of -argument and remonstrance to the editor’s statements. - -The earliest general survey of the subject, after the difficulties -were over, is in Ira Allen’s _Natural and political History of the -State of Vermont_ (London, 1798, with a map), which is reprinted -in the first volume of the _Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc._ -(Montpelier, 1870). It is claimed to be “the aim of the writer to lay -open the source of contention between Vermont and New York, and the -reasons which induced the former to repudiate both the jurisdiction and -claims of the latter, before and during the American Revolution, and -also to point out the embarrassments the people met with in founding -and establishing the independence of the State against the intrigues -and claims of New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts.” The most -extensive of the later accounts is in Hiland Hall’s _Early Hist. of -Vermont_ (1868), ch. v. and vi., with a part of Mitchell’s map of 1755. -Smith’s _History of New York_ (ii. 149) gives the New York side of the -controversy. Cf. also Bancroft’s _United States_, final revision, ii. -361; and Philip H. Smith’s _Green-Mountain Boys, or Vermont and the New -York land jobbers_ (Pawling, N. Y., 1885). - -The controversy enters more or less into local histories, like -Holden’s _Queensbury, N. Y._ (p. 393); William Bassett’s _Richmond, N. -H._ (ch. iii.); O. E. Randall’s _Chesterfield, N. H._; Saunderson’s -_Charlestown, N. H._ All the towns constituting these early grants -are included in Abby Maria Hemenway’s _Vermont Historical Gazetteer, -a local history of all the towns in the State_ (Burlington and -Montpelier, 1867-1882), in four volumes. - -The bibliography of Vermont to 1860, showing 250 titles, was printed -by B. H. Hall in _Norton’s Lit. Register_, vol. vi.; a more extended -list of 6,000 titles by Marcus D. Gilman was printed in the _Argus and -Patriot_, of Montpelier, Jan., 1879, to Sept. 15, 1880. (Boston Public -Library. 6170.14.) - -[444] “Early Connecticut Claims in Pennsylvania,” by T. J. Chapman in -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1884. - -[445] Cf. documents mentioned in Henry Stevens’s _Catal. of books and -pamphlets relating to New Hampshire_ (1885, p. 15), which documents -were sold by him to the State of New Hampshire. Stevens says regarding -these papers: “Dear fussy old Richard Hakluyt, the most learned -geographer of his age, but with certain crude and warped notions of the -South Sea ‘down the back side of Florida,’ which became worked into -many of King James’s and King Charles’s charters, and the many grants -that grew out of them, was the unconscious parent of many geographical -puzzles.... All these are fully illustrated in the numerous papers -cited in these cases.” The Thomlinson correspondence (1733-37) in the -Belknap papers (Mass. Hist. Soc.), which is printed in the _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, iv. 833, etc., relates to the bounds with Massachusetts, and -chiefly consists of letters which passed between Theodore Atkinson, of -Portsmouth, and Capt. John Thomlinson, the province agent in London. -Cf. Hiland Hall’s _Vermont_, ch. iv.; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 554; -Belknap, Farmer’s ed., p. 219; and the Report of the Committee on the -name Kearsarge, in the _N. H. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1876-84, p. 136. The -journal of Richard Hazzen (1741), in running the bounds of Mass. and -New Hampshire, is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, xxxiii. 323. - -[446] _Historical Mag._, 2d ser. vol. ix. 17; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. -349. Cf. Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, iii. 349; and Farmer’s ed. of same, -p. 245. Douglass (_Summary_, i. 261) points out how inexact knowledge -about the variation of the needle complicated the matter of running -lines afresh upon old records. Cf. also Ibid., p. 263. - -[447] The original MS. award of the commissioners is in the State-paper -office in London. The _Carter-Brown Catal._, iii. no. 692, shows a -copy of it. The Egerton MSS. in the British Museum have, under no. -993, various papers on the bounds of Massachusetts, 1735-54. Cf. also -Douglass, _Summary_, i. 399. - -[448] Mr. Waters reports in the British Museum an office copy of the -“Bounds between Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut,” attested by Roger -Wolcott, 1713; and also a plan of the south bounds of Massachusetts Bay -as it is said to have been run by Woodward and Safery in 1642. Douglass -(_Summary_, i. 415) has some notes on the bounds of Massachusetts Bay; -and on those with Connecticut there are the original acts of that -province in the _Conn. Col. Records_, iv. (1707-1740). - -[449] Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iii.; Palfrey’s -_New England_, iv. 364. The report of the joint committee on the -northern boundary of Conn. and Rhode Island, April 4, 1752, is printed -in _R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 346. Cf. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 145. - -[450] Bowen, parts ii. and iii., with maps of Connecticut (1720) and -Rhode Island (1728); _Rhode Island Col. Records_, iv. 370; Palfrey, iv. -232; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, July, 1884, p. 51; and the map in Arnold’s -_Rhode Island_, ii. 132, showing the claims of Connecticut. Cf. -Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 144. Since Vol. III. was printed some -light has been thrown on the earlier disputes over the Rhode Island -and Connecticut bounds through the publication by the Mass. Hist. Soc. -of the _Trumbull Papers_, vol. i. (pp. 40, 76), edited by Chas. Deane, -who gives references. Rhode Island’s answer to Connecticut about their -bounds in 1698, and other papers pertaining, are also printed with -references in the _Trumbull Papers_, i. p. 196, etc. - -[451] The cuts of this fort have been kindly furnished by the Maine -Historical Society. - -[452] Cf. “Frontier Garrisons reviewed by order of the Governor, 1711,” -in _Maine Hist. and Geneal. Recorder_, i. p. 113; and “Garrison Houses -in Maine,” by E. E. Bourne, in _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii. 109. - -[453] Chapters xii. (1688-95), xiv. (1700-1710), xvi. (1713-1725), xxi. -(1756-1763). Whittier tells the story of the “Border War of 1708” in -his _Prose Works_, ii. p. 100. Cf. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. -313. - -[454] _Sewall Papers_, ii. 182; _Hist. Mag._, viii. 71. - -[455] The original edition is called _The Redeemed Captive, returning -to Zion_. _A faithful history of remarkable occurrences in the -captivity and deliverance of Mr. John Williams, minister of the gospel -in Deerfield, who, in the desolation which befel that plantation, by -an incursion of the French and Indians, was by them carried away with -his family into Canada,_ [with] _a sermon preached by him on his return -at Boston, Dec. 5, 1706_. Boston, 1707. (Harv. Col. lib., 4375.12; -Brinley, i. no. 494; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 103.) A second edition was -issued at Boston in 1720; a third in 1738, with an appendix of details -by Stephen Williams and Thomas Prince; a fourth without date [1773]; -a fifth in 1774; another at New London without date [1780?]; one at -Greenfield in 1793, with an additional appendix by John Taylor,—the -same who delivered a _Century Sermon_ in Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1804, -printed at Greenfield the same year; what was called a fifth edition -at Boston in 1795; sixth at Greenfield, with additions, in 1800; -again at New Haven in 1802, following apparently the fifth edition, -and containing Taylor’s appendix. United with the narrative of Mrs. -Rowlandson’s captivity, it made part of a volume issued at Brookfield -in 1811, as _Captivity and Deliverance of Mr. John Williams and of -Mrs. Rowlandson, written by themselves_. The latest edition is one -published at Northampton in 1853, to which is added a biographical -memoir [of John Williams] with appendix and notes by Stephen W. -Williams. (Brinley, i. nos. 495-505; Cooke, 2,735-37; Field, _Indian -Bibliog., 1672-75_.) The memoir thus mentioned appeared originally as -_A Biographical Memoir of the Rev. John Williams, first minister of -Deerfield, with papers relating to the early Indian wars in Deerfield_, -Greenfield, 1837. The author, Stephen W. Williams, was a son of the -captive, and he gives more details of the attack and massacre than his -father did. Jeremiah Colburn (_Bibliog. of Mass._) notes an edition -dated 1845. This book has an appendix presenting the names of the -slain and captured, and Captain Stoddard’s journal of a scout from -Deerfield to Onion or French River in 1707. (Field, no. 1,674.) John -Williams died in 1729, and a notice of him from the _N. E. Weekly -Journal_ is copied in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1854, -p. 174; and Isaac Chauncey’s _Sermon_ at his funeral was printed in -Boston in 1729. (Brinley, no. 508.) The house in Deerfield in which -Williams lived, showing the marks of the tomahawk which beat in the -door, stood till near the middle of this century. An unsuccessful -effort was made in 1847 to prevent its destruction. (_N. E. Hist. and -Gen. Reg._, ii. 110.) There are views of it in Hoyt’s _Antiquarian -Researches_, and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. United States_, iii. 122. Eleazer -Williams, the missionary to the Indians at the west, was supposed -to be a great grandson of the captive, through Eunice Williams, one -of the captive’s daughters, who adopted the Indian life during her -detention in Canada, and married, refusing afterwards to return to -her kindred. A claim was set up late in Eleazer Williams’ life that -the was the lost dauphin, Louis XVII., and he is said to have told -stories to confirm it, some of which gave him a name for questionable -veracity. In 1853, a paper in _Putnam’s Magazine_ (vol. i. 194), called -“Have we a Bourbon among us?” followed by a longer presentation of the -claim by the same writer, the Rev. J. H. Hanson, in a book, _The Lost -Prince_, attracted much attention to Williams, who died a few years -later in 1858, aged about 73. There is a memoir of Mr. Williams in -vol. iii. of the _Memorial Biographies_ of the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Society. The question of his descent produced a number of magazine -articles (cf. _Poole’s Index_, p. 1411, and appendix to the _Longmeadow -Centennial Celebration_), the outcome of which was not favorable to -Williams’ pretension, whose truthfulness in other matters has been -seriously questioned. Hoyt, the author of the _Antiquarian Researches_, -represented on the authority of Williams that there were documents in -the convents of Canada showing that the French, in their attack on -Deerfield, had secured and had taken to Canada a bell which hung in the -belfry of the Deerfield meeting-house, and that this identical bell was -placed upon the chapel of St. Regis. Benjamin F. De Costa (_Galaxy_, -Jan., 1870, vol. ix. 124) and others have showed that the St. Regis -settlement did not exist till long after. This turned the allegation -into an attempt to prove that the place of the bell was St. Louis -instead, the present Caughnawaga. Geo. T. Davis, who examines this -story, and gives some additional details about the attack on the town, -has reached the conclusion, in his “Bell of St. Regis,” that Williams -deceived Hoyt by a fabrication. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1870), xi. -311; Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, ch. 2.) - -There is in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 478 (March, 1867), a -contemporary account of the destruction of Deerfield, with a table -of losses in persons and property; and a letter by John Schuyler in -the _Mass. Archives_, lxxii. 13. Cf. also Penhallow’s _Indian Wars_; -Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 127, 141; Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, -ch. 12; Holmes, _Amer. Annals_, with notes; Hoyt, _Antiq. Researches on -Indian Wars_, 184; Drake’s _Book of the Indians_, iii. ch. 2; Holland’s -_Western Mass._, i. ch. 9; Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 92; Palfrey’s _New -England_, iv. 262; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 251, 261; and on -the French side, Charlevoix, ii. 290, and a paper by M. Ethier, “Sur la -prise de Deerfield, en 1704,” in _Revue Canadienne_, xi. 458, 542. John -Stebbins Lee’s _Sketch of Col. John Hawkes of Deerfield, 1707-1784_, -has details of the Indian wars of this region. - -[456] King William’s war, 1688-98, in ch. xxiii.; Queen Anne’s, ch. -xxiv.; the wars of 1722-26, 1744-49, 1754-63, in ch. xxx. A competent -authority calls Mr. Judd’s history “one of the best local histories -ever written in New England.” H. B. Adams, _Germanic Origin of New -England Towns_, p. 30. - -[457] Harv. Col. lib., 5325.40; _H. C. Murphy Catal._, no. 811. Drake’s -_Particular Hist. of the Five Years’ French and Indian War_ (Albany, -1870), pp. 10, 12. There is a genealogical memoir of the Doolittles in -the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, vi. 294. Dr. S. W. Williams printed -in the _New Eng. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, April, 1848, p. 207, some -contemporary Deerfield papers of this war of 1745-46. The Hampshire -County recorder’s book contains in the handwriting of Samuel Partridge -an account of the border Indian massacres from 1703 to 1746. It is -printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, April, 1855, p. 161. - -[458] See French documents for this period in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 32. - -[459] Then embracing, to 1761, the four western counties of -Massachusetts as now marked. - -[460] A. L. Perry on the history and romance of Fort Shirley, in the -_Bay State Monthly_, Oct., 1885; and in the _Centennial Anniversary of -Heath, Mass., Aug. 19, 1885, edited by Edward P. Guild_, p. 94. - -[461] The contemporary narrative of this disaster is that of John -Norton, the chaplain of the fort, who was carried into captivity, and -whose _Redeemed Captive_, as he called the little tract of forty pages -which gave his experiences, was printed in Boston in 1748, after his -return from Canada. (Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. p. 498.) In 1870 -it was reprinted, with notes (edition, 100 copies), by Samuel G. Drake, -and published at Albany under the title of _Narrative of the capture -and burning of Fort Massachusetts_. (Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. -1,139; Brinley, i. 483; Drake’s _Five Years’ French and Indian Wars_, -p. 251; Sabin, xiii. 55,891-92.) Cf. Nathaniel Hillyer Egleston’s -_Williamstown and Williams College_, Williamstown, 1884; Stone (_Life -of Sir William Johnson_, i. 225), in his account of the attack, uses a -MS. journal of Serjeant Hawkes. The French documents are in _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, x. 65, 67, 77. - -[462] Life and character of Col. Ephraim Williams, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, viii. 47. - -[463] The fort will be seen to consist of a house (A in ground plan, -40 × 24), nine-feet walls of four-inch white ash plank, surmounted by -a gambrel roof, the pitches of which are seen (E, F) in the profile, -while the limits of the house are marked (X X) in the prospect. Sills -(H) on the ground gave support to pillars (I, K, in ground plan, A, C, -in profile), which held a platform (B in profile) which was reached -by doors (K in profile), and protected towards the enemy by a bulwark -of plank pierced with loop-holes, as the doors and window-shields of -the house were. One corner of this surrounding breastwork had a tower -for lookout, as seen in the prospect. At one end a wall (E, F, G, in -ground plan) with a bastion (D) enclosed a yard (L in ground plan, G -in profile), which was planked over. In this was a well (C in ground -plan) and a storehouse (B, size 35 × 10, in ground plan), with a roof -inclining inward (H, in profile). - -[464] Hall’s _Eastern Vermont_, i. 67. The papers of Col. Williams are -preserved in two volumes in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc., having -come into their possession in 1837. (_Proceedings_, ii. 95, 121.) The -papers are few before 1744, and the first volume comes down to 1757, -and concerns the warfare with the French and Indians in the western -part of the province. The second volume ends in the main with 1774, -though there are a few later papers, and continues the subject of the -first, as well as grouping the papers relating to Williams College and -Williams’ correspondence with Gov. Hutchinson. It was this same Col. -Israel Williams who took offence in 1762 that his son’s name was put -too low in the social scale, as marked on the class-lists of Harvard, -and tried to induce the governor to charter a new college in Hampshire -County. (_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, xx. 46.) - -The MS. index to the _Mass. Archives_ will reveal much in those papers -illustrative of this treacherous warfare, and the _Report of the -Commissioners on the Records, etc._ (1885), shows (p. 24) that there -is a considerable mass of uncalendared papers of the same character. -Various letters from Gov. Shirley and others addressed to Col. John -Stoddard during 1745-47, respecting service on the western frontiers -of Massachusetts, are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. -Society. These, as well as the Israel Williams papers, the Col. -William Williams’ papers (in the Pittsfield Athenæum), and much else, -will be availed of thoroughly by Prof. A. L. Perry in the _History -of Williamstown_, which he has in progress. A coöperative _Memorial -History of Berkshire County_, edited by the historian of Pittsfield, -is also announced, but a _History of Berkshire County_, issued under -the auspices of the Berkshire Historical Society, seems likely to -anticipate it. - -[465] There is an account of Mason’s expedition from New London to -Woodstock in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 473. - -[466] [This is described in Vol. IV. p. 364, with authorities, to -which add Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_, 1883, p. 244; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, July, 1883; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 45; _Mass. Archives_, -xxxvi. 111.—ED.] - -[467] See Vol. IV. pp. 353, 361, 364. Cf. _Connecticut Col. -Records_, iv. 38; and the present volume, _ante_, p. 90. - -[468] During the Dutch occupation of New York there were only -two Catholics in New Amsterdam, and according to Father Jogues, the -Jesuit missionary, they had no complaint to make that they suffered -on account of their faith. Father Le Moyne, another missionary, was -allowed to come to New Netherland a few years later, and administer the -rites of the church to the few Romanists then in the province, and in -1686 Governor Dongan, himself of the Church of Rome, reports that there -were still only “a few” of his co-religionists in the government. - -[469] Vetoed by the king in 1697. - -[470] Leamer and Spicer. - -[471] See Vol. III. ch. x. - -[472] He remained in the debtors’ prison in New York until -his accession to the earldom of Clarendon furnished the means for his -release. - -[473] A court of equity had been erected in the Supreme Court -of New York by an ordinance of Gov. Cosby, in 1733. - -[474] From Zenger’s narrative of his trial. - -[475] _Hist. Mag._, xiv. 49. - -[476] Cf. Bancroft, final revision, ii. 254. - -[477] The chief justice’s commission was made for “during good -behavior” in Sept., 1744, so as to conform with the practice in New -Jersey. - -[478] He came to New York in 1703 as secretary of the -province, and was connected by marriage with the royal house of Stuart. -He returned to England in 1745, and died in 1759. - -[479] See ch. viii. - -[480] [Cf. Vol. III. p. 495.—ED.] - -[481] _Col. Doc._, iv. 159. - -[482] The state of affairs in Pennsylvania and Delaware resulting from -it is best described in a letter written in June, 1707, by Col. Robert -Quary, the judge of the admiralty in New York and Pennsylvania, to the -Lords of Trade. - -[483] Being the first settlers of the province, the Quakers had very -naturally made affirmation instead of an oath a matter of great -importance. Upon a revision of the laws following the resumption of the -government by Penn, a law concerning the manner of giving evidence, -passed in 1701, was repealed by the queen in 1705, not because the -English government intended to deprive the Quakers of Pennsylvania of -their cherished privilege, but because it punished false affirming with -more severity than the law of England required for false swearing. -Hence Gookin’s objections. The whole question was not satisfactorily -settled until the passage of a law, and its approval by the king, -prescribing the forms of declaration of fidelity, abjuration, and -affirmation. - -[484] He was a considerable trader there when the place was first laid -out for a town. Proud’s _Pennsylvania_. - -[485] These £45,000 Pennsylvania currency represented only £29,090 -sterling, gold being sold then at £6 6_s._ 6_d._ p. oz., and silver at -8_s._ 3_d._ p. oz. - -[486] East New Jersey the same; New York and West New Jersey ten -shillings and sixpence. - -[487] During the following year, and as long as the war lasted, the -same £100,000 were yearly voted, and bills to that amount emitted, -secured by a tax on property. Again, in 1764, the Indian troubles about -Fort Augusta caused another emission of £55,000. The war with Spain -threatened Philadelphia, and £23,500 more were voted. Again, in 1769, -bills to the amount of £14,000 were granted towards the relief of the -poor in Philadelphia, and £60,000 for the king’s use. - -[488] Chapter iv. - -[489] See _ante_, p. 143. - -[490] Vol. VI. - -[491] How rarely slaves were imported is shown by the fact that of -1,062 entries for duty (a negro imported for sale was taxed £4) during -the period from the 11th of March, 1746, to the 31st of March, 1749, -only 29 entries were of 49 slaves, and 5 of these were brought on -speculation, the others being servants or seamen, and thus exempted -from duty. Slavery and the slave traffic were never countenanced in New -York, and much less in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, where the Quakers -early declared themselves opposed to this institution. - -[492] See Vol. IV. p. 410. [Mr. Fernow assisted Geo. W. Schuyler in the -account of the records given in his _Colonial New York_ (1885).—ED.] - -[493] Only two of these copies are now known: one is in the manuscript -department of the State library at Albany, the other is in the library -of the Long Island Historical Society. These laws were printed in the -_Collection of the New York Historical Society_, vol. i. [Cf. Sabin, -xiii. p. 178, for editions of early New York laws; and the present -_History_, Vol. III. pp. 391, 414, 510.—ED.] - -[494] The Bradford copy of 1694, in the State library -(Albany), not being considered complete, the legislature of 1879 -appropriated $1,600 to purchase a better copy at the Brinley sale -in 1880. [This was the first book printed in New York. Sabin (xiii. -53,726, etc.; cf. x. p. 371, and _Menzies Catal._, no. 1,250) gives the -successive editions. For the proceedings of the assembly in various -forms, see _Ibid._, xiii. 53,722, 54,003, etc.—ED.] - -[495] It may be here noted that there are also in the State library -at Albany the “Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commissioners for -settling the Boundaries of the Colony of Rhode Island eastwards towards -the Massachusetts Bay,” 1741, one volume; and the “Minutes of the -Commissioners appointed to examine, etc., the Controversy between -Connecticut and the Mohegan Indians,” 1743, one volume. - -[496] [The Johnson papers are further described in chapter viii. of the -present volume.—ED.] - -[497] [Dr. Sprague gave also to Harvard College library the -papers of Gen. Thomas Gage during his command in New York; but they -relate mainly to a later period.—ED.] - -[498] [This is probably the manuscript sold at an auction sale in New -York (Bangs, Feb. 27, 1854, _Catal._, no. 1,330). In an introduction, -Wraxall gives an account of his office and its difficulties. He says -the originals were somewhat irregularly arranged in four folio volumes, -and in part in Dutch, “of which I was my own translator.”—ED.] - -[499] The State library also possesses a small MS., _The Mythology of -the Iroquois or Six Nations of Indians_, by the Hon’ble James Deane, -Senior, of Westmoreland, Oneida County, who represented his county -in the assembly of New York, in 1803 and 1809, and probably obtained -his material from the Oneida Indians in his neighborhood. His account -differs very little from that given by the Indian David Cusick. [See -Vol. IV. p. 298.—ED.] - -[500] [See _ante_, p. 169.—ED.] - -[501] Papers relative to the trade and manufactures of New York, -1705-1757, are in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. - -[502] [Page 79, _ante_. Since that other description of maps -in this volume was finally made, there has been issued (1885), in two -large volumes, a _Catal. of the printed maps, plans, and charts in -the British Museum_, in which, under the heads of America, New York, -etc., will be found extensive enumerations of maps of the eighteenth -century.—ED.] - -[503] The drafts of Delisle particularly were the bases of many maps a -long way into the eighteenth century. See _Catal. Maps, Brit. Mus._, -1885. - -[504] For example, the _Geography anatomiz’d or the -Geographical Grammar, by Pat. Gordon_ (London, 1708), makes the St. -Lawrence divide “Terra Canadensis” into north and south parts, of which -last section New York (discovered by Hudson in 1608) is a subdivision, -as are New Jersey (discovered by the English, “under the conduct of -the Cabots,” in 1497) and Pennsylvania, of which it is blindly said -that it was discovered “at the same time with the rest of the adjacent -continent.” The western limit of these provinces bounds on “Terra -Arctica.” - -[505] For example, the map without date or imprint, called -_Pennsylvania, Nova Jersey et Nova York cum Regionibus ad Fluvium -Delaware in America sitis. Nova Delineatione ob oculos posita per -Matth. Scutterum, Sanctae Caes. Maj. Geographum, Aug. Vind._ It places -“Dynastia Albany,” “St. Antoni Wildniss,” or “Desertum orientale,” -near the junction of the two branches of the Susquehanna River. New -York city is on the mainland, from which Long Island is separated by a -narrow watercourse. - -Another, equally wild in its license, is a _Carte Nouvelle de l’Amérique -Angloise, etc., Dressée sur les Relations les plus Nouvelles_. _Par le -Sieur S. à Amsterdam chez Pierre Mortier, Libraire, avec Privilége de -nos Seigneurs._ Lake Erie (Lac Fells) is misshapen, and the Ohio River -is ignored. - -A common error in the maps of this period, based on Dutch notions, is -to place Lakes Champlain and George east of the Connecticut, as is -shown in the _Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova_ of Allard’s _Minor Atlas_, -usually undated, but of about 1700. The same atlas also contains (no. -32) a map showing the country from the Penobscot to the Chesapeake, -called _Totius Neobelgii nova tabula_. - -[506] [He was born in 1664, and had since 1687 been occupied -in his art. During 1701-06 he was at Leipzig, at work on the maps in -Cellarius; then he contributed to the geography of Scherer, which -appeared in 1710. Homann published what he called an _Atlas Novas_ in -1711, and an _Atlas Methodicus_ in 1719.—ED.] - -[507] Including one without date: _Nova Anglia Septentrionali Americae -implantata Anglorumque Coloniis florentissima, Geographiae exhibita -a Joh. Baptista Homann, Sac. Caes. Maj. Geographo, Norimbergae, cum -Privilegio Sac. Caes. Maj._ “Novum Belgium, Nieuw Nederland nunc New -Jork,” occupies the territory bounded by a north and south line from -Lac St. Pierre (St. Lawrence River) through Lakes Champlain and George -to about Point Judith on the Sound. In the northwest corner of New -York we find “Le Grand Sault St. Louis;” in the southwest, “Sennecaas -Lacus,” from which the Delaware River and a tributary of the Hudson, -“Groote Esopus River,” emerge. The “Versche River,” the Dutch name for -the Connecticut, runs west of Lake George. - -[508] See _ante_, pp. 80, 133. Sabin gives editions of his _Atlas_ -in 1701, 1709, 1711, 1717, 1719, 1723, 1732. Moll’s map of the New -England and middle colonies in 1741 is in Oldmixon’s _British Empire_. -His drafts were the bases of the general American maps of Bowen’s -_Geography_ (1747) and Harris’s _Voyages_ (1764). Cf. _Catal. Maps, -Brit. Mus._ (1885), under Moll, and pp. 2969-70. - -[509] Second ed. 1739; third, 1744. - -[510] He makes the Mohawk, or western branch of the Delaware River, -empty into the eastern branch below Burlington. The same writer’s -_Modern Gazetteer_ (London, 1746) is only an abbreviation of his -history. - -The charts of _The English Pilot_ of about this time give the -prevailing notions of the coast. The dates vary from 1730 through the -rest of the century,—the plates being in some parts changed. In the -edition of 1742 (Mount and Page, London) the maps of special interest -are: No. 14, New York harbor and vicinity, by Mark Tiddeman; and No. -15, Chesapeake and Delaware bays. The Dutch _Atlas van Zeevaert_ of -Ottens may be compared. - -[511] _Ante_, p. 81. The French reproduction is called _Nouvelle Carte -Particulière de l’Amérique, où sont exactement marquées ... la Nouvelle -Bretagne, le Canada, la Nouvelle Écosse, la Nouvelle Angleterre, la -Nouvelle York, Pennsylvanie, etc._ This is sometimes dated 1756. - -[512] _Ante_, p. 81. - -[513] This is the title of the second part of the volume; the first -title calls it an _Index of all the considerable Provinces, etc., in -Europe_. - -[514] _Ante_, p. 83. Stevens also notes a little Spanish _Exámen -sucincto sobre los antiguos Limites de la Acadia_, as having a map of -about this time. _Bibl. Hist._ (1870) no. 679. - -[515] Cf. _ante_, p. 81; and the _Carte des Possessions Françoises et -Angloises dans le Canada et Partie de la Louisiane. À Paris chez le -Sieur Longchamps, Geographe_ (1756). - -[516] Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_ has an eclectic map of their -country in 1720. - -[517] Governor Burnet, in his letter of December 16, 1723, perhaps -alludes to it when he says: “I have likewise enclosed a map of this -province, drawn by the surveyor Gen^{ll}, Dr. Colden, with great -exactness from all surveys that have been made formerly and of late -in this province;” ... but more probably Colden refers to it, in his -letter of December 4, 1726, to Secretary Popple, as “a Map of this -Province, which I am preparing by the Governor’s Order.” As this last -letter (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 806) treats mainly of quit-rents, and as -this map illustrates the same as fixed in the various patents, it is -most likely that the latter is the map now under consideration. There -is a map of the Livingston manor (1714) in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. -414, and papers concerning it (1680-1795) are in the same. A map of the -Van Rensselaer manor (1767) is in _Idem._, iii. 552. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, Jan., 1884, with views and portraits. - -[518] [This map is further mentioned in chapter viii.—ED.] - -[519] Cf. _Report of the Regents of the University on the -Boundaries of the State of New York_ (Albany, 1883-84), two large -vols., with historical documents; and the _Bicentennial Celebration -of the Board of American Proprietors of East New Jersey_ (1884). [The -history of the controversy as given in the _Report of the Regents_ is -by Mr. Fernow, whose references are mainly to the _N. Y. Col. Doc._, -iii., iv., vi., vii., xiii., and the _New Jersey Archives_, ii., iii., -vi., viii. H. B. Dawson published at Yonkers, N. Y., 1866, _Papers -concerning the boundary between the States of New York and New Jersey, -written by several hands_. On the New Jersey side, see W. A. Whitehead -and J. Parker in _New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vols. viii. and x., -and second series, vol. i.; and also Whitehead’s _Eastern boundary of -New Jersey: a review of a paper by Hon. J. Cochrane and rejoinder to -reply of_ [H. B. Dawson] (1866). The _Brinley Catal._, ii. 2,745-2,750, -shows various printed documents between 1752 and 1769. Cf. note on the -sources of the boundary controversies, in Vol. III. p. 414.—ED.] - -[520] Cf. Vol. III. p. 116. - -[521] [Vol. III. p. 501. It is also in Cassell’s _United States_, i. -282. Respecting Thomas’s _Historical Description_, see Vol. III. pp. -451, 501-2. Cf. also Menzies ($120); Murphy, no. 2,470; Brinley, no. -3,102; Barlow, no. 739; F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 284, £35. The text was -translated and the map reproduced in the _Continuatio der Beschreibung -der Landschaffts Pennsylvaniæ_, with foot-notes, probably by Pastorius, -Frankfort and Leipzig, 1702 (_Boston Pub. Lib. Bulletin_, July, 1883, -p. 60).—ED.] - -[522] It has been reproduced in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_ (p. 92) -and in Cassell’s _United States_ (i. 450). - -[523] Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, ii. no. 399. - -[524] [In Hazard’s _Register of Penna._, Oct. 2, 1830, there -is an account of the “long walk” and the so-called “Walking Purchase” -acquired in Pennsylvania in 1736, by terms which embraced a distance -to be walked in a day and a half, which, by reason of plans devised -to increase the distance, was the cause later of much indignation -among the Indians. This paper is reprinted in W. W. Beach’s _Indian -Miscellany_ (Albany, 1877), p. 86. See further, on troublesome -purchases of lands from the Indians, the papers in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, -on the Susquehanna River, where reference is made to the _Susquehanna -Title Stated and Examined_ (Catskill, 1796).—ED.] - -[525] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 343. - -[526] Sparks has bound with it a copy of the act of Parliament, 1696, -for reversing the attainder of Leisler and others, and refers to -Smith’s _New York_, p. 59, etc., and Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts Bay_, -i. 392. - -[527] For a view of Leisler’s house, see Vol. III. 417. - -[528] Cf. Edw. F. De Lancey, ed. of Jones’s _N. Y. during the Rev._, -and his memoir of James De Lancey in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv., and also -Sedgwick’s _Wm. Livingston_. - -[529] _An account of the commitment, arraignment, tryal, and -condemnation of Nicholas Bayard, Esq., for high treason in endeavoring -to subvert the government of the province of New York ... collected -from several memorials taken by divers persons privately, the -commissioners having strictly prohibited the taking of the tryal in -open Court._ New York, and reprinted in London, 1703. (Cf. Brinley, ii. -no. 2,743.) - -_Case of William Atwood, Esq., Chief Justice of New York ... with -a true account of the government and people of that province, -particularly of Bayard’s faction, and the treason for which he and -Hutchins stand attainted, but reprieved before the Lord Cornbury’s -arrival._ (London, 1703.) It is reprinted in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, 1880. - -These original reports are both rare, and cost about $5.00 each. - -P. W. Chandler examines the evidence on the Bayard trial (_Amer. -Criminal Trials_, i. 269), and the proceedings are given at length in -Howell’s _State Trials_, vol. xiv. - -[530] The report of his trial was printed at the time, and reprinted -with an introduction by William Livingston in 1755, and again in -Force’s _Tracts_. See Critical Essay of chap. iv., _post_. - -[531] Cornbury is said to have paraded in woman’s clothes. Cf. _Hist. -Mag._, xiii. 71; Shannon’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1869, p. 762. - -[532] _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 377; iv. 109. Colden was a Scotchman -(born in 1688), who, after completing his studies at the University -of Edinburgh, came to Pennsylvania in 1708, where he practised as -a physician, and gathered the material for describing in the _Acta -Upsaliensia_ several hundred American plants. For a few years after -1715 he was in England; but when Hunter came to New York as governor -in 1720, he made Colden surveyor-general and councillor, and ever -after he was actively identified with New York. There is a likeness of -Colden in _Ibid._, iii. 495. The Colden Papers are in the library of -the N. Y. Historical Society. A portion of them are the correspondence -of Colden with Smith, the historian of New York, and with his father, -respecting alleged misstatements in Smith’s _History_, particularly -as regards a scheme of Gov. Clarke to settle Scotch Highlanders near -Lake George. These letters were printed in the _Collections_ of that -society, second series, vol. ii. (1849) p. 193, etc., and another group -of similar letters makes part of vol. i. (p. 181) of the _Publication -Fund Series_ of the same _Collections_. (See Vol. III. p. 412.) The -main body, however, of the Colden Papers occupy vols. ix. and x. of -this last series (1876 and 1877). The earlier of these volumes contains -his official letter-books, 1760-1775, which “throw a flood of light -upon the measures which were steadily forcing New York into necessary -resistance to arbitrary government.” The succeeding volume takes the -next ten years down to 1775. - -[533] Haven in Thomas, ii., _sub anno_ 1735, 1738; Carter-Brown, iii. -593, 594. Chandler cites editions in New York, 1735, 1756, 1770, -and London, 1764. Franklin printed _Remarks on Zenger’s Trial_ in -1737. _Remarks on the Trial of John Peter Zenger_ (London, 1738) is -signed by Indus Britannicus, who calls Hamilton’s speech a “wild and -idle harangue,” and aims to counteract “the approval of the paper -called Common Sense.” Cf. for Hamilton the chapter on the Bench and -Bar in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (ii. 1501). “Andrew -Hamilton was the first American lawyer who gained more than a local -reputation, and the only one who did so in colonial times.” Lodge, -_Short History_, 233, gives references on the courts and bar of -Pennsylvania and New York (pp. 232, 233, 316, 317). There is a portrait -of Andrew Hamilton in the Penn. Hist. Soc., and a photograph of it in -Etting’s _Independence Hall_. The trial is canvassed in Chandler’s -_Amer. Criminal Trials_, i. 151; and the narrative of the trial and -the _Remarks_, etc., are reprinted in Howell’s _State Trials_, vol. -xvii. Cf. also Hudson’s _Journalism_, p. 81, and Lossing in _Harper’s -Monthly_, lvii. p. 293. The New York State library possesses a -collection made by Zenger himself of all the printed matter on the case -appearing in his day. - -[534] See the full title in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, viii. no. 33,058. -Copies were sold in the Rice sale ($140); Menzies, no. 971 ($240); -Strong ($300); Brinley, no. 2,865 ($330); Murphy, no. 1,260; Quaritch -(£45). There are copies in Harvard College library, Philadelphia -library, Carter-Brown (iii. no. 779), and Barlow (_Rough List_, no. -878). It was reprinted in London in 1747 (Sabin, viii. no. 33,059), and -in New York in 1810 as _The New York Conspiracy, or a history of the -negro plot, with the journal, etc._ (Harvard College library, Boston -Public library, Brinley, Cooke, etc.), and was again reprinted in New -York in 1851, edited by W. B. Wedgwood, as _The Negro Conspiracy in the -City of New York in 1741_. - -All the histories touch the story, but for original or distinctive -treatment compare Smith’s _New York_, ii. 58; Stone’s _Sir William -Johnson_, i. 52; Williams’ _Negro Race in America_, i. p. 144; and the -legal examination of the case in Peleg W. Chandler’s _American Criminal -Trials_ (i. 211). - -[535] See Lives of Penn noted in Vol. III. - -[536] _Proceedings_, v. 312. They are now in the library of the -Pennsylvania Hist. Society. - -[537] Hildeburn, _Century of Printing; Catal. of Works rel. to B. -Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, pp. 26, 32, 38. - -[538] Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._ (1870), no. 1,995. - -[539] G. Clarke’s _Voyage to America, with introduction and notes by -E. B. O’Callaghan_ (Albany, 1867), being no. 2 of a series of _N. -Y. Colonial Tracts_. Clarke remained in the province till 1745. The -original MS. of his _Voyage_ is in the State library at Albany. - -[540] Portraits of Keith are in G. M. Hill’s _Hist. of the Church in -Burlington, New Jersey_, and in Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_, i. p. -209. - -[541] The bibliography of the Quakers has been given in Vol. III. -p. 503. Since that notice was made, Joseph Smith has added to his -series of books on Quaker literature _Bibliotheca quakeristica: a -bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to the friends -(quakers), and biographical notices_ (London, 1883). Quaker -publications in Pennsylvania can best be followed in Hildeburn’s -_Century of Printing in Penna._, while entries more or less numerous -will be found in Haven’s list (Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_, ii.), and -particularly respecting the tracts of George Keith, in Sabin, ix. p. -403; Carter-Brown, ii. and iii.; Brinley, ii. 3,406, etc.; Cooke, iii. -1,342, etc. - -Mr. C. J. Stillé has printed a paper on “Religious Tests in Provincial -Pennsylvania” in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Jan., 1885. - -[542] _Collection of the Epistles and Works of Benjamin Holme, to -which is prefixed an account of his life and travels in the work of -the ministry, through several parts of Europe and America, written by -himself_ (London, 1753). Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,000. - -[543] London, 1779. There were editions in Philad., 1780; York, 1830; -and the book makes vol. v. of the Friends’ Library, Philad., 1841. -Sabin (vii. 28,825) gives it as earlier printed with _Some brief -remarks on sundry important subjects_, London, 1764, 1765; Dublin, -1765; London, 1768; Philad., 1781; London, 1805. - -These books do not add much to our knowledge of other than the -emotional experiences prevalent among this sect at this period. The -_Journals_ of John Woolman reveal the beginnings of the anti-slavery -agitation among his people. The journals have passed through numerous -editions, and John G. Whittier added an introduction to an edition in -1871 (Boston). Cf. Allibone, iii. 2,834. - -[544] _An Account of Two Missionary Voyages by the Appointment of the -Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, etc., by -Thomas Thompson, A. M., Vicar of Reculver in Kent_ (London, 1758). - -For the history of the Episcopal Church in the middle colonies during -the eighteenth century, see Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. chapters -9, 11, 12, 13; and for the non-juring bishops, p. 541. Cf. De Costa’s -introduction to Bishop White’s _Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church_, p. -xxxii. A statement of the condition of the church in New York in 1704-5 -is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. 74. - -[545] Sec Crit. Essay of chap. vi. - -[546] Brinley, ii. 3,073; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, ii. no. 336. - -[547] Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,211; 1877, no. 2,903: -Brinley, _Catal._, ii. no. 3,093. His book is called _Getrouw Verhaal -van den waren toestant der meest Herderloze Gemeentens in Pensylvanien, -etc._ (Amsterdam, 1751.) - -[548] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 268; Tuckerman’s _America and her -Commentators_, p. 274; Sabin, i. no. 3,868. This traveller must not be -confounded with William Bartram, the son, whose travels belong to a -period forty years later. - -[549] Chap. viii. - -[550] _Ante_, p. 83. There is a chapter on the modes of travel of this -time in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (vol. iii.). - -[551] A German version, _Reise nach dem nördlichen America_, was -published at Göttingen in 1754-64,—some copies having the imprint -Leipzig and Stockholm. (Sabin, ix. 36,987.) A Dutch translation, -_Reis door Noord Amerika_, has for imprint Utrecht, 1772. (Sabin, ix. -36,988.) An English version by J. R. Forster, _Travels into North -America_, appeared in three volumes at Warrington and at London, in -1770-71, with a second edition at London in 1772. (Sabin, ix. 36,989; -Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_, p. 178.) Cf. the present _History_, IV. p. 494, -and Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 295. - -[552] Two editions, 1775; Dublin, 1775; third edition, London, 1798, -revised, corrected, and greatly enlarged by the author. It is reprinted -in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, vol. xiii. A French version was published -at Lausanne and at the Hague in 1778, and a German one, made by C. D. -Ebeling, at Hamburg, in 1776. (Sabin, iii. pp. 142-3.) - -[553] Chapter viii. Particularly may reference be made to Charles -Thomson’s _Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware -and Shawanese Indians from the British Interests_. - -[554] Chap. viii.—critical part. - -[555] Cf. Brinley, iii. 5,486. - -[556] Gov. Bernard’s letter in this conference is in _N. Jersey -Archives_, ix. p. 139. - -[557] There are in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (vol. iii. p. 613, etc.) -various papers indicative of the opposition the Moravians encountered -within the province of New York. - -[558] Cf. the Critical Essay of chap. viii. One of the earlier -historical treatments is John C. Ogden’s _Excursion to Bethlehem and -Nazareth, in 1799, with a succinct history of the Society of United -Brethren_. (Philad., 1800.) - -[559] Crit. Essay of chap. viii. - -[560] See Vol. III. p. 515. - -[561] _Life of Zeisberger_, pp. 37, 98, 120. - -[562] The Moravian Historical Society (Nazareth, Penna.) has taken -active measures to preserve the records of their missionary work. In -1860 it published at Philadelphia _A memorial of the dedication of -monuments erected by the Moravian Historical Society, to mark the sites -of ancient missionary stations in New York and Connecticut_ [by W. C. -Reichel], which contains an account of the Moravians in New York and -Connecticut; [Mission of] Shekomeko [N. Y.], by S. Davis; Visit of the -committee [to Shekomeko and Wechquadnach], and the proceedings of the -society and dedication of the monuments. - -The society also began a series of transactions in 1876, whose first -volume included _Extracts from Zinzendorf’s Diary of his second, and in -part of his third journey among the Indians, the former to Shekomeko, -and the other among the Shawanese, on the Susquehanna. Transl. from -a German MS. in the Bethlehem archives. By Eugene Schaeffer_ (1742), -and _Names which the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians gave to rivers, -streams, and localities, within the States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, -Maryland, and Virginia, with their significations_. _Prepared from a -MS. by J. Heckewelder, by William C. Reichel._ - -For the Moravians in Philadelphia, see Scharf and Westcott’s _Hist. of -Philad._ (vol. ii. p. 1320, etc.), and Abraham Ritter’s _Hist. of the -Moravian Church in Philad. from its foundation in 1742_ (Phil., 1857). -Poole’s _Index_, p. 870, will enable the reader to trace the literature -of which the Moravians have been the subject. The sect publish at -Bethlehem a _Manual_, which is convenient for authoritative information. - -[563] Jonathan Edwards wrote Brainerd’s life, using his diaries in -part. In 1822 a new edition, by Sereno Edwards Dwight, included -journals (June, 1745, to June, 1746) that had been published -separately, which had been overlooked by Edwards. (Sabin, ii. nos. -7,339-7,346.) The _Journal of a two months’ tour with a view of -promoting religion among the frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, -and introducing Christianity among the Indians west of the Alegh-geny -Mountains, by Charles Beatty_ (London, 1768), is the result of a -mission planned in England, and is addressed to the Earl of Dartmouth -and other trustees of the Indian Charity School. In Perry’s _Amer. -Episcopal Church_, chapter 19, is given an account of missionary labors -among the Mohawks and other Indian tribes. Gideon Hawley’s account of -his journey among the Mohawks in 1753 is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -iv., and _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. - -[564] Lodge (p. 227) has epitomized this immigration. See references in -Vol. III. p. 515. - -[565] Cf. Redmond Conyngham, _An account of the settlement of the -Dunkers at Ephrata, in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania_. _Added a short -history of that religious society, by the late Rev. Christian Endress, -of Lancaster_, which makes part of the _Historical Society of Penn. -Memoirs_. (1828, vol. ii. 133-153.) Cf. further _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, -v. 276; _Century_, Dec., 1881; Schele de Vere on a “Protestant Convent” -in _Hours at Home_, iv. 458. For their press see Thomas’s _Hist. of -Printing_, i. 287; _Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc._, -1872, p. 6; and Muller’s _Books on America_, 1877, no. 3,623. - -[566] The Dutch of J. G. De Hoop Scheffer’s historical account of the -friendly relations between the Dutch and Pennsylvania Baptists was -printed at Amsterdam in 1869 (Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. -1,296), and, translated with notes by S. W. Pennypacker, it appeared -as the “Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania” in the _Penna. Mag. of -Hist._, ii. 117; also see S. W. Pennypacker’s _Historical and Biog. -Sketches_ (Philad., 1883); cf. further in R. Baird’s _Religions in -America_ (1856), E. K. Martin’s _Mennonites_ (Philad., 1883), and -M’Clintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia_, vi. 98. - -On the Baptists in general in Pennsylvania, see Sprague’s _Amer. -Pulpit_, vol. vi.; _Hist. Mag._ (xiv. 76), for an account by H. G. -Jones of the lower Dublin Baptist Church (1687), the mother church -of the sect in Pennsylvania, and Morgan Edwards’s _Materials towards -a history of the Baptists in Pennsylvania, both British and German, -distinguished into First-day Baptists, Keithian Baptists, Seventh-day -Baptists, Tunker Baptists, Mennonist Baptists_ (Philad., 1770-1792), in -two volumes; but the second volume applies to New Jersey. (Sabin, vi. -21,981.) - -[567] Cf. James W. Dale’s _Earliest settlement by Presbyterians on the -Delaware River in Delaware County_. (Philad., 1871; 28 pp.) - -[568] Annotated ed. of 1876 (Albany), by Jas. Grant Wilson. - -[569] _Memoirs_, vols. ix. and x. They cover the years 1700-1711. “Much -of the correspondence is taken up with business and politics; but it -is also a great storehouse of information respecting men and manners.” -Tyler, _Amer. Lit._, ii. 233. - -[570] Cf. E. G. Scott, _Development of Constitutional Liberty in the -English Colonies_ (New York, 1882), ch. vi.; Scharf and Westcott’s -_Philadelphia_ (ii. chapters 18, 29, 30, etc.). Scott says, -“Pennsylvania had a greater diversity of nationalities than any other -colony, and offered consequently a greater variety of character” (p. -162). - -[571] The history of the paper-money movement in Pennsylvania is traced -in Henry Phillips, Jr.’s _Hist. sketch of the paper money issued by -Pennsylvania, with a complete list of the dates, issues, amounts, -denominations, and signers_ (Philad., 1862), and his _Hist. sketches of -the paper currency of the American colonies_ (Roxbury, 1865). A list -of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey currency, printed by Franklin, is -given in the _Catal. of works relating to Franklin in the Boston Pub. -Library_ (p. 42). - -For New York paper money see J. H. Hickcox’s _Hist. of the bills of -credit or paper money issued by New York from 1709 to 1780_ (Albany, -1866—250 copies). - -For the New Jersey currency Phillips will suffice. These monographs -must be supplemented by the general histories and comprehensive -treatises on financial history. - -[572] Cf. _An account of the College of New Jersey, with a prospect -of the College neatly engraved. Published by order of the Trustees_, -Woodbridge, N. J., 1764 (_Brinley Catal._, ii. 3,599); _Princeton -Book_, a history of the College of New Jersey; “Princeton College,” an -illustrated paper in the _Manhattan Mag._, ii. p. 1; S. D. Alexander -in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xiii. 625; H. R. Timlow in _Old and New_, iv. -507; B. J. Lossing in _Potter’s Amer. Monthly_, v. 482. - -[573] For these last two colleges, see chapter 23 of Perry’s _Amer. -Episcopal Church_, vol. i. - -[574] Cf. Job R. Tyson’s _Social and intellectual state of Pennsylvania -prior to 1743_; and Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (ii. ch. -35). An enumeration of American books advertised in the _Pennsylvania -Gazette_, 1728-1765, is given in _Hist. Mag._, iv. 73, 235, 328. - -[575] Vol. i. was issued in 1885, bringing the record down to 1763. -Trial specimens of the list were earlier issued in the _Bulletin_ of -the Philadelphia Library, and separately. The first book printed was by -Bradford, in 1685, being Atkins’s _America’s Messenger_ (an almanac). -An interesting list of books, printed in Philadelphia and New York -previous to 1750, is given in the _Brinley Catal._, ii. nos. 3,367, etc. - -[576] See list of his publications in _Hist. Mag._, iii. 174; his -genealogy in _N. Y. General and Biog. Record_, Oct., 1873; a recent -account of him in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (iii. 1965). Cf. -G. D. Boardman on “Early printing in the middle colonies” in _Penna. -Mag. of Hist._, Apr., 1886, p. 15; Lodge’s _English Colonies_, 255. See -further references in Vol. III. p. 513. - -[577] His career is commemorated by Horatio Gates Jones in an address, -_Andrew Bradford, the founder of the newspaper press in the Middle -States_ (Philad., 1869). Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ -(vol. iii. ch. 48), on the press of Philadelphia; Thomas’s _Hist. -of Printing_ (Worcester, 1874), ii. p. 132; and Frederic Hudson’s -_Journalism in the United States_ (N. Y., 1873), p. 60. The best -known of the early Philadelphia papers was, however, _The Universal -Instructor in all Arts and Sciences and Pennsylvania Gazette_, which, -begun Dec. 24, 1728, passed with the fortieth number into the control -of Benj. Franklin, who retained only the secondary title for the paper. -Cf. “History of a newspaper—the Pennsylvania Gazette,” in _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, May, 1886, by Paul L. Ford; a long note by Hildeburn in -_Catal. of works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, p. 37. - -Of the _American Magazine_, published at Philadelphia in 1741, and the -earliest magazine printed in the British colonies, probably only three -numbers were issued (Hildeburn, no. 688). It must not be confounded -with a later _American Magazine_, printed by W. Bradford, which lived -through thirteen monthly numbers, Oct., 1757, to Oct., 1758. It -purported to be edited “by a society of gentlemen,” and Tyler (_Amer. -Literature_, ii. 306) calls it “the most admirable example of our -literary periodicals in the colonial time.” Cf. Wallace’s _Col. Wm. -Bradford_, pp. 64, 73. - -[578] Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_; the _Catal. of books relating -to Franklin in the Boston Public Library_; _Brinley Catal._, nos. -3,197, etc., 4,312, etc. Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_; Thomas’s _Hist. of -Printing_. The series of _Poor Richard’s Almanacks_ was begun in 1733 -(fac-simile of title in Smith’s _Hist. and lit. curios._, pl. ix., and -Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, i. 237). Cf. _Catal. of works -relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, p. 14. In 1850-52 a -publication at New York, called _Poor Richard’s Almanac_, reprinted the -Franklin portion of the original issues for 1733-1741. - -[579] He gives in an appendix the publications of the younger -Bradford’s press, 1742-1766. Cf. J. B. MacMasters on “A free Press in -the Middle Colonies,” in the _Princeton Review_, 1885. - -[580] New York, in Vol. III. p. 412, IV. p. 430, and particularly on -Smith’s _History_, see Tyler’s _Amer. Lit._, ii. 224; Pennsylvania, in -Vol. III. p. 507; New Jersey, in Vol. III. pp. 453, 455. The general -histories of the English colonies are characterized in the notes at the -end of chapter viii. of the present volume. - -[581] Vol. IV. p. 410, etc. Cf. E. A. Werner’s _Civil list and -constitutional history of the Colony and State of New York_. (Albany, -1884.) - -[582] See Vol. III. pp. 411, 414; IV. 440. Some special aspects are -treated in _Our Police Protectors; Hist. of the N. Y. Police_ (New -York, 1885, ch. 2, “British occupancy, 1664-1783”); J. A. Stevens on -old coffee houses, in _Harper’s Mag._ (Mar., 1882), also illustrated -in Wallace’s _Col. Wm. Bradford_; T. F. De Voe’s _Hist. of the Public -Markets of N. Y. from the first settlement_ (N. Y., 1862); H. E. -Pierrepont’s _Historical Sketch of the Fulton Ferry and its Associated -Ferries_ (Brooklyn, 1879); the Catholic Church on N. Y. Island, in -_Hist. Mag._, xvi. 229, 271. - -[583] Frank Munsell’s_ Bibliog. of Albany_ (1883). See Vol. IV. p. 435. -Its own story has been freshly told in A. J. Weise’s _Hist. of the City -of Albany_ (1884). - -[584] See Vol. IV. p. 441. - -[585] A method, prevailing widely at present, of forcing local pride -and business enterprise into partnership has produced in New York, as -it has in other States, a series of county histories which may find in -future antiquaries more respect than historical students at present -feel for them. The work of some of the local historical societies, like -those of Ulster, Oneida, Cayuga, and Buffalo, is conducted in general -in a better spirit, and its genuine antiquarian zeal is exemplified in -such books as J. R. Simms’s _Frontiersmen of New York_ (1882-83), and -in the conglomerate _History of the Schenectady patent in the Dutch and -English times; being contributions toward a history of the lower Mohawk -Valley, by Jonathan Pearson and others; edited by J. W. MacMurray_. -(Albany, 1883.) - -[586] Vol. III. p. 510. For record of the governors from 1682 to -1863, see _Hist. Mag_., viii. 266; and the summarized _Governors of -Pennsylvania_, 1609-1873, by Wm. C. Armor. (Norwich, Conn., 1874.) -Another official enumeration is Charles P. Keith’s _Provincial -Councillors of Pennsylvania who held office between 1733 and 1776, and -those earlier Councillors who were some time chief magistrates of the -province, and their descendants_. (Philadelphia, 1883.) - -[587] In addition to those named in Vol. III. p. 510, and as coming -more particularly within the period under consideration, a few may be -named:— - -From 1844 to 1846 Mr. I. Daniel Rupp issued various books of local -interest: _Hist. of Lancaster Co._ (Lancaster, 1844); _History -of Northampton, Lehigh, Monroe, Carbon, and Schuylkill Counties_ -(Harrisburg, 1845); _History of Dauphin, Cumberland, Franklin, Bedford, -Adams, and Perry Counties_ (Lancaster, 1846); and _Early Hist. of -Western Pennsylvania_ (Pittsburgh, 1846). - -The others may be arranged in order of publication: C. W. Carter and A. -J. Glossbrener’s _York County_ (1834); Neville B. Craig’s _Pittsburg_ -(1851); George Chambers’s _Tribute to Irish and Scotch early settlers -of Pennsylvania_ (Chambersburg, 1856); U. J. Jones’s _Juniata Valley_ -(1856); H. Hollister’s _Lackawanna Valley_ (1857); J. F. Meginness’s -_West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna_ (1857); Geo. H. Morgan’s -_Annals of Harrisburg_ (Harrisburg, 1858); Stewart Pearce’s _Annals -of Luzerne County, from the first settlement of Wyoming to 1860_ -(Philad., 1860); J. I. Mombert’s _Lancaster County_ (1869); Alfred -Creigh’s _Washington County_ (1870); Alexander Harris’s _Biog. Hist. of -Lancaster County_ (1872); S. W. Pennypacker’s _Annals of Phœnixville -to 1871_ (Philad., 1872); Emily C. Blackman’s _Susquehanna County_ -(Philad., 1873); John Hill Martin’s _Bethlehem, with an account of -the Moravian Church_ (Philad., 1873); A. W. Taylor’s _Indiana County_ -(1876); S. J. M. Eaton’s _Venango County_ (1876); John Blair Linn’s -_Annals of Buffalo Valley, Pa._, 1755-1855 (Harrisburg, 1877); H. G. -Ashmead’s _Hist. sketch of Chester_ (1883). - -The histories of Wyoming, deriving most of their interest from later -events, will be mentioned in Vol. VI. The local references can be -picked out of F. B. Perkins’s _Check List of Amer. Local History_. The -_Pennsylvania Mag. of History_ and _Egle’s Notes and Queries_ (1881, -etc.), with its continuation, the _Historical Register_, make current -records of local research. - -[588] Vol. III. p. 509. - -[589] Cf. the long list of titles under Philadelphia, prepared by C. -R. Hildeburn, in Sabin’s _Dict. of books relating to America_ (vol. -xiv. p. 524), and lesser monographs, like James Mease’s _Picture of -Philadelphia_ (1811); Daniel Bowen’s _Hist. of Philadelphia_ (1839); -_Harper’s Monthly_ (Apr., 1876); J. T. Headley in _Scribner’s Monthly_ -(vol. ii.); _A Sylvan City, or quaint corners in Philadelphia_ -(Philad., 1883); Hamersley’s _Philad. Illustrated_ (1871). - -The evidence of an organized government in Philadelphia prior to the -charter of incorporation given by Penn in 1701 is presented in the -_Penna. Mag. of History_ (Apr., 1886, p. 61). There is a graphic -description of Philadelphia about 1750 in the _Life of Bampfylde Moore -Carew_. - -[590] Vol. III. pp. 454-55. Some of the earlier collections of New -Jersey laws are noted in the _Brinley Catal._, ii. no. 3,583, etc. Cf. -titles in Sabin, vol. xiii. - -[591] Vol. III. p. 455. - -[592] Chief among the architectural landmarks of old New York was the -City Hall, on Wall Street, built in 1700, and taken down in 1812. (Cf. -views in Valentine’s _Manual_, 1847 and 1866; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -ix. 322; and Watson’s _Annals of New York_, p. 176.) Valentine’s -_Manual_ and his _Hist. of N. York_ contain various views of buildings -and localities belonging to the early part of the eighteenth century. -Particularly in the _Manual_, see the views of early New York in -the volume for 1858, with a view of Fort George and the city from -the southwest (1740). (Cf. _Appleton’s Journal_, viii. p. 353.) The -_Manual_ for 1862 contains a view of the battery (p. 503); others of -the foot of Wall Street (p. 506), of the great dock (p. 512), and of -the East River shore (p. 531),—all of 1746; and of the North River -shore in 1740 (p. 549). The volume for 1865 contains a history of -Broadway, with historical views; that for 1866 a history of Wall -Street, to be compared with the treatment of the same subject by Mrs. -Lamb in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ - -An engraving from Wm. Burgiss’s view of the Dutch church in New York, -built 1727-37, is given in Valentine’s _Hist. of N. Y. City_, p. 279. - -A paper on the old tombs of Trinity is in _Harper’s Mag._, Nov., 1876. - -The _Manual_ also preserves samples of the domestic architecture of the -period. Old houses, especially Dutch ones, are shown in the volumes -for 1847, 1850, 1853, 1855. In that for 1858 we have in contrast -the Dutch Cortelyou house (1699) and the Rutgers mansion. Of famous -colonial houses in New York city and province, cuts may be noted of the -following among others:— - -Van Cortland House, in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_ (1879), p. 696; -Harper’s Mag., lii. 645; _Appleton’s Journal_, ix. 801; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, xv. (Mar., 1883). Philipse Manor House at Yonkers, in Lamb; -Appleton’s, xi. 385; _Harper’s Mag._, lii. 642. Roger Morris House, -in Lamb. See further on this house when Washington’s headquarters, -in Vol. VI. Beekman House, in Lamb; Valentine’s _Manual_, 1854, p. -554; Appleton’s, viii. 310. Livingston House, in Lamb; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, 1885, p. 239. Verplanck House, in Lamb; Potter’s _Amer. -Monthly_, iv. 242. Van Rensselaer House at Albany, in Lamb. Schuyler -Mansion in Albany, in Lamb. - -Many of these houses are also conveniently depicted in _Harper’s -Cyclopædia of U.S. Hist._ (ed. by Lossing). - -Cf. “Old New York and its Houses,” by R. G. White, in _The Century_, -Oct., 1883. Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_ epitomizes the -histories of several of the old families,—Van Cortlandt, Van -Rensselaer, Livingston, Verplanck, etc. (vol. i. 187, 206, 243, 292). - -[593] Cf. Valentine’s _Hist. of New York City_, p. 263; his _N. Y. City -Manual_, 1841-42, 1844-45, 1850, and 1851; Dunlap’s _New York_, i. 290; -Mrs. Lamb’s _New York_, i. 524; Lossing’s New York, i. 14; Weise’s -_Discoveries of America_, p. 358. It was also republished in fac-simile -by W. W. Cox, of Washington; and in lithograph by G. Hayward. Cf. _Map -Catal. Brit. Mus._ (1885), _sub_ “New York City.” - -[594] Cf. the “Ville de Manathe ou Nouvelle York,” in Bellin’s -_Petit Atlas Maritime_, vol. i. (1764). The same atlas has a plan of -Philadelphia of that date. - -[595] Cf. Vol. III. p. 551. - -[596] There is a print of the old capitol at Annapolis. Cf. Gay, _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, iii. 51. - -[597] Vol. III. p. 551. - -[598] See the arguments on the question of the king’s subjects carrying -with them, when they emigrate, the common and statute law, in Chalmers’ -_Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. 194. Cf. also note in E. G. Scott’s -_Constitutional Liberty_, p. 40. - -[599] “A few neglected grave-stones, several heaps of brick and -rubbish, and a solitary mansion, belonging to one of the oldest -families in the State, are about all that remain of the once famous -seaport town [Joppa] of provincial Maryland.” Lewis W. Wilhelm’s _Local -Institutions of Maryland_ (1885), p. 128. This paper is parts v., vi., -and vii. of the third series of the _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, -and covers a history of the land system, the hundreds, the county and -towns of the province. The institutional life of the town began in -1683-85. - -[600] See a portrait of Sharpe after an old print in Scharf’s -_Maryland_, i. 443. - -[601] Vol. III. p. 153. - -[602] There is a cut of Culpepper, after an old print, in Gay, _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, iii. 54. - -[603] Grahame, _United States_, i. p. 126, has a note on the -authorities concerning the penal proceedings following the rebellion. - -[604] See Brock’s _Hist. of Tobacco_, cited in Vol. III. p. 166. - -[605] Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872, p. 30. - -[606] Cf. James Drew Sweet on Williamsburg, as the “ancient vice-regal -capital of Virginia,” in _Mag. of Western Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 117. - -[607] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 86. - -[608] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 152. - -[609] _Official Letters_, i. 116, 134; _Byrd MSS._, Wynne’s ed., ii. -192. - -[610] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 162. - -[611] See _post_, ch. viii. Iron was first forged in 1714. - -[612] Spotswood’s speeches to the assembly in 1714 and 1718 are in -Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. iv. - -[613] February, 1718-19. _Official Letters_, ii. 273. “Capt. Teach, -alias Blackbeard, the famous Pyrate, came within the Capes of this -Colony in a Sloop of six Guns and twenty Men; whereof our Governor -having Notice, ordered two Sloops to be fitted out, which fortunately -met with him. When Teach saw they were resolv’d to fight him, he leap’d -upon the Round-House of his Sloop, and took a Glass of Liquor, and -drank to the Masters of the two Sloops, and bid Damnation seize him -that should give Quarter; but notwithstanding his Insolence the two -Sloops soon boarded him, and kill’d all except Teach and one more, who -have been since executed. The head of Teach is fix’d on a Pole erected -for that Purpose.” (1719.) _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Sept., 1878. - -[614] Account in _Byrd MSS._, Wynne’s ed., ii. 249-63. - -[615] West, the crown counsel in 1719, interpreted the law as leaving -in the hands of the king the right to present to vacant benefices -in Virginia. Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers concerning the -Colonies_, etc. London, 1814, i. p. 17. Blair was still the champion of -the ecclesiastical supremacy. Cf. Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. -292; Perry’s _Church Papers of Va._, pp. 199, 247. - -[616] Meade, _Old Churches_, etc., ii. 75. - -[617] Speeches of Gov. Drysdale to the assembly in 1723 and 1726 are -printed in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, vol. iv. - -[618] We have the journal of William Black, who was sent by the -province in 1744 to treat with the Iroquois, with reference to these -shadowy lands. _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vols. i. and ii. - -[619] See the view of this mansion in _Appleton’s Journal_, July 19, -1873; in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_, N. Y., 1879; and in the paper -on the Fairfaxes in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Mar., 1885), vol. xiii. -p. 217, by Richard Whateley. Fairfax’s stone office, which was near the -mansion, is still standing. - -[620] There is no portrait of Maj. William Mayo known to be in -existence. Mayo came to Virginia in 1723, and in 1728 was one of those -who ran the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina. In 1737 -he planned Richmond, and died in 1744. See the paper, “Some Richmond -Portraits,” in _Harper’s Magazine_, 1885. - -[621] The speeches and papers respecting the opening of the assembly -under Gooch in 1736 are reprinted from the _Virginia Gazette_ in -Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, iv. p. 121. - -[622] Byrd, of Westover, in comparing the New Englanders with the -Southrons of Virginia, says that the latter “thought their being -members of the established church sufficient to sanctifie very loose -and profligate morals.” Wynne’s ed. _Westover MSS._, i. p. 7. Cf. the -collation of the laws and traits of Virginia and New England in “Old -Times in Virginia,” in _Putnam’s Mag._, Aug., 1869. A paper by W. H. -Whitmore on “The Cavalier Theory refuted,” in the _Continental Monthly_ -(1863), vol. iv. p. 60, was written in the height of feeling engendered -by the civil war. - -[623] Given in the _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. p. 3. - -[624] _Post_, ch. viii. - -[625] The journal of Col. James Burd, while building Fort Augusta, at -Shamokin, 1756-57, is in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. p. 743. -Loudon caused Fort Loudon to be built on the Tennessee in 1756. There -is a MS. plan of it in the De Brahm MS. in Harvard College library. - -[626] John Echols’s journal about “a march that Capt. Robert Wade took -to the New River” in search of Indians, Aug.-Oct., 1758, is in Palmer’s -_Calendar_, p. 254; and papers on the expedition against the Shawnee -Indians in 1756 are in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. v. pp. 20, -61. - -[627] Vol. III. p. 555. - -[628] _Archives of Maryland. Proceedings and acts of the general -assembly, January, 1617-38-September, 1664. Published by authority of -the State, under the direction of the Maryland Historical Society. -William Hand Browne, editor._ Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society. -1883. Two other volumes have since been published. - -[629] _Archives of Maryland: Calendar and Report by the Publication -Committee of the Maryland Hist. Society_, 1883. - -[630] This _Calendar_ shows that the Proprietary records, with few -gaps, exist from 1637 to 1658; the council proceedings from 1636 to -1671, with some breaks; the assembly proceedings from 1637 to 1658 -(included in the published volume, with continuation from the Public -Record Office in London to 1664); the Upper House Journals from 1659 -to 1774; the Senate Journals, 1780-83; the Lower House Journals, 1666 -to 1774; the Revolutionary journals, 1775-1780; the Laws from 1638 -to 1710 (those to 1664 are continued in the published volume, and -the commissioners say that the full text probably exists of these -from 1692 to 1774; and while Bacon in his edition of the Laws had -given only six of the 300 laws, and none before 1664 in full, the -commissioners in the printed volume have supplied the full text of the -others from the Public Record Office); the Court Records, 1658-1752; -Letters, 1753-1771; Council of Safety Correspondence, 1775-77; Council -Correspondence, 1777-93; Commission books, 1726-1798; Commission on the -Public Records, 1724-1729; Minutes of the Board of Revenue, 1768-1775; -the David Ridgely copies of important papers (1682-1785), made in 1838; -and Ethan Allen’s Calendar of Maryland State Papers, 1636-1776, made in -1858. (See Vol. III. p. 556.) - -The laws of Maryland, 1692-1718, were printed in Philadelphia by -Bradford. (Hildeburn’s _Penna. Publications_, no. 150.) The charter of -Maryland, with the debates of the assembly in 1722-24, was printed in -Philadelphia in 1725. (Ibid. no. 255.) - -[631] Vol. III. p. 559. - -[632] Ch. v. Bancroft (_History of the United States_, orig. ed., ii. -244) says: “The chapters of Chalmers on Maryland are the most accurate -of them all.” - -[633] One of the _American Commonwealths_, edited by Mr. Horace E. -Scudder. - -[634] Also in Lewis Mayer’s _Ground Rents in Maryland_, Baltimore, 1883. - -[635] Cf. Mr. Adams’s _Maryland’s influence in founding a national -commonwealth_, published as no. 11 of the Fund Publications of the -Maryland Historical Society. - -Since Volume III. of the present History was printed, there have -been added to these Fund Publications, as no. 18, B. T. Johnson’s -_Foundation of Maryland and the origin of the act concerning religion, -of April 21, 1649_; no. 19, E. Ingle’s _Capt. Richard Ingle, the -Maryland pirate and rebel, 1642-1653_; no. 20, L. W. Wilhelm’s _Sir -George Calvert, Baron of Baltimore_. - -Beside Mr. Johnson’s monograph on the Toleration Act, Mr. R. H. Clarke -in the _Catholic World_, October, 1883, has replied to the views held -by Bancroft. - -Beside Mr. Wilhelm’s paper on Calvert, see E. L. Didier on the family -of the Baltimores in _Lippincott’s Magazine_, vi. 531. Scharf gives -portraits of the fifth and sixth lords (vol. i. pp. 381, 441). Neill -traces the line’s descent in the eighth chapter of his _Terra Mariæ_. - -[636] _Memorial Volume, 1730-1880. An account of the municipal -celebration of the 150th anniversary of the settlement of Baltimore, -October 11-19, 1880. With a sketch of the history, and summary of the -resources of the city. Illus. by Frank B. Mayer._ (Baltimore, 1881.) -328 pp. 4^o. Cf. also G. W. Howard, _Monumental City, its past history -and present resources_. Baltimore, 1873-[83]. - -[637] There is a copy in the library of the Pennsylvania Historical -Society. It is reproduced in Scharf’s _Maryland_ (i. 421), and in his -_City and County of Baltimore_ (p. 58). - -[638] Neill’s _Terra Mariæ_, p. 200; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 16,234. -M. C. Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Literature_, ii. 255, epitomizes it. In 1730 -there appeared at Annapolis, _Sot-weed Redivivus, or the Planter’s -Looking-glass, in burlesque verse, calculated for the meridian of -Maryland, by E. C., Gent_. Mr. Tyler throws some doubt upon the -profession of the same authorship conveyed in the title, because it -is destitute of the wit shown in the other. The next year (1731) the -earlier poem is said to have been reprinted at Annapolis with another -on Bacon’s Rebellion. (_Hist. Mag._, iv. 153.) The _Sot-weed Factor_ -was again reprinted with a glossary in Shea’s _Early Southern Tracts_, -1866, edited by Brantz Mayer. There is a copy of the original edition -in Harvard College library [12365.14]. - -[639] Cf. E. W. Latimer’s “Colonial Life in Maryland, 1725-1775” in -the _International Review_, June, 1880; Frank B. Meyer’s “Old Maryland -Manners” in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xvii. 315; and J. C. Carpenter’s “Old -Maryland, its Homes and its People,” in _Appleton’s Journal_, Mar. 4, -1876, with a view of the Caton mansion. The Carroll house is pictured -in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 105. - -[640] A view of All-Hallows Church, built 1692, is given in Perry, ii. -613. - -[641] Vol. III. p. 513. In the Ellis sale, London, Nov., 1885, no. 232, -was a map, _Novi Belgii, Novæque Angliæ necnon partis Virginiæ tabulæ, -multis in locis emendata a Nicolas Visschero_ (Amsterdam, about 1651), -which had belonged to William Penn, and was indorsed by him, “The map -by which the Privy Council, 1685, settled the bounds between Lord -Baltimore and I, and Maryland, Pennsylvania and Territorys or annexed -Countys.—W. P.” Franklin printed (1733) the articles of agreement -between Maryland and Pennsylvania, and again (1736) with additional -matter. In 1737 and 1742 he printed the proclamations against the armed -invaders from Maryland. Cf. _Catal. of Works relating to B. Franklin, -in Boston Public Library_ (1883), pp. 29, 36. - -[642] Cf. also Jacob’s _Life of Cresap_, p. 25; B. Mayer’s _Logan and -Cresap_, p. 25; Gordon’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 221; Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, -p. 824; Rapp’s _York County, Pa._, p. 547; Hazard’s _Reg. of Penna._, -i. 200, ii. 209. The statement of the government of Maryland, -respecting the border outrages, which was addressed to the king in -council, is printed in Scharf’s _Hist. of Maryland_, i. p. 395. - -[643] A map showing the temporary bounds as fixed by the king in -council, 1738, is in _Penna. Archives_, i. 594. - -[644] The report on this line is given in Scharf’s _Maryland_, p. 407. -Cf. map in _Penna. Arch._, iv. - -[645] Cf. Vol. III. p. 489. Extracts from Mason’s field-book are given -in the _Hist. Mag._, v. 199. A view of one of the stones erected by -them, five miles apart, and bearing the arms of Penn and Baltimore, -is given in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vi. 414, in connection with -accounts respectively of Baltimore and Markham in 1681-82. See Vol. -III. p. 514. The line was continued farther west in 1779, giving to -Pennsylvania the forks of the Ohio, which Dinwiddie had claimed for -Virginia. _Olden Time_, i. 433-524. - -[646] _Report of the Boundary Commission_ (1874), pp. 21, 129. Cf. -Moll’s map of Virginia and Maryland in Oldmixon’s _Brit. Empire in -America_, 1708, which shows Chesapeake and Delaware bays and their -affluents. - -[647] “A new map of Virginia, humbly dedicated to ye Right Hon^{ble} -Thomas Lord Fairfax, 1738,” in Keith’s Virginia. The _Map of the most -inhabited part of Virginia by Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson_, 1751, -published in London by Jeffreys, is the best known map of this period. -The map which was engraved for Jefferson’s _Notes on Virginia_, 1787, -which showed the country from Albemarle Sound to Lake Erie, was for -the region east of the Alleghanies, based on Fry and Jefferson, and -on Scull’s _Map of Pennsylvania_, “which was constructed chiefly on -actual survey,” while that portion west of the mountains is taken from -Hutchins. A fac-simile of this map is in the _Notes_ which accompany -the second volume of the _Dinwiddie Papers_. - -There is a map of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays in Bowen’s -_Geography_, 1747. - -[648] There are two copies of this in Harvard College library. Cf. map -of Maryland in _London Mag._, 1757. - -[649] See further in Vol. III. p. 159. There is in Maxwell’s _Virginia -Register_, vol. i. p. 12, a paper on the limits of Virginia under the -charters of James I. - -[650] _Spotswood Letters_, ii. 26. - -[651] The Westover Papers also contain a journey to a tract that Byrd -owned near the river Dan, which he called a “Journey to the land of -Eden.” See the view of the Westover mansion in _Harper’s Magazine_, -May, 1871 (p. 801); in _Appleton’s Journal_, Nov. 4, 1871, with notes -by J. E. Cooke; and in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_, 1879, where are -views of other colonial houses like Powhatan Seat, Gunston Hall, etc. -Cf. references on country houses in Lodge, _Short History_, p. 79. -There are views of Ditchley House, the home of the Lees of the Northern -Neck, and of Brandon House, the seat of the Beverleys in Middlesex, in -_Harper’s Mag._, July, 1878 (pp. 163, 166). For some traces of family -estates in the eastern peninsula, see _Harper’s Mag._, May, 1879. -It was the cradle of the Custises. There is a paper on the ancient -families of Virginia and Maryland by George Fitzhugh in _De Bow’s -Review_ (1859), vol. xxvi. p. 487, etc. - -[652] Cf. M. C. Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Literature_, ii. 270; J. Esten -Cooke’s _Virginia_, 362. Stith speaks of Byrd’s library (3,625 -vols.) as “the best and most copious collection of books in our -part of America.” Byrd possessed the MS. of the Virginia Company -Records, already referred to (Vol. III. p. 158). See some account -of the Westover library in Maxwell’s _Virginia Hist. Reg._, iv. 87, -and _Spotswood Letters_, i. p. x., where something is said of other -Virginia libraries of this time. Grahame (_United States_, i. 148) -evidently mistakes these manuscripts of Byrd’s for something which he -supposed was published in the early part of that century on the history -of Virginia, and which he says Oldmixon refers to. - -[653] _The importance of the British plantations in America to this -kingdom_, London, 1731, p. 75. - -[654] This sketch is reproduced in Hawks’ _No. Carolina_, ii. 102. The -journal of the commissioners is given in Martin’s _No. Carolina_, vol. -i. App. - -[655] Williamson’s _North Carolina_, App., for documents reprinted in -Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, iv. p. 80. - -[656] _Grant of the Northern Neck in Virginia to Lord Culpepper by -James II._, in Harvard College library. - -[657] _Spotswood Letters_, i. 152. - -[658] This grant, from conflicting interests, has been the subject of -much later litigation. Cf. Kercheval’s _History of the Valley_, 2d ed., -1850, pp. 138-152. Cf. on the boundary disputes between Pennsylvania -and Virginia, _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1885, p. 154. - -[659] Vol. III. 160, 161. - -[660] In his introduction, p. xxxv., he discusses the successive seals -of Virginia. - -[661] _Sparks’ Catal._, p. 214. - -[662] _Spotswood Letters_, ii. 16. - -[663] _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 260. Cf. Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. -Pulpit_, v. p. 7. - -[664] One of the earliest accounts of the college is in the paper -of 1696-98 (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. v. section xii.). Palmer -(_Calendar_, p. 61) gives a bill for facilitating the payment of -donations to the college (1698). Its charter is given in _The Present -State_, etc., by Blair and others, was printed at Williamsburg in -1758, and is found in the _History of the College of William and Mary_ -(1660-1874), printed with the general catalogue at Richmond in 1874. -An oration by E. Randolph on the founders of William and Mary College -was printed at Williamsburg in 1771. Jones in 1724 gave a rather -melancholy picture of the institution, then a quarter of a century old. -It is, he says, “a college without a chapel, without a scholarship, and -without a statute; a library without books, comparatively speaking, -and a president without a fixed salary, till of late.” (Hugh Jones’s -_Present State_, 83.) Other sketches are _Historical Sketch of the -College of William and Mary_, Richmond, 1866 (20 pp.); _History of -William and Mary College from the foundation_, Baltimore, 1870; and -Mr. C. F. Richardson’s “Old Colonial College” in the _Mag. of Amer. -History_, Nov., 1884. Richardson, together with Henry Alden Clark, also -edited _The College Book_, which includes an account of the college, -as of others in the United States. Doyle (_English in America_, 363) -says, “We may well doubt if the college did much for the colony.... -It is evident it was nothing better than a boarding-school, in which -Blair had no small difficulty in contending against the extravagance -engendered by the home training of his pupils.” - -[665] The _Canadian Antiquarian_ (iv. 76) describes an old MS. -concerning the government of the English plantations in America, which -is preserved in the library at Ottawa, and is supposed to have been -written “by a Virginian in 1699, Mr. Blaire or B. Hamson [? Harrison], -Jr.” Cf. on Blair, E. D. Neill’s _Virginia Colonial Clergy_. Can this -be the account elsewhere referred to, and printed in the _Mass. Hist. -Collections_, vol. v.? See _Scribner’s Monthly_, Nov., 1875, p. 4. - -[666] See Vol. III. 164. Lodge, _Short Hist. Eng. Colonies_, speaks -of this book as “inaccurate but not uninteresting.” Cf. Cooke’s -_Virginia_, p. 361. Beverley’s family is traced in the _Dinwiddie -Papers_, ii. 351. - -[667] In Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, iii. p. 181, etc., there is -a paper, “Some observations relating to the revenue of Virginia, and -particularly to the place of auditor,” written early in the 18th -century; and extracts from “A general accompt of the quit-rents of -Virginia, 1688-1703, by William Byrd, Rec’r Gen’ll,” etc. - -[668] There is a copy in Harvard College library. Sabin (ix. 36,511) -says it is not so rare as Rich represents. It was reprinted in 1865 as -no. 5 of Sabin’s Reprints (New York). - -[669] _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 268. Cf. Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, -i. 307; Sprague’s _Annals_, v. p. 9. - -[670] Lodge (_Short History_, etc., p. 65) refers, on the modes of -cultivating tobacco, to sundry travellers’ accounts of the last -century: Anburey, ii. 344; Brissot de Warville, 375; Weld, 116; -Rochefoucauld, 80; Smyth, i. 59. - -Cf. _The present state of the tobacco plantations in America_ (about -1709), folio leaf (Sabin, xv. 65,332). - -[671] See Vol. III. p. 165. A paper by Sir William Keith on “The -Present State of the Colonies in America with respect of Great Britain” -is in Wynne’s ed. of the _Byrd MSS._, ii. 214, with (p. 228) Gov. -Gooch’s “Researches” on the same. Walsh in his _Appeal_ (part i. sect. -5) shows the benefits reaped by Great Britain from the American trade, -making use of an essay on the subject by Sir William Keith (1728) which -will be found in Burk’s _Virginia_ (vol. ii. ch. 2). - -[672] See Vol. III. p. 165; Cooke’s _Virginia_, 361. - -[673] The four volumes, 1804-16, which make up a complete set of Burk -are now rather costly. Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, no. 59, prices -them at £18 18_s._ See Vol. III. p. 165. - -[674] _United States_, orig. ed., ii. 248; iii. 25; and later eds. - -[675] _Short Hist._, 23, etc. - -[676] Vol. III. p. 166. - -[677] It forms one of the _American Commonwealths_, edited by H. E. -Scudder. - -[678] Cf. Wm. Green’s “Genesis of Counties” in Philip Slaughter’s -_Memoir of Hon. Wm. Green_; and Edward Channing’s _Town and County -Government in the English Colonies of North America_, being no. x. -of the 2d series of the same _Johns Hopkins University Studies_. Cf. -also Henry O. Taylor’s “Development of Constitutional Government in -the American Colonies,” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Dec., 1878,—a -summary contrasting Massachusetts and Virginia. - -[679] Cf. article from _Richmond Enquirer_, Dec. 9, 1873, copied in _N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. 257. - -[680] Cf. C. Campbell’s _Genealogy of the Spotswood Family_, published -in 1868. - -[681] _Post_, ch. viii. - -[682] See ch. viii. - -[683] Vol. III. p. 166. - -[684] There is a copy of this rare discourse in Harvard College -library. Perry in his _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. 139, gives a rude -drawing of the title, as if it were a fac-simile of it. Cf. Dexter’s -_Bibliog. of Congregationalism_, no. 2,530, and the notice of Thomas -Bray, in Sprague’s _Annals_, v. 17. See the views of old churches in -Meade, Perry, and _Appleton’s Monthly_, vol. vi. 701; xii. 193, etc. - -[685] _Ecclesiastical Contributions_, vol. i. - -[686] W. S. Perry’s Hist. _Coll. of the American Colonial Church_, and -his _Hist. of the Amer. Episc. Church_ (1885). - -[687] “Early Episcopacy in Virginia,” in his introduction to White’s -_Memoirs of the Episc. Church_, p. xxiv., etc. - -[688] It is said that the collection of parish registers and vestry -books which Meade gathered was finally bestowed by him upon the -theological seminary near Alexandria. _Spotswood Letters_, i. p. 166. - -[689] See Vol. III. p. 160. - -[690] An episode of Mackemie’s history is recorded in a _Narrative of -a new and unusual American imprisonment of two Presbyterian ministers, -and prosecution of Mr. Francis Mackemie, one of them, for preaching a -sermon at New York_, 1707, in _Force’s Tracts_, vol. iv. Cf. Sprague’s -_Annals_, iii. p. 1; Richard Webster’s _Hist. of the Presbyterian -Church_. - -[691] Semple’s _Hist. of the Baptists;_ R. B. C. Howell’s “Early -Baptists of Virginia” in L. Moss’s _Baptists and the National -Centenary_, Philadelphia, 1874 (pp. 27-48). - -[692] Meade’s _Old Churches_, etc., i. 463; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -viii. 31 (Jan., 1882), by Wm. P. Dabney. - -[693] A private letter-book of Captain William Byrd, Jan. 7, 1683, to -Aug. 3, 1691, is preserved by the Virginia Hist. Soc.; Maxwell’s _Va. -Reg._, i. and ii., where some of the letters are printed. Some letters -of a certain William Fitzhugh (1679-1699) are preserved in _Ibid._, i. -165. Two letters of Culpepper’s on Virginia matters, dated at Boston, -on his way to England in 1680, are in _Ibid._, iii. p. 189. - -[694] _Virginia Hist. Soc. Coll.; The Huguenot Family_, 260, 333. See -Vol. III. p. 161. MS. letters of the second William Byrd and of Dr. -George Gilmor are also preserved. - -[695] Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 269. - -[696] _Old Churches and Families of Virginia._ Philad., 1857. It takes -up the older parishes in succession. - -[697] _A history of St. Mark’s parish, Culpepper County, Virginia; -with notes of old churches and old families, and illustrations of the -manners and customs of the olden time._ [Baltimore, Md.?] 1877. - -[698] _Sketches of Virginia._ - -[699] His chapter on “The golden age of Virginia” in his _Virginia_. - -[700] Vol. I. ch. 26. - -[701] Chap. v., “Manners in the southern provinces.” - -[702] On Virginia social classes, see Lodge, p. 67, and references. - -[703] A. Burnaby, _Travels through the middle settlements in North -America_, 1759-60, London, 1775. Extracts from Burnaby relating to -Virginia are given in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. v. - -T. Anburey, _Travels through the interior parts of America_, two vols., -London, 1789. He was an officer of Burgoyne’s army. - -C. C. Robin, _Nouveau Voyage dans l’Amérique Septentrionale en 1781_. -Philad., 1782. He was one of Rochambeau’s officers. - -J. F. D. Smyth, _Travels in the United States_, London, 1784. Extracts -from Smyth on Virginia are in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, vi. p. 11, -etc. John Randolph said of this book in 1822: “Though replete with -falsehood and calumny, it contains the truest picture of the state of -society and manners in Virginia (such as it was about half a century -ago) that is extant. Traces of the same manners could be found some -years subsequent to the adoption of the federal constitution, say to -the end of the century. At this moment not a vestige remains.” - -Brissot de Warville, _Nouveau Voyage dans les États Unis_, Paris, 1791. - -Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Voyage dans les États-Unis_, 1795-97. - -Weld, _Travels through the States of North America_, 1795-97, London, -1799. - -In fiction reference may be made to De Foe’s _Captain Jack_; Paulding’s -_Sketches_; Kennedy’s _Swallow Barn_; Miss Wormley’s _Cousin Veronica_; -and Thackeray’s _Virginians_. - -[704] All the country of which North and South Carolina form a part was -known for a long time by the name of Florida, a name given by early -Spanish explorers. The English, after the settlement of Virginia, -called the region in that direction South Virginia. From 1629, in the -reign of Charles I., the name Carolana (as in Heath’s claim), and at -times Carolina, began to be used (see _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. -200). At length, when the new charter was obtained, the name as it now -stands was definitely applied to the region granted to the Proprietors. -If they had wished, they could have adopted some other name. It -happened that the fort built by the French in Florida was called in -Latin “arx Carolina”; a Charles fort was also built by them in what is -now South Carolina,—both so named in honor of Charles IX. of France; -yet they did not apply the name to the territory, which they continued -to call Florida. Gov. Glen in his _Description of South Carolina_ -(1761) says: “The name Carolina, still retained by the English, is -generally thought to have been derived from Charles the Ninth of -France, in whose reign Admiral Coligny made some settlements on the -Florida coast.” - -[705] Clarendon was the companion of Charles II. in his exile, and -rendered great service in his restoration. We all know the services -of General Monk (preëminently the restorer of the king), afterwards -created Duke of Albemarle. Sir George Carteret, governor of the Isle -of Jersey, opposed Cromwell, and gave refuge to Charles, the Duke of -York, the Earl of Clarendon, and others. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper -(Earl of Shaftesbury) was particularly commended to the king by -General Monk as one of the council, and his abilities raised him to -the chancellor-ship. Sir John Colleton had impoverished himself in the -royal cause; and after Cromwell’s success retired to Barbadoes, till -the Restoration. Lord Berkeley had faithfully followed Charles in his -exile; and his brother, Sir William, as governor of Virginia, caused -that colony to adhere to the king, as their rightful sovereign. The -Earl of Craven was of the Privy Council, and held a military command -under the king. For authorities, see _Sketch of the Hist. of S. C._, p. -64. - -[706] _N. Carolina, Abstracts of Records_, etc., p. 2. In the letter -of the Proprietors, 8th September, it is said the patent was “granted -in the 5th year of King Charles I.” A subsequent copy, under the Great -Seal, bears date August 4, 1631. - -[707] Letter of the Lords Proprietors to Sir William Berkeley, -September 8, 1663. - -[708] He was commissioned by the Proprietors in 1664. - -[709] For the prosperous state of Barbadoes, see Martin’s _Brit. -Colonies_, ii. pp. 324-328. - -[710] _Abstracts, etc., North Carolina_, p. 4. - -[711] January 7, 1664-5. “Minute: although the county of Clarendon, -etc., be, for the present, under the government of Sir J. Yeamans, yet -it is purposed that a part of it, south and west of Cape Romania, shall -be a distinct government and be called Craven County.” _Abstracts, -Coll. S. C. Hist. Soc._, i. p. 97. - -Chalmers (“Annals,” in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. p. 289) says -Yeamans and his colonists arrived at Cape Fear “during the autumn of -1665.” Dr. Hawks gives May, 1664, on p. 83 (vol. ii.), and 1665 on -pp. 181 and 453. From the _Charleston Year Book_, 1883, p. 359, it -appears Yeamans had ample powers in 1665 to explore the coast south and -west of Cape Roman. He did sail from Barbadoes for that purpose, in -October, and did go at that time to Cape Fear, of which he was governor -by appointment nine months before. He may have been at Barbadoes -merely for the purpose of making ready for that exploration. We have -no reason to doubt the settling at Cape Fear in May, 1664, whether -Yeamans was or was not, at that time, the leader of the colonists. In -Sandford’s _Relation_ (1666) the expression “the great and growing -necessityes of the English colony in Charles river,” when Yeamans -arrived (November, 1665), seems to refer to colonists already there. -It was for the interests of the Proprietors to secure—as they did in -1665—the services of such a man not only for Clarendon, but as their -“lieutenant-general” for further services southward in their policy -above indicated. The difficulty appears to be that Sir John had a -policy of his own,—to grow rich; and that his real home was all the -while in Barbadoes. He did not sacrifice himself for the emolument of -their lordships either at Cape Fear or at Ashley River, as will be -apparent in our subsequent narrative. - -[712] Sandford’s _Relation_, and information from papers in London now -being received by the authorities in North Carolina. - -[713] See _Abstracts, etc., relating to Colonial Hist. of N. C._, -p. 3; also for this letter, Hawks, ii. p. 23; and for a copy of the -declaration, etc., of 25th August, Rivers’ _Sketch of the Hist. of So. -Carolina_, p. 335. - -[714] See Chalmers’ “Annals” in Carroll’s _Collections_, ii. p. 288, -with respect to charges against Clarendon. - -[715] Under their charter they could grant titles of honor, provided -they were not like those of England. A provincial nobility was -accordingly created under the titles of Landgraves and Cassiques. The -province was divided into counties; each county into eight signories, -eight baronies, and four precincts, and each precinct into six -colonies for the common people. Each of the other divisions (that is, -excluding the precincts) was to contain 12,000 acres; the signories -for the Proprietors, the baronies for the provincial nobility, to -be perpetually annexed to the hereditary title. These nobles were, -in the first instance, to be appointed by their lordships. In their -subsequent endeavors to establish this scheme of government quite a -large number of provincial nobles were created: the philosopher Locke, -James Carteret, Sir John Yeamans to begin with, and many others, from -time to time, till the title of Landgrave—and there were Cassiques -also—must have appeared to the recipient as ridiculous as it was to -Albemarle to be first Palatine, Craven first High Constable, Berkeley -first Chancellor, Ashley Chief Justice, Carteret Admiral, and Colleton -High Steward, of Carolina. - -[716] This, it is true, was not contrary to the charter, but there -is no doubt that the majority of the early settlers were dissenters, -and the establishment of this Church, to be supported by taxation, -occasioned much dissatisfaction and active opposition. - -[717] _A Brief Description_, etc.; also Hawks, ii. p. 149. - -[718] Instructions for Gov. Sayle, July 27, 1669. - -[719] They said, “Sir John intended to make this a Cape Feare -Settlement.” _Charleston Year Book_, p. 376. - -[720] Letter of the people in South Carolina to Sothel, 1691; _Sketch -of Hist. of S. C._, p. 429. See also memorial from members of the -assembly in Clarendon County, probably in 1666, asking for better terms -of land than in the agreement with Yeamans; otherwise the county may be -abandoned. See _Abstracts, etc._, p. 6 (N. Carolina). - -[721] Towards 1700, “about half of the Albemarle settlement was -composed of Quakers.” (Hawks, ii. p. 89.) They had been, at an earlier -day, driven from Massachusetts and Virginia. (Ib. p. 362.) They did -not, however, at any time amount to 2,000, and constituted a small -minority of the whole population in the colony (p. 369). - -[722] It is said by historians that a sort of constitution had been -given the colony at Albemarle, in 1667, when Stephens became governor. -It is explained by Chalmers (“Political Annals,” p. 524, as cited by -Dr. Hawks, ii. p. 147), and said not to be now extant, and that the -provisions were simple and satisfactory to the colony. The Hon. W. -L. Saunders, the present Secretary of State of North Carolina, has -discussed this subject, and shows from the Shaftesbury Papers, which -were unknown to Chalmers, that what has been considered a constitution -was merely the “Concessions of January 7th, 1665,” a transcript of -which had been sent to Governor Stephens. See pamphlet, 1885, p. 31, -_et seq._ - -[723] The revenue, collected by Miller in six months after he arrived, -was about 5,000 dollars and 33 hogsheads of tobacco. Hawks’ _North -Carolina_, ii. p. 471 - -[724] Bancroft, ii. pp. 161, 162, ed. 1856, views the Culpepper -rebellion as an outgrowth of the spirit of freedom, not mere -lawlessness. See documents in Hawks’ _North Carolina_, ii. pp. 374-377; -also the “Answer of the Lords Proprietors,” p. 38 of _North Carolina -under the Proprietary Government_, pamphlet, 1884. Compare this -self-excusatory answer with the manly “remonstrance of the inhabitants -of Pasquotank,” who wanted, first of all, “a free Parliament.” This -manifesto has been ridiculed by Chalmers and Hawks; Wheeler appears to -have the right conception of it. - -[725] The histories of North Carolina—through lack of records—are -deficient in explaining the political aims of the people. The lack of -records of the popular assembly will be noticed hereafter. - -[726] His commission as deputy governor was to come from the Executive -in South Carolina. The governor there—Tynte—was dead, and Hyde’s -formal commission delayed. In December, 1710, it was proposed among -the Proprietors to appoint a separate governor for North Carolina. -Hyde received the appointment, and was sworn in—the first “Governor -of North Carolina”—in 1712. _Abstracts, etc., N. C._, p. 23. The -population of the colony was at this time about 7,000, white and black. - -[727] We can, to some extent, understand the aim, at this time, of the -popular party, from letters of Gov. Spotswood (July 28th and 30th). The -people demanded _the repeal of certain laws_. One of these was probably -that which excluded Quakers from all offices for which oaths were a -prerequisite, as no reservation was made for conscientious scruples; -and another, that which imposed a fine of £5 on any one promoting his -own election or not qualifying as prescribed. Perhaps the disaffection -was more deeply seated. In 1717 the Rev. John Urmstone said the people -_acknowledged no power not derived from themselves_. This opinion, at -any rate, appears to be consistent with the tenor of events. See Hawks, -ii. pp. 423, 426, 509, and 512; and _N. Carolina under the Proprietary -Government_, p. 36 (pamphlet), 1884. - -[728] _Coll. of S. C. Hist. Soc._, i. p. 176. This letter may be -sarcastic, if the “great dislike” of rebellion applies to the people, -but we are sure it is untrue in saying that the almost unanimous action -of South Carolina was the action of “several of the inhabitants.” It -is likely, also, to be untrue in intimating that the assembly joined -in such an address. Hawks, ii. p. 561. See Yonge’s account of the way -in which the affairs of the Proprietors were often transacted by their -secretary. Some Proprietors lived away from London; others were minors -and represented by proxy. - -[729] Legislative document no. 21, 1883, informs us that among the -historical material especially needed are “the Journals of the Lower -House of the legislature prior to 1754.” - -[730] About 1743, John Lord Carteret (Earl of Granville) was allotted -his eighth part of the land, all other rights being conveyed to the -Crown. This strip of land was just below the Virginia line, and -extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific. From notices in Hewat’s -“South Carolina” in Carroll’s _Collections_, p. 360, and _S. C. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 284. - -[731] Martin’s _North Carolina_, ii. p. 10. - -[732] Wheeler’s _Sketches, North Carolina_, i. pp. 42, 43. - -[733] Hildreth, ii. p. 340. Wheeler, i. p. 43. - -[734] It is probable there were in North and South Carolina many -“private tutors” for families or neighborhoods, though few “public -schools” supported by taxation. - -[735] Martin, ii. p. 48. - -[736] At the close of the proprietary government the population -numbered 10,000; it numbered in 1750 about 50,000. Its exports were -61,528 barrels of tar, 12,055 barrels of pitch, 10,429 barrels of -turpentine, 762,000 staves, 61,580 bushels of corn, 100,000 hogsheads -of tobacco, 10,000 bushels of peas, 3,300 barrels of pork and beef, -30,000 pounds of deer-skins, besides wheat, rice, bread, potatoes, -bees-wax, tallow, bacon, lard, lumber, indigo, and tanned leather. -Cf. Martin and Wheeler. The former says 100 hogsheads of tobacco; but -he had given 800 hogsheads as the crop about 1677, when the whole -population amounted to only 1,400; the latter is authority for changing -this item to 100,000 hogsheads. - -[737] _North Carolina; its Settlement and Growth_, by Hon. W. L. -Saunders (1884). See also Foote’s _Sketches of North Carolina_. -From these settlers came the celebrated Mecklenburg Declaration of -Independence. - -[738] Wheeler, i. p. 46. There is a good mezzotint portrait of Dobbs, -of which an excellent reproduction is given in Smith’s _British -Mezzotint Portraits_. - -[739] The following estimates of population in North Carolina are -from the Secretary of State, 1885: 1663, 300 families, Oldmixon. -1675, 4,000 population, Chalmers. 1677, 1,400 tithables, Chalmers. -1688, 4,000 population, Hildreth. 1694, 787 tithables, General Court -Records (Albemarle). 1700, not 5,000 population, Martin. 1711, not -7,000 population, Hawks; not 2,000 “Fensibles,” Williamson. 1714, 7,500 -population, Hawks. 1715, 11,200 population, Chalmers. 1716, not 2,000 -taxables, Martin. 1717, 2,000 taxables, Pollock. 1720, 1,600 taxables, -Memorial of S. C. Assembly. 1729, 10,000 population, Martin, Wiley; -13,000 population, Martin. 1735, about 50,000 population, McCulloch. -1752, over 45,000 population, Martin. 1760, about 105,000 population, -Gov. Dobbs. 1764, about 135,000 population, Gov. Dobbs. 1776, 150,000 -population, Martin; not less than 210,000 population, Gov. Swain. 1790, -393,751 population, U. S. Census. - -[740] The city council of Charleston (S. C.) have obtained copies of -some of the Shaftesbury Papers recently given by the family to the -State Paper Office in London. Among them is a MS. of 36 pp., being -“_A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina, -formerly called Florida, in the Continent of Northern America, from -Charles River, neare Cape Feare, in the County of Clarendon, and the -lat. of 34 deg: to Port Royall in North Lat. of 32 deg: begun 14th -June, 1666—performed by Robert Sandford, Esq., Secretary & Chief -Register for the Right Hon’ble the Lords Proprietors of their County of -Clarendon, in the Province aforesaid_.” For a copy of this narrative we -are indebted to the Hon. W. A. Courtenay, mayor of Charleston. From the -new facts brought to light in these Shaftesbury Papers we must alter, -in some particulars, the extant history of the first English settlement -in South Carolina. - -[741] In the _Sketch of the History of South Carolina_ published -in 1856 is a copy of Sayle’s commission, obtained from London, and -it bears date 26th July, 1669. At the same time West’s commission, -dated 27th July, confers such power upon him as “Governor and -Commander-in-Chief,” _till the arrival of the fleet at Barbadoes_, -that we cannot suppose Sayle was on board at that time. The difficulty -is removed in the Shaftesbury MSS., and by the filling up of the -commission with the name of Sayle at Bermuda. - -[742] See Winthrop’s _Hist. of New England_, ii. p. 335. - -[743] I make the date of their arrival 17th March. See _Sketch of the -Hist. of So. Carolina_, p. 94. - -[744] Of the first site of Charlestown on the west side of the Ashley -River there is said to be no trace left, or was not fifty years ago, -except a depression, which may have been a ditch, then traceable across -the plantation of Jonathan Lucas, as Carroll says (i. p. 49). - -[745] The duke was dead when the colony was founded, and the new -duke, Christopher, was represented by proxy at the meeting of the -Proprietors, January 20, 1670. Lord Berkeley was then Palatine by -seniority. - -[746] From the Shaftesbury Papers. We should not fail to notice here -that the aged governor had written, on 25th June, to Earl Shaftesbury -for the procurement of Rev. S. Bond, of Bermuda (who had been ordained -by Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter), to settle in the colony; and that -their lordships authorized an offer to Mr. Bond of five hundred acres -of land and £40 per annum. It is not known that he came. - -[747] [See Vol. II. ch. 4.—ED.] The writer of this narrative has -examined Albemarle Point, the spot selected by the English for their -settlement: a high bluff, facing the east and the entrance of the bay, -and running out between a creek and an impassable marsh, and easily -defended by cutting a deep trench across the tongue of land. Precisely -the same defensible advantages, with the additional one of a far better -harbor, lay opposite at a tongue of land called Oyster Point, between -the Ashley and Cooper rivers. - -[748] The earliest notice we have of the population is from the -Shaftesbury Papers, under date 20 January, 1672 [N. S.]: “By our -records it appears that 337 men and women, 62 children or persons under -16 years of age, is the full number of persons who have arrived in -this country in and since the first fleet out of England to this day.” -Deducting for deaths and absences at the above date, there remained of -the men 263 able to bear arms. Though the colony increased in wealth -and importance, there was for many years but a slow increase in the -number of white inhabitants. - -[749] How pompous is article 7: “Any Landgrave or Cassique, when it is -his right to choose, shall take any of the Barronies appropriated to -the Nobility, which is not already planted on by some other Nobleman.” -These provincial nobles, made so, in the first instance, by appointment -of the Proprietors, were to be legislators by right. Yet in this same -year (1672), their lordships issued an offer to settlers from Ireland -and promised that whoever carried or caused to go to Carolina 600 -men should be a Landgrave with four baronies; and if 900 he should -be Landgrave and also nominate a Cassique; and if 1,200, should also -nominate two Cassiques. This was scattering at random the hereditary -right of legislating over the freemen of the colony. - -[750] See letter of the Proprietors, May 8, 1674, in _Sketch_, etc., p. -332. - -[751] In the _Reports of the Historical Committee of the Charleston -Library Society_, prepared by Benj. Elliott, Esq., and published -1835, this MS. is spoken of as a present from Robert Gilmor, Esq., -of Baltimore, but is not accurately described in the report of the -committee. My copy of it is dated 21st July, and is not divided into -numbered sections. - -[752] A third set was sent out (dated January 12, 1682), and to -please the Scots who were willing to emigrate, further alterations -were made, and a fourth set (dated August 17, 1682, and containing -126 articles) was despatched to Governor Morton. Last of all, a fifth -set (dated April 11, 1698, and containing only 41 articles), was sent -out by the hands of Major Daniel, and with it, as an inducement for a -favorable reception, six blank patents for landgraves and eight for -cassiques. When the third set was sent, the sentiments of the people -with regard to the whole subject may be fairly represented as in the -letter to Sothel in 1691,—that, inasmuch as their lordships, under -their hands and seals, had ordered that no person should be a member -of the council nor of parliament, nor choose lands due to him, unless -he subscribed his submission to this last set of the Constitutions; -“the people remembering their oaths to the first, and deeming these -not to be agreeable to the royal charters, which direct the assent and -approbation of the people to all laws and constitutions, did deny to -receive the said Fundamental Constitutions.” Governor Morton, in 1685, -actually turned out of parliament the majority of the representatives -for refusing to sign the third set, though they had sworn to the first -set. In consequence, the laws that year enacted were enacted by only -seven representatives and by eight of the deputies of the Proprietors. - -[753] A fac-simile of Smith’s commission is given in _Harper’s -Monthly_, Dec., 1875. - -[754] MS. Journal of the Commons, May 15, 1694. - -[755] As inferred from the _Statutes_ (ii. p. 101, sec. 16). - -[756] Archdale in Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_, ii. p. 109. - -[757] At this time, one passed, in riding up the road, the plantations -of Matthews, Green, Starkey, Gray, Grimball, Dickeson, and Izard, on -the Cooper River; and further up, those of Sir John Yeamans, Landgrave -Bellinger, Colonel Gibbes, Mr. Schenking, Colonel Moore, Colonel -Quarry, and Sir Nathaniel Johnson. On the left, Landgrave West, -Colonel Godfrey, Dr. Trevillian, and Mr. Colleton, had plantations. -Westward from Charlestown lived Col. Paul Grimball, Landgrave Morton, -Blake (a Proprietor), and Landgrave Axtel; while many residences in -the town, as those of Landgrave Smith and Colonel Rhett, were said -to be “very handsome buildings,” with fifteen or more “which deserve -to be taken notice of.” From these residences could be seen entering -the harbor vessels from Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leeward Isles, -from Virginia and other colonies, and the always welcome ships from -England. An active and lucrative commerce employed many ships to -various ports in North America, and also twenty-two ships between -Charles Town and England; about twelve were owned by the colonists; -half of these had been built by themselves. The inhabitants (1708) -numbered nearly 10,000; the whites and negroes being about equal, with -1,400 Indian slaves. (Letter of Governor and Council, Sept. 17, 1708, -in _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 217.) For a few years the whites -had decreased in number on account of epidemics and disaffection with -regard to the tenure of lands (the nature of this disaffection may be -noticed in what is recorded in the preceding narrative sketch of North -Carolina); while negroes were regularly imported by the English traders -and by Northern ships, as the plantation work extended, particularly -the culture of rice, which had become the most valuable export. A -little later (1710) the whites were computed at .12 of the whole -inhabitants, negro slaves .22, and Indian subjects .66. Of the whites, -the planters were .70, merchants about .13, and artisans .17. With -respect to religion, the Episcopalians were then computed to be .42, -the Presbyterians, with the French Huguenots, .45, Anabaptists .10, and -the Quakers .03. (Inserted in Governor Glen’s _Description of South -Carolina_.) - -[758] _MS. Journals of the House._ - -[759] Rev. Mr. Marston says, “Many of the members of the Commons House -that passed this disqualifying law are constant absentees from the -Church, and eleven of them were never known to receive the Sacrament -of the Lord’s Supper,” though for five years past he had administered -it in his church at least six times a year. (“Case of Dissenters;” -and Archdale.) The same assembly had passed an act against blasphemy -and profaneness, “which they always made a great noise about,” wrote -Landgrave Smith, “although they are some of the most profanest in the -country themselves.” See _Sketch of the Hist. of S. C._, p. 220. - -[760] Yonge’s _Narrative_. - -[761] The folly, or grasping cupidity, of the Proprietors plainly -appears in their action respecting these lands (_S. C. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, i. p. 192), 21 Nov., 1718: “Lots drawn this day for the 119,000 -acres of land in South Carolina; that 48,000 acres should be taken up -in South Carolina by each Proprietor for the use of himself and heirs, -24,000 of which may be of the Yemassee land if thought fit, ... at a -pepper corn rent, etc.” - -[762] We should add along with this avowal of loyalty, which was no -doubt sincere, the prophetic language of Colonel Rhett, in December, -1719, as mentioned in Chalmers, ii. p. 93: If this “revolt is not cropt -in the bud, they will set up for themselves against his majesty.” And -in the same strain we understand the extract of a letter (Nov. 14, -1719, in _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 237), concluding, “I must -tell you, sir, if the much greater part of the most substantial people -had their choice, they would not choose King George’s government.” - -[763] In _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 119, is an abstract (from -state papers, London) of a “draft” for new instructions, that the -governor should approve or disapprove of the speaker and clerk, and -refuse assent to any law appointing civil officers; and that money -bills should be framed by a committee of the council joined with a -committee of the “Lower House of Assembly,” as they should in future be -called. We are not aware that such instructions were ever sent. Johnson -allowed them to appoint their clerk (1731), they pleading _custom_, and -giving instances of the same in other colonies. - -[764] Details are given by Hewatt in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. pp. -331 _et seq._ - -[765] Samuel Horsey was made governor in July, 1738, but died before -he left England. Glen was appointed in his place in October, 1738. -We may state here that the elder William Rhett died 1723, the second -James Moore 1724, President Middleton 1737, Nicholas Trott 1740, -Alexander Skene 1741. Lieutenant-Governor Bull was father of the later -lieutenant-governor of the same name (Ramsay, preface). - -[766] We quote from the abstract of his communication in the record -office in London. _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 303. - -[767] ESTIMATES OF POPULATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 1672. Joseph Dalton, -secretary to Lord Ashley. Whites, 391: men 263, women 69, children -under 16 years 59. 1680. T. A. in _Carroll’s Coll._, 2d, p. 82, about -1,200. 1682. Same, about 2,500. 1699. E. Randolph to Lords of Trade -(_Sketch of Hist. S. C._, p. 443) gives white militia not above 1,500 -and four negroes to one white; and 1,100 families, English and French. -1700. Hewatt, _Carroll’s Coll._, 1st, p. 132, computes whites from -5,000 to 6,000. 1701. Humphreys’ _Hist. Account_, etc., p. 25, computes -whites above 7,000. 1703. By estimate for five years, allowable from -statements of the governor and council (_Sketch, Hist. S. C._, p. -232), we may put the population in 1703 at 8,160. 1708. Governor -Johnson and council compute 9,580: freemen 1,360, freewomen 900, white -servant men 60, white servant women 60, white free children 1,700, in -all 4,080; negro men slaves 1,800, negro women slaves, 1,100, negro -children slaves 1,200, in all 4,100; Indian men slaves 500, Indian -women slaves 600, Indian children slaves 300, in all 1,400. 1708. -Oldmixon, _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 460, computes total 12,000. 1720. -Governor Johnson, whites 6,400; at same date the Revolutionary governor -and council report whites 9,000; militiamen not over 2,000. From a -sworn statement the taxpayers of the eleven parishes were 1,305, and -their slaves 11,828 (see _A Chapter in Hist.S. C._, p. 56). Chalmers -multiplies 1,305 by four, and makes total white and black 17,048; but -9,000 whites and 11,828 blacks give 20,828. 1724. Hewatt, p. 266, -computes whites 14,000. In Glen’s _Description_, etc., in _Carroll’s -Coll._, ii. p. 261, the same number is given; also slaves, mostly -negroes, 32,000; total 46,000. 1743. Chalmers’ papers in possession -of Mr. George Bancroft, letter of McCulloch, comptroller, computes -negroes at 40,000. 1751. Same authority; letter from Glen; also -_Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 218; whites 25,000, negro taxables 39,000; -say total 64,000. 1756. Same authority; Governor Lyttleton says the -militia amounted to 5,500 men. Computing negro increase at 1,000 per -annum, we estimate a total of 72,500. 1763. In a _Short Description_, -etc., _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 478. Whites between 30,000 and 40,000, -negroes about 70,000; say total 105,000. 1765. Hewatt, p. 503. Militia -between 7,000 and 8,000, from which he computes the whites near 40,000, -negroes “not less than” 80,000 or 90,000; say total 123,000. 1770. -Chalmers’ MSS.; Lieutenant-Governor Bull gives negroes returned in last -tax 75,178; militiamen 10,000; say 125,178. 1770. Wells’ _Register_ -says negroes 81,728, and free blacks 159. 1773. Wells’ _Register and -Almanac_ for 1774. Whites 65,000, negroes 110,000 (militiamen 13,000); -total 175,000. Chalmers’ MSS.; Dr. George Milligan gives for 1775, -whites 70,000, negroes 104,000, militiamen 14,000, which makes 174,000. -1790. U. S. Census. Whites 140,178, free blacks 1,801, slaves 107,094; -total 249,073. - -[768] There is an account of Coxe, by G. D. Scull, in the _Penna. Mag. -of Hist._, vii. 317. - -[769] Cf. E. D. Neill’s “Virginia Carolorum” in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, -Oct., 1885, p. 316. - -[770] W. Noel Sainsbury (_Antiquary_, London, March, 1881, p. 100) -refers to documents in the colonial series of State Papers in the -Public Record office, showing that a company of French Protestants had -been inveigled into a voyage to undertake a settlement under the Heath -patent, and reached Virginia; but as transportation was not provided -they never went further. - -[771] Vol. III. p. 125. The map of Florida in the 1618 edition of -Lescarbot, in which the Rivière de May is made to flow from a “Grand -Lac” in the interior, is said to have afforded in part the groundwork -of De Laet’s map. Cf. also the map of Virginia and Florida (1635) in -_Mercator’s Atlas_; the map “Partie meridionale de la Virginie et de la -Floride,” published by Vander Aa. Johannis van Keulen’s _Paskart van de -Kust van Carolina_, in his Atlas, is very rude. - -[772] Sabin, iii. no. 10,969. The seal of the Proprietors is shown -in Lawson’s map, and is reproduced in Dr. Eggleston’s papers in the -_Century Magazine_, vol. xxviii. p. 848, and in _The Charleston Year -Book_, 1883. - -[773] Sabin, iii. no. 10,980; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,526, iii. no. 75; -Murphy, no. 481; Harvard College library, nos. 6374.26 and 12352.2. -Carroll, in printing the second charter granted by Charles II. (_Hist. -Coll._, ii. 37), speaks of the original as being in the possession of -Harvard University; but he must refer to the early printed copy, not -the parchment. Both charters may be found in the _Revised Statutes -of North Carolina_, 1837, and in the _Statutes at Large of South -Carolina_, 1836. Hawks (vol. ii. p. 107) gives a synopsis of the two in -parallel columns; and they are given in French and English in _Mémoires -des Commissaires du Roi_, etc., vol. iv. (Paris, 1757) p. 554; and on -p. 586, the second charter of June 13 (24), 1665. The second is also -given in Dr. Wynne’s edition of the _Byrd MSS._, i. p. 197. - -[774] Sabin, iii. no. 10,970; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,016. - -[775] The original Fundamental Constitutions (81 articles) were signed -July 21, 1669; a second form (120 articles), Mar. 1, 1669-70; a third -(120 articles), Jan. 12, 1681-2; a fourth (121 articles), Aug. 17, -1682; a fifth and last (41 articles), Apr. 11, 1698. - -[776] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 271; Sabin, x. no. 41,726. There was -a second edition in 1739. The Fundamental Constitutions will also -be found in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 361; in Martin’s _North -Carolina_, App. i.; in Hewatt’s _South Carolina and Georgia_, i. 321, -etc. - -The most familiar portrait of Locke is Kneller’s, which has been often -engraved. It was painted in 1697, and the several engravings by Vertue -(1713, etc.) appeared in the _Works_ of Locke, published in folio in -London, in 1722 and 1727, and elsewhere, sometimes with different -framework, and of reduced size, in the _Familiar Letters_ of 1742 -(fourth edition). The same likeness is the one given in editions of -_Lodge’s Portraits_. There is also a folio mezzotint by John Smith (J. -C. Smith, _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1190). A different head is -that engraved by James Basire in the London editions of the _Works_, -1801 and 1812. - -[777] Mr. Henry F. Waters sent the photograph from London, but the map -had already been noticed inquiringly by Dr. De Costa in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, Jan., 1877 (vol. i. p. 55). - -[778] _Brinley Catalogue_, ii. no. 3,869; Harvard College library, no. -12355.7. It is reprinted in _Force’s Tracts_, vol. iv., and in the -_Charleston Year Book_ for 1884. - -[779] _North Carolina_, ii. p. 78. - -[780] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 972; Griswold, no. 982; Barlow’s _Rough -List_, no. 593; Brinley, ii. no. 3,842; Sabin, iii. no. 10,961; Rich -(1832), no. 338, £1 16_s._; Menzies, no. 334. Quaritch priced it in -1885 (no. 29,505) at £12 12_s._, and it has since been placed at £18 -18_s._ The map referred to is reproduced by Dr. Hawks in his _North -Carolina_ (i. p. 37) with a reprint of the tract itself; but a better -reproduction is in Gay’s _Popular Hist. of the United States_ (ii. -285). Carroll also reprints the text in his _Historical Collections_ -(ii. p. 9), but he omits the map as “very incorrect,” not appreciating -the fact that the incorrectness of early maps is an index of -contemporary ideas, with which the historian finds it indispensable to -deal. - -[781] Lederer’s tract is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College -library. It was priced $200 in Bouton’s catalogue in 1876, and brought -$305 at the Griswold sale the same year. The Sparks copy (at Cornell) -lacks the map; but the Murphy (no. 1,456) copy had it. Cf. Rich (1832), -no. 358; Brinley, ii. no. 3,875; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 625. A copy -was sold in London in Dec., 1884. - -[782] See fac-simile of this map in Vol. III. p. 465. - -[783] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,633; Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 668-70; -Brinley, ii. no. 3,840; _Harvard Coll. Library Catalogue_, nos. 12352.4 -and 6; Menzies, no. 83. It is reprinted in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. -59. - -[784] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,261; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 675-76; -_Harvard Col. Lib. Catalogue_, no. 12352.4. It is reprinted in -Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 19. The book should be accompanied by -a map called “A new description of Carolina by order of the Lords -Proprietors,” which shows the coast from the Chesapeake to St. -Augustine. The book throws no light on the sources of the map; but -Kohl, who has a sketch of the map in his Washington collection (no. -211), thinks White’s map served for the North Carolina coast, and -Wm. Sayle’s surveys for the more southerly parts. Kohl says that the -boundary line here given between Virginia and Carolina is laid down for -the first time on a map. The river May flows from a large “Ashley lake.” - -A printed map, very nearly resembling this of Wilson, is signed, “Made -by William Hack at the signe of Great Britaine and Ireland, near New -Stairs in Wapping. Anno Domini, 1684.” There is a sketch of it in -Kohl’s Washington collection (no. 213). - -[785] Sabin, v. no. 17,334. - -[786] Sabin, iii. no. 10,963. - -[787] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,333; and for editions of 1678 and 1697, -nos. 1,177 and 1,508. - -[788] Extracts touching Carolina are given in Carroll’s _Collections_, -ii. 537, etc. The details are scant in the sketch of the history of the -colonial church, which B. F. De Costa added to the edition of Bishop -White’s _Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church_, New York, 1880; -but more considerable in “The State of the Church in America, at the -beginning of the eighteenth century and the foundation of the Society -for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,”—being ch. xi. of -Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_. - -[789] Sabin, no. 18,298. “Dalcho is very useful for the early history -of South Carolina, and is more scrupulous than Ramsay.” (Bancroft, -orig. ed., ii. 167.) The movement in South Carolina is necessarily -treated more scantily in Hawkins’ _Missions of the Church of England;_ -Wilberforce’s _Hist. of the Prot. Episc. Church in America_; Bishop -White’s _Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church in the United States_; -and Dr. W. B. Sprague’s _American Pulpit_, vol. v. The publications -directly bearing at the time on this controversy are:— - -_An act for the more effectual preservation of the government of the -Province of Carolina, by requiring all persons that shall be hereafter -chosen members of the Commons House of Assembly to take oaths ... and -to conform to the Religious Worship according to the Church of England. -Ratified 6th of May, 1704._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,956.) - -_Another act for the establishment of religious worship in the Province -of Carolina according to the Church of England. Ratified Nov. 4, 1704._ -(Sabin, iii. no. 10,958.) - -_The case of the Church of England in Carolina ... with resolves of the -House of Lords._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,967.) - -_The copy of an act pass’d in Carolina and sent over to be confirmed by -the Lord Granville, Palatine, etc._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,968.) - -_The representation and address of several members of this present -assemble, returned for Colleton County ... to the Right honourable John -Grenville, Esq., etc. 26 June, 1705._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,978.) - -_The humble address of ... Parliament presented to her majesty, 13 -March, 1705, relating to Carolina, and the petition therein mentioned, -with her majesty’s most gracious answer thereunto._ London, 1705. -(Sabin, iii. no. 10,972.) - -_Party-Tyranny, or an occasional bill in miniature as now practised in -Carolina. Humbly offered to the consideration of Parliament._ London, -1705 (30 pp.). (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 64; Sabin, v. no. 19,288; -_Harvard College Lib. Catalogue_, no. 12352.17; Brinley, ii. no. 3,882. -It is ascribed to Daniel De Foe, and the exclusive act of 1704 is -severely denounced in it. Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, no. 72, prices -it at £6 6_s._, and gives a second title-edition of the same year, no. -74, £5 5_s._) - -_The case of the protestant dissenters in Carolina, shewing how a -law to prevent occasional conformity there, has ended in the total -subversion of the Constitution in Church and State._ London, 1706. -(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 76; Sabin, iii. no. 10,966. The copy of this -tract in Harvard College Library has an appendix of documents paged -separately. It is also sometimes attributed to De Foe.) - -Rivers (_Sketches_, etc., p. 220) thinks it is an error to represent -the body of the Dissenters as favoring the Fundamental Constitutions. -Dalcho’s _Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_ (p. 58, etc.) -examines the legislation on this movement to an enforced religion. - -[790] In the spring before this attack a New England man, Rev. Joseph -Lord, then ministering not far from Charlestown, was congratulating -himself by letter to Samuel Sewall, of Boston (writing from Dorchester, -in South Carolina, March 25, 1706), on “freedom from annoyance by y^e -Spaniards, especially considering all, so soon after the proclamation -of war, began with them.” He then goes on to inform his correspondent -that he believed some of the neighboring tribes to be wandering -remnants of the Narragansetts and Pequods. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, xiii. p. 299. - -[791] It was reprinted at Charleston in 1822, and is included in -Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 85). Cf. Brinley, ii. no. 3,839; -_Harvard Coll. Lib’y Cat._, no. 13352.6; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. -779; Stevens, _Bib. Am._, 1885, no. 18, £5 5_s._ Doyle (_The English -in America_, p. 437) fitly calls it “confused and rambling.” The same -judgment was earlier expressed by Rivers; but Grahame (ii. p. 140), -touching it more generously on its human side, calls it replete with -good sense, benevolence, and piety. - -[792] Pages 207, 231. - -[793] A German version of the first edition was printed at Hamburg in -1715 as _Das Gros-Britannische Scepter in der Neuen Welt_; and Theodor -Arnold published in 1744 a translation of the second edition, called -_Das Britische Reich in America_, reproducing Moll’s map, but giving -the names in German. Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 391) gives the -essential extracts from Oldmixon. - -[794] It was reprinted at Raleigh in 1860. A work called _The Natural -History of North Carolina by John Brickell, M. D._, Dublin, 1737, -is Lawson’s book, with some transpositions, changes, and omissions. -(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 560; Brinley, ii. no. 3,843.) This last book -is sufficiently changed not to be considered a mere careless reprint -of Lawson, as J. A. Allen points out in his _Bibliog. of Cetacea and -Sirenia_, no. 208. Brickell was a physician settled in North Carolina. -A German translation of Lawson by M. Vischer, _Allerneuste Beschreibung -der Provinz Carolina in West Indien_, was printed at Hamburg in 1712; -and again in 1722. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,957; v. no. 39,451, etc.; -Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 119, 125, 158, 169, 233; Cooke, no. 1,409; -Murphy, nos. 1,448-49; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 787; O’Callaghan, -no. 1,349; J. A. Allen’s _Bibliography of Cetacea_, etc., nos. 165, -167, 170, 174; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, nos. 896-899; Brinley, ii. no. -3,873.) Quaritch (1885) priced the original 1709 edition at £5, and I -find it also quoted at £6 6_s._ The German version repeats Lawson’s -map, and also has one called “Louisiana am Fluss Mississippi.” - -[795] _Indian Bibliog._, p. 228. - -[796] _Hist. of Amer. Literature_, ii. p. 282. - -[797] Lawson’s book was accompanied by a map, and a part of it, giving -the North Carolina coast, is reproduced by Dr. Hawks (ii. 103). Mr. -Deane’s copy has the map. Prof. F. M. Hubbard, writing in 1860 in the -_North American Review_, said, “We know after much inquiry of the -existence of only four copies in this country. About 1820, a copy then -thought to be unique was offered for sale at auction in North Carolina -and brought nearly sixty dollars.” The book now is less rare than this -writer supposed. - -[798] _Auszfuhrlich und umstandlicher Bericht von der berühmten -Landschaft Carolina, in dem Engelländischen America gelegen. An Tag -gegeben von Kocherthalern. Dritter Druck, mit einem Anhang, ... nebst -einer Land-Charte._ Frankfort a. M. 1709. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,959; -Stevens, Bib. Amer., 1885, no. 75, £5 5_s._) _Das verlangte, nicht -erlangte Canaan, oder ausführliche Beschreibung der unglücklichen Reise -derer jüngsthin aus Teutschland nach Carolina und Pensylvania wallenden -Pilgrim, absonderlich dem Kochenthalerischen Bericht entgegen gesetzt._ -Frankfort, 1711. This is a rare tract about the emigration from the -Pfälz. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,960; Harrassowitz, _Americana_ (81), no. -114 at 50 marks; _Harvard Coll. Lib’y Catalogue_, no. 12352.10; -Stevens, _Bib. Amer._, 1885, no. 77, £4 14_s._ 6_d._) _A Letter from -South Carolina giving an account of the soil, etc.... Written by a -Swiss gentleman to his friend at Bern._ London, 1710. There were -other editions in 1718, 1732. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 143, 239, 493; -_Harvard College Lib’y Catalogue_, nos. 12354.4 and 5.) - -Bernheim’s _German Settlements_, later to be mentioned, is the best -modern summary of these Swiss and German immigrations. - -[799] The map on the next page is sketched from a draft in the Kohl -collection (219) of a map preserved in the British State Paper Office, -bearing no date, but having the following legends in explanation of the -lines of march:— - -“1. — — — — The way Coll. Barnwell marched from Charlestown, 1711, -with the forces sent from S. Carol. to the relief of N. Carolina. - -“2. —·—· The way Coll. J. Moore marched in the 1712 with the forces -sent for the relief of North Carolina. - -“3. —··—·· The way Corol. Maurice Moore marched in the year 1713 with -recruits from South Carolina. - -“4. ···· The way Corol. Maurice Moore went in the year 1715, with the -forces sent from North Carolina to the assistance of S. Carolina. His -march was further continued from Fort Moore up Savano river, near a -N. W. course, 150 miles to the Charokee indians, who live among the -mountains.” - -[800] Cf. vol. i. 44-46, 100, 102, 105-7, 115, 118, 121, 160. See -_post_ ch. viii. and _ante_ ch. iv. of the present volume. - -[801] Cf. _An abridgment of the laws in force and use in her majesty’s -plantations_, London, 1702. (Harvard College lib’y, 6374.20.) Chief -Justice Trott—“a great man in his day,” says De Bow,—published a -folio edition of South Carolina laws in 1736; and the _Laws of South -Carolina_, published by Cooper (Columbia, S. C.), give by title only -those enacted before 1685. Trott also published in London (1721) _Laws -of the British Plantations in America relating to the Church and the -Clergy_. (Harvard College lib’y, 6371.1.) - -[802] H. C. Murphy, _Catalogue_, no. 2,344; Brinley, ii. no. 3,893. -It is attributed to F. Yonge, whose _View of the Trade of South -Carolina_, addressed to Lord Carteret, was printed about 1722 and 1723. -Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 321, 337. - -[803] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 371. - -[804] _An Act for establishing an Agreement with seven of the lords -proprietors of Carolina for the surrender of their title and interest -in that province to his Majesty._ London, 1729. Brinley, no. 3,831. - -[805] _Grant and Release of one eighth part of Carolina from his -Majesty to Lord Cartaret_ [1744] with a map. Sabin, iii. no. 10,971. - -[806] Brinley, ii. no. 3,883. - -[807] This description is usually accompanied by what is called -_Proposals of Mr. Peter Purry of Neufchatel for the encouragement of -Swiss Protestants settling in Carolina_, 1731, and this document is -also included in Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 121), and will -be found in Bernheim’s _German Settlements_, p. 90, in Col. Jones’ -publication, already mentioned, and in other places. Bernheim gives a -summarized history of the colony. - -[808] Among the publications instigating or recording this immigration, -the following are known: _Der nunmehro in dem neuen Welt vergnügt und -ohne Heimwehe Schweitzer, oder Beschreibung des gegenwärtigen Zustands -der Königlichen Englischen Provinz Carolina_. Bern, 1734. (Sabin, iii. -no. 10,975; Stevens, _Bib. Am._, 1885, no. 76, £4 14_s._ 6_d._) _Neue -Nachricht alter und neuer Merkwürdigkeiten, enthaltend ein vertrautes -Gespräch und sichere Briefe von dem Landschafft Carolina und übrigen -Englishchen Pflantz-Städten in Amerika._ Zurich, 1734. (Sabin, iii. no. -10,974.) The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 566) mentions a tract, -evidently intended to influence immigration to Pennsylvania and the -colonies farther south, which was printed in 1737 as _Neu-gefundenes -Eden_. - -[809] Martin, in his _North Carolina_, vol. i., has an appendix on the -Moravians. - -[810] Cf. Chapter on Presbyterianism in South Carolina in C. A. Briggs’ -_Amer. Presbyterianism_, p. 127. - -[811] This gentleman has contributed to the periodical press various -papers on Huguenots in America. Cf. Poole’s _Index_, p. 612. - -[812] In April, 1883, there was formed in New York a Huguenot Society -of America, under the presidency of John Jay, with vice-presidents to -represent each of the distinct settlements of French Protestants prior -to 1787,—Staten Island, Long Island, New Rochelle, New Paltz, New -Oxford, Boston, Narragansett, Maine, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, -and South Carolina. Their first report has been printed. Monograph -iv. of Bishop Perry’s _American Episcopal Church_ is “The Huguenots -in America, and their connection with the Church,” by the Rev. A. V. -Wittmeyer. - -[813] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,046, 1,778. - -[814] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,306. There is a copy in Harvard College -library [12353.2]. The _Dinwiddie Papers_ throw some light on Glen’s -career. The _Second Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission_, -p. 38, notes a collection of letters sent from South Carolina during -Gov. Lyttleton’s term, 1756-1765, as being in Lord Lyttleton’s archives -at Hagley, in Worcestershire. - -[815] Brinley, ii. no. 3,989; Haven, “Ante-Revolutionary Bibliog.” -(Thomas’ _Hist. of Printing_, ii. 559). Cf. Bancroft’s _United States_, -original ed. iv. ch. 15. Cf. also John H. Logan’s _History of the Upper -Country of South Carolina, from the earliest periods to the close of -the War of Independence_, Charleston, 1859, vol. i. It largely concerns -the Cherokee country. - -[816] A MS. copy of De Brahm appears (no. 1,313) in a sale catalogue of -Bangs, Brother & Co., New York, 1854. - -[817] Cf. Emanuel Bowen, in his _Complete System of Geography_, ii. -1747 (London), who gives a _New and accurate map of the Provinces of -North and South Carolina, Georgia, etc._, showing the coast from the -Chesapeake to St. Augustine. - -[818] See _post_, ch. vi. - -[819] The latest writer on the theme, Doyle, in his _English in -America_, thinks Hewatt “may probably be trusted in matters of -notoriety.” Grahame (iii. 78) says: “Hewit is a most perplexing writer. -A phrase of continual recurrence with him is ‘about this time,’—the -meaning of which he leaves to the conjecture of readers and the -laborious investigation of scholars, as he scarcely ever particularizes -a date.” Again he adds (ii. p. 110): “While he abstains from the -difficult task of relating the history of North Carolina, he selects -the most interesting features of its annals, and transfers them to the -history of the southern province. His errors, though hardly honest, -were probably not the fruit of deliberate misrepresentation.” Cf. -Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_, iii. p. 251. - -[820] That portion about South Carolina, ending with the revolution of -1719, is printed in Carroll, ii. 273. - -[821] These volumes are described in the _Sparks Catalogue_, pp. -214-215, and are now in Harvard College library. - -[822] Grahame (ii. 167) says of Chalmers that “he seems to relax -his usual attention to accuracy, when he considers his topics -insignificant; and from this defect, as well as from the peculiarities -of his style, it is sometimes difficult to discover his meaning or -reconcile his apparent inconsistency in different passages.” - -[823] Cf. _Belknap Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), ii. 218, 219. - -[824] Harvard College library. - -[825] _An introduction to the history of the revolt of the American -colonies, derived from the state papers in the public offices of Great -Britain._ Boston, 1845. 2 v. - -[826] The copy referred to is also marked in Mr. Chalmers’ autograph -as “from the author to Mr. Strange as an evidence of his respect -and kindness.” It is also noted in it that it is the identical copy -described by Rich in his _Bibliotheca Americana Nova_ (under 1782), -no. 2, where it is spoken of as “apparently entirely unknown,” and -having the bookplate of George Buchanan with a manuscript note, “Not -published, corrected for the press by me, G. B.” No such evidences of -Buchanan’s ownership are now in the volume, and the title as given -by Rich is more extended than that written by Chalmers. A slightly -different title too is given in the only other copy of which trace has -been found, that given in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 534. - -[827] A large number of the Chalmers manuscripts relating to America -are enumerated in Thomas Thorpe’s _Supplement to a Catalogue of -Manuscripts_, 1843. Such as relate to periods not of the Revolution are -somewhat minutely described under the following numbers:— - -No. 616. Copies of papers, 1493-1805, two volumes, £12 12_s._ - -No. 617. Papers relating to New England, 1625-1642, one volume, £2 2_s._ - -No. 618. Papers relating to Maryland, 1627-1765, one volume, £3 3_s._ - -No. 619. Papers relating to New York and Pennsylvania, 1629-1642, £1 -11_s._ 6_d._ - -No. 620. Short account of the English plantations in America, about -1690, MS., £2 2_s._ - -No. 666. Papers on Canada, 1692-1792, one volume, £4 4_s._ - -No. 669. Letters and State Papers relating to Carolina, 1662-1781, -two volumes, £12 12_s._ [I suppose these to be the volumes now in Mr. -Bancroft’s hands.] - -No. 673. The manuscript of vol. ii. of the Annals, £7 7_s._ - -No. 707. Papers on Connecticut, 15_s._ - -No. 726. Papers on the ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the colonies, -1662-1787, one volume, £2 2_s._ - -No. 745. Papers on Georgia, 1730-1798, one volume, £5 5_s._ - -No. 782. Papers on the Indians, 1750-1775, one volume, £10 10_s._ - -No. 823. Papers on Maryland, 1619-1812, two volumes, £15 15_s._ - -No. 838. Papers on New England, 1635-1780, four volumes, £21. - -No. 842. Papers on New Hampshire, 1651-1774, two volumes, £10 10_s._ - -No. 843. Papers on New Jersey, 1683-1775, one volume, £6 6_s._ - -No. 845. Papers on New York, 1608-1792, four volumes, £52 10_s._ - -No. 857. Papers on Nova Scotia, 1745-1817, one volume, £7 7s. - -No. 867. Papers on Pennsylvania, 1620-1779, two volumes, £10 10_s._ - -No. 869. Letters from and Papers on Philadelphia, 1760-1789, two -volumes, £15 15_s._ - -No. 891. Papers on Rhode Island, 1637-1785, one volume, £5 5_s._ - -No. 949. Papers on Virginia, 1606-1775, four volumes, £31 10_s._ - -[828] He was born in 1735, and was a Pennsylvanian, whom commercial -aims brought to Edmonton, in North Carolina, where he practised -medicine, and as a representative of the district sat in Congress. He -had removed, however, to New York when he published his history. He -died in 1819. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Hist. of Philadelphia_, ii. -1146. - -[829] _North Amer. Rev._, xii. 37. In 1829 Judge A. D. Murphy sought, -unsuccessfully, to induce the legislature to aid him in publishing -a history of North Carolina in six or eight volumes. _North Amer. -Review_, xxiv. p. 468. - -[830] Orig. ed., i. p. 135. - -[831] Cf. _N. Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1870. - -[832] J. D. B. DeBow’s _Political Annals of South Carolina_, prepared -for the _Southern Quarterly Review_, was printed separately as a -pamphlet, at Charleston, in 1845. A writer in this same _Review_ (Jan., -1852) deplores the apathy of the Southern people and the indifference -of Southern writers to the study of their local history. In the series -of the _Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political -Science_, Mr. B. J. Ramage has published an essay on “Local government -and free schools in South Carolina.” - -[833] There is also a list of papers prior to 1700 in the appendix of -Rivers’ _Sketch_, etc., p. 313. - -[834] The _Third Report_ (1872) _of the Commission on Historical -signified his wish to present his valuable collection of manuscripts -Manuscripts_ (p. xi.) says: “In April, 1871, the Earl of Shaftesbury -to the Public Record Office. These papers have been arranged and -catalogued by Mr. Sainsbury.” The same _Report_ (p. 216) contains Mr. -Alfred J. Horwood’s account of these papers, the ninth section of -which is described as comprising letters and papers about Carolina, -and many letters and abstracts of letters in Locke’s handwriting. Cf. -_Charleston Year Book_, 1884, p. 167. - -[835] _A review of documents and records in the archives of the State -of South Carolina, hitherto inedited_ (Columbia, 1852), points out -the gaps in its public records. Of the Grand Council’s Journal, only -two years (1671, etc.) are preserved, as described by Dalcho and in -_Topics in the History of South Carolina_, a pamphlet. Cf. also Rivers’ -_Sketch_, etc., p. 370. - -[836] Abstracts of many of them are necessarily included in Sainsbury’s -_Calendars_. - -[837] [This story is told in Vol. II. chap. iv.—ED.] - -[838] [Vol. II. p. 244.—ED.] - -[839] [See Vol. III. p. 157, and chap. v., _ante_.—ED.] - -[840] [He was born in 1698; but see W. S. Bogart on “the mystery of -Oglethorpe’s birthday,” in _Magazine of American History_, February, -1883, p. 108. There is a statement as to his family in Nichols’s -_Literary Anecdotes_, ii. 17; copied by Harris, in his _Life of -Oglethorpe_.—ED.] - -[841] The corporate seal adopted had two faces. That for the -authentication of legislative acts, deeds, and commissions contained -this device: two figures resting upon urns, from which flowed streams -typifying the rivers forming the northern and southern boundaries of -the province. In their hands were spades, suggesting agriculture as the -chief employment of the settlers. Above and in the centre was seated -the genius of the Colony, a spear in her right hand, the left placed -upon a cornucopia, and a liberty cap upon her head. Behind, upon a -gentle eminence, stood a tree, and above was engraven this legend, -_Colonia Georgia Aug_. On the other face,—which formed the common -seal to be affixed to grants, orders, and certificates,—were seen -silk-worms in the various stages of their labor, and the appropriate -motto, _Non sibi sed aliis_. This inscription not only proclaimed -the disinterested motives and intentions of the trustees, but it -suggested that the production of silk was to be reckoned among the most -profitable employments of the colonists,—a hope not destined to be -fulfilled. - -[842] There is in Lossing’s _Field Book of the Revolution_, ii. 722, a -sketch of the remains of the barracks as they appeared in 1851. - -[843] As Captain-General he was entitled to command all the land and -naval forces of the province, and by him were all officers of the -militia to be appointed. As Governor-in-chief he was a constituent part -of the General Assembly, and possessed the sole power of adjourning, -proroguing, convening, and dissolving that body. It rested with him to -approve or to veto any bill passed by the Council and the Assembly. -All officers who did not receive their warrants directly from the -Crown were appointed by him: and if vacancies occurred, by death or -removal, in offices usually filled by the immediate nomination of the -King, the appointees of the governor acted until the pleasure of the -home government was signified. He was the custodian of the Great Seal, -and as Chancellor exercised within the province powers of judicature -similar to those reposed in the High Chancellor of England. He was to -preside in the Court of Errors, composed of himself and the members -of Council as judges, hearing and determining all appeals from the -superior courts. As Ordinary, he collated to all vacant benefices, -granted probate of wills, and allowed administration upon the estates -of those dying intestate. By him were writs issued for the election -of representatives to sit in the Commons House of Assembly. As -Vice-Admiral, while he did not sit in the court of vice-admiralty,—a -judge for that court being appointed by the Crown,—in time of war he -could issue warrants to that court empowering it to grant commissions -to privateers. With him resided the ability to pardon all crimes except -treason and murder. It was optional with him to select as his residence -such locality within the limits of the province as he deemed most -convenient for the transaction of the public business, and he might -direct the General Assembly to meet at that point. He was invested with -authority, for just cause, to suspend any member of Council, and, in a -word, might “do all other necessary and proper things in such manner -and under such regulations as should, upon due consideration, appear to -be best adapted to the circumstances of the colony.” The King’s Council -was to consist of twelve members in ordinary and of two extraordinary -members. They were to be appointed by the Crown, and were to hold -office during His Majesty’s pleasure. In the absence of the governor -and lieutenant-governor, the senior member of the Council in Ordinary -administered the government. When sitting as one of the three branches -of the legislature the Council was styled the Upper House of Assembly. -It also acted as Privy Council to the governor, assisting him in the -conduct of public affairs. In this capacity the members were to convene -whenever the governor saw fit to summon them. When sitting as an Upper -House, the Council met at the same time with the Commons House of -Assembly, and was presided over by the lieutenant-governor, or, in his -absence, by the senior member present. The forms of procedure resembled -those observed in the House of Lords in Great Britain. - -The qualification of an elector was the ownership of fifty acres of -land in the parish or district in which he resided and voted; that -of a representative, was the proprietorship of five hundred acres of -land in any part of the province. Writs of election were issued by -order of the Governor in Council under the Great Seal of the province, -were tested by him, and were returnable in forty days. When convened, -the Representatives were denominated the Commons House of Assembly. -Choosing its own speaker, who was presented to the governor for -approbation, this body,—composed of the immediate representatives of -the people, and conforming in its legislative and deliberative conduct -to the precedents established for the governance of the English House -of Commons,—when convened, continued its session until dissolved by -the governor. It claimed and enjoyed the exclusive right of originating -bills for the appropriation of public moneys. Thus constituted, the -Upper and Lower Houses formed the General Assembly of the province and -legislated in its behalf. Bills which passed both Houses were submitted -to the governor for his consideration. If approved by him, the Seal of -the Colony was attached, and they were duly filed. Authenticated copies -were then prepared and transmitted for the information and sanction of -the Home Government. - -Provision was also made for the establishment of a “General Court,” of -a “Court of Session of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery,” -and of courts of inferior jurisdiction. There was also a “Court of -Admiralty.” - -The presiding judge was styled Chief-Justice of Georgia. He was a -“barrister at law” who had attended at Westminster, was appointed by -warrant under His Majesty’s sign-manual and signet, and enjoyed a -salary of £500, raised by annual grant of Parliament. The assistant -justices were three in number. They received no salaries except on -the death or in the absence of the chief-justice, and held their -appointments from the governor. - -Arrangements were also made for appointment of Collectors of -Customs, of a Register of Deeds, of a Receiver of Quit Rents, of -a Surveyor-General, of a Secretary of the Province, of a Clerk of -Council, of a Provost Marshal, of an Attorney-General, and of other -necessary officers. - -The device approved for a public seal was as follows: On one face was -a figure representing the Genius of the Colony offering a skein of -silk to His Majesty, with the motto, “Hinc laudem sperate Coloni,” and -this inscription around the circumference: “Sigillum Provinciæ nostræ -Georgiæ in America.” On the other side appeared His Majesty’s arms, -crown, garter, supporters, and motto, with the inscription: “Georgius -II. Dei Gratia Britanniæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Rex, Fidei Defensor, -Brunsvici et Luneburgi Dux, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi Thesaurarius et -Princeps Elector.” - -[844] Cf. Chapter IV., on “Ancient Florida,” by Dr. John G. Shea, in -Vol. II.; and a chapter in Vol. I. - -[845] [Sabin, xii. no. 51194; Barlow, no. 809; Carter-Brown, iii. no. -224; Brinley, no. 3911; Murphy, no. 1743; Rich (1835), p. 25. This -tract is reprinted with the plan in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i. There is -a copy in Harvard College library [12354.7]. Coming within the grant to -Mountgomery and lying “within a day’s rowing of the English habitations -in South Carolina” are certain islands called by Sir Robert, St. Symon, -Sapella, Santa Catarina, and Ogeche, which were described in a tract -printed in London in 1720, called _A description of the Golden Islands -with an account of the undertaking now on foot for making a settlement -there_. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 266.) - -There is in Harvard College library a tract attributed to John -Burnwell, published also in 1720 in London: _An account of the -foundation and establishment of a design now on foot for a settlement -on the Golden Islands to the south of Port Royal, in Carolina_. (Sabin, -iii. no. 10955.)—ED.] - -[846] [This plan is reproduced in Jones’ _History of Georgia_, vol. i. -p. 72; and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. of the U. S._, iii. 142.—ED.] - -[847] [In this separate shape this tract was a reprint with -additions from the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872. It has a -“new map of the Cherokee nation” which it is claimed was drawn by -the Indians about 1750, with the names put in by the English. A -later map of the region about the Tennessee River above and below -Fort Loudon appeared as “A draught of the Cherokee country on the -west side of the 24 mountains, commonly called Over the hills, taken -by Henry Timberlake, when he was in that country in March, 1762: -likewise the names of the principal herdsmen of each town and what -number of fighting men they send to war” [809 in all], which appeared -in Timberlake’s _Memoirs_, 1765; and again in Jefferys’ _General -Topography of North America and West Indies_, London, 1768. A copy -of Timberlake with the map is in Harvard College library. The above -fac-simile is from Harris’s _Oglethorpe_.—ED.] - -[848] [This was reviewed by Sparks in _No. Amer. Rev._, liii. p. -448.—ED.] - -[849] [The story of the founding of Georgia is necessarily told in -general histories of the United States (Bancroft, Hildreth, Gay, etc.), -and in articles on Oglethorpe like those in the _Southern Quart. Rev._, -iii. 40, _Temple Bar_, 1878 (copied into _Living Age_, no. 1797), and -_All the Year Round_, xviii. 439.—ED.] - -[850] [It was reprinted in London in 1733. Both editions are in -Harvard College library. It was again reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. -Soc. Collections_, i. p. 42. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 494. Grahame -(iii. 182) calls it “most ingenious and interesting, though somewhat -fancifully colored.” Sabin (_Dictionary_, xiii. nos. 56, 846) says -it is mostly taken from Salmon’s _Modern History_, 4th ed., iii. p. -700.—ED.] - -[851] [It was issued in two editions in 1733; to the second was added, -beginning p. 43, among other matters a letter of Oglethorpe dated “camp -near Savannah, Feb. 10, 1732-3,” with another from Gov. Johnson, of -South Carolina. It has a plate giving a distant view of the projected -town, with emblematic accompaniments in the foreground, and the map -referred to on a previous page. There is a copy of the second issue -in Charles Deane’s collection. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 511-12. A -French translation was issued at Amsterdam in 1737 in the _Recueil de -Voyages au Nord_, vol. ix., with the new map of Georgia, copied from -the English edition. The original English was reprinted in the _Georgia -Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 203.—ED.] - -[852] [When the sermon of Samuel Smith, Feb. 23, 1730-31, was printed -in 1733, he added to it _Some account of the design of the Trustees for -establishing the Colony of Georgia in America_, which was accompanied -by the map referred to in the preceding note (Carter-Brown, iii. -no. 516). The charter of Georgia, as well as those of Maryland, -Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts Bay, is -given in _A list of Copies of Charters from the Commissioners for Trade -and Plantations, presented to the House of Commons_, 1740 (London, -1741). It is given in English in _Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi_, -vol. iv. p. 617 (London, 1757). Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., -1883, in “The Sesqui-Centennial of the founding of Georgia.” There is -an appendix of documents in a _Report of the Committee appointed to -examine into the proceedings of the people of Georgia with respect to -South Carolina and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies_. -Charlestown, 1737. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 570; Brinley, ii. no. 3886 -with date, 1736; the Harvard College copy is also dated, 1736.)—ED.] - -[853] [It is also ascribed to Benj. Martyn. It was reprinted at -Annapolis in 1742, and is included in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i., and -in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, ii. p. 265. Cf. Carter-Brown, -iii. no. 685. The original is in Harvard College library. One passage -in this tract (Force’s ed., p. 37) reads: “Mr. Oglethorpe has with -him Sir Walter Rawlegh’s written journal, and by the latitude of the -place, the marks and traditions of the Indians, it is the very first -place where he went on shore, and talked with the Indians, and was the -first Indian they ever saw; and about half a mile from Savannah is a -high mount of earth, under which lies their chief king. And the Indians -informed Mr. Oglethorpe that their king desired, before he died, -that he might be buried on the spot where he talked with that great -good man.” The fact that Ralegh was never in North America somewhat -unsettles this fancy.—ED.] - -[854] [It has an appendix of documents, and is reprinted in the -_Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, i. 153. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. -686; Barlow, no. 857. A MS. note by Dr. Harris in one of the copies in -Harvard College library says that, though usually ascribed to Henry -Martyn, he has good authority for assigning its authorship to John -Percival, Earl of Egmont.—ED.] - -[855] [This little volume is in Harvard College library; as is also -_Kurzgefasste Nachricht von dem Etablissement derer Salzburgischen -Emigranten zu Ebenezer, von P. G. F. von Reck_. Hamburg, 1777.—ED.] - -[856] [Sabin, xiii. no. 56848.—ED.] - -[857] [This tract is assigned to 1747 in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -iii. no. 849, and in the Harvard College library catalogue.—ED.] - -[858] [This important series of tracts, edited at Halle, in Germany, -by Samuel Urlsperger, was begun in 1734, with the general title, -_Ausführliche Nachricht von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten_. It was -reissued in 1735. Judging from the copies in Harvard College library, -both editions had the engraved portrait of Tomo-cachi, with his nephew, -and the map of Savannah County. The 1735 edition had a special title -(following the general one), _Der Ausführlichen Nachrichten von der -Königlich-Gross-Britannischen Colonie Saltzburgischer Emigranten in -America, Erster Theil_. In the “vierte continuation” of this part -there is at p. 2073 the large folding map of the county of Savannah. -With the sixth continuation a “Zweyter Theil” begins, with a general -title (1736), and a “Dritter Theil” includes continuations no. 13 to -18. This thirteenth continuation has a large folding plan of Ebenezer, -showing the Savannah River at the bottom, with a ship in it, and it -was published by Seutter in Augsburg, with a large map of the coast. -The set is rare, and the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 541) gives -a collation, and adds that “only after many years’ seeking and the -purchase of several imperfect copies” was its set completed. Harvard -College library has a set which belonged to Ebeling. (Turell’s _Life -of Colman_, 152.) Urlsperger was a correspondent of Benjamin Colman, -of Boston. Calvary, of Berlin, had for sale in 1885 the correspondence -of Samuel Urlsperger with Fresenius, 1738-56 (29 letters), held at 100 -marks. - -There is a supplemental work in four volumes, printed at Augsburg in -1754-60, bringing the journal down to 1760, _Americanisches Ackerwerk -Gottes_. It is also in Harvard College library, and contains the -mezzotint portrait of Bolzius, the senior minister of Ebenezer, which -is engraved on wood in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. of the U. S._, iii. 155. -Harvard College library has also a part of the journal, with the same -title (Augsburg, 1760), which seems to belong chronologically after the -third part. (Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 3926.) - -Other illustrative publications may be mentioned: _Kurtze Relation aus -denen aus Engelland erhaltenen Briefen von denen nach Georgien gehenden -zweyten Transport Saltzburgischer Emigranten_ (cf. Leclerc, _Bibl. -Americana_, 1867, no. 1512; Harrassowitz, ‘81, no. 119). _Auszug der -sichern und nützlichen Nachrichten von dem Englischen America besonders -von Carolina und der fruchtbaren Landschaft Georgia_, etc. ... von D. -Manuel Christian Löber, Jena, without year. - -Fred. Muller (_Books on America_, 1877, no. 1679) notes C. D. -Kleinknecht’s _Zuverlässige Nachricht von der schwarzen Schaaf- -und Lämmer-Heerde_, Augsburg, 1749, as containing in an appendix -_Nachrichten von den Colonisten Georgiens zu Eben-Ezer in -America_.—ED.] - -[859] [This has a lithograph of the Bolzius likeness in the -Urlsperger Tracts. Dr. Sprague (_American Pulpit_, vol. ix. p. vi.) -calls the Salzburger settlement the fourth in order of the Lutheran -immigrations into the English colonies. The same volume contains a -notice of Bolzius by Strobel.—ED.] - -[860] [Cf. Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1085; Sabin, xii. p. 336; -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 776. It is reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. -Soc. Collections_, vol. i. A London dealer, F. S. Ellis (1884, no. -204), priced a copy at £7 10_s._ Three other contemporaneous tracts of -no special historical value may here be mentioned: _A New Voyage to -Georgia, by a Young Gentleman_, etc., to which are added, _A Curious -Account of the Indians, by an Honourable Person_ [Oglethorpe], and _A -Poem to James Oglethorpe, Esq., on his arrival from Georgia_, London, -1735, with a second edition in 1737; _A Description of the famous -new Colony of Georgia in South Carolina_, etc., Dublin, 1734; and _A -Description of Georgia by a Gentleman who has resided there upwards -of seven years, and was one of the first settlers_, London, 1741. -This last (8 pp. only) is included in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii. Cf. -Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 536, 562. It is in Harvard College library.—ED.] - -[861] [The work is in three volumes, the second containing “A state of -that Province [Georgia] as attested upon oath in the Court of Savannah, -Nov. 10, 1740.” (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 720.) There is a copy in -Harvard College library.—ED.] - -[862] [For some years at least yearly statements of the finances were -printed, as noted in a later note in connection with Burton’s sermon. -A single broadside giving such a statement is preserved in Harvard -College library [12343.4]; and in the same library is a folio tract -called _The General Account of all Monies and Effects_, etc., London, -1736. This is in good part reprinted in Bishop Perry’s _Hist. of the -American Episcopal Church_, i. 360.—ED.] - -[863] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 714. - -[864] [Haven’s _Ante-Revolutionary Publications_ in Thomas’s _Hist. -of Printing_, ii. p. 478. The main portion of this report is given in -Carroll’s _Hist. Coll. of So. Carolina_, ii. p. 348.—ED.] - -[865] [The author of this tract was George Cadogan, a lieutenant in -Oglethorpe’s regiment. It induced the author of the _Impartial Account_ -to print _A Full Reply to Lieut. Cadogan’s Spanish Hireling, and Lieut. -Mackay’s Letter concerning the Action at Moosa_, London, 1743. Cf. -Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 731-32; Sabin, xiii. no. 56845. Both tracts -are in Harvard College library. Two other tracts pertain to this -controversy: _Both sides of the question: an inquiry_] _into a certain -doubtful character_ [Oglethorpe] lately whitened by a C——t M——l, -which passed to a second edition; and _The Hireling Artifice detected_, -London, 1742.—ED. - -[866] [There are various references to this expedition in Jones’ -_Georgia_, i. p. 335, and in his _Dead Towns_, p. 91. Watt mentions a -_Journal of an Expedition to the gates of St. Augustine conducted by -General Oglethorpe_, by G. L. Campbell, London, 1744.—ED.] - -[867] [Cf. references in the _Dead Towns of Georgia_, p. 114, and -more at length in Jones’ _Georgia_, i. 335, 353. There is a plan of -Frederica in the _Dead Towns_, p. 45.—ED.] - -[868] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 686. No. 707 of the same catalogue -is a _Journal received Feb. 4, 1741, by the Trustees, from William -Stevens, Secretary_; and in Harvard College library is the _Resolution -of the Trustees, March 8, 1741, relating to the grants and tenure of -lands_.—ED.] - -[869] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 706. Harvard College library catalogue -ascribes this to Patrick Graham.—ED.] - -[870] [Reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 87; cf. -Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 873-74. This book, which has an appendix -of documents, is assigned to Thomas Stephens in the Harvard College -library catalogue. A two-leaved folio tract in Harvard College library, -called _The Hard Case of the distressed people of Georgia_, dated at -London, Apr. 26, 1742, is signed by Stephens.—ED.] - -[871] [It was reprinted in London, 1741, and is included in Force’s -_Tracts_, vol. i., and in _Georgia Hist. Coll._, vol. ii. p. 163. Cf. -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 696; Brinley, no. 3922; Barlow, no. 859. There -is a copy in Harvard College library. F. S. Ellis, of London (1884, no. -106), prices it at £3 5_s._—ED.] - -[872] [Tyler (_Amer. Lit._, ii. 292), on the contrary, says of this -book: “Within a volume of only one hundred and twelve pages is -compressed a masterly statement of the author’s alleged grievances at -the hands of Oglethorpe. The book gives a detailed and even documentary -account of the rise of the colony, and its quick immersion in suffering -and disaster, through Oglethorpe’s selfishness, greed, despotism, and -fanatic pursuit of social chimeras.... Whatever may be the truth or the -justice of this book, it is abundantly interesting, and if any one has -chanced to find the prevailing rumor of Oglethorpe somewhat nauseating -in its sweetness, he may here easily allay their unpleasant effect. -Certainly as a polemic it is one of the most expert pieces of writing -to be met with in our early literature. It never blusters or scolds. It -is always cool, poised, polite, and merciless.”—ED.] - -[873] Among those which have been preserved are sermons, by Samuel -Smith, LL. B., 1731; by John Burton, B. D., 1732; by Thomas Rundle, -LL. D., 1733; by Stephen Hales, D. D., 1734; by George Watts, 1735; by -Philip Bearcroft, D. D., 1737; by William Berriman, D. D., 1738; by -Edmund Bateman, D. D., 1740; by William Best, D. D., 1741; by James -King, D. D., 1742; by Lewis Bruce, A. M., 1743; by Philip Bearcroft, D. -D., 1744; by Glocester Ridley, LL. B., 1745; and by Thomas Francklin, -M. A., 1749. [Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 515, 528, 530, 572, 598. -Burton’s sermon (London, 1733) has appended to it, beginning p. 33, -“The general account of all the monies and effects received and -expended by the trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia ... for -one whole year, 1732-33.” A list of these sermons is given in Perry’s -_American Episcopal Church_, vol. i.—ED.] - -[874] [They are described in a report of the Georgia Historical -Society.—ED.] - -[875] They were sold in London in July, 1881, by Mr. Henry Stevens; -and, although the State of Georgia was importuned to become the -purchaser of them, the General Assembly declined to act, and the -volumes passed into other hands, but have recently been given to the -State by Mr. J. S. Morgan, the London banker. [Cf. Stevens, _Hist. -Collections_, i. p. 34. Mr. Stevens also gives in his _Bibliotheca -Geographica_, no. 2618, some curious information about other MSS. in -England, being records kept by William Stephens, the Secretary of the -Colony, which are now at Thirlstane House, Cheltenham. A Report of the -Attorney and Solicitor General to the Lords of Trade, on the proposal -of the Trustees of Georgia to surrender their trust to the Crown, dated -Feb. 6, 1752, is noted in vol. 61 of the Shelburne MSS., as recorded -in the _Fifth Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 230; and also, -a Report of the same officer on the properest method of administering -the government after the surrender. The opinion of the attorney and -solicitor-general on the king’s prerogative to receive the charter of -Georgia (1751) is given in Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. -p. 34.—ED.] - -[876] [This Society was organized in Dec., 1839. Cf. _Amer. Quart. -Reg._, xii. 344; _Southern Quart. Rev._, iii. 40; _The Georgia Hist. -Soc., its founders, patrons, and friends_, an address by C. C. Jones, -Jr., Savannah, 1881; _Proceedings at the dedication of Hodgson Hall_, -1876.—ED.] - -[877] Volume I. (1840) contains the anniversary address of the -Hon. William Law, February 12, 1840, reviewing the early history of the -province; reprints of Oglethorpe’s _New and Accurate Account of the -Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia_; of Francis Moore’s _Voyage -to Georgia begun in the year 1735_; of _An Impartial Inquiry into the -State and Utility of the Province of Georgia_, and of _Reasons for -Establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great -Britain_; together with the Hon. Thomas Spalding’s _Sketch of the life -of General James Oglethorpe_. - -Volume II. (1842) contains the Historical Discourse of William Bacon -Stevens, M. D., and reprints of _A New Voyage to Georgia_, &c.; of -_A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court -of Savannah, November 10, 1740_; of _A Brief Account of the causes -that have retarded the progress of the Colony of Georgia_, &c.; of _A -true and historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America_, -&c., by Patrick Tailfer, M. D., Hugh Anderson, M. A., David Douglass, -and others; and of _An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of -Georgia in America from its first establishment_, &c. - -Volume III., part i., consists of _A Sketch of the Creek Country in -the years 1798 and 1799_, by Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, with a valuable -introduction by the late William B. Hodgson. - -Volume III. (1873) contains letters from General Oglethorpe to the -Trustees and others, covering a period from October, 1735, to August, -1744,—a report of Governor Sir James Wright to Lord Dartmouth, -dated September 20th, 1773, exhibiting the condition of the Colony -of Georgia,—letters from Governor Wright to the Earl of Dartmouth -and Lord George Germain, from August 24th, 1774, to February 16th, -1782:—an Anniversary Address of Colonel Charles C. Jones, Jr., on the -life, services, and death of Count Casimir Pulaski,—and an Address by -Dr. Richard D. Arnold commemorative of the organization of the Georgia -Historical Society and of the Savannah Library Association. - -Volume IV. (1878) contains _The Dead Towns of Georgia_, by Charles C. -Jones, Jr. (also published separately), and _Itinerant Observations in -America_, reprinted from the London Magazine of 1745-6. In the _Dead -Towns of Georgia_ the author perpetuates the almost forgotten memories -of Old and New Ebenezer, of Frederica, of Abercorn, of Sunbury, of -Hardwick, of Petersburg, and of lesser towns and plantations, once -vital and influential, but now covered with the mantle of decay. This -contribution embraces a large portion of the early history of the -province, and recounts the vicissitudes and the mistakes encountered -during the epoch of colonization. It is illustrated with engraved plans -of New Ebenezer, Frederica, Sunbury, Fort Morris, and Hardwick, and -revives traditions and recollections of persons and places which had -become quite forgotten. - -To the _Itinerant Observations in America_ the student will turn with -pleasure for early impressions of the province, and especially of its -southern confines. - -[878] - - 1. Plan of Ebenezer and its fort. - 2. Plan of Savannah and fortifications. - 3. Chart of Savannah Sound. - 4. Plan and profile of Fort George on Coxpur Island. - 5. Environs of Fort Barrington. - 6. Plan and view of Fort Barrington. - -[The plan of Ebenezer is also reproduced by Col. Jones in his _Dead -Towns_ and in his _Hist. of Georgia_.—ED.] - - -[879] [This series is thus entered in the Harvard College library -catalogue:— - -Wormsloe quartos. Edited by G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne. 5 vol. -Wormsloe, Ga. 1847-81. 4^o; and sm. f^o, _large paper_. _Namely_:— - -i. [WALTON, G., _and others_.] Observations upon the effects of certain -late political suggestions. By the delegates of Georgia [G. Walton, W. -Few, R. Howly]. 1847. 4^o. First printed at Philadelphia in 1781. 21 -copies reprinted: with a reproduction of the original title-page. - -ii. DE BRAHM, J. G. W. History of the province of Georgia. 1849. 4^o. -6 _maps_. 49 copies privately printed from a part of a manuscript in -Harvard College library, entitled: “History of the three provinces, -South Carolina, Georgia, and east Florida.” - -iii. PINCKNEY, _Mrs._ E. (L.). Journal and letters [July 1, 1739-Feb. -27, 1762. Edited by Mrs. H. P. Holbrook.] Now first printed. 1850. 4^o. -“Privately printed. Limited to 19 copies.” - -iv. SARGENT, W. Diary [relating to St. Clair’s expedition. 1791]. Now -first printed. 1851. “Privately printed. Limited to 46 copies.” - -v. GEORGIA (_Colony of_)—_General Assembly._ Acts passed by the -assembly. 1755-74. Now first printed. [Prepared for publication by C. -C. Jones, Jr.] 1881. f^o. “Privately printed. Limited to 49 copies.” -“The materials for this work were obtained from the public record -office in London, by the late G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne, who intended -himself to prepare them for the press.” - -Cf. Sabin, ii. no. 7325.—ED.] - -[880] [The lives of Wesley as touching this early experience of his -life, as well as illustrating a moral revolution, which took within its -range all the English colonies during the period of the present volume, -may properly be characterized here:— - -The introduction to Rigg’s _Living Wesley_ is devoted to a criticism -of the different accounts of John Wesley, and the student will -find further bibliographical help in a paper on “Wesley and his -biographers,” by W. C. Hoyt in the _Methodist Quarterly_, vol. viii.; -in the article in Allibone’s _Dict. of Authors_; in Decanver’s -[Cavender _pseud._] list of books, written in refutation of Methodism; -and in the list of authorities given by Southey in his _Life of Wesley_. - -Wesley left three literary executors,—Coke, Moore, and Whitehead, his -physician; and his journals and papers were put into the hands of the -last named. Coke and Moore, however, acting independently, were the -first to publish a hasty memoir, and Whitehead followed in 1793-96; -but his proved to be the work of a theological partisan. A memoir by -Hampton was ready when Wesley died, but it turned out to be very meagre. - -Next came the life by Southey in 1820. He had no sources of information -beyond the printed material open to all; but he had literary skill -to make the most of it, and appreciation enough of his subject to -elevate Wesley’s standing in the opinion of such as were outside of his -communion. He accordingly made an account of a great moral revolution, -which has been by no means superseded in popular usefulness. - -Now followed a number of lives intended to correct the representations -of previous biographers, and in some cases to offer views more -satisfactory to the Methodists themselves. Moore, in 1824, found -something to correct in the accounts of both Whitehead and Southey. -Watson, in 1831, aimed to displace what Southey had said unsatisfactory -to the sect, and to correct Southey’s chronological order; but he made -his narrative slight and incomplete. Southey was, however, chiefly -relied upon by Mrs. Oliphant in her sketch, first in _Blackwood’s -Mag._, Oct., 1868, and later in her _Hist. Sketches of the Reign of -George II._; but while Dr. Rigg acknowledges it to be clever, he calls -it full of misconceptions. Mrs. Julia Wedgwood, in her _John Wesley and -the Evangelical Reaction of the Eighteenth Century_ (London, 1870), -relied so much on Southey, as the Methodists say, that she neglected -later information; but she so far accorded with the general estimation -of Wesley in the denomination as to reject Southey’s theory of his -ambition. - -In the general histories of English Methodism, Wesley necessarily plays -a conspicuous part, and their authors are among the most important -of his biographers. The first volume of George Smith’s history was -in effect a life of Wesley, though somewhat incomplete as such; but -in Abel Stevens’s opening volumes the story is told more completely -and with graphic skill. There is an excellent account of these days -in chapter 19 of Earl Stanhope’s _History of England_, and a careful -summary is given in the fourth volume of the _Pictorial History of -England_. - -The relations which Wesley sustained throughout to the Established -Church have been discussed in the _London Quarterly Review_ by the Rev. -W. Arthur, and by Dr. James H. Rigg, the contribution by the latter -being subsequently enlarged in a separate book, _The relations of John -Wesley and of Wesleyan Methodism to the Church of England, investigated -and determined_. 2d edition, revised and enlarged. London, 1871. -See also _British Quarterly Review_, Oct., 1871, and the _Contemp. -Review_, vol. xxviii. Curteis, in his Bampton lectures, goes over the -ground also. Urlin, _John Wesley’s place in Church History_ (1871), -prominently claimed that Wesley was a revivalist in the church, and not -a dissenter, and aimed to add to our previous knowledge. A Catholic -view of him is given by Dr. J. G. Shea in the _Amer. Cath. Quart. -Rev._, vii. p. 1. - -The most extensive narrative, considering Wesley in all his relations, -private as well as public, the result of seventeen years’ labor, with -the advantage of much new material, is the _Life and Times of Wesley_, -by Tyerman. It is, however, far too voluminous for the general reader. -He is not blind to Wesley’s faults, and some Methodists say he is not -in sufficient sympathy with the reformer to do him justice. - -Those who wish compacter estimates of the man, with only narrative -enough to illustrate them, will find such in Taylor’s _Wesley and -Methodism_, where the philosophy of the movement is discussed; in -Rigg’s _Living Wesley_, which is a condensed generalization of his -life, not without some new matter; and in Dr. Hamilton’s article in -the _North British Review_, which was kindly in tone, but not wholly -satisfactory to the Methodists. - -There is a well-proportioned epitome of his life by Lelièvre in French, -of which there is an English translation, _John Wesley, his Life and -Work_, London, 1871. Janes has made _Wesley his own historian_, by a -collocation of his journals, letters, etc., and his journals have been -separately printed. There is a separate narrative of Wesley’s early -love, _Narrative of a remarkable Transaction_, etc. A paper on his -character and opinions in earlier life is in the _London Quart. Rev._, -vol. xxxvii. On his mission to Georgia, see David Bogue and James -Bennett’s _History of Dissenters from 1688 to 1808,_ London, 1808-12, -in 4 volumes, vol. iii.; and the note on his trouble with Oglethorpe in -Grahame’s _United States_ (Boston ed., iii. p. 201). - -Lesser accounts and miscellaneous material will be found in Clarke’s -_Memoirs of the Wesley Family_; in Gorrie’s _Eminent Methodist -Ministers_; in Larrabee’s _Wesley and his Coadjutors_; in Sprague’s -_Annals of the American Pulpit_, v. 94; in J. B. Hagany’s paper in -_Harper’s Magazine_, vol. xix.; in the _Galaxy_, Feb., 1874; in the -_Contemporary Review_, 1875 and 1876; in Madame Ossoli’s _Methodism -at the Fountain_, in her _Art, Literature, and Drama_; and in W. M. -Punshon’s _Lectures_. - -See also Nichols’s _Literary Anecdotes_, vol. v.; Malcolm’s _Index_, -and numerous references in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_, p. -1398. - -Tyerman’s _Oxford Methodists_ uses the material he was forced to leave -out of his Life of Wesley. - -The portraits of Wesley are numerous. Tyerman gives the earliest known; -and it was taken (1743) nearer the time of his Georgia visit than any -other which we have. J. C. Smith in his _British Mezzotint Portraits_ -enumerates a series (vol. i. pp. 64, 442; ii. 600, 692, 773; iii. 1365; -iv. 1545, 1748).—ED.] - -[881] [Cf. the view of the building given in Stevens’ _Georgia_, p. -352.—ED.] - -[882] [Whitefield’s labors in Georgia are summarized in Tyerman’s -_Life of Whitefield_, London, 1876, with references; and other -references are in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Lit._, p. 1406. Bishop -Perry, in his _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, gives the -bibliography of Whitefield’s Journals, and a chapter on “The Wesleys -and George Whitefield in Georgia.” An account by Bishop Beckwith of -the Orphan House is contained in the same work. Foremost among the -opponents of Whitefield was Alexander Garden, an Episcopal clergyman -in Charleston, who lived in the colony from 1720 to his death in -1756. As the Commissary of the Bishop of London, the constructive -ecclesiastical head of the colonies, he brought much power to aid his -pronounced opinions, and he prosecuted Whitefield with vigor both in -the ecclesiastical court and in the desk. In 1743 Garden reviewed his -course in a letter [_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxiv. 117] in which -he says: “Bad also is the present state of the poor Orphan House in -Georgia,—that land of lies, and from which we have no truth but what -they can neither disguise nor conceal. The whole Colony is accounted -here one great lie, from the beginning to this day; and the Orphan -House, you know, is a part of the whole,—a scandalous bubble.”—ED.] - -[883] [Reprinted with editorial annotations and corrections of errors -in B. R. Carroll’s _Hist. Collections of South Carolina_, New York, -1836, vol. i.—ED.] - -[884] [This name is variously spelled Hewatt, Hewat, Hewitt, and Hewit. -Cf. Drayton’s _View of So. Carolina_, p. 175.—ED.] - -[885] [Cf. Sabin, x. no. 42973; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 972.—ED.] - -[886] [Mr. Geo. R. Gilmer, in an address in 1851 on the _Literary -Progress of Georgia_, said of McCall’s history, “A few actors in the -scenes described read it on its first appearance; it was then laid -upon the shelf, seldom to be taken from it. Ten years afterwards Bevan -collected materials for the purpose of improving what McCall had -executed indifferently. He received so little sympathy or aid in his -undertaking that he never completed it.”—ED.] - -[887] [A severe criticism appeared in _Observations on Dr. Stevens’s -History of Georgia_, Savannah, 1849. C. K. Adams’ _Manual of Historical -Reference_, p. 559, takes a favorable view. Hildreth (ii. 371) speaks -of Stevens as a “judicious historian, who has written from very full -materials.”—ED.] - -[888] [In two volumes. It passed to a second and third edition. Pickett -is spoken of as a private gentleman and planter of Alabama, in the -enjoyment of wealth and leisure when he wrote his history, bringing to -his task a manly industry and generous enthusiasm. He was fortunate in -being able to procure much material which had been hitherto inedited; -manuscripts of early adventurers in the territory, who were traders -among the red men, and in some cases the testimony of the red men -themselves. _Southern Quarterly Review_, Jan., 1852.—ED.] - - * * * * * - -PORTRAITS OF OGLETHORPE. The likeness given on a preceding page -follows a print by Burford, after a painting by Ravenet, of which a -reduction is given in John C. Smith’s _British Mezzotint Portraits_, -p. 128. There is a note on the portrait of Oglethorpe in the _Magazine -of American History_, 1883, p. 138. See the cut in Bishop Perry’s -_American Episcopal Church_, i. 336. - -The head and shoulders of this Burford print are given in the histories -of Georgia by Stevens and Jones; and in Gay’s _Popular History of -the United States_, iii. 143; Cassell’s _United States_, i. 481. -The expression of the face seems to be a hard one to catch, for the -engravings have little likeness to one another. - -The medal-likeness is given in Harris’s _Oglethorpe_, together with the -arms of Oglethorpe. - -There is beside the very familiar full-length profile view, -representing Oglethorpe as a very old man, sitting at the sale of -Dr. Johnson’s library, which is given in some editions of Boswell’s -_Johnson_; in White’s _Historical Collections of Georgia_, 117; in -Harris’s _Oglethorpe_; in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, -iii. 165; in the _Magazine of American History_, February, 1883, p. -111; in Dr. Edward Eggleston’s papers on the English Colonies in the -_Century Magazine_, and in various other places.—ED. - -[889] Hutchinson, _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 95. - -[890] The articles of capitulation are in Hutchinson’s _History -of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 182-184; and the first volume of the -_Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society_ contains an ample -collection of documents connected with the capture of Port Royal, -obtained from the State-Paper Office in London, and covering forty-six -printed pages. - -[891] _Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova -Scotia_, pp. 5, 6. - -[892] [A description of Nova Scotia in 1720 was transmitted to the -Lords of Trade by Paul Mascarene, engineer. It is given in the -_Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia_, p. 39.—ED.] - -[893] [There is a portrait of Waldo in Jos. Williamson’s _Hist. of -Belfast, Me._, p. 44.—ED.] - -[894] _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 371. - -[Views of this sort regarding the prudence or apathy of Rhode Island -were current at the time, and Gov. Wanton, in a letter to the agent of -that colony in London, Dec. 20, 1745 (_R. I. Col. Records_, v. 145), -sets forth a justification. Mr. John Russell Bartlett, in a chapter of -his naval history of Rhode Island (_Historical Mag._, xviii. 24, 94), -claims that the position of the colony has been misrepresented.—ED.] - -[895] [For authorities, see _post_, p. 448.—ED.] - -[896] Letter to the Duke of Bedford in _Selections from the Public -Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia_, p. 560. - -[897] July 17, 1750, a proclamation was ordered to be published -“against the retailing of spirituous liquors without a license.” August -28th, a second proclamation was ordered to be published, and “a penalty -be added of 20 shillings sterling for each offence, to be paid to the -informers, and that all retailers of liquors be forbid on the same -penalty to entertain any company after nine at night.” In the following -February, it was “Resolved, that over and above the penalties declared -by former Acts of council, any person convicted of selling spirituous -liquors without the governor’s license, shall for the first offence sit -in the pillory or stocks for one hour, and for the second offence shall -receive twenty lashes.”—_Selections from the Public Documents_, pp. -570, 579, 603. - -[898] _Ibid._, p. 710. - -[899] _Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia_, p. 266. - -[900] Winslow’s Journal in _Collections of Nova Scotia Historical -Society_, iii. 94, 95. - -[901] Winslow’s Journal in _Collections of Nova Scotia Historical -Society_, iii. 98. - -[902] _Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia_, pp. 302, -303. - -[903] _Ibid._, pp. 329-334. - -[904] _Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova -Scotia. Published under a Resolution of the House of Assembly, passed -March 15, 1865. Edited by Thomas B. Akins, D. C. L., Commissioner of -Public Records. The Translations from the French by Benj. Curren, D. C. -L._ Halifax, N. S., 1869. 8vo, pp. 755. [See further in Editorial Notes -following the present chapter.—ED.] - -[905] [This journal had already been printed in the _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1879, p. 383.] - -[906] _Report and Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society._ -Vols. i.-iv. Halifax: Printed at the Morning Herald Office. 1879-1885. -8vo, pp. 140, 160, 208, 258. - -[907] _A History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie._ By Beamish Murdoch, Esq., -Q. C. Halifax, N. S. 1865-1867. 3 vols. 8vo, pp. xv. and 543, xiv. and -624, xxiii. and 613. - -[908] _The History of Acadia, from its first Discovery to its Surrender -to England by the Treaty of Paris._ By James Hannay. St. John, N. B., -1879. 8vo, pp. vii. and 440. - -[909] _Nova Scotia, in its Historical, Mercantile, and Industrial -Relations._ By Duncan Campbell. Halifax, N. S. Montreal, 1873. 8vo, pp. -548. - -[910] _A History of the County of Pictou, Nova Scotia._ By the Rev. -George Patterson, D. D. Montreal, 1877. 8vo, pp. 471. - -[911] See _post_ for fac-simile of title-page. - -[912] We encounter Gyles frequently as commander of posts in the -eastern country. He lived latterly at Roxbury, Mass., and published at -Boston, in 1736, _Memoirs of the odd adventures, strange deliverances, -etc., in the captivity of John Gyles, Esq., Commander of the garrison -on St. George’s River_. This book is of great rarity. There is a copy -in Harvard College library [5315.14] and a defective one in the Mass. -Hist. Soc. library (_Catalogue_, p. 553). One is noted in S. G. Drake’s -_Sale Catalogue_, 1845, which seems also to have been imperfect. Drake -in reprinting the book in his _Tragedies of the Wilderness_, Boston, -1846 (p. 73), altered the text throughout. It was perhaps Drake’s copy -which is noted in the _Brinley Catalogue_, i. no. 476, selling for $37. -It was again reprinted in Cincinnati, by William Dodge, in 1869, but -he followed Drake’s disordered text. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 547; -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 336; Church, _Entertaining Passages_, Dexter’s -ed., ii. 163, 203; Johnston, _Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, 183; J. -A. Vinton’s _Gyles Family_, 122; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, Jan., -1867, p. 49; Oct., 1867, p. 361.) - -[913] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. 171. - -[914] See Vol. IV. p. 62. - -[915] There were two governors of Canada of this name, who must not be -confounded. This was the earlier. - -[916] L’Abbé J. A. Maurault, _Histoire des Abénakis_, 1866; chapters -9-15 cover “Les Abénakis en Canada et en Acadie, 1701-1755.” - -[917] John Marshall’s diary under March, 1707, notes the disinclination -of the people to agree with the determination of the General Court to -make a descent on Port Royal. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, -p. 159.) There are in the _Collection de Manuscrits_, etc. (Quebec, -1884), two papers on this matter: one dated Port Royal, June 26, 1707, -“Entreprise des Anglois contre l’Acadie” (vol. ii. p. 464); the other -dated July 6, “Entreprise des Bastonnais sur l’Acadie par M. Labat” (p. -477). - -[918] Colonels Hutchinson and Townsend, and John Leverett. Letters from -the latter respecting the expedition are in C. E. Leverett’s _Memoir of -John Leverett_, and in Quincy’s _Hist. of Harvard Univ._ Cf. Sibley’s -_Harvard Graduates_, iii. 185, 197; Marshall’s diary in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 159. - -[919] Hannay (_Acadia_, 269) judges Charlevoix’s stories of -hand-to-hand fighting as largely fabulous. Hutchinson (ii. 134) prints -a letter from Wainwright, who had succeeded March in command, in which -the sorry condition of the men is set forth. - -[920] These tracts are: _A Memorial of the Present Deplorable State -of New England, with the many disadvantages it lyes under by the -mall-administration of their present Governor, Joseph Dudley, Esq., -and his son Paul ... to which is added a faithful but melancholy -account of several barbarities by the French and Indians in the east -and west parts of New England, Printed in the year 1707, and sold ... -in Boston_. Two things seem clear: that Cotton Mather incited, perhaps -wrote, this tract, and that the printing was done in London. It is not -known that there is a copy in this country, and the reprint was made -from one in the British Museum. - -Dudley or some friend rejoined in the second tract, not without -violent recriminations upon Mather: _A modest enquiry into the grounds -and occasions of a late pamphlet intituled a Memorial, etc. By a -disinterested hand_. London, 1707. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 99; Murphy, -i. 327.) - -The third tract touches particularly the present expedition: _The -Deplorable State of New England, by reason of a covetous and -treacherous Governor and pusillanimous Counsellors, ... to which is -added an account of the shameful miscarriage of the late expedition -against Port Royal_. London, 1708. (Harv. Coll. library, 10396.80; and -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 115.) This tract was reprinted in Boston in -1720. _The North Amer. Rev._ (iii. 305) says that this pamphlet was -thought to have been written by the Rev. John Higginson, of Salem, -at the age of ninety-two; but the “A. H.” of the preface is probably -Alexander Holmes. (Sabin, v. 19,639.) Palfrey (iv. 304, etc.) thinks -that its smartness and pedantry indicate rather Cotton Mather or John -Wise (Brinley, i., no. 285) as the author. - -[921] Stevens, _Bibliotheca Geog._, no. 887; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, -no. 428; Brinley, i. no. 83; Sabin, v. 20,128. The Boston Public -Library has a Rouen edition of 1708. The Carter-Brown (iii. 109, 137) -has both editions, as has Mr. Barlow (_Rough List_, nos. 784, 789, -790). The full title of the Rouen edition is: _Relation du voyage du -Port Royal de l’Acadie ou de la Nouvelle France, dans laquelle on -voit un détail des divers mouvements de la mer dans une traversée de -long cours; la description du Païs, les occupations des François qui -y sont établis, les manières des différentes nations sauvages, leurs -superstitions et leurs chasses, avec une dissertation exacte sur le -Castor. Ensuite de la relation, on y a ajouté le détail d’un combat -donné entre les François et les Acadiens contre les Anglois_. - -[922] Jeremiah Dummer’s memorial, Sept. 10, 1709, setting forth that -the French possessions on the river of Canada do of right belong to the -Crown of Great Britain. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxi. 231.) - -[923] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823. - -[924] Cf. _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, v. 72; _N. E. H. and Gen. Reg._, -1870, p. 129, etc. - -[925] Palfrey, iv. 275, quotes Sunderland’s instructions to Dudley from -the British Colonial Papers. The proclamation which the British agents -issued on their arrival, with Dudley’s approval, is in the _Mass. -Archives_. Vetch had as early as 1701 been engaged in traffic up the -St. Lawrence. Cf. _Journal of the voyage of the sloop Mary from Quebec, -1701, with introduction and notes by E. B. O’Callaghan_, Albany, 1866. -Through this and other adventures he had acquired a knowledge of the -river; and in pursuance of such traffic he had gained some enmity, and -had at one time been fined £200 for trading with the French. It was in -1706 that William Rouse, Samuel Vetch, John Borland, and others were -arrested on this charge. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xviii. 240.) - -[926] Hutchinson, ii. 161; Barry, _Mass._, ii. 98, and references; -Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 222. - -[927] Bearing an address to the queen, asking for assistance in another -attempt the next year. (_Mass. Archives_, xx. 119, 124.) - -[928] Some documents relative to the equipment are given in the _N. E. -Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1876, p. 196. Dudley (July 31, 1710) notified the -New Hampshire assembly of the provisions to be made for the expedition. -_N. H. Prov. Papers_, iii. p. 435. - -[929] The Rev. George Patterson, D. D., of New Glasgow, N. S., -contributed in 1885 to the _Eastern Chronicle_, published in that -town, a series of papers on “Samuel Vetch, first English governor of -Nova Scotia.” Cf. also J. G. Wilson on “Samuel Vetch, governor of -Acadia” in _International Review_, xi. 462; and _The Scot in British -North America_ (Toronto, 1880), i. p. 288. There is also in the _Nova -Scotia Historical Collections_, vol. iv., a memoir of Samuel Vetch by -Dr. Patterson, including papers of his administration in Nova Scotia, -1710-13, with Paul Mascarene’s narrative of events at Annapolis, Oct., -1710 to Sept., 1711, dated at Boston, Nov. 6, 1713; as also a “journal -of a voyage designed to Quebeck from Boston, July, 1711,” in Sir -Hovenden Walker’s expedition. (See the following chapter.) - -[930] Sabin, ix. p. 525; Harv. Col. lib., 6374.12. The general -authorities on the French side are Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 224, 227, -etc., with references, including some strictures on Charlevoix’s -account, by De Gannes. An estimate of Subercase by Vaudreuil is in -_N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 853. Cf. Garneau’s _Canada_ (1882), ii. 42; -E. Rameau, _Une Colonie féodale en Amerique—L’Acadie_, 1604-1710 -(Paris, 1877); Célestin Moreau, _L’Acadie Française_, 1598-1755, ch. -10 (Paris, 1873). The English side is in Penhallow, p. 59; Hutchinson, -ii. 165; Haliburton, i. 85; Williamson, ii. 59; Palfrey, iv. 277; -Barry, ii. 100, with references; Hannay, 272; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, -ii. 105. Nicholson’s demand for surrender (Oct. 3), Subercase’s reply -(Oct. 12), the latter’s report to the French minister, and a paper, -“Moyens de reprendre l’Acadie” (St. Malo, Jan. 10, 1711), are in -_Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1884), ii. pp. 523, 525, 528, -532. There is in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (_Misc. Papers_, -41.41) a diagram showing the plan of sailing for the armed vessels -and the transports on this expedition, with a list of the signals -to be used, and instructions to the commanders of the transports. - -[Illustration] - -Major Livingstone, accompanied by the younger Castine, was soon sent -by way of the Penobscot to Quebec to acquaint Vaudreuil, the French -governor, on behalf of both Nicholson and Subercase, with the capture -of Port Royal, and to demand the discontinuance of the Indian ravages. -Livingstone’s journal is, or was, in the possession of the Chicago -Historical Society, when William Barry (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct., -1861, p. 230) communicated an account of it, showing how the manuscript -had probably been entrusted to Governor Gurdon Saltonstall, and had -descended in his family. (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 257.) Cf. Palfrey, iv. -278; Williamson, ii. 60; a paper on the Baron de St. Castin, by Noah -Brooks, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1883; Charlevoix (Shea’s), -v. 233. Penhallow seems to have had Livingstone’s journal; Hutchinson -(ii. 168) certainly had it. Cf. account in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 854. -Castine’s instructions are in _Collection de Manuscrits_, ii. p. 534. - -[931] Field, _Indian Bibliog._, nos. 1,202-3; Brinley, i. nos. -414, 415; Palfrey, _New England_, iv. 256; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. -407; Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. 141; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of -Charlestown_, p. 7. Mr. Henry C. Murphy (_Catalogue_, no. 1,924) refers -to the original MS. of this book as being in the Force collection, -and as showing some occasional variations from the printed copy. (Cf. -_Catalogue of the Prince Collection_, p. 49; Carter-Brown, iii. no. -384.) Penhallow had been engaged, during the April preceding the August -in which he began his history, on a mission to the Penobscots, the -reports of which are in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p. -90. There is a sketch of him and his family in _Ibid._, 1878, p. 28. -There are many letters of Samuel Penhallow among the _Belknap Papers_ -in the Mass. Hist. Society (61. A). - -[932] Tyler, _Amer. Lit._, ii. 143. - -[933] Cf. Vol. III. p. 361; also Tyler’s _Amer. Lit._, ii. 140; -Brinley, i. nos. 383-4. Quaritch priced it in 1885 at £50. The best -working edition is that edited by Dr. H. M. Dexter. - -[934] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 186; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 371; Sibley, -_Harvard Graduates_, iii. p. 117. - -[935] Cf. James Sullivan’s _Hist. of the Penobscots_ in _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, ix. 207; and a memoir respecting the Abenakis of Acadia (1718) -in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 879. - -[936] Hutchinson, ii. 246; Palfrey, iv. 423. For the Castin family, see -_Bangor Centennial_, 25; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 274, and references -in Vol. IV. p. 147. Williamson (ii. 71, 144) seems to confound the two -sons of the first Baron de Castin, judging from the letter of Joseph -Dabadis de St. Castin, dated at Pentagouet, July 23, 1725, where he -complains of the treachery of the commander of an English vessel. (_N. -E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, Ap., 1860, p. 140, for a letter from _Mass. -Archives_, lii. p. 226.) See also _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii., and -Wheeler’s _Hist. of Castine_, 24. - -[937] Penhallow, 90; Vaudreuil and Begon in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. -933. Dr. Shea (_Charlevoix_, v. 278) thinks some rude translations of -letters of Rasle (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xviii. 245, 266), alleged to -have been found at Norridgewock, are suspicious. Cf. Palfrey, iv. 422, -423; Farmer and Moore’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 108. A distinct asseveration -of the incitement of the French authorities and their priests is in -the _Observations on the late and present conduct of the French_, -published by Dr. Clarke in Boston in 1755, quoted by Franklin in his -Canada pamphlet (1760), in _Works_, iv. p. 7. Cf. on the French side -a “Mémoire sur l’entreprise que les Anglois de Baston font sur les -terres des Abenakis sauvages alliés des François” in _Collection de -manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1882), ii. p. 68, where are various letters which -passed between Vaudreuil and Shute. - -[938] On the French side we have Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., v. 280), and -the _Lettres Edifiantes_, sub anno 1722-1724 (cf. Vol. IV. p. 316), -with the _Nouvelles des Missions; Missions de l’Amérique_, 1702-43, -Paris, 1827, both giving Father de la Chasse’s letter, dated Quebec, -Oct. 29, 1724, which is also given in English by Kip, p. 69. Cf. -_Les Jésuites Martyrs du Canada_, Montreal, 1877, p. 243. There is a -letter of Vaudreuil in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 936. These and on the -English side the letters of Rasle, edited by Thaddeus Mason Harris, in -the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. xviii., are the chief authorities; but -Harmon’s journal and a statement by Moulton were used by Hutchinson -(ii. 281). Upon this material the _Life of Rasle_, by Convers Francis -in Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, vol. 17, and that in _Die Katholisches -Kirche in dem Vereinigten Staten_ (Regensburg, 1864) are based. - -The estimates of Rasle’s character are as diverse as the Romish and -Protestant faiths can make them. The times permitted and engendered -inhumanity and perfidy. There is no sentimentality to be lost over -Rasle or his adversaries. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 280; Palfrey’s -_New England_, iv. 438; Hannay, _Acadia_, 320. Hutchinson (ii. 238) -says the English classed him “among the most infamous villains,” while -the French ranked him with “saints and heroes.” - -Cf. further Dr. Shea, in Vol. IV. p. 273, with note; Williamson’s -_Maine_, ii. 130; Bancroft, _United States_, final revision, ii. 218, -etc.; Drake, _Book of the Indians_, iii. 127; _Atlantic Souvenir, -1829_; Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, i. 412; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 109; -William Allen, _Hist. of Norridgewock_ (1849); _Hist. Magazine_, vi. -63; Hanson’s _Norridgewock and Canaan_, with a view of the Rasle -monument. - -[939] An uncut copy was in the Brinley sale, no. 422. Cf. Haven in -Thomas, p. 404; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 7. - -[940] Brinley, i. no. 423; Harv. Coll. lib., 5325.27; Haven’s Bibliog. -in Thomas, p. 404. Field (_Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,527) says the copy -sold in the Menzies sale (no. 1,940) is the only perfect copy sold at -public auction in many years, and this one had passed under the hammer -four times, bringing once $175, and again $132.50 when it was last sold. - -[941] Field, no. 1,527. This edition has a map of the scene of action -which is repeated in Kidder and reproduced herewith. _N. E. Hist. & -Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1861, p. 354. Only extracts of the sermon are -given. - -[942] A small number of copies was printed separately. - -[943] There were copies on large and small paper, and a few on drawing -paper. Brinley, nos. 406, 407; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., -1866, p. 93; also see _Ibid._, 1880, p. 382. - -[944] Other accounts are in Penhallow, 107, and the edition of Dodge, -app.; Niles in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 255, etc.; _N. Hampshire -Prov. Papers_, iv. 168; _Worcester Mag._, i. 20; _New Hampshire Book_ -(1844); Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 135; Davies’ _Centennial Address_ -(1825); _Drake’s Book of the Indians_, book iii. ch. 9; Belknap, _New -Hampshire_, 209; Palfrey, iv. 440; _Maine Hist. Coll._, iv. 275, -290; Mason’s _Dunstable_; Fox’s _Dunstable_, p. 111; C. E. Potter, -_Manchester, N. H._, p. 145; S. A. Green, _Groton in the Indian Wars; -Bay State Monthly_, Feb., 1884, p. 80. Dr. Belknap describes a visit to -Lovewell’s Pond in 1784 in _Belknap Papers_, i. 397-98; ii. 159. A list -of the men making up Lovewell’s company is in the _N. H. Adj. Genl. -Rept._, 1866, p. 46. - -Various popular ballads commemorating the fight were printed in Farmer -and Moore’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 64, 94, and they are repeated in whole -or in part in the Cincinnati (1859) edition of Penhallow, and in -Kidder, Palfrey, etc. - -Longfellow wrote a poem in the measure of Burns’ _Bruce_, for the -centennial celebration of the fight, May 19, 1825, and this was his -first printed poem. It has been reprinted in connection with Daniel -Webster’s youthful Fourth of July oration, delivered at Fryeburg, July -4, 1802, in the _Fryeburg Webster Memorial_. - -[945] A tract of seven pages,—in Harvard College library. A paper of -this title, as printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 202, is dated -“From my lodgings in Cecil Street, 9 April, 1744.” An early MS. copy is -in a volume of Louisbourg Papers in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. - -[946] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823; Brinley, i. no. 70. - -[947] See on the contribution of New York to the expedition, _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, vi. 284. - -[948] Cf. William Goold on “Col. William Vaughan of Matinicus and -Damariscotta,” in the _Collections_ (viii. p. 291) of the Maine -Historical Society. S. G. Drake’s _Five Years’ French and Indian War_ -(Albany, 1870). Palfrey (_Compendious History of New England_, iv. -257) gives Vaughan the credit. Cf. Johnston’s _Bristol, Bremen, and -Pemaquid_, p. 290. - -[949] Cf. Chauncy’s _Sermon_ on the victory, p. 9; _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vii. 69. The Rev. Amos Adams, or Roxbury, in his _Concise History of -New England_, etc. (Boston, reprinted in London, 1770), written at -a time when “many of us remember the readiness with which thousands -engaged themselves in that hazardous enterprise,” credits Shirley with -the planning of it. - -[950] A memorandum of Dr. Belknap, printed in the _Proceedings_ of the -Mass. Hist. Soc. (x. p. 313) shows as being in the cabinet of that -society in 1792 the following sets of papers: Correspondence between -Shirley and Wentworth, 1742-1753; between Shirley and Pepperrell, -1745-1746; between Pepperrell and Warren, 1745; between these last and -the British ministry, 1745-1747; and between Pepperrell and persons of -distinction throughout America, 1745-1747. These papers as now arranged -cover the preparations for the siege, as well as its progress, and the -events immediately succeeding. Pepperrell’s letters are mostly drafts, -in his own hand. The instructions from Shirley are dated Mar. 19 (p. -13). We find here “A register of all the Commissions” (p. 26); the -notification of the capitulation, June 20 (p. 63). There are letters -of Benning Wentworth, Com. Warren, Gen. Waldo, John Gorham, John -Bradstreet, Arthur Noble, William Vaughan, John Rous, Robert Auchmuty, -Ammi R. Cutter, N. Sparhawk, etc. There are also various letters of -Benj. Colman, who from his relations to Pepperrell took great interest -in the movement. (Cf. the Colman papers, 1697-1747, presented to the -same society in 1793.) The editor of _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vol. v., -prints various papers as from the “Belknap Papers” in the N. H. Hist. -Society library. Cf. _Belknap Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), i. -120. - -[951] It contains manuscript books, bound together, which were in part -the gift of the Hon. Daniel Sargent, and in part came from the heirs -of Dr. Belknap. These books contain copies of the leading official -papers of the expedition and capitulation, the records of the councils -of war from Apr. 5, 1745, at Canso, to May 16, 1746, at Louisbourg, -the letters of Pepperrell, Shirley, Warren, and others between Mar. -27, 1745, and May 30, 1746; records of consultation on board the -“Superbe,” Warren’s flag-ship; with various other letters of Warren; -several narratives and journals of the siege and later transactions -at Louisbourg, some of them bearing interlineations and erasures as -if original drafts; and papers respecting pilots and deserters. The -writer of the diaries and narrative is given in one case only, that of -an artillerist who records events between May 17 and June 16, 1745, and -signs the name of Sergeant Joseph Sherburn. There are also some notes -made at the battery near the Light-house beginning June 11. - -[952] Boston and London, 1855-56, three editions. Sabin, xiv. no. -58,921. - -[953] Other special accounts of Pepperrell are by Ward in the appendix -of _Curwen’s Journal_ and in _Hunt’s Merchants’ Mag._, July, 1858; -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1878; Potter’s _Amer. Monthly_, Sept., -1881. - -[954] Seth Pomeroy’s letter to his wife from Louisbourg, May 8, 1745, -was first printed by Edward Everett in connection with his oration on -“The Seven Years’ War a School of the Revolution.” Cf. his _Orations_, -i. p. 402. - -[955] Harv. Coll. library, 4375.46; Boston Pub. Library, 4417.27; -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 824. - -[956] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.41, 5316.38; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 489; -Carter-Brown, iii. no. 585; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. nos. 815, 816. -It again appeared as _An accurate and authentic account of the taking -of Cape Breton in the year 1745_, London, 1758 (cf. Carter-Brown, iii. -no. 1,175; Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, £3 13s. 6d.), and in the -_American Magazine_, 1746. - -[957] Carter-Brown, iii. 801, 805. Gibson accompanied the prisoners as -cartel-agent when they sailed for France, July 4, 1745. - -[958] Of the vessels shown in this view the “Massachusetts” frigate -(no. 20) was under the command of Edward Tyng, the senior of the -provincial naval officers, who, acting under Shirley’s commission, -had found a merchantman on the stocks, which under Tyng’s direction -was converted into this cruiser of 24 guns. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, -x. 181; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 223; Preble’s “Notes on Early -Ship-Building,” in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1871, p. 363; -Alden’s _Epitaphs_, ii. 328; Drake’s _Five Years’ War_, 246.) Tyng had -been a successful officer. The previous year he had captured a French -privateer which, sailing from Louisbourg, had infested the bay, and on -May 24, 1744, the town of Boston had thanked him. - -[Illustration] - -The next ranking provincial naval officer was Capt. John Rous, or -Rouse, who commanded the “Shirley Galley,” a snow, or two-masted -vessel, of 24 guns. Rouse had the previous year, in a Boston privateer, -spread some consternation among the French fishing-fleet on the Grand -Banks. It was this provincial craft and the royal ship the “Mermaid,” -of 40 guns, Capt. James Douglas, which captured the French man-of-war -the “Vigilant,” 64 guns (no. 15), as she was approaching the coast. -(Drake’s _Five Years’ War_, App. C.) Douglas was transferred to -the captured ship, and a requisition was made upon the colonies to -furnish a crew to man her. (Corresp., etc., in _R. I. Col. Rec._, -v.) Capt. William Montague was put in command of the “Mermaid,” and -after the surrender she sailed, June 22, for England with despatches, -arriving July 20. Duplicate despatches were sent by Rouse in the -“Shirley Galley,” which sailed July 4. The British government took the -“Shirley Galley” into their service and commissioned Rouse as a royal -post-captain. This vessel disappears from sight after 1749, when Rouse -is found in command of a vessel in the fleet which brought Cornwallis -to Chebucto (Halifax). At the time of Rouse’s death at Portsmouth, Apr. -3, 1760, he was in command of the “Sutherland,” 50 guns. (Charnock, -_Biographia Navalis_; Isaac J. Greenwood’s “First American built -vessels in the British navy,” in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -Oct., 1866, p. 323. There are notes on Rouse, with references, in -_Hist. Mag._, i. 156, and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 59; cf. also Drake’s -_Five Years’ French and Indian War_, p. 240, and _Nova Scotia Docs._, -ed. by Akins, p. 225.) Preble (_N. E. H. and Gen. Reg._, 1868, p. -396) collates contemporary authorities for a precise description of a -“galley.” Such a ship was usually a “snow,” as the largest two-masted -vessels were often called, and would seem to have carried all her guns -on a continuous deck, without the higher tiers at the ends, which was -customary with frigates built low only at the waist. - -The “Cæsar,” of 20 guns, was commanded by Capt. Snelling, the third -ranking provincial officer. - -[959] Gov. Wolcott, of Connecticut, wrote to Gov. Hamilton, of -Pennsylvania, that the secret of the success of the Louisbourg -expedition lay in the fact that the besiegers were freeholders and the -besieged mercenaries. (_Pa. Archives_, ii. p. 127.) - -[960] Petitions of one Capt. John Lane, who calls himself the first man -wounded in the siege, are in the Mass. Archives, and are printed in the -_Hist. Mag._, xxi. 118. - -[961] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 796, 805. Cf. Samuel Niles, _A brief and -plain essay on God’s wonder-working Providence for New England in the -reduction of Louisbourg_. N. London (T. Green), 1747. This is in verse. -(Sabin, xiii. 55,330.) - -[962] Burrows (_Life of Lord Hawke_, p. 341) says of this tract: “Few -papers convey a more accurate description of contemporary opinion on -the colonial questions disputed between Great Britain and France in the -last century.” - -[963] “A train of favorable, unforeseen, and even astonishing events -facilitated the conquest,” says Amos Adams in his _Concise Hist. of -New England_, etc. Palfrey in his review of Mahon speaks of it as “one -of the wildest undertakings ever projected by sane people.” Whatever -the fortuitous character of the conquest, there was an attempt made in -England to give the chief credit of it to Warren, who never landed a -marine during its progress. - -[Illustration] - -This assumption was violently maintained in the debates in Parliament -at the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. The question is examined -by Stone in his _Life of Johnson_, i. 152, who also, p. 58, gives an -account of Warren and his residence in New York. English statesmen -were not so instructed later, but that Lord John Russell, in his -introduction to the _Bedford Correspondence_, i. p. xliv., could say: -“Commodore Warren, having been despatched by the Duke of Bedford for -that purpose, took Louisbourg.” - -[964] The French record of some of the principal official documents -is in the _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iii., such as -the summons of May 7, the declination of May 18 (pp. 220, 221), the -papers of the final surrender and exchange of prisoners (pp. 221-236, -265, 314, 377), and Du Chambon’s account of the siege, written from -Rochefort, Sept. 2, 1745 (p. 237). - -[965] Inquiry has not disclosed that any portrait of Gridley exists. - -[966] Both of these works contain another map, _Plan of the City and -Harbour of Louisbourg, showing the landing place of the British in 1745 -and 1758, and their encampment in 1758_. - -[967] The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 1,469) gives the date of -publication 1765, and assigns its publication to “Mary Ann Rocque, -topographer to his Royal Highness, the Duke of Gloucester.” - -[968] _Amer. Magazine_ (Boston), Dec., 1745. Some of Shirley’s admirers -caused his portrait to be painted, and some years later they gave it to -the town of Boston, and it was hung in Faneuil Hall. _Town Records_, -1742-57, p. 26. - -[969] Mascarene in a letter to Shirley, April 6, 1748, undertakes -to show the difficulties of composing the jealousies of the English -towards the Acadians. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 120. - -[970] In Harv. Coll. library “Collection of Nova Scotia maps.” - -[971] Cf. Lawrence to Monckton, 28 March, 1755, in _Aspinwall Papers_ -(_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxix. 214). - -[972] The annexed plan is from the _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760, -as published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec (re-impression), -1873, p. 45. The same _Mémoires_ has a plan (p. 40) of Fort Lawrence. -Various plans and views of Chignectou are noted in the _Catalogue of -the King’s Maps_ (British Museum), i. 239. A “Large and particular -plan of Shegnekto Bay and the circumjacent country, with forts and -settlements of the French till dispossessed by the English, June, 1755, -drawn on the spot by an officer,” was published Aug. 16, 1755, by -Jefferys, and is given in his _General Topography of North America and -West Indies_, London, 1766. Cf. J. G. Bourinot’s “Some old forts by the -sea,” in _Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada_, i. sect. 2, p. 71. - -[973] A contemporary account of these Indians, by a French missionary -among them, was printed in London in 1758, as _An account of the -customs and manners of the Micmakis and Maricheets savage nations now -dependent on the government of Cape Breton_. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, -no. 1,062; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,984, £4 4_s._) - -[974] _The Life and Sufferings of Henry Grace_, Reading, 1764 [Harv. -Coll. lib. 5315.5], gives the experience of one of Lawrence’s men, -captured by the Indians at this time. - -[975] The French ministry were advising Vaudreuil, “Nothing better can -be done than to foment this war of the Indians on the English, which at -least delays their settlements.” (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 949.) - -[976] Cf. references in Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 199. The journal of -Winslow during the siege in the summer and autumn of 1755 is printed -from the original MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, in the _Nova -Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. iv. Tracts of the time indicate the -disparagement which the provincial men received during these events -from the regular officers. Cf. _Account of the present state of Nova -Scotia in two letters to a noble lord,—one from a gentleman in the -navy lately arrived from thence; the other from a gentleman who long -resided there_, London, 1756. Cf. also _French policy defeated, being -an account of all the hostile proceedings of the French against the -British colonies in North America for the last seven years, ... with -an account of the naval engagement of Newfoundland and the taking of -the forts in the Bay of Fundy_, London, 1755. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. -1,060.) - -[977] On the 10th of Aug., 1754, Lawrence had sent a message to the -Acadians, who had gone over to the French, that he should still hold -them to their oaths, and this, as well as a letter of Le Loutre to -Lawrence, Aug. 26, 1754, will be found in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. -Hist. Society, _New France_, i. pp. 271, 281. - -[978] Minot, without knowledge of these documents, says: “They [the -Acadians] maintained, with some exceptions, the character of neutrals.” - -[979] Cf. Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_, vol. ii. ch. 7. - -[980] “They call themselves neutrals, but are rebels and traitors, -assisting the French and Indians at all opportunities to murder and cut -our throats.” Ames’s _Almanac_, 1756,—a household authority. - -[981] This condition was thoroughly understood by the French -authorities. Cf. Vaudreuil’s despatch when he heard of the deportation, -Oct. 18, 1755. _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, x. 358. On Nov. 2, 1756, -Lotbinière, addressing the French ministry on a contemplated movement -against Nova Scotia, says: “The English have deprived us of a great -advantage by removing the French families.” - -[982] Winslow’s instructions, dated Halifax, Aug. 11, 1755, are printed -in Akins’s _Selections_, etc., 271. It has sometimes been alleged -that a greed to have the Acadian lands to assign to English settlers -was a chief motive in this decision. Letters between Lawrence and the -Board of Trade (Oct. 18, 1755, etc.) indicate that the hope of such -succession to lands was entertained after the event; but it was several -years before the hope had fruition. - -[983] Guillaume Thomas Raynal’s _Histoire philosophique et politique -des Etablissemens et du Commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes_, -Paris, 1770; Geneva, 1780 (in 5 vols. 4to, and 10 vols. 8vo.); revised, -Paris, 1820. (Rich, after 1700, p. 290; H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. -648.) - -[984] M. Pascal Poirier in the _Revue Canadienne_ (xi. pp. 850, 927; -xii. pp. 71, 216, 310, 462, 524) discusses the question of mixed blood, -and gives reasons for the mutual attachments of the Acadians and -Abenakis, confronting the views of Rameau. He follows the Acadian story -down, and traces the migrations of families. - -[985] A writer in the _Amer. Cath. Q. Rev._ (1884), ix. 592, defends -the “Acadian confessors of the faith,” and charges Hannay with -“monstrous and barefaced perversions of history.” Cf. among the -Parkman MSS. (Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, i. p. 165) a paper -called “Etat présent des missions de l’Acadie. Efforts impuissants des -gouverneurs anglois pour détruir la religion catholique dans l’Acadie.” - -[986] _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, x. p. 5. - -[987] _United States_, final revision, ii. 426. - -[988] These are set forth in Hannay’s _Acadia_, ch. xx.; _Doc. Col. -Hist. N. Y._, x. p. 11, etc.; Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 114, -266, etc.; Akins’s _Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia_ -(with authorities there cited); _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760 -(Quebec, 1838). Le Loutre was a creature of whom it is difficult to -say how much of his conduct was due to fanaticism, and how much to a -heartless villainy. The French were quite as much inclined as any one -to consider him a villain. The Acadians themselves had often found that -he could use his Micmacs against them like bloodhounds. - -[989] Minot, i. 220. - -[990] Rameau (_La France aux Colonies_, p. 97) allows Raynal’s -description to be a forced fantasy to point a moral; but he contends -for a basis of fact in it. Cf. Antoine Marie Cerisier’s _Remarques sur -les erreurs de l’histoire philosphique et politique de Mr. Guillaume -Thomas Raynal, par rapport aux affaires de l’Amérique septentrionale_, -Amsterdam, 1783. - -[991] _The General History of the Late War_, London, 1763, etc. - -[992] _A Brief State of the Services and Expenses of the Massachusetts -Bay_, London, 1765, p. 17. - -[993] _Hist. of Mass. Bay_, iii. 39. - -[994] _Massachusetts_, ch. i. x. - -[995] Vol. IV. p. 156. Cf. Morgan, _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, p. 168. - -[996] Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 123. This journal is in three -volumes, the first opening with a letter of proposals by Winslow, -addressed to Shirley, followed by a copy of Winslow’s commission -as lieutenant-colonel, Feb. 10, 1755. Transcripts then follow of -instructions, letters, accounts, orders, rosters, log-books, reports, -down to Jan., 1756. This volume is mostly, if not wholly, in Winslow’s -own hand. It has been printed in vol. iii. of the _Nova Scotia Hist. -Soc. Collections_, beginning with a letter from Grand Pré, Aug. 22, -1755. The second volume (Feb.-Aug., 1756) has a certificate that it -is, “to the best of my skill and judgment, a true record of original -papers committed to my care for that purpose.” This is signed “Henry -Leddel, Secretary to General Winslow.” The third volume (Aug.-Dec., -1756) is similarly certified. There is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. another -collection of Winslow’s papers (cf. _Proc._, iii. 92) covering -1737-1766, being mostly of a routine military character. - -[997] Compare the enumeration of MSS. on Acadia, as indexed in the -_Catalogue of the Library of Parliament_, Toronto, 1858, p. 1451. -There are preserved in the office of the registrar of the Province of -Quebec ten volumes of MS. copies of documents relating to the history -of Canada, covering many pertaining to Acadia. A list of their contents -was printed in 1883, entitled _Réponse à un ordre de la chambre, -demandant copie de la liste des documents se rapportant à l’histoire -du Canada, copiés et conservés au département du régistraire de la -Province de Québec_. _J. Blanchet, Secrétaire._ Cf. “Evangeline and the -Archives of Nova Scotia,” in _Trans. Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_, -1869-70. - -[998] Orig. ed. (1852), iv. 206. In writing his first draft of the -transaction in 1852, Bancroft, referring seemingly to Haliburton’s -statement, says: “It has been supposed that these records of the -council are no longer in existence; but I have authentic copies of -them.” (Orig. ed., iv. 200). - -[999] Ed. 1882, vol. ii. 225. - -[1000] “The publications of C. R. Williams, with notes concerning -them,” in _R. I. Hist. Tracts._ no. xi. For other accounts concerning -the condition of the “Evangeline Country,” see E. B. Chase’s _Over the -Border, Acadia, the home of Evangeline_ (Boston, 1884), with various -views; J. De Mille in _Putnam’s Magazine_, ii. 140; G. Mackenzie in -_Canadian Monthly_, xvi. 337; C. D. Warner’s _Baddeck_ (Boston, 1882); -and the view of Grandpré in _Picturesque Canada_, ii. 789. - -[1001] There is a sample of this purely sympathetic comment in -Whittier’s _Prose Works_, ii. 64. - -[1002] New series, vol. vii. (1870). - -[1003] Palfrey (_Compend. Hist. New England_, iv. 209) says: “There -appears to be no doubt that they were a virtuous, simple-minded, -industrious, unambitious, religious people. They were rich enough for -all their wants. They lived in equality, contentment, and brotherhood; -the priest or some trusted neighbor settled whatever differences arose -among them.” - -[1004] Halifax, 1865-67, vol. ii. ch. 20. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 156. - -[1005] Page 369. - -[1006] Ch. iv. and viii. - -[1007] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 90. - -[1008] He does intimate, in some later published letters, that a taking -of hostages might perhaps have sufficed. The controversy of which these -letters are a part began with the anticipatory publication by Mr. -Parkman of his chapter on the Acadians in _Harper’s Monthly_, Nov., -1884. This drew out from Mr. Philip H. Smith a paper in the _Nation_, -Oct. 30, 1884, in which incautiously, and depending on Haliburton, he -charged the English with rifling their archives to rid them of the -proofs of the atrocity of the deportation. Parkman exposed his error, -in the same journal, Nov. 6, 1884, and also in the _N. Y. Evening -Post_, Jan. 20, 1885, and _Boston Evening Transcript_, Jan. 22. Smith -transferred his challenge to the _Boston Evening Transcript_ of Feb. -11, 1885, making a good point in quoting the Philadelphia Memorial -of the Acadians, which affirmed that papers which could show their -innocence had been taken from them; but he unwisely claimed for the -exiles the literary skill of that memorial, which seems to have been -prepared by some of their Huguenot friends in Philadelphia. A few more -letters appeared in the same journal from Parkman, Akins, and Smith, -but added nothing but iteration to the question. (Cf. _Transcript_, -Feb. 25, by Parkman; March 19 by Akins; March 23, April 3, by Smith.) - -[1009] Akins’ _Select. from Pub. Doc._, 277; Smith’s _Acadia_, 219. - -[1010] _A letter from a gentleman in Nova Scotia to a person of -distinction in the continent, describing the present state of -government in that colony_, 1736, p. 7. - -[1011] _Boston Transcript_, Feb. 11, 1885. In his _Acadia_, p. 256, he -says 15,000 were “forcibly extirpated” [sic], but he probably includes -later deportations, mainly from the northern side of the Bay of Fundy. - -[1012] _Une Colonie féodale en Amérique_ (Paris, 1877). To this 6,000 -Rameau adds 4,000 as the number previously removed to the islands -of the gulf, 4,000 as having crossed the neck to come under French -protection, and 2,000 as having escaped the English,—thus making a -total of 16,000, which he believes to have been the original population -of the peninsula. Cf. on Rameau, Daniel’s _Nos Gloires_, ii. 345 - -[1013] See Lawrence’s letter to Monckton in the “Aspinwall Papers,” -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxix. 214 - -[1014] Lawrence’s letter to Hancock, Sept. 10, 1755, in _N. E. Hist. -and Gen. Reg._, 1876, p. 17. - -[1015] There are large extracts from these Archives in the _Winslow -Papers_ (Mass. Hist. Soc.). _North Amer. Rev._, 1848, p. 231. There is -usually scant, if any, mention of them in the published town histories -of Massachusetts. In Bailey’s _Andover_ (p. 297) there is some account -of those sent to that town, and a copy of a petition (_Mass. Archives_, -xxiii. 49) from those in Andover and adjacent towns to the General -Court, urging that their children should not be bound out to service. -Cf. also Aaron Hobart’s _Abington_, App. F., and “Lancaster in Acadie -and Acadiens in Lancaster,” by H. S. Nourse, in _Bay State Monthly_, -i. 239; _Granite Monthly_, vii. 239. More came to Boston in the first -shipment than were expected, and New Hampshire was asked to receive the -excess. _N. H. Prov. Records_, vi. 445, 446. - -[1016] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1862, p. 142. - -[1017] Jasper Mauduit’s letter to the House of Representatives, -relating to a reimbursement of the expense of supporting the French -neutrals, 1763. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 189. Among the Bernard -Papers (_Sparks MSS._), ii. 279, is a letter from Bernard to Capt. -Brookes, dated Castle William, Sept. 26, 1762, forbidding the landing -of Acadians from his “transports.” There is also in _Ibid._, ii. 83, -a letter of Gov. Bernard, July 20, 1763, in which he speaks of a -proposition which had been made to the French neutrals then in the -province, to go to France on invitation of the French government. “Many -of these people,” he adds, “are industrious, and would, I believe, -prefer this country and become subjects of Great Britain in earnest, if -they were assured of liberty of conscience.” The governor accordingly -asks instructions from the Lords of Trade. The number of such people -intending to go was, as he says, 1,019 in all, which he considers very -near if not quite the whole number in the province. Bernard expressed -a hope that he could induce them to settle rather at Miramichi, as he -had formed a high opinion of their industry and frugality (p. 86). When -some of them wished to migrate to Saint Pierre, the small island near -the St. Lawrence Gulf, then lately confirmed to France, the governor -and council tried to persuade them to remain. - -[1018] See further in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 513, 581; _Penna. Col. -Recs._, vii. 45, 55, 239-241, 408-410. - -[1019] Cf. also his _Contributions to Amer. History_ (1858), and -_Philad. American and Gazette_, Mar. 29, 1856. - -[1020] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 147. Cf. also Scharf’s _Maryland_, -i. 475-79; Johnston’s _Cecil County_ (1881), p. 263. - -[1021] _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. 268, 280, 293, 306, 347, 360, 363, 379, -380, 396, 408, 444, 538. - -[1022] _Hist. Georgia_, i. 505. - -[1023] _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. 410, 412, 417, 463, 479, 544. - -[1024] Akins’ _Selections_, etc., 303; R. I. _Col. Rec._, v. 529. - -[1025] In July, 1756, Governor Spencer Phips gave orders to detain -seven boats, containing ninety persons. - -[1026] _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, vii. 125. - -[1027] R. L. Daniels in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xix. 383. - -[1028] From January to May, 1765, 650 arrived from the English -colonies. Gayarré, _Louisiana, its history as a French colony_ (N. Y., -1852), pp. 122, 132. - -[1029] Parkman, i. 282-3. There are various papers of uncertain value -in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, vol. -i., respecting the fate and numbers of the exiles. One paper dated at -London in 1763 says there were 866 in England, 2,000 in France, and -10,000 in the English colonies. Another French document of the same -year places the number in France at from three thousand to thirty-five -hundred. There are among these papers plans for establishing some at -Guiana, with letters from others at Miquelon and at Cherbourg. - -[1030] Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 77. - -[1031] See chapter viii. - -[1032] Sabin, ix. 36,727; Boston Public Library, 4426.17; Harvard Coll. -lib., 4375.39; Haven, _Ante Rev. Bibliog._, p. 540. Parkman (_Montcalm -and Wolfe_, ii. 81) refers to five letters from Amherst to Pitt, -written during the siege, which he got from the English Public Record -Office, copies of which are in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. -Library. Cf. _Proc._, 2d ser., i. p. 360. - -[1033] There is an abstract in English of the journal of a French -officer during the siege, in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 179. - -[1034] He sometimes called himself Thomas Signis Tyrrell, after his -mother’s family. Cf. Akins’ _Select. from Pub. Doc. of N. Scotia_, p. -229, where some of Pichon’s papers, preserved at Halifax, are printed. - -[1035] Sabin, xv. 62,610-11; Brinley, i. no. 71; Carter-Brown, iii. -nos. 1,274-75. There are in the _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec, -1883, etc.) Drucour’s account of the defences of Louisbourg (iv. 145); -Lahoulière’s account of the siege, dated Aug. 6, 1758 (iv. 176), and -other narratives (iii. 465-486). - -[1036] Also, _Ibid._, p. 188, is a journal of a subsequent scout of -Montresor’s through the island. - -[1037] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,184. - -[1038] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389. - -[1039] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680. - -[1040] Particularly letters of Nathaniel Cotton, a chaplain on one of -the ships. - -[1041] Cf. references in Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. p. 230. There are -some letters in the _Penna. Archives_, ii., 442, etc. - -[1042] Vol. III. p. 8. - -[1043] Vol. II. p. 108. - -[1044] Vol. III. p. 9. - -[1045] Vol. II. p. 122. - -[1046] Vol. IV. p. 92. - -[1047] Vol. III. p. 213. - -[1048] Vol. IV. pp. 107, 152. This is the earliest map given in the -blue book, _North American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840. - -[1049] Vol. IV. p. 380. - -[1050] Vol. IV. p. 382. - -[1051] Vol. IV. p. 383. - -[1052] Vol. III. p. 306. - -[1053] Vol. IV. p. 383. - -[1054] Vol. IV. p. 384. - -[1055] Vol. IV. p. 384. - -[1056] Vol. IV. p. 386. - -[1057] Vol. IV. p. 388. - -[1058] Vol. IV. p. 390. - -[1059] Vol. IV. p. 391. - -[1060] Vol. IV. p. 148. - -[1061] Vol. IV. p. 393. - -[1062] The cartography of these three books deserves discrimination. In -_De Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1670-71) the -map of America, “per Gerardum a Schagen,” represents the great lakes -beyond Ontario merged into one. The German version, _Die unbekante Neue -Welt_, of Olfert Dapper has the same map, newly engraved, and marked -“per Jacobum Meursium.” Ogilby’s English version, _America, being an -accurate description of the New World_ (London, 1670), though using -for the most part the plates of Montanus, has a wholly different map -of America, “per Johannem Ogiluium.” This volume has an extra map of -the Chesapeake, in addition to the Montanus one, beside English maps -of Jamaica and Barbadoes, not in Montanus. These maps are repeated -in the second edition, which is made up of the same sheets, to which -an appendix is added, and a new title, reading, _America, being the -latest and most accurate description of the new world_. It will be -remembered that Pope, in the _Dunciad_ (i. 141), mocked at Ogilby for -his ponderous folio,— - -“Here swells the shelf with Ogilby the Great.” - - -[1063] Vol. III. p. 383. - -[1064] Vol. IV. p. 249. - -[1065] Vol. IV. p. 228. - -[1066] See Vol. IV. p. 229. This map was also reproduced in the _North -American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840. - -[1067] For further references, see sections v. and vi. of “The Kohl -Collection of Maps,” published in _Harvard Univ. Bulletin_, 1884-85. -Cf. also the _Mémoire pour les limites de in Nouvelle France et de -la Nouvelle Angleterre_ (1689) in _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs -à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, vol. i. p. 531. -In later volumes of this _Collection_ will be found (vol. iii. p. -49) “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie envoyé à Monseigneur le Duc -d’Orléans par le Père Charlevoix,” dated at Quebec, Oct. 29, 1720 (iii. -p. 522); “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie,” dated 1755. here is an -historical summary of the French claim (1504-1706) in the _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, ix. 781. - -[1068] Moll’s maps were used again in the 1741 edition of Oldmixon. -Moll combined his maps of this period in an atlas called _The world -displayed, or a new and correct set of maps of the several empires_, -etc., the maps themselves bearing dates usually from 1708 to 1720. - -[1069] This memorial was printed by Bradford in Philadelphia about -1721. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 170. There was a claim -upon the Kennebec, arising from certain early grants to Plymouth -Colony, and in elucidation of such claims _A patent for Plymouth in -New England, to which is annexed extracts from the Records of the -Colony, etc._, was printed in Boston in 1751. There is a copy among the -_Belknap Papers_, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (61, c. 105, etc.), where -will be found a printed sheet of extracts from deeds, to which is -annexed an engraved plan of the coast of Maine between Cape Elizabeth -and Pemaquid, and of the Kennebec valley up to Norridgewock, which is -called _A true copy of an ancient plan of E. Hutchinson’s, Esq^r., from -Jos. Heath, in 1719, and Phin^s. Jones’ Survey in 1751, and from John -North’s late survey in 1752_. _Attest, Thomas Johnston_. The Belknap -copy has annotations in the handwriting of Thomas Prince, and with it -is a tract called _Remarks on the plan and extracts of deeds lately -published by the proprietors of the township of Brunswick_, dated at -Boston, Jan. 26, 1753. This also has Prince’s notes upon it. - -[1070] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 894. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. -93. - -[1071] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 915. - -[1072] _Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. 23,615 (fol. 72). - -[1073] Charlevoix was brought to the attention of New England in 1746, -by copious extracts in a tract printed at Boston, _An account of the -French settlements in North America ... claimed and improved by the -French king_. _By a gentleman_. - -[1074] Jefferys reproduced this map in the _Gentleman’s Mag._ in 1746. - -[1075] Among the more popular maps is that of Thomas Kitchin, in the -_London Mag._, 1749, p. 181. - -[1076] Sabin, xii. no. 47,552. - -[1077] See Vol. IV. p. 154. - -[1078] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220. - -[1079] Rich, _Bibl. Amer._ (after 1700), p. 103; Leclerc, no. 691. - -[1080] The articles of the treaty of Utrecht touching the American -possessions of England are cited and commented upon in William -Bollan’s _Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton_, etc. (London, -1746.) The diplomacy of the treaty of Utrecht can be followed in the -_Miscellaneous State Papers_, 1501-1726, in two volumes, usually cited -by the name of the editor, as the _Hardwicke Papers_. Cf. also _Actes, -mémoires et autres pièces authentiques concernant la paix d’Utrecht, -depuis l’année 1706 jusqu’à présent_. Utrecht, 1712-15, 6 vols. J. W. -Gerard’s _Peace of Utrecht, a historical review of the great treaty -of 1713-14, and of the principal events of the war of the Spanish -succession_ (New York, etc., 1885) has very little (p. 286) about the -American aspects of the treaty. - -[1081] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 878, 894, 913, 932, 981. - -[1082] To Shirley was dedicated a tract by William Clarke, of Boston, -_Observations on the late and present conduct of the French, with -regard to their encroachments upon the British colonies in North -America; together with remarks on the importance of these colonies to -Great Britain_, Boston, 1755, which was reprinted in London the same -year. Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 234, 235; Hildeburn’s -_Century of Printing_, no. 1,407; _Catal. of works rel. to Franklin in -Boston Pub. Lib._, p. 13. The commissioners seem also to have used an -account of Nova Scotia, written in 1743, which is printed in the _Nova -Scotia Hist. Coll._, i. 105. - -[1083] The correspondence of the Earl of Albemarle, the British -minister at Paris, with the Newcastle administration, to heal the -differences of the conflicting claims, is noted as among the Lansdowne -MSS. in the _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, iii. 141. - -[1084] The three quarto volumes were found on board a French prize -which was taken into New York, and from them the French claim was set -forth in _A memorial containing a summary view of facts with their -authorities in answer to the Observations sent by the English ministry -to the courts of Europe. Translated from the French._ New York, 1757. -The 2d volume of the original 4to ed. and the 3d volume of the 12mo -edition contain the following treaties which are not in the London -edition, later to be mentioned:— - -1629, Apr. 24, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Suze. - -1632, Mar. 29, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Saint -Germain-en-Laye. - -1655, Nov. 3, between France and England, at Westminster. - -1667, July 21-31, between France and England, at Breda; and one of -alliance between Charles II. and the Netherlands. - -1678, Aug. 10, between Louis XIV. and the Netherlands, at Nimégue. - -1686, Nov. 16. Neutrality for America, between France and England, at -London. - -1687, Dec. 1-11. Provisional, between France and England, concerning -America, at Whitehall. - -1697, Sept. 20, between France and England, at Ryswick. [This treaty -is also in the _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la -Nouvelle France_ (Quebec, 1884), vol. ii.] - -1712, Aug. 19. Suspension of arms between France and England, at Paris. - -1713, Mar. 31-11 Apr. Peace between France and England, and treaty of -navigation and commerce, at Utrecht. - -1748, Oct. 18, between France, England, and the Netherlands, at -Aix-la-Chapelle. - -The _Bedford Correspondence_ (3 vols., 1842) is of the first -importance in elucidating the negotiations which led to the treaty of -Aix-la-Chapelle. The _Mémoires_ of Paris and the _Memorials_ of London -also track the dispute over the St. Lucia (island) question, but in the -present review that part need not be referred to. - -[1085] It is said to have been arranged by Charles Townshend. Cf. Vol. -IV. index. - -[1086] - -1. Memorial describing the limits, etc. (in French and English), signed -Sept. 21, 1750, by W. Shirley and W. Mildmay. - -2. “Mémoires sur l’Acadie” of the French commissioners, Sept. 21 and -Nov. 16, 1750. - -3. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English), Jan. -11, 1751. - -4. Memoir of the French commissioners (en réponse), Oct. 4, 1751. The -“preuves” are cited at the foot of each page. - -5. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English) in -reply to no. 4. The “authorities” are given at the foot of the page. It -is signed at Paris, Jan. 23, 1753, by William Mildmay and Ruvigny de -Cosne. - -6. “Pièces justificatives,” supporting the memoir of the English -commissioners, Jan. 11, 1751, viz.:— - -Concession of James I. to Thomas Gates, Apr., 1606 (in French and -English). - -Concession of James I. to Sir Wm. Alexander, Sept., 1621 (in Latin), -being the same as that of Charles I., July 12, 1625. - -Occurrences in Acadia and Canada in 1627-28, by Louis Kirk, as found in -the papers of the Board of Trade (in French and English). - -Lettres patentes au Sieur d’Aulnay Charnisay, Feb., 1647. - -Lettres patentes au Sieur de la Tour, 1651. [There are various papers -on the La Tour-D’Aulnay controversy in _Collection de Manuscrits_, -Quebec, 1884, ii. 351, etc.] - -Extract from Memoirs of Crowne, 1654 (in French and English). - -Orders of Cromwell to Capt. Leverett, Sept. 18, 1656 (in French and -English). - -Acte de cession de l’Acadie au Roi de France, 17 Feb., 1667-8 (in -French and English). - -Letters of Temple, 1668 (in French and English). - -Lettre du Sieur Morillon du Bourg, dated “à Boston, le 9 Nov., 1668.” - -Order of Charles II. to Temple to surrender Acadia, Aug. 6, 1669 (in -French and English). - -Temple’s order to Capt. Walker to surrender Acadia, July 7, 1670 (in -French and English). - -Act of surrender of Pentagoet by Walker, Aug. 5, 1670 (in French and -English). - -Procès verbal de prise de possession du fort de Gemisick, Aug. 27, 1670. - -Certificate de la redition de Port Royal, Sept. 2, 1670. - -Ambassadeur de France au Roi d’Angleterre, Jan. 16, 1685. - -Vins saisis à Pentagoet, 1687. - -John Nelson to the lord justices of England, 1697 (in French and -English). - -Gouverneur Villebon à Gouverneur Stoughton, Sept. 5, 1698. - -Vernon to Lord Lexington, Ap. 29, 1700 (in French and English). - -Board of Trade to Queen Anne, June 2, 1709 (in French and English). - -Promesse du Sieur de Subercase, Oct. 23, 1710. - -Premières Propositions de la France, Ap. 22, 1711. - -Réponses de la France, Oct. 8, 1711, aux demands de la Grand Bretagne -(in French and English). - -Instruction to British plenipotentiaries for making a treaty with -France, Dec. 23, 1711 (in French and English). - -Mémoire de M. St. Jean, May 24, 1712 (in French and English). - -Réponses du Roi au mémoire envoyé de Londres, June 5-10, 1712. - -Offers of France, Demands for England, the King’s Answers, Sept. 10, -1712 (in French and English). - -Treaty of Utrecht, art. xii. (in Latin and French). - -Acte de cession de l’Acadie par Louis XIV., May, 1713. - -7. Table des Citations, etc., dans le mémoire des Com. Français, Oct. -4, 1751, viz.— - -_Ouvrages imprimés_: Traités, 1629-1749; Mémoires, etc., par les Com. -de sa Majesté Britannique; Titres et pièces communiquées aux Com. de sa -Majesté Britannique. - -_Pièces manuscrites_;— - -1632, May 19. Concession à Rasilly. - -1635, Jan. 15. Concession à Charles de St. Étienne. - -1638, Feb. 10. Lettre du Roy au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay. - -1641, Feb. 13. Ordre du Roi au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay. - -1643, Mar. 6. Arrêt. - -1645, June 6. Commission du Roi an Sieur de Montmagny. - -1651, Jan. 17. Provisions en faveur du Sieur Lauson. - -1654, Jan. 30. Provision pour le Sieur Denis. - -1654, Aug. 16. Capitulation de Port Royal. - -1656, Aug. 9. Concession faite par Cromwell. - -1657, Jan. 26. Lettres patentes en faveur du Vicomte d’Argenson. - -1658, Mar. 12. Arrêt (against departing without leave). - -1663, Jan. 19. Concession des isles de le Madelaine, etc., au Sieur -Doublet. - -1663, May 1. Lettres patentes an Gov. de Mezy. - -1664, Feb. 1. Concession an Sieur Doublet (discovery in St. Jean -Island). - -1668, Nov. 29. Lettre du Temple an Sieur du Bourg. - -1669, Mar. 8. Ordre du Roi d’Angleterre au Temple pour restituer -l’Acadie. - -1676, Oct. 16. Concession de la terre de Soulanges par Frontenac et -Duchesneau. - -1676, Oct. 16. Concession an Sieur Joibert de Soulanges du fort de -Gemisik par Frontenac et Duchesneau. - -1676, Oct. 24. Concession de Chigneto au Sieur le Neuf de la Vallière -par Frontenac et Duchesneau. - -1684. M. de Meules au Roi. - -1684. Requête des habitans de la Coste du sud du fleuve St. Laurent. - -1684, Sept. 20. Concessions des Sieurs de la Barre et de Meules au -Sieur d’Amour Ecuyer, de la rivière de Richibouctou, et an Sieur -Clignancourt, de terres à la rivière St. Jean. - -1686. Mémoire de M. de Meules sur la Baye de Chedabouctou. - -1689, Jan. 7. Concession à la rivière St. Jean au Sieur du Breuil. - -1710, Oct. 3. Lettre de Nicholson à Subercase. - -[1087] This document was also published at the Hague in 1756, as -_Répliques des Commissaires Anglois: ou Mémoire présenté, le 23 -Janvier, 1753_, with a large folding map. - -[1088] The maps of Huske and Mitchell (1755), showing the claims of the -French and English throughout the continent, are noted on a previous -page (_ante_, p. 84), and that of Huske is there sketched. In a _New -and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America_, London, 1756, etc., -are maps of “Newfoundland and Nova Scotia,” and of “New England and -parts adjacent,” showing the French claim as extending to the line of -the Kennebec, and following the water-shed between the St. Lawrence and -the Atlantic. - -[1089] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,028. A French translation appeared the -next year: _Conduite des François par rapport à la Nouvelle Ecosse, -depuis le premier établissement de cette colonie jusqu’à nos jours. -Traduit de l’Anglois avec des notes d’un François_ [George Marie -Butel-Dumont]. Londres, 1755. The next year (1756) a reply, said to be -by M. de la Grange de Chessieux, was printed at Utrecht, _La Conduite -des François justifiée_. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,129.) - -[1090] _Discussion sommaire sur les anciennes limites de l’Acadie_ -[par Matthieu François Pidansat de Mairobert]. Basle, 1755. (Stevens, -_Nuggets_, no. 2,972.) Cf. also _A fair representation of his Majesty’s -right to Nova Scotia or Acadie, briefly stated from the Memorials -of the English Commissaries, with an answer to the French Memorials -and to the treatise Discussion sommaire par les anciennes limites de -l’Acadie_, London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,130). - -[1091] Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,973. - -[1092] It includes, for the most distant points, Boston, Montreal, and -Labrador. - -[1093] Various maps of Nova Scotia, drawn by order of Gov. Lawrence -(1755), are noted in the _British Museum, King’s Maps_ (ii. 105), as -well as others of date 1768. Of this last date is an engraved _Map -of Nova Scotia or Acadia, with the islands of Cape Breton and St. -John, from actual surveys by Capt. Montresor, Eng’r._ There is a map -of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland in _A New and Complete Hist. of the -Brit. Empire in America_, Lond., 1756; and one of New England and Nova -Scotia by Kitchin, in the _London Magazine_, Mar., 1758. In the Des -Barres series of British Coast Charts of 1775-1776, will be found a -chart of Nova Scotia, and others on a larger scale of the southeast and -southwest coasts of Nova Scotia. - -[1094] On three sheets, each 22½ x 18½ inches, and called _Louisiane et -Terres Angloises_. - -[1095] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 293. - -[1096] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 451. - -[1097] See Vol. IV. p. 356. - -[1098] The Indians held the Ohio to be the main stream, the Upper -Mississippi an affluent. Hale, _Book of Rites_, 14. - -[1099] Cf. also _Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians to -the Earl of Bellomont, 20 July, 1698_, New York, 1698 (22 pp.). Sabin, -xv. 66,061. Brinley’s copy brought $410. - -[1100] See chapters ii. and vii. - -[1101] There is a contemporary MS. record of this conference in the -Prince Collection, Boston Public Library. (_Catal._, p. 158.) - -[1102] For the movement instituted by Spotswood, and his inspection of -the country beyond the Blue Ridge, see chapter iv., and the authorities -there cited. - -[1103] See chapter vii. - -[1104] See chapter ii. - -[1105] This Indian confederacy of New York called themselves -Hodenosaunee (variously spelled); the French styled them Iroquois; the -Dutch, Maquas; the English, the Five Nations; the Delawares, the Menwe, -which last the Pennsylvanians converted into Mingoes, later applied -in turn to the Senecas in Ohio. Dr. Shea, in his notes to Lossing’s -ed. of Washington’s diaries, says: “The Mengwe, Minquas, or Mingoes -were properly the Andastes or Gandastogues, the Indians of Conestoga, -on the Susquehanna, known by the former name to the Algonquins and -their allies, the Dutch and Swedes; the Marylanders knew them as the -Susquehannas. Upon their reduction by the Five Nations, in 1672, the -Andastes were to a great extent mingled with their conquerors, and a -party removing to the Ohio, commonly called Mingoes, was thus made up -of Iroquois and Mingoes. Many treat Mingo as synonymous with Mohawk or -Iroquois, but erroneously.” - -[1106] The inscription on Moll’s _Map of the north parts of America -claimed by France_ (1720) makes the Iroquois and “Charakeys” the -bulwark and security of all the English plantations. This map has -a view of the fort of “Sasquesahanock.” A map of the region of the -Cherokees, from an Indian draught, by T. Kitchen, is in the _London -Mag._, Feb., 1760. - -[1107] Chapter vii. - -[1108] This fort had been built in 1739, and called Fort St. Frederick. -G. W. Schuyler (_Colonial N. Y._, ii. pp. 113, 114) uses the account -of the adjutant of the French force, probably found in Canada at the -conquest. The fort stood on the west side of the Hudson, south of -Schuylerville, while Fort Clinton, built in 1746, was on the east side. -(_Ibid._, ii. pp. 126, 254.) A plan of this later fort (1757) is noted -in the _King’s Maps_ (Brit. Museum), ii. 300. See no. 17 of _Set of -Plans_, etc., London, 1763. - -[1109] _American Mag._ (Boston), Nov., 1746. - -[1110] Chapter ii. p. 147. - -[1111] _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1866, p. 237. - -[1112] See _ante_, p. 9. - -[1113] See _ante_, p. 3. - -[1114] _Canadian Antiquarian_, vii. 97. - -[1115] He was accompanied by Andrew Montour, a conspicuous frontiersman -of this time. Cf. Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 54; Schweinitz’s -_Zeisberger_, 112; Thomas Cresap’s letter in Palmer’s _Calendar, Va. -State Papers_, 245; and on his family the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. -79, iv. 218. - -In 1750 John Pattin, a Philadelphia trader, was taken captive among the -Indians of the Ohio Valley, and his own narrative of his captivity, -with a table of distances in that country, is preserved in the cabinet -of the Mass. Historical Society, together with a letter respecting -Pattin from William Clarke, of Boston, dated March, 1754, addressed -to Benjamin Franklin, in which Clarke refers to a recent mission of -Pattin, prompted by Gov. Harrison, of Pennsylvania, into that region, -“to gain as thorough a knowledge as may be of the late and present -transactions of the French upon the back of the English settlements.” - -[1116] The English got word of this movement in May. _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, vi. 779. - -[1117] See papers on the early routes between the Ohio and Lake Erie -in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 683, ii. 52 (Nov., 1877, and Jan., 1878); -and also in Bancroft’s _United States_, orig. ed., iii. 346. For the -portage by the Sandusky, Sciota, and Ohio rivers, see Darlington’s ed. -of Col. James Smith’s _Remarkable Occurrences_, p. 174. The portages -from Lake Erie were later discovered than those from Lake Michigan. For -these latter earlier ones, see Vol. IV. pp. 200, 224. Cf. the map from -Colden given herewith. - -[1118] The ruins of this fort are still to be seen (1855) within the -town of Erie. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 41. Cf. Egle’s -_Pennsylvania_. - -[1119] Now Waterford, Erie Co., Penna. - -[1120] The road over the mountains followed by Washington is identified -in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 51. - -[1121] Sargent says the ruins of the fort which the French completed in -1755 at Venango were still (1855) to be seen at Franklin, Penna.; it -was 400 feet square, with embankments then eight feet high. Sargent’s -_Braddock’s Exped._, p. 41; Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, 312, 642. There -is a notice of the original engineer’s draft of the fort in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248-249. Cf. S. J. M. Eaton’s _Centennial -Discourse in Venango County_, 1876; and Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, pp. 694, -1122, where there is (p. 1123) a plan of the fort. - -[1122] This summons is in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 141. Cf. _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, vi. 840. - -[1123] The terms of the capitulation, as rendered by Villiers, had -a reference to the “assassinat” of Jumonville, which a Dutchman, -Van Braam, who acted as interpreter, concealed from Washington -by translating the words “death of Jumonville.” This unintended -acknowledgment of crime was subsequently used by the French in -aspersing the character of Washington. See Critical Essay, _post_. - -[1124] In December, 1754, Croghan reported to Gov. Morris that the Ohio -Indians were all ready to aid the English if they would only make a -movement. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 209. - -[1125] See chapter ii. - -[1126] See _post_. - -[1127] Cf. Le Château de Vaudreuil, by A. C. de Lery Macdonald in _Rev. -Canadienne_, new ser., iv. pp. 1, 69, 165; Daniel’s _Nos Gloires_, 73. - -[1128] A view of the house in Alexandria used as headquarters by -Braddock is in _Appleton’s Journal_, x. p. 785. - -[1129] See chapter vii. - -[1130] This was now Fort Cumberland. There is a drawn plan of it noted -in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), i. 282. Parkman (i. -200) describes it. The _Sparks Catal._, p. 207, notes a sketch of the -“Situation of Fort Cumberland,” drawn by Washington, July, 1755. - -[1131] Sargent summarizes the points that are known relative to the -unfortunate management of the Indians which deprived Braddock of their -services. Sargent, pp. 168, 310; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 259, 308, -316, 318, 321; vi. 130, 134, 140, 146, 189, 218, 257, 353, 398, 443; -_Penna. Col. Rec._, vi. 375, 397, 460; _Olden Time_, ii. 238; Sparks’ -_Franklin_, i. 189; _Penna. Mag. of History_, Oct., 1885, p. 334. -Braddock had promised to receive the Indians kindly. _Penna. Archives_, -ii. 290. - -[1132] Two other officers, as well as Washington, were destined to -later fame,—Daniel Morgan, who was a wagoner, and Horatio Gates, who -led an independent company from New York. - -[1133] There is an engraving of Beaujeu in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. -63; and in Shea’s ed. of the _Relation diverses sur la bataille du -Malangueulé_, N. Y., 1860, in which that editor aims to establish for -Beaujeu the important share in the French attack which is not always -recognized, as he thinks. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, vii. 265; and the account -of Beaujeu by Shea, in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1884, p. 121. Cf. -also “La famille de Beaujeu,” in Daniel’s _Nos gloires nationales_, i. -131. - -[1134] The annexed plan of the field is from a contemporary MS. in -Harvard College library. See _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. p. 118 -(1879). - -Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 214) reproduces two plans of the -fight: one representing the disposition of the line of march at the -moment of attack; the other, the situation when the British were -thrown into confusion and abandoned their guns. The originals of these -plans accompany a letter of Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, and -are preserved in the Public Record Office, in the volume_ America and -West Indies_, lxxxii. They were drawn at Shirley’s request by Patrick -Mackellar, chief engineer, who was with Gage in the advance column. -Parkman says: “They were examined and fully approved by the chief -surviving officers, and they closely correspond with another plan made -by the aide-de-camp Orme,—which, however, shows only the beginning of -the affair.” This plan of Orme is the last in a series of six plans, -engraved in 1758 by Jefferys (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 107; -Sabin, ii. no. 7,212), and used by him in his _General Topography of -North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. There is a set of -them, also, in the Sparks MSS., in Harvard Coll. library, vol. xxviii. - -These six plans are all reproduced in connection with Orme’s Journal, -in Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_. They are:— - -I. Map of the country between Will’s Creek and Monongahela River, -showing the route and encampments of the English army. - -II. Distribution of the advanced party (400 men). - -III. Line of march of the detachment from Little Meadows. - -IV. Encampment of the detachment from Little Meadows. - -V. Line of march with the whole baggage. - -VI. Plan of the field of battle, 9 July, 1755. - -See also the plans of the battle given in Bancroft’s _United States_ -(orig. ed.), iv. 189; Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 90, the same plate -being used by Sargent, p. 354, and in Guizot’s _Washington_. In the -Faden Collection, in the Library of Congress, there are several MS. -plans. (Cf. E. E. Hale’s _Catalogue of the Faden Maps_.) - -Beside the map of Braddock’s advance across the country, given -in the series, already mentioned, there is another in Neville B. -Craig’s _Olden Time_ (ii. 539), with explanations by T. C. Atkinson, -who surveyed it in 1847, which is copied by Sargent (p. 198), who -also describes the route. Cf. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 84; and -the _American Hist. Record_, Nov., 1874. A map made by Middleton -and corrected by Lowdermilk is given in the latter’s _History of -Cumberland_, p. 141. A letter of Sparks on the subject is in De Hass’s -_West. Virginia_, p. 125. The condition of Braddock’s route in 1787 is -described by Samuel Vaughan, of London, in a MS. journal owned by Mr. -Charles Deane. - -The _Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc._, no. 65, shows a -view of Braddock’s Field, and an engraving is in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. -S._, iii. 254, and another in Sargent, as a frontispiece. Judge Yeates -describes a visit to the field in 1776, in Hazard’s _Register_, vi. -104, and in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. 740; and Sargent (p. 275) -tells the story of the discovery of the skeletons of the Halkets in -1758. Cf. Parkman, ii. 160; Galt’s _Life of Benj. West_ (1820), i. 64. -Some views illustrating the campaign are in _Harper’s Magazine_, xiv. -592, etc. - -[1135] “Poor Shirley was shot through the head,” wrote Major Orme. -Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, pp. 415, 417, where is a list -of officers. Various of young Shirley’s letters are in the _Penna. -Archives_, ii. - -[1136] Braddock’s remains are said to have been discovered about 1823 -by workmen engaged in constructing the National Road, at a spot pointed -out by an old man named Fossit, Fausett, or Faucit, who had been in the -provincial ranks in 1755. He claimed to have seen Braddock buried, and -to have fired the bullet which killed him. The story is not credited -by Sargent, who gives (p. 244) a long examination of the testimony. -(Cf. also _Hist. Mag._, xi. p. 141.) Lowdermilk (p. 187) says that -it was locally believed; so does De Hass in his _West. Virginia_, p. -128. Remains of a body with bits of military trappings were found, -however, on digging. A story of Braddock’s sash is told by De Hass, in -his _W. Virginia_, p. 129. In July, 1841, a large quantity of shot and -shell, buried by the retreating army, was unearthed near by. _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 231, etc. A picture of his grave was painted -in 1854 by Weber, and is now in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. Soc. -(Cf. its _Catal. of Paintings_, no. 66.) It is engraved in Sargent, -p. 280. Cf. Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, p. 334. Lowdermilk (pp. 188, -200) gives views of the grave in 1850 and 1877, with some account of -its mutations. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, ii. p. 1002. -A story obtained some currency that Braddock’s remains were finally -removed to England. De Hass, p. 112. - -[1137] See a subsequent page. - -[1138] _Inquiry into the Conduct of Maj.-Gen. Shirley._ - -[1139] Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, i. 538. - -[1140] _Penna. Archives_, vi. 333, 335. - -[1141] There are views of it in 1840 and 1844 in J. R. Simms’s -_Trappers of New York_ (1871), and _Frontiersmen of New York_ (Albany, -1882), pp. 209, 249; in W. L. Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, ii. 497; and -in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 286. - -[1142] See views of it in Gay, iii. p. 286; in Lossing’s _Field-Book of -the Rev._, i. p. 107, and _Scribner’s Monthly_, March, 1879, p. 622. - -[1143] “The loss of the enemy,” says Smith (_New York_, ii. 220), -“though much magnified at the time, was afterwards found to be less -than two hundred men.” - -[1144] See the English declaration in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 735. - -[1145] On his family see Daniel, _Nos Gloires_, p. 177. - -[1146] For the rejoicing of Shirley’s enemies, cf. Barry’s _Mass._, -ii. 212. Shirley had got an intimation of the purpose to supersede him -as early as Apr. 16, 1756. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 630.) He had some -strong friends all the while. - -Gov. Livingston undertook to show that the ill-success of the campaign -of 1755 was due more to jealousies and intrigues than to Shirley’s -incapacity. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 159.) “Except New York,” he -adds, “or rather a prevailing faction here, all the colonies hold -Shirley in very high esteem.” Franklin says: “Shirley, if continued in -place, would have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in -1756, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation -beyond comparison; for though Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was -sensible and sagacious in himself and attentive to good advice from -others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in -carrying them into execution.... Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad -of being relieved.” _Franklin’s Writings_ (Sparks’ ed.), i. p. 220-21. - -[1147] _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 165, June 5, 1756. - -[1148] Marshall’s _Washington_, i. 327. - -[1149] There seems to be some question if any massacre really took -place. (Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. p. 23.) - -[1150] Referring to the fall of Oswego, Smith (_New York_, ii. 236) -says: “The panic was universal, and from this moment it was manifest -that nothing could be expected from all the mighty preparations for the -campaign.” - -[1151] Parkman (i. p. 440) notes the sources of this commotion. - -[1152] Loudon had to this end held meetings with the northern governors -at Boston in January, and with the southern governors at Philadelphia -in March, 1757. Loudon’s correspondence at this time is in the Public -Record Office (_America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxv.), and is copied -in the Parkman MSS. When Loudon left with his 91 transports and five -men-of-war, he sent off a despatch-boat to England; and Jenkinson, on -the receipt of the message, wrote to Grenville, reflecting probably -Loudon’s reports, that “the public seem to be extremely pleased with -the secrecy and spirit of this enterprise.” _Grenville Corresp._, i. -201. - -[1153] Bancroft and those who follow him, taking their cue from Smith -(_Hist. of New York_), say that Loudon “proposed to encamp on Long -Island for the defence of the continent.” Parkman (ii. p. 2) points out -that this is Smith’s perversion of a statement of Loudon that he should -disembark on that island if head winds prevented his entering New York -bay, when he returned from Halifax. There seems to have been a current -apprehension of a certain ridiculousness in all of Loudon’s movements. -It induced John Adams to believe even then that the colonies could get -on better without England than with her. Cf. the _John Adams and Mercy -Warren Letters (Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections)_, p. 339. - -[1154] Plans of the fort and settlement at Schenectady during the war -are in Jonathan Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_ (1883), pp. 311, 316, -328: namely, one of the fort, by the Rev. John Miller (1695), from an -original in the British Museum; another of the town (about 1750-60); -and still another (1768). - -[1155] Chapter vii. - -[1156] Hutchinson (iii. 71) represents that Howe, in the confusion, -may have been killed by his own men. On Howe’s burial at Albany, and -the identification of his remains many years after, see Lossing’s -_Schuyler_, i. p. 155; Watson’s _County of Essex_, 88. He was buried -under St. Peter’s Church. Cf. Lossing, in _Harper’s Mag._, xiv. 453. - -[1157] Abercrombie’s engineer surveyed the French works from an -opposite hill, and pronounced it practicable to carry them by assault. -Stark, with a better knowledge of such works, demurred; but his -opinions had no weight. A view of the field of Abercrombie’s defeat is -given in Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 299. M. D’Hagues sent to the -Marshal de Belle Isle on account of the situation of Fort Carillon -[Ticonderoga] and its approaches, dated at the fort, May 1, 1758, which -is printed (in translation) in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 707; and in the -same, p. 720, is another description by M. de Pont le Roy, French -engineer-in-chief. - -The condition of the fort at the time of Abercrombie’s attack in 1758 -is well represented by maps and plans. Cf. the plan of this date in the -_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 721; and the French plan noted in the _Catal. of -the Library of Parliament_ (Toronto, 1858), p. 1621, no. 86. Bonnechose -(_Montcalm et le Canada_, p. 91) gives a French plan, “Bataille de -Carillon, d’après un Plan inédit de l’époque.” Jefferys engraved a -_Plan of town and fort of Carillon at Tyconderoga, with the attack made -by the British army commanded by General Abercrombie, 8 July, 1758_, -which Jefferys later included in his _General Topog. of North America -and the West Indies_, London, 1768, no. 38. Martin, _De Montcalm en -Canada_, p. 128, follows Jefferys’ draft. Hough in his edition of -_Pouchot_, p. 108, gives the plan of the attack as it appeared in -Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, London, 1772, p. 144; and from this it -is reproduced in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 726. - -[1158] When Pitt heard of Abercrombie’s defeat he wrote to Grenville: -“I own this news has sunk my spirits, and left very painful impressions -on my mind, without, however, depriving me of great hopes for the -remaining campaign.” _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 262. - -[1159] Most of the writers, following Bancroft, call him _Joseph -Forbes_; and Bancroft lets that name stand in his final revision. - -[1160] This paper in fac-simile is in a volume called _Monuments of -Washington’s Patriotism_ (1841). A portion of it is reproduced, but not -in fac-simile, in Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 314. - -[1161] Loyalhannon, _Parkman_; Loyal Hanna, _Bancroft_; Loyal Hannan, -_Irving_; Loyal Hanning, _Warburton_. - -[1162] The original MS. report of this conference appears in a sale -catalogue of Bangs & Co., N. Y., 1854, no. 1309. - -[1163] Speaking of Canada, John Fiske (_Amer. Polit. Ideas_, p. 55) -says of the effect of the bureaucracy which governed it that it “was -absolute paralysis, political and social,” and that in the war-struggle -of the eighteenth century “the result for the French power in America -was instant and irretrievable annihilation. The town meeting pitted -against bureaucracy was like a Titan overthrowing a cripple;” but he -forgets the history of that overthrow, its long-drawn-out warfare, -the part that the vastly superior population and the interior lines -and seaboard bases of supplies for the English played in the contest -to intensify their power, and the jealousies and independence of the -colonies themselves, which so long enabled the French to survive. Even -as regards the results of the campaign of 1759, the suddenness had -little of the inevitable in it, when we consider the leisurely campaign -of Amherst, and the mere chance of Wolfe surmounting the path at the -cove. It took the successes of these last campaigns to produce the -fruits of conquest, even at the end of a long conflict. - -[1164] A plan of Montresor’s for the campaign, dated N. Y., 29 Dec., -1758, is in _Penna. Archives_, vi. 433. - -[1165] Fort Schlosser had been erected in 1750. Cf. O. H. Marshall on -the “Niagara Frontier,” in _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ._, ii. 409. - -[1166] In August, Amherst was reporting sickness in his army from the -water at Ticonderoga, and demanding spruce-beer of his commissary. -(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 101.) - -[1167] See chapter vii. - -[1168] In a massive old building, the manor-house of the first Seigneur -of Beaufort (1634), which was destroyed in 1879. Cf. Lossing’s sketch -in _Harper’s Magazine_ (Jan., 1859), xviii. p. 180. - -[1169] Turcotte’s _Hist. de l’île d’Orléans_ (Quebec. 1867), ch. iii. - -[1170] Among the officers of the army and navy here acting together -were some who were later very famous,—Jervis (Earl St. Vincent), Cook, -the navigator, Isaac Barré, the parliamentary friend of America, Guy -Carleton, and William Howe, afterwards Sir William. - -[1171] This point is prominent in most views of Quebec from below -the town. Cf. Lossing, _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. 185, etc. -Montcalm was overruled by Vaudreuil, and was not allowed to entrench a -force at Point Levi, as he wished. Beatson’s _Naval and Mil. Memoirs_. - -[1172] The _Life of Cook_ gives some particulars of an exploit of -Cook in taking soundings in the river, preparatory to the attack from -Montmorenci. - -[1173] On the 2d, in a despatch to Pitt, he used a phrase, since -present to the mind of many a baffled projector, for when referring -to the plans yet to be tried, he spoke of his option as a “choice of -difficulties.” - -[1174] Wolfe’s Cove, as it has since been called. Views of it are -numerous. Cf. _Picturesque Canada_; Lossing’s _Field-Book_; and the -drawing by Princess Louise in Dent’s _Last forty years_, ii. 345. - -[1175] _Memoirs of Robert Stobo._ Cf. _Boston Post Boy_, no. 97; -_Boston Evening Post_, no. 1,258. Stobo had made his escape from Quebec -early in May, 1759. Cf. Montcalm’s letter in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.970. - -[1176] Montgomery, nearly twenty years later, with a similar task -before him, said, “Wolfe’s success was a lucky hit, or rather a series -of such hits; all sober and scientific calculations of war were against -him until Montcalm gave up the advantage of his fortress.” (Force’s -_Am. Archives_, iii. 1,638.) - -[1177] Sabine collates the various accounts of Wolfe’s death, believing -that Knox’s is the most trustworthy. The _Memoirs of Donald Macleod_ -(London), an old sergeant of the Highlanders, says that Wolfe was -carried from the field in Macleod’s plaid. There is an account of his -pistols and sash in the _Canadian Antiquarian_, iv. 31. - -Capt. Robert Wier, who commanded a transport, timed the firing from the -first to the last gun, and made the conflict last ten minutes. (_Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 307.) - -[1178] Doyle’s _Official Baronage_, iii. 543. - -[1179] A view or plan of this post is given in _Mémoires sur les -affaires du Canada_, 1749-60, p. 40. - -[1180] Dr. O’Callaghan (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 400) threw some doubt -on this statement, but it seems to be well established by contemporary -record (Parkman, ii. 441). The remains of Montcalm were disturbed in -digging another grave in 1833, but little was found except the skull, -which is still shown in the convent. (Miles’s _Canada_, p. 415.) See -the view in _Harper’s Magazine_, xviii. 192. - -[Illustration: HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM, WITH WOLFE’S MONUMENT.] - -Dalhousie, when governor, caused a monument, inscribed with the names -of both Wolfe and Montcalm, to be erected in the town. (Harper’s -Mag., xviii. 188; _Canadian Antiquarian_, vi. 176.) A monument near -the spot where Wolfe was struck down, and inscribed, “Here Wolfe died -victorious,” fell into a decay, which relic-seekers had helped to -increase (see a view of it in its dilapidated condition in Lossing’s -_Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 189), and was in 1849 replaced -by a monument surmounted with a helmet and sword, which is now seen by -visitors, and, beside repeating the inscription on the old one, bears -this legend: “This pillar was erected by the British army in Canada, -A. D. 1849, ... to replace that erected ... in 1832, which was broken -and defaced, and is deposited beneath.” (See views in _Harper’s Mag._, -xviii. p. 183.) A view of it from a sketch made in 1851 is annexed. -An account of these memorials, with their inscriptions, is given in -Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 211, with the correspondence which -passed between Pitt and the secretary of the French Academy respecting -an inscription which the army of Montcalm desired to place over his -grave in Quebec. (Cf. Martin, p. 216; Bonnechose, _Montcalm et Canada_, -App.; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, ii., App.; and Watson’s _County -of Essex_, p. 490.) - -Cf. also Lossing in _Harper’s Mag._, xviii. 176, 192, etc. - -[1181] The news which reached England from Murray did not encourage -the government to hope that Quebec could be saved. _Grenville -Correspondence_, i. 343. - -[1182] There is doubt where Rogers encamped,—the river “Chogage.” -Parkman in the original edition of his _Pontiac_ (1851, p. 147) called -it the site of Cleveland; but he avoids the question in his revised -edition (i. p. 165). Bancroft (orig. ed., iv. 361) and Stone, _Johnson_ -(ii. 132), have notes on the subject. Cf. also Chas. Whittlesey’s -_Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 90; and C. C. Baldwin’s _Early Maps of -Ohio_, p. 17. - -[1183] Parkman has a plan of Detroit, made about 1750 by the engineer -Léry. - -[1184] The _London Mag._ for Feb., 1761, had a map of the “Straits of -St. Mary, and Michilimakinac.” - -[1185] Here we find Bellomont’s correspondence (1698) with the French -governor as to the relations of the Five Nations to the English, -pp. 682, 690. Cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 367, 420; Shea’s -_Charlevoix_, v. 82; a tract, _Propositions made by the Five Nations of -Indians ... to Bellomont in Albany, 20th of July, 1698_ (N. Y., 1698), -containing the doings of Bellomont and his council on Indian affairs up -to Aug. 20, 1698. (Brinley, ii. 3,400.) The same vol. of _N. Y. Col. -Docs._ (ix.) gives beside a memoir (p. 701; also in _Penna. Archives_, -2d ser., vi. 45) on the encroachments of the English; conferences with -the Indians at Detroit (p. 704) and elsewhere in 1700; the ratification -of the treaty of peace at Montreal, Aug. 4, 1701 (p. 722); conferences -of Vaudreuil with the Five Nations in 1703 and 1705 (pp. 746, 767); -the scheme of seizing Niagara, 1706 (p. 773); Sieur d’Aigrement’s -instructions and report on the Western posts (p. 805); a survey (p. -917) of English invasion of French territory (1680-1723); a memoir (p. -840) on the condition of Canada (1709),—not to name others. - -For the period covered by the survey of this present chapter, these _N. -Y. Col. Docs._ give from the London archives papers 1693-1706 (vol. -iv.), 1707-1733 (vol. v.), 1734-1755 (vol. vi.), 1756-1767 (vol. vii.); -and from the Paris archives, 1631-1744 (vol. ix.), 1745-1778 (vol. x.). -The index to the whole is in vol. xi. See Vol. IV. pp. 409, 410. - -There has been a recent treatment of the relations of the English with -the Indians in Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, in which Philip -Schuyler is a central figure, during the latter end of the seventeenth -and for the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The book touches -the conferences in Bellomont’s and Nanfan’s time. Colden, who was -inimical to Schuyler, took exception to some statements in Smith’s _New -York_ respecting him, and Colden’s letters were printed by the N. Y. -Hist. Society in 1868. - -[1186] The biography of Cadillac has been best traced in Silas Farmer’s -_Detroit_, p. 326. He extended his inquiries among the records of -France, and (p. 17) enumerates the grants to him about the straits. -Cf. T. P. Bédard on Cadillac in _Revue Canadienne_, new ser., ii. -683; and a paper on his marriage in _Ibid._, iii. 104; and others by -Rameau, in _Ibid._, xiii. 403. The municipality of Castelsarrasin in -France presented to the city of Detroit a view of the old Carmelite -church—now a prison—where Cadillac is buried. An engraving of it is -given by Farmer. Julius Melchers, a Detroit sculptor, has made a statue -of the founder, of which there is an engraving in Robert E. Roberts’ -_City of the Straits_, Detroit, 1884, p. 14. - -Farmer (p. 221) gives a description of Fort Pontchartrain as built by -Cadillac, and (p. 33) a map of 1796, defining its position in respect -to the modern city. Cf. also Roberts’ _City of the Straits_, p. 40. The -oldest plan of Detroit is dated 1749, and is reproduced by Farmer (p. -32). Of the oldest house in Detroit, the Moran house, there are views -in Farmer (p. 372) and Roberts (p. 50), who respectively assign its -building to 1734 and 1750. - -Among the later histories, not already mentioned, reference may be made -to Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., vol. v. 154); E. Rameau’s _Notes historiques -sur la colonie canadienne de Détroit. Lecture prononcée à Windsor sur -le Détroit, comté d’Essex, C. W., 1^{er} avril, 1861_, Montréal, 1861; -Rufus Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, Chicago, -1880; and Marie Caroline Watson Hamlin’s _Legends of le Détroit, Illus. -by Isabella Stewart_, Detroit, 1884. These legends, covering the years -1679-1815, relate to Detroit and its vicinity. On p. 263, etc., are -given genealogical notes about the early French families resident -there. A brief sketch of the early history of Detroit by C. I. Walker, -as deposited beneath the corner-stone of the new City Hall in 1868, is -printed in the _Hist. Mag._, xv. 132. Cf. Henry A. Griffin on “The City -of the Straits” in _Mag. of Western History_, Oct., 1885, p. 571. - -[1187] See Vol. IV. p. 316. Shea’s volume is entitled: _Relation des -affaires du Canada, en 1696. Avec des lettres des Pères de la Compagnie -de Jésus depuis 1696 jusqu’en 1702_. (N. Y., 1865.) Contents: La guerre -contre les Iroquois; De la mission Iroquoise du Sault Saint François -Xavier en 1696, ex literis Jac. de Lamberville; De la mission Illinoise -en 1696, par le P. Gravier; Lettre du P. J. Gravier à Monseigneur -Laval, 17 sept., 1697; Lettre de M. de Montigni au Rev. P. Bruyas -[Chicago, 23 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. Gabriel Marest, 1700; Lettre du -P. L. Chaigneau sur le rétablissement des missions Iroquoises en 1702; -Relation du Destroit; Lettre du P. G. Marest [du pays des Illinois, 29 -avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Binneteau [du pays des Illinois, 1699]; -Lettre du P. J. Bigot [du pays des Abnaquis, 1699]. - -These papers illustrate affairs in the extreme west just at the opening -of the period we are now considering. Cf. also the “Mémoire sur le -Canada” (1682-1712) in _Collection de Manuscrits ... relatifs à la -Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, p. 551, etc. - -[1188] Letters (1703) from Cadillac to Count Pontchartrain (p. -101), and to La Touche (p. 133); the developments of Cadillac’s -defence in 1703 and later years (p. 142); Père Marest’s letter from -Michilimackinac in 1706 (p. 206); a letter of Cadillac in the same -year (p. 218), reports of Indian councils held at Montreal, Detroit, -and Quebec in 1707 (pp. 232, 251, 263); a letter of Cadillac to -Pontchartrain (p. 277) and D’Aigrement’s report on an inspection of -the posts (p. 280), both in 1708. Speeches of Vaudreuil and an Ottawa -chief, from a MS. brought from Paris by Gen. Cass, are printed in the -_Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Papers_, no. 8. These papers, as translated -by Whittlesey, pertaining to affairs about Detroit in 1706, are revised -by that gentleman and reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, p. 270. - -[1189] Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 257; Sheldon’s _Michigan_, 297. - -[1190] A memoir on the peace made by De Lignery, the commandant at -Mackinac, with the Indians in 1726 (p. 148); letters of Longueil, July -25, 1726 (p. 156), and Beauharnois, Oct. 1, 1726 (p. 156); a petition -of the inhabitants of Detroit to the Intendant in 1726, with Tonti’s -remonstrance (pp. 169, 175); a memoir of the king on the Indian war, -and another by Longueil on the peace (pp. 160, 165). - -[1191] Cf. ch. ii. Dudley’s speech in aid of the expedition is given in -the _Boston Newsletter_, no. 377, and his call of June 9, 1711, upon -New Hampshire to furnish its contingent appears in the _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, iii. 479. - -[1192] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 295; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.11; Cooke, -no. 2,544; Menzies, no. 2,026; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 63. - -[1193] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 166, 825; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.16; -6374.36. - -[1194] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167; Bost. Pub. Lib., H. 98.18. Cf. -also _Letter from an old whig in town ... upon the late expedition to -Canada_ [signed X. Z.], published at London in 1711. (Carter-Brown, -iii. no. 146; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.14.) - -[1195] _New England_, iv. 281, 282. - -[1196] Notwithstanding the failure of the expedition, Dudley issued a -Thanksgiving proclamation for other mercies, etc. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, -ii. 629. In general, see _Boston Newsletter_, nos. 379-81; Penhallow, -pp. 62-67; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 328; Hutchinson’s -_Massachusetts_, ii. 175, 180; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 277; v. 284; -ix., _passim_; Chalmers’ _Revolt_, etc., i. 349; Lediard’s _Naval -History_, 851; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 63; Palfrey’s _New England_, -iv. 278, etc., with references; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 106. The -tax for the expedition was the occasion of Thomas Maule’s _Tribute -to Cæsar, with some remarks on the late vigorous expedition against -Canada_, Philadelphia [1712]. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. -120. - -[1197] Vol. v. 238, 245, 247, 252. - -[1198] Cf. also Garneau, _Histoire de Canada_ (1882), ii. 48; -Juchereau, _Hist. de l’hôtel Dieu_; Grange de Chessieux, _La conduite -des Français justifiée_, and an edition of the same edited by -Butel-Dumont. - -[1199] The two volumes are edited, with an introduction, by R. -A. Brock. Bancroft had used these papers when owned by Mr. J. R. -Spotswood, of Orange County, Va. The MS. was carried to England by Mr. -G. W. Featherstonehaugh, and of his widow it was bought by the Virginia -Hist. Society in 1873. - -[1200] Mr. Brock refers to accounts of it in Hugh Jones’s _Present -State of Virginia_; the preface to Beverly’s _Virginia_; Campbell’s -_Virginia_; Slaughter’s _Hist. of Bristol Parish_; and in Slaughter’s -_St. Mark’s Parish_ is a paper on “The Knights of the Golden -Horseshoe,” crediting the diary of John Fontaine, which he reprints (it -is also in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, N. Y., 1872, p. 281), with giving -the most we know of the expedition. Cf. also J. Esten Cooke’s _Stories -of the Old Dominion_, N. Y., 1879; and W. A. Caruthers’ _Knights of -the Horseshoe_. Slaughter also gives a map of Spotswood’s route from -Germanna to the Shenandoah. - -Palmer, the editor of the _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_ (p. -lix.), could find nothing official throwing light on this expedition. - -[1201] Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. 296, 329. - -[1202] It is printed in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 19. The treaty between Keith -and the Five Nations at Albany, Sept., 1722, was printed that year in -Philadelphia, as were treaties at a later date at Conestogoe (May, -1728) and Philadelphia (June, 1728), made with the Western Indians. -Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 189, 356. There were reports in -1732 of the French being then at work building near the Ohio “a fort -with loggs” (_Penna. Archives_, i. 310), and delivering speeches to the -Shawanese (_Ibid._, p. 325). - -[1203] Cf. C. C. Royce on the identity and history of the Shawnees in -_Mag. of West. History_, May, 1885, p. 38. - -[1204] Walker’s _Athens Co., Ohio_, p. 5. - -[1205] Printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 49, and in the -_N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 885. - -[1206] The Ohio was the division between Canada and Louisiana. Cf. Du -Pratz, Paris, 1758, vol. i. 329. - -[1207] _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, vols. i. and iii. (p. 141). - -[1208] _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, octavo ed., i. p. 15. - -[1209] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 163, 319; ii. 407. It was printed in -English by Franklin in 1757. (_Franklin’s Works in the Boston Public -Library_, p. 40.) A journal of his mission to the Ohio Indians in 1748 -is given in the _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. (1853) p. 23. Cf. T. J. -Chapman in _Mag. of West. Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 631. - -[1210] There is an abstract of Trent’s Journal in Knapp’s _Maumee -Valley_, p. 23. - -[1211] _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 85. Cf. Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, -ii. 296, and Mr. Russel Errett on the Indian geographical names along -the Ohio and the Great Lakes in the _Mag. of West. Hist._, 1885. - -[1212] C. C. Baldwin’s _Indian Migrations in Ohio_, reprinted from the -_Amer. Antiquarian_, April, 1879; _Mag. of West. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. -41; Hiram W. Beckwith’s paper on the _Illinois and Indiana Indians_, -which makes no. 27 of the _Fergus Historical Series_. It includes -the Illinois, Miamis, Kickapoos, Winnebagoes, Foxes and Sacks, and -Pottawatomies. Cf. Davidson and Struvé’s _Hist. Illinois_, 1874, ch. -iv., and the reference in Vol. IV. p. 298. - -[1213] _Pontiac_, i. 32. - -[1214] W. R. Smith’s _Wisconsin_, i. p. 60. Cf. also Breese’s _Early -Hist. of Illinois_. The more restricted application of this term is -seen in a “plan of the several villages in the Illinois country, -with a part of the River Mississippi, by Thomas Hutchins;” showing -the position of the old and new Fort Chartres, which is in Hutchins’ -_Topographical Description of Virginia_, etc. (London, 1778, and -Boston, 1787), and is reëngraved in the French translation published -by Le Rouge in Paris, 1781. This same translation gives a section of -Hutchins’ large map, showing the country from the Great Kenawha to -Winchester and Lord Fairfax’s, and marking the sites of Forts Shirley, -Loudon, Littleton, Cumberland, Bedford, Ligonier, Byrd, and Pitt. -Logstown is on the north side of the Ohio. The portages connecting the -affluents of the Potomac with those of the Ohio are marked. The map -is entitled: _Carte des environs du Fort Pitt et la nouvelle Province -Indiana, dediée à M. Franklin_. The province of Indiana is bounded by -the Laurel Mountain range, the Little Kenawha, the Ohio, and a westerly -extension of the Northern Maryland line, being the grant in 1768 to -Samuel Wharton, William Trent, and George Morgan. - -[1215] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 325. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 266) -says “there was only an entry in the books of the secretary for Indian -affairs,” and the surrender “through negligence was not made by the -execution of a formal deed under seal.” Cf. _French encroachments -exposed, or Britain’s original right to all that part of the American -continent claimed by France fully asserted.... In two letters from a -merchant retired from business to his friend in London._ London, 1756. -(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,115.) - -[1216] James Maury in 1756, referring to Evans’ map, says, “It is but -small, not above half as large as Fry and Jefferson’s, consequently -crowded. It gives an attentive peruser a clear idea of the value of the -now contested lands and waters to either of the two competitor princes, -together with a proof, amounting to more than a probability, that he -of the two who shall remain master of Ohio and the Lakes must in the -course of a few years become sole and absolute lord of North America.” -Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 387. T. Pownall’s _Topographical description -of such parts of North America as are contained in the (annexed) map -of the British middle colonies, etc., in North America_ (London, -1776) contains Evans’ map, pieced out by Pownall, and it reprints -Evans’ preface (1755), with an additional preface by Pownall, dated -Albemarle Street (London), Nov. 22, 1775, in which it is said that -the map of 1755 was used by the officers during the French war, and -served every practicable purpose. He says Evans followed for Virginia -Fry and Jefferson’s map (1751), and that John Henry’s map of Virginia, -published by Jefferys in 1770, enabled him (Pownall) to add little. -For Pennsylvania Evans had been assisted by Mr. Nicholas Scull, who in -1759 published his map of Pennsylvania, and for the later edition of -1770 Pownall says he added something. As to New Jersey, Pownall claims -he used the drafts of Alexander, surveyor-general, and that he has -followed Holland for the boundary line between New Jersey and New York. -Pownall affirms that Holland disowned a map of New York and New Jersey -which Jefferys published with Holland’s name attached, though some -portions of it followed surveys made by Holland. What Pownall added -of New England he took from the map in Douglass, correcting it from -drafts in the Board of Trade office, and following for the coasts the -surveys of Holland or his deputies. Pownall denounces the “late Thomas -Jefferys” for his inaccurate and untrustworthy pirated edition of the -Evans map, the plate of which fell into the hands of Sayer, the map -publisher, and was used by him in more than one atlas. - -[1217] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 330. - -[1218] This deed is in Pownall’s _Administration of the Colonies_, -London, 1768, p. 269. - -[1219] Evans’ map of 1755 is held to embody the best geographical -knowledge of this region, picked up mainly between 1740 and 1750. The -region about Lake Erie with the positions of the Indian tribes, is -given from this map, in Whittlesey’s _Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 83. -This author mentions some instances of axe-cuts being discovered in the -heart of old trees, which would carry the presence of Europeans in the -valley back of all other records. - -There are stories of early stragglers, willing and unwilling, into -Kentucky from Virginia, after 1730. Collins, _Kentucky_, i. 15; Shaler, -_Kentucky_, 59. A journey of one John Howard in 1742 is insisted on. -Kercheval’s _Valley of Virginia_, 67; Butler’s _Kentucky_, i., introd.; -_Memoir and Writings of J. H. Perkins_, ii. 185. - -[1220] _Five Nations._ - -[1221] _Administration of the Colonies._ - -[1222] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 326. - -[1223] This has been reprinted as no. 26 of the _Fergus Hist. Series_, -“with notes by Edward Everett;” certain extracts from a notice of -the address, contributed by Mr. Everett to the _No. Amer. Review_ in -1840, being appended. A recent writer, Alfred Mathews, in the _Mag. -of Western History_ (i. 41), thinks the Iroquois conquests may have -reached the Miami River. Cf. also C. C. Baldwin in _Western Reserve -Hist. Tracts_, no. 40; and Isaac Smucker in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -June, 1882, p. 408. - -J. H. Perkins (_Mem. and Writings_, ii. 186) cites what he considers -proofs that the Iroquois had pushed to the Mississippi, but doubts -their claim to possess lands later occupied by others. - -Franklin’s recapitulation of the argument in favor of the English claim -is in Sparks’ _Franklin_, iv. 324; but Sparks (_Ibid._, iv. 335) allows -it is not substantiated by proofs, and enlarges upon the same view in -his _Washington_, ii. 13. - -[1224] Colden’s official account of this conference and treaty was -printed in Philadelphia the same year by Benjamin Franklin: _A Treaty -held at the Town of Lancaster in Pennsylvania by the Honourable the -lieutenant governor of the Province, and the Commissioners for the -provinces of Virginia and Maryland, with the Indians of the Six -Nations in June, 1744_. There is a copy in Harvard College library -[5325.38]. Quaritch priced a copy in 1885 at £6. 10_s._ Cf. Barlow’s -_Rough List_, no. 879; Brinley, iii. no. 5,488; Carter-Brown, iii. -785, with also (no. 784) an edition printed at Williamsburg the same -year. There was a reprint at London in 1745. It was included in later -editions of Colden’s _Five Nations_. Cf. J. I. Mombert’s _Authentic -Hist. of Lancaster County_, 1869, app. p.51. The journal of William -Marshe, in attendance on the commissioners, is printed in the _Mass. -Hist. Collections_, vii. 171. Cf. Wm. Black’s journal in _Penna. Mag of -Hist._, vols. i. and ii. Black was the secretary of the commission, and -his editor is R. A. Brock, of Richmond. Stone, in his _Life of Sir Wm. -Johnson_, i. 91, gives a long account of the meeting. See the letter of -Conrad Weiser in Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 316, wherein he gives his -experience (1714-1746) in observing the characteristics of the Indians. -Weiser was an interpreter and agent of Pennsylvania, and a large -number of his letters to the authorities during his career are in the -_Penna. Archives_, vols. i., ii., and iii. The _Brinley Catal._, iii. -p. 105, shows various printed treaties with the Ohio Indians of about -this time. Those that were printed in Pennsylvania are enumerated in -Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 852, 870, 907, etc.; and those -printed by Franklin, as most of them were, are noted in the _Catal. of -Works relating to Benjamin Franklin in the Boston Public Library_, p. -39. - -[1225] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 134. - -[1226] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,099; Carter-Brown, iii. -1,092. The French posts north of the Ohio in 1755, according to the -_Present State of North America_, published that year in London, were -Le Bœuf and Venango (on French Creek), Duquesne, Sandusky, Miamis, St. -Joseph’s (near Lake Michigan), Pontchartrain (Detroit), Michilmackinac, -Fox River (Green Bay), Crèvecœur and Fort St. Louis (on the Illinois), -Vincennes, Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and at the mouths of the Wabash, Ohio, -and Missouri. A portion of Gov. Pownall’s map, showing the location -of the Indian villages and portages of the Ohio region, is given in -fac-simile in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. Cf. map in _London Mag._, -June, 1754; Kitchin’s map of Virginia in _Ibid._, Nov., 1761; and his -map of the French settlements in _Ibid._, Dec., 1747. - -James Maury (1756) contrasts the enterprise of the French in acquiring -knowledge of the Ohio Valley with the backwardness of the English. -Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 394. - -Smith (_New York_, ii. 172), referring to the period of the alarm of -French encroachments on the Ohio, speaks of its valley as a region “of -which, to our shame, we had no knowledge except by the books and maps -of the French missionaries and geographers.” - -A tract called _The wisdom and policy of the French, ... with -observations on disputes between the English and French colonists in -America_ (London, 1755) examines the designs of the French in their -alliance with the Indians. - -[1227] Beauharnois’ despatches about Oswego begin in 1728 (_N. Y. Col. -Docs._, ix. 1,010). That same year Walpole addressed a paper on the -two posts to the French government, and with it is found in the French -archives a plan of Oswego, “fait à Montreal 17 Juillet, 1727, signé -De Lery.” The correspondence of Gov. Burnet and Beauharnois is in -_Ibid._, ix. p. 999. The plan just named is also in the _Doc. Hist. N. -Y._, vol. i., in connection with papers respecting the founding of the -post. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 273) holds that the French purpose -to demolish the works at Oswego in 1729 caused a reinforcement of the -garrison, which deterred them from the attempt. Smith says of the -original fort there that its situation had little regard to anything -beside the pleasantness of the prospect. Burnet, the New York governor, -exerted himself to destroy the trade between Albany and Montreal, and -the report of a committee which he transmitted to the home government -is printed in Smith’s _New York_ (Albany, 1814 ed., p. 246); but in -1729 the machinations of those interested in the trade procured the -repeal of the restraining act. (_Ibid._, 274; cf. Smith, vol. ii. -(1830) p. 97.) At a late day (1741) there is an abstract of despatches -to the French minister respecting Oswego in the _Penna. Archives_ (2d -ser., vi. 51), and a paper on the state of the French and English on -Ontario in 1743 is in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 227. - -[1228] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 386. - -[1229] O. H. Marshall on the Niagara frontier, in the _Buffalo Hist. -Soc. Publications_, vol. ii. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 268) says -that “Charlevoix himself acknowledges that Niagara was a part of the -territory of the Five Nations; yet the pious Jesuit applauds the French -settlement there, which was so manifest an infraction of the treaty of -Utrecht.” - -A view of the neighboring cataract at this period is given by Moll on -one of his maps (1715), and is reproduced in Cassell’s _United States_, -i. 541. - -[1230] Of the occupation of Crown Point by the French, Smith (_New -York_, 1814, p. 279) says: “Of all the French infractions of the treaty -of Utrecht, none was more palpable than this. The country belonged -to the Six Nations, and the very spot upon which the fort stands is -included within the patent to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany, -granted in 1696.” Again he says (p. 280): “The Massachusetts government -foresaw the dangerous consequences of the French fort at Crown Point, -and Gov. Belcher gave us the first intimation of it.” It was not till -1749 that there were reports that the French were beginning to plant -settlers about Crown Point. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 20.) Jefferys -published a map showing the grants made by the French about Lake -Champlain. - -The English fort at Crown Point was built farther from the lake than -the earlier French inconsiderable work. Chas. Carroll (_Journal to -Canada_ in 1776, ed. of 1876, p. 78) describes its ruins at that -time,—-the result of an accidental fire. - -[1231] W. C. Watson’s _Hist. of the County of Essex_, Albany, 1869, ch. -iii. - -[1232] _N. Y. Col. Docs._ ix. 1,041, etc. - -[1233] _Hist. Documents_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1840. - -[1234] A translation of Weiser’s journal on this mission is in the -_Penna. Hist. Col._, i. 6. - -[1235] Pierre Margry has two articles in the _Moniteur Universel_, and -a chapter, “Les Varennes de Vérendrye,” in the _Revue Canadienne_, -ix. 362. The Canadian historian, Benjamin Sulte, has a monograph, -_La Vérendrye_, a paper, “Champlain et la Vérendrye,” in the _Revue -Canadienne_, 2d ser., i. 342, and one on “Le nom de la Vérendrie” in -_Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes_, ii. p. 5. The Rev. Edw. D. Neill has -a pamphlet, _Le Sieur de la Vérendrye and his sons, discoverers of the -Rocky Mountains by way of Lakes Superior and Winnipeg_, Minneapolis, -1875. Cf. also Garneau, _Hist. du Canada_, 4th ed., ii. 96. - -In the Kohl Collection (no. 128) of the Department of State there are -copies of three maps in illustration. The first is a MS. map by La -Vérendrye, preserved in the Dépôt de la Marine, “donnée par Monsieur -de la Galissonière, 1750,” which Kohl places about 1730, showing the -country, with portages, forts, and trading posts, between Lake Superior -and Hudson’s Bay. The second (no. 129) is an Indian map made by -Ochagach, likewise in the Marine. Kohl supposes it to have been carried -to Europe by La Vérendrye, who used it in making the map first named. -The third map (no. 130), also in the same archives, is inscribed: -_Carte des nouvelles découvertes dans l’ouest du Canada et des nations -qui y habitent; Dressée, dit-on, sur les Mémoires de Monsieur de la -Véranderie, mais fort imparfaite à ce gu’il m’a dit. Donnée au Dépôt de -la Marine par Monsieur de la Galissonière en 1750_. - -[1236] Cf. _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, iii. 197; _Hist. Mag._, i. 295; -Joseph Tassé on “Charles de Langlade” in _Revue Canadienne_, v. 881, -and in his _Les Canadiens de l’ouest_, Montreal, 1878 (p. 1, etc.); -also M. M. Strong, in his _Territory of Wisconsin_ (Madison, 1885), p. -41. - -[1237] It will be found in Beatson’s _Naval and Military Memoirs_, p. -144, and in the _Amer. Magazine_, i. pp. 381-84. - -[1238] Conrad Weiser’s letter, Sept. 29, 1744, in _Penna. Archives_, i. -661. - -[1239] Smith’s _New York_, ii. p. 71. - -[1240] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 22, etc. - -[1241] Hildeburn, _Cent. of Printing_, no. 959; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. -289, etc.; Brinley, iii. no. 5,490. Stone, _Life of Johnson_, i. ch. -iv., gives a long account. There was about the same time (1745-47) a -plot laid by Nicholas, a Huron, to exterminate the French in the West. -Knapp’s _Maumee Valley_, p. 14. Smith (_New York_, ii. 35) gives an -account of the conference of Aug., 1746. - -[1242] Lord John Russell, in his introduction to the _Bedford -Correspondence_, i. p. xlviii., says: “Had the Duke of Bedford been -allowed to order the sailing of the expedition, it is most probable the -conquest of Canada would not have been reserved for the Seven Years’ -War; but the indecision or timidity of the Duke of Newcastle delayed -and finally broke up the expedition.” A representation of the Duke of -Bedford and others upon the reduction of Canada, made March 30, 1746, -is in _Bedford Corresp._, i. 65. - -[1243] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,161; Stevens, -_Bibl. Geog._, no. 1,835. - -[1244] Brinley, i. 61. Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, i. 190. - -[1245] _Bedford Correspondence_, i. 285. There was a treaty with the -Ohio Indians at Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1747 (Hildeburn, no. 1,110); and -another at Lancaster in July, 1748, for admitting the Twightwees into -alliance. (_Ibid._, no. 1,111.) - -[1246] In addition to the references there given, note may be taken of -a paper on the expedition, by O. H. Marshall, in the _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, ii. 129 (Mar., 1878), with reference to the original documents -in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 189, and in the _Penna. Archives_, -2d ser., vi. 63. Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. 43. On his plates, -see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Jan., -1878, p. 52; and _Mag. of Western History_, June, 1885, p. 207. A -representation of a broken plate found at the mouth of the Muskingum -River, in 1798, is given in S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the -Ohio Valley_, Cincinnati, 1848, p. 20, with the inscription on the one -found at the mouth of the Kenawha in 1846 (p. 23). An account of the -Muskingum plate was given by De Witt Clinton in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Trans._, ii. 430. Its defective inscription is given in the _Mémoires -sur les Affaires du Canada_, p. 209. Cf. Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. -430. Other fac-similes of these plates can be seen in _Olden Time_, p. -288; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 611; Egle’s _Pennsylvania_ (p. 318; also -cf. p. 1121); De Hass’s _Western Virginia_, p. 50. - -The places where the plates were buried are marked on a map preserved -in the Marine at Paris, made by Père Bonnecamps, who accompanied -Céloron. It shows eight points where observations for latitude were -taken, and extends the Alleghany River up to Lake Chautauqua. It is -called _Carte d’un voyage, fait dans la belle rivière en la Nouvelle -France, 1749, par le reverend Père Bonnecamps, Jesuite mathématicien_. -There is a copy in the Kohl Collection, in the Department of State at -Washington. - -Kohl identifies the places of burial as follows: Kananouangon (Warren, -Pa.); Rivière aux bœufs (Franklin, Pa.); R. Ranonouara (near Wheeling); -R. Yenariguékonnan (Marietta); R. Chinodaichta (Pt. Pleasant, W. Va.); -R. à la Roche (mouth of Great Miami River). - -There are two portages marked on the map: one from Lake Chautauqua to -Lake Erie, and the other from La Demoiselle on the R. à la Roche to -Fort des Miamis on the R. des Miamis, flowing into Lake Erie. - -In the annexed sketch of the map, the rude marks of the fleur-de-lis -show “les endroits ou l’on enterré des lames de plomb;” the double -daggers “les latitudes observées;” and the houses “les villages.” - -The map has been engraved in J. H. Newton’s _Hist. of the Pan Handle, -West Virginia_ (Wheeling, 1879), p. 37, with a large representation of -a plate found at the mouth of Wheeling Creek (p. 40). - -Spotswood in 1716 had taken similar measures to mark the Valley of -Virginia for the English king. John Fontaine, who accompanied him, says -in his journal: “The governor had graving irons, but could not grave -anything, the stones were so hard. The governor buried a bottle with a -paper enclosed, on which he writ that he took possession of this place, -and in the name of and for King George the First of England.” Maury’s -_Huguenot Family_, p. 288. - -[1247] The home government ordered Virginia to make this grant to the -Ohio Company. In 1749, 800,000 acres were granted to the Loyal Company. -In 1751 the Green Briar Company received 100,000 acres. Up to 1757, -Virginia had granted 3,000,000 acres west of the mountains. - -[1248] _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. 272. The American Revolution ended the -company’s existence. See _ante_, p. 10; also Rupp’s _Early Hist. -Western Penna._, p. 3; Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 26; Sparks’s -_Washington_, ii., app.; Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 336. - -[1249] This treaty was made June 13, 1752. The position of Logstown is -in doubt. Cf. _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. p. 6. It appears on the map in -Bouquet’s _Expedition_, London, 1766. Cf. De Hass’s _West. Virginia_, -70. - -[1250] _Ante_, p. 10. - -[1251] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 516, and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, -vii. 267, etc. - -[1252] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 31. William Smith, in 1756, spoke of the -French “seizing all the advantages which we have neglected.” (_Hist. of -N. York_, Albany, 1814, Preface, p. x.) - -[1253] This plan is also reproduced in Hough’s ed. of Pouchot, ii. 9; -in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, 70; in the papers on -the early settlement of Ogdensburg, in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 430. - -[1254] Translated in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, -p. 85, where will be found an account of the mission (p. 49), and a -view of it (p. 17) after the English took possession. De la Lande’s -“Mémoires” of Piquet are in the _Lettres Édifiantes_, vol. xv., and -there is an abridged version in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ The Canadian -historian, Joseph Tassé, gives an account of Piquet in the _Revue -Canadienne_, vii. 5, 102. - -[1255] _Travels_, London, 1771, ii. 310. - -[1256] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 205, May 15, 1750. - -[1257] _Penna Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 108. - -[1258] A paper in _Hist. Mag._, viii. 225, dwells on the impolicy of -the French government in superseding Galissonière. - -[1259] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220. - -[1260] Stone’s _Johnson; Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. - -[1261] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 734; x. 239, etc. - -[1262] _Ibid._, vi. 738. - -[1263] _Ibid._, vi. 614-39. - -[1264] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 123, 125. - -[1265] Sedgwick’s _William Livingston_, p.99; Parkman’s _Montcalm and -Wolfe_, i. p. 54. - -[1266] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,149; Parkman, _Montcalm and -Wolfe_, i. 85. Cf. Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 71, 330; _Contest in North -America_, p. 36, etc. - -[1267] Thomson, nos. 449, 940. Thomas Cresap writes in 1751, “Mr. -Muntour tells me the Indians on the Ohio would be very glad if the -French traders were taken, for they have as great a dislike to them as -we have, and think we are afraid of them, because we patiently suffer -our men to be taken by them.” Palmer’s _Calendar of Virginia State -Papers_, p. 247. - -[1268] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. ch. v. - -[1269] His foot-notes indicate the particular papers on which he -depends among the Parkman MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, as -well as papers in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 806, 835, etc., x. 255, -and in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_, v. 659. Cf. papers -on the French movements in the Ohio Valley in 1753, in the _Mag. of -Western Hist._, Aug., 1885, p. 369; and T. J. Chapman on “Washington’s -first public service,” in Mag. of Amer. Hist., 1885, p. 248, and on -“Washington’s first campaign,” in _Ibid._, Jan., 1886. - -[1270] Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 259, note. - -[1271] Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 450. - -[1272] _Sparks’s Catal._, p. 224; also Sparks’s _Washington_, i. -48, ii. p. x. Sparks considered that these papers “filled up the -chasm occasioned by the loss of Washington’s papers” in the Braddock -campaign. Referring to Washington’s letters during the French war, -Sparks (ii., introd.) says that Washington, twenty or thirty years -after they were written, caused them to be copied, after he had revised -them, and it is in this amended condition they are preserved, though -several originals still exist. In his reply to Mahon (Cambridge, 1852, -p. 30) Sparks says that this revision by Washington showed “numerous -erasures, interlineations, and corrections in almost every letter,” -probably meaning in those whose originals are preserved. With the -canons governing Sparks as an editor, this revision was followed in his -edition of _Washington’s Writings_; but the historian regrets, as he -reads the record in Sparks’s volumes, that the Washington of the French -war has partly disappeared in the riper character which he became after -he had known the experiences of the American Revolution. - -[1273] _The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor -of the Colony of Virginia_, 1751-58, Richmond, 1883-84, 2 vols. - -[1274] Brinley, ii. no. 4,189, a copy which brought $560. Though -described as in “the original marble wrapper,” it did not have a map, -as the copy noted in the _Carter-Brown Catal._ (iii. 1,033) does, -though this may have been added from the London reprint of the same -year, which had “a new map of the country as far as the Mississippi.” -This map is largely derived from Charlevoix. Trumbull, in noting this -reprint (Brinley, ii. 4,190), implies that the original edition did -not have a map, which may be inferred from what Washington says of -its being put hurriedly to press, after he had had only a single day -to write it up from his rough notes. This London reprint is also in -the Carter-Brown library (iii. no. 1,034), and Thomson’s _Bibliog. of -Ohio_ (no. 1,187) records sales of it as follows: (1866) Morrell, $46; -(1867) Roche, $49; (1869) Morrell, $40; (1870) Rice, $52; (1871) Bangs -& Co., $28; (1875) Field, $30; (1876) Menzies, $48. The Brinley copy -brought $80. Cf. Rich., _Bib. Amer. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 105; Field, -_Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,623; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. no. 1,618; -F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 310, £7 10_s._ Sabin reprinted the London -edition in 1865 (200 copies, small paper), and other reprints of the -text are in Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 432-447; in I. Daniel Rupp’s -_Early History of Western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of Western -Expeditions and Campaigns, from 1754 to 1833. By a gentleman of the -bar. With an appendix containing the most important Indian Treaties, -Journals, Topographical Descriptions_, etc. Pittsburgh, 1846, p. 392; -in the appendix to the _Diary of Geo. Washington_, 1789-91, ed. by B. -J. Lossing, pp. 203-248, with notes by J. G. Shea, N. Y., 1860, and -Richmond, 1861; and in Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the -North West_, app., 1-30, Chicago, 1880. - -Stevens (_Hist. Coll._, i. p. 131) says the “original autograph of -Washington’s Journal” is in the Public Record Office in London. - -St. Pierre’s letter to Dinwiddie was also printed in the _London -Magazine_, June, 1754. This and the allied correspondence are in the -_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 164, etc.; and in Lossing’s ed. of -_Washington’s Diaries_. - -The letter of Holdernesse to the governors of the English colonies, -authorizing force against the French, is in Sparks’s _Franklin_, iii. -251. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter (July 5, 1754) urging resistance to -French encroachments, with the comments of the Lords of Trade, is in -the _New Jersey Archives_, viii. pp. 292, 294; where will also be found -Robinson’s letter (Oct. 26, 1754) urging enlistments (_Ibid._, Part ii. -p. 17.) - -[1275] _Washington_, ii. 7. - -[1276] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 233. - -[1277] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 23; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. -1,051, with an erroneous note; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 809; -Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 761. - -[1278] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,122-24. - -[1279] Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 762. - -[1280] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,151; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. -264. - -[1281] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 24; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,162; -Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 811, 812. It was reprinted in 1757 in -Philadelphia. Thomson, no. 810; Hildeburn, _Century of Printing_, i. -1,537. - -[1282] Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._ (1870), no. 1,383; Carter-Brown, -iii. 1,229; Sabin, xii. 51,661. - -[1283] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,167; Cooke, no. 2,904; Sabin, x. p. -412; Murphy, no. 1,510; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 944. It is also -reprinted in _Olden Time_, vol. ii. 140-277 (Field, no. 1,052), and in -Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 55, etc. - -[1284] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 155. - -[1285] Parkman also characterizes as “short and very incorrect” the -abstract of it which is printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. x. - -[1286] Cf. letter of Contrecœur in the _Précis des Faits_; in Pouchot’s -_Mémoire sur la dernière Guerre_, i. p. 14 (also Hough’s translation); -in _Le Politique Danois, ou l’ambition des Anglais demasquée par leurs -Pirateries_, Copenhagen, 1756 (Stevens, _Bibliotheca Geographica_, -no. 2,212; Sabin, xv. no. 63,831); in _Histoire de la Guerre contre -les Anglois_ (Geneva, 1759, two vols.), attributed to Puellin de -Lumina, who speaks of “le cruel Washington;” in Thomas Balch’s _Les -Français en Amérique_ (p. 45); in Dussieux’s _Le Canada sous la -domination Française_, 118; in Gaspe’s _Anciens Canadiens_, 396. -There are other particular references given by Parkman. Garneau’s -account and inferences in his _Histoire du Canada_ are held to be -strictly impartial. Jumonville’s loss is noted in the _Collection de -Manuscrits_, etc. (Quebec, 1884), vol. iii. p. 521. - -[1287] Poole’s _Index_ refers to the following: “Washington and the -death of Jumonville,” by W. T. Anderson, in _Canadian Monthly_, i. -p. 55; “Washington and the Jumonville of M. Thomas,” in _Historical -Magazine_, vi. 201. The “Jumonville” of Thomas was a poem published -in 1759, reflecting severely on Washington, and may be found in -_Œuvres de Thomas, par M. Saint-Surin_, v. p. 47. Peter Fontaine -represents the current opinion among the English, as to Jumonville’s -action, when he says that the French “were in ambush in the woods -waiting for” Washington. (Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 361.) It is not -necessary to particularize the references to Smollett, and Mahon, -Marshall’s _Washington_, Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, and -other obvious books; though something of local help will be found -in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland, Maryland, from 1728 -up to the present day, embracing an account of Washington’s first -campaign, and battle of Fort Necessity, with a history of Braddock’s -expedition_, etc., Washington, 1878. Sargent also goes over the events -in the introduction to his _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 43, etc., and -epitomizes the account by Adam Stephen in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, -no. 1,343. - -[1288] _Col. Rec. of Penna._, vi. 195. - -[1289] A view of the fort is noted in the _Catal. of Paintings, -Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1872, no. 64. A diagram of Fort Necessity and its -surroundings, from a survey made in 1816, is given in Lowdermilk’s -_Cumberland_, p. 76. A plan of the attack is in Sparks’s _Washington_, -i. 56. De Hass (_Western Virginia_, 63, 65) says that in 1851 the -embankments of the fort could be traced; and that at one time a -proposition had been made to erect a monument on the site. - -[1290] _Washington_, ii. 456-68. - -[1291] Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_. Cf. also _Penna. Archives_, ii. -146; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 260; Walpole’s _Mem. of the Reign of George -II._, 2d ed., i. p. 399. - -[1292] “It is a constant maxim among the Indians that if even they can -speak and understand English, yet when they treat of anything that -concerns their nation, they will not treat but in their own language.” -Journal of John Fontaine in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 273. - -[1293] Henry Reed added to Mahon’s account in the Amer. ed. of that -historian (1849), ii. 307. There is a detailed account in Lowdermilk’s -_Cumberland_, p. 77. - -[1294] _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 55; Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. -331. The _Enquiry_ has a map of the country, and the second journal -of Christian Frederic Post. The book was reprinted in Philad. in -1867. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 1145, 1146; Barlow’s _Rough -List_, no. 951, 952; H. C. lib., 5325.44.) Parkman (_Pontiac_, i. 85) -refers to Thomson’s tract “as designed to explain the causes of the -rupture, which took place at the outbreak of the French war, and the -text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents.” -Referring to a copy with MS. notes by Gov. Hamilton, Parkman says -that the proprietary governor cavils at several unimportant points, -but suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged. Cf. _Several -Conferences between ... the Quakers and the Six Indian Nations in order -to reclaim their brethren the Delaware Indians from their defection_, -Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756. (Brinley, iii. 5,497.) - -[1295] J. M. Lemoine epitomizes Stobo’s career in his _Maple Leaves_, -new series, 1873, p. 55. - -[1296] These articles are also in Livingston’s _Review of Mil. -Operations_, etc.; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 146; De Hass’s _Western -Virginia_, p. 67; S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley_, -p. 36; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 459. - -[1297] _History of an expedition against Fort Du Quesne, in 1755, -under Edward Braddock. Ed. from the original MSS._, Phila., 1855. -_Contents_:—Preface. Introductory memoir, pp. 15-280; Capt. [Robert] -Orme’s journal, pp. 281-358; Journal of the expedition, by an unknown -writer, in the possession of F. O. Morris, pp. 359-389; Braddock’s -instructions, etc., pp. 393-397; Letter by Col. Napier to Braddock, pp. -398-400; Fanny Braddock [by O. Goldsmith], pp. 401-406; G. Croghan’s -statement, pp. 407, 408; French reports of the action of the 9th July, -1755, pp. 409-413; Ballads, etc., pp. 414-416; Braddock’s last night in -London, pp. 417, 418; Index, pp. 419-423. Sargent was born in 1828, and -died in 1870. _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1872, p. 88. - -[1298] Cf. _Catal. of Sparks MSS._, under vol. xliii., no. 4, for the -same. - -[1299] Cf. letter dated Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755, given in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, xviii. 153, with list of officers killed; also in -_Hist. Mag._, viii. 353 (Nov., 1864); and in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, -p. 180. It describes the flight of the army. - -[1300] Keppel’s letter to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia, is in the -_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Jan., 1886, p. 489. - -[1301] Also in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 203 (cf. 2d series, vi. -211), and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 920. In _Olden Time_, ii. 217, will -be found a re-Englished form of these instructions, taken from a -French version of them, which the French government published from the -original, captured among Braddock’s baggage. - -[1302] Second ed., 1870, i. 101. - -[1303] Orig. ed., iv. 184-192; final revision, ii. 420. - -[1304] _Life and Writings of Washington_, vol. i., Memoir, and vol. -ii. 16-26, 68-93, 468. Sparks also encountered the subject in dealing -with Franklin, for the Autobiography of Franklin (_Franklin’s Works_, -ed. Sparks, i. 183,—some errors pointed out, p. 192; Bigelow’s ed., p. -303) gives some striking pictures of the confidence of Braddock and the -assurance of the public, the indignation of Braddock towards what he -conceived to be the apathy if not disloyalty of the Pennsylvanians, and -the assistance of Franklin himself in procuring wagons for the army (in -which he advanced money never wholly repaid,—_Franklin’s Works_, vii. -95). On this latter point, see Sargent, p. 164; and _Penna. Archives_, -vol. ii. 294. - -Neville B. Craig’s _Washington’s First Campaign, Death of Jumonville, -and taking of Fort Necessity; also Braddock’s Defeat and the March of -the unfortunate General explained by a Civil Engineer_, Pittsburgh, -1848, is made up of papers from Mr. Craig’s monthly publication, _The -Olden Time_, published in Pittsburgh in 1846-1848, and reprinted in -Cincinnati in 1876. It had a folded map of Braddock’s route, repeated -in the work first named. Many of these _Olden Time_ papers are -reprinted in the _Virginia Historical Register_, v. 121. - -The full title of Craig’s periodical was _The Olden Time; a monthly -publication devoted to the preservation of documents and other -authentic information in relation to the early explorations and the -settlement of the country around the head of the Ohio_. (Cf. Thomson’s -_Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 280, 892, 893; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. -381.) Thomson refers to a similar publication of a little earlier date: -_The American Pioneer. A Monthly Periodical, devoted to the objects -of the Logan Historical Society; or to Collecting and Publishing -Sketches relative to the Early Settlement and Successive Improvement -of the Country. Edited and Published by John S. Williams_. Vol. i., -Chillicothe, 1842; vol. ii., Cincinnati, 1843. After the removal of -the place of publication to Cincinnati, vol. i. was reprinted, which -accounts for the fact that in many copies vol. i. is dated Cincinnati, -1844, and vol. ii. 1843. The publication was discontinued at the end of -no. 10, vol. ii. It contains journals of campaigns against the Indians, -narratives of captivity, incidents of border warfare, biographical -sketches, etc. The Logan Historical Society was first organized on July -28, 1841, at Westfall, Pickaway County, near the spot where Logan, -the Mingo chief, is said to have delivered his celebrated speech. -The society flourished for two or three years. Mr. Williams was the -secretary of the society. An attempt was again made in 1849 to revive -the society, without success. - -[1305] _Life of Washington_, i. ch. xiv. - -[1306] For 1755, pp. 378, 426. The first intelligence which Gov. Morris -sent to England was from Carlisle, July 16. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 379. - -[1307] The latest local rendering is in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of -Cumberland (Maryland) from 1728, embracing an account of Washington’s -first campaign, with a history of Braddock’s expedition, etc. With maps -and illustrations_. Washington, D. C., 1878. It is only necessary to -refer to such other later accounts as Hutchinson’s _Mass._, iii. 32; -Chalmers’ _Revolt_, ii. 275; Marshall’s _Washington_; Grahame’s _United -States_; Mahon’s _England_, vol. iv.; Hildreth’s _United States_, ii. -459-61; Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. ch. 15; J. E. Cooke’s _Virginia_, p. -344; A. Matthews in the _Mag. of Western History_, i. 509; Viscount -Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_ (ii. p. 237), who quotes largely -from a despatch which he found in the Archives de la Guerre (Carton -marked “1755, Marine”). - -[1308] _Letters_ (1755), and _Mem. Geo. II._, i. 190. - -[1309] _Apology for her Life._ - -[1310] Capt. Bilkum in the _Covent Garden Tragedy_, 1732. - -[1311] See a single letter in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p. -502, dated June 11, 1755. - -[1312] Braddock, at a later stage, was supplied with Evans’ map, for -acquiring a knowledge of the Ohio Valley. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 309, -317. There is in the Faden collection (Library of Congress), no. 4, -“Capt. Snow’s sketch of the country [to be traversed by Braddock] -by himself and the best accounts he could receive from the Indian -tribes,”—a MS. dated 1754, with also Snow’s original draft (no. 5). - -[1313] Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 349. Gov. Sharpe’s letter on this -council is printed in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. 454. - -[1314] A plan of Fort Cumberland, 1755, from a drawing in the King’s -Maps (Brit. Museum), is given in Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland_, -p. 92. (Cf. Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. p. 448.) A lithographic view -(1755), in Lowdermilk’s _Hist. of Cumberland_, is given in a reduced -wood-cut in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. p. 458. - -[1315] Cf. a memoir and portrait of St. Clair by C. R. Hildeburn, in -the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1885, p. 1. - -[1316] _America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxii. - -[1317] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 91-94. Cf. _Letter to the people of -England on the present situation and conduct of national affairs_ -(London, 1755). Sabin, x. no. 40,651. - -[1318] See letter from Camp on Laurel Hill, July 12, 1755, on the -defeat, in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 160. In the _Penna. Mag. of History_, iii. -p. 11, is a MS. Newsletter by Daniel Dulany, dated Annapolis, Dec. 9, -1755, giving the current accounts. - -[1319] Parkman notes (p. 221) as among his copies a letter of Gov. -Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, from the Public Record Office -(_Amer. and W. Indies_, lxxxii.); a report of the court of inquiry into -the behavior of the troops at the Monongahela; Burd to Morris, July 25; -Sinclair to Robinson, Sept. 3, etc. - -[1320] The sermon was printed in Philad., and reprinted in London -in 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,763; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,409; Brinley, i. -218.) There are other symptoms of the time in another sermon of the -same preacher, Oct. 28, 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,757.) Cf. Tyler, _Amer. -Literature_, ii. p. 242; and W. H. Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_ -(Phil., 1850), pp. 157, 284. See further on Davies (who was later -president of Princeton College) and his relations to current events in -Sprague’s _Annals_, iii.; John H. Rice’s memoir of him in the _Lit. -and Evangelical Mag._; Albert Barnes’ “Life and Times of Davies,” -prefixed to _Davies’ Works_ (N. Y., 1851); and David Bostwick’s memoir -of him accompanying Davies’ fulsome _Sermon on the Death of George II._ -(Boston, 1761). - -[1321] _America and West Indies_, lxxxii. Cf. the statement of loss -in _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iii. 544, and in Sargent, -p. 238. The list of Braddock’s killed and wounded, as reported in -the _Gentleman’s Mag._, Aug., 1755, is reprinted in Lowdermilk’s -_Cumberland_, p. 164. There is among the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xlviii.) -a paper, apparently contemporary, giving the British loss, in which -Washington is marked as “wounded.” - -[1322] It is signed T. W., and is dated Boston, Aug. 25, 1755. -There were other editions the same year at Bristol and London. Cf. -Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,039, 1,120; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, -no. 182; Sabin, iii. no. 12,320, x. no. 40,382; Brinley, i. no. 213; -Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.46. The _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,749, -says the T. W. was “probably Timothy Walker, afterwards chief justice -of the Common Pleas in Boston.” - -[1323] Hildeburn, i. no. 1,479. - -[1324] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,038; Thomson, no. 106; Sabin, ii. 7,210. - -[1325] _Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d ed., ii. 29. - -[1326] The book, which is very rare, was published at Lexington, -Ky., in 1799. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,438; Thomson, _Bibliog. -of Ohio_, 1,055.) It was reprinted in Cincinnati, in 1870 “with an -appendix of illustrative notes by W. M. Darlington,” as no. 5 of the -_Ohio Valley Historical Series_. (Field, no. 1,440.) It was reprinted -at Philad. in 1831, since dated 1834. (Brinley, iii. 5,570.) The author -published an abstract of it in his _Treatise on the mode and manner -of Indian war_, Paris, Ky., 1812. (Field, no. 1,439.) Parkman calls -the earlier book “perhaps the best of all the numerous narratives of -captives among the Indians.” - -There is a sketch of Col. James Smith in J. A. M’Clung’s _Sketches -of Western Adventure_ (Dayton, Ohio, 1852). There have been other -reprints of the _Remarkable Occurrences_ in Drake’s _Tragedies of -the Wilderness_ (Boston, 1841); in J. Pritt’s _Mirror of Olden Time -Border Life_ (Abingdon, Va., 1849); in James Wimer’s _Events in Indian -History_ (Lancaster, 1841); and in the _Western Review_, 1821, vol. -iv. (Lexington, Ky.). These titles are noted at length in Thomson’s -_Bibliog. of Ohio_. - -[1327] They are: 1. “Relation du combat du 9 juillet, 1755.” - -2. “Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec, jusqu’au 30 du -mois de septembre, 1755.” - -3. Lettre “de Monsieur Lotbinière à Monsieur le Comte d’Argenson, au -Camp de Carillon, le 24 oct., 1755.” - -[1328] One hundred copies printed. - -[1329] _Contents._—Notice sur D. H. M. L. de Beaujeu [par J. G. Shea]; -Relation de l’action par Mr. de Godefroy; Relation depuis le départ des -trouppes de Québec jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755; Relation -de l’action par M. Pouchot; Relation du combat tirée des archives du -Dépôt général de la guerre; Relation officielle, imprimée au Louvre; -Relation des diuers mouvements qui se sont passés entre les François -et les Anglois, 9 juillet, 1755; État de l’artillerie, munitions de -guerre et autres effets appartenant aux Anglais qui se sont trouvés -sur le champ de bataille; Lettre de M. Lotbinière, 24 octobre 1755; -Extraits du registre du Fort Du Quesne. (Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, -no. 1,394.) Shea also edited in the Cramoisy series (100 copies), as -throwing some light on the battle and its hero Beaujeu, _Registres des -baptesmes et sepultures qui se sont faits au Fort Du Quesne pendant les -années 1753, 1754, 1755, & 1756_. _Nouvelle York_, 1859. (iv. 3-51 pp.) -An English translation of this by Rev. A. A. Lambing has been published -at Pittsburgh. - -Cf. the French account printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. -256, and the statement of the captured munitions (p. 262). Cf. _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, x. 303, 311. Parkman (app. to vol. ii. 424) brings forward -the official report of Contrecœur to Vaudreuil, July 14, 1755, and -(p. 425) a letter of Dumas, July 24, 1756, written to explain his own -services, both of which Parkman found in the Archives of the Marine -at Paris. It has sometimes been held that Beaujeu, not Contrecœur, -commanded the post. (_Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1859, iii. p. 274.) Parkman -(i. p. 221) also notes other papers among his own MSS. (copies) now in -the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. There is something to be gleaned from the -_Mass. Archives, Doc. collected in France_ (cf. vol. ix. 211), as well -as from the documents copied in Paris for the State of New York (vol. -xi., etc.). - -Maurault, in his _Histoire des Abénakis_ (1866), gives a chapter to -“les Abénakis à la bataille de la Mononagahéla.” The part which Charles -Langlade, the partisan chief, took is set forth in Tassé’s _Notice sur -Charles Langlade_ (in _Revue Canadienne_ originally), in Anburey’s -_Travels_, and in Draper’s “Recollections of Grignon” in the _Wisconsin -Hist. Coll._, iii. - -[1330] Vol. i. p. 38. - -[1331] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. p. 11. - -[1332] _N. Jersey Archives_, 1st ser., viii. 294. The colony was -finally alarmed through fear the enemy would reach her borders. -_Ibid._, viii., Part 2d, pp. 158, 174, 179, 182, 201. - -[1333] _Hist. of Maryland_, i. 459. - -[1334] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 218. - -[1335] Sargent, in picturing the condition of society which thus -existed, finds much help in Joseph Doddridge’s _Notes of the Settlement -and Indian wars of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, -1763-1783, with a view of the state of society and manners of the first -settlers of the western country_, Wellsburgh, Va., 1824. (Sargent, -_Braddock’s Exped._, p. 80; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 331.) -Doddridge was reprinted, with some transpositions, in Kercheval’s -_Hist. of the Valley of Virginia_ (Winchester, 1833, and Woodstock, -1850,—Thomson, nos. 668-9); and verbatim at Albany in 1876, edited -by Alfred Williams, and accompanied by a memoir of Doddridge by his -daughter (Thomson, no. 332). - -Another monograph of interest in this study is John A. M’Clung’s -_Sketches of Western Adventure ... connected with the Settlement of -the West from 1755 to 1794_, Maysville, Ky., 1832. Some copies have -a Philadelphia imprint. There were editions at Cincinnati in 1832, -1836, 1839, 1851, and at Dayton in 1844, 1847, 1852, 1854. An amended -edition, with additions by Henry Waller, was printed at Covington, Ky., -1872. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 745-749.) - -Of some value, also, is Wills De Hass’s _History of the Early -Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia, previous to 1795_, -Wheeling, 1851. (Thomson, no. 318.) - -[1336] James Maury gives a contemporary comment on this harassing -of the frontiers. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 403. Samuel Davies -pictures them in his _Virginia’s Danger and Remedy_ (Williamsburg, -1756). - -[1337] _Penna. Archives,_, ii. 600; _Le Foyer Canadien_, iii. 26; -Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 137. - -These murderous forays can be followed in the correspondence of -Washington (1756); in the _Col. Recs. of Penna._, vii.; _Penna. -Archives_, ii.; Hazard’s _Penna. Reg._; and in the French documents -quoted by Parkman, i. pp. 422-26. There is a letter of John Armstrong -to Richard Peters in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p. 500; and -local testimony in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, 616, 714, 764, 874, 1,008; -Rupp’s _Northumberland County_, etc., ch. v. and vi.; Newton’s _Hist. -of the Panhandle, West. Va._ (Wheeling, 1879); Kercheval’s _Valley -of Virginia_, ch. vii., etc.; U. J. Jones’s _Juniata Valley_ (Phil., -1876); J. F. Meginness’ _Otzinachson, or the West Branch Valley of -the Susquehanna_ (Phil., 1857, p. 62); Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. -470-492; Hand Browne’s _Maryland_, 226. - -There is record of the provincial troops of Pennsylvania employed in -these years in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. ii. In February, -1756, Governor Morris wrote to Shirley, describing the defences he had -been erecting along the borders. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 569.) There is -in _Ibid._, xii. p. 323, a list of forts erected in Pennsylvania during -this period. The enumeration shows one built in 1747, one in 1749, two -in 1753, seven in 1754, eleven in 1755, twenty-one in 1756, three in -1757, three in 1758, and one in 1759. Plans are given of Forts Augusta -at Shamokin, Bedford at Raystown, Ligonier at Loyalhannon, and Pitt at -Pittsburgh. - -In 1756, William Smith (_Hist. New York_, 1814, p. 243) says that -William Johnson, within nine months after the arrival of Braddock, -received £10,000 to use in securing the alliance and pacification of -the Indians. - -There was published in London in 1756 an _Account of conferences and -treaties between Sir William Johnson and the chief Sachems, etc., -on different occasions at Fort Johnson, in 1755 and 1756_ (Brinley, -iii. no. 5,495), and in New York and Boston in 1757 a _Treaty with -the Shawanese on the west branch of the Susquehanna River, by Sir Wm. -Johnson_ (Sabin, xv. 65,759). - -[1338] Irving’s _Washington_, i. p. 192, etc. A map of the region under -Washington’s supervision, with the position of the forts, is given in -Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 110. The journal of John Fontaine describes -some of the forts in the Virginia backwoods. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, -245, etc. - -[1339] Parkman, i. 351. - -[1340] The book was first published in London in 1759. (Carter-Brown, -iii. 1,217.) Sparks, in reprinting it in his edition of _Franklin’s -Works_, ii. p. 107, examines the question of Franklin’s relations to -its composition and publication. The book had an appendix of original -papers respecting the controversy. The copy which belonged to Thomas -Penn is in the Franklin Collection, now in Washington. (_U. S. Doc._, -no. 60.) Cf. _Catal. of Franklin Books in Boston Public Library_, p. 8. - -[1341] Dr. Franklin and the Rev. William Smith are said to have had -a hand in _A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania, in which -the conduct of their assemblies for several years past is impartially -examined_, London, 1755. (Rich, _Bibl. Americana Nova_ (after 1700), -p. 111; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 1,070; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. -1,082, 1,133; Brinley, ii. no. 3,034; Cooke, no. 2,007; a third edition -bears date 1756. It was reprinted by Sabin in N. Y. in 1865.) The -purpose of this tract was (in the opinion of the Quakers) to make them -obnoxious to the British government by showing their factious spirit -of opposition to measures calculated to advance the interests of the -province; and on the other side, _An Answer to an invidious pamphlet -entitled A Brief State_, etc., said to be by one Cross, was published -the same year in London. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,083; Cooke, no. -2,008; Brinley, ii. 3,035; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 111.) -A sequel to the _Brief State_, etc., appeared in London in 1756 as _A -Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania for the year 1755, so far -as it affected the service of the British Colonies, particularly the -Expedition under the late General Braddock_ (Carter-Brown, iii. no. -1,132; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 1,072; Cooke, no. 2,006; Brinley, -ii. 3,036; Menzies, 1,580-82; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, 1,446; Barlow’s -_Rough List_, no. 937), which included an account of the contemporary -incursions of the Indians along the Pennsylvania frontiers. A French -version was printed in Paris the same year, under the title of _Etat -présent de la Pensilvanie_ (Brinley, i. 225; Murphy, 329; Quaritch, -1885, no. 29,677, £2 10_s._). The Barlow _Rough List_, no. 930, assigns -it to the Abbé Delaville. It had “une carte particulière de cette -colonie.” - -The Quakers found a defender in _An humble apology for the Quakers, -occasioned by certain gross abuses and imperfect vindications of that -people, ... to which are added Observations on A Brief View, and a much -fairer method pointed out than that contained in The Brief State, to -prevent the encroachments of the French_, London, 1756. (Brinley, ii. -3,041.) The latest contribution to this controversy was _A True and -Impartial State of the Province of Pennsylvania_, Philadelphia, 1759. -(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,232; Brinley, ii. 3,040; Cooke, no. 2,009.) -Hildeburn (_Century of Printing_, i. no. 1,649) says it was thought to -be by Franklin. Parkman (i. p. 351) calls this “an able presentation -of the case of the assembly, omitting, however, essential facts.” This -historian adds: “Articles on the quarrel will also be found in the -provincial newspapers, especially the _New York Mercury_, and in the -_Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1755 and 1756. But it is impossible to get -any clear and just view of it without wading through the interminable -documents concerning it in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_ and -the _Pennsylvania Archives_.” - -Parkman also traces the rise of the disturbance in his _Pontiac_, i. p. -83; and refers further to Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, app., and Hazard’s -_Penna. Reg._, viii. 273, 293, 323. - -[1342] _Works_, vii. pp. 78, 84, 94, etc. - -[1343] Georg Henry Loskiel, _Geschichte der mission der Evangelischen -Brüder unter den Indianern in Nordamerica_, Leipzig, 1789 (Thomson, -_Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 732), and the English version by Christian -Ignatius La Trobe, _History of the Missions of the United Brethren_, -London, 1794. The massacre is described in Part iii. p. 180. (Thomson, -no. 733.) - -John Heckewelder, _Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren -among the Delaware and Mohegan Indians_, 1740-1808, Philadelphia, 1820. -(Thomson, no. 537; cf. _Hist. Mag._, 1875, p. 287.) There is also a -chapter on “the brethren with the commissioner of Pennsylvania during -the Indian war of 1755-57,” in the _Memorials of the Moravian Church_, -ed. by William C. Reichel (Philad., 1870), vol. i. (Field, _Indian -Bibliog._, no. 1,270.) - -[1344] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 485. - -[1345] Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 357; and Franklin’s _Autobiography_, -Bigelow’s ed., p. 319. Franklin drafted the militia act of -Pennsylvania, which was passed Nov. 25, 1755. (_Gentleman’s Mag._, -1756, vol. xxvi.) In Nov., 1755, Gov. Belcher informs Sir Thomas -Robinson of expected forays along the western borders of Virginia and -Pennsylvania. (_New Jersey Archives_, viii., Part 2d, 149.) Even New -Jersey was threatened (_Ibid._, pp. 156, 157, 158, 160, where the -Moravians are called “snakes in the grass”), and Belcher addressed -the assembly (_Ibid._, p. 162), and, Nov. 26, ordered the province’s -troops to march to the Delaware (_Ibid._, p. 174). On Dec. 16 he again -addressed the assembly on the danger (p. 193). - -[1346] Cf. Thomson’s _Alienation of the Delawares_, etc.; Heckewelder’s -_Acc. of the Hist. of the Indian Nations_, Phil., 1819; in German, -Göttingen, 1821; in French, Paris, 1822; revised in English, with -notes, by W. C. Reichel, and published by _Penna. Hist. Soc._, 1876. -(Details in Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 533-36.) - -[1347] _Administration of the Colonies_, ii. 205. - -[1348] The statement is copied in Mills’ _Boundaries of Ontario_, p. 3. - -[1349] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, xiii., introduction; Dr. C. H. Hall’s _The -Dutch and the Iroquois_, N. Y., 1882,—a lecture before the Long -Island Hist. Society. In Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_ there is a -map of their country, with the distributions of 1720, based on modern -cartography. The Tuscaroras, defeated by the English in Carolina, -had come north, and had joined the Iroquois in 1713, or thereabouts, -converting their usual designation with the English from Five to Six -Nations. - -[1350] Cf. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 386, etc. Various letters of -Shirley are in the _Penna. Archives_, vol. ii., particularly one to -De Lancey, June 1, 1755 (p. 338), on the campaign in general, and one -from Oswego, July 20 (p. 381), to Gov. Morris. William Alexander wrote -letters to Shirley detailing the progress of the troops from May onward -(p. 348, etc.). - -[1351] Especially one of Sept. 8, “in a wet tent” (p. 402). A letter -from Shirley himself, the next day, Sept. 9, is in the _N. H. Prov. -Papers_, vi. 432. Cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 956. The records of -the two councils of war, first determining to continue, and later to -abandon, the campaign, with Shirley’s announcement of the decision to -Gov. Hardy, are in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 413, 423, 427, 435. - -[1352] Cf. also _Gent. Mag._, 1757, p. 73; _London Mag._, 1759, p. 594. -Cf. Trumbull’s _Connecticut_, ii. 370, etc. - -[1353] See particularly for this fight vol. i. 501. Stone treats the -subject apologetically on controverted points. Cf. Field, _Indian -Bibliog._, no. 1,511. Johnson’s letter to Hardy is given in _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, vi. p. 1013. - -[1354] Various books may be cited for minor characterizations of -Johnson: Mrs. Grant’s _Memoirs of an American Lady_; J. R. Simms’ -_Trappers of New York, or a biography of Nicholas Stoner and Nathaniel -Foster, and some account of Sir William Johnson and his style of -living_ (Albany, 1871, with the same author’s _Schoharie County_, ch. -iv.), called _Frontiersmen of New York_ in the second edition,—works -of little literary skill; Ketchum’s _Buffalo_ (1864). Parkman’s first -sketch was in his _Pontiac_ (i. p. 90). Mr. Stone has also a paper in -_Potter’s Amer. Monthly_, Jan., 1875. Cf. _Lippincott’s Mag._, June, -1879, and Poole’s _Index_, p. 694. His character in fiction is referred -to in Stone’s _Johnson_, i. p. 57. - -Peter Fontaine, in 1757, wrote: “General Johnson’s success was owing -to his fidelity to the Indians and his generous conduct to his Indian -wife, by whom he has several hopeful sons.” Ann Maury’s _Huguenot -Family_, p. 351. - -William Smith (_New York_, ii. 83), who knew Johnson, speaks of his -ambition “being fanned by the party feuds between Clinton and De -Lancey,” Johnson attaching himself to Clinton. - -[1355] Many of these which cover Johnson’s public career have been -printed in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (vol. ii. p. 543, etc.), and_ Penna. -Archives_, 2d ser., vol. vi., not to name places of less extent. - -[1356] Cf. _An account of conferences held and treaties made between -Maj.-Gen. Sir Wm. Johnson, Bart., and the Chief Sachems and Warriours -of the Indian nations_, Lond., 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,119; -Stevens’ _Hist. Coll._, i. 1,455; Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.48.) -Johnson’s views on measures necessary to be taken with the Six Nations -to defeat the designs of the French (July, 1754) are in _Penna. -Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 203. - -As early as 1750-51, Johnson was telling Clinton that the French -incitement of the Iroquois was worse than open war, and that the only -justification for the French was that the English were doing the same -thing. - -[1357] _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 422. - -[1358] _Ibid._, p. 421. - -[1359] _Ibid._, p. 429. - -[1360] Haven (Thomas, _Hist. Printing_, ii. p. 526) notes it as printed -at the time separately in a three-page folio as a _Letter dated at -Lake George, Sept. 9, 1755, to the governours of the several colonies -who raised the troops on the present expedition, giving an account of -the action of the preceding day_. There is a copy of a two-page folio -edition in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Dr. O’Callaghan, in the -_Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (ii. 691), copies it from the _Gent. Mag._, vol. -xxiv., and gives a map (p. 696) from that periodical, which is annexed -herewith. - -[1361] Wraxall’s letter, Sept. 10, p. 1003; a gunner’s letter, p. 1005; -and a list of killed and wounded, p. 1006. - -[1362] Shirley’s commission to Johnson, and his instructions are given -in the app. of Hough’s ed. of _Rogers’ Journal_, Albany, 1883. - -[1363] There is an account of Blanchard’s New Hampshire regiment by -C. E. Potter, in his contribution, “Military Hist. of New Hampshire, -1623-1861” (p. 129), which makes Part i. of the 2d vol. of the _Report -of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H._ for 1866. Cf. also _N. H. Revolutionary -Rolls_, Concord, 1885, vol. i. A second N. H. regiment, under Col. -Peter Gilman, was later sent. (_Ibid._, p. 144.) Col. Bagley, who -commanded the garrison left in Fort William Henry the following -winter, had among his troops the N. H. company of Capt. Robert Rogers. -(_Ibid._, p. 156.) - -[1364] _Mass. Bay_, iii. 36. - -[1365] _The Mass. Archives_ attest this; cf. also _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, -ii. 667, 677. Out of a reimbursement of £115,000 made by Parliament -to be shared proportionately, Massachusetts was given £54,000 and -New York £15,000, while Connecticut got £26,000,—Rhode Island, New -Hampshire, and New Jersey the rest. (Parkman, i. 382.) The rolls which -show the numbers of troops which Massachusetts sent on the successive -“Crown Point expeditions,” 1755-60, are in the _Mass. Archives_, vols. -xciii.-xcviii. - -[1366] The friends of Gen. Lyman were angry at Johnson for his neglect -in his report to give him any share of the credit of the victory. -Cf. Fowler’s _Hist. of Durham, Conn._, 108; Coleman’s _Lyman Family_ -(Albany, 1872), p. 204. A letter from Gen. Lyman to his wife is given -by Fowler, p. 133. - -[1367] Parkman (vol. i. p. 327) touches on this unpleasantness, -referring to _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vols. vi. and vii., Smith’s _Hist. of -New York_, and Livingston’s _Review of Military Operations_; and adds -that both Smith and Livingston were personally cognizant of the course -of the dispute. - -[1368] Cf. vol. i. pp. 174, 182, 184, etc. They include Pomeroy’s -account of the fight of Sept. 8, 1755, addressed to his wife; a letter -of Perez Marsh, dated at Lake George, Sept. 26, 1755; and a list of the -killed, wounded, and missing in Col. Williams’ regiment in the same -action, with a summary of the killed in the whole army, 191 in all. - -[1369] They are from Albany, June 6, 1755, July 12; from the carrying -place, Aug. 14, 17, 23; from Lake George, Sept. 11, 26, Oct. 8, 19, -Nov. 2; from Albany, June 19, 1756; from Stillwater, July 16; from -Albany, July 31, August 25, 28; Sept. 2. - -[1370] Printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1863, p. -346, etc. - -[1371] Stone’s _Johnson_, i. 523. - -[1372] Samuel Blodget’s _Prospective plan of the battle near Lake -George, on the eighth day of September, 1755, with an explanation -thereof; containing a full, tho’ short History of that important -affair_, was engraved by Thomas Johnston, and published in Boston by -Richard Draper, 1755. (Brinley, i. 209.) The size of the plate is -14×18 inches, and the text is called _Account of the engagement near -Lake George, with a whole sheet plan of the encampment and view of the -battle between the English and the French and Indians_ (4to, pp. 5). -It is dedicated to Gov. Shirley. A copy belonging to W. H. Whitmore is -at present in the gallery of the Bostonian Society, Old State House, -Boston. It was reëngraved (“not very accurately,” says Trumbull) by -Jefferys in London, and was published Feb. 2, 1756, accompanied by -_An Explanation ... by Samuel Blodget, occasionally at the Camp, -when the battle was fought_. (Sabin, ii. 5,955; Harv. Coll. library, -5325.45.) Jefferys inserted the plate also in his _General Topog. of -North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. It was from Jefferys’ -reproduction that it was repeated in Bancroft’s _United States_ (orig. -ed., iv. 210); in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. United States_, iii. p. 288; in -_Doc. Hist. New York_, iv. 169; and in Dr. Hough’s ed. of _Pouchot_. -The plate shows two engagements, with a side chart of the Hudson from -New York upwards: _first_, the ambuscade in which Williams and Hendrick -were killed; and _second_, the attack of Dieskau on the hastily formed -breastwork at the lake. The plate, as engraved by Jefferys, is entitled -_A prospective View of the Battle fought near Lake George on the 8th of -Sep^r, 1755, between 2,000 English and 250 Mohawks under the Command of -Gen^l Johnson, and 2,500 French and Indians under the Command of Genl -Dieskau, in which the English were victorious, captivating the French -General, with a number of his men, killing 700 and putting the rest to -flight_. - -[1373] The annexed fac-simile is after a copy of this print in the -library of the American Antiquarian Society. - -[1374] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,068; Harvard Coll. lib., 4376.37. - -[1375] Haven (in Thomas), ii. 525, who assigns it to Samuel Cooper. It -was reprinted in London, 1755. Brinley, i. no. 214. - -[1376] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 725. Other editions: Dublin, -1757; New England, 1758; New York, 1770. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. -1,166, 1,762; Cooke, no. 2,146; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 944. It is -reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 67. Cf. estimate of the book in -Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. 222. - -Stone, _Life of Johnson_, i. 202, says that the coincidences between -passages in this letter and others in William Smith’s _Hist. of New -York_ are so striking as to warrant the conclusion that Smith must have -had a share in the _Review_. - -Sedgwick (_Wm. Livingston_, p. 114) says: “Allowance is to be made -for its bitter attacks upon the character of De Lancey, Pownall, -and Johnson.” William Smith, alleged to have been a party to its -production, says: “No reply was ever made to it; it was universally -read and talked of in London, and worked consequences of private and -public utility. General Shirley emerged from a load of obloquy.” De -Lancey (Jones’ _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 436) holds that, while -Livingston was doubtless cognizant of its publication, its real author -was probably William Smith. - -[1377] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,196; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25. It is -sometimes ascribed to William Alexander, Earl of Stirling. - -[1378] The histories have usually stated that Dieskau was mortally -wounded, and Bancroft (_United States_, iv. 207), in his original -edition speaking of him as “incurably wounded,” has changed it in his -final revision (vol. ii. 435) to “mortally wounded,”—hardly true in -the usual acceptation of the word, since Dieskau lived for a dozen -years, though his wounds were indeed the ultimate cause of his death. - -[1379] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. p. 11. - -[1380] Vol. i. 115. - -[1381] Cf. further Entick, i. 153; Hutchinson, iii. 35; Smith’s _New -York_, ii. 214; Minot, i. 251; Trumbull’s _Conn._, ii. 368; Palfrey, -Compend. ed., iv. 217; Gay, iii. 283; Barry, ii. 191, etc.; and among -local authorities, Holland’s _Western Mass._; Holden’s _Queensbury_, -p. 285; Palmer’s _Lake Champlain_; Watson’s _Essex County_ (1869), ch. -iv.; De Costa’s _Hist. of Fort George_ (New York, 1871; also Sabin’s -_Bibliopolist_, iii. _passim_, and ix. 39.) - -As to Hendrick, see Schoolcraft’s _Notes of the Iroquois_; Campbell’s -_Annals of Tryon County_; N. S. Benton’s _Hist. of Herkimer County_, -ch. i. - -Rev. Cortlandt Van Rensselaer delivered a centennial address at -Caldwell in 1855, which is in his _Sermons, Essays, and Addresses_ -(Philad., 1861), and Stone (i. 547) makes extracts regarding the -grave and monument of Williams. Joseph White delivered a discourse -on Williams before the alumni of Williams College in 1855. Cf. the -histories of that college. - -_A Ballad concerning the fight between the English and French at Lake -George_, a broadside in double column, was published at Boston in 1755. -(Haven, in Thomas, ii. 523.) Parkman (i. 317) cites another, “The -Christian Hero,” in _Tilden’s Poems_, 1756. - -[1382] What he hoped of the campaign is expressed in his letter to -Doreil, Aug. 16 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 311). Dieskau’s commission -and instructions (Aug. 15, 1755) from the home government, as well as -Vaudreuil’s instructions to him, are in _Ibid._, x. 285, 286, 327, and -in the original French in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iii. p. 548. - -[1383] Here also (pp. 381, 397), as well as in the _Penna. Archives_, -2d ser., vi. 341, will be found the usual annual reports of -“occurrences” transmitted to Paris. - -[1384] Printed in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. p. 1, as is also -a letter of Dieskau from the English Camp (p. 5), and a letter of -Montreuil of Sept. 18 (p. 6). - -[1385] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 318. - -[1386] It is translated in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 340, and is -accompanied (p. 342) by a diagram of the _cul-de-sac_ which received -the English. - -[1387] This seems to be the document which Parkman quotes as _Livre -d’Ordres_, now in the possession of Abbé Verreau. Parkman does not -think it materially modifies the despatches as filed in Paris. - -[1388] _New Jersey Archives_, viii., Part 2d, 133; also see pp. 137, -149, 188. - -[1389] _New Jersey Archives_, viii., Pt. 2d, p. 168. - -[1390] Smith’s _New York_, ii. 224; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 460, 463; -_The Conduct of Gen^l Shirley_, pp. 53-56; Livingston’s _Rev. of Mil. -Operations_. - -[1391] One of his projects, which he had to abandon, was a winter -attack on Ticonderoga. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 461, 467.) He -explained in Feb. to Gov. Morris, of Penna., his views of the campaign. -(_Penna. Archives_, ii. 579.) Cf. also _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 480. - -[1392] _Johnson_, i. 536. - -[1393] Vol. ii. ch. i. Cf. also Parkman, i. 392-3. - -[1394] Johnson had held a conference with them at Lake George shortly -after the fight (Sept. 11). _Penna. Archives_, ii. 407. - -[1395] Cf. L. C. Draper’s “Expedition against the Shawanoes,” in the -_Virginia Historical Register_ (vol. v. 61). Later in the season -the Pennsylvanians (July and Nov., 1756) sought to quiet the tribes -by conferences at Easton. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 722, etc., and -Sparks’ note in _Franklin’s Works_, vii. 125, and the histories of -Pennsylvania, and _Several Conferences of the Quakers and the deputies -from the Six Indian Nations, in order to reclaim the Delaware Indians_, -Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756, noted in Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,118. -Hildeburn, i. nos. 1,538, 1,539, 1,540, and the _Catal. of works -relating to Franklin in the Boston Public Library_, p. 35, give these -various publications. The opposition of the Quakers to the war was -still an occasion of attacks upon them. Cf. _A true relation of a -bloody battle fought between George and Lewis_ (Philad., 1756), noted -in Hildeburn, i. no. 1,476. In Jan., the New Jersey government had -made a treaty at Croswicks, and the proceedings of the conference were -printed at Philad. (Cf. Hildeburn, i. no. 1,504; Haven, in Thomas, ii. -p. 530.) Governor Sharp erected Fort Frederick for the defence of the -Maryland frontier. Its ruins are shown in Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 491. - -Among the accounts of “captivities” which grew out of the frontier -warfare of Pennsylvania, the _Narrative of the sufferings and -surprising deliverance of William and Elizabeth Fleming_ was one of -the most popular. It was printed in Philadelphia, Lancaster (Pa.), and -Boston, in 1756, in English, and at Lancaster in German. (Hildeburn, -nos. 1,465-1,468.) The _Captivity of Hugh Gibson_ among the Delawares, -1756-59, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxv. 141. A _Journal -of the Captivity of Jean Lowry and her children, giving an account of -her being taken by the Indians, April 1, 1756, in the Rocky Spring -settlement in Pennsylvania_, was printed in Philadelphia in 1760. -(Hildeburn, _Century of Printing_, i. no. 1,683.) On the Indian -depredations at Juniata in 1756, see Egle’s _Hist. Register_, iii. 54. - -[1396] In the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii., these conferences of 1756 can -be followed equally well, beginning with a long paper by the secretary -of Indian affairs, Peter Wraxall, in which he examines the causes of -the declension of British interests with the Six Nations (p. 15), with -records of conferences from March through the season (pp. 44, 91, 130, -171, 229, 244). - -[1397] Cf. the instructions given to Vaudreuil, Apr. 1, 1755, touching -his conduct towards the English, in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 295, and -_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 239. - -[1398] _Conduct of Shirley_, etc., p. 76; Pouchot’s _Mémoires_, i. 76; -Parkman, i. 375. - -[1399] Vol. i. p. 357. Cf. Barry’s _Mass._, i. 211. - -[1400] The roll of the regiment which New Hampshire sent into the field -is given in the _Rept. of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H._, 1866, vol. ii. p. -159, etc. - -[1401] On Winslow’s appointment, compare _Conduct of Shirley_, etc., p. -65; _Journal of Ho. of Rep. Mass._, 1755-56; Winslow’s letter in the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. p. 34; Minot’s _Mass._, i. 265; Parsons’s -_Pepperrell_, 289. - -[1402] Vol. i. p. 405. - -[1403] _Ibid._, i. pp. 401-2. - -[1404] Since printed in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (March, 1882), viii. -206. It covers June 11-Aug. 18, 1756. - -[1405] Vol. i. p. 72. - -[1406] Parkman (vol. i. p. 394) tells the story of that success, -and refers to a letter of J. Choate in the _Mass. Archives_, vol. -lv.; letters from Albany, in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 482, 505; -Livingston’s _Review_; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 417; Mante, -p. 60; Lossing’s _Life of Philip Schuyler_ (1872, vol. i. p. 130), who -was Bradstreet’s commissary. - -[1407] Montcalm’s commission is given in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. -394, and in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iv. 19. It is dated at -Versailles, Mar. 1, 1756. - -[1408] Vol. i. p. 398. - -[1409] Loudon was now directing affairs. The circular from Fox, -secretary of state, to the governors of the colonies, directing them to -afford assistance to Lord Loudon, is in _New Jersey Archives_, viii., -Pt. ii., p. 209; with additional instructions, p. 218. - -[1410] _Life of Johnson_, ii. 22. - -[1411] Cf. _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 59. Robert Eastburn, -who was captured by the Indians near Oswego and carried to Canada, -published at Philadelphia and Boston, in 1758, a _Faithful narrative of -many dangers and sufferings during his late captivity_. (Sabin, vi. no. -21,664; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,581.) - -[1412] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,163; Field, Indian_ Bibliog._, no. -1,064. - -[1413] Second ed., York, 1758; fourth ed., London, 1759. (Carter-Brown, -iii. 1,200, 1,241.) Also, Dublin, 1766; and Stockbridge, Mass., 1796. - -[1414] Page 64. - -[1415] _New York_ (to 1762), ii. 239. - -[1416] _Mass._, vol. iii. The latest account and best to consult is -Parkman’s (vol. i. p. 413). Bancroft’s is much the same in his final -revision (vol. ii. 453) as in his original ed. (iv. 238). Warburton’s -_Conquest of Canada_ (ch. ii.) is tolerably full. For local aspects, -cf. Clark’s _Onondaga_, and a paper by M. M. Jones in _Potter’s -American Monthly_, vii. 178. - -[1417] Vol. i. p. 356-360. - -[1418] The governors of Canada were in the habit of reporting to the -Marine; but Montcalm sent his despatches to the department of War. -Various ones are given in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., and in _Coll. de -Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. v. - -[1419] Such are an officer’s letter (p. 453), a journal (p. 457), -Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 461), an engineer’s letter (p. 465), an -account (p. 467), Vaudreuil to D’Argenson (p. 471), other narratives -with enumeration of booty (pp. 484-85, 520, 537), Lotbinière’s account -(p. 494), etc. Cf. the French account, Aug. 28, 1756, in the _Penna. -Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 376, beside the letter of Claude Godfroy (p. -391). Pouchot’s _Mémoires_, i. pp. 70, 81, gives the current French -account. - -[1420] Boston Pub. Library; Murphy, no. 2,114. It is given in _Coll. de -Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 48. - -[1421] They will be found in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv. pp. 169, 170 -(Sept., 1755), 171, 175 (Oct.), 176 (Nov.), 184 (Jan., 1756), 185 -(June), 286 (July), etc. - -[1422] It was reprinted at Dublin in 1769. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of -Ohio_, nos. 996, 997; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,315; Carter-Brown, -iii. nos. 1,474, 1,702; Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 983-84; Brinley, -i. no. 256; Menzies, no. 1,716; H. C. lib., 4376.21.) In a condensed -form it makes part of a book edited by Caleb Stark, and published at -Concord, N. H., in 1831, called _Reminiscences of the French War_, and -it also appears in an abridged form in Caleb Stark’s _Memoir of John -Stark_, Concord, 1860, p. 390. The best edition is that edited by Dr. -F. B. Hough, with an Appendix, Albany, 1883. The _Journals_ cover the -interval from Sept. 24, 1755, to February 14, 1761. Haven (Thomas, ii. -p. 560) cites from the _Boston News-Letter_, Apr. 15, 1762, proposals -for printing at Charleston, S. C., in 4 vols., a “Memoir of Robert -Rogers, containing his journals, 1755-1762,” but the publication was -not apparently undertaken. - -[1423] Hough’s ed., p. 9; Parkman, i. p. 437. - -[1424] The best later accounts are in Parkman (vol. i. 431), Stone’s -_Johnson_ (ii. 20), and the papers by J. B. Walker in the _Granite -Monthly_, viii. 19, and _Bay State Monthly_, Jan., 1885, p. 211. Sabine -has a sketch of Rogers in his _Amer. Loyalists_, and more or less of -local interest can be gathered from H. H. Saunderson’s _Charlestown, N. -H._, ch. 5 and 6; N. Bouton’s _Concord_, N. H., ch. 6; Caleb Stark’s -_Dunbarton, N. H._, p. 178; and Worcester’s _Hollis, N. H._, p. 98. -Caleb Stark prints a sketch of Rogers in his _Memoir of Gen. Stark_. -Cf. references in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Apr., 1885, p. 196. - -The officers of Rogers’ Rangers are given in the _Report of the -Adj.-Gen. of N. H._, vol. ii. p. 158, etc., but it is there stated that -but few fragments remain of their rolls. - -There is an account by Asa Fitch of the affair of Jan., 1757, in the -_N. Y. State Agric. Soc. Trans._, 1848, p. 917. The legend of “Rogers’ -slide,” near the lower end of Lake George, has no stable foundation. -Hough’s ed. of _Journals_, p. 101. - -[1425] _Brinley Catal._, i. no. 469. - -[1426] Vol. xv. no. 63,223. - -[1427] Vol. i. p. 451. - -[1428] Some of these are printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., like -Vaudreuil’s letter (p. 542), enclosing an extended narrative (p. 544), -Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 548), to M. de Paulmy (p. 554), beside other -statements (p. 570, etc.). - -[1429] The general accounts which had been earlier printed, and which -were based on contemporary reports, were, on the English side, in -John Knox’s _Historical Journal of the Campaigns, 1757-60_ (London, -1769), Mante’s _History of the Late War_ (London, 1772, pp. 82-85), and -Smith’s _New York_, ii. 246. To these may be added the reports which -were printed in the newspapers and magazines of the time, like the -_Boston Gazette_ and the _London Magazine_. An important letter of John -Burk from the camp at Fort Edward, July 28, 1757, is in the _Israel -Williams MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.). - -[1430] Col. Frye’s “Journal of an attack on Fort William Henry, Aug. -3-9” is printed in Oliver Oldschool’s (Dennie’s) _Portfolio_, xxi. 355 -(May, 1819). - -[1431] Printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.: Montcalm’s letter (p. -596); Journal, July 12 to Aug. 16 (p. 598); Bougainville’s letter -to the ministry (p. 605); articles of capitulation (p. 617); other -accounts (p. 640); number of the French forces (pp. 620, 625), of the -English garrison (p. 621); account of the booty (p. 626), etc. The -same volume contains (p. 645) a reprint of a current French pamphlet, -dated Oct. 18, 1757. These and other documents are in the _Coll. de -Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iv.: Montcalm’s letters from Montreal; his -instructions, July 9 (p. 100); his letters from Carillon (p. 110); his -letter to Webb, Aug. 14 (p. 114); an account of the capture, dated at -Albany, Aug., 1757 (p. 117); Munro’s capitulation (p. 122). - -[1432] Vol. iv. Cf. Felix Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 65. The -letter is translated in Kip’s _Jesuit Missions_, and is reprinted by -J. M. Lemoine in his _La Mémoire de Montcalm vengée, ou le massacre -au Fort George_, Quebec, 1864, 91 pp. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. -906; Sabin, x. p. 205.) Cf., on Roubaud, “The deplorable case of Mr. -Roubaud,” in _Hist. Mag._, 2d ser., viii. 282; and Verreau, _Report on -Canadian Archives_ (1874). A late writer, Maurault, in his _Histoire -des Abénakis_ (1866), has a chapter on these Indians in the wars. They -are charged with beginning the massacre. The modern French view is in -Garneau’s _Canada_, 4th ed., vol. ii. 251. - -[1433] There is a letter on the capture, by N. Whiting, among the -_Israel Williams MSS._ (ii. 42) in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. Cf. a -paper by M. A. Stickney in the _Essex Inst. Historical Collections_, -iii. 79. - -[1434] Cf. Scull’s _Evelyns in America_, p. 260. - -[1435] The Journals give a sketch of the intrenchment near Fort William -Henry, laid out by James Montresor (p. 23), and describe how the firing -was heard at Fort Edward (p. 26), and how the survivors of the massacre -came in (p. 28). Webb’s reports to the governor during this period are -noted in Goldsbrow Banyar’s diary (Aug. 5-20), in the _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, January, 1877. The _Journal of General Rufus Putnam, kept in -Northern New York during four campaigns, 1757-1760, with notes and -biog. sketch by E. C. Dawes_ (Albany, 1886), shows (pp. 38-41) how the -news came in from the lake,—the diarist, whose father was a cousin of -Israel Putnam, being stationed at Fort Edward. - -[1436] Niles’ _French and Indian Wars_; Minot’s _Massachusetts_ (ii. -21); Belknap’s _New Hampshire_ (ii. 298); Hoyt’s _Antiq. Researches, -Indian Wars_, (p. 288); Williams’ _Vermont_, (i. 376). Chas. Carroll -(_Journal to Canada_, 1876, p. 62) tells what he found to be the -condition of Forts George and William Henry twenty years later. - -[1437] Orig. ed., iv. 258; final revision, ii. 463. - -[1438] Vol. iii. 376. - -[1439] Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. 47. The admirer of Cooper will remember -the interest with which he read the story of Fort William Henry as -engrafted upon _The Last of the Mohicans_, but the novelist’s rendering -of the massacre is sharply criticised by Martin in his _De Montcalm en -Canada_, chaps. 4 and 5. Cf. also Rameau, _La France aux Colonies_, -ii. p. 306. Cooper, in fact, embodied the views which at once became -current, that the French did nothing to prevent the massacre. The news -of the fall of the fort reached the eastern colonies by way of Albany, -where the fright was excessive, and it was coupled with the assurance -that the massacre had been connived at by the French. (_N. H. Prov. -Papers_, vi. 604, 605.) Montcalm had apprehensions that he would be -reproached, and that the massacre might afford ground to the English -for breaking the terms of the surrender. He wrote at once to Webb and -to Loudon, and charged the furor of the Indians upon the English rum -(_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 618, 619), and Vaudreuil wrote a letter (p. -631) of palliation. Some later writers, like Grahame (_United States_, -iv. 7), do not acquit Montcalm; but the more considerate hardly go -further than to question his prudence in not providing a larger escort. -(Warburton, _Conquest of Canada_, ii. 67.) Potter (_Adj.-Gen. Rep. of -N. H._, 1866, ii. 190) says that of 200 men of that province, bringing -up the rear of the line of retreating English, 80 were killed; and -he reminds the apologists of Montcalm that, when the English were -advised to defend themselves, the French general knew that they had -not surrendered till their ammunition was expended. Stone (_Johnson_, -ii. 49) says that thirty were killed. Parkman (i. p. 512) says it is -impossible to tell with exactness how many were killed—about fifty, -according to French accounts, not including those murdered in the -hospitals. Of the six or seven hundred carried off by the Indians, a -large part were redeemed by the French. The evidence, which is rather -confusing, is examined also in Watson’s _County of Essex, N. Y._, p. -74. Cf. _Les Ursulines de Québec_, 1863, vol. ii. p. 295. - -[1440] Of the later writers, see Parkman, ii. 6; Stone’s _Johnson_, -ii. 54; Simms’s _Frontiersmen of N. Y._, 231; and Nath. S. Benton’s -_Herkimer County_, which rehearses the history of the Palatine -community, 1709-1783. Parkman, referring to Loudon’s despatches as he -found them in the Public Record Office, says they were often tediously -long. They were, it seems, in keeping with the provoking dilatoriness -in coming to a point which characterized all his lordship’s movements. -Franklin gives some amusing instances. (Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. -p. 383; Sparks’ _Franklin_, i. 217-21.) “The miscarriages in all -our enterprises,” wrote Peter Fontaine in 1757, “have rendered us -a reproach, and to the last degree contemptible in the eyes of our -savage Indian and much more inhuman French enemies.” (Maury’s _Huguenot -Family_, 366.) - -Attached to a collection of papers in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i., -relating to the Oneida country and the Mohawk Valley, 1756-57, is a -sketch-plan of the Mohawk River and Wood Creek, showing the relative -positions of Fort Bull, Fort Williams, and the German Flats. - -[1441] G. H. Fisher on Bouquet in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 121. - -[1442] _Minutes of Conferences with the Indians at Harris’s ferry and -at Lancaster, Mar., Apr., May, 1757_, fol., Philad. (Haven, in Thomas, -ii. p. 535.) - -[1443] _A treaty with the Shawanese and Delaware Indians at Fort -Johnson, by Sir Wm. Johnson, with a preface_, N. Y., 1757. (Harv. Coll. -lib., 5321.30.) It was also printed at Boston. (Haven, p. 535.) Cf. -_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 499, 511. - -[1444] Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. 26. - -[1445] _Johnson_, ii. 28. - -[1446] _Minutes of Conference held with the Indians at Easton, July and -Aug., 1757_, Philad. (Haven, p. 535.) A journal of Capt. George Croghan -during its continuance and Croghan’s report to Johnson are in _Penna. -Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 527-538, and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 280. -In a sale of Americana at Bangs’s in New York, Feb. 27, 1854, no. 1,307 -of the _Catalogue_ shows MS. minutes of this conference, which is -endorsed by Benj. Franklin, “This is Mr. [Chas.] Thomson’s copy, who -was secretary to King Teedyuskung,” who was the Delaware chief. No. -1,308 of the same _Catalogue_ is the MS. Report of the council. - -An account of Johnson’s proceedings with the Indians from July to -Sept., 1757, is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 324; and in the same -volume are various letters of Johnson to the Lords of Trade. - -[1447] It is told graphically in Macaulay’s _Essay on Chatham_. Cf. -also J. C. Earle’s _English Premiers_, Lond., 1871, vol. i. - -[1448] Cf. _Occasional reflections on the importance of the war in -America, in a letter to a member of Parliament_, Lond., 1758. (H. C. -lib., 4375.34.) The _Carter-Brown Catal._ (iii. 1,201) assigns this to -Peter Williamson, who published at York, in 1758, _Some considerations -on the present state of affairs wherein the defenceless condition -of Great Britain is pointed out_. (H. C. lib., 6374.19.) Cf. also -_Proposals for uniting the English Colonies ... so as to enable them -to act with force and vigour against their enemies_, London, 1757. -(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,165; Harv. Coll. library, 6374.14.) - -[1449] Vol. ii. ch. xviii. - -[1450] Orig. ed., iv. 144; final revision, ii. 457. - -[1451] _Conduct of a noble commander in America impartially reviewed_, -Lond., 1758, pp. 45. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,176; Sabin, iv. 15,197.) - -[1452] In June, 1758, Simon Stevens, who commanded a reconnoitring -party from Fort William Henry, was captured by the enemy, and an -account of his experiences, till he escaped from Quebec, was printed in -Boston in 1760. - -[1453] Cf. letter in _Penna. Archives_, iii. 472. Later historians -have followed Dwight (_Travels_, iii. 383) in supposing the earthworks -still remaining to represent the work of Montcalm in preparation for -the fight. Hough (ed. of _Rogers’ Journal_, p. 118) so accounts them. -Parkman says, however, that these mounds are relics of the strengthened -works that Montcalm threw up later, his protection at the fight being -of logs mainly. - -[1454] _Travels_, iii. 384. - -[1455] Items from this diary are quoted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -vol. xvii. (1879), p. 243. The original is in the cabinet of that -society. - -[1456] Parkman refers (ii. 432) to letters of Colonel Woolsey and -others in the _Bouquet and Haldimand Papers_ in the British Museum. -A letter of Sir William Grant is given in Maclachlan’s _Highlands_ -(1875), ii. 340. Knox (i. 148) gives a letter from an officer. Dwight -refers to a letter in the _New Amer. Magazine_. There are among the -letters of Chas. Lee to his sister (_N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1871) one -from Schenectady, June 18, and one from Albany, Sept. 16, 1758. He -describes his being wounded at Ticonderoga, and is very severe on the -“Booby-in-chief.” Other letters are in the _Boston Gazette_, 1758. The -_Boston Evening Post_, July 24, 1758, has “the latest advices from -Lake George, published by authority,” in which, speaking of Montcalm’s -lines, it is said that “the ease with which they might be forced -proved a mistake; for it was not possible with the utmost exaction of -bravery to carry them.” It gives a table of losses as then reported; -and adds extracts from a letter dated Saratoga, July 12, “which are -not authenticated.” There is in the _Israel Williams MSS._, in the -Mass. Hist. Soc. library, a letter from Col William Williams, dated -July 11, 1758, at Lake George, as at “a sorrowful situation.” The same -papers contain also a letter from Oliver Partridge, Lake George, July -12, 1758; a detailed account of the campaign, by Col. Israel Williams; -a letter of his nephew, Col. William Williams, Aug. 21, 1758; a rough -draft of a narrative of the campaign by Colonel Israel Williams, dated -at Hatfield, Aug. 7, 1758; a letter from Timothy Woodbridge, Lake -George, July 24, 1758; and others from the camp, Lake George, Sept. 26 -and 28, by William Williams. - -Several diaries have been printed: Chaplain Shute’s is in the _Essex -Inst. Hist. Coll._, xii. 132. In the same, vol. xviii. pp. 81, 177 -(April, July, 1881), is another by Caleb Rea, published separately as -_Journal, written during the expedition against Ticonderoga in 1758_. -_Edited by F. M. Ray, Salem, Mass._, 1881. - -In the _Historical Mag._, Aug., 1871 (p. 113), is the journal of a -provincial officer, beginning at Falmouth (Me.), May 21, 1758, and -ending on his return to the same place, Nov. 15. - -The journal of Lemuel Lyon, during this expedition, makes part (pp. -11-45) of _The military journals of two private soldiers_, with -illustrative notes by B. J. Lossing, published at Poughkeepsie in 1855. -(Field, no. 963; Sabin, x. no. 42,860.) An account by Dr. James Searing -is given in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1847, p. 112, and Rufus -Putnam’s journal, 1757-1760, edited by E. C. Dawes (Albany, 1885), -covers the campaign. A Scottish story of second sight,—a legend of -Inverawe,—in reference to the death of Major Duncan Campbell in the -fight, is given in _Fraser’s Mag._, vol. cii. p. 501, by A. P. Stanley; -in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Apr., 1884, by C. F. Gordon-Cumming; and by -Parkman (vol. ii., app., P. 433). - -[1457] Vol. ii. p. 432. - -[1458] A list of the killed and wounded of the English, from the -_London Mag._, xxvii. p. 427, is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 728. In -a volume of miscel. MSS., 1632-1795, in the Mass. Hist. Society, there -is a list of officers and soldiers killed and wounded in the attack on -Ticonderoga, July 8, 1758, “from papers of Richard Peters, secretary of -the governor of Pennsylvania.” - -[1459] Other general sources: Entick; Hutchinson, iii. 70; Smith’s _New -York_ (1830), ii. 265; Trumbull’s _Connecticut_; Bancroft, orig. ed., -iv. 298, final revision, ii. 486; Williams’ _Vermont_; Warburton’s -_Conquest of Canada_, ii. ch. 5, who accuses Grahame (_United States_, -ii. 279) of undue predilection for the provincial troops; Watson’s -_County of Essex_, ch. 6; Stone, ii. 173, who neglects to say what -part Johnson’s braves took in the fight; beside the general English -historians, Smollett, Belsham, Mahon, etc. - -[1460] Such are Montcalm’s letter to the Marshal de Belle Isle, July -12 (p. 732), his report to the same (p. 737), and his letter to -Vaudreuil (p. 748). The governor made the victory the occasion of -casting reproaches upon the general (p. 757), and Vaudreuil’s spirit -of crimination is shown in his letter to De Massiac, Aug. 4 (p. 779), -and in his observations on Montcalm’s account of the fight (p. 788, -etc.), as well as in Vaudreuil’s letter to Montcalm, and the latter’s -observations upon it (p. 800). The _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. -iv., has several documents, like Montcalm’s letters to Vaudreuil of -July 9 and Oct. 21 (pp. 168, 201). - -A letter of Doreil, dated at Quebec, July 28, is also in the _N. Y. -Col. Docs._ (pp. 744, 753), as well as a reprint of an account printed -at Rouen, Dec. 23, 1758 (p. 741). A _Journal de l’affaire du Canada, -passée le 8 Juillet, 1758, imprimé à Paris, 1758_, is in the _Coll. de -Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 219. There is a French letter (July 14) in -the _Penna. Archives_, iii. 472, of which a translation is given in the -_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. p. 734. (Cf. also pp. 747 and 892.) The journal -of military operations before Ticonderoga from June 30 to July 10 is in -_Ibid._, p. 721, as well as a journal of occurrences, Oct. 20, 1757, to -Oct. 20, 1758, which also rehearses the details of the fight (p. 844). - -M. Daine, in a letter to Marshal de Belle Isle, dated Quebec, 31 -July, 1758, gives him the details of the victory at Carillon, as he -had collected them from the letters of different officers who were in -the action. (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 813.) It resembles Montcalm’s own -letter to Vaudreuil. - -[1461] On the part of the Indians in the battle, see Joseph Tassé, “Sur -un point d’histoire,” in _Revue Canadienne_, v. 664. Ernest Gagnon has -a paper, “Sur le drapeau de Carillon,” in _Ibid._, new series, ii. 129. - -[1462] _Proceedings_, 2d ser., i. p. 134. - -[1463] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1862, p. 217. - -[1464] Called “Molong” by the early chroniclers on the English side, -and even by Tarbox, in his _Life of Putnam_. Parkman says Humphreys’ -account of the battle is erroneous at several points. There are details -in Rogers’ _Journals_; in a record by Thomson Maxwell in the _Hist. -Coll. of the Essex Institute_, vii. 97; in _Gentleman’s Mag._, 1758, p. -498; in _Boston Gazette_, no. 117; in _N. H. Gazette_, no. 104; beside, -on the French side, in the Paris documents of the Parkman MSS. Cf. -account of the ground in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. 140, -and Holden’s _Queensbury_, p. 325. A letter of Oliver Partridge, Sept., -1758 (_Israel Williams MSS._), describes the movements of Rogers. - -[1465] Bradstreet himself is thought to have had a hand in _An -Impartial Account of Lieut.-Col. Bradstreet’s Expedition to Fort -Frontenac, by a Volunteer on the Expedition_, London, 1759. -(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,203; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 171; Bost. -Pub. Library, H. 95.74; Brinley, i. 210.) There is in Harvard College -library a copy of a MS. which belonged in 1848 to Lyman Watkins, of -Walpole, N. H., and is called _A Journal of the Expedition against Fort -Frontenac in 1758, by Lieut. Benjamin Bass, with lists of officers_, -etc. (H. C., 5325.51.) Fort Frontenac, after its capture, is described -in a _Letter to the Right Hon. William Pitt, Esq., from an officer at -Fort Frontenac_, London, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,223; Sabin, x. -40,533.) - -[1466] His letter announcing the occupation is in _Penna. Archives_, -viii. 232, and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 905. - -[1467] Parkman’s notes on these indicate that in Sparks, ii. p. 293, -the letter is abbreviated and altered; p. 295 is altered; p. 297 is -varied; p. 299 has great variations; p. 302 has variations; p. 307 is -shortened and changed; p. 310 has variations. - -[1468] This is reprinted in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 902. Cf. _Penna -Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 429. - -[1469] _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 939; Sabin, xv. 64,453; Field, no. -1,233. It is reprinted in Proud’s _Hist. of Penna._, ii., app.; Rupp’s -_Early Hist. of Western Penna._, p. 99; _Olden Time_, i. 98; _Penna. -Archives_, iii. 520 (cf. also pp. 412, 560). Stone, _Life of Johnson_, -ii. ch. 4, magnifies Johnson’s influence in this pacification of the -Indians. Cf. Parkman’s _Pontiac_, i. 143. - -[1470] Vol. ii. ch. 22. - -[1471] Orig. ed., iv. 308; final revision, ii. 490. - -[1472] Vol. i. ch. 24. - -[1473] Cf. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Exped._, introd.; Darlington’s ed. of -Smith’s _Remarkable Occurrences_, p. 102; A. W. Loomis’ _Centennial -Address_ (1858), published at Pittsburgh, 1859; Gordon’s _Hist. of -Pennsylvania; The American Pioneer_ (periodical). A sketch of Fort -Pitt, as Mr. Samuel Vaughan found it in 1787, is given in his MS. -journal, owned by Mr. Chas. Deane. - -[1474] The Parkman MSS. contain letters of Bougainville dated July -25, 1758; Paris, Dec. 22, Versailles, Dec. 29; Paris, Jan. 16, 1759; -Versailles, Jan. 28, Feb. 1, 16; Bordeaux, March 5; Paris, Dec. 10. - -[1475] Some letters of Doreil on his Paris mission (1760) are among the -Parkman MSS. - -[1476] The disheartening began early, as shown by Doreil’s letter of -Aug. 31, 1758 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, 828), and Montcalm, addressing Belle -Isle in the spring (Apr. 12, 1759), had to depict but a sorry outlook. -(_Ibid._, x. 960.) - -[1477] Particularly (p. 857) in the abstracts of the despatches in the -war office, complaining of Vaudreuil. - -[1478] Sabin, xii. 47,556. Cf. the address of J. M. Lemoine, -_Glimpses of Quebec_, 1749-1759, made in Dec., 1879, and printed in -the _Transactions_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc., 1879-80; Martin’s _De -Montcalm en Canada_, ch. 9; and Viscount Bury’s _Exodus of the Western -Nations_ (vol. ii. ch. 9), who seems to have used French documentary -sources. - -[1479] N. Y. ed., ii. ch. 6 and 7. - -[1480] _Rule and Misrule of the English in America_, N. Y., 1851, p. -209. - -[1481] Vol. ii. ch. 1. - -[1482] New York, 1882, p. 51. - -[1483] See his introduction; also Part ii. p. 59. Various -characteristics of French colonization in Canada are developed by -Rameau in the _Revue Canadienne_: e. g., “La race française en Canada” -(x. 296); “L’administration de la justice sous la domination française” -(xvi. 105); “La langue française en Canada” (new ser., i. 259); -“Immigration et colonisation sous la domination française” (iv. 593). - -[1484] Stanwix worked hard to put Pittsburgh into a defensible -condition. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 416. - -[1485] Indeed, military critics have questioned the general multiform -plan of Pitt’s campaign as a serious error. Cf. Smollett’s _England_, -and Viscount Bury’s _Exodus_, ii. 288. Pitt’s letter of Dec. 9, 1758, -to the colonial governors on the coming campaign is in the _New -Hampshire Prov. Papers_, vi. 703; and his letter of Dec. 29, 1758, to -Amherst on the conduct of it is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 355. -Cf. also _Chatham Correspondence_. Jared Ingersoll’s account of the -character and appearance of Pitt in 1759 is given in E. E. Beardsley’s -_Life and Times of William Samuel Johnson_, Boston, 2d ed., 1886, p. 21. - -Col. Montresor submitted a plan for amendments which, in its main -features, was like Pitt’s. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 433, and -_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 907. (Cf. _Collection de Manuscrits_, Quebec, -iv. 208.) The plan of Vaudreuil, Apr. 1, 1759, on the French side, -is in _Ibid._, x. 952. In Dec., 1758, Gen. Winslow was in England, -and William Beckford was urging Pitt to have recourse to him for -information. _Chatham Correspondence_, i. 378. - -[1486] _Life of Johnson_, ii. 394, etc. - -[1487] There is a contemporary letter in the _Boston Evening Post_, no. -1,250, a composite account in the _Annual Register_, 1759, and another -in Knox’s _Hist. Journal_, vol. ii. Papers from the London Archives are -in the _New York Col. Docs._, vii. 395. There are among Charles Lee’s -letters two (July 30 and Aug. 9, 1759) describing the siege of Niagara, -and his subsequent route towards Duquesne is defined in another (March -1, 1760). _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 9. - -[1488] Vol. ii. 42; vol. iii. 165. - -[1489] Cf. on Pouchot, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 668, note. In the same -(p. 990) are the articles of capitulation. - -[1490] Vol. ii. p. 130. - -[1491] Vol. ii. p. 104, etc. - -[1492] Gage’s Letters, 1759-1773 (MS.), in Harvard College library. -In one of them he says to Bradstreet: “You must not conclude that all -the oxen that leave Schenectady reach this; and in your calculation of -provisions make allowance for what may be lost, taken by and left at -the Indian castles, beside what are used at the several posts.” - -[1493] Amherst’s letters chronicling progress are in _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, vii. 400, etc. Early in Nov., 1758, it had been rumored in -Albany that Amherst was to supersede Abercrombie. (C. V. R. Bonney’s -_Legacy of Hist. Gleanings_, Albany, 1875, p. 26.) A large number of -letters addressed to Amherst are in the _Bernard Papers_ (Sparks MSS.), -1759. On Amherst’s family connections, cf. James E. Doyle’s _Official -Baronage of England_ (London, 1886), i. p. 38. - -[1494] An _Orderly Book_ of Commissary Wilson, in the possession of -Gen. J. Watts De Peyster, was printed as no. 1 of _Munsell’s Historical -Series_, at Albany, in 1857, with notes by Dr. O’Callaghan, which in -the main concern persons mentioned in the record. - -A journal of Samuel Warner, a Massachusetts soldier, is printed in the -_Wilbraham Centennial_, and is quoted in De Costa’s _Lake George_. -Parkman was favored by Mr. Wm. L. Stone with the use of a diary of -Sergeant Merriman, of Ruggles’ regiment, and with a MS. book of -general and regimental orders of the campaign. The _Journal of Rufus -Putnam_ covers this forward movement. A MS. “Project for the attack on -Ticonderoga, May 29, 1759, W. B. delt.,” is among the Faden maps, no. -24, Library of Congress. - -[1495] A centennial address of the capture of Ticonderoga, delivered -in 1859, is in Cortlandt Van Rensselaer’s _Sermons, Essays, and -Addresses_, Phil., 1861. - -[1496] Parkman refers to an account by Thompson Maxwell as of doubtful -authenticity, as it is not sure that the writer was one of Rogers’s -party. A hearsay story of equal uncertainty, respecting an ambush laid -by Rogers for the Indians, as told by one Jesse Pennoyer, is given by -Mrs. C. M. Day, in her _Hist. of the Eastern Townships_. Stone (_Life -of Johnson_, ii. 107) says he could not find any tradition of the raid -among the present descendants of the St. Francis tribe. Maurault, in -his _Histoire des Abénakis_, gives an account. Vaudreuil refers to it -in his letters in the _Parkman MSS._ Cf. Watson’s _County of Essex_, p. -106. - -[1497] The first attempt to recount the exploits of Wolfe in the shape -of a regular biography was made by a weak and florid writer, who, in -1760, “according to the rules of eloquence,” as he professed, got out -a brief _Life of General James Wolfe_, which was in the same year -reprinted in Boston. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,280; Haven in Thomas, p. -557.) Nothing adequate was done, however, for a long time after, and -the reader had to gather what he could from the _Annual Register_, -Smollett’s _England_, Walpole’s _George II._, or from the contemporary -histories of Entick and Mante. (Cf. various expressions in Walpole’s -_Letters_.) - -The letters of Wolfe to his parents were not used till Thomas -Streatfeild made an abstract of a part of them for a proposed history -of Kent; but his project falling through, the papers passed by Mahon’s -influence (_Hist. of England_, 3d ed., iv. 151) to the Rev. G. R. -Gleig, who used them in his _Lives of the Most Eminent British Military -Commanders_ (1832). About 1827, such of the Wolfe papers as had -descended from General Warde, the executor of Wolfe’s mother, to his -nephew, Admiral George Warde, were placed in Robert Southey’s hands, -but a life of Wolfe which he had designed was not prepared, and the -papers were lost sight of until they appeared as lots 531, 532 of the -_Catalogue of the Dawson Turner Sale_ in 1858, which also contained -an independent collection of “Wolfiana.” Upon due presentation of the -facts, the lots above named were restored to the Warde family, together -with the “Wolfiana,” as it was not deemed desirable to separate the -two collections. This enlarged accumulation was submitted to Mr. -Robert Wright, who produced the _Life of Major-General James Wolfe_, -which was published in London in 1864. To the domestic correspondence -of Wolfe above referred to, which ceases to be full when the period -of his greatest fame is reached, Mr. Wright added other more purely -military papers, which opportunely came in his way. Some of these had -belonged to Col. Rickson, a friend of Wolfe, and being filed in an old -chest, in whose rusty lock the key had been broken, they had remained -undisturbed till about forty years ago, when the chest was broken open, -and the papers were used by Mr. John Buchanan in a sketch of Wolfe, -which he printed in _Tait’s Magazine_ in 1849, and reprinted in his -_Glasgow Past and Present_ in 1856. Wright found the originals in the -Museum of the Antiquarian Society of Scotland, at Edinburgh, and he -says they, better than the letters addressed to his mother, exhibit the -tone and bent of Wolfe’s mind. The letters which passed between Wolfe -and Amherst during the siege of Louisbourg (1758) were submitted to -Wright by Earl Amherst, and from these, from the “Wolfiana” of Dawson -Turner, from the _Chatham_ and _Bedford Correspondence_, he gathered -much unused material to illustrate the campaigns which closed the -struggle for Canada. See particularly a letter of Wolfe, from Halifax, -May 1, 1759, detailing the progress of preparations, which is in the -_Chatham Correspondence_, i. 403, as is one of Sept. 9, dated on board -the “Sutherland,” off Cape Rouge (p. 425). Walpole speaks of the last -letter received from Wolfe before news came of his success, and of that -letter’s desponding character. “In the most artful terms that could -be framed, he left the nation uncertain whether he meant to prepare -an excuse for desisting, or to claim the melancholy merit of having -sacrificed himself without a prospect of success.” (_Mem. of the Reign -of George II._, 2d ed., iii. p. 218.) Mr. Wright, from a residence in -Canada, became familiar with the scenes of Wolfe’s later life, and was -incited thereby to the task which he has very creditably performed. - -[1498] Cf. also, on Wolfe, James’ _Memoirs of Great Commanders_, new -ed., 1858; _Bentley’s Mag._, xxxi. 353; _Eclectic Mag._, lxii. 376; -_Canadian Monthly_, vii. 105, by D. Wilson. Mahon (_England_, iv. ch. -35) tells some striking stories of the way in which Wolfe’s shyness -sometimes took refuge in an almost crazy dash. - -[1499] The Abbé Verreau is said to have one. I note another in a sale -catalogue (Bangs, N. Y., 1854, no. 1,319), and a third is cited in the -_Third Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 124, as being among the -Northumberland Papers at Alnwick Castle. - -[1500] This address was delivered before the N. E. Hist. Geneal. Soc. -in Boston. It was not so much a narrative of events as a critical -examination of various phases of the history of the siege. - -Mr. W. S. Appleton describes the medal struck to commemorate the -capture of Quebec and Montreal, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. -298, and in the _Amer. Journal of Numismatics_, July, 1874. A cut of it -is given on the title of the present volume. Cf. _Quebec Lit. and Hist. -Soc. Transactions_, 1872-73, p. 80. - -[1501] Those on the English side are as follows:— - -1. _Journal of the expedition up the river St. Lawrence from the -embarkation at Louisbourg ‘til after the surrender of Quebeck, by the -sergeant-major of Gen. Hopson’s Grenadiers_, Boston, 1759. (Sabin, ix. -36,723.). This appeared originally in the _N. Y. Mercury_, Dec. 31, -1759, and is reprinted in the second series of the _Hist. Docs. of the -Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_. - -2. _Journal of the expedition up the river St. Lawrence_, beginning -at Perth Amboy, May 8, 1759. The original was found among the -papers of George Allsop, secretary to Sir Guy Carleton, Wolfe’s -quartermaster-general. It has been printed in the _Hist. Docs._, 4th -ser., of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec. - -3. Capt. Richard Gardiner’s _Memoirs of the siege of Quebec, and of the -retreat of M. de Bourlamaque from Carillon to the Isle aux Noix on Lake -Champlain, from the Journal of a French officer on board the Chezine -frigate ... compared with the accounts transmitted home by Maj.-Gen. -Wolfe_, London, 1761. - -4. _An accurate and authentic Journal of the siege of Quebec, 1759, by -a gentleman in an eminent station on the spot_, London, 1759. (Brinley, -i. 207; H. C. library, 4376.29; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,233.) - -5. _Genuine letters from a volunteer in the British service at -Quebec_, London [1760]. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,257.) 6. “Journal of the -particular transactions during the siege of Quebec,” by an officer -of light infantry, printed in _Notes and Queries_, xx. 370. It is -reprinted in the _Hist. Mag._ (Nov., 1860), iv. 321. It extends from -June 26 to Aug. 8, 1759, purports to be penned “at anchor opposite the -island of Orleans.” The original is said to have been in the possession -of G. Galloway, of Inverness, and is supposed to have been written by -an officer of Fraser’s regiment. - -7. _A short, authentic account of the expedition against Quebec, by a -volunteer upon that expedition_, Quebec, 1872. It is ascribed to one -James Thompson. - -8. _Memoirs of the siege of Quebec and total reduction of Canada, by -John Johnson, clerk and quartermaster-sergeant to the Fifty-Eighth -Regiment._ A MS. of 176 pages, cited by Parkman (ii. 440) as by a -pensioner at Chelsea (England) Hospital. It belongs to Geo. Francis -Parkman, Esq. - -9. _A short account of the expedition against Quebec ... by an engineer -upon that expedition (Maj. Moncrief), with a plan of the town and basin -of Quebec, and part of the adjacent country, showing the principal -encampments and works of the British army, and those of the French army -during the attack of 1759. Catal. of Lib. of Parliament_ (Toronto, -1858), p. 1277. There is, or was, a MS. copy in the Royal Engineers’ -office at Quebec. The original is without signature, but is marked with -the initials “P. M.” (Miles, _Canada_, p. 493.) - -10. Col. Malcolm Fraser’s _Journal of the siege of Quebec_. This -officer was of the Seventy-Eighth Highlanders. It is printed in the -_Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_, 2d series. Cf. -“Fraser’s Highlanders before Quebec, 1759,” in Lemoine’s _Maple -Leaves_, new series, p. 141. - -11. In the _N. Y. Hist. Coll._ (1881), p. 196, is a journal of the -siege of Quebec, beginning June 4, 1759, and extending to Sept. 13, -accompanied (p. 217) by letters of its author, Col. John Montresor, to -his father (with enclosed diaries of events), dated Montmorency, Aug. -10; Quebec, Oct. 5 and Oct. 18. - -12. In Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, p. 452, is a long letter -(July-Aug.) from James Gibson respecting the progress of the siege. - -13. In the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Register_ (1872), p. 237, is a -brief journal of the siege, beginning July 8th, kept by Daniel Lane. - -14. A letter dated at Quebec, Oct. 22, 1759, written by Alexander -Campbell, in the _Hist. Mag._, iv. 149. - -15. Joseph Grove’s _Letter on the glorious success at Quebec ... and -particularly an account of the manner of General Wolfe’s death_, -London, 1759. - -16. Timothy Nichols was a private in the company of John Williams, of -Marblehead, and reached Wolfe’s army, by transport, July 19. He notes -the daily occurrences of cannonading, fires in the town, skirmishes, -fire-rafts, the attack near Montmorency, ceasing his entries Aug. 22, -and dying Sept. 9. The MS., which is defective, belongs to Dr. Arthur -H. Nichols, of Boston, to whom the editor is indebted for extracts. - -On the French side we have:— - -1. _The Second Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_ (p. 30) notes, -as among the Earl of Cathcart papers, a folio MS., “Journal de la -expédition contre Québec, 1759.” It has 34½ pages, and extends from May -1 to May 10, according to the report. - -2. Martin, in his _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 239, describes an English -MS. in the Bibliothèque du Ministère de la Guerre (Paris), called for -a general title _Memoirs of a French Officer_, and divided into two -parts:— - -(1.) Begins with a narrative of the Scottish rebellion in 1745, and -then gives “An account of the war in Canada to the capitulation of -Montreal in 1760, with an account of the siege of Louisbourg in 1758, -and an exact and impartial account of the hostilities committed in -Acadia and Cape Breton before the declaration of war.” - -(2.) _a._ Dialogue in Hades between Montcalm and Wolfe, reviewing, -in the spirit of a military critic, the mistakes of both generals in -the conduct of the campaign, not only of Quebec, but of the other -converging forces of the English. This portion is given in English in -the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_. Martin has a -French translation of it. - -_b._ “A critical, impartial, and military history of the war in Canada -until the capitulation signed in 1760.” Published by the Lit. and Hist. -Soc. of Quebec in 1867. - -The whole MS. is attributed to a Scotch Jacobite, Chevalier Johnston, -who after the suppression of the Scotch revolt went to France, and -served in the campaign of this year in Canada as aid to Lévis, and -afterwards as aid to Montcalm. - -3. In the first series (1840) of the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. -Soc. of Quebec_ there is a “Relation de ce qui s’est passé au siége -de Québec, et de la prise du Canada, par une Religieuse de l’Hôpital -Général de Québec: addressée à une communauté de son ordre en France.” -It is thought to have been written in 1765; and the original belongs to -the Séminaire de Québec. It was again printed at Quebec in 1855. - -There was also published at Quebec, about 1827, an English version, -_The siege of Quebec, and conquest of Canada: in 1759_. _By a nun of -the general hospital of Quebec. Appended an account of the laying of -the first stone of the monument to Wolfe and Montcalm._ - -4. Parkman (ii. 438) considers one of the most important unpublished -documents to be the narrative of M. de Foligny, a naval officer -commanding one of the batteries in the town, namely a _Journal -mémoratif de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable pendant qu’a duré -le siége de la ville de Québec_. It is preserved in the Archives de la -Marine at Paris. - -5. In the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_, 4th -series, there is a paper, “Siége de Québec en 1759—journal tenu par -M. Jean Claude Panet, ancien notaire de Québec.” It is the work of an -eye-witness, and begins May 10. - -6. “Journal tenu à l’armée que commandait feu M. le Marquis de -Montcalm” is also printed in the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. -Soc. of Quebec_. Parkman calls it minute and valuable. - -7. Parkman cites, as from the Archives de la Marine, _Mémoires sur la -Campagne de 1759, par M. de Joannès, major de Québec_. - -8. _Siégede Québec, en 1759. Copie d’après un manuscrit apporté de -Londres, par l’honorable D. B. Viger, lors de son retour en Canada, en -septembre 1834-mai 1835. Copie d’un manuscrit déposé à la bibliothèque -de Hartwell en Angleterre._ This was printed in a small edition at -Quebec in 1836, and Parkman (ii. 438) calls it a very valuable diary of -a citizen of Quebec. - -9. In the first series of the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. -of Quebec_ is a “Jugement impartial sur les opérations militaires de -la campagne en 1759, par M^{gr} de Pontbriand, Évêque de Québec.” It -aims only to touch controverted points. It is translated in _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, x. 1059. Cf. “Lettres de M^{gr} Pontbriand,” in _Revue -Canadienne_, viii. 438. - -10. Leclerc, in his _Bibliotheca Americana_ (Maisonneuve, Paris), -1878, no. 770, describes a manuscript, _Mémoires sur les affaires du -Canada, 1756-1760, par Potot de Montbeillard, Commandant d’Artillerie_, -as a daily journal, written on the spot, never printed, and one of -three copies known. Priced at 400 francs. This has been secured by Mr. -Parkman since the publication of his book. - -11. The Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec has also printed a document, the -original of which was found in the Archives du département de la Guerre -at Paris, entitled: _Événements de la Guerre en Canada durant les -années 1759 et 1760: Relation du Siége de Québec du 27 Mai au 8 Aôut, -1759: Campagne du Canada depuis le 1^{er} Juin jusqu’au 15 Septembre, -1759_. These are followed by other documents, including no. 6 (_ante_). - -[1502] The Parkman MSS. contain transcripts from these archives, -1666-1759. - -[1503] These are translated in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., with others: -such as a published narrative of the French, ending Aug. 8 (p. 993); an -account, June 1 to Sept. 15 (p. 1001); Montreuil’s letter (p. 1013); -a journal of operations with Montcalm’s army (p. 1016); and Bigot’s -letter to Belle Isle on the closing movements of the siege (p. 1051). - -The collection of Montcalm letters in the Parkman MSS., copied from the -originals in the possession of the present Marquis of Montcalm, begins -in America, May 19 (Quebec), 1756, when he says that he had arrived -on the 12th. The others are from Montreal, June 16, 19, July 20, Aug. -30; from Carillon, Sept. 18; from Montreal, Nov. 3, 9, Apr. 1 (1757), -16, 24, June 6, July 1, 4, 8, Aug. 19; from Quebec, Sept. 13, Feb. 19 -(1758); from Montreal, Apr. 10, 18, 20, June 2; from Carillon, July 14, -21, Aug. 20, 24, Sept. 25, Oct. 16, 27; from Montreal, Nov. 21, 29, -Apr. 12 (1759), May 16, 19. - -The Parkman MSS. also contain letters of Montcalm to Bourlamaque, -copied from the Bourlamaque papers, beginning with one from Montreal, -June 25, 1756, and they are continued to his death; to which are -added letters of Bougainville and Bernetz, written after the death of -Montcalm. - -[1504] Vol. ii. 441. - -[1505] Cf. “Où est mort Montcalm?” by J. M. Lemoine, in _Revue -Canadienne_, 1867, p. 630; and the document given in the _Coll. de -Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 231. - -[1506] Vol. ii. 325. - -[1507] In this last there seems to be an allusion to a book which -appeared in London in 1777, in French and English, published by Almon, -called _Lettres de Monsieur le Marquis de Montcalm à Messieurs de -Berryer et de la Molé, écrites dans les années 1757, 1758, et 1759_. -(Sabin, xii. p. 305; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 1,095.) The letters -were early suspected to be forgeries, intended to help the argument -of the American cause in 1777 by prognosticating the resistance and -independency of the English colonists, to follow upon the conquest of -Canada and the enforced taxation of the colonies by the crown. These -views came out in what purported to be a letter from Boston, signed “S. -J.,” to Montcalm, and by him cited and accepted. The alleged letters -were apparently passed round in manuscript in London as early as Dec., -1775, when Hutchinson (_Diary and Letters_, p. 575) records that Lord -Hardwicke sent them to him, “which I doubt not,” adds the diarist, “are -fictitious, as they agree in no circumstance with the true state of the -colonies at the time.” Despite the doubt attaching to them, they have -been quoted by many writers as indicating the prescience of Montcalm; -and the essential letter to Molé is printed, for instance, without -qualification by Warburton in his _Conquest of Canada_ (vol. ii.), and -is used by Bury in his _Exodus of the Western Nations_, by Barry in his -_Hist. of Mass._, by Miles in his _Canada_ (p. 425), and by various -others. Lord Mahon gave credence to it in his _Hist. of England_ (orig. -ed., vi. 143; but see 5th ed., vi. 95). Carlyle came across this -letter in a pamphlet by Lieut.-Col. Beatson, _The Plains of Abraham_, -published at Gibraltar in 1858, and citing it thence embodied it in -his _Frederick the Great_. Ten years later Parkman found a copy of the -letter among the papers of the present Marquis de Montcalm, but inquiry -established the fact that it was not in the autograph of the alleged -writer. This, with certain internal evidences, constitutes the present -grounds for rejecting the letters as spurious, and Parkman further -points out (vol. ii. 326) that Verreau identifies the handwriting of -the suspected copy of the letter as that of Roubaud. - -Mr. Parkman first made a communication respecting the matter to the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1869 (vol. xi. pp. 112-128), where the -editor, Dr. Charles Deane, appended notes on the vicissitudes of the -opinions upon the genuineness of the letters; and these data were added -to by Henry Stevens in a long note in his _Bibliotheca Historica_, no. -1,336. Carlyle finally accepted the arguments against them. (_M. H. -Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1870, vol. xi. 199.) - -[1508] This periodical was begun in 1758, and Mahon speaks of its -narratives as “written with great spirit and compiled with great care.” - -[1509] The victory of Quebec, as well as British successes in Germany, -induced the formation in England of a “Society for the Encouragement -of the British Troops,” of which Jonas Hanway printed at London, in -1760, an _Account_, detailing the assistance which had been rendered -to soldiers’ widows, etc. (Sabin, viii. no. 30,276. There is a copy in -Harv. Coll. Library.) - -[1510] Smith’s _Hist. of New York_ (1830, vol. ii.); the younger -Smith’s _Hist. of Canada_ (vol. i. ch. 2); Chalmers’ _Revolt_, etc. -(vol. ii.); Grahame’s _United States_ (vol. ii.); Mortimer’s _England_ -(vol. iii.); Mahon’s _England_, 5th ed. (vol. iv. ch. 35), erroneous in -some details; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (vol. ii. ch. 10-12); -Bancroft, _United States_, orig. ed., iv.; final revision, vol. ii.; -Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (vol. iii. 305); a paper by Sydney Robjohns, -in the _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._, v. - -[1511] It is reprinted in the _Eclectic Mag._, xxvii. 121, and in -_Littell’s Living Age_, xxxiv. 551. - -[1512] Fourth ed., vol. ii. p. 313. - -[1513] Cf. also his papers on Montcalm in the _Revue Canadienne_, xiii. -822, 906; xiv. 31, 93, 173. Thomas Chapais’ “Montcalm et le Canada,” -in _Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes_, i. 418, 543, is a review of -Bonnechose’s fifth edition. - -[1514] Vol. ii. 298, 305, 436. - -[1515] Miles’ _Canada_, 418. - -[1516] Parkman, ii. 317. Walpole (_Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d -ed., iii. p. 218) says that “Townshend and other officers had crossed -Wolfe in his plans, but he had not yielded.” - -[1517] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,267. - -[1518] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,268. - -[1519] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 422. - -[1520] Aspinwall Papers, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxix. 241. - -[1521] Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, ii. 122, etc. - -[1522] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxix. 249, etc. - -[1523] _Ibid._, p. 302. - -[1524] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1139. There are letters received by -Bourlamaque between June 28, 1756, and the end of the contest in Canada -(1760), preserved in the collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps. They are -from Vaudreuil, De Lévis (after 1759), Berniers, Bougainville, Murray, -Malartic, D’Hébécourt, etc. Copies of them are in the Parkman MSS. -(Mass. Hist. Soc.). - -There is a summary of the strategical movements of the war in a _Précis -of the Wars in Canada, 1755-1814_, prepared, by order of the Duke of -Wellington in 1826, by Maj.-Gen. Sir James Carmichael-Smyth, “for the -use and convenience of official people only.” During the American civil -war (1862) a public edition was issued, edited by the younger Sir James -Carmichael, with the thought that some entanglement of Great Britain -in the American civil war (1861-1865) might render the teachings of -the book convenient. The editor, in an introduction, undertakes to -say “that the State of Maine has exhibited an unmistakable desire for -annexation to the British Crown,” which, if carried out, would enable -Great Britain better to maintain military connection between Canada and -New Brunswick. - -[1525] _America and West Indies_, vol. xcix. - -[1526] Vol. ii. 359. - -[1527] Vol. ii. 292-322. - -[1528] Vol. ii. 359. - -[1529] _Quebec Past and Present_, p. 177. - -[1530] _Canada_, 4th ed., vol. ii. 351. - -[1531] _Picturesque Quebec_, 305. - -[1532] Cf. Martin, _De Montcalm en Canada_, ch. 14; Philippe Aubert -de Gaspé’s _Anciens Canadiens_ (Quebec, 1863), p. 277. In 1854 E. -P. Tache delivered a discourse at a ceremonial held by the Société -Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Québec, on the occasion of “l’inhumation -solennelle des ossements trouvés sur le champ de bataille de -Sainte-Foye.” There is an account of the monument on the ground in -Lemoine’s _Quebec Past and Present_, p. 295. - -For the winter in Quebec, see _Les Ursulines de Québec_, vol. iii. - -On the 26th of January Col. John Montresor was sent by way of the -Chaudière and Kennebec to carry despatches to Amherst in New York. -His journal till his return to Quebec, May 20, is in the _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1882, p. 29, and in the library of the N. E. Hist. -Geneal. Soc. is the map which he made of his route. (_Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, Oct., 1882, p. 709.) Cf. also _Maine Hist. Coll._, vol. i.; _N. -Y. Hist. Coll._, 1881, pp. 117, 524. - -[1533] Woodhull was the colonel of the Third Regiment of N. Y. -Provincials, and was with Amherst. The journal begins at Albany, June -11, and ends Sept. 27, 1760. It is in the _Hist. Mag._, v. 257. - -[1534] Mante’s account is copied in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin -Counties_, p. 89, where the passage down the St. Lawrence is treated -at length. Dr. Hough judges the account of the taking of Fort Lévis, -as given by David Humphrey in his _Works_ (New York, 1804, p. 280), -to be mostly fabulous. Hough (p. 704) also prints Governor Colden’s -proclamation on the capture. Pouchot gives a plan of the attack. There -are various documents, French and English, in _Collection de documents_ -(Quebec), iv. 245, 283, 297. - -[1535] Vol. xxxix. p. 316. - -[1536] Vol. ii. p. 360. - -[1537] The success of the campaign made Amherst a Knight of the Bath, -and his investiture with the insignia took place at Staten Island in -Oct., 1761, and is described in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 502. - -Charles Carroll (_Journal to Canada_, ed. 1876, p. 86) seems to give -it as a belief current in his time (1776) that Amherst took the route -by Oswego and the St. Lawrence because he feared being foiled by -obstructions at Isle-aux-Noix. The correspondence of Amherst and the -Nova Scotia authorities is noted in T. B. Akins’s _List of MS. Docs. in -the government offices at Halifax_ (1886), p. 12. - -[1538] Amherst’s order to Rogers is in Lanman’s _Michigan_, p. 85. -Rogers made a detour from Presqu’isle to Fort Pitt to deliver orders to -Monckton. - -[1539] Cf. Rupp’s _Early Penna._, p. 50. - -[1540] Cf. also Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, -ch. vi. - -[1541] Cf. Lemoine, _Maple Leaves_, new ser., 79. - -[1542] Lemoine, p. 115. See also _Les Anciens Canadiens_, ii. p. 5. - -[1543] Moreau’s _Principales requêtes du Procureur-Général en la -commission établie dans l’affaire du Canada_ [1763]. - -_Mémoire pour le Marquis de Vaudreuil, ci-devant Gouverneur et -Lieutenant-Général de la Nouvelle France_, Paris, 1763. - -_Mémoire pour Messire François Bigot ... accusé, contre Monsieur le -Procureur-Général ... contenant l’histoire de l’administration du Sieur -Bigot_, Paris, 1763, 2 vols. This is signed by Dupont and others, with -a “Suite de la seconde Partie,” “contenant la discussion et le détail -des chefs d’accusation.” - -_Mémoire pour Michel-Jean-Hugues Péan contre M. le Procureur-Général -accusateur_, Paris, 1763. - -_Réponse du Sieur Breard, ci-devant contrôleur de la marine à Québec, -aux mémoires de M. Bigot et du Sieur Péan_ [par Clos], Paris, 1763. - -_Mémoire pour D. de Joncaire Chabert, ci-devant commandant au petit -Fort de Niagara, contre M. le Procureur-Général_ [par Clos], in three -parts. - -_Mémoire pour le Sieur de la Bourdonnais_ and _supplément_. - -_Mémoire pour le Sieur Duverger de Saint Blin, lieutenant -d’enfantrie dans les troupes étant ci-devant en Canada, contre M. le -Procureur-Général_, Paris, 1763. - -_Mémoire pour_ [Charles Deschamps] _le Sieur de Boishebert ci-devant -commandant à l’Acadie_ [par Clos]. - -_Mémoire du Sieur_ [Jean-Baptiste] _Martel_ [de Saint-Antoine] _dans -l’affaire du Canada_, 1763. - -Jean-Baptiste-Jacques-Elie de Beaumont’s _Observations sur les profits -prétendus indûment faits par la Société Lemoine des Pins_, 1763. - -Sufflet de Berville’s _Jugement rendu souverainement et en dernier -ressort dans l’affaire du Canada du 10 Decembre, 1763_, [contre Bigot, -etc.], Paris, 1763. - -Some of these are mentioned in Stevens’ _Bibl. Geographica_, nos. -546-551. - -On Bigot, cf. Lemoine, “Sur les dernières années de la domination -française en Canada,” in _Revue Canadienne_, 1866, p. 165. - -[1544] See Vol. III., Index. - -[1545] Frothingham, _Rise of the Republic_, p. 86. Bancroft makes a -brief summary of movements towards union in the opening chapter of vol. -viii. of his final revision. - -[1546] Cf. also _Rise of the Republic_, p. 111. - -[1547] Cf. _Rise of the Republic_, p. 111. - -[1548] _Rise of the Republic_, p. 112. - -[1549] _Hist. Mag._, iii. 123. - -[1550] Cf., on Coxe, G. M. Hills’ _Hist. of the Church in Burlington, -N. J._ (2d ed.), where there is a portrait of Coxe. - -[1551] No attempt is made to enumerate all the conferences with the -Indians in which several colonies joined. They often resulted in -records or treaties, of which many are given in the _Brinley Catalogue_ -(vol. iii. no. 5,486, etc.). Records of many such will also be found -in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ and in _Penna. Archives_. Cf. Stone’s _Sir -William Johnson_. See chapters ii. and viii. of the present volume. - -[1552] _Rise of the Republic_, 116. Cf. also Kennedy’s _Serious -Considerations on the Present State of the Affairs of the Northern -Colonies_, New York, 1754. James Maury was writing about this time: “It -is our common misfortune that there is no mutual dependence, no close -connection between these several colonies: they are quite disunited by -separate views and distinct interests, and like a bold and rapid river, -which, though resistless when included in one channel, is yet easily -resistible when subdivided into several inferior streams.” (Maury’s -_Huguenot Family_, 382.) In March, 1754, Shirley urged a union upon the -governor of New Hampshire. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 279.) - -[1553] The commissions of the deputies are printed in _Penna. -Archives_, ii. 137, etc. - -[1554] Cf. Shirley to Gov. Wentworth, in _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 279. - -[1555] Sparks’s ed., iii. 26. The “Short Hints,” with Alexander’s and -Colden’s notes, are preserved in a MS. in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Library; -and from this paper they were first printed in Sedgwick’s _Life of -William Livingston_, Appendix. A MS. in Colden’s handwriting is among -the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxxix.). - -[1556] It can also be found in _Penna. Col. Rec._, vi. 105; _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, vi. 889; Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. 191; Pownall’s -_Administration of the Colonies_, 1768, app. iv.; Trumbull’s -_Connecticut_, app. i.; Haliburton’s _Rule and Misrule of the English -in America_, p. 253,—not to name other places. - -There is a MS. copy among the Shelburne Papers, as shown in the _Hist. -MSS. Commission’s Report_, no. 5, p. 55. - -[1557] The first of these is by Franklin, in his _Autobiography_. It -will be found in Sparks’s ed., p. 176, and in Bigelow’s edition, p. -295. Cf. also Bigelow’s _Life of Franklin, written by himself_, i. 308, -and Parton’s _Life of Franklin_, i. 337. - -The second is that by Thomas Hutchinson, contained in his _Hist. of -Mass. Bay_ (iii. p. 20). - -The third is William Smith’s, in his _History of New York_ (ed. of -1830), ii. p. 180, etc. - -The fourth is in Stephen Hopkins’s _A true representation of the plan -formed at Albany [in 1754], for uniting all the British northern -colonies, in order to their common safety and defence_. It is dated -at Providence, Mar. 29, 1755. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,065.) It was -included in 1880 as no. 9, with introduction and notes by S. S. Rider, -in the _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_. Cf. William E. Foster’s -“Statesmanship of the Albany Congress” in his _Stephen Hopkins_ (_R. -I. Hist. Tracts_), i. p. 155, and his examination of current errors -regarding the congress (ii. p. 249). This account by Hopkins is the -amplest of the contemporary narratives which we have. - -[1558] Cf. John Adams’ _Novanglus_ in his _Works_, iv. 19; Parton’s -_Franklin_, i. 340; John Almon’s _Biog., Lit., and Polit. Anecdotes_ -(London, 1797), vol. ii. - -[1559] This subject, however, is examined with greater or less -fulness—not mentioning works already referred to—in William -Pulteney’s _Thoughts on the present state of affairs with America_ -(4th ed., London, 1778); Chalmers’ _Revolt of the American Colonies_, -ii. 271; Trumbull’s _Connecticut_, ii. 355-57, 541-44; Belknap’s _New -Hampshire_, ii. 284; Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. 188-198; Sparks’s -edition of _Franklin_, iii. p. 22; Pitkin’s _Civil and Political Hist. -of the U. States_, i. 143; Bancroft’s _United States_ (final revision), -ii. 385, 389; Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 176 (with references); -Palfrey’s _Compendious Hist. New England_, iv. 200; Weise’s _Hist. of -Albany_, p. 313; Stone’s _Sir William Johnson_, i. ch. 14; Munsell’s -_Annals of Albany_, vol. iii., 2d ed. (1871); Greene’s _Hist. View -Amer. Revolution_ (lecture iii.). - -[1560] Another MS. is in the _Trumbull MSS._, i. 97. - -[1561] It is printed in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 917; _Penna. Archives_, -2d ser., vi. 206. - -[1562] It is printed in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 903; _Penna. Archives_, -2d ser., vi. 206. - -[1563] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 383, etc. - -[1564] Orig. ed., iv. ch. 17; and final revision, ii. - -[1565] There was an English version issued in London the same year. -Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1, 294-95. The tract is known to be the -production of Jean François Bastide. Both editions are in Harvard -College library [4376.34 and 35]. - -[1566] _Considerations on the importance of Canada ... addressed to -Pitt_, London, 1759. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.39). - -The superior gain to Great Britain from the retention, not of Canada, -but of the sugar and other West India islands, is expressed in a -_Letter to a Great M——r on the prospect of peace, wherein the -demolition of the fortifications of Louisbourg is shewn to be absurd, -the importance of Canada fully refuted, the proper barrier pointed out -in North America, etc._, London, 1761. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,299.) - -_Examination of the Commercial Principles of the late Negotiation, -etc._, London, 1762. (Two editions. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,321.) -_Comparative importance of our acquisitions from France in America, -with remarks on a pamphlet, intitled An Examination of the Commercial -Principles of the late Negotiation in 1761_, London, 1762. There was a -second edition the same year. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,317-18.) - -Burke was held to be the author of a tract, _Comparative importance -of the commercial principles of the late negotiation between Great -Britain and France in 1761, in which the system of that negotiation -with regard to our colonies and commerce is considered_, London, 1762. -(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,319.) - -[1567] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,263-1,266. The two great men were Pitt -and Newcastle. The _Letter_ was reprinted in Boston, 1760. As to its -authorship, Halkett and Laing say that it “was generally attributed to -William Pulteney, Earl of Bath, and is so attributed in Lord Stanhope’s -_History of England_; but according to Chalmers’ _Biographical -Dictionary_ it was really written by John Douglas, D. D., Bishop of -Salisbury.” Sabin says that it has been attributed to Junius. Cf. -Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. p. 364. - -[1568] There were editions in Dublin, Boston, and Philadelphia the -same year. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,251-55. Cf. _Franklin’s Works_, -Sparks’s ed., iv. p. 1.) - -[1569] Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed. iv. pp. 369, 460. “After the surrender -of Montreal in 1759, rumors were everywhere spread that the English -would now new-model the colonies, demolish the charters, and reduce all -to royal governments.” John Adams, preface to _Novanglus_, ed. 1819, in -_Works_, iv. 6. - -[1570] Sparks’s _Franklin_, i. p. 255; Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 422. It -is also held that Franklin’s connection with this pamphlet was that -of a helper of Richard Jackson. _Catal. of Works relating to Franklin -in the Boston Pub. Library_, p. 8. Lecky (_England in the XVIIIth -Century_, iii. ch. 12) traces the controversy over the retention of -Canada. Various papers on the peace are noted in the _Fifth Report of -the Hist. MSS. Commission_ as being among the Shelburne Papers. - -[1571] Among other tracts see _Appeal to Knowledge, or candid -discussions of the preliminaries of peace signed at Fontainebleau, Nov. -3, 1762, and laid before both houses of Parliament_, London, 1763. -(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,340.) There is a paper on the treaty in _Dublin -University Mag._, vol. 1. 641. Cf. “The Treaty of Paris, 1763, and the -Catholics in American Colonies,” by D. A. O’Sullivan, in _Amer. Cath. -Quart. Rev._, x. 240 (1885). - -[1572] The treaty is printed in the _Gent. Mag._, xxxiii. 121-126. - -[1573] It is given in the _Annual Register_ (1763); in the _Gentleman’s -Magazine_ (Oct., 1763, p. 479), with a map (p. 476) defining the -boundaries of the acquired provinces; in Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 374; -in Mills’ _Boundaries of Ontario_, pp. 192-98, and elsewhere. For other -maps of the new American acquisitions, see the _London Magazine_ (Feb., -1763); Kitchen’s map of the Province of Quebec, in _Ibid._ (1764, -p. 496); maps of the Floridas, in _Gent. Mag._ (1763, p. 552); of -Louisiana, _Ibid._ (1763, p. 284), and _London Mag._ (1765, June). - -[1574] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 838; Sabin, xii. 49,693; Harv. -Coll. lib., 4375.29; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 121. - -[1575] Brinley, i. 221. - -[1576] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 134. - -[1577] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,351; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 891. - -[1578] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_ (after -1700), p. 144. - -[1579] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,483. Cf. similar titles in Sabin, iv. -15,056-58, but given anonymously. - -[1580] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680; Sabin, ix. p. 529; Rich, _Bib. Am. -Nova_ (after 1700), p. 168. - -[1581] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1770), p. 180. - -[1582] Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,003; Brinley, i. no. 241; Rich, -_Bib. Am. Nova_ (after 1770), p. 188; Sabin, xi. 44,396. It is worth -about $75 or more. - -[1583] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 146; Barlow’s _Rough -List_, nos. 985, 986. - -[1584] In the vol. for 1757 (xxvii. p. 74) there is a map of the seat -of war. - -[1585] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_ (since 1700), p. 135. - -[1586] Sabin, xv. 64,707. - -[1587] Sabin, xv. 64,708. Part (57) of the edition (200) is in large -quarto. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,236. - -[1588] On the publications and MS. collections of the Lit. and -Hist. Soc. of Quebec, covering the period in question, see _Revue -Canadienne_, vi. 402. The society was founded in 1834 by the Earl of -Dalhousie. - -[1589] _Bib. Am. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 131. - -[1590] Leclerc, _Bibl. Americana_, no. 771; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. -1,122; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,221. - -[1591] _Transactions Lit. and Hist. Soc. Quebec_, 1871-72, p. 117. - -[1592] A letter from Mr. Parkman, cited in vol. ii. p. xv., explains -the gaps which provokingly occur in the Poore collection. See _ante_, -p. 165, and Vol. IV, p. 366. - -[1593] Mr. J. M. Lemoine has a paper, “Les Archives du Canada,” in the -_Transactions of the Royal Soc. of Canada_, vol. i. p. 107. - -[1594] Various documents relating to the war, particularly letters -received by the governor of Maryland, are in the cabinet of the -Maryland Hist. Soc., an account of which is given in Lewis Meyer’s -Description of the MSS. in that society’s possession (1884), pp. 8, 13, -etc. The printed index to the MSS. in the British Museum yields a key -to the progress of the war under such heads as Abercrombie, Amherst, -Bouquet, etc. - -[1595] _Laws and Resolves_, 1885, ch. 337. - -[1596] Resolves, 1884, ch. 60. See _ante_, p. 165. - -[1597] See _ante_, p. 166. - -[1598] Rich, _Bib. Amer. Nova_ (after 1700), pp. 108, 114. - -[1599] See _ante_, p. 158. - -[1600] London (1757, 1758, 1760, 1765, 1766, 1770, 1777, 1808, two), -Dublin (1762, 1777), Boston (1835, 1851); beside making part of -editions of Burke’s _Works_. Its authorship was for some time in doubt. -(Sabin, iii. 9,282, 9,283, who also enumerates various translations, -9,284, etc.) - -[1601] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,767; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_, after 1700, -p. 178. - -[1602] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._, after 1770, p. 192. - -[1603] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._, after 1700, p. 262. - -[1604] Rich (_Bib. Am. Nov._, after 1700, p. 118) describes it. There -is a copy in Harvard College library. - -[1605] Sabin, ix. 35,962-63. - -[1606] See _ante_, p. 162. - -[1607] London, 1757. Harv. Coll. library; Barlow’s _Rough List_, -939, etc. The Beckford copy on large paper, with the original view -of Oswego, was priced by Quaritch in 1885 at £63. An octavo ed. was -printed in 1776. A French version, _Histoire de la Nouvelle-York_, was -published at London in 1767. - -[1608] _New York_ (1814), pp. xii., 135. Cf. Cadwallader Colden on -Smith’s _New York_ (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 203, etc.). - -[1609] Vol. IV. p. 367. - -[1610] Vol. IV. pp. 157, 367. - -[1611] Cf. a “Discours” at Garneau’s tomb by Chauveau, in the _Revue -Canadienne_, 1867, p. 694; and an account of Garneau’s life in _Ibid._, -new series, iv. 199. Cf. J. M. Lemoine (_Maple Leaves_, 2d ser., p. -175) on the “Grave of Garneau.” Cf. Lareau’s _Littérature Canadienne_, -p. 157, and J. M. Lemoine’s “Nos quatre historiens modernes,—Bibaud, -Garneau, Ferland, Faillon,” in _Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada_, i. p. 1. - -[1612] Lareau’s _Littérature Canadienne_, p. 230. - -[1613] G. W. Greene, in _Putnam’s Mag._, 1870, p. 171. - -[1614] _United States_, i. 263. - -[1615] _History of the Rise and Progress of the United States._ Lond., -1827; N. Y., 1830; Boston, 1833. Sabin, vii. no. 28,244. - -[1616] _History of the United States to the Declaration of -Independence._ Lond., 1836; 2d ed., enlarged, Philad., 1845; but some -copies have Boston, 1845; Philad., again in 1846 and 1852. Sabin, vii. -28,245. - -[1617] Edmund Quincy’s _Life of Josiah Quincy_, p. 479. In the present -History, Vol. III. p. 378. - -[1618] _Hist. of the United States of America._ - -[1619] _Hist. of the United States of America._ - -[1620] _Popular Hist. of the United States._ - -[1621] _History of England._ - -[1622] _History of England from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of -Versailles, 1713-1783, by Lord Mahon_, 5th ed., London, 1858. - -[1623] In review of this book, Gen. J. Watts de Peyster gives a -military critique on the campaigns of the war in the _Hist. Mag._, May, -1869 (vol. xv. p. 297). - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -—Obvious errors were corrected. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. V (OF 8)*** - - -******* This file should be named 51470-0.txt or 51470-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/1/4/7/51470 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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