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diff --git a/old/51291-0.txt b/old/51291-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 32ee85a..0000000 --- a/old/51291-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,36051 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Narrative and Critical History of America, -Vol. IV (of 8), by Various, Edited by Justin Winsor - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. IV (of 8) - French Explorations and Settlements in North America and Those of the Portuguese, Dutch, and Swedes 1500-1700 - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Justin Winsor - -Release Date: February 23, 2016 [eBook #51291] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. IV (OF 8)*** - - -E-text prepared by Giovanni Fini, Dianna Adair, Bryan Ness, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the more than 300 original illustrations. - See 51291-h.htm or 51291-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51291/51291-h/51291-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51291/51291-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - http://www.archive.org/details/narrcrithistory04winsrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: mag^t). Multiple superscripted characters - are enclosed by curly brackets (example: Mess^{rs}). - - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -French Explorations and Settlements in North America -and Those of the Portuguese, Dutch, and Swedes 1500-1700 - - -[Illustration] - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -Edited by - -JUSTIN WINSOR - -Librarian of Harvard University -Corresponding Secretary Massachusetts Historical Society - -VOL. IV - - - - - - - -Boston and New York -Houghton, Mifflin and Company -The Riverside Press, Cambridge - -Copyright, 1884, -by James R. Osgood and Company. -All rights reserved. - -The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. -Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. - - - - - CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - - [_The French arms on the title are those used by the Royal - Printing-Office in Paris in the Seventeenth Century._] - - - INTRODUCTION. PAGE PHYSIOGRAPHY OF NORTH AMERICA. - _Nathaniel S. Shaler_ i - - - CHAPTER I. - - CORTEREAL, VERRAZANO, GOMEZ, THEVET. _George Dexter_ 1 - - ILLUSTRATION: Early Fishing Stages, 3. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 12 - - ILLUSTRATION: The Verrazano map, 26. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Francis I., 23; Janus Verrazanus, 25. - - MAPS OF THE EASTERN COAST OF NORTH AMERICA, 1500-1535. - _The Editor_ 33 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: The Admiral’s map, 34; Portuguese Chart (1503), - 35; Map of Lazaro Luis, 37; of Verrazano (1529), 37; of Ribero - (1529), 38; of Maiollo (1527), 39; of Agnese (1536), 40; of - Münster (1540), 41; Ulpius Globe (1542), 42; Carta Marina - (1548), 43; Lok’s Map (1582), 44; John White’s Map (1585), 45; - Map of North America (1532-1540), 46. - - - CHAPTER II. - - JACQUES CARTIER AND HIS SUCCESSORS. _Benjamin F. De Costa_ 47 - - ILLUSTRATION: Jacques Cartier, 48. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Jacques Cartier, 48; Henri the Dauphin, 56. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 62 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Maps of Allefonsce, 74, 75, 76, 77; of Des Liens - (1566), 78. - - CARTOGRAPHY OF THE NORTHEAST COAST OF NORTH AMERICA. 1535-1600. - _The Editor_ 81 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: The Nancy Globe, 81; Ulpius Globe (1542), 82; - Maps of Rotz (1542), 83, 83; Cabot Mappemonde (1544), 84; - Münster’s Map (1545), 84; Map of Medina (1545), 85; of Henri II. - (1546), 85; of Freire (1546), 86; in British Museum, 87; of Nic. - Vallard, 87; of Gastaldi, 88; belonging to Jomard, 89; of - Bellero, 89; of Baptista Agnese (1544), 90; of Volpellio, 90; - of Gastaldi in Ramusio, 91; of Homem (1558), 92; of Ruscelli - (1561), 92; of Zaltieri (1566), 93; of Mercator (1569), 94; - of Ortelius (1570), 95; of Porcacchi (1572), 96; of Martines - (1578), 97; of Judæis (1593), 97; of John Dee (1580), 98; of De - Bry, (1596), 99; of Wytfliet, 100; of Quadus (1600), 101. - - - CHAPTER III. - - CHAMPLAIN. _Edmund F. Slafter_ 103 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Port St. Louis, 109; of Tadoussac, 114; - of Quebec (1613), 115; of the St. Lawrence River (1609), 117; - View of Quebec, 118; Champlain, 119; Defeat of the Iroquois, - 120; Champlain’s Route (1615), 125; Taking of Quebec (1629), - 128. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Champlain, 119; Montmagny, 130. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 130 - - - CHAPTER IV. - - ACADIA. _Charles C. Smith_ 135 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Sieur de Monts, 136; Isle de Sainte Croix, 137; - Buildings on the same, 139; Lescarbot’s Map of Port Royal, - 140; Champlain’s Map of Port Royal, 141; Map of Gulf of Maine - (_circum_ 1610), 143; Buildings at Port Royal, 144; Map of - Pentagöet, 146; Sir William Phips, 147; Jesuit Map (1663), 148. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Henry IV., 136; Razilly, 142; La Tour, 143; - D’Aulnay, 143; Robert Sedgwick, 145; John Leverett, 145; St. - Castine, 146. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 149 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Lescarbot’s Map of Acadia, 152; La Hontan’s Map - of Acadia, 153; Sir William Alexander, 156; Francis Parkman, - 157. - - AUTOGRAPH: Francis Parkman, 157. - - NOTES. _The Editor_ 159 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Fort Loyal, 159; Map of Pemaquid, 160. - - AUTOGRAPHS: De Meneval, 160; De Villebon, 160; Le Moyne - d’Iberville, 161. - - - CHAPTER V. - - DISCOVERY ALONG THE GREAT LAKES. _Edward D. Neill_ 163 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: The Soleil, 192; its bottom, 193. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Argenson, 168; Mézy, 172; Courcelle, 177; - Frontenac, 177; Henry de Tonty, 182. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 196 - - EDITORIAL NOTE 198 - - ILLUSTRATION: Map of early French explorations, 200. - - JOLIET, MARQUETTE, AND LA SALLE. _The Editor_ 201 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of the Ottawa Route (1640-1650), 202; - Dollier and Galinée’s Explorations, 203; Lakes and the - Mississippi, 206; Joliet’s Map (1673-74), 208; Fac-simile of - Joliet’s Letter, 210; Joliet’s Larger Map (1674), 212, 213; - Joliet’s Smaller Map, 214; Basin of the Great Lakes, 215; - Joliet’s Carte Générale, 218; Marquette’s Genuine Map, 220; - Mississippi Valley (1672-73), 221; Fort Frontenac, 222; Map - by Franquelin (1682), 227; (1684), 228; (1688), 230-231; by - Coronelli et Tillemon (1688), 232; by Raffeix (1688), 233; - Ontario and Erie, by Raffeix (1688), 234; by Raudin, 235; La - Salle’s Camp, 236; Map by Minet (1685), 237; Murder of La - Salle, 243; Portrait of La Salle, 244. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Joliet, 204; Raffeix, 232; De Beaujeu, 234; Le - Cavelier, 234. - - FATHER LOUIS HENNEPIN. _The Editor_ 247 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Niagara Falls, 248; Hennepin’s Map (1683), 249; - (1697), 251, 252-253; title of _New Discovery_, 256. - - BARON LA HONTAN. _The Editor_ 257 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: La Hontan’s Map (1709), 258, 259; (1703), 260; - his Rivière Longue, 261. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - THE JESUITS, RECOLLECTS, AND THE INDIANS. _John Gilmary Shea_ 263 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Paul le Jeune, 272; Map of the Iroquois Country, - 281. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Trouvé, 266; Fremin, 268; Gabriel Druilletes, 270; - Bailloquet, 270; Albanel, 271; Dalmas, 271; Buteux, 271; Bigot, - 273; De Noue, 273; Sébastien Rale, 273; Belmont, 275; Garnier, - 276; Garreau, 277; Chabanel, 277; Gabriel Lalemant, 278; - Raymbault, 279; Claude Dablon, 280; Menard, 280; D’Ailleboust, - 282; Lamberville, 285; Picquet, 285. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 290 - - ILLUSTRATION: J. S. Clarke’s Map of the Mission Sites among the - Iroquois, 293. - - THE JESUIT RELATIONS. _The Editor_ 295 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: A Canadian (_Creuxius_), 297; Map of Indian - Tribes in the Ohio Valley (1600), 298; Map of Montreal and - its Vicinity, 303; Map of the Site of Montreal (Lescarbot), - 304; Map of the Huron Country, 305; Brebeuf, 307; Titlepage of - the _Relation_ of 1662-63, 310; The Forts on the Sorel River - (1662-63), 311; Map of Tracy’s Campaign (1666), 312; Jesuit Map - of Lake Superior, 312; Plans of the Forts, 313; Madame de la - Peltrie, 314. - - AUTOGRAPHS: A. Carayon, 295; Lafitau, 298; Cadwallader Colden, - 299; Bresani, 305; Gabriel Druilletes, 306; Ragueneau, 307; - Brebeuf, 307; Josephus Poncet, 308; Simon Le Moyne, 308; - Margaret Bourgeois, 309; Francois Evesque de Petrée, 309; - Menard, 309; Vignal, 310; Tracy, 311; Allouez, 311; Courcelle, - 311; Le Mercier, 311; De Salignac, 312; Jacques Marquette, 313; - Claude Dablon, 313; L. Jolliet, 315; Bigot, 315; Chaumonot, - 316; Jacques Gravier, 316; Marest, 316. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - FRONTENAC AND HIS TIMES. _George Stewart, Jr._ 317 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Early View of Quebec, 320; Canadian on Snow - Shoes, 331; Plan of Attack on Quebec (1690), 354. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Louis XIV., 323; Frontenac, 326; Duchesneau, 334; - Seignelay, 337; Le Fèbre de la Barre, 337; De Meules, 337; De - Denonville, 343; Champigny, 346; Engelran, 348. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 356 - - EDITORIAL NOTES 361 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Quebec Medal, 361; Plan of Attack on Quebec - (1690), 362, 363; Canadian Soldier, 365. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Monseignat, 364; Frontenac, 364; William Phips, - 364; John Walley, 364; Thomas Savage, 364; S. Davis, 364; - Fitz-John Winthrop, 364; Philip Schuyler, 365; Ben. Fletcher, - 365; De Courtemanche, 365; Colbert, 366. - - GENERAL ATLASES AND CHARTS OF THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH - CENTURIES. _The Editor_ 369 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Title of Wytfliet’s Atlas, 370; Gerard Mercator, - 371; Abraham Ortelius, 372; Mercator’s Mappemonde (1569), 373. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Gerardus Mercator, 371; Abraham Ortelius, 372. - - MAPS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY SHOWING CANADA. _The Editor_ 377 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Molineaux (1600), 377; of Botero (1603), - 378; Lescarbot’s Newfoundland (1609), 379; Map by Champlain - (1612), 380, 381; (1613), 382; by Jacobsz (1621), 383; by - Briggs (1625), 383; by Speed (1626), 384; by De Laet, 384; by - Jannson, 385; by Visscher, 385; by Champlain (1632), 386, 387; - by Dudley (1647), 388; by Creuxius (1660), 389; by Covens and - Mortier, 390; by Gottfried (1655), 390; by Sanson (1656), 391; - by Blaeu (1662), 391; in Ogilby’s America (1670), 392, 393; in - Campanius (1702), 394. - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - NEW NETHERLAND, OR THE DUTCH IN NORTH AMERICA. - _Berthold Fernow_ 395 - - AUTOGRAPHS: Peter Minuet, 398; Julian Van Rensselaer, 400; W. - van Twiller, 401; P. Stuyvesant, 406; A. Colve, 409. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 409 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Ribero’s Map (1529), 413; Dutch Vessels (1618), - 415; The Figurative Map (1616), 433; De Laet’s Map (1630), 436; - Visscher’s Map, 438; Van der Donck’s Map (1656), 438. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Johan De Laet, 417; Adrian Van der Donck, 419; - Johannes Megapolensis, 420; Isaac Jogues, 421; Cornelis Melyn, - 425. - - EDITORIAL NOTES 439 - - ILLUSTRATION: Map of New York and Vicinity (1666), 440. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Everhard Bogardus, 441; Willem Kieft, 441. - - - CHAPTER IX. - - NEW SWEDEN, OR THE SWEDES ON THE DELAWARE. _Gregory B. Keen_ 443 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Visscher’s Map (1651), 467; Trinity Fort, 473; - Siege of Christina Fort, 480; Lindström’s Map (1654-55), 481; - Map of Atlantic Colonies (_Campanius_), 485. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Willem Usselinx, 443; Gustavus Adolphus, 444; Axel - Oxenstjerna, 444; S. Blommaert, 445; Peter Spiring, 445; Peter - Minuit, 446; Clas Fleming, 447; Queen Christina, 448; Hendrick - Huygen, 448; J. Beier, 449; Peter Hollender, Ridder, 449; Johan - Printz, 452; Sven Schute, 454; Gregorious Van Dyck, 454; Peter - Brahe, 458; Johan Papegåja, 458; A. Hudde, 461; Laurentz, 464; - Hans Amundson, 465; Hans Kramer, 469; Gustaf Printz, 470; Erik - Oxenstjerna, 471; Johan Rising, 471; Christer Bonde, 471; - Thijssen Anckerhelm, 472; Peter Lindström, 472; Sven Höök, 475; - Henrich von Elswich, 475; King Carl Gastaff, 477; Jöran Fleming, - 477. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 488 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Title of _Manifest und Vertragbrieff_ (1624), - 489; Title of Campanius (1702), 492. - - - INDEX 503 - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - -PHYSIOGRAPHY OF NORTH AMERICA. - -BY NATHANIEL S. SHALER, - -_Professor of Palæontology in Harvard University._ - - -Part I. - -PHYSIOGRAPHY OF NORTH AMERICA. - -THE continents of the earth have two distinct types of form,—the -one regular, symmetrical, triangular in outline; the other without -these regularities of shape. To the first of these groups belong the -continents of Africa and Australia of the Old World, and the two -Americas of the New; to the second, the massive continent of Europe -and Asia. Some have sought to reduce the continent of Asia to the same -type as that of the other continents; but a glance at a map of the -hemispheres will show how different is this Indo-European continent -from the other land-masses. - -These general features of the continents are not only of scientific -interest; they are of the utmost importance to the history of man’s -development upon these several lands. It is not without meaning, -that, while man has existed for a great length of time upon all the -continents, the only original civilizations that have been developed -have been on the lands of the Indo-European continent. Working on -several different lines of advance, several diverse races—Aryan, -Semitic, Chinese, and perhaps others—have risen from the common plane -of barbarism, and have created complicated social systems, languages, -literatures, and arts; while on the four other continents, despite -their great area, greater fertility, and wider range of physical -conditions, no race has ever had a native development to be compared -with that undergone by the several successful races of Asia and -Europe.[1] - -In this great Old-World continent there are many highly individualized -areas, each separated from the rest of the continent by strong -geographical barriers; it has a dozen or so of great peninsulas upon -its seaboard, many great islands off its shores, and the interior of -the land is divided into many separated regions by mountain ridges -or by deserts. It is a land where man necessarily fell into variety, -because of the isolation that the geography gave. If we look at the -other continents,—namely, the Americas, Africa, and Australia,—we -find that they want this varied and detailed structure. They each -consist of a great triangular mass, with scanty subordinate divisions. -In all of them put together there are not so many great peninsulas as -there are in Europe. If we exclude those that are within the Arctic -Circle, there are but few on the four regular continents, none of which -compare in size or usefulness to man with the greater peninsulas of -the Old World. The only one of value is that of Nova Scotia, in North -America. - -These regular continents are all in the form of triangles, with their -apices pointing towards the southern pole. Near either long shore lie -the principal mountain systems that give definition to the coast line. -The middle portion of each continent is generally a region of plain, -somewhat diversified by lesser mountain systems. Along either shore -is a narrow fringe of plain land to the east and west of the main -mountain chains. Near the northern part of the continent, and aiding to -define the base of the triangle, there is another system of mountains -having a general east and west course. With the exception of North -America, none of these regular continents have seas inclosed within -their areas,—such bodies of water as form so striking a feature in the -Asiatic continent, which is indeed a land of mediterranean seas. - -In a word, these continents are characteristically as simple as the -Asiatic continent is varied. Their mass is undivided, and their organic -or human histories are necessarily less diversified than in such a -land-mass as Asia. - -The continent of North America is, of all the triangular continents, -the most nearly akin in its structure to the great Old-World land. -In the first place, it is the only one of these continents that has -the same general conditions of climate; then it has a far greater -diversity of form than the similar masses of South America, Africa, and -Australia. North America has several considerable seas inclosed within -its limits or bordering upon its shores; its mountain systems are more -varied in their disposition than in the other regular continents. So -that in a way this continent in its structure lies intermediate between -the Asiatic type and what is considered the normal form of continents. - -Although this varied structure of the continent of North America makes -it more fit for the uses of man than the continents of Africa, South -America, and Australia, there are certain considerable disadvantages -in its physical conditions. To show the relation of these evil and -fortunate features, it will be necessary for us to consider the general -geography of the continent somewhat in detail. - -The point of first importance concerns the distribution of heat and -moisture over the surface of the land; for on these features depends -the fitness of the land for all forms of life. The influences which -principally determine the climate of a continent come to it from the -neighboring seas. The moisture arises there, and finds its way thence -to the land; and the heat or coolness which modifies the land climate -comes with it. - -North America faces three oceans. On the north is the extremely cold -Arctic Sea, mostly covered by enduring ice: it is the extreme coldness -of this sea, and its ice-clad character near the continent of America, -that in good part causes the great severity of its winters. Where the -Arctic Sea lies against Europe and Asia it is partly warmed by the Gulf -Stream, and so is not completely ice-bound even in winter; but that -part of it which lies near the northern coast of America is ice-bound -the whole year, and the winds that come from it are many degrees below -those that come over open water. - -Both the Atlantic and Pacific oceans send streams of warm water against -the American coast. But the Gulf Stream has actually very little direct -effect upon our climate; it only touches the coast about the Gulf of -Mexico, where the temperature is naturally so high that its warming -power is not felt. It then leaves our coast, to give its warmth to the -shores of Europe and to the European part of the Arctic Ocean. The -Pacific current corresponding to the Gulf Stream is feebler than the -Atlantic current, and sends its tide of waters against the northwest -shore of America. Its effects on that coast are very noticeable; but -they are limited, by the geography of that shore, within narrow bounds. -In the first place, the passage of Behring’s Strait is too small to -permit its waters to have access to the Arctic Sea; then the high -ranges of the Cordilleras fence off the interior of the continent, so -that the warm winds that blow from the sea cannot penetrate far to -the east. Confined to the shore, the heat of the Pacific Gulf Stream -generates a large amount of fog; this fog shuts off the sun’s rays, and -so lowers the temperature almost as much as the current itself serves -to raise it. - -The distribution of moisture over the surface of the continent is -effected in much the same way as is the distribution of heat. The Gulf -Stream gives an abundant rainfall to the States about the Gulf of -Mexico lying to the north of that basin; its effects on the rainfall -are seen even as far north as the New England States, but they have -little effect to the west of the Mississippi River. The high mountains -of the Cordilleras cut off the Pacific winds from the centre of the -continent, so that very little of the water which flows down to the -Gulf of Mexico or to the Atlantic is derived from the Pacific. From the -general conditions thus rudely outlined the following arrangement of -climates arises. The northern half of the continent is more completely -under the dominion of the Arctic Sea than any part of Europe or Asia; -the only parts of it fit for the use of civilized man are the northern -watershed of the St. Lawrence, the valley of Lake Winnipeg and the -Saskatchewan, and the west-coast region as far north as Alaska. The -rest of the northern part of the continent is practically barred out -from the life of the race by the intensity of the winter cold, and by -the brevity of the summer season. - -South of this domain of northern cold, North America divides itself, -by its climate, soil, and topographical reliefs, into the following -fairly distinct regions: (1) The eastern lowlands lying between the -shore and the Appalachian range; these shade southwardly into (2) the -lowlands of the Gulf States, which is the only part of North America -in the immediate control of the Gulf Stream. These Gulf lowlands -pass northwardly into (3) the great plain of the Mississippi Valley. -Between these lowlands of the centre of the continent and the Atlantic -sea-coast lie (4) the table-lands and mountains of the Appalachian -system. West of the Mississippi Valley lie (5) the region of the -Cordilleras of North America; and finally on the western shore we find -(6) a narrow region of low mountains, forming a slender fringe of -shorelands. - -The mountains of the Appalachian system are composed of two parallel -series of elevations, an old eastern range of peaks which are worn -down to mere shreds; so that in place of being as high as the Alps, as -they once were, they have no peaks that rise seven thousand feet above -the sea. This outer range is traceable from Newfoundland to Alabama; -but it only rises above six thousand feet in the White Mountains of -New Hampshire and the Black Mountains of North Carolina. In form these -mountains are steep and rugged. Their steep sides hold the little -untillable land that exists east of the Mississippi; their actual area -is small, for the chain is very narrow, not exceeding a score or so of -miles in width, except in the Carolinas and in the White Mountains, -where it is somewhat wider. The total untillable area in this chain -does not exceed twelve thousand square miles. West of this, the old -Appalachian mountain system, separated from it by a broad, elevated, -somewhat mountainous valley, lies the newer Alleghany range. This -valley intermediate is one of the most fertile and admirably situated -in the world; it extends from New Jersey to Georgia, with an average -width of about forty miles and a length of about six hundred, having an -area of over twenty thousand square miles. The Alleghany Mountains on -the west are composed principally of round, symmetrical ridges, often -like gigantic works of art, so uniform are their arches; none of them -rise to more than five thousand feet above the sea, and their surfaces -are so little broken that they generally afford tillable though as yet -generally untilled land. Practically no part of this great range, which -extends from near Albany to Alabama, is completely unfit for the uses -of man, and it includes some of the most fertile valleys of America. -The most important feature connected with this double mountain system -of the Appalachians is the great area of table-lands which it upholds; -these bordering uplands are found all around the mountain system. -The greater part of the States of New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, -West Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Ohio -owe the considerable elevation of their surfaces to the table-land -elevations bordering the Appalachian mountain system. Taken altogether, -this mountain system is perhaps the finest region for the uses of man -that the world affords; its great length, of more than fifteen hundred -miles from north to south, gives it a range of climate such as would be -had in Europe by a mountain chain extending from Copenhagen to Rome. -The total area of this Appalachian district, mountains as well as -table-lands, is about three hundred thousand square miles. This is an -area equal to near thrice the surface of Great Britain. - -The Appalachian table-lands fade gradually into the Mississippi Valley. -Their distinct character continues to near the borders of that stream -where it unites with the Ohio. As we come upon the table-land system of -the Cordilleras, soon after we pass west of the Mississippi, this great -valley may be considered as made up of the table-lands of two great -mountain systems, with only a relatively small area of alluvial matter -between the mouth of the Ohio and the Gulf. Unlike the Ganges, the -Amazon, and most other great rivers of the first class, the Mississippi -River has a small delta section: not over twenty to thirty thousand -square miles has this character. By far the greater part of the basin -is really table-land, and is thus free from the evil of low countries -to a degree equalled by no other very great river basin. Its valley -is characteristically a table-land valley, with a general surface of -rolling plain, varying from three hundred to five thousand feet above -the level of the sea. Outside of the Cordilleras and the Appalachians, -this valley has few mountain folds within its ample space. The absence -of included mountain systems is almost as noteworthy a feature as the -small amount of delta. There are only two or three patches of mountains -that lie far beyond the limits of the great mountain systems of the -east and west; and only one of these, the Ozark Mountains of Missouri -and Arkansas, is at any distance from the main ranges. This is an -insignificant group of low hills having considerable geological but no -geographical importance. - -On the western border of the Mississippi Valley rise the vast ridges -of the Cordilleras. This great mountain region is, next after the -mountainous area of Central Asia, the most extensive region of great -altitude in the world. From Mexico northward this system of mountains -widens, until, in the parallel of forty degrees, it has a width of -about one thousand miles. This system is made up of many ridges lying -upon an elevated table-land. The valleys of the lesser streams are -generally over seven thousand feet above the sea; the main peaks, to -the number of many hundred, rise over twelve thousand feet above the -sea level; many of them attain to about fourteen thousand feet of -altitude. Its table-land extends east to near the Mississippi River. -The great height and width of this mountain system produce a very -marked effect upon the climate of the vast area that it incloses, and -upon the country which lies within a thousand miles to the east of -its mountain walls. The winds from the Pacific are to a great extent -drained of their moisture in the western or Sierra Nevada section of -these mountains, and have little moisture to give to the central and -eastern chains; and when these winds emerge on to the western plains, -they are as dry as those that blow over the Sahara. - -Although these Cordilleras of North America afford access by their -dislocations to a great supply of mineral substances, they are on the -whole a curse to the continent. By the cold and dryness which their -height entails, they reduce one third of the continent to sterility. -Though here and there in their valleys we find oases of fertile -land, and many regions of limited area may be made fertile by the -use of irrigation, at least nineteen-twentieths of their lands are -irretrievably barren. When their resources of precious metals are -exhausted, as is likely to be the case within a hundred years, they -will probably be to a great extent abandoned by man. Only the extreme -northern section and a part of the central and border lands afford any -other attractions to settlers than is found in their mineral wealth. - -West of the Cordilleras of North America we have a narrow and -mountainous coast region that is abundantly watered by the moisture -from the Pacific, which penetrates some distance into the land over the -lower ridges that border on them. Although this belt of fertile country -cannot be compared in populationsustaining power with the Atlantic -coast region, it is of great fertility, and has a climate of surpassing -excellence. - -On the borders of Mexico, within the limits of the United States, -the mountains sink down to much less extreme heights, and the -climate becomes less strenuous. This region is better fitted for the -permanent occupation of man; but only a small part of the land is -arable,—probably not one-tenth of its surface is or ever will be fit -for the plough. - -In Mexico proper we have a country that retains the character of -the Cordilleras so far as its general elevation is concerned, but -loses the lofty ridges which we find farther to the north. The loss -of these barriers, combined with the narrowing of the space between -the Atlantic and the Pacific waters, and its more southern position, -increases the temperature and the rainfall; so that the fertility of -the country augments in a rapid way as we go southwards, until finally -in the isthmic part of the continent we have a tropical luxuriance of -life. The lowland borders of the country gain upon the width of the -table-land, until south of the Tehuantepec Isthmus the whole region is -essentially unfit for the uses of our race. - -The climate of North America south of the divide which separates the -streams flowing toward the Arctic Circle from those entering the -Atlantic south of Labrador may be said to resemble that of Europe in -all important respects. The winters are far colder; but the summer -seasons, which determine the usefulness of the soil to man, are as -warm and quickening to plants as are those of the Old World. The more -considerable cold of winter is a disadvantage, inasmuch as it limits -the work of agriculture to a smaller part of the year, and requires a -greater expense in the keeping of livestock. This is a considerable -evil, especially in the regions north of the parallel of forty degrees; -but the cold is not greater than in Northern Germany or in Scotland. -There can be no doubt that the body and the mind receive certain -advantages from the tonic quality of the winters which compensate for -this loss. - -Nearly the whole of North America that is within the limits of the -United States receives some share of frost. This secures it against the -permanent occupation of contagious fevers, which from time to time find -their way to it from the tropics. - -North America, east of the 100th meridian (west of Greenwich) and north -of thirty-five degrees, has a soil which is on the whole superior to -that of Europe. Practically the whole of this vast area is tillable, -and the variety of crops is very great, considerably greater than -that of Europe. West of the 100th meridian the rainfall diminishes -rapidly, being especially limited in the summer season. The winters -become longer and more extreme throughout all the region within or -under the climatic influence of the Cordilleras; the soil is thinner, -and over vast regions almost wanting. In certain exceptional tracts as -far westward as the Saskatchewan, and at points along the line between -the United States and Canada to the south of that valley, there are -considerable areas of good soil; but, considered in a general way, we -may exclude all the region between the 100th meridian and the Sierra -Nevada range from the hope of any great agricultural future. Even -should the rainfall be increased by tree-planting in those regions -where trees may grow, the quality of the soil in this district, even -where soil exists, is often too poor for any use. Yet in some parts it -is very good, and if tree-planting should increase the rainfall, some -limited areas will be tillable. - -Next to the quality of the soil, the forest covering of a country does -the most to determine its uses to man. Although the Western prairies -have the temporary advantage that they are more readily brought under -cultivation than wooded regions, the forests of a land contribute so -largely to man’s well-being, that without them he can hardly maintain -the structure of his civilization. The distribution of American forests -is peculiar. All the Appalachian mountain system and the shore region -between that system and the sea, as well as the Gulf border as far -west as the Mississippi, were originally covered by the finest forest -that has existed in the historical period, outside of the tropics. -In the highlands south of Pennsylvania and in the western table-land -north to the Great Lakes, this forest was generally of hard-wood or -deciduous trees; on the shore-land and north of Pennsylvania in the -highlands, the pines and other conifers held a larger share of the -surface. The parts of the land bordering the Mississippi on the west, -as far as the central regions of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri, -are forest clad. Michigan and portions of Wisconsin and Minnesota have -broad areas of forests, but the cis-Mississippian States of Indiana -and Illinois, and the trans-Mississippian country west to the Sierra -Nevada, is only wooded, and that generally scantily, along the borders -of the streams. Data for precise statements are yet wanting, but there -is no doubt that this area is untimbered over about seven eighths of -its surface, and the wood which exists has a relatively small value for -constructive purposes. North of the regions described, except along -the Pacific coast, where fine soft-wood forests extend from near San -Francisco to Alaska, the forest growth rapidly diminishes in size, -and therefore in value, the trees becoming short and gnarled, and the -kinds of wood inferior. So that the region north of the St. Lawrence -and of the Great Lakes is not to be regarded as having any very great -value from the forest resources it affords. In estimating the value -of North America to man, the limitation of good forests to the region -east of the Mississippi must be regarded as a disadvantage which is -likely to become more serious with the advance of time. Undoubtedly the -timberless character of the prairie country for at least two hundred -miles west of the Mississippi is in the main due to the constant -burning over of the surface by the aborigines. It seems possible that -these regions may yet be made to bear extensive woods. The elevated -plains that lie farther to the west seem to have too little rainfall -for the support of forests. - -The rivers of a country are a result and a measure of its climate. -The generally large rainfall of the eastern half of North America is -shown by the number and size of its streams, which, area for area, -are longer and more frequent than those of the Old World, except on -the eastern coast of Asia. The heaviest rainfall and the greatest -average of streams is found about the Gulf of Mexico and the southern -part of the Appalachian district. Hence, northerly, westerly, and -northwesterly, the rainfall decreases in amount. The average of the -region east of the Mississippi and south of the Laurentian Mountains -is probably about fifty inches per annum, somewhere near one-third -more than that of Europe. North America, despite the very dry district -of the Cordilleras, has an average rainfall about as great as that of -Europe, and probably rather greater than Asia; indeed its water-supply -is rather greater than the average for lands situated so far from the -equator. - -The rivers of America have been of very great importance in the -settlement of the land. They afford more navigable waters than all the -streams of Asia put together. Without the system of the Mississippi, -which has more navigable waters than any river except the Amazons, it -would not have been possible for America to have been brought under the -control of colonies with such speed. - -The elevation of the surface of North America, at least of its more -habitable portions, is very favorable to man. A large part of its -fertile soils lie from five hundred to fifteen hundred feet above the -sea. It has a larger part of its surface within the limits of height -that are best suited to the uses of man than Asia, but less than Europe -has. - -In considering the fitness of this continent for the use of European -races, it will not do to overlook the mineral resources of the country. -It may be stated in general terms that North America is richer in the -mineral substances which have most contributed to the development -of man than any other continent. The precious metals may be briefly -dismissed. They occur constantly in two areas: the Cordilleran,—which, -from Mexico, California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, has -doubtless furnished more gold and silver than any other one mountain -district,—and the Appalachian region, which has given about sixty -million dollars to the world’s store of gold. The precious mineral -resources of the Cordilleran region are probably greater than those of -any other continent. They have already exercised a very great influence -on the commercial and political history of the continent, and are -likely to become of more importance as time goes on, for at least half -a century to come. - -In the so-called baser, yet really more precious, metals this continent -is even more fortunate. The supplies in the most important metal, -iron, are very great,—certainly greater than in Europe. This metal is -distributed with much uniformity over the country, there being scarcely -a State except Florida that cannot claim some share of this metal. -Especially rich in deposits of this metal are the States which share -the Appalachian district, and the States of Missouri and Michigan. The -Rocky Mountains also abound in iron ores, which there often contain a -certain proportion of the precious metals; so that it is possible that -the exploitation of the two metals may in time be carried on there -together. There is probably no other continent that contains as large a -share of iron,—the most important metal for the uses of man. - -The other less used, but still commercially important, metals,—zinc, -lead, and copper,—are found in considerable abundance in the -Appalachian, the Laurentian, and the Cordilleran regions, especially in -the last-named district. The only metal that is rarely found in North -America, never yet in quantities of economic importance, is tin. Some -specimens of bronze implements have been found in Mexico and Peru. They -seem to afford the only evidence that the aboriginal peoples knew how -to smelt any metals. Though the natives in the more northern districts -used copper, they never discovered the art of smelting it. - -Considering the useful metals as a whole, North America is -proportionally richer than any other country that is well known to us. - -The most considerable of the resources that the rocks of America offer, -are found in the deposits of coal which they contain. These deposits -are of vast extent, and are excellently fitted for the various uses of -this fuel. While the other mineral resources of the country are most -abundant in the region of the Cordilleras, the best of these deposits -of coal are accumulated in and about the Appalachian district. At least -nine tenths of the coal of America lies to the east of the Mississippi -River. New England, New York, South Carolina, Florida, Mississippi, -and Louisiana are the only States that are practically without coal; -and even in New England, Rhode Island and the neighboring parts of -Massachusetts have promising but essentially undeveloped fields. In -the Cordilleran district coal deposits of small area occur; but the -material is generally of poor quality, and is not likely to have a -great utility. - -As a whole, the resources in the way of subterranean fuel are far -richer on this continent than in Europe. The area of coal-bearing rocks -is at least eight times as great, and the deposits are much better -disposed for working. No other continent save Asia is likely to develop -anything like these coal resources; in China the coal area seems much -larger than that of North America, but the richness of the field has -not yet been fully proven: it is, however, undoubtedly great. - -As the latent power of any modern society depends in an intimate way -upon the buried stores of solar energy in coal-beds, the large area and -good quality of the American coal-fields are very important advantages, -and are full of promise for the economic future of its people. - -Among the less important resources of the rocks in North America are -the various classes of coal-oils which were first brought into commerce -from its fields. Although these oils are not peculiar to North America, -the small amount of disruption which its rocks have undergone have -caused them to be retained in the subterranean store-houses; while in -other countries, where the rocks have been more disturbed, these oils -have been allowed to escape to the streams or the air. The areas where -these oils occur on the continent are widely scattered. They are, -however, principally confined to the Upper Ohio Valley; they are known -to exist also in the Valley of the Cumberland River, in California, -and in Western Canada north of Lake Erie. Besides these flowing oils -there are immense areas of black shales, which yield large quantities -of oil to distillation. These are not now of value, on account of -the abundance of these flowing oils; but as in the immediate future -these flowing wells are likely to cease their production, we may look -to these shales for an almost indefinite supply of oil. In the Ohio -Valley, extending eastward in Virginia into the valleys of the Atlantic -streams, there is an area of over one hundred thousand square miles -of this shale, which is on the average over one hundred and fifty -feet thick, and yields about ten per cent of oil. In other words, it -is equal to a lake of oil as large as New York and Pennsylvania, and -fifteen feet deep,—a practically unlimited source of this material. - -It is important to note that the sources of supply of phosphate and -alkaline marls are very large. As these substances are subject to -a constant waste in agriculture, and are the most important of all -materials to the growth of the standard crops, the soil of America -promises on the whole to be as enduring as is that of Europe, though, -owing to the larger rainfall, it tends to waste away more rapidly. - -The building stones of a country are of importance, inasmuch as they -affect the constructions of a people; in such materials, suited for -the purposes of simple strength and durability, the country is very -well supplied, being quite as well off as Europe. On the other hand, -the stones that lend themselves to the more decorative uses, the pure -white or variegated marbles, are not nearly as rich as the countries -about the Mediterranean, which is of all known regions the richest in -decorative stones. - -It is not possible within the limits of this chapter to support by -sufficient details the foregoing statements concerning the physical -conditions of America. The necessary brevity of the work has made it -difficult to find place for all the points that should be presented; it -may be fairly said, however, that the statements as made are to a very -great extent matters of general information, which lie beyond the scope -of debate, being well known to all students of American physiography. - -Accepting the foregoing statements as true, it may be fairly owned -that the general physical conditions of the American continent closely -resemble those of Europe, and that in all the more important matters -our race gained rather than lost by its transfer from the Old World to -the New. - - -Part II. - -EFFECT OF THE PHYSIOGRAPHY OF NORTH AMERICA ON MEN OF EUROPEAN ORIGIN. - -In their organic life the continents of America have always stood -somewhat apart from those of the Old World. This isolation is marked in -every stage of their geological history. In each geological period they -have many forms that never found their way to the other lands, and we -fail to find there many species that are abundant in the continents of -the Old World. - -The same causes that kept the animal and vegetable life of the Americas -distinct from Europe and Asia have served to keep those continents -apart from the human history of the Old World. Something more than -the relations that are patent on a map are necessary to a proper -understanding of the long continued isolation of these continents. - -In the first place, we may notice the fact that from the Old World -the most approachable side of these continents lies on the west. Not -only are the lands of the New and Old World there brought into close -relations to each other, but the ocean streams of the North Pacific -flow toward America. Moreover the North Pacific is a sea of a calmer -temper than the North Atlantic, and the chance farers over its surface -would be more likely to survive its perils. In the North Atlantic, -over which alone the Aryan peoples could well have found their way to -America, we have a wide sea, which is not only the stormiest in the -world, but its currents set strongly against western-going ships, and -the prevailing winds blow from the west.[2] If it had been intended -that America should long remain unknown to the seafaring peoples of -Semitic or Aryan race, it would not have been easy, within the compass -of earthly conditions, to accomplish it in a more effective manner than -it has been done by the present geography. - -The result is that man, who doubtless originated in the Old World, -early found his way to America by the Pacific; and all the so-called -indigenous races known to us in the Americas seem to have closer -relations to the peoples living in northern Asia than to those of any -other country. It is pretty clear that none of the aboriginal American -peoples have found their way to these continents by way of the Atlantic. - -Although the access to the continent of North America is much more -easily had upon its western side, and though all the early settlements -were probably made that way, the configuration of the land is such -that it is not possible to get easy access to the heart of the -continent from the Pacific shore. So that although the Atlantic Ocean -was most forbidding and difficult as a way to America, once passed, -it gave the freest and best access to the body of the continent. In -the west, the Cordilleras are a formidable bar to those who seek to -enter the continent from the Pacific. None but a modern civilization -would ever have forced its barriers of mountains and of deserts. An -ancient civilization, if it had penetrated America from the west, -would have recoiled from the labor of traversing this mountain -system, that combines the difficulties of the Alps and the Sahara. If -European emigration had found such a mountain system on the eastern -face of the continent, the history of America would have been very -different. Scarcely any other continent offers such easy ingress as -does this continent to those who come to it from the Atlantic side. -The valleys of the St. Lawrence, the Hudson, the Mississippi, in a -fashion also of the Susquehanna and the James, break through or pass -around the low-coast mountains, and afford free ways into the whole of -the interior that is attractive to European peoples. No part of the -Alleghanian system presents any insuperable obstacles to those who seek -to penetrate the inner lands. The whole of its surface is fit for human -uses; there are neither deserts of sand nor of snow. The axe alone -would open ways readily passable to men and horses. So that when the -early settlers had passed the sea, all their formidable geographical -difficulties were at an end,—with but little further toil the wide -land lay open to them. I propose in the subsequent pages to give a -sketch of the physical conditions of this continent, with reference -to the transplanted civilization that has developed upon its soil. It -will be impossible, within the limits of this essay, to do more than -indicate these conditions in a very general way, for the details of the -subject would constitute a work in itself. It will be most profitable -for us first to glance at the general relations of climate and soil -that are found in North America, so far as these features bear upon the -history of the immigration it has received from Europe. - -The climate of North America south of the Laurentian Mountains and -east of the Rocky Mountains is much more like that of Europe than of -any we find in the other continents. Although there are many points -of difference, these variations lie well within the climatic range -of Europe itself. On the south, Mexico may well be compared to Italy -and Spain; in the southern parts of the Mississippi Valley we have -conditions in general comparable to those of Lombardy and Central -France; and in the northern portions of that area and along the -sea-border we can find fair parallels for the conditions of Great -Britain, Germany, or Scandinavia. As is well known, the range of -temperature during the year varies much more in America than in Europe, -but these variations in themselves are of small importance. Man in -a direct way is not much affected by temperature; his elastic body, -helped by his arts, may within certain limits neglect this element of -climate. The real question is how far these temperatures affect the -products of the soil upon which his civilization depends. In the case -of most plants and domestic animals, their development depends more -upon the summer temperature, or that of the spring season, than upon -the winter climate. Now the summer climates of America are more like -those of Europe than are those of the winter. So the new-won continent -offered to man a chance to rear all the plants and animals which he had -brought to domesticity in the Old World. - -The general character of the soil of North America is closely -comparable with that of Europe, yet it has certain noteworthy -peculiarities. In the first place, there is a larger part of America -which has been subjected to glacial action than what we find in Europe. -In Europe, only the northern half of Great Britain, the Scandinavian -peninsulas, a part of Northern Germany, and the region of Switzerland -were under the surface of the glaciers during the last glacial period. -In America, practically all the country north of the Susquehanna, -and more than half of the States north of the Ohio, had their soils -influenced by this ice period. The effects of glaciation on the soils -of the region where it has acted are important. In the first place, -the soils thus produced are generally clayey and of a rather stubborn -nature, demanding much care and labor to bring them into a shape for -the plough. The surface is usually thickly covered with stones, which -have to be removed before the plough can be driven. I have estimated -that not less than an average of thirty days’ labor has been given to -each acre of New England soil to put it into arable condition after -the forest has been removed; nearly as much labor has to be given to -removing the forest and undergrowth: so that each cultivated acre in -this glacial region requires about two months’ labor before it is -in shape for effective tillage.[3] When so prepared, the soils of -glaciated districts are of a very even fertility. They hold the same -character over wide areas, and their constitution is the same to great -depths. Though never of the highest order of fertility, they remain -for centuries constant in their power. I have never seen a worn-out -field of this sort. Another peculiarity of the American soils is the -relatively large area of limestone lands which the country affords. -America abounds in deposits of this nature, which produce soils of -the first quality, extremely well fitted to the production of grass -and grains. Although statistical information is not to be obtained on -such a matter, I have no doubt, after a pretty close scrutiny of both -America and Europe, that the original fertility of America was greater -than that of Europe; but that, on the whole, the regions first settled -by Europeans were much more difficult to subdue than the best lands of -Central and Southern Europe had been.[4] - -The foregoing statement needs the following qualification: Owing to the -relative dryness and heat of the American summer, the forests are not -so swampy as they are in Northern Europe, and morasses are generally -absent. It required many centuries of continued labor to bring the -surface of Northern Germany, Northern France, and of Britain into -conditions fit for tillage. - -Next to deserts and snowy mountains, swamps are the greatest barriers -to the movements of man. If the reader will follow the interesting -account of the Saxon Conquest given in Mr. Green’s volume on _The -Making of England_, he will see how the tracts of marsh and marshy -forest served for many centuries to limit the work of subjugation. -In America there are no extensive bogs or wet forests in the upland -district, south of the St. Lawrence, except in Maine and in the British -Provinces. In all other districts fire or the axe can easily bring the -surface into a shape fit for cultivation. In taking an account of the -physical conditions which formed the subjugation of North America by -European colonies, we must give a large place to this absence of upland -swamps and the dryness of the forests, which prevented the growth of -peaty matter within their bounds. - -The success of the first settlements in America was also greatly aided -by the fact that the continent afforded them a new and cheaper source -of bread, in the maize or Indian corn which was everywhere used by the -aborigines of America. It is difficult to convey an adequate impression -of the importance of this grain in the early history of America. In -the first place, it yields not less than twice the amount of food per -acre of tilled land, with much less labor than is required for an acre -of small grains; it is far less dependent on the changes of seasons; -the yield is much more uniform than that of the old European grains; -the harvest need not be made at such a particular season; the crops -may with little loss be allowed to remain ungathered for weeks after -the grain is ripe; the stalks of the grain need not be touched in the -harvesting, the ears alone being gathered; these stalks are of greater -value for forage than is the straw of wheat and other similar grains. -Probably the greatest advantage of all that this beneficent plant -afforded to the early settlers was the way in which it could be planted -without ploughing, amid the standing forest trees which had only been -deadened by having their bark stripped away by the axe. This rough -method of tillage was unknown among the peoples of the Old World. None -of their cultivated plants were suited to it; but the maize admitted -of such rude tillage. The aborigines, with no other implements than -stone axes and a sort of spade armed also with stone, would kill the -forest trees by girdling or cutting away a strip around the bark. This -admitted the light to the soil. Then breaking up patches of earth, they -planted the grains of maize among the standing trees; its strong roots -readily penetrated deep into the soil, and the strong tops fought their -way to the light with a vigor which few plants possess. The grain was -ready for domestic use within three months from the time of planting, -and in four months it was ready for the harvest. - -The beginnings in civilization which the aborigines of this country -had made, rested on this crop and on the pumpkin, which seems to -have been cultivated with it by the savages, as it still is by -those who inherited their lands and their methods of tillage. The -European colonists almost everywhere and at once adopted this crop -and the method of tillage which the Indians used. Maize-fields, with -pumpkin-vines in the interspaces of the plants, became for many years -the prevailing, indeed almost the only, crop throughout the northern -part of America. It is hardly too much to say, that, but for these -American plants and the American method of tilling them, it would have -been decidedly more difficult to have fixed the early colonies on this -shore. - -Another American plant has had an important influence on the history -of American commerce, though it did not aid in the settlement of the -country,—tobacco. That singular gift of the New World to the Old -quickly gave the basis of a great export to the colonies of Maryland, -Virginia, and North Carolina; it alone enabled the agriculture of the -Southern colonies to outgrow in wealth those which were planted in -more northern soil. To this crop, which demands much manual labor of -an unskilled kind, and rewards it well, we owe the rapid development -of African slavery. It is doubtful if this system of slavery would -ever have flourished if America had been limited in its crops to those -plants which the settlers brought from the Old World. Although African -slavery existed for a time in the States north of the tobacco region, -it died away in them even before the humanitarian sentiments of modern -times could have aided in its destruction; it was the profitable nature -of tobacco crops which fixed this institution on our soil, as it was -the great extension of cotton culture which made this system take on -its overpowering growth during the first decades of the nineteenth -century. - -Another interesting effect of the conditions of tillage which met the -early settlers upon this soil depends upon the peculiar distribution of -forests in North America. All those regions which were first occupied -by European peoples were covered by very dense forests. To clear these -woods away required not less than thirty days’ labor to each acre of -land. In the glaciated districts, as before remarked, this labor of -preparation was nearly doubled. The result was that the area of tillage -only slowly expanded as the population grew denser, and the surplusage -of grain for export was small during the first two centuries. When -in the nineteenth century the progress westward suddenly brought the -people upon the open lands of the prairies, the extension of tillage -went on with far greater celerity. We are now in the midst of the great -revolution that these easily won and very fertile lands are making -in the affairs of the world. For the first time in human history, a -highly skilled people have suddenly come into possession of a vast and -fertile area which stands ready for tillage without the labor that is -necessary to prepare forest lands for the plough. They are thus able -to flood the grain-markets of the world with food derived from lands -which represent no other labor beyond tillage except that involved -in constructing railways for the exportation of their products. This -enables the people of the Western plains to compete with countries -where the land represents a great expenditure of labor in overcoming -the natural barriers to the cultivation of the soil. - -There are many lesser peculiarities connected with the soils of North -America that have had considerable influence upon the history of -the people; the most essential fact is, however, that the climatic -conditions of this continent are such that all the important European -products, except the olive, will flourish over a wide part of its -surface. So that the peoples who come to it from any part of Europe -find a climate not essentially different from their own, where the -plants and animals on which their civilization rested would flourish as -well as in their own home.[5] - -We may note also that the climate of North America brought Europeans -in contact with no new diseases. North of the Gulf of Mexico the -maladies of man were not increased by the transportation from Europe. -It is difficult to arrive at a satisfactory determination concerning -the effect of American conditions upon the peoples who have come from -Europe to live a life of many generations upon its soil. Much has been -said in a desultory way upon this subject, but little that has any -very clear scientific value. The problem is a very complicated one. In -the first place it is very difficult, if not impossible, to separate -the effects of climate from those brought about by a diversity of the -social conditions, such as habits of labor, of food, etc. Moreover, -the problem is further complicated by the fact that there has been a -constant influx of folk into America from various parts of Europe, so -that in most parts of the country there has been a constant admixture -of the old blood and the new. - -After reviewing the sources of information, I am convinced that the -following facts may be regarded as established: The American people are -no smaller in size than are the peoples in Europe from which they are -derived; they are at least as long-lived; their capacity to withstand -fatigue, wounds, etc. is at least as great as that of any European -people; the average of physical beauty is probably quite as good as it -is among an equal population in the Old World; the fecundity of the -people is not diminished. The compass of this essay will not permit -me to enter into the details necessary to defend these propositions -as they might be defended. I will, however, show certain facts which -seem to support them. First, as regards the physical proportions -of the American people. By far the largest collections of accurate -measurements that have ever been made of men were made by the officers -of the United States Sanitary Commission during the late Civil War. -These statistics have been carefully tabulated by Dr. B. A. Gould, the -distinguished astronomer. From the results reached by him, it is plain -that the average dimensions of these troops were as good as those of -any European army; while the men from those States where the population -had been longest separated from the mother country were on the whole -the best formed of all.[6] - -The statistics of the life-insurance companies make it clear that the -death-rate is not higher in America among the classes that insure than -in England. I am credibly informed that American companies expect a -longer life among their clients than the English tables of mortality -assume. - -The endurance of fatigue and wounds in armies has been proved by our -Civil War to be as good as that of the best English or Continental -troops. Such forced marches as that of Buell to the relief of the -overwhelmed troops at Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh,—where the men -marched thirty-five miles without rest, and at once entered upon -a contest which checked a victorious army,—is proof enough of -the physical and moral endurance of the people. The extraordinary -percentage of seriously wounded men that recovered during this -war,—a proportion without parallel in European armies,—can only be -attributed to the innate vigor of the men, and not to any superiority -in the treatment they received. The distinguished physiologist, Dr. -Brown-Séquard, assures me that the American body, be it that of man or -beast, is more enduring of wounds than the European; that to make a -given impression upon the body of a creature in America it is necessary -to inflict severer wounds than it would be to produce the same effect -on a creature of the same species in Europe. His opportunities for -forming an opinion on this subject have been singularly great, so -that the assertion seems to me very important. That the fecundity of -the population is not on the whole diminishing, is sufficiently shown -by the statistics of the country. In the matter of physical beauty, -the condition of the American people cannot, of course, be made a -matter of statistics. The testimony of all intelligent travellers is -to the effect that the forms of the people have lost nothing of their -distinguished inheritance of beauty from their ancestors. The face is -certainly no less intellectual in its type than that of the Teutonic -peoples of the Old World, while the body is, though perhaps of a less -massive mould, without evident marks of less symmetry. - -Perhaps the best assurance we obtain concerning the fitness of North -America for the long-continued residence of Teutonic people may be -derived from the consideration of the history of the two American -settlements that have remained for about two hundred years without -considerable admixture of new European blood. These are the English -settlement in Virginia and the French in the region of the St. -Lawrence; both these populations have been upon the soil for about two -hundred years, with but little addition from their mother countries. -In Virginia, essentially the whole of the white blood is English; the -only mixture of any moment is from the Pennsylvania Germans, a people -of kindred race, and equally long upon the soil. I believe that not -less than ninety-five per cent of the white blood,—if I may be allowed -this form of expression,—is derived from British soil. We have no -statistics concerning the bodily condition of the Virginian people -which will enable us to compare them with those of other States. The -few recruits in the Federal army who were measured by the Sanitary -Commission were mainly from the poorer classes, the oppressed “poor -whites,” and are not a fair index of the physical condition of the -people of this State. We have only the fact that the Confederate army -of northern Virginia, composed in the main of the small farmers of the -commonwealth, fought, under Lee and Jackson, a long, stubborn, losing -fight, as well as any other men of the race have done. No other test -of vigor is so perfect as that which such a struggle gives. Where a -people make such men as Jackson, and such men as made Jackson’s career -possible, we may be sure that they are not in their decadence. - -In Kentucky and Tennessee we have little else than Virginia blood and -that of northwestern Carolina, which was derived from Virginia, with -the exception of the very localized German settlements along the Ohio -River: practically the whole of the white agricultural population of -these States is of British blood that has been on this soil for about -two hundred years. I do not believe there is any other body of folk of -as purely English stock as this white population of Virginia, Kentucky, -and Tennessee: it amounts to almost three millions of people, and -there is scarcely any admixture of other blood. In Virginia, as before -remarked, there are no statistics to show just what the physical -conditions of the population are; but in Kentucky and Tennessee a large -number of men who were born upon the soil were measured by the Sanitary -Commission. The results were as follows: the troops from Kentucky and -Tennessee were larger than those from any other State; in height, -girth of chest, and size of head, they were of remarkable proportions. -The men of no European army exceed them in size, though some picked -bodies of troops are equally large. We must remember also that these -men were not selected from the body of the people, as European armies -are, but that they represent the State in arms, very few being rejected -for disability. We must also remember that the men from the most -fertile parts of these States, those parts which have the reputation -of breeding the largest men, went into the Confederate army; while the -Union troops were principally recruited from the poorer districts, -where the people suffer somewhat from the want of sufficient variety -in their food. The fighting quality of these men is well shown by the -history of a Kentucky brigade in the Confederate army in the campaign -near Atlanta in 1864, in which the brigade, during four months of very -active service, received more wounds than it had men, and not over ten -men were unaccounted for at the end of the campaign.[7] The goodness of -this service is probably not exceptional; it has for us, however, the -especial interest that these men were the product of six generations of -American life,—showing as well as possible that the physical and moral -conditions of life upon this continent are not calculated to depreciate -the important inheritances of the race. - -Although it is only a part of the problem, it is well to notice that -the death-rate in these States of old American blood is singularly -low, and the number of very aged people who retain their faculties to -an advanced age very great. The census of 1870 gave the death-rate of -Kentucky at about eleven in a thousand,—a number small almost beyond -belief. It should also be noticed that the emigration from Kentucky -has for fifty years or more been very large, relatively almost as -heavy as that from Massachusetts. It is a well-known fact, which is -made most evident by the statistics of the Sanitary Commission above -referred to, that the larger and stronger citizens of a State are more -apt to emigrate than those of weaker frame, the result being that the -population left behind is deprived of its most vigorous blood. - -The Canadian-French population presents us with another instance -in which a European people long upon the soil, and without recent -additions of blood from the native country, have maintained themselves -unharmed amid conditions of considerable difficulty. This French -population has been upon the soil for about as long as that of -Virginia; that is to say, for two centuries and more. I have been -unable to find any statistics concerning the numbers brought as -colonists to America. I have questioned various students on this -matter, and have come to the conclusion that the original number did -not exceed twenty-five thousand souls. This people has not perceptibly -intermingled with those of other blood, so that its separate career -can be traced with less difficulty than that of any other people. -Race-hatreds, differences of language, of religion, and of customs -have kept them apart from their neighbors in a fashion that is more -European than American. This has been a great disadvantage to the race, -for they have remained in a state of subordination as great as that in -which the Africans of the Southern States now are. No other folk of -European origin within the British Empire have remained so burdened -by disabilities of all kinds as this remarkable people. The soil with -which they have to deal is much more difficult than the average of -America; most of it lies beyond the limits where Indian corn will -grow, and much of it will scarcely nourish the hardier small grains. -Despite the material difficulties of their position, their general -illiteracy and intensified provincialism, this people have shown some -very vigorous qualities; they have more than doubled in numbers in each -generation; they are vigorous, exceedingly industrious, and have much -mechanical tact. In New England they hold their own in the struggle -with the native, so that it seems likely that the States of that -district may soon be in good part peopled by the folk of this race. As -near as I can ascertain, these Canadian-French of pure blood in Canada -and the United States amount to about two and a half millions; if this -be the case, the population has more than doubled each thirty years -since their arrival upon American soil,—which is about as rapid a rate -of increase as can be found among any people in the world, perhaps only -surpassed by the population of Virginia; which commonwealth, starting -with an original English emigration which could not have exceeded -one hundred thousand, counts at the present day not less than six -million descendants, or about twice as many as there would be if each -generation only doubled the numbers of the preceding. - -There is yet another separate people on the American soil which has -been here for about six generations without any addition from abroad: -these are the so-called Pennsylvanian Germans. I shall not take time to -do more than mention them, for they, without recent European admixture, -show the same evidences of continued vigor that is presented by the -Virginian British and the Canadian French blood. Their progeny are to -be counted by millions; and though they, like the Canadian French, have -shown as yet little evidence of intellectual capacity, this may be -explained by the extreme isolation that their language and customs have -forced upon them. - -Imperfectly as I have been able to present this important series of -facts, it is enough to make it clear that they are mistaken who think -that the recent emigrations from Europe have helped to maintain the -vigor of the American people. It seems more likely that, so far from -adding to the strength of the older stocks, the newer comers, mostly of -a lower kind of folk than the original settlers, have served rather to -hinder than to help the progress of the population which came with the -original colonies. - -These considerations may be extended, by those who care to do so, -by a study of several other isolated peoples in this country,—the -German colonies of Texas, the Swiss of Tennessee, and several others; -all of which have prospered, and all of which have gone to prove that -the climate of North America is singularly well fitted for the use -of Northern Europeans. No sufficiently large colonies of Italians, -Spanish, or Portuguese have ever been planted within the limits of the -present United States to determine the fitness of its conditions for -the peoples of those States. There is no reason, however, to believe -that they would not have succeeded on this soil if fortune had brought -them here. - -It is worth while to notice the fact that the European domesticated -animals have without exception prospered on American soil. The seven -really domesticated mammals and the half-dozen birds of our barnyards -have remained essentially unchanged in their proportions, longevity, -and fitness for the uses of man. As there can be no moral influences -bearing upon these creatures, they afford a strong proof of the -essential identity of the physical conditions of the two continents. -Evidence of the same sort, though less complete, is afforded by -the history of European domesticated plants on our soil. Speaking -generally, we may say that with trifling exceptions they all do as well -or better here than on their own ground. With the same care, wheat, -rye, oats, barley, etc., give the same returns as in their native -countries. - -Imperfect as this _résumé_ is, it will make it clear that we are -justified in believing that the climate and other physical conditions -of central North America is as favorable to the development of men and -animals of European races as their own country. Those who would see how -important this point is to the history of our race should consider the -fact that the empire of India has proved utterly unfit for the uses of -Europeans, though other branches of the Aryan race have attained a high -degree of development within its limits. - - * * * * * - -I next propose to consider the especial physical features of the -continent with reference to several settlements that were made upon it, -the extent to which the geography and the local conditions of soil, -climate, etc. have affected the fate of the several colonies planted on -the eastern shore of North America north of Mexico. - -Chance rather than choice determined the position of the several -colonies that were planted on the American soil. So little was known -of the natural conditions of the continent, or even of its shore -geography, and the little that had been discovered was so unknown -to navigators in general, that it was not possible to exercise much -discretion in the placing of the first settlers in the New World. -It happened that in this lottery the central parts of the American -continent fell to the English people; while the French, by one chance -and another, came into possession of two parts of the coast separated -by over two thousand miles of shore. It will be plain from the map that -these two positions were essentially the keys to the continent. The -access to the interior of the continent by natural water-ways is by two -lines,—on the north by the St. Lawrence system of lakes and rivers; -on the south by the Mississippi system of rivers, which practically -connects with the St. Lawrence system. Fortune, in giving France the -control of these two great avenues, offered her the mastery of the -whole of its vast domain. We have only to consider the part that the -pathway of the Rhine played in the history of mediæval trade in Europe, -to understand how valuable these lines would have been until railways -and canals had come to compete with water-ways-. - -The only long-continued and systematic effort that France made to -perpetuate her power in North America was made through the Valley of -the St. Lawrence. Let us, therefore, consider the physical conditions -of this valley, and their influence upon the colonies that were -planted there. The St. Lawrence River system and the valley it drains -is most peculiar. It is, indeed, without its like in all the world. -At the mouth of the main river we have a set of rugged islands and -peninsulas enclosing an estuarine sea, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which -gradually narrows in the course of three hundred miles to the channel -of the great river. Ascending this river, the early explorers found a -wonderful set of rapids; then a lake larger than any sheet of fresh -water that had been seen by Europeans; then the swift channel of the -Niagara River with its great Falls; then, above, a series of four great -lakes, giving a real Mediterranean of fresh water. On the north was a -rude and unpromising country, rising upward into low but sterile and -rugged mountains; but on the south the natural boundaries of the valley -about the Great Lakes hardly exist: indeed, it was possible in the time -of rains for small boats to pass directly from Lake Michigan to the -waters of the Mississippi without a portage. It is this absence of the -southern bounding wall which constitutes the most peculiar feature in -this region of geographical surprises. - -Viewed on the map, this system of waters seems to afford the natural -avenue to the heart of the continent; and when its geography became -known, we may well imagine that the French believed that they had -here the way to secure their dominion over it. Not only did it afford -a convenient water-way to the heart of the continent, but also, by -way of Lake Champlain, an easy access to the rear of the New-England -settlements and to the Hudson. Thus it not only flanked and turned the -English settlements of the whole continent, but it made the New-England -position appear almost untenable. - -Experience, however, showed that there were certain grave disadvantages -attending the navigation of these waters. The river itself is not -readily accessible to large vessels beyond the tidal belt. Its rapids -and the Falls of Niagara are very great obstacles to its use,—barriers -which were never overcome during the French occupation of the country. -The Great Lakes are stormy seas, with scarcely a natural harbor, -requiring for their navigation even more seamanship than do the open -waters of the Atlantic. Moreover, these channels are frozen for five -months in the year, so that all movements made by them are limited to -about half the year. - -Despite these disadvantages, the St. Lawrence system doubtless gave -the French a vast advantage in the race for empire on this continent. -When we consider that for a long time they had the control of the -Mississippi as well, it seems surprising that their power was ever -broken. The facilities which this water system gave to military -movements that took the whole of the English colonies in the rear was -not the sole advantage it afforded its first European possessors; -though, on the other hand, it must be remembered that the strategic -movements of the English were on interior lines, if largely indeed -without water-ways. It was the key to the best of the fur-trade -country, and to the best fisheries in America. For the first hundred -years after the settlement of this country, furs and fish were the -only exports of value from the region north of Maryland. The French -settlements gave them control of the best fishery grounds, as also the -trade with the Indians, who occupied the best country for peltries -in the world. As soon as the English came to possess it, this trade -was greatly developed. Along with these advantages, the country had -many evils that made the beginnings of colonies a matter of great -labor and difficulty. The soil is made up of drift, and requires a -great amount of labor to fit it for tillage. The greater part of it -is north of the maize belt, so that this cheap and highly nutritious -food was denied to the people. I have already said something concerning -the singular advantages that this grain had for the pioneer in the -American forests. I am inclined to believe that the want of this plant -in the French colonies was one cause of their slow development. Another -hindrance lay in the very long and severe winters. This limited the -time which could be given to the tillage of land, and made the keeping -of domesticated animals a matter of great difficulty. Something, too, -must be attributed to the character of the colonists and to the nature -of the land-tenure in this region. Their system of immigration gave a -smaller proportion of natural leaders to the people, so that the colony -always remained in a closer dependence on the mother country. There was -always an absence of the initiative power which so marked the English -colonies. The seigniorial systems of Europe have never prospered in -America, and the early experiments in founding colonies by the mere -exportation of men to this soil were failures even when the men were -of English blood. The efforts to colonize the seaboard region of North -Carolina without giving the fee of the land to the people, and without -care in the selection of the colonists, resulted in a failure even -more complete than that of the Canadian colonies. The Pamlico-Sound -settlements showed so little military power that they were incapable -of protecting themselves against the savages of the country, and -without the help of Virginia they would have been annihilated. The -French-Canadian colonists have always showed this incapacity to act -for themselves, which cannot be attributed to physical conditions. As -compared with the New-England colonists, with whom they came most in -contact, they represented a colonizing scheme based on trading-posts; -while their neighbors established and fought for homes in the English -sense. The struggle for existence was in the English settler met with -a vigor which grew out of political and religious convictions; in the -Frenchman it was endured for lucrative trade. Anything higher was left -to the missionary, who, while he led the pioneer life, failed in turn -to develop it. - -We may sum up what is to be said of the St. Lawrence Valley, that it -is the best inlet to the continent north of the Mississippi River, -affording an easy way to the heart of the continent for six months of -the year. The valley is peculiar in the fact that it has no distinct -southern boundary, and that a large part of its area is occupied by a -system of fresh-water lakes. These sheets of water and this absence of -a strong ridge separating this basin from the water-sheds which lie -to the south of it would, if the French had been strong in a military -sense, have given them an advantage in the struggle for the continent; -but as long as this valley was held by a less powerful people than -their neighbors on the south, these geographical features would no -longer be advantageous to its occupiers. - -The soil and climate of the St. Lawrence Valley are both rather against -the rapid development of agriculture, requiring far more labor to -make them arable, and giving a more limited return than do the more -southern soils; so that, despite the very great advantage which came -from the peculiarly open nature of this path into the interior of the -continent, the French did not succeed in maintaining themselves there -until its great military advantages could be turned to profit. - -At the present time the existence of railways has greatly lessened -the value of geography as a factor in military movements, and the St. -Lawrence, closed as it is for nearly half a year by ice, has no longer -any military importance. As it is, we may be surprised that it has not -played a more important part in the military history of the continent -than it has done. We cannot avoid the conclusion that if the conditions -had been reversed, and the English settlements had occupied the Valley -of the St. Lawrence, and the French colonies the country to the -southward, the English colonists would have made use of its advantages -in a more effective way. - -The settlements at the mouth of the Mississippi did not come into -the hands of the French until a late day; but the use they made of -this, the easiest navigated of all the great American rivers, was -considerable. These settlements were pushed up the valley of the main -stream and its greater tributaries, until they practically controlled -the larger part of the shores of the main waters. The swift current of -the Mississippi and its tributaries made ascending navigation difficult -and costly. It was, in fact, only with small cargoes in little boats -propelled by poles, or with the aid of sails when the winds favored, -that the stream could be mounted. The effective navigation was downward -towards the mouth. By way of the Mississippi the French power worked -into the centre of the continent far more rapidly than by the St. -Lawrence route; indeed, the advance was so rapid that if these Gallic -settlements had not been overwhelmed by the stronger tide of the -English people getting across the Alleghanies, a few years would have -given them a chance to fix their institutions and population in this -valley. - -Throughout their efforts in North America, the French showed a capacity -for understanding the large questions of political geography, a genius -for exploration, and a talent for making use of its results, or guiding -their way to dominion, that is in singular contrast with the blundering -processes of their English rivals. They seem to have understood the -possibilities of the Mississippi Valley a century and a half before -the English began to understand them. They planted a system of posts -and laid out lines for commerce through this region; they strove to -organize the natives into civilized communities; they did all that -the conditions permitted to achieve success. Their failure must be -attributed to the want of colonists, to the essential irreclaimableness -of the American savage, and to the want of a basis for extended -commerce in this country. There were no precious metals to tempt men -into this wilderness, and none of the fancy for life or for lands among -the home people, that wandering instinct which has been the basis -of all the imperial power of the English race. Thus a most cleverly -devised scheme of continental occupation, which was admirably well -adapted to the physical conditions of the country, never came near to -success. It fell beneath the clumsy power of another race that had the -capacity for fixing itself firmly in new lands, and that grew without -distinct plan until it came to possess it altogether. - -The British settlements on the American coast were not very well placed -for other than the immediate needs that led to their planting. They -did not hold any one of the three water-ways which led from the coast -into the interior of the continent, as we have seen the French obtained -control of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, and as is well known -the Dutch possession of the Hudson, which constituted the third and -least complete of the water-ways into the interior of the continent. - -As regards their physical conditions, the original English colonies -are divisible into three groups,—those of New England; those of the -Chesapeake and Delaware district, including Pennsylvania, Virginia, -Maryland, New Jersey, and the central part of North Carolina; and -those on the coast region of the Carolinas. Each of these regions has -its proper physical characters, which have had special effects upon -their early history. In New England we have a shore-line that affords -an excellent system of harbors for craft of all sizes, and a sea that -abounds in fish. The land has a rugged surface made up of old mountain -folds, which have been worn down to their roots by the sea and by the -glaciers of many ice periods. There are no extended plains, and where -small patches of level land occur, as along the sea, there they are -mostly of a rather barren and sandy character. The remainder of the -surface is very irregular, and nearly one half of it is either too -steep for tillage or consists of exposed rocks. The soil is generally -of clay, and was originally covered almost everywhere with closely -sown boulders that had to be removed before the plough could do its -work. The rivers are mostly small, and from their numerous rapids -not navigable to any great distance from the sea, and none of their -valleys afford natural ways to the interior of the continent. In -general structure this region is an isolated mass separated from the -body of the continent by the high ridges of the Green Mountains and the -Berkshire Hills, as well as by the deep valley in which lie the Hudson -and Lake Champlain. The climate is rigorous, only less so than that of -Canada. There are not more than seven months for agricultural labor. - -The New-England district, including therein what we may term the -Acadian Peninsula of North America, or all east of Lake Champlain and -the Hudson and south of the St. Lawrence, is more like Northern Europe -than any other part of America. - -Nature does not give with free hands in this region, yet it offered -some advantages to the early settlers. The general stubbornness of -the soil made the coast Indians few in number, while its isolation -secured it from the more powerful tribes of the West. The swift rivers -afforded abundant water-power, that was early turned to use, and in -time became the most valuable possession that the land afforded. The -climate, though strenuous, was not unwholesome, and its severity gave -protection against the malarial fevers which have so hindered the -growth of settlements in more southern regions. Maize and pumpkins -could be raised over a large part of its surface, and afforded cheap -and wholesome food with little labor. The rate of gain upon the -primeval forest was at first very slow; none of the products of the -soil, except in a few instances its timber, had at first any value -for exportation. The only surplusage was found in the products of the -sea. In time the demand for food from the West Indian Islands made -it somewhat profitable to export grain. Practically, however, these -colonies grew without important help from any foreign commerce awakened -by the products of their soil. Their considerable foreign trade grew -finally upon exchanges, or on the products of the sea-fisheries and -whaling. Even the trade in furs, which was so important a feature in -the French possessions, never amounted to an important commerce in New -England. The aborigines were not so generally engaged in hunting, nor -were the rivers of New England ever very rich in valuable fur-bearing -species. The most we can say of New England is, that it offered a -chance for a vigorous race to found in safety colonies that should get -their power out of their own toil, with little help from fortune. It -was very badly placed for the occupancy of a people who were to use it -as a vantage-ground whence to secure control over the inner parts of -the continent. But for the modern improvement in commercial ways, the -isolation of this section from the other parts of the continent would -have kept it from ever attaining the importance in American life which -now belongs to it. - -The settlements that were made along the Hudson were, as regards their -position, much better placed than were those in New England. The -valley of this stream is, as is well known to geologists, a part of -the great mountain trough separating from the newer Alleghanian system -on the west the old mountain system of the Appalachians, which, known -by the separate names of the Green Mountains, Berkshire Hills, South -Mountains, Blue Ridge, and Black Mountains, stretches from the St. -Lawrence to the northern part of Georgia. In the Hudson district the -Appalachian or eastern wall of the valley is known as the Berkshire -Hills and the Green Mountains, while the western or Alleghanian wall -is formed by the Catskill Mountains and their northern continuation in -the Hilderberg Hills. On the south the Appalachian wall falls away, -allowing the stream a wide passage to the sea; on the northwestern side -the Catskills decline, opening the wide passage through which flows -the Mohawk out of the broad fertile upland valley which it drains. It -appears likely that the Mohawk Valley for a while in recent geological -times afforded a passage of the waters of Lake Ontario to the channel -of the Hudson. This will serve to show how easy the passage is between -the Hudson Valley and the heart of the continent. Save that it is not -a water-way, this valley affords, through the plain of the Mohawk, the -most perfect passage through the long mountain line of the Alleghanies. -Before this passage could have any importance to its first European -owners, it fell into the hands of the English settlers. The fertility -of this valley of the Hudson and Mohawk is far greater than that of New -England. A larger portion of the land is arable, and it is generally -more fertile than that of the region to the east. The underlying rock -of the country is generally charged with lime, which assures a better -soil for grain crops than those derived from the more argillaceous -formations of New England. The Mohawk is for its size perhaps the most -fertile valley in America. The climate of this district is on the whole -more severe than that of New England, but the summer temperature admits -the cultivation of all the crops of the Northern States. - -Though from Holland, the original settlers of the Hudson Valley were by -race and motives so closely akin to the English settlers to the north -and south of them that a perfect fusion has taken place. The Dutch -language is dead save in the mouths of a few aged people, and of their -institutions nothing has remained.[8] - -The most striking contrast between the physical conditions of the New -York colony and those of New England is its relative isolation from the -sea. Staten Island and Long Island are strictly maritime; the rest is -almost continental in its relations. - -South of New York the conditions of the colonists as regards -agriculture were very different from what they were north of that -point. To the north the soil is altogether the work of the glacial -period. It is on this account stony and hard to bring into cultivation, -as before described; but when once rendered arable, it is very -enduring, changing little with centuries of cropping. South of this -point the soil is derived from the rocks which lie below it, save just -along the sea and the streams. The decayed rock that happens to lie -just beneath the surface produces a fertile or an infertile earth, -varied in quality according as the rocks. On the whole it is less -enduring than are the soils of New England, though it is much easier to -bring it into an arable state. It also differs from glacial soil in the -fact that there is an absolute dependence of the qualities it possesses -upon the subjacent rock. When that changes, the soil at once undergoes -a corresponding alteration. In certain regions it may be more fertile -than any glacial soil ever is; again, its infertility may be extreme, -as, for instance, when the underlying rocks are sandstones containing -little organic matter. - -In this southern belt the region near the shore is rather malarial. -The soil there is sandy, and of a little enduring nature, and the -drainage is generally bad. Next within this line we have the fringe -of higher country which lies to the east of the Blue Ridge. This -consists of a series of rolling plains, generally elevated four or five -hundred feet above the sea. Near the Blue Ridge it is changed into a -rather hilly district, with several ranges of detached mountains upon -its surface; to the east it gradually declines into the plain which -borders the sea. Within the Blue Ridge it has the steep walls of the -old granite mountains, which, inconspicuous in New Jersey, increase in -Pennsylvania to important hills, become low mountains of picturesque -form in Virginia, and finally in North and South Carolina attain the -highest elevation of any land in eastern North America. This mountain -range widens as it increases in height, and the plains that border it -on the east grow also in height and width as we go to the southward in -Virginia. All this section is composed of granite and other ancient -rocks, which by their decay afford a very good soil. Beyond the Blue -Ridge, and below its summits, are the Alleghanies. Between them is a -broad mountain valley, known to geologists as the great Appalachian -valley. This is an elevated irregular table-land, generally a thousand -feet or more above the sea, and mostly underlaid by limestone, which -by its decay affords a very fertile soil. This singular valley is -traceable all the way from Lake Champlain to Georgia. The whole -course of the Hudson lies within it. As all the mountains rise to the -southward, this valley has its floor constantly farther and farther -above the sea, until in Southern Virginia much of its surface is -about two thousand feet above that level. This southward increase of -elevation secures it a somewhat similar climate throughout its whole -length. This, the noblest valley in America, is a garden in fertility, -and of exceeding beauty. Yet west of this valley the Alleghanies proper -extend, a wide belt of mountains, far to the westward. Their surface is -generally rugged, but not infertile; they, as well as the Blue Ridge, -are clad with thick forests to their very summits. - -The shore of this, the distinctly southern part of the North American -coast, is deeply indented by estuaries, which have been cut out -principally by the tides. These deep sounds and bays,—the Delaware, -Chesapeake, Pamlico, Albemarle, and others,—with their very many -ramifications, constitute a distinctive feature in North America. -Although these indentations are probably not of glacial origin, except -perhaps the Delaware, they much resemble the great fjords which the -glaciers have produced along the shores of regions farther to the -northward. By means of these deep and ramified bays all the country of -Virginia and Maryland lying to the east of the Appalachians is easily -accessible to ships of large size. This was a very advantageous feature -in the development of the export trade of this country, as it enabled -the planters to load their crops directly into the ships which conveyed -them to Europe, and this spared the making of roads,—a difficult task -in a new country. The principal advantage of this set of colonies lay -in the fact that they were fitted to the cultivation of tobacco. The -demand for this product laid the foundations of American commerce, and -was full of good and evil consequences to this country. It undoubtedly -gave the means whereby Virginia became strong enough to be, on the part -of the South, the mainstay of the resistance of the colonies to the -mother country. On the other hand, it made African slavery profitable, -and so brought that formidable problem of a foreign and totally alien -race to be for all time a trouble to this country. Although the -cultivation of cotton gave the greatest extension to slavery, it is -not responsible for its firm establishment on our soil. That was the -peculiar work of tobacco. - -The climate of this region is perhaps the best of the United States. -The winters want the severity that characterizes them in the more -northern States, and the considerable height of the most of the -district relieves it of danger from fevers. I have elsewhere spoken of -the evidences that this district has maintained the original energy of -the race that founded its colonies. - -The Carolinian colonies are somewhat differently conditioned from those -of Virginia, and their history has been profoundly influenced by their -physical circumstances. South of the James River the belt of low-lying -ground near the sea-shore widens rapidly, until the nearest mountain -ranges are one hundred and fifty miles or more from the shore. This -shore belt is also much lower than it is north of the James; a large -part of its surface is below the level where the drainage is effective, -and so is unfit for tillage. Much of it is swamp. The rivers do not -terminate in as deep and long bays, with steep clay banks for borders, -as they do north of the James. They are generally swamp-bordered in -their lower courses, and not very well suited for settlements. - -The soil of these regions is generally rather infertile; it is -especially unfitted for the cultivation of grains except near the -shore, where the swamps can often be converted into good rice-fields. -Maize can be tilled, but it, as well as wheat, barley, etc., gives not -more than half the return that may be had from them in Virginia. Were -it not for the cotton crop, the lowland South would have fared badly. - -All the shore belt of country is unwholesome, being affected with -pernicious fevers, which often cannot be endured by the whites, even -after the longest acclimatization. The interior region, even when not -much elevated above the sea, or away from the swamps, is a healthy -country, and the district within sight of the Blue Ridge and the Black -Mountains is a very salubrious district. This region was, however, -not at once accessible to the colonists of the Carolinian shore, and -was not extensively settled for some time after the country was first -inhabited, and then was largely occupied by the descendants of the -Virginian colonists. - -The history of this country has served to show that much of the -lowlands near the shore is not well fitted for the use of European -peoples; they are likely to fall into the possession of the African -folk, who do not suffer, but rather seem to prosper in the feverish -lowlands. The interior districts beyond the swamp country are well -suited to Europeans, and where the surface rises more than one thousand -feet above the sea, as it does in western North and South Carolina, the -climate is admirably well suited to the European race. It is probable -that the English race has never been in a more favorable climate than -these uplands afford. - -This Carolinian section was originally settled by a far more -diversified population than that which formed the colonies to the -northward. This was especially the case in North Carolina. This colony -was originally possessed by a land company, which proposed to find its -profit in a peculiar fashion. This company paid contractors so much -a head for human beings put ashore in the colony. One distinguished -trader in population, a certain Baron de Graffenreid, settled several -thousand folk at and about New Berne, on the swampy shores of the -Eastern sounds. They were from a great variety of places,—a part -from England, others from the banks of the Rhine, others again from -Switzerland. There was a great mass of human driftwood in Europe at -the close of the seventeenth century, the wreck of long-continued -wars; so it was easy to bring immigrants by the shipload if they were -paid for. But the material was unfit to be the foundation of a State. -From this settlement of eastern North Carolina is descended the most -unsatisfactory population in this country. The central and western -parts of North Carolina had an admirable population, that principally -came to the State through Virginia; but this population about Pamlico -and Albemarle Sounds, though its descendants are numerous, perhaps -not numerically much inferior to that which came from the Virginia -settlements, is vastly inferior to it in all the essential qualities of -the citizen. From the Virginia people have come a great number of men -of national and some of world-wide reputation. It is not likely that -any other population, averaging in numbers about five hundred thousand -souls, has in a century furnished as many able men. On the other hand, -this eastern North Carolina people has given no men of great fame to -the history of the country, while a large part of the so-called “poor -white” population of the South appears to be descended from the mongrel -folk who were turned ashore on the eastern border of North Carolina. - -South Carolina was much more fortunate in its early settlers on its -seaboard than the colony to the north. Its population was drawn from -rather more varied sources than that of Virginia, New York, or New -England, but it would be hard to say that its quality was inferior; -despite the considerable admixture of Irish and French blood, it was -essentially an English colony. - -On the whole, although the quality of the climate would lead some to -expect a lowering of the quality of the English race in these southern -colonies, it is not possible to trace any such effect in the people. -Although the laboring classes of whites along the seaboard appear to -occupy a physical level rather below that of the same class in Virginia -and the more northern regions, they have great endurance,—as was -sufficiently proven by the fact that they made good soldiers during the -recent Civil War. In the upland districts of these States, in western -North and South Carolina, and especially in northern Georgia, the -physical constitution of the people is, I believe, the best in this -country. In the district north of Pennsylvania, the elevation of the -mountains, or the table-lands which lie about them, is not profitable -to the dwellers in these districts; each added height scarcely gives -any additional healthfulness, and the additional cold is hurtful to -most crops. In this southern region, however, the greater height and -width of the Appalachian mountain system, including its elevated -valleys, is a very great advantage to this region in all that concerns -its fitness for the use of man. The climate of one half of the country -south of the James and Ohio Rivers and east of the Mississippi is -purified and refreshed by the elevations of this noble mountain system. -It is the opinion of all who have examined this country, that it is -extremely well fitted for all the uses of the race: an admirable -climate, much resembling that of the Apennines of Tuscany, a fertile -soil admitting a wide diversity of products, and a great abundance of -water-power characterize all this upland district of the South. - -A few words will suffice for all that concerns the mineral resources -of the original colonies. At the outset of the colonization of America -we hear a good deal about the search for gold; fortunately there was a -very uniform failure in the first efforts to find this metal, so that -it ceased to play a part in the history of these colonies. Very little -effort to develop the mineral resources of this region was made during -the colonial period. A little iron was worked in Rhode Island, New -York, and Virginia, some search of a rather fruitless sort was made for -copper ore in Connecticut, but of mining industry, properly so called, -there was nothing until the Revolutionary War stimulated the search for -iron and lead ores. The discovery of the gold deposits in the Carolinas -did not come about until after the close of the colonial period. These -deposits were not sufficiently rich to excite an immigration of any -moment to the fields where they occur. - -Practically the mineral resources of what we may term the Appalachian -settlements of North America never formed any part of the inducements -which led immigrants to them. In this respect they differ widely from -the other colonies which were planted in the Americas. The greater -part of the Spanish and Portuguese settlements in America were made by -gold-hunters. The state of morals which led to these settlements was -not favorable to the formation of communities characterized by high -motives. There were doubtless other influences at work to lower the -moral quality of the settlements in Mexico and South America, but the -nature of the motives which brought the first settlers upon the ground -and gave the tone to society is certainly not the least important -of the influences which have affected the history of the American -settlements. - -To close this brief account of the physical conditions of the first -European settlements in North America, we may say, that the English -colonies were peculiarly fortunate in those physical conditions upon -which they fell. There is no area in either of the Americas, or for -that matter in the world outside of Europe, where it would have been -possible to plant English colonies that would have been found so -suitable for the purpose: climate, soil, contact with the sea, and a -chance of dominion over the whole continent were given them by fortune. -They had but the second choice in the division of the New World; yet -to the English fell the control of those regions which experience has -shown to hold its real treasures. Fortune has repeatedly blessed this -race; but never has she bestowed richer gifts than in the chance that -gave it the Appalachian district of America. - -[Illustration] - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL - -HISTORY OF AMERICA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -CORTEREAL, VERRAZANO, GOMEZ, THEVET. - -BY GEORGE DEXTER. - - -JOHN CABOT discovered the continent of North America June 24, 1497; and -his son Sebastian the next year coasted its shores for a considerable -distance,—perhaps even, as some accounts say, from Hudson’s Bay to -North Carolina.[9] The reports of their voyages doubtless reached the -Continental courts of Europe without delay. Spain was occupied with -the attempts of Columbus to attain the Indies by a southern route -promising success; while Portugal, always among the foremost maritime -nations, had now an energetic ruler in her young King Emanuel, who had -succeeded to the throne in 1495. He had already sent out Vasco da Gama -and Cabral, who followed the route to the Indies by the way of the -Cape of Good Hope;[10] and he was well disposed also for an attempt to -pursue the indications given by the Cabots, that a short way to the -Land of Spices might lie through a northwest passage among the islands, -of which the New World was still supposed to consist. Such is at least -generally thought to have been the reason for the expeditions of the -Cortereals, although we have no official reports of their voyages or -their aims. - -The family of Cortereal was not without position in the Portuguese -kingdom. Ioâo Vaz Cortereal had been appointed, some years before this -time, hereditary governor of the Island of Terceira; and his sons had -perhaps learned there the secrets of navigation. It has been even -asserted by some Portuguese writers that this Ioâo Vaz had himself -discovered some part of America nearly thirty years before the first -voyage of Columbus, and had received his governorship as the reward of -the discovery; but there is no evidence for this claim. - -It is known, however, that in the year 1500 a son of Ioâo Vaz, Gaspar -Cortereal, having obtained from the King a grant or license to discover -new islands, fitted out one, or perhaps two, vessels, with the help -of his brother Miguel, and sailed from Lisbon early in the summer for -a voyage to the northwest. The accounts say that he touched at the -family island of Terceira, and in due time returned to Portugal with -a report of having landed in a country situated in a high degree of -latitude, now supposed to have been Greenland, which name, indeed (or -rather its equivalent, _Terra Verde_), he is said to have given to the -country. The details of the voyage are scanty, and have been confused -with those of the second expedition; but it was so far successful -that the enterprise was renewed the next year. Miguel Cortereal again -contributed to the expenses of this second voyage. It appears, indeed, -from a letter of his dated August 6, and preserved in the State -archives at Lisbon, that he had prepared a vessel with the expectation -of sharing personally in the expedition, but was delayed by a royal -order to increase the number of his crew, and afterward by contrary -winds, until it was too late in the season to follow Gaspar with any -hope of success. Gaspar had sailed with three ships, May 15, 1501, and -had directed his course west-northwest. After sailing in this direction -two thousand miles from Lisbon, he discovered a country quite unknown -up to that time. This he coasted six or seven hundred miles without -finding any end to the land; so he concluded that it must be connected -with the country discovered to the north the year before, which country -could not now be reached on account of the great quantity of ice and -snow. The number of large rivers encountered, encouraged the navigators -in their belief that the country was no island. They found it very -populous, and brought away a number of the natives; and those savages -who safely arrived in Portugal were described as “admirably calculated -for labor, and the best slaves I have ever seen.” A piece of a broken -sword, and two silver earrings, evidently of Italian manufacture, found -in the possession of the natives, were probably relics of the visit of -Cabot to the country three years earlier. One of the vessels reached -Lisbon on its return, October 8, and brought seven of the kidnapped -natives. It reported that another ship had fifty more of these. This -vessel arrived three days later with its expected cargo; but the third, -with Gaspar Cortereal, was never heard from. Her fate remained a -mystery, although several efforts were made to ascertain it. - -The next year, 1502, Miguel Cortereal started with three ships (one -account says two) well equipped and found, having agreed with the King -to make a search for the missing Gaspar. The expedition sailed May 10. -Arriving on the American coast, they found so many entrances of rivers -and havens, that it was agreed to divide the fleet, the better to -search for the missing vessel. A rendezvous was arranged for the 20th -of August. Two ships met at the appointed time and place; but Miguel -Cortereal’s did not appear, and the others, after waiting some time, -returned to Portugal. - -[Illustration: EARLY FISHING STAGES. - -[This cut is a fac-simile of one in the corner of _A New and Correct -Map of America_, 1738, which belongs to Sir William Keith’s _History -of the British Plantations in America_: Part I., Virginia, London, -1738. It presumably represents the fashion of these appliances of the -fishermen which had prevailed perhaps for centuries. - -It was suggested by Forster, _Northern Voyages_, book iii. chaps. iii. -and iv., that Breton fishermen may have been on the Newfoundland coast -before Columbus. Scholars are coming more and more to believe the -possibility and even probability of it. Every third day in the calendar -was then a fast-day, and the incentive to seeking fish on distant seas -was great. That Cabot should find the natives of this region calling -the cod _baccalaos_, a name applied by the seamen of the Bay of Biscay -to that fish, has also been suggestive; but this story, deducible -apparently from no earlier writer than Peter Martyr in 1516, is not -altogether trustworthy, since there is doubt if the folk who called -the fish by that name were the natives, as Martyr seems to think, -or simply the common people, as would seem to be implied in other -forms of the statement (see Vol. III. p. 45). Greenland, as we know -from the pre-Columbian maps (Ptolemy of 1482, etc.), was considered -a part of Europe. Its adjacent shores were in the common mind but -further outposts of the same continent; so that the returned sailors’ -reports of the distant parts—islands they thought them—might cause -no awakening of the idea of a new world. Cf. Navarrete, _Viages_, iii. -41, 46, 176; Eusebius, _Chronicon_ (1512), p. 172; Wytfliet, _Histoire -des Indes_, p. 131; Lescarbot, _Nouvelle France_ (1618), p. 228; Biard, -_Relation_ (1616), chap. i.; Champlain (1632), p. 9; Charlevoix, -_Nouvelle France_, i. 4, 14, or Shea’s edition, i. 106; Estancelin, -_Navigateurs Normands_; Kunstmann, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, pp. 69, 125; -Peschel, _Geschichte des Zeitalters_, etc., p. 332; Vitet, _Histoire -de la Dieppe_, p. 51; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 271; Kohl, _Discovery of -Maine_, pp. 188, 201, 203, 205, 280; Parkman, _Pioneers_, p. 171; _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._, 1882, April; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p. -229, etc.—ED.]] - -Miguel also was never heard of again. Another expedition, sent out at -the expense of the King, a year later, returned without having found a -trace of either brother. And yet once more, the oldest of the family, -Vasqueanes Cortereal, then governor of Terceira, proposed to undertake -the quest in person; but Emanuel refused the necessary permission, -declining to risk the lives of more of his subjects. - -The Cortereals had no successors among their countrymen in the attempt -to reach the Indies by the Northwest Passage; but their voyages opened -for Portugal a source of much trade. Individuals, and perhaps companies -or associations, soon followed in their track in the pursuit of fish, -until the Portuguese enterprises of this sort on the American coasts -grew to large proportions, and produced considerable revenue for the -State. - - * * * * * - -The consolidation of France into one great kingdom may be said to date -from 1524, when the death of Claude, the wife of Francis I., vested the -hereditary right to the succession of Brittany in the crown of France. -The marriage of Charles VIII. with Anne, Claude’s mother, in 1491, had -brought the last of the feudal fiefs into subjection; but it required -many years to make the inhabitants of these provinces Frenchmen, and -the rulers at Paris exercised little authority over the towns and -principalities of the interior. The coasts of Normandy and Brittany -were peopled by a race of adventurous mariners, some of them exercising -considerable power; as, for instance, the Angos of Dieppe, one of whom -(Jean) was ennobled, and created viscount and captain of that town. -Such places as Dieppe, Honfleur, St. Malo, and others had already -furnished men and leaders for voyages of exploration and discovery. -These had made expeditions to the Canaries and the African coast, and -the fishing population of the French provinces were not unused to -voyages of considerable length. They were not slow, then, in seeking -a share in the advantages offered by the new countries discovered by -Cabot and Cortereal, and they speedily became skilful and powerful in -the American fisheries. The fishermen of the ports of Brittany are -known to have reached the Newfoundland shores as early as 1504. They -have left there an enduring trace in the name of Cape Breton, which, -in one form or another, is found upon very early maps. Two years -afterward Jean Denys, who was from Honfleur, is said to have visited -the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and to have made a chart of it; but what now -passes for such a chart is clearly of later origin. Another two years -elapse, and we read of the voyage, in 1508, of a Dieppe mariner, Thomas -Aubert by name, who is said to have brought home the first specimens -of the American natives. A contemporary chronicle relates the visit of -seven of those savages to Rouen in 1509. The frequency of the voyages -of these fishermen and their skill in navigation are proved by the -provision in Juan de Agramonte’s commission from the Spanish Crown, in -1511, that he might employ as pilots of his proposed expedition two -mariners from Brittany.[11] In 1518, or (as M. d’Avezac thinks) perhaps -a few years later, the Baron de Léry attempted a French settlement in -the new country. But storms and unfavorable circumstances brought about -the failure of this expedition.[12] - - * * * * * - -We have few particulars of the early life of Giovanni da Verrazano, who -commanded the first French expedition sent out under royal auspices. -The date of his birth is uncertain; but he is supposed to have been -born shortly after 1480, in Florence,—where members of the family -had attained high office at various times,—and to have been the son -of Piero Andrea da Verrazano and Fiametta Capella. He is said to -have travelled extensively, to have passed some years in Egypt and -Syria, and to have visited the East Indies. It has also been stated, -but on doubtful authority, that he commanded one of Aubert’s ships -in that mariner’s expedition to America in 1508. With the year 1521 -Verrazano begins to appear in Spanish history as a French corsair; in -which character, and under the name of Juan Florin or Florentin, he -preyed upon the commerce between Spain and her new-found possessions. -It was, perhaps, while engaged in this occupation that he gained the -notice and favor of Francis I. Indeed, his voyage of discovery was -immediately preceded by, or even connected with, one of these predatory -cruises. The Portuguese ambassador in France, Joâo da Silveira, wrote -home, April 25, 1523: “Joâo Verezano, who is going on the discovery -of Cathay, has not left up to this date, for want of opportunity, and -because of differences, I understand, between himself and men.” And -Verrazano himself says, in the cosmographical appendix to his letter, -that the object of his expedition was to reach Cathay by a westward -voyage, and that he expected to be able to penetrate any intervening -land. But we know from Spanish sources that in May or June of this -same year, 1523, Juan Florin captured the treasure sent home by Cortes -to the Emperor, and brought it into La Rochelle; and Verrazano speaks -in the beginning of his letter to the King of his success against the -Spaniards.[13] - -Later in the year, perhaps (but it seems impossible now to separate -the voyage of discovery distinctly from the cruise against Spanish -commerce), Verrazano started with four ships. Disabled by storms, he -was forced to put back into some port of Brittany with two vessels, the -“Normandy” and the “Dauphine.” After repairing these, he made a fresh -start, but decided finally to proceed on the voyage to Cathay with the -“Dauphine” alone. - -In this vessel he sailed, Jan. 17, 1524, from the Desiertas Rocks, -near the Island of Madeira, having fifty men and provisions for eight -months. For twenty-five days he proceeded, with a pleasant breeze, -toward the west, without any incident. Then on February 14 (20, -according to another version of his letter) he encountered a very -violent tempest. Escaping from this, he continued the voyage, changing -the course of the vessel more to the north, and in another twenty-five -days came within sight of land. This appeared low when first seen; and -on a nearer approach it gave evidence, from the fires burning on the -shore, that there were inhabitants. This landfall Verrazano places in -34° N., which would be not far from the latitude of Cape Fear, upon -the coast of North Carolina; and most commentators upon his letter -accept that as the probable point. He began his search for a harbor by -coasting south about fifty leagues; but finding none, and observing -that the land continued to extend in that direction, he turned and -sailed along the shore to the north. Still finding no opportunity to -land with the vessel, he decided to send a boat ashore. This was met -on its approach to the land by a crowd of the natives, who at first -turned to fly, but were recalled by friendly signs, and at last showed -the strangers the best place for making a landing, and offered them -food. These people were nearly black in color, of moderate stature -and good proportions. They went naked except for their breech-cloths, -and were, from the description, simple and of kind disposition. The -coast is described as covered with small sand-hills, and as pierced by -occasional inlets, behind which appeared a higher country, with fields -and great forests giving out pleasant odors. There were noticed, also, -lakes and ponds, with abundance of birds and beasts. The anchorage -Verrazano thought a safe one; for though there was no harbor, he says -that the water continued deep very close to the shore, and there was -excellent holding-ground for the anchor. - -Thence he proceeded along a shore trending east, seeing great fires, -which gave him the impression that the country had many inhabitants. -While at anchor (perhaps near Raleigh Bay), the boat was sent to the -shore for water. There was no possibility of landing, on account of -the high surf; so a young sailor undertook to swim to the land, and -to give the natives some bells or other trinkets which the French -had brought for the purposes of traffic, or for presents. He was -overpowered by the waves, and, after a struggle, thrown upon the beach, -where he lay almost stunned. The Indians ran down, picked him up, and -carried him screaming with fright up the shore. They reassured him -by signs, stripped off his wet clothes, and dried him by one of their -fires,—much to the horror, says the narrative, of his comrades in the -boat, who supposed that the savages intended to roast and eat him. When -he was refreshed and recovered from his fright, he made them understand -that he wished to rejoin his friends, whereupon the natives accompanied -him back to the water, and watched his safe return to the boat. - -Following the shore, which here turned somewhat to the north, in fifty -leagues more they reached a pleasant place, much wooded, near which -they anchored. Here they landed twenty men to examine the country, -and made a cruel return for the kindness which the natives had shown -the French sailor a short time before. On landing, the men found that -the Indians had taken refuge in the woods, with the exception of two -women and some small children who had attempted to hide in the long -grass. The Frenchmen offered food; but the younger woman refused it, -and in great fright called for help to the natives who had fled into -the forest. The French took the oldest of the children, a boy of eight, -and carried him to their vessel, to take back with them to France. They -attempted to kidnap also the young woman, who was handsome and tall, -about eighteen years of age; but she succeeded in escaping. The people -of this place are described as fairer than those first seen, and the -country as fertile and beautiful, but colder than the other. - -The vessel remained at anchor three days, and then it was decided to -continue the voyage, but to sail only in the daytime, and to anchor -each night. After coursing a hundred leagues to the northeast, they -arrived at a beautiful spot where, between small steep hills, a great -stream poured its waters into the sea. This river was of great depth at -its mouth, and with the help of the tide a heavily loaded vessel could -easily enter. As Verrazano had good anchorage for his ship, he sent -his boat in. This, after going a half league, found that the entrance -widened into a magnificent lake of three leagues circuit, upon which at -least thirty of the natives’ boats were passing from shore to shore. -These people received the strangers kindly, and showed them the best -place to bring their boat to the land. A sudden squall from the sea -frightened the French, and they returned in haste to the ship without -exploring further this pleasant harbor,—which seems to have been that -of New York. - -Thence they sailed to the east about eighty leagues (fifty, by one -account), keeping the land always in sight. They discovered an island -of triangular shape, of about the size of that of Rhodes, and about -ten leagues from the mainland, to which they gave the name of Louisa, -the mother of Francis I.,—the only name mentioned in the narrative. -This was covered with woods, and well peopled, as the number of fires -showed. From this island, which has been generally identified with -Block Island,[14] Verrazano, without landing, as the weather was bad, -steered for the coast again; and in fifteen leagues (perhaps retracing -his course) came to a most beautiful harbor. Here the ship was met by -many boats of the natives, who crowded close around it with cries of -astonishment and pleasure. They were easily persuaded to come on board, -and soon became very friendly. This harbor, which Verrazano places in -the parallel of Rome, 41° 40´ N., and which has been identified as that -of Newport, is described as opening toward the south, with an entrance -a half league in breadth, and widening into a great bay twenty leagues -in circuit. It contained five islands, among which any fleet might -find refuge from storms or other dangers. The entrance could be easily -guarded by a fort built upon a rock which seemed naturally placed in -its centre for defence. The natives are described as fine-looking, the -handsomest people seen in the voyage, of taller stature than Europeans, -of light color, sharp faces, with long black hair and black eyes, but -with a mild expression. The visits of their kings to the strange vessel -are described, and the eagerness of these rulers to know the use of -everything they saw is mentioned. The women are spoken of as modest -in their behavior, and as jealously guarded by their husbands. The -interior country was explored for a short distance, and found pleasant -and adapted to cultivation, with many large open plains entirely free -from trees, and with forests not so dense but that they could easily be -penetrated. - -In this agreeable harbor, where everything that he saw filled him with -delight, and where the kindness of the inhabitants left him nothing to -desire, Verrazano tarried fifteen days. Then having supplied himself -with all necessaries, he departed on the 6th of May (Ramusio says the -5th), and sailed a hundred and fifty leagues without losing sight -of the land, which showed small hills, and was a little higher than -before, while the coast, after about fifty leagues, turned to the -north. No stop was made, for the wind was favorable, and the nature -of the country appeared much the same. The next landing was made in a -colder country, full of thick woods, where the natives were rude, and -showed no desire to communicate with the strangers. They were clothed -in skins, and their land seemed barren. They would accept nothing in -barter but knives, fish-hooks, and sharpened steel. When the French -landed and attempted to explore the country, they were attacked. This -landing has been placed somewhere north of Boston, possibly not far -from Portsmouth, in New Hampshire. - -The voyage was continued in a northeasterly direction. The coast -appeared pleasanter, open, and free from woods, with a sight of high -mountains far inland. Within a distance of fifty leagues thirty-two -islands were discovered, all near the shore, which reminded the -navigator of those in the Adriatic. He did not stop to explore the -country, or to open communication with the natives, but continued -another hundred and fifty leagues in the same general direction, when -he arrived at about the latitude of 50° N. Here, having reached the -country already discovered by the Bretons, and finding his provisions -and naval stores nearly exhausted, he took in a fresh supply of wood -and water, and decided to return to France, having, he says, discovered -more than seven hundred leagues of unknown territory. He arrived at -Dieppe on his return early in July, for his letter to the King is dated -from that port on the 8th of the month. - -We lose trace of Verrazano after his return from this voyage. Francis -I. was in no condition to profit from the opportunity offered him to -colonize a new world. He had engaged in a struggle with the Emperor; -was soon after the date of this letter busily occupied in fighting -battles; and at that of Pavia, Feb. 24, 1525, was taken prisoner, and -spent the next year in captivity in Spain. It has been suggested that -Verrazano went to England, and there offered his services to Henry -VIII., and there are contemporary allusions supporting the suggestion. -Mr. Biddle, in his _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, advances the opinion -that Verrazano was the Piedmontese pilot who was killed and eaten -by the savages in Rut’s expedition of 1527, which would harmonize -Ramusio’s statement that he made a second voyage to America and lost -his life there. But this is extremely doubtful.[15] We know from French -sources that in 1526 Verrazano joined with Admiral Chabot, Jean Ango, -and others, in an agreement for a voyage to the Indies for spices, -with a proviso inserted for the equitable division of any booty taken -“from the Moors or others, enemies of the faith and the King our lord.” -Spanish documents of official character show that Juan Florin, with -other French pirates, was captured at sea in 1527, and hung at the -small village of Colmenar, between Salamanca and Toledo, in November of -that year. But it has been also lately stated that a letter has been -found, dated at Paris, Nov. 14, 1527, which speaks of Verrazano as -_then_ preparing an expedition of five ships for America, expecting to -sail the following spring. If this statement is accurate, and the date -of the letter has been correctly read, grave doubts are thrown upon the -Spanish story of his execution. Either Florin was not Verrazano, or he -was not hanged at the time stated. I cannot undertake to reconcile all -these statements, but must leave them as I find them. - - * * * * * - -The voyage of Estévan (Stephen) Gomez, although not made under the -flag of France, should, perhaps, be studied in connection with that -of Verrazano. Spain did not fail to take notice of the discoveries of -the Cabots when the news of the return of Sebastian from the second -voyage reached London in 1498. Her ambassador at that Court, Don Pedro -de Ayala, in his despatch dated July 25 of that year, says that he has -given notice to the English king that the countries discovered by Cabot -belonged to his master. There are traces of voyages in a northwestern -direction under Spanish auspices in subsequent years. Navarrete thinks -that such was the object of the Spanish king in sending for Juan -Dornelos, or Dorvelos, in the spring of 1500. It is stated also that -Hojeda had orders about the same time to follow the English tracks. The -commission to Agramonte in 1511 (he having proposed a similar project -previously) was for the purpose of planting a settlement in the _tierra -nueva_ at the northwest. Magellan’s discovery of the long-sought strait -through the New World leading to the Land of Spices, although it -brought no immediate advantages, as the voyage was long and perilous, -revived and increased the interest in seeking for a shorter and more -northern passage. The agreement made with De Ayllon, June 12, 1523, -provided, among other things, for the search for another way through -the continent to the Moluccas, to be found north of Florida. Hernando -Cortes wrote home to the Emperor, Oct. 15, 1524, a letter on the -probability of there being such a passage easier than the one already -discovered, and proposed to seek for it. Gomez was of the same opinion, -for his voyage was undertaken to find this northern strait. - -Estévan Gomez was a Portuguese and an experienced navigator. He had -entered the service of Spain a few years before this time, having -received the appointment of pilot in 1518 at the same time that -Sebastian Cabot was created “pilot major.” He had sailed with Magellan -on his great voyage as pilot of the “San Antonio,” but had joined -the crew of that vessel in their mutiny against her captain, Alvaro -de Mesquita, at the strait. He thus deserted Magellan, and brought -the ship home. In 1521 he was ordered to serve with the fleet which -was then preparing to sail against the French corsairs. He obtained -a concession from the Emperor, dated March 27, 1523, by which he was -to have a small vessel for an expedition to the northwest, armed and -provisioned for one year. Although this grant, like that made soon -afterward to De Ayllon, contained a proviso that the expedition should -carefully avoid trespassing upon the King of Portugal’s possessions -in the New World, that Power seems to have raised objections to the -voyage. The following year a council was convened at the small town of -Badajos for the settlement of the rival claims of Spain and Portugal, -and Gomez was sent with Cabot, Juan Vespucius, and others to this -council,—not as members, but in the capacity of _specialists_ or -_experts_, to give opinions on questions of navigation and cosmography. -The congress accomplished nothing in the way of an agreement between -the rival Powers, and after its adjournment the Council for the Indies -decided to allow the voyage proposed by Gomez. - -Gomez sailed from Corunna, a port in the north of Spain, to which -the “Casa de Contratacion,” or India House, had been removed from -Seville, some time in February of the following year (1525), and was -absent about ten months. We have unfortunately no detailed account of -his voyage, and it does not now seem possible to say with certainty -even in which direction he explored the American coast. The accounts -given by the Spanish historians are very meagre. They seem to have -paid little attention to the voyage, except to record its failure to -discover the desired northern strait. The Spanish maps, however, show -plain traces of the voyage, in the _Tierra de Estévan Gomez_, the name -applied by Ribero and others to the large tract of country between Cape -Breton and Florida. Gomara, one of the earliest and best authorities -on American matters, heads the chapter which he devotes to Gomez, “Rio -de San Antonio,” which name is supposed to be the one given in Spanish -maps to the Hudson River. Gomez is said to have visited the country -at latitudes 40° and 41° north, and to have coasted a great extent of -land never before explored by the Spaniards. It is related also that he -visited the Island of Cuba, and refitted his vessel there. This would -be presumably on the homeward voyage. Failing to obtain the rich cargo -of spices which he had expected to bring home, he loaded his vessel -with kidnapped savages of both sexes, and with this freight reached -Corunna again in November, 1525. - -All historians of the voyage made by Gomez have told the story about -the mistake of a zealous newsmonger in reference to the nature of the -cargo thus brought home. Peter Martyr is the first to tell it, in the -final chapter of his last decade, inscribed to Pope Clement VII., -written in 1526. In answer to a question as to what he had brought, -Gomez was understood to reply “cloves” (_clavos_), when he really said -“slaves” (_esclavos_). The eager friend hastened to Court with the -news that the shorter strait had been discovered, thinking to obtain -some reward for his intelligence. The favorers of Gomez’ project (in -regard to which there appears to have been some difference of opinion) -greeted the news with applause, but were covered with ridicule when the -true story of the results of the voyage was published. Martyr quaintly -says: “If they hadd learned that the influence of the heauens could bee -noe where infused into terrestriall matters prepared to receiue that -aromaticall spirit, saue from the _Æquinoctiall_ sunne, or next vnto -it, they woulde haue knowne that in the space of tenn moneths (wherein -hee performed his voyage) aromaticall Cloues could not bee founde.”[16] - - * * * * * - -It does not fall within the limits of this chapter to relate the story -of the early attempts of the French Huguenots to plant colonies in this -country.[17] But I may refer very briefly to the first of these,—the -expedition sent by Admiral Coligny to Brazil under the command -of Villegagnon, in 1555; as a Franciscan monk, André Thevet, who -accompanied it, claims to have coasted the continent of North America -on his return voyage to France the next year. - -Thevet says of himself that he had spent the early years of his life -in travel, and that he had already made a voyage to the East, of -which voyage, and of his skill in navigation, his friend Villegagnon -was well aware when he asked him to join the proposed expedition to -South America,—an offer which he (Thevet) was very ready to accept. -The start, he says, was made from Havre, May 6, 1555, and the voyage -across the ocean was long and tedious. It was not until the last day -of October that, about nine o’clock in the morning, their vessel -came within sight of the high mountains of Croistmourou. These were -within the limits of a country whose inhabitants were friends of the -Portuguese, and the French therefore decided to avoid landing there. -They continued the voyage, and seventeen days later cast anchor at the -River Ganabara (Rio Janeiro), where they were received in a friendly -manner by the natives, and decided to make their settlement. - -Thevet remained with the colony only about ten weeks, leaving on his -homeward voyage, Jan. 31, 1556. He says that the commander of the -vessel decided to return by a more northern passage than that by which -he had crossed from France; and goes on to describe at some length -their voyage along the coast, and to give many particulars of the -countries and natives, most of which he must have obtained from other -travellers’ books and histories after his return. The progress was -slow. At the Cape of St. Augustine the vessel was delayed, he says, -two months in the attempt to round that promontory. The equinoctial -line was not crossed until about the middle of April; and after leaving -Espagnola a contrary wind blew them in toward the coast. - -Thevet claims to have coasted the entire shore of the United States, -and gives occasional accounts of what he saw, and of intercourse with -the natives. But his details are always uncertain, and the places -he professes to have visited cannot be identified. No satisfactory -information can be obtained from his story; and indeed his reputation -for truth-telling is so poor that many historians are inclined to -reject altogether his recital of the voyage along our coast. It may -well be that Thevet invented the whole of it as a thread upon which -to hang the particulars about Florida, Norumbega, and other countries -which he gathered from books. After his return to France he was made -_aumonier_ to Catherine de Medicis, and also royal historiographer and -cosmographer. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE earliest mention in print of the Cortereal voyages is found in -a small collection of travels (one of the very earliest collections -made), entitled _Paesi novamente retrovati_. This was published at -Vicenza, in Italy, as the colophon states, Nov. 3, 1507, and is -supposed to have been compiled by Fracanzio da Montalboddo, or by -Alessandro Zorzi.[18] The account of Gaspar Cortereal is contained -(book vi. chap. cxxv) in a letter written from Lisbon, Oct. 19, 1501 -(eleven days only after the return of the first vessel which succeeded -in getting home from the second voyage), by the Venetian ambassador -in Portugal, Pietro Pasqualigo, to his brothers. This is, of course, -an authority of great value. The writer gives a brief account of the -voyage, speaks of the customs of the inhabitants of the new country, -and describes the captives which the ship had brought. He says that the -other vessel is expected immediately. Pasqualigo mentions, however, -only one voyage, and has apparently confused it with the earlier -one; for he says that the expedition sailed “lāno passato” (that -is 1500), and writes of the failure to reach a country discovered -“lanno passato.” Perhaps he received some account of both voyages -from the mariners, and in preparing his letter failed to preserve -the distinction between them. French versions of the letter appeared -in Paris in 1517 and 1522. An English translation of the interesting -portions of this letter is given in Biddle’s _Cabot_, at pp. 239, 240. - -Another contemporary account of this voyage of Gaspar Cortereal has -lately been discovered. M. Harrisse has obtained from the archives -of Modena a despatch sent to Hercules d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, by -Alberto Cantino, his representative at Lisbon, in which the arrival -of the second vessel (expected immediately in Pasqualigo’s letter) is -reported. This despatch is dated Oct. 17, 1501. The vessel arrived on -the 11th,—three days after the first one,—and brought the expected -cargo of slaves. Cantino says that he saw, touched, and surveyed (li -quali io ho visti, tochi et contemplati) these natives. He gives some -account of the savages, and tells the story of the voyage as he heard -the captain of the vessel relate it to the King, being present at their -interview. The caravel had been a month on her return, and the distance -was two thousand eight hundred miles,—“Questo naviglio è venuto di la -a qua in un mese, et dicono esservi 2,800 milia de distantia.” Cantino -makes no mention of the return of the first vessel, but speaks of a -third, commanded by Cortereal in person, as having decided to remain -in the new country, and to sail along its coast far enough to discover -whether it were an island or _terra firma_,—“Laltro compagno ha -deliberato andar tanto per quella costa, che vole intendere se quella è -insula, o pur terra ferma.” - -Harrisse prints this interesting letter of Cantino in his _Jean et -Sébastian Cabot_ (pp. 262-264). Cantino appears to have also sent -his master a map showing the new discoveries. This map Harrisse has -since reproduced with a commentary, in his work on the Cortereals, as -explained in the second volume of the present history. - -It should be noted that Harrisse counts three voyages of Gaspar -Cortereal,—the first, without result, before May, 1500; the second, -between May and December of that year; and a third, sailing in January, -1501,—the return of two of whose vessels in the following October is -related by Pasqualigo and Cantino.[19] - -The confusion of the voyages continued. The Spanish historians and -those of Italy, knowing, perhaps, of only one, or getting their -information from the _Paesi_ and the maps, speak of but one expedition. -Gomara, whose work was published at Saragossa in 1552-1553,[20] says -that Cortereal was seeking a northwest passage, but failed to find it; -that he gave his name to the islands at the mouth of the St. Lawrence -in 50° N.; and that, dismayed at the snow and ice, he returned home -with about sixty of the natives whom he had captured.[21] Herrera, -who published his History early in the next century,[22] gets his -information from Gomara. Peter Martyr does not mention the Cortereals. -Turning to Italy, we find in Ramusio an account of Cortereal in the -third volume of his great collection of voyages,[23] published in 1556, -at fol. 417. Here, in an introductory discourse, written by Ramusio -himself, “sopra la terra ferme dell’ Indie Occidentali,” it is stated -that Gaspar Cortereal was the first captain who went to that part of -the New World which “runs to the north,” in 1500, with two ships, in -search of a shorter passage to the Spice Islands; that he penetrated -so far north as to get into a region of great cold, discovering at 60° -a river filled with snow, which was called the “Rio Nevado;” that he -found inhabited islands to which he gave names, etc. - -Even down to modern times the distinction between the voyages has -not been recognized. Biddle, Humboldt, and others speak of only one -expedition. The Portuguese authorities, however, are explicit in the -matter. In 1563 there was published at Lisbon a volume of navigations -and discoveries written by Antonio Galvano, who had died a few years -before.[24] Galvano was born at Lisbon in 1503. He went, a young man, -to India, and distinguished himself there, having command of the -expedition which reduced the Moluccas to Portuguese rule, and becoming -the governor of Ternate,—the largest of these islands. He was recalled -home, and coldly received by the King. Becoming indigent, he was -forced to take refuge in a hospital, where he finally died in 1557. -His papers were bequeathed to a friend, Don Francisco y Sousa Tavares, -who prepared the volume for the press. Galvano gives a good account -of the expedition of Gaspar Cortereal, clearly dividing it into two -voyages; and he tells also of Miguel Cortereal’s attempt to discover -his brother’s fate. The original Portuguese text is very rare. Hakluyt -published a translation of it in 1601,[25] and states in his Dedication -of that book to Sir Robert Cecil that he could not succeed in finding -a copy of the original. The translation was made, he says, “by some -honest and well-affected marchant of our nation, whose name by no -meanes I could attaine unto, and that, as it seemeth, many yeeres ago. -For it hath lien by me above these twelve yeeres.” In 1862 the Hakluyt -Society of London reprinted this translation under the editorial -supervision of Vice-Admiral Bethune. In this edition corrections of the -English version are noted, and the whole Portuguese text is given, page -for page, from a copy of the original in the Carter-Brown Library. The -passage relating to the Cortereals is found at pages 96, 97, of this -Hakluyt Society’s volume.[26] - -The Chronicle of King Emanuel, by Damiano de Goes, appeared at Lisbon -in 1565-1567.[27] Goes was born in 1501, and died about 1573. He was -employed in the diplomatic service of Portugal in Flanders, Denmark, -and other countries, and travelled extensively. Galvano considered -him, as a traveller, worthy of mention in his work, and says that he -visited England, France, Italy, Germany, Poland, Muscovy, and Norway. -“He did see, speake, and was conuersant with all the kings, princes, -nobles, and chiefe cities of all Christendome in the space of 22 -yeeres (occupied in the work); so that by reason of the greatnes of -his trauell I thought him a man woorthie to be here remembred.”[28] -He became afterward historiographer of Portugal, and was placed -in charge of the public archives. But he fell under the ban of the -Inquisition, and died in obscurity. His account of the Cortereals, -which is clear and of great value, from the learning of the writer and -from his excellent opportunities to inform himself, is given in the -sixty-seventh chapter of the first part of the Chronicle, at pp. 87, -88.[29] - -Hieronymus Osorius (as his name is Latinized), the Bishop of -Silves,—known sometimes as the Portuguese Cicero, from the elegance -of his style,—published his _De rebus Emmanuelis_ in 1571.[30] He was -born in 1506, and lived until 1580. His writings include treatises on -philosophy and theology, as well as works of history. In the Chronicle, -under date of 1503, he gives a full account of the Cortereal voyages, -including the search expedition sent out by the King that year, and the -proposition of the eldest brother to equip a new exploration. The story -may be found at p. 63 of the edition of 1586. - -Oscar Peschel and Friedrich Kunstmann, in Germany, used these -Portuguese authorities freely in their accounts of the Cortereals. -Peschel’s book, an excellent one, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, was published at Stuttgart in 1858, and went to a second -edition in 1877. The discoveries of the Portuguese are treated in -the ninth chapter of the second book.[31] Kunstmann’s work, of great -learning and research, _Die Entdeckung Amerikas_, was published at -Munich in 1859 by the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, as part of -the centennial commemoration (March 28, 1859) of its foundation. In -addition to the printed authorities, Kunstmann instituted searches -among the manuscript archives at Lisbon. He had the pretended early -voyage of Joâo Vaz Cortereal examined, and ascertained that there was -no foundation for it.[32] He found the letter of Miguel Cortereal, -written Aug. 6, 1501, to Christovâo Lopez, which has been used in the -preceding narrative; and that brother’s agreement with the King, Jan. -15, 1502, by which the grant previously made to Gaspar was continued to -Miguel.[33] - -An excellent account of the Cortereal voyages, based largely upon -Kunstmann’s researches, is given by Dr. Kohl in the fifth chapter of -his _Discovery of Maine_.[34] At the first session of the International -Congress of “Américanistes,” held at Nancy in July, 1875, M. Luciano -Cordeiro, professor in the Institut at Coïmbre, presented, through -M. Lucien Adam, an elaborate essay on the share of the Portuguese in -the discovery of America. M. Cordeiro’s paper shows great industry -and research, but it should be read with caution, as his patriotism -sometimes exceeds his discretion. He looks at everything with the -distorted vision of an enthusiastic lover of his native land.[35] - -With Kunstmann’s _Entdeckung_, the Bavarian Academy published, under -the care of that gentleman, Karl von Spruner, and Georg M. Thomas, -an elegant atlas of thirteen maps in beautifully executed colored -fac-similes. Portions of three of these maps relating to the Cortereals -are given in a greatly reduced form, without the brilliant colors, by -Dr. Kohl, in the Appendage to his chapter on these navigators. The -first of these is a Portuguese chart, made about 1504 by an unknown -hand. The southern part of Greenland is laid down upon it without a -name; and farther to the west appears a considerable extent of country, -answering, perhaps, to parts of our Labrador and Newfoundland, which -bears the name “Terra de cortte Reall.”[36] The second chart, made by -Pedro Reinel at about the same period, shows only Portuguese names -and gives the Portuguese flag on that part of America visited by the -Cortereals. Reinel was a Portuguese pilot of eminence, who afterward -entered the Spanish service. The third map, also of Portuguese origin, -of about the year 1520, although its exact date and its author’s -name are unknown, contains at Labrador these words: “terram istam -portugalenses viderunt atamen non intraverunt” (“The Portuguese saw -this country, but did not enter it”); and again at a place farther west -occurs the legend: “Terram istam gaspar corte Regalis portugalensis -primo invenit, et secum tulit hōīes silvestres et ursos albos. In ea -est maxiā multitudo animalium et avium necnon et pescium. qui anno -sequenti naufragium perpessus nunquam rediit: sic et fratri ejus -micaeli anno sequenti contigit” (“This country was first discovered -by Gaspar Cortereal, a Portuguese, and he brought from there wild and -barbarous men and white bears. There are to be found in it plenty of -animals, birds, and fish. In the following year he was shipwrecked, and -did not return: the same happened to his brother Michael in the next -year”).[37] - - * * * * * - -The original authorities for the early French expeditions have, -unhappily, not been preserved, or they still lie hidden in some dusky -receptacle, baffling all search for them. The Breton fishermen perhaps -wrote no accounts of their voyages across the Atlantic; but we might -hope for some authentic reports of the voyages of Denys, Aubert, and -others, made under the auspices of the rich and powerful Angos. The -archives of Dieppe, however, were destroyed at the bombardment of that -town in 1694, and those of La Rochelle met a similar fate. - -The earliest mention of these transatlantic voyages that we now find -occurs in a discourse attributed to a great French captain of Dieppe, -preserved in an Italian translation by Ramusio, in his collection -of voyages.[38] This discourse gives a summary description of the -new countries, and a very brief mention of their discoverers. From -internal evidence it appears to have been written in 1539. Ramusio, in -introducing it, expresses his regret that he could not ascertain the -name of its author. M. Louis Estancelin published in 1832 a journal -of the voyage made by Jean Parmentier to Sumatra in 1529, which -corresponds so exactly with the details of a similar voyage in the -great captain’s discourse as to make it evident that Parmentier was -the person described by Ramusio under that title.[39] This discourse -mentions the voyages of Denys and Aubert, and speaks of Verrazano -as the discoverer of Norumbega. From this source other writers have -generally drawn their authority for these early voyages. The Chronicle -of Eusebius,[40] however, contains an account of the visit of American -savages to Rouen in 1509; and there is a curious bas-relief over a -tomb in the Church of St. Jacques at Dieppe, in which American natives -are represented.[41] Charlevoix speaks of the map which Jean Denys is -said to have made.[42] - -The authorities for the voyage of Verrazano are two copies of his -letter, written to the King of France from Dieppe July 8, 1524, on -his return from the voyage. Both of these are, however, Italian -translations of the letter, the original of which does not exist. One -was printed by Ramusio in 1556, in the third volume of his collection -of voyages.[43] The other was found many years later in the Strozzi -Library (the historical documents in which were afterward transferred -to the Magliabechian, now merged in the National Library) in Florence, -and was first published in 1841 by the New York Historical Society, -with a translation made by Dr. J. G. Cogswell.[44] This contained a -Cosmographical Appendix not in the copy printed by Ramusio. The earlier -printed version was translated into English by Hakluyt for his _Divers -Voyages_, which appeared in London in 1582, and was incorporated by -him into his larger collection published in 1600.[45] Dr. Cogswell’s -translation was reprinted in London by Dr. Asher in his _Henry Hudson -the Navigator_, prepared for the Hakluyt Society in 1860.[46] Dr. Asher -considers the Cosmographical Appendix a document of great importance. -With this Strozzi copy there was found a letter written by one Fernando -Carli from Lyons, Aug. 4, 1524, to his father in Florence, accounting -for sending Verrazano’s letter, which Carli thought would interest -his countrymen. This letter of Carli was first printed in 1844, with -the essay of George W. Greene on Verrazano, in the _Saggiatore_ (i. -257), a Roman journal of history and philology. Professor Greene, who -was the American Consul at Rome, had been instrumental in obtaining -the Verrazano letter for the New York Society, and had previously -published his essay in the _North American Review_ for October, 1837. -He reprinted it in his _Historical Studies_. Carli’s letter may be -consulted in English translations in Mr. Smith’s, Mr. Murphy’s, and Mr. -Brevoort’s essays on Verrazano. - -References to the voyage occur occasionally in French, English, and -Spanish authors;[47] and it was not until within a few years that any -doubt was thrown upon the authenticity of the narrative. - -In October, 1864, Mr. Buckingham Smith, an accomplished scholar, -who had been secretary of the American Legation at Madrid, read a -paper upon this subject before the New York Historical Society, -afterward published the same year under the title, _An Inquiry into -the Authenticity of Documents concerning a Discovery in North America -claimed to have been made by Verrazzano_. Mr. Smith’s death interrupted -an enlarged and revised edition of this essay, which he was urged to -prepare.[48] Mr. J. Carson Brevoort presented a paper on Verrazano, -taking an opposite view, to the American Geographical Society, in -1871, which he printed three years later, entitled _Verrazano the -Navigator_.[49] This was followed by the appearance, in 1875, of -Mr. Henry C. Murphy’s _The Voyage of Verrazzano_, in which he makes -an able plea against the genuineness of the accounts of the voyage. -This book caused considerable discussion, and has been answered -several times. It remains, I think, the last word on that side of the -question,—except that Mr. Bancroft has omitted all notice of Verrazano -in the revised edition of his _History of the United States_, and the -editors of Appleton’s _American Cyclopædia_ seem to adopt Mr. Murphy’s -conclusions. Mr. Murphy’s book was reviewed by Harrisse in the _Revue -critique_ for Jan. 1, 1876, and his conclusions were accepted with -some reserve. It was noticed unfavorably by Mr. Major in the London -_Geographical Magazine_ (iii. 186) for July, 1876 (copied from the -_Pall Mall Gazette_ of May 26, 1876), and by the Rev. B. F. De Costa -in the _American Church Review_ of the same date. In 1878-1879 papers -on this subject by De Costa appeared in the _Magazine of American -History_, which were afterward collected and revised by their author, -and issued, with the title, _Verrazano the Explorer_, in 1881. This -work contains an exhaustive bibliography of the subject, to which -reference should be made.[50] In this same year, 1881, M. Cornelio -Desimoni, vice-president of the “Società Ligure di Storia Patria,” -printed in the fifteenth volume of the _Atti_ of that Society a second -_Studio_ on Verrazano, in which he takes strong ground in favor of -the genuineness of the voyage. This essay had been presented to the -third congress of “Américanistes,” which met at Brussels in 1879. M. -Desimoni had previously contributed to the _Archivio Storico Italiano_ -for August, 1877, an article upon this navigator,[51] but was able to -review Mr. Murphy’s book only from notices he had seen of it. In a note -at the end of his paper he states that he had procured a copy, and, so -far from finding any reason to modify the views he had expressed, he -thought that he could find in Mr. Murphy’s essay additional arguments -for the authenticity of the voyage. The second _Studio_ was followed -by what M. Desimoni modestly calls a _Third Appendix_ (the _Studio_ -having two Appendices printed with it). This is a paper of considerable -importance, as it contains the reproduction of the map of which I shall -speak later.[52] - -Hieronimo da Verrazano, the brother of the navigator, made about 1529 -a large _mappamundi_, on which the discoveries of Giovanni are laid -down.[53] This map is preserved in the Borgiano Museum of the College -“di Propaganda Fide” in Rome. It is not certain that the map is an -original; and it was first mentioned by Von Murr in his _Behaim_, -Gotha, 1801, p. 28, referring to a letter of Cardinal Borgia of Jan. -31, 1795, regarding it. It was again referred to in Millin’s _Magazin -encyclopédique_, vol. lxviii. (1807); but general attention was first -directed to it by M. Thomassy in 1852, in a communication published in -the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_.[54] Mr. Brevoort[55] has given -a description of it, which he prepared from two photographs, much -reduced in size, made for the American Geographical Society in 1871. -These photographs were not large enough nor sufficiently distinct to -allow the names of places on the American coast to be read. This North -American section of the map was first given with the names by Dr. -De Costa, who had made a careful examination of the original during -a visit to Rome, in the _Magazine of American History_ for August, -1878.[56] - -This map is not dated; but the following legend, placed at the position -of Verrazano’s discoveries, fixes the date for 1529: “Verrazana -sive nova gallia quale discoprì 5 anni fa giovanni da verrazano -fiorentino per ordine e Comandamento del Cristianissimo Re di Francia” -(“Verrazana, or New Gaul, which was discovered five years ago by -Giovanni di Verrazano, of Florence, by the order and command of the -most Christian King of France”). - -One of the most interesting of the maps which show the traces and -influence of Verrazano’s voyage is the copper globe known as the -globe of Ulpius, from its maker, Euphrosynus Ulpius, constructed (as -appears by an inscription on it) in 1542. This was found in Spain by -the late Buckingham Smith, and bought for the New York Historical -Society in 1859 by Mr. John D. Wolfe. Mr. Smith prepared a paper on -this globe, which was printed, with a map of the portion relating to -North America, in the _Historical Magazine_ in 1862.[57] Dr. De Costa -published, in the _Magazine of American History_ for January, 1879, -an excellent account of the globe of Ulpius, with a representation -of one hemisphere, which, he says, “without being a fac-simile, is -nevertheless sufficiently correct for historical purposes, and may -be relied upon.”[58] On this globe, between Florida and the “Regio -Baccalearum,” we find this inscription, covering a large extent of -territory: “Verrazana sive Nova Gallia a Verrazano Florentino comperta -anno Sal MD.” (“Verrazana, or New Gaul, discovered by Verrazano the -Florentine, in the year of Salvation MD.”). It will be observed that -the date has been left incomplete. - -Other maps showing traces of Verrazano’s voyage are enumerated by Kohl, -Brevoort, and De Costa, the account by the last-named being the latest, -and perhaps the most complete.[59] - - * * * * * - -The controversy about this letter and voyage of Verrazano has excited -so much interest, that it is well to give a concise summary of Mr. -Murphy’s objections to the genuineness of the voyage, and to consider -with equal brevity some of the replies to these objections, and the -additional evidence for the support of the narrative which has been -discovered since the date of Mr. Murphy’s essay. - -The conclusions which Mr. Murphy seeks to establish are set forth in -the following _brief_:— - - “That the letter, according to the evidence upon which its existence - is predicated, could not have been written by Verrazzano; that the - instrumentality of the King of France in any such expedition of - discovery as therein described is unsupported by the history of that - country, and is inconsistent with the acknowledged acts of Francis and - his successors, and therefore incredible; and that its description of - the coast and some of the physical characteristics of the people and - of the country are essentially false, and prove that the writer could - not have made them from his own personal knowledge and experience, - as pretended; and, in conclusion, it will be shown that its apparent - knowledge of the direction and extent of the coast was derived from - the exploration of Estévan Gomez, a Portuguese pilot in the service of - the King of Spain; and that Verrazzano, at the time of his pretended - discovery, was actually engaged in a corsairial expedition, sailing - under the French flag, in a different part of the ocean.”[60] - -Mr. Murphy argues, first, that the letter is not genuine, because no -original has ever “been exhibited, or referred to in any contemporary -or later historian as being in existence; and, although it falls within -the era of modern history, not a single fact which it professes to -describe relating to the fitting out of the expedition, the voyage, -or the discovery, is corroborated by other testimony, whereby its -genuineness might even be inferred.”[61] He considers it “highly -improbable” that there could have been a French original of the letter, -from which two translations were made, with an interval of twenty-seven -years between them, “and yet no copy of it in French, or any memorial -of its existence in that language, be known.”[62] As the Carli copy -contains a Cosmographical Appendix not in the Ramusio text, Mr. Murphy -assumes that Ramusio took his version from the Carli manuscript, -revising it, and changing its language to suit his editorial taste. -Later in his book he goes farther, and accuses Ramusio of suppressing -a fact here and adding another there, to make the Verrazano narrative -agree with other documents in his possession. As Carli’s letter to his -father covered his copy of Verrazano’s letter, the inquiry is narrowed -down to a question of the authenticity of the Carli letter. Mr. Murphy -argues that this letter cannot be genuine, because it was written by -an obscure person, at a great distance from the French Court, and from -Dieppe (the port from which Verrazano wrote), only twenty-seven days -after the date of the letter which it pretended to enclose. - -Mr. Murphy, in the next division of his argument, asserts that no such -voyage was made for the King of France:— - - “Neither the letter, nor any document, chronicle, memoir, or history - of any kind, public or private, printed or in manuscript, belonging - to that period or the reign of Francis I., who then bore the crown, - mentioning or in any manner referring to it, or to the voyage and - discovery, has ever been found in France; and neither Francis - himself, nor any of his successors, ever acknowledged or in any - manner recognized such discovery, or asserted under it any right to - the possession of the country; but, on the contrary, both he and they - ignored it, in undertaking colonization in that region, by virtue of - other discoveries made under their authority, or with their permission - by their subjects.”[63] - -He claims that the accounts of Verrazano’s voyage given by French -historians all show internal evidence that the information was derived -from Ramusio. The life of Francis I., he further says, is a complete -denial of the assertion that Verrazano’s voyage was made by his -direction. Francis sent out the expeditions of Cartier and of Roberval, -and yet never recognized the discovery made by Verrazano. And the -map, sometimes called that of Henry II. (the date of which, however, -has been supposed to be some years earlier than the accession of that -monarch in 1547), an official map displaying all the knowledge the -French Court possessed of the American coast, is destitute of any trace -of Verrazano.[64] - -Mr. Murphy considers next what he calls the misrepresentations in the -letter in regard to the geography of the coast. Only to one place, an -island, is a name given. A very noticeable omission is that of the -Chesapeake Bay, which could not have been overlooked by an explorer -seeking a passage to Cathay; and not even the named island really -exists: there is none on the coast answering its description. - -He next undertakes to show that the letter claims the discovery of -Cape Breton and the southerly coast of Newfoundland; and that Ramusio, -knowing this claim to be false, “deliberately” interpolated into his -text a clause to limit Verrazano’s discoveries to the point where those -of the Bretons began. - -Mr. Murphy argues next that “the description of the people and -productions of the land [were] not made from the personal observation -of the writer of the letter. What distinctively belonged to the natives -is unnoticed, and what is originally mentioned of them is untrue.”[65] -He thinks that all the details given of Indian manners and customs may -have been copied from well-known narratives of other visits to other -parts of America, and instances a source whence they may have been -drawn. Fault is found with Verrazano’s letter because it neglects to -mention such peculiarities of the Indians as wampum, tobacco, and, -“most remarkable omission of all,” the bark canoe. The falsity of the -narrative, made probable by these omissions, is rendered certain by -the positive statement of a radical difference in complexion between -the tribes found in different parts of the country.[66] And, again, -the condition in which plants and vegetation are described is equally -absurd and preposterous. And so both in the case of the color of the -natives and in that of the conditions of the grapes, Ramusio, says Mr. -Murphy, is obliged to alter the text of the narrative to make these -stories probable. - -The extrinsic evidence in support of the Verrazano discovery is next -considered. As Mr. Murphy knew this evidence, it consisted of two -pieces,—the Verrazano map, and the discourse of the great French -sea-captain. The map was known, at the time of the printing of Mr. -Murphy’s essay, only by description and by two inadequate photographs. -Our present information about this map is so much greater, that Mr. -Murphy’s account of it may be passed over until the map itself is -described, later. The French captain’s discourse is known only in the -Italian translation printed by Ramusio, and placed in his third volume, -immediately after the Verrazano letter. Mr. Murphy dismisses this piece -of evidence with few words. Finding in the discourse a clause relating -to Verrazano, he at once concludes that Ramusio interpolated it, to -make this document consistent with the letter. - -A skilled advocate, after proving to his own satisfaction the falsity -of a document, likes to find some genuine story which may have served -the concocters of the falsehood as a model and storehouse for their -lies. He wants also to complete his case by showing the motive for the -forgery. This motive Mr. Murphy finds in the civic pride of Florence. -All the evidence in favor of the story is traceable, he says, to -Florence. As for the model and source of the letter, he discovers -these in an attempt “to appropriate to a Florentine the glory which -belonged to Estévan Gomez, a Portuguese pilot ... in the service of -the Emperor.” He gives the voyage of Gomez in pretty full details. The -landfall occurred on the coast of South Carolina. Thence he ran the -coast northwardly to Cape Breton, where he turned and retraced his -track as far as Florida, returning to Spain by way of Cuba. Mr. Murphy -brings forward the map of Ribero, made in 1529, which he claims as an -official exhibition of the discoveries of Gomez, and which he thinks -was used in the construction of the Verrazano letter, because the -several courses and distances run, as described in the letter, agree -with similar divisions on the map.[67] - -Mr. Murphy adds a concluding chapter, in which he gives the true -history of the life of Verrazano, as he gathers it from authentic -sources. Beyond his birth and parentage nothing is perhaps certainly -known, except his career as a French corsair, under the name of Juan -Florin or Florentin. In this capacity he made several rich captures -from the Spanish and Portuguese, notably the treasure sent home by -Cortes in 1523. Mr. Murphy thinks that a passage in a letter of the -Portuguese ambassador in France, which appears to refer to preparations -for a voyage of discovery about this time, is really an allusion to the -proposed raid, the other being used by the French as a cloak or cover. -At all events, he says, Verrazano cannot have been in two places at -once,—on the coast of America, or on his return from Newfoundland -to France, and at the same time have taken a ship on her way from -the Indies to Portugal. He cites, as authority for this _alibi_, a -statement of the capture of a treasure ship brought by a courier from -Portugal, and mentioned in a letter of Peter Martyr, dated August 3, -1524.[68] Mr. Murphy then closes with an account of the capture and -execution of Florin, or Verrazano. - -Mr. Murphy’s argument is an ingenious and able one; and the book, -having never been published, is not within the reach of all.[69] - -To the objections named in the first divisions of Mr. Murphy’s -argument,—that the letter could not have been written by Verrazano, -and that no such voyage or discovery was made for the King of -France,—replies suggest themselves very easily. We have no originals -of many important documents, and yet do not doubt their general -accuracy,—the letters of Columbus and Vespucius, for instance; the -original French of Ribault; and, to come closer to Mr. Murphy, where is -the report of Gomez’ voyage? There is none; and its only supports are -an occasional not too flattering reference in the historians, and a map -made by another hand. The despised voyage of Verrazano rests upon both -a personal narrative and a map, the work of a brother.[70] - -Mr. Murphy himself furnishes corroborative testimony to the probable -truth of Verrazano’s voyage. He cites a passage from Andrade’s -Chronicle of John III., then King of Portugal. By this it appears that -John learned that one “Joâo Varezano, a Florentine,” had offered to -the King of France to “discover other kingdoms in the East which the -Portuguese had not found, and that in the ports of Normandy a fleet -was being made ready under the favor of the admirals of the coast and -the dissimulation of Francis, to colonize the land of Santa Cruz, -called Brazil,” etc. The Portuguese King lost no time in sending a -special ambassador, João da Silveyra, to remonstrate; and Mr. Murphy -prints a letter from him to his sovereign, dated April 25, 1523, in -which he says: “By what I hear, Maestro Joâo Verazano, who is going -on the discovery of Cathay, has not left up to this date for want of -opportunity, and because of differences, I understand, between himself -and men; and on this topic, though knowing nothing positively, I have -written my doubts in accompanying letters. I shall continue to doubt, -unless he take his departure.”[71] - -His Appendix contains also the agreement made by Admiral Chabot with -Verrazano and others to “equip, victual, and fit three vessels to make -the voyage for spices to the Indies.” Of this expedition Verrazano -was to be chief pilot. Chabot was created admiral in March, 1526, -which settles the date of this agreement. All these documents Mr. -Murphy is obliged to twist into attempts to cover attacks on Spanish -or Portuguese commerce by pretended voyages to the West. Is it not -easier to take the simple meaning which they carry on their face? -This agreement with the Admiral is supported by two documents first -printed by M. Harrisse.[72] In the first Giovanni appoints his brother -Jerome his attorney during the voyage to the Indies; the second is an -agreement with one Adam Godefroy, _bourgeois_ of Rouen, in reference -to some trading contemplated in the voyage.[73] Dr. De Costa brings -forward also another document relating to Verrazano, dated “the last -day of September, 1525,” found in the archives of Rouen; and M. Margry -states that he has a letter written at Paris, Nov. 14, 1527, in which -Verrazano is said to be preparing to visit America with five ships.[74] -And here, too, a reference should be made to the visit of Verrazano -to England with some map or globe, as mentioned more than once by -Hakluyt.[75] - -There is yet hope that the original of the Verrazano letter may be -discovered. Dr. De Costa thinks that he has evidence of its probable -existence at one time in Spain; and also that it was used by Allefonsce -in 1545,—eleven years before the publication by Ramusio.[76] There -certainly seems no greater improbability in the supposition of two -independent translations, Carli’s and Ramusio’s, from a single -original, now lost, than in the assumption that Ramusio rewrote -the Carli text and omitted the cosmographical appendix. Indeed Mr. -Murphy’s charge, renewed at intervals in his essay as his theory of -the fabrication of the letter requires,—that Ramusio was guilty of -almost fraudulent editing,—has no foundation. The reputation of the -Italian editor stands too high to be easily assailed; and as he was not -a Florentine, motive for the deceit is lacking. A careful collation -of the verbal differences between the versions is said to support the -theory that they are separate translations of one original.[77] And M. -Desimoni, presumably an exact scholar of his own language, asserts that -a philological examination of the two texts shows that, if either is a -_rimaneggiato_ (worked over) copy, it is Carli’s, and not Ramusio’s.[78] - -As to the genuineness of Carli’s letter to his father, the epistle -contains a reference to the expected arrival of the King at Lyons, -fixing its date, and giving thereby internal evidence of its reality. -There is really no improbability in the statement that Verrazano had -sent a copy of his letter to the Lyons merchants, and it is very easy -to suppose Carli in the employ, or enjoying the friendship, of one or -more of these merchants. The government of France had not been extended -over the seaports long enough to make it any breach of privilege to -communicate the results of a voyage to others than the King. And, as -Mr. Major observes, in regard to the great distance between Dieppe and -Lyons, “it would be a poor courier who could not compass that distance -in twenty-seven days.”[79] - -[Illustration: AN AUTOGRAPH OF FRANCIS I.] - -A reason for the failure of the Verrazano letter to make any impression -on the French King, or to influence his subsequent action in reference -to American discoveries and colonization, is found in the peculiar -circumstances of Francis at this time. Engaged in constant wars, -almost from the date of his accession to the throne, he was, in the -summer of 1524, hurrying south to defend Provence from the attack of -the Constable de Bourbon and the Marquis of Pescara, who had obtained -permission of Charles V. to invade it. Many towns, the capital, Aix, -among them, soon submitted to the Imperial forces; Marseilles was hotly -besieged, and only relieved by the close approach of Francis with his -army. Now the Queen-Mother was renamed Regent of France, and the war -transferred to Italy, where, at the battle of Pavia, Feb. 24, 1525, -Francis was defeated and taken prisoner. The following year was spent -in captivity in Spain. On his release he at once broke his plighted -faith, to renew the bitter struggle with the Emperor. For the time -there could be thought or plans for nothing but war. Verrazano and his -discovery were entirely forgotten at Court. - -To Mr. Murphy’s objections founded on the misrepresentations of the -coast geography, and the mistakes and omissions in the description of -the people, contained in the letter, it is sufficient to answer that -that gentleman mistakes the character of the letter, and demands more -from it than he has a right to expect. “We do not quite see,” says Mr. -Major, “why the first description of a country should be the only one -expected to be free from imperfections.”[80] All the accounts of the -early visits to this country have mixed with the general truth of the -narrative more or less absurd and improbable statements. Dr. Kohl says: -“It is well known that the old navigators in these western countries -very often saw what they wished to see.”[81] As for the omission to -notice the Chesapeake Bay, and to describe wampum, tobacco, and the -bark-canoe, others besides Verrazano have been guilty of the same -offence.[82] - -The Verrazano letter should be regarded, not as an exact, well-digested -report of the voyage (such as a modern explorer might make), but rather -as the first hasty announcement to the King of his return and of the -success of the voyage. It should be remembered also that mention is -made in it of a “little book,” called by Dr. Kohl “the most precious -part of what Verrazano wrote respecting his voyage,”[83] wherein were -noted the observations of longitude and latitude, of the currents, ebb -and flood of the sea, and of other matters which he hoped might be -serviceable to navigators. These and other notes were doubtless used by -the brother, Hieronimo, in making his map, and the abundance of names -displayed on that map is a reply to Mr. Murphy’s objection that the -letter contains but one name,—the Island of Louise. - -I shall enumerate the authorities for the voyage of Gomez later in -this essay; but as Mr. Murphy finds in it the source of the forged -Verrazano letter, something must be said of it here. First, it is to -be noticed that while Mr. Murphy refuses the narrative of Verrazano’s -voyage utterly, he finds no difficulty in accepting one of Gomez’ which -is to a great degree of his own (Murphy’s) construction. Dr. Kohl and -other scholars have found it impossible to decide with any certainty -as to the extent and direction of this voyage. Mr. Murphy presents us -with full details,—a landfall in South Carolina; a coasting voyage to -the north as far as Cape Breton, a careful observation on the return -of rivers, capes, and bays; a temporary belief that he had found the -strait he was seeking in the Penobscot, or “Rio de los Gamos,” on -account of the great tide issuing from it, and a return to Spain by way -of Cuba. The authorities cited in support of these statements are Peter -Martyr’s _Decades_, Herrera, and Cespedes’ _Yslario general_,—the last -in manuscript. The extracts from Martyr and Herrera I have reserved -for another part of this chapter.[84] They do not support Mr. Murphy’s -details. The Cespedes manuscript was the subject of some remarks by -Mr. Buckingham Smith before the New York Historical Society, briefly -reported in the _Historical Magazine_.[85] Mr. Smith had not been -able to find this manuscript, but understood that it contained a full -account of the voyage of Gomez. Mr. Murphy’s note shows that he knew of -its existence in the National Library at Madrid. The director of that -library has examined this manuscript at the request of Harrisse, and -has not found in it any report of the voyage of Gomez by the navigator, -nor does it contain any detailed account of the expedition. There is a -reference which shows, perhaps, that Cespedes had seen one of Gomez’ -writings.[86] - -The attempt to derive the Verrazano letter from the voyage of Gomez -is called by Mr. Major the “climax of the series of Mr. Murphy’s -constructive imputations.”[87] His elaborate comparison of the courses -of Verrazano with similar divisions on Ribero’s map is open to serious -question. There are no such divisions on the map. He argues from a -knowledge of the two extreme terms of Verrazano’s voyage, and neglects -the intermediate term, the latitude of the harbor where the explorers -spent fifteen days, doubtless the most accurate latitude taken. And -even at the close of his comparison he allows that the latitudes of -Ribero’s map are wrong, and says that the map does not give a faithful -representation of the voyage of Gomez. It does not give by name the -“Rio de los Gamos” which Cespedes says Gomez discovered, although that -estuary was already drawn, in the same form given to it by Ribero, -on the earlier Weimar map of 1527, which map omits the name of Gomez -altogether.[88] - -The passage from one of Peter Martyr’s letters, which Mr. Murphy -cites to prove that Verrazano was capturing a Portuguese vessel at -the time when the letter claimed him as making discoveries, is not -very conclusive. Mr. Major thinks that there was time for him to have -run down from Dieppe, after his return to that port, to the coast -of Portugal, attracted by so rich a game as one hundred and eighty -thousand ducats. But Martyr’s statement is indefinite. There are no -particulars of time or place, when or where the treasure was taken. -It is not even certain that the news brought by the courier was -more than a rumor. Martyr’s language is: “Ad aliud hac, iter fecit -regis Portugalliæ cursor, quod Florinus pyrata Gallus nauim regi -suo raptauerit ab Indis venientem, qua merces vehebãtur gemmarum et -aromatum ad ducatorum centum octoginta millium summam conqueritur.”[89] - -The map of Hieronimo da Verrazano is without doubt the strongest -support of the letter and voyage of his brother Giovanni. That these -persons were brothers appears from a document dated May 11, 1526, -whereby the navigator constitutes “Jarosme de Varasenne, son frère -et heritier,” his attorney to act for him during a proposed voyage -to the Indies. This paper, first printed by M. Harrisse in 1876, is -signed “Janus Verrazanus.” Dr. De Costa gives a fac-simile of this -signature,—here reproduced,—the only known autograph of Verrazano.[90] - -[Illustration] - -Mr. Brevoort gives perhaps the best description of the map, and I -condense the following from his account of it. The map is on three -sheets of parchment, pasted together, and is 260 centimetres long and -130 wide (about 102 inches by 51), its length being just double the -width. It is well preserved, somewhat stained; but no part, except -coast-names, is indistinct. Its projection is the simple cylindrical -square one, in which all the degrees of latitude are made equal to -each other and to the equatorial ones. Like other maps of its period, -it has the equator drawn below the middle of the map, and shows 90° of -latitude north, and 64° south of it. In breadth it represents about -320° of longitude. There is no graduation for longitude; but the -meridians that cross the centres and sides of the two great circles -of windroses appear to be drawn seventy degrees apart. There is the -usual network of cross-lines radiating from windroses, with one great -central rose in north latitude 16°. From the centre of each rose -thirty-two lines are drawn to the points of the compass, and these -lines are prolonged to the margin of the map. One meridian is divided -into degrees of latitude of equal size, each one numbered. Close to the -upper margin there is a small scale, with a legend explaining that from -point to point there are twelve and a half leagues, each of four miles. -The scale is equal to eighteen degrees of latitude in length, and is -subdivided into six parts, each having four divisions or points. - -[Illustration: THE VERRAZANO MAP. - -A fac-simile of the engraving given by Brevoort, sufficient for a -general outline.] - -Mr. Brevoort next gives a careful account of the representation of -different parts of the world upon this map. Passing somewhat rapidly -over the eastern hemisphere, which appears to be generally drawn from -the most recent authorities, he takes up the western in some detail. -The latitudes of the map are wrong; all the West India Islands are -placed several degrees too high, thus forcing northward all other -places. Verrazano’s landfall, for instance, is here indicated at about -42°, instead of 34°, as stated in the letter. With this correction -the map shows the American coast with some approach to accuracy. -Three French standards[91] are placed (according to Brevoort) on the -territory claimed as Verrazano’s discovery,—one at the southern and -one at the northern limit, with the third at the place where the -explorers spent fifteen days. Over these three flags appears the -inscription, in capital letters, “NOVA GALLIA SIVE IUCATANET,” and the -legend, already cited, “VERRAZANA SIVE NOVA GALLIA,” etc. - -Mr. Brevoort has industriously collected the scanty references to -this map after it became the property of Cardinal Borgia, with whose -collection it was bequeathed to the Propaganda in 1804; but he has been -unable to discover the time when the Cardinal procured it, and the -source whence it came to his collection. Nothing, indeed, is known of -its early history.[92] - -Dr. De Costa devotes a chapter of his book to the map of Hieronimo. -After showing that the map-maker and the navigator were brothers, he -proceeds to consider the genesis of the map, and finds the beginning -of its North American portion in the Lorraine map, published in the -Ptolemy of 1513. The latitudes of the Verrazano map are recognized as -erroneous, and the observer is warned to disregard them. “When this is -done, the student will have no difficulty in recognizing the outlines -of the North Atlantic coast. For general correctness, the delineation -is not equalled by any map of the sixteenth century.” Prominent places -are identified and named. - -The influence of this map upon subsequent ones is next considered, and -a long list of maps showing this influence is cited. Dr. De Costa adds -to the value of his discussion by giving tracings from several of these -maps, with fac-similes of the Verrazano map, and an enlarged drawing of -its coast-line.[93] But the strong point of his chapter, and that for -which he deserves the greatest credit, is the publication of a sketch -of Verrazano’s coast of the United States, with the names of places -attached. These names he deciphered from the original map during a late -visit to Rome. They are, of course, of the greatest value in any future -study of the map. Dr. De Costa enters somewhat into a study of these -names.[94] - -M. Desimoni, while generally acknowledging his indebtedness to Dr. De -Costa’s work, and praising that gentleman’s scholarship and research, -could not accept all his inferences in the matter of the names, and -doubted some of his readings. He therefore caused a fresh examination -of the map to be made, through the kind and learned services of Dr. -Giacomo Lumbroso and Canon Fabiani. He prints, in the Appendix to his -_Studio secondo_ on Verrazano, in parallel columns, the variations -from De Costa’s readings. The great difficulty and doubt attending the -deciphering words, particularly names, in old documents and maps, is -well known to all who have attempted such work.[95] - -A discovery made lately at Milan brings out a new map, and one of -great value in the discussion of Verrazano’s voyage. M. Desimoni, on -his return to Genoa from the Geographical Congress held at Venice in -September, 1881, stopped at Milan, where he visited the Ambrosian -Library to consult some maps. He was there told by the _prefetto_, the -Abbé Ceriani, that a map by Vesconte Maggiolo, hitherto supposed to -bear the date of 1587, and therefore to have been the work of one of -the second generation of this family of map-makers, was really dated -1527. By comparing the legend on this map with one of similar form and -writing on a map of 1524, it could be seen that the numeral 2 in the -first map had become an 8 by lengthening the curves of the figure until -they were finally joined. This appeared to have been done with ink of -a paler color. M. Desimoni reproduces the two legends, to show the -process.[96] He finds also certain peculiarities in the map, supposed -of 1587, which prove that it must belong to the first decades of the -century, and therefore entertains no doubt of the correctness of the -change in the date. - -Fresh from studies of early American voyages, M. Desimoni examined the -North American portion of this map, particularly the coast, with as -great care as his limited time and the poor condition of the parchment -permitted. He was not a little surprised to find that the coast bore -names closely related both to the Verrazano and to other maps whose -source is yet undiscovered. He made a copy of the names, and afterward -submitted his work to Signor Carlo Prayer, of Milan, who verified it, -and also furnished as perfect a copy as it was possible to make of -the names, and a sketch of the whole coast. This was reproduced by M. -Desimoni to illustrate a paper prepared for the Società Ligure di’ -Storia Patria. - -This map measures about seventy-five centimetres in length by about -fifty in width,—about 29½ inches by 19½. Its legend reads: “Vesconte -de Maiollo conposuy hanc cartam in Janua anno d̄ny. 1527, die xx -Decenbris.” The place occupied in the Verrazano map by the title NOVA -GALLIA, etc., and the legend about Verrazano’s discovery, bears in this -map the name FRANCESCA, to indicate exactly a name for the whole region. - -There is no mention of Verrazano by name in this map, but there is -ample evidence of a connection between Maggiolo’s map and that of -Hieronimo da Verrazano; very probably, M. Desimoni thinks, through -the intervention or medium of some chart or charts yet unknown. The -Maggiolo map has a reference to Florence, Verrazano’s birthplace, in -the names of “Valle unbrosa” (Vallambrosa), “Careggi,” etc.; references -to France and Francis in such names as “Anguileme,” “Longavilla,” -“Normanvilla,” “Diepa,” “San Germano,” and others, particularly -“Luisa,” applied to an island. The map is connected with Verrazano’s, -not only by this name, but by a great number which the two have in -common. It is true that these names are not always applied to the -same positions on the two maps: “Luisa” is a squarish island on the -Maggiolo map, and a triangular one on the other, and in the letter. The -latitudes of Maggiolo’s map are different. Florida is placed as far -south as the tropic. There is naturally some diversity in the general -direction of the coast, and in the distances from place to place. But -the substantial points are equivalent, if not identical. We have the -NOVA GALLIA in its equivalent, FRANCESCA; the same allusions in the -names to Tuscany, France, Dieppe; and an identity in the names of three -very important places,—“Luisa,” the port of refuge, and the attempt to -show Cape Cod. - -M. Desimoni examines again the map of Gastoldo, first published in -the Ptolemy of 1548, inserted later in Ramusio’s third volume, and -the globe known as the globe of Ulpius, already mentioned here. Both -contain names that appear on the Verrazano map; but an examination -shows that both contain names not on that map, and each contains at -least one name not on the other. All these names are found on the -map of Maggiolo; and M. Desimoni concludes his paper with a table in -four parallel columns, in which a careful comparison is given of the -nomenclature of four maps,—the Maggiolo of 1527, the Verrazano of -1529, the Ulpius globe of 1542, and the Gastoldo of 1548.[97] - -The earliest mention of the voyage of Gomez is found in Oviedo’s -_Sumario_, which was published at Toledo in 1526.[98] It is there -stated (folio xiv, _verso_) that Gomez returned in November from a -voyage begun the year before (1524, which we now know is an error); -that he had found in the north “a greate parte of lande continuate from -that which is caued Baccaleos, discoursynge towarde the West to the xl. -and xli. degree [et puesta en quarenta grados y xli, et assi algo mas y -algo menos], frō whense he brought certeyn Indians,” etc.[99] - -Peter Martyr’s _Decades_ were published in a complete edition at Alcala -in 1530,[100] and his _Letters_ appeared also that same year from the -same press.[101] He speaks thus of Gomez in the Decades: “It is also -decreed that one Stephanus Gomez, who also himselfe is a skillful -navigator, shal goe another way, whereby, betweene the Baccalaos and -Florida, long since our countries, he saith he will finde out a waye -to Cataia: one onely shippe, called a Caruell, is furnished for him, -and he shall haue no other thing in charge then to search out whether -any passage to the great Chan, from out the diuers windings and vast -compassings of this our _Ocean_, were to be founde.”[102] - -And later he narrates the return of the expedition, its failure to -find the strait (declaring his own opinion that Gomez’ “imaginations -were vaine and frivolous”), and tells the story about the mistake of -_cloves_ and _slaves_.[103] In a letter written in August, 1524, he -speaks also of the voyage of Gomez, but I find no mention of his return -in that publication.[104] - -Gomara devotes a short chapter to Gomez. He says that his purpose -was to find a northern passage, but that he failed; and so, loading -his ship with slaves, returned home. He also relates the _clove_ -anecdote.[105] - -Herrera gives an account of Gomez and his voyage. He says: “Corriò -por toda aquella costa hasta la Florida, gran trecho de Tierra lo que -hasta entonces, por otros Navios Castellanos, no estaba navegado, -aunque Sebastian Gaboto, Juan Verraçano, i otros lo havian navegado.... -Desde la Florida, atravesò à la Isla de Cuba, i fue à dar al Puerto de -Santiago, adonde se refrescò, i le regalò Andrès de Duero, por lo qual -el Rei le mostrò agradecimiento, bolviò à Castilla i aportò à la Coruña -diez meses despues que saliò de aquel Puerto,” etc.[106] “He ran along -that whole coast as far as Florida,—a great stretch of land which, up -to that time, had not been traversed by other Spanish ships, although -Sebastian Cabot, John Verrazano, and others had sailed along it.... -From Florida he passed to the island of Cuba, and entered the port of -Santiago, where he refreshed, and Andrès de Duero regaled him, for -which the King showed gratitude. He returned to Castille, and landed at -Corunna ten months after he had sailed from that port,” etc. - -Galvano, in his account of the voyage, appears to make Gomez sail along -the American coast from south to north; while Herrera, it will have -been observed, reverses this direction.[107] The testimony of Cespedes -has already been considered.[108] Dr. Kohl, in his _Discovery of -Maine_, gives a good account of Gomez’ voyage, based on careful study -of the authorities.[109] - -The mutinous conduct of Gomez in the fleet of Magellan is related -by Pigafetta, who accompanied that expedition, and kept a diary, -from which he afterward made up an account of the voyage. One of the -copies of this, which existed only in manuscript, was given to Louisa, -mother of Francis I. of France, who employed Jacques Antoine Fabre to -translate it into French. He made in preference an abridgment of the -account, and this was published at Paris in 1525.[110] - -For the opinion that a northern passage through America could be -discovered somewhere between Florida and the Baccalaos, Navarrete’s -work may be consulted.[111] He gives among his documents the -letter of the King commanding the attendance of Dornelos;[112] the -agreement with Agramonte in 1511, and his commission as captain of -the expedition,[113] and the grant to De Ayllon.[114] He has found -also the appointment of Gomez as pilot just before the sailing of his -expedition, Feb. 10, 1525.[115] - -The Agreement of Gomez with the Emperor for the voyage is printed in -full in the _Documentos ineditos_.[116] Hernando Cortes’ letter about -the existence of the northern passage may be consulted in an English -translation in Mr. Folsom’s _Despatches of Cortes_.[117] - -The discoveries of Gomez are laid down upon a map[118] of the world -made, at the command of the Emperor, in 1529 by Diego Ribero, a -well-known cosmographer, who had been sent to the Congress of Badajos -as one of the Spanish experts. - -On a large section of this coast extending from Cape Breton westward -about three hundred leagues to a point where the land bends to the -south, is the legend: “TIERRA DE ESTEVAN GOMEZ la qual descubrio por -mandado de su mag^t nel anno de 1525 ay en ella muchos arboles y -fructas de los de españa y muchos rodovallos y salmones y sollos: no -han allado oro.” (“THE COUNTRY OF STEPHEN GOMEZ, which he discovered -at the command of his Majesty, in the year 1525. There are here many -trees and fruits similar to those in Spain, and many walruses and -salmon, and fish of all sorts. Gold they have not found.”)[119] This is -supposed to have been drawn from the reports of Gomez, and to contain -his coast-lines and the names which he gave to places. - -Oviedo wrote in 1537 a description of the American coast from a map -made by Alonzo de Chaves the year before. He frequently cites Gomez -as his authority for the names of places, etc. This part of Oviedo’s -work remained in manuscript until its publication by the Academy of -Madrid in 1852. Dr. Kohl enters into an elaborate commentary of this -description by Oviedo, and the Chaves map, of which not even a copy has -come down to our times.[120] - - * * * * * - -The books of André Thevet which contain the accounts of his visit to -this country are the _Singularitez de la France antarctique_ and the -_Cosmographie universelle_.[121] Besides these works Thevet published -an account of his journey to the East, _Cosmographie du Levant_, at -Lyons, in 1554, and a series of portraits and lives of great men, -ancient and modern, in two volumes, at Paris, in 1584. He left also -several manuscripts, which are now preserved in the National Library at -Paris. - -The _Singularitez_ passed to a second edition,[122] and was translated -into Italian by Giuseppe Horologgi,[123] and into English[124] by M. -Hacket. A reprint of the original edition was published at Paris in -1878, with notes, and a biographical preface by M. Paul Gaffarel of -Dijon. - -The _Cosmographie_ was not reprinted, nor was it, so far as I know, -translated into any other language. In the _Magazine of American -History_ for February, 1882, however, Dr. De Costa published a -translation of the part of the book which relates to New England. - -It seems quite probable that Thevet never made the voyage along the -American coast of which he pretends to give an account. He gives -nothing at all from Florida to what he calls the River of Norumbega, -and is generally very indefinite in all his statements. He may easily -have taken his stories from other travellers’ books, and it is known he -used Cartier and others; and indeed he is said to have been ill nearly -all the time of his stay in Brazil, and to have scarcely stirred out of -the island where the fort was, waiting for the ship to make ready for -home. - -Thevet’s reputation for veracity is poor, particularly among his -contemporaries. Jean de Léry, who was one of the party which went out -to Villegagnon, in response to his appeal for Protestant ministers -in 1556, after Thevet’s return home, wrote an account of the Brazil -enterprise. This, first published at La Rochelle in 1578, passed -through several editions. The preface of the second edition is occupied -with an exposure of the “errors and impostures” of Thevet, and that -of the fifth edition contains more matter of the same kind. De Léry -calls Thevet “impudent menteur,” and speaks of his books as “vieux -haillons et fripperies.” Again he says, “Il fait des contes prophanes, -ridicules, pueriles, et mensonges pour tous ses escrits.” Possibly -some allowance may be made for the _odium theologicum_ of the writer, -a Calvinist, disputing with a monk; and it may be remembered that -both had been disappointed in any hopes they had entertained of the -conversion of the Indians, through the treachery of Villegagnon. - -Belleforest and Fumée have also written in harsh terms about Thevet. De -Thou, a historian of far more dignified and impartial character than -these others, is nearly as abusive. He says: “Il s’appliqua par une -ridicule vanité à écrire des livres, qu’il vendait à des misérables -libraires: après avoir compilé des extraits de différents auteurs, il y -ajoutait tout ce qu’il trouvait dans les guides des chemins et autres -livres semblables qui sont entre les mains du peuple. Ignorant au-delà -de ce qu’on peut imaginer, il mettait dans ses livres l’incertain pour -le certain, et le faux pour le vrai, avec une assurance étonnante.”[125] - -Even Thevet’s latest editor, M. Gaffarel, is forced to begin his -notice of the monk by allowing that he was not “un de ces écrivans de -premier ordre, qui, par la sûreté de leur critique, le charme de leur -style, ou l’intérét de leurs écrits commandent l’admiration à leurs -contemporains, et s’imposent à la postérité. Il passait, au contraire, -même de son temps, pour ne pas avoir un jugement très sur,” etc. M. -Gaffarel claims for Thevet the credit of introducing tobacco into -France, and hopes that this may balance the imperfections of his books. - -Dr. Kohl gave some credence to Thevet’s narrative, but admits that he -is “not esteemed as a very reliable author.” Still, he translated the -account of his visit to Penobscot Bay, and inserted it entire in his -_Discovery of Maine_.[126] Dr. De Costa in 1870 criticised this view of -Dr. Kohl.[127] - - -[Illustration] - - NOTE.—Harrisse, in his recent _Discovery of North America_ (p. 234), - cites for the first time a long passage about Gomez’s voyage from the - Islario of Alonso de Santa Cruz, preserved in the Imperial Library at - Vienna, and finds it to be the source whence Cespedes (see _ante_, - p. 24) drew his language; and in it he finds somewhat uncertain - proof that Gomez went as far north as the entrance of the Gulf of - St. Lawrence, and corrected some cartographical notions respecting - those waters. A map showing Gomez’s discoveries is attached to the - _Islario_, and Harrisse gives this map in fac-simile. - - -MAPS OF THE - -EASTERN COAST OF NORTH AMERICA, - -1500-1535, - -WITH THE CARTOGRAPHICAL HISTORY OF THE SEA - -OF VERRAZANO. - -BY THE EDITOR. - -THE Editor has elsewhere[128] referred to the great uncertainty -attending the identification of minor coast localities in the earliest -maps. The most trustworthy interpreters recognize two important -canons,—namely, that cartographical names during a long series of -years, and at an era of exploration forerunning settlements, are -always suspicious and often delusive, as Professor Bache has pointed -out in the _Coast Survey Report_ for 1855 (p. 10); and that direction -is likely to be right, and distance easily wrong, as Humboldt has -explained. Nothing is more seductive than to let a spirit of dogmatism -direct in the interpretation of the early maps, and there is no field -of research in which predisposition to belief may lead one so wrongly. -It was largely in the spirit of finding what they sought, that the -early map-makers fashioned their charts; and their interpretation -depends quite as much on geographical views current in those days as -upon geographical facts patent in these days. - -The study of early American cartography may be said to have begun -with Humboldt; and in this restricted field no one has since rendered -greater service than Dr. Kohl.[129] Mr. Brevoort, not without justice, -calls him “the most able comparative geographer of our day.”[130] -The labor which Dr. Kohl performed took expression not only in his -publications, but also in the collection of copies of early maps which -he formed and annotated for the United States Government twenty-five -years ago. His later printed books, using necessarily much of the same -material, may be riper from longer experience; but the Washington -Collection, as he formed it, is still valuable, and deserves to be -better known. It belongs to the Department of State, and consists -of not far from four hundred maps, following printed and manuscript -originals. They are carefully and handsomely executed, but with little -attempt at reproduction in fac-simile. By favor of the Secretary of -State, and through the interest of Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., the -librarian of that department, the collection has been intrusted to -the Editor for use in the present work and for the preparation of -an annotated calendar of the maps which will be printed by Harvard -University. - -[Illustration: THE ADMIRAL’S MAP, 1513.] - -Besides this collection in the State Department (which cost the -Government nearly $6,000), the Reports of the United States -Coast-Survey[131] describe three other collections, accompanied -by descriptive texts, which he made for that office, and which he -proposed to call collectively “The Hydrographic Annals of the United -States.” They repeat many of the maps belonging to the State Department -Collection. These supplemental collections are,— - -1. On the eastern coast of the United States, giving copies of 41 maps; -the titles of 155 surveys of the coast between 1612 and 1851; a list -of 291 works on the early explorations of the coast; and an historical -memoir on such voyages, from the Northmen down. - -2. On the coasts of the Gulf of Mexico falling within the United -States, giving copies of 48 maps from 1500 to 1846; the titles of 58 -surveys (exclusive of those of the United States), between 1733 and -1851; a list of 221 books and manuscripts on the explorations since -1524; and an historical memoir of the explorations between 1492 and -1722.[132] - -3. On the west coast of the United States, giving a bibliography of 230 -titles. - -There is another historical memoir by Dr. Kohl, with other copies of -the maps of the west coast, in the Library of the American Antiquarian -Society at Worcester, Mass.; and this also has been in the temporary -custody of the Editor.[133] At the time of his death Dr. Kohl was -occupied with the preparation of a history of the Search for a -Northwest Passage, from Cortes to Franklin, of which only a fragment -appeared in the Augsburg periodical, _Ausland_. It was a theme which -would naturally have embraced the whole extent of his knowledge of -early American discovery and cartography.[134] - -The best printed enumeration of maps of the eastern coast of North -America is given by Harrisse for the earlier period in his _Cabots_, -and for a later period in his _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_. - -[Illustration: PORTUGUESE CHART, 1503 (_after Kohl_).] - -The map of La Cosa (1500) still remains the earliest of these -delineations, and a heliotype of it is given in another -volume.[135] Harrisse has lately claimed the discovery in Italy -of a Portuguese chart of 1502, showing the coast from the Gulf -of Mexico to about the region of the Hudson River, which bears -coast names in twenty-two places; but the full publication of the -facts has not yet been made;[136] and there is no present means -of ascertaining what relation it bears to a large manuscript map -of the world, of Portuguese origin, preserved in the Archives at -Munich, of which a part is herewith sketched from Dr. Kohl’s copy, -and to which he gives the conjectural date of 1503. - -Dr. Kohl also reproduces it in part in his _Discovery of Maine_, -p. 174, where he dates it 1504. His two copies vary, in that the -engraved one seems to make the east and west coast-line from “Cabo -de Conception” the determinate one, while his manuscript copy gives -the completed character to the other line. It is held to record the -results of Cortereal’s voyage, and shows in Greenland a more correct -outline than any earlier chart. The other coast seems to be Labrador -and Newfoundland run into one. Peschel (_Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, p. 331) puts the date 1502 or 1503. The present Cape -Freels, on the Newfoundland coast, is thought to be a corruption of -“Frey Luis,”—here given to an island. (Cf. Kunstmann, _Die Entdeckung -Amerikas_, pp. 69, 128.) Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 161) speaks of -Kunstmann’s referring it to “Salvat de Pilestrina,” and thinks that -the author may be “Salvat[ore] de Palastrina” of Majorca. Lelewel also -gives in his _Géographie du Moyen-Âge_ (plate 43) a map of importance -in this connection, which he dates 1501-1504, and which seems to be -very like a combination of the two Ptolemy maps of 1513. The Reinel -Chart of 1505 has been referred to in the preceding text.[137] - -The _Catalogue_ of the Library of Parliament (Canada), 1858, p. -1614, gives what purports to be a copy of a “Carte de l’embouchure -du St. Laurent faite et dressée sur une écorce de bois de Vouleau, -envoyée du Canada par Jehan Denys, 1508.” Shea also mentions it in -his _Charlevoix_, i. 106, with a reference to Ramusio’s third volume. -Mr. Ben: Perley Poore, in his _Documents collected in France_, in the -Massachusetts Archives, says he searched for the original of this -map at Honfleur without success. Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 250, says no -such map is to be found in the Paris Archives; and a tracing being -supplied from Canada, he pronounces it “absolument apocryphe,” with a -nomenclature of the last century. Bancroft (_United States_, edition of -1883, i. 14) still, however, acknowledges a map of Denys of this date. - -The question of the duration of the belief in the Asiatic connection -of North America naturally falls into connection with the volume[138] -of this work devoted to the Spanish discoveries. We may refer briefly -to a type of map represented by the Lenox globe[139] (1510-1512), -the Stobnicza map[140] (1512), the so-called Da Vinci sketch[141] -(1512-1515), the Sylvanus map in the Ptolemy of 1511, the Ptolemy -of 1513, the Schöner, or Frankfort, globe of 1515,[142] the Schöner -globe of 1520,[143] the Münster map of 1532,[144] and even so late a -representation as the Honter mappamundi of 1542, reproduced in 1552 and -1560. This type represents a solitary island, or a strip of an unknown -shore, sometimes joined with the island, lying in the North Atlantic. -The name given to this land is Baccalaos, or Corterealis, or some -equivalent form of those words, and their coasts represent the views -which the voyages of the Cabots and Cortereals had established. West -and southwest of this the ocean flowed uninterruptedly, till you came -to the region of Florida and its northern extension. The Portuguese -seem to have been the first to surmise a continental connection to this -region, in a portolano which is variously dated from 1514 to 1520, and -whose legends have been quoted in the preceding text.[145] - -The Portuguese claim of explorations in this region by Alvarez Fagundes -in 1521, or later, is open to question. If a map which is brought -forward by C. A. de Bettencourt, in his _Descobrimentos dos Portuguezes -em terras do ultramar nos seculos xv e xvi_, published at Lisbon in -1881-1882, represents the knowledge of a time anterior to Cartier, -it implies an acquaintance with this region more exact than we have -other evidence of. The annexed sketch of that map follows a colored -fac-simile entitled, “Fac-simile de uma das cartas do atlas de Lazaro -Luiz,” which is given by Bettencourt. The atlas in which it occurs was -made in 1563, though the map is supposed to record the explorations of -João Alvarez Fagundes, under an authority from King Manoel, which was -given in 1521. Harrisse in his _Cabots_ (p. 277) indicates the very -doubtful character of this Portuguese claim. - -[Illustration: LAZARO LUIZ.] - -[Illustration: VERRAZANO, 1529.] - -The information concerning the Baccalaos region, which was the basis -of these Portuguese charts, seems also to have been known, in part at -least, a few years later to Hieronymus Verrazano, and Ribero, though -the former contracted and the latter closed up the passages by the -north and south of Newfoundland. The chart usually ascribed to Fernando -Columbus[146] closely resembles that of Ribero. Of the Verrazano map -sufficient has been said in the preceding text; but it may not be -amiss to trace more fully the indications there given of its effect -upon subsequent cartography, so far as it established a prototype for -a great western sea only separated at one point from the Atlantic by -a slender isthmus. Mr. Brevoort (_Verrazano_, p. 5) is of the opinion -that the idea of the Western Sea originated with Oviedo’s _Sumario_ of -1526. - -[Illustration: RIBERO, 1529. - -The key is as follows:— - - 1. Esta tierra descubrierô los Ingleses, Tiera del Labrador. - - 2. Tiera de los Bacallaos, la qual descubrieron los corte reales. - - 3. Tiera de Esteva Gomez la qual descubrio por mandado de su. mag. el - año de 1525, etc. - -There are several early copies of this map. Harrisse describes the -Weimar copy as having on “Tiera del Labrador” the words, “Esta tierra -descubrieron los Ingleses no ay en ella cosa de pronecho.” Thomassy -says the Propagande copy indicates the discovery of Labrador by the -English of Bristol. See Vol. III. pp. 16, 24, and a note in chap. ix. -of the present volume. The Ribero contour of the eastern coast long -prevailed as a type. We find it in the Venice map of 1534, of which -there is a fac-simile in Stevens’s _Notes_, and in the popular Bellero -map of 1554 (in use for many years), and, with little modification, in -so late a chart as Hood’s in 1592. It was held to for the coast between -Florida and Nova Scotia long after better knowledge prevailed of the -more northern regions. It was evidently the model of the map published -by the Spanish Government in 1877 in the _Cartas de Indias_.] - -Reference has already been made to the map of Maggiollo, or Maiollo -(1527), which Desimoni has brought forward, and of which a fac-simile -of his sketch is reproduced on page 39. The sea will be here observed -with the designation, “Mare Indicum.” Dr. De Costa showed a large -photograph of it at a meeting of the New York Historical Society, May, -1883, pointing out that the name “Francesca” gave Verrazano the credit -of first bestowing that name in some form upon what was afterward known -as New France.[147] - -In 1870 there was published in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde -in Dresden_ (tabula vii.) a fac-simile of a map of America from a -manuscript atlas preserved in Turin which gives conjecturally this -western sea, closely after the type shown below in a map of Baptista -Agnese (1536); its date is put somewhere between 1530 and 1540. - -An Italian mappamundi of the middle of the sixteenth century is -described by Peschel in the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde -in Leipzig_, 1871, where the map is given in colored fac-simile. -Peschel places it between 1534 and 1550; and it also bears a close -resemblance to the Agnese map, as does also a manuscript map of about -1536, preserved in the Bodleian, of which Kohl, in his manuscript -collection, has a copy. This Agnese map is a part of a portolano in the -Royal Library at Dresden; and similar ones by him are said to be in the -Royal Library at Munich, in the British Museum, and in the Bodleian, -dated a few months apart. Kohl, in his _Discovery of Maine_ (pl. xiv.), -sketches it from the Dresden copy, and his sketch is followed in the -accompanying cut. An account of Agnese’s cartographical labors is given -in another volume.[148] - -Perhaps the most popular map of America issued in the sixteenth century -was Münster’s of 1540, of which a fac-simile is annexed. Kohl, in -his _Discovery of Maine_ (pl. xvª), erring, as has been pointed out -by Murphy,[149] in giving a date (1530) ten years too early to this -map, and in ignorance of the Maiollo map, was led into the mistake of -considering it the earliest which has been found showing this western -sea. The map was frequently repeated, with changes of names, during -that century, and is found in use in books as late as 1572.[150] - -[Illustration: MAIOLLO, OR MAGGIOLO, 1527. - -The two legends, with date, are explained on p. 28.] - -In the same year (1540) a similarly conjectural western sea was given -in a map of the Portuguese Diego Homem, which is preserved in the -British Museum. Kohl, in his _Discovery of Maine_ (pl. xv.), gives -this and other maps which support in his judgment the belief in the -Verrazano Sea; but Murphy (_Verrazzano_, p. 106) denies that they -contribute any evidence to that end. Of the Ulpius globe, mention has -already been made.[151] A fac-simile of Dr. De Costa’s representation -of the American portion is given herewith. - -[Illustration: AGNESE MAP, 1536. - -The key is as follows: 1. Terra de bacalaos. 2. (_dotted line_) El -viage de france. 3. (_dotted line_) El viage de peru. 4. (_dotted -line_) El viago a maluche. 5. Temistitan. 6. Iucatan. 7. Nombre de -dios. 8. Panama. 9. La provintia de peru. 10. La provintia de chinagua. -11. S. paulo. 12. Mundus novus. 13. Brazil. 14. Rio de la plata. 15. El -Streto de ferdinando de Magallanas. - -Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 191), referring to the dotted line of a route -to India, which Agnese lays down on this map, crossing the Verrazano -isthmus, thinks it is rather a reminiscence of Verrazano than of -Cartier. Harrisse gives the legend, “el viazo de franza.”] - -There are two maps which connect this western sea, extending southerly -from the north, with the idea that a belt of land surrounded the earth, -there being a connection between Europe and Greenland, and between -Greenland and Labrador, making America and Eastern Asia identical. This -theory was represented in a map of 1544,—preserved in the British -Museum and figured[152] by Kohl in his _Discovery of Maine_ (pl. xv.), -who assigns it to Ruscelli, the Italian geographer. Another support of -the same theory is found in the “Carta Marina” of the 1548 edition of -Ptolemy (map no. 60). - -Jacobo Gastaldo, or Gastaldi, was the cartographer of this edition, -and Lelewel[153] calls him “le coryphée des géographes de la peninsula -italique.” Ruscelli, if he did not make this map for Gastaldo, included -it in his own edition of Ptolemy in 1561, the maps of which have been -pointed out by Thomassy as bearing “la plus grande analogie avec celles -de la galerie géographique de Pie IV.,” while the same authority[154] -refers to a planisphere of Ruscelli (1561) as “inédit, conservé au -Musée de la Propagande.”[155] - -This union of North America and Asia was a favorite theory of the -Italians long after other nations had given it up.[156] Furlani in 1560 -held to it in a map, and Ruscelli, in another map of the 1561 edition -of Ptolemy, leaves the question unsettled by a “littus incognitum.” - -[Illustration: MÜNSTER, 1540.] - - * * * * * - -Meanwhile Münster in the 1540 Ptolemy had given his idea of the western -sea by making it a southern extension of the northwest passage. This is -shown in a sketch of Münster’s 1540 map given above. - -[Illustration: FROM THE ULPIUS GLOBE, 1542.] - -[Illustration: CARTA MARINA, 1548. - -The key is as follows:— - - 1. Norvegia. 11. Ganges. - 2. Laponia. 12. Samatra. - 3. Gronlandia. 13. Java. - 4. Tierra del Labrador. 14. Panama. - 5. Tierra del Bacalaos. 15. Mar del Sur. - 6. La Florida. 16. El Brasil. - 7. Nueva Hispania. 17. El Peru. - 8. Mexico. 18. Strecho de Fernande Magalhaes. - 9. India Superior. 19. Tierra del Fuego. - 10. La China.] - -One of the most conspicuous instances of a belief in this sea was the -Lok map of 1582, which Hakluyt published, as has been already stated, -in his _Divers Voyages_ of that year, which, being made “according to -Verarzanus’s plot,” is reproduced here from the cut already given in -the preceding volume.[157] - -With Lok we may consider that the western sea vanishes, unless there -be thought a curious relic of it in the map which John White, of the -Roanoke Colony, made in 1585 of the coast from the Chesapeake to -Florida, which is preserved among the De Bry drawings in the British -Museum. The history of these drawings has been already told.[158] There -is a copy of this map in the Kohl Collection; but the annexed sketch -is taken from a fac-simile engraving given by Dr. Edward Eggleston in -_The Century Magazine_, November, 1882. It will be observed that at -Port Royal there seems to be a passage to western water of uncertain -extent,[159] which was interpreted later as an inland lake. - -[Illustration: LOK’S MAP, 1582,—REDUCED.] - -[Illustration: JOHN WHITE, 1585.] - -Other maps of this period have no trace of such western sea, like the -protuberant “Terra del laboradore” of Bordone in 1521 and 1528;[160] -the “Terra Francesca” of the Premontré globe, now in the National -Library at Paris;[161] the northeasterly trend of the map of the monk -Franciscus;[162] the “Nova Terra laboratorum dicta” of Robert Thorne’s -map (1527);[163] Piero Coppo’s _Portolano_ of 1528, in which America -appears as a group of islands; and in the British Museum among the -Sloane Manuscripts a treatise, _De principiis astronomie_, which has -a map in which the eastern coast of America is made to consist of two -huge peninsulas, one of them being marked “Terra Franciscana nuper -lustrata,”[164] and the other, “Baccalear regio,” ending towards the -east with a cape, “Rasu.”[165] - -Kunstmann in his _Atlas_ (pl. vi.) gives a map which he places between -1532 and 1540; it is of unknown authorship. - -Wieser, in his _Magalhâes-Strasse_ (p. 77), points to a globe of -Schöner, the author of the _Opusculum geographicum_, in which he -claimed that “Bachalaos—called from a new kind of fish there—had been -discovered to be continuous with Upper India.” - -[Illustration: NORTH AMERICA, 1532-1540 (_after Kunstmann_).] - -There is a chart of Newfoundland and the Gulf of St. Lawrence dated -1534, and of which Kohl gives a sketch in his _Discovery of Maine_ -(pl. xviiiª). It is signed by Gaspar Viegas, of whom nothing is known. -A map, in what Harrisse[166] calls the Wolfenbüttel Manuscript, has -the legend upon Labrador: “This land was discovered by the English -from Bristol, and named Labrador because the one who saw it first was -a laborer from the Azores.” Biddle, in his _Sebastian Cabot_, p. 246, -had conjectured from a passage in a letter of Pasqualigo in the _Paesi -novamente retrovati_ of 1507 (lib. vi. cap. cxxvi.), that the name had -come from Cortereal’s selling its natives in Lisbon as slaves. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -JACQUES CARTIER AND HIS SUCCESSORS. - -BY THE REV. BENJAMIN F. DE COSTA, D.D. - - -JACQUES CARTIER, the Breton sailor, sometimes styled “the Corsair,” -was born at St. Malo, probably in 1491. He began to follow the sea at -an early age, and soon attained to prominence. In 1534 the discovery -of a western route to the Indies being a subject that attracted great -attention, Cartier undertook an expedition, for which preparations had -been begun during the previous year. - -The Treaty of Cambrai having given peace to France, the privateersmen, -or “corsairs,” found that the best excuse for their occupation was -gone; and they were ready to engage in the work of exploration opened -by Francis I. in 1524, by sending out Verrazano. Accordingly the King -appears to have accepted the plan of Cartier submitted by Chabot, -Admiral of France, and the arrangements were perfected. Cartier’s -commission for the voyage has not yet been produced, though in March, -1533, he was recognized by the Court of St. Malo as a person already -authorized to undertake a voyage to the New Land. - -Cartier sailed from the ancient port of St. Malo, April 20, 1534. With -two ships of about sixty tons each, and a company, it would appear, -of sixty-two chosen men, he laid his course in the track of the old -navigators, with whom he must have been familiar. On May 10 he reached -Cape Bonavista, one of the nearest headlands of Newfoundland. Forced -by storms to seek refuge in the harbor of St. Catherine, about fifteen -miles south-southeast of Bonavista, he spent ten days in making some -needed repairs. With the return of favorable winds he resumed his -voyage, and coasted northward to the Island of Birds, which he found -surrounded by banks of broken ice and covered by an incredible number -of fowl. With these the French loaded their boats in half an hour. -There, also, they saw a large bear, “as white as any swan,” swimming -thither “to eat of the said birds.” On May 27 the ships reached the -entrance of the Straits of Belle Isle, but were obliged by the ice to -enter the neighboring harbor of Carpunt, 51° N. From Carpunt, Cartier -sailed to the Labrador coast, and, June 10, reached a harbor which he -called Port Brest. The next day being the festival of St. Barnabas, -divine service was said by the priest serving as chaplain, after which -several boats went along the coast to explore, when they reached and -named the harbors of St. Anthony, St. Servans, and Jacques Cartier. -At St. Servans the explorers set up a cross, and near by, at a place -called St. John’s River, they found a ship from Rochelle, which had -touched at Port Brest the previous night. - -[Illustration: - -[The familiar portrait of Cartier, of which a sketch of the head is -given in the accompanying vignette, is preserved at St. Malo, and -engravings of it will be found in Shea’s editions of _Le Clercq’s -Etablissement de la Foy and of Charlevoix’s Histoire de la Nouvelle -France_, vol. i. p. 110, and in Faillon’s _Histoire de la Colonie -Française_, vol. i.—ED.]] - -The boats returned to the ships on the 13th, the leader reporting the -appearance of Labrador as forbidding, saying that this must be the -land that was allotted to Cain. In this region they found some savages -who were “wild and unruly,” and who had come “from the mainland out -of warmer regions” in bark canoes. They appear to have been the Red -Indians, or Boeotics, of Newfoundland, who were renowned as hunters, -and who excelled in the manufacture of instruments carved in ivory and -bone. Professor Dawson says that the Breton sailor here stood in the -presence of the precise equivalent of the Flint Folk of his own country. - -From Port Brest the expedition crossed the Strait and “sailed toward -the south, to view the lands that we had there seen, that appeared to -us like two great islands; but when we were in the middle of the Gulf -we knew it that it was _terra firma_, where there was a great double -cape, one above the other, and on this account we called it Cape -Double.” This was Point Rich, Newfoundland. Coasting the land, amid -mists and storms, June 24 he reached a cape, which in honor of the day -he called Cape St. John,—now known as Anguille. From Anguille Cartier -sailed southwest into the Gulf, reaching the Isles aux Margoulx, the -present Bird Rocks, two of which were “steep and upright as any wall,” -where he was again impressed by the fowl, “innumerable as the flowers -on a meadow.” Twenty-five miles westward was another island, about -six miles long and as many wide, being fertile, and full of beautiful -trees, meadows, and flowers. There were sea-monsters on the shores, -which had tusks like elephants. This he called Brion Island, and the -name still remains. - -At this point both Ramusio’s narrative of the voyage and the _Discovrs -dv voyage_ (1598) make Cartier say: “I think that there may be some -passage between Newfoundland and Brion Island;” but the text of the -_Relation originale_[167] reads, “between the New Land and the land of -the Bretons.” This has been accepted as teaching that Cartier at that -time did not know of the strait between Newfoundland and Cape Breton; -and it is argued that, as it afforded a shorter route from France to -Canada, he would have followed it, if he had known of its existence; -yet in 1541, when he certainly knew that strait, he took the route by -Belle Isle, as twice before. Again, on his second voyage, while passing -through the southern strait on his way to France, the narrative does -not speak of any discovery. The inference may be drawn that the passage -quoted misrepresents Cartier. Indeed, the portion of the narrative -covering the movements around Brion and Alezay Island is so confused -that one with difficulty takes in the situation. Dr. Kohl, in his -_Discovery of Maine_ (p. 326), represents Brion’s Island as the present -Prince Edward; though no map seems to bear out the statement. - -Next Cartier passed to an island “very high and pointed at one end, -which was named Alezay.” Its first cape was called St. Peter’s, in -honor of the day. This, as it would appear, is the present Prince -Edward Island;[168] but the account admits of large latitude of -interpretation. - -Cartier reached the mainland on the evening of the last day of June, -and named a headland Cape Orleans; next he found Miramichi Bay, or -the Bay of Boats, which he called St. Lunario. Here he had some hope -of finding a passage through the continent. On July 4 Cartier was -surrounded by a great fleet of canoes, and was obliged to fire his -cannon to drive the natives away. The next day, however, he met them on -the shore, and propitiated their chief with the present of a red hat. -These were the Micmacs, a coast tribe wandering from place to place, -fishing in the summer, and hunting in the interior during the winter. -By July 8 he reached the bay which, on account of the heat, he called -the Bay Chaleur, known by the Indians as Mowebaktabāāk, or the Biggest -Bay. Here the Micmac country ended, and the natives were of another -tribe, visitors from Canada, who had descended the St. Lawrence to -prosecute the summer fisheries.[169] They proved friendly, engaging in -trade, and showing a disposition which Cartier thought would incline -them to receive Christianity. The country was beautiful, but no passage -was found extending through the land; and accordingly he sailed -northward, reaching a place called St. Martin’s Creek, and saying that -on this coast they have “figs, nuts, pears, and other fruits.” Leaving -St. Martin’s Creek, the coast was followed to Cape Prato,—a name which -appears like a reminiscence of Albert de Prato, who was at Newfoundland -in 1527.[170] Forty natives were seen in canoes; but they were poor, -and almost in a nude condition. They appeared to be catching mackerel -in nets made of a kind of hemp. Reaching Gaspé, July 24, a large cross -was set up, with a shield attached, bearing the fleur-de-lis and the -motto: “Vive le Roi de France.” The natives, however, protested, -understanding that by setting up this _totem_ the strangers claimed -a country to which they had no right. Afterward two of the natives, -Taignoagny and Domagaya, were entrapped and made prisoners, while -presents sent to the tribe seemingly afforded satisfaction. The next -day the expedition left the land, and, sailing out once more into -the Gulf, they saw the great Island of Anticosti, when, coasting its -southern shore, they named its eastern cape St. Loys. Thence Cartier -steered over to the coast of Labrador, searching for a passage to -the west. On St. Peter’s day he was in the strait between Anticosti -and Labrador, which forms one entrance to Canada. He called it St. -Peter’s Channel; but he did not know whither it led, and accordingly -called a council. As the result, the season being now far advanced, -and the supplies running low, it was resolved to return to France, and -defer the examination of the strait to some more favorable occasion. -Cartier therefore left Anticosti, and reached White Sand Island, August -9; on the 15th, after hearing Mass, he passed through the Strait of -Belle Isle into the ocean, and laid his course for France. He had a -prosperous passage, and arrived at St. Malo early in September. - -The main object of his voyage proved a failure, and a route to the -Indies was not discovered. He had approached close to the mouth of the -St. Lawrence, but was not aware of the fact. A correct knowledge of the -situation would have filled him with chagrin. As it was, he determined -to persevere; and upon reaching France he proceeded to prepare for -another voyage. - - * * * * * - -The representations made by the intrepid sailor had the desired -effect, and Admiral Chabot at once made known the condition of affairs -to Francis I., who signed a commission for Cartier, Oct. 30, 1534, -authorizing him to complete the exploration beyond Newfoundland. For -this purpose the King gave Cartier three ships,—the “Great Hermina,” -of about one hundred and twenty tons, to be commanded by Cartier; the -“Little Hermina,” of sixty tons, under Macé Jalobert; and a small -galley, the “Emerilon,” in charge of Jacques Maingart. The men for his -first expedition had been obtained with difficulty, the sailors of St. -Malo preferring voyages with more certain and solid results than any to -be gained in Cartier’s romantic quest. Accordingly the King authorized -him to impress criminals. In a letter to the Most Christian King, -Cartier advocated the enterprise as one destined to open new fields for -the activity of the Church, which was now beginning to suffer from the -effects of the Protestant Reformation. - -On Whit-Sunday, 1535, the members of the expedition—which does not -appear to have carried a priest, but included a number of prominent -gentlemen—went, by direction of Cartier, to confession, and afterward -received the benediction of the bishop as they knelt in the choir of -the cathedral church of St. Malo. Three days later Cartier sailed. -Head-winds and violent storms opposed the little fleet, rendering -progress slow, and entailing much hardship. June 25 the ships separated -in a storm; but on July 7 the “Great Hermina,” after much tossing, -reached the Isle of Birds, on the northern coast of Newfoundland,—one -of the scenes of the previous year’s visit. The port of White Sand, -however, had been appointed the rendezvous, and thither, July 26, -Cartier went, being joined there by the rest of the fleet. Next, -crossing the strait to the Labrador coast, Cartier sailed westward, -reaching St. John’s River, August 10. He named it the Bay of St. -Lawrence,—a name afterward applied to the Gulf. August 12, he -consulted the two Indians captured the previous year, who diminished -his hope of finding a passage to the Indies, by showing that the -channel before him, named in honor of St. Peter, led to a river whose -banks rapidly contracted; while far within the interior the water was -shallow, navigation being obstructed by rapids. This, they likewise -said, was the entrance to the country of Canada. On August 18, sick at -heart by the failure to discover any passage through the continent, -Cartier sailed back to the northern shore. Three days later he named -the great island lying in the mouth of the Gulf, Assumption,[171] in -honor of the festival; and finally, disbelieving the Indians, and -hoping that the channel between Labrador and Anticosti opened to salt -water, he ordered the course to be laid toward the west, being led to -this determination by seeing many whales. Soon, however, the water -began to freshen; yet hoping, as did Champlain long after, that even -the fresh water might afford a highway to the Indies, he entered the -river, viewing the banks on either side, and making his way upward. -Erelong he saw the wonderful Saguenay pouring through its gloomy gorge, -scooped out of solid rock by ancient glaciers, and was tempted to -sail in between the lofty walls which flung down their solemn shadows -upon the deep and resistless stream. Here he met some timid natives -in canoes, engaged in hunting the seal. They fled, until they heard -the voices of his two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaya, when they -returned, and gave the French a hospitable reception. Without exploring -the Saguenay, Cartier returned to the main river, passing up to the -Isle aux Coudres, or Isle of Hazel-nuts, where he found the savages -engaged in capturing a marine monster called the “adhothoys,”—in form, -says the narrative, as shapely as a greyhound. This was the _Beluga -catadon_, the well-known white whale, whose bones are found in the -post-pliocene clay of the St. Lawrence. The manuscript of Allefonsce -says: “In the Canadian Sea there is one sort of fish very much like -a whale, almost as large, white as snow, and with a mouth like a -horse.” Continuing his ascent, Cartier met more of the natives, and at -last encountered the lord of the country, the well-known Donnacona, -who dwelt at Stadaconna (Quebec). The chief addressed the French -commander in a set oration, delivered in the native style with many -gesticulations and contortions. - -Finally Cartier reached a large island, which he called Bacchus Island, -with reference to the abundance of vines; though afterward it was -given the name it now bears, the Island of Orleans. Here he anchored -his fleet, and went on in boats to find a convenient harbor. This he -discovered near Stadaconna, at the mouth of the river now known as the -St. Charles, calling it the harbor of the Holy Cross. On September -14 the ships were brought up. The French were received with great -rejoicing by all except Donnacona and the two natives, Taignoagny and -Domagaya; the latter had rejoined their old friends, and appeared -“changed in mind and purpose,” refusing to come to the ships. Donnacona -had discovered that Cartier wished to ascend the river to Hochelaga, -and he regarded this step as opposed to his personal interests. -Finally, however, a league of friendship was formed, when the two -natives returned on board, attended by no less than five hundred of the -inhabitants of Stadaconna. Still Donnacona persisted in his opposition -to Cartier’s proposed exploration; and finally dressed several members -of his tribe in the garb of devils, introducing them as delegates from -the god Cudragny, supposed to dwell at Hochelaga. The antics of these -performers did not intimidate Cartier, and accordingly, leaving a -sufficient force to guard the ships, he started with a pinnace and two -boats containing fifty men. It was now the middle of September, and the -Canadian forests were putting on their robes of autumnal glory. The -scenery was at its best, and the French were greatly impressed by the -beauty of the country. On the 28th the river suddenly expanded, and -it was called the Lake of Angoulême, in recognition of the birthplace -of Francis I. In passing out of the lake, the strength of the rapids -rendered it necessary to leave the pinnace behind; but with the two -boats Cartier went on; and, October 2, after a journey of thirteen -days, he landed on the alluvial ground close by the current now -called St. Mary, about three miles from Hochelaga. He was received by -throngs of the natives, who brought presents of corn-bread and fish, -showing every sign of friendship and joy. The next day Cartier went -with five gentlemen and twenty sailors to visit the people at their -houses, and to view “a certain mountain that is near the city.” They -met a chief, who received them with an address of welcome, and led -them to the town, situated among cultivated fields, and “joined to a -great mountain that is tilled round about and very fertile,” which -Cartier called Mount Royal, now contracted into Montreal. The town -itself is described in the narrative of Cartier’s voyage as circular -and cunningly built of wood, having a single gate, being fortified -with a gallery extending around the top of the wall. This was supplied -with ammunition, consisting of “stones and pebbles for the defence -of it.” With the Hochelagans it was the Age of Stone. Their mode of -life is well described in the narrative which, in the Italian version -of Ramusio, is accompanied by a plan of the town. Cartier and his -companions were freely brought into the public square, where the women -and maidens suddenly assembled with children in their arms, kissing -their visitors heartily, and “weeping for joy,” while they requested -Cartier to “touch” the children. Next appeared Agouhanna, the palsied -lord of Hochelaga, a man of fifty years, borne upon the shoulders of -nine or ten men. The chief welcomed Cartier, and desired him to touch -his shrunken limbs, evidently believing him to be a superior being. -Taking the wreath of royalty from his own head, he placed it upon -Cartier. Then the sick, the blind, the impotent, and the aged were -brought to be “touched;” for it seemed to them that “God was descended -and come down from heaven to heal them.” Moved with compassion, Cartier -recited a portion of the Gospel of St. John, made the sign of the -Cross, with prayer; afterward, service-book in hand, he “read all -the Passion of Christ, word by word,” ending with a distribution of -hatchets, knives, and trinkets, and a flourish of trumpets. The latter -made them all “very merry.” Next he ascended the Mount, and viewed the -distant prospect, being told of the extent of the river, the character -of distant tribes, and the resources of the country. This done, he -prepared for his return, and, amid the regrets of the natives, started -on the downward voyage. - -In 1603, when Champlain reached the site of ancient Hochelaga, the -fortified city and its inhabitants had disappeared.[172] With a -narrative of Cartier in hand, he doubtless sought the imposing town -and its warlike and superior inhabitants, as later, on the banks of -the Penobscot, he inquired for the ancient Norumbega, celebrated by so -many navigators and historians. But Hochelaga, like its contemporary -capital on the great river of Maine, had disappeared, and the -Hochelagans were extinct. - -On October 11 Cartier reached the Harbor of Holy Cross, where, during -his absence, the people had constructed a fort and had mounted -artillery. Donnacona and the two natives reappeared, and Cartier -visited the chief at Stadaconna, the people coming out in due form -to receive him. He found the houses comfortable after their fashion, -and well provided with food for the approaching winter. The scalps of -five human heads were stretched upon boughs, and these, Cartier was -told, were taken from their enemies, with whom they were in constant -warfare, as it would appear from their defences and from other signs. -The inhabitants of Stadaconna were nevertheless inclined to religion, -and earnestly desired to be baptized; when Cartier, who appears to have -been a good lay preacher, explained its importance,—though he could -not accede to their request, as he had with him neither priest nor -chrism. The next year he promised to provide both. - -It would appear that at the outset Cartier had decided to winter in the -country and upon his return from Hochelaga preparations were made. His -experience, however, was somewhat sad, and nothing was gained by the -decision to remain, except some traffic. - -In the month of December a pestilence broke out among the natives, of -whom finally the French came to see but little, as the Indians were -charged not to come near the fort. Soon afterward the same disease -attacked the French, proving to be a form of the scurvy, which at one -time reduced all but ten of Cartier’s company to a frightful condition, -while eventually no less than twenty-five died. In their distress -an image of Christ was set up on the shore. They marched thither, -and prostrated themselves upon the deep snow, chanting litanies and -penitential psalms, while Cartier himself vowed a pilgrimage to -Our Lady of Rocquemado. Nevertheless on that day Philip Rougemont -died. Cartier, being determined to leave nothing undone, ordered -a _post-mortem_ examination of the remains of this young man from -Amboise. This afforded no facts throwing light upon the disease, which -continued its ravages with still greater virulence, until the French -learned from the natives that they might be cured by a decoction made -from a tree called _ameda_. The effect of this medicine proved so -remarkable, that if “all the doctors of Montpelier and Louvain had been -there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not have done so -much in a year as that tree did in six days.” Winter finally wore away, -and in May, on Holy-Rood Day, Cartier set up a fair cross and the arms -of France, with the legend, “Franciscus Primus, Dei gratia Francorum -Rex regnat,” concluding the act by entrapping the King Donnacona, and -carrying him a prisoner on board his ship. The natives vainly offered a -ransom, but were pacified on being told that Cartier would return the -next year and bring back their king. Destroying one of his vessels, the -“Little Hermina,” on May 6, Cartier bade the people adieu, and sailed -down to a little port near the Isle of Orleans, going thence to the -Island of Hazel-Nuts, where he remained until the 16th, on account of -the swiftness of the stream. He was followed by the amazed savages, -who were still unwilling to part with their king. Receiving, however, -assurances from Donnacona himself that he would return in a year, they -affected a degree of satisfaction, thanked Cartier, gave him bundles of -beaver-skins, a chain of _esurguy_,[173] or wampum, and a red copper -knife from the Saguenay, while they obtained some hatchets in return. -He then set sail;[174] but bad weather forced him to return. He took -his final departure May 21, and soon reached Gaspé, next passing -Cape Prato, “the beginning of the Port of Chaleur.” On Ascension Day -he was at Brion Island. He sailed thence towards the main, but was -beaten back by head-winds. He finally reached the southern coast of -Newfoundland, giving names to the places he visited. At St. Peter’s -Island he met “many ships from France and Britain.” On June 16 he left -Cape Race, the southern point of Newfoundland, having on this voyage -nearly circumnavigated the coast of the island, and thus passed to -sea, making a prosperous voyage, and reached St. Malo July 6, 1536. -Though, according to the narrative, Cartier gave the name of St. Paul -to the north coast of Cape Breton, this appellation was on the map of -Maijolla, 1527, and that of Viegas, drawn in the year 1533. Manifestly -the narrative does Cartier some injustice. - - * * * * * - -Several years passed before anything more was done officially -respecting the exploration of the New Lands. Champlain assumes that -Cartier made bad representations of the country, and discouraged -effort. This view has been repeated without much examination. It is -clear that all were disappointed by finding no mines of precious -metals, as well as by the failure to discover a passage to the Indies; -yet for all this Cartier has been maligned. This appears to be so from -the statement found in the narrative of the third voyage, which opens -in a cheerful strain, the writer saying that “King Francis I. having -heard the report of Captain Jacques Cartier, his pilot-general, in -his two former voyages of discovery, as well by writing as by word of -mouth, respecting that which he had found and seen in the western parts -discovered by him in the ports of Canada and Hochelaga; and having seen -and talked with the people which the said Cartier had brought from -those countries, of whom one was King of Canada,” resolved to “send -Cartier, his pilot, thither again.” With the navigator he concluded -to associate Jean François de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, invested -with a commission as Lieutenant and Governor of Canada and Hochelaga. -Roberval was a gentleman of Picardy, highly esteemed in his province; -and, according to Charlevoix, he was sometimes styled by Francis I. -the “petty King of Vimeu.” Roberval was commissioned by Francis I. at -Fontainebleau, Jan. 15, 1540, and on February 6 took the oath in the -presence of Cardinal de Tournon. His subordinate, Cartier, was not -appointed until October 17 following, his papers being signed by Henry -the Dauphin on the 20th. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF THE DAUPHIN.] - -The apparent object of this voyage is stated where the narrative -recites that it was undertaken “that they might discover more than was -done before in some voyages, and attain, if possible, to a knowledge -of the country of the Saguenay, whereof the people brought by Cartier, -as is declared, mentioned to the King that there were great riches and -very good lands.” The first and second voyages of Cartier may not have -attracted the attention of the Spaniards; but when the expedition of -1541 was in preparation Spain sought to interfere, as in the case of -Verrazano in 1523.[175] Francis anticipated this, Alexander VI. having -coolly given all America to Spain, as she eagerly claimed; and the -explanation was that the fleet was simply going to the poor region of -Baccalaos. The Spanish ambassador, knowing well that his master was too -poor to support his pretensions by force of arms, finally came to the -conclusion that the French could do no harm, while others prophesied a -failure.[176] - -To carry out the voyage, a sum of money was placed at the disposal of -Roberval, who agreed with Cartier to build and equip five[177] vessels. -Soon the shipyards of St. Malo resounded with the din of labor, -and the Breton carpenters promptly fulfilled their task. Roberval, -however, had not in the mean time completed his preparations, and -yet, having express orders from the King not to delay, Cartier, with -the approval of Roberval, set sail with three or more ships, May 23, -1541. He encountered a succession of storms for three months, having -less than thirty hours of fair wind in all that time. One ship, under -the Viscount of Beaupré, kept company with Cartier, but the rest were -scattered. The fleet assembled at Carpunt, in Newfoundland, waiting in -vain for Roberval. Cartier accordingly went on, and reached the Harbor -of Holy Cross, August 23. The savages hailed him with joy, and inquired -for their chief, Donnacona, and the other captives. They were informed -that Donnacona had died in France, where he had received the faith and -been baptized, while the rest had married, and stayed there as great -lords, whereas in fact all except a little girl had died.[178] Agona, -who had ruled during the interregnum, was not at all dissatisfied, as -it left him invested with kingship; yet, as a compliment, he took the -crown of tanned leather and _esurguy_ from his own head, and placed -it upon Cartier’s, whose wrists he also adorned with his bracelets, -showing signs of joy. This, however, was mere dissimulation. Next, -Cartier took his fleet to a harbor four leagues nearer Quebec, where -he built a fort called Charlesbourg Royal. On the 2d of September Macé -Jalobert, his brother-in-law, and Etienne Noel, his nephew, were sent -back to France with two of his ships, to report the non-arrival of -Roberval. Leaving Beaupré in command at Charlesbourg Royal, Cartier -ascended the St. Lawrence, visiting on the way a lord of Hochelay. In -his previous voyage this chief had proved sincere, informing him of -the meditated treachery of Taignoagny and Domagaya. He now bestowed -upon him “a cloak of Paris red,” with yellow facings and tin buttons -and bells. Going on, Cartier passed Hochelaga, and attempted to ascend -the rapids, two of which he actually stemmed. Arriving at Hochelaga, -he found that the chief had gone to Quebec to plot against him with -Agona. Returning to Charlesbourg, he passed the winter, seeing little -of the natives. In the spring, having gathered a quantity of quartz -crystals, which he fancied were diamonds, and some thin scales of metal -supposed to be gold, he sailed for France. In the Harbor of St. John, -Newfoundland, Hakluyt says, he met Roberval, then on his way to Canada. -The “gold” was tried in a furnace, and “found to be good.” Cartier -reported the country rich and fruitful; but when ordered by Roberval -to return, he pleaded his inability to stand against the savages with -so small a number of men; while in Hakluyt we read that “hee and his -company, moued as it seemeth with ambition, because they would haue all -the glory of the discouerie of those partes themselues, stole privately -away the next night from us, and, without taking their leaues, departed -home for Bretainye.” - -This, however, appears to be wrong; as at the time he is represented as -meeting Roberval at Newfoundland his chief must have been in Canada, -he having left France Aug. 22, 1541. Hakluyt’s informant was confused, -and the ships met by Roberval at Newfoundland may have been those -two despatched by Cartier to France under Jallobert and Noel during -the previous autumn, or else Cartier on his way home in June met -Sainterre.[179] - -Jean François de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, in connection with -Cartier, was commissioned for his expedition by a royal patent, Jan. -15, 1540. His fleet consisted of three tall ships and a company of two -hundred persons, including women and gentlemen of quality. Sainterre -was his lieutenant, and Jean Allefonsce his pilot-general. According -to Hakluyt, he sailed from Rochelle, April 14, 1542,—more than a -year after the time originally appointed,—reaching St. John’s, -Newfoundland, June 8, where he found seventeen fishing-vessels. While -delayed here, Hakluyt says, Cartier appeared in the harbor, and -afterward left secretly, as already stated, to return to France. As a -matter of fact, however, Roberval sailed from Honfleur, Aug. 22, 1541. -We must not be misled, therefore, where Hakluyt says that on the last -day of June, 1542, having composed a quarrel between the French and -Portuguese fishermen, he sailed on his voyage through the Gulf. This -he must have done during the preceding autumn. Yet, whenever he may -have ascended the St. Lawrence, Roberval reached the Isle of Orleans -in safety, and found a good harbor. Hakluyt says that at the end of -July he landed his stores, and began to fortify above Quebec at France -Royal;[180] if it was in July, it must have been July, 1542. Roberval, -possibly, reached his winter-quarters in 1541, when it was too late to -fortify. Hakluyt, having been misinformed on the expedition, supposed -that Cartier and Roberval were not together in Canada; but there is -much uncertainty in any conclusion. - -A strong, elevated, and beautiful situation was selected by Roberval, -with “two courtes of buildings, a great toure, and another of fourtie -or fiftie foote long; wherein there were diuers chambers, an hall, a -kitchine, houses of office, sellers high and lowe, and neere vnto were -an oven and milles, and a stoue to warme men in, and a well before the -house.” - -Hakluyt says that, September 14, Roberval sent back to France two -ships under Sainterre and Guincourt, bearing tidings to the King, and -requesting information respecting the value of Cartier’s “diamonds.” It -would appear, however, that these vessels were sent late in 1541, for -the reason that Jan. 26, 1542, Francis I. ordered Sainterre to go to -the rescue of Roberval,—the language of the order indicating that he -had already been out to Canada. On preparing for the winter, Roberval, -according to Hakluyt, found his provisions scanty. Still, having fish -and porpoises, he passed the season, though the bad food bred disease, -and not less than fifty of the company died. The people were vicious -and insubordinate; but the “Little King” was equal to the occasion, -dealing out even and concise justice, laying John of Nantes in irons, -whipping both men and women soundly, and hanging Michael Gaillon,—“by -which means they lived in quiet.” - -The account of Hakluyt ends abruptly; yet he states that June 5, 1543, -Roberval went on an expedition to explore above Quebec, appointing -July 1 as the time of his return. If he did not appear then, the -thirty persons left behind were authorized to sail for France, while -he would remain in the country. What followed is invested with more -or less uncertainty, as we have no authority except Hakluyt, who says -that in an expedition up the river eight men were drowned, and one -“boate” lost; while, June 19, word came from Roberval to stay the -departure from France Roy until July 22. To this statement Hakluyt -adds, “the rest of the voyage is wanting.” His account of both Roberval -and Cartier’s operations are hardly to be relied upon, since he was -so badly informed. The circumstances under which Roberval returned to -France may perhaps never be known; yet it is certain that Cartier went -out to bring him home some time in the year 1543. He did not leave on -this voyage until after March 25, as he was present at a baptism in St. -Malo on that day, while he had returned before February 17, 1544, on -which date, as Longrais has discovered recently among the documents, -he was a witness in court at St. Malo. The subject will be referred to -again. - - * * * * * - -At this point it will be proper to give some account of the personal -operations of Jehan, or Jean, Allefonsce, the pilot of Roberval. He -was born at Saintonge, a village of Cognac, and was mortally wounded -in a naval combat which took place near the Harbor of Rochelle, having -followed the sea during a period of forty-one years. He appears to have -been engaged in two special explorations,—one carrying him to the -north, and the other to the vicinity of Massachusetts Bay. - -Of the first expedition—that connected with the Saguenay or -vicinity—we have no account in the narrative which covers the voyage -of Roberval. Father Le Clercq, however, says: “The Sire Roberval -writes that he undertook some considerable voyages to the Saguenay and -several other rivers. It was he who sent Allefonsce, a very expert -pilot of Saintonge, to Labrador to find a passage to the Indies, as -was hoped. But not being able to carry out his designs, on account of -the heights of ice that stopped his passage, he was obliged to return -to M. de Roberval with only this advantage, of having discovered the -passage which is between the Isle of Newfoundland and the Great Land -of the north by the fifty-second degree.”[181] Le Clercq gives no -authority for his statement, and one writer[182] discredits it, for -the reason that Allefonsce is made to “discover” the passage between -Newfoundland and Labrador. It is probable, however, that Le Clercq, or -his authority, meant no more by the term “discover” than to explore, -as the Strait of Belle Isle was at that period as well known as Cape -Breton. Allefonsce’s narrative and maps do not show that he explored -the Saguenay. - -It can hardly be questioned that a voyage was made by Allefonsce along -the Atlantic coast. The precise date, however, cannot be fixed. His -_Cosmographie_ proves that he had a personal knowledge of the country. -The voyage might have been made on some one of the ships which returned -to France while Roberval was in the country. Failing to discover any -passage to the Indies, Allefonsce may have run down the Atlantic -coast, hoping to find some hitherto neglected opening. At all events, -when he visited the coast he found a great bay in latitude forty-two, -apparently Massachusetts Bay. The original notice is found in his -_Cosmographie_, now preserved in the Bibliothèque nationale, Paris. It -runs: “These lands reach to Tartary; and I think that it is the end -of Asia,[183] according to the roundness of the world. And for this -purpose it would be well to have a small vessel of seventy tons, in -order to discover the coast of Florida; for I have been at a bay as far -as forty-two degrees, between Norumbega and Florida, but I have not -seen the end, and do not know whether it extends any farther.”[184] The -belief in a western passage was after all very hard to give up, and -Champlain, in the next century, was consumed by the idea. - - * * * * * - -In closing this part of the subject, we have to inquire concerning the -outcome of the costly and laborious efforts of Cartier and Roberval -under Francis I. Some popular writers would lead us to suppose that -subsequent to the return of the expedition of 1543 the region of -the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence were deserted.[185] Gosselin, -in his _Documents relating to the Marine of Normandy_, shows that -the explorations of Cartier were attended and followed by active -operations conducted by private individuals. During the first years -of the sixteenth century, inspired by the example of Bethencourt, in -connection with the Canaries, the seaport towns of France showed great -enterprise. After the return of Verrazano, however, much discouragement -was felt, nor did the voyages of 1534-1536 stimulate so large a degree -of activity as might have been expected; but in 1540 all the maritime -towns were alive to the importance of the New Lands.[186] In that year, -as we have already seen, such was the scarcity of sailors, owing to the -prosecution of remunerative fisheries, that the authorities of St. Malo -were obliged to order that no vessel should leave port until Cartier -had secured a crew. In 1541 the prospect of the settlement of Canada -under the French gave such a stimulus to merchants, that in the months -of January and February, 1541, 1542, no less than sixty ships went “to -fish for cod in the New Lands.”[187] Gosselin, who had examined a great -number of the ancient records, says: “In 1543, 1544, and 1545, this -ardor was sustained; and during the months of January and February, -from Havre and Rouen, and from Dieppe and Honfleur, about two ships -left every day.”[188] - -In 1545 no ship of the King went to Canada, and a sense of insecurity -prevailed, as the Spaniards and Portuguese at Newfoundland were ever -ready to make trouble; but in 1560 no less than thirty ships left the -little ports of Jumièges, Vatteville, and La Bouille, “to make the -voyage to the New Lands;”[189] while at this period the tonnage of -the vessels engaged rose from seventy to one hundred and fifty tons. -In 1564 the French Government was engaged in New France, and April 18 -of that year the King’s Receiver-General, Guillaume Le Beau, bought -of Robert Gouel, as attested by the notaries of Rouen, a variety of -material, “to be carried into New France, whither the King would -presently send on his service.”[190] - -On the seventh of the same month Le Beau paid four hundred livres -for arms and accoutrements necessary for the “French infantry,” -which “it pleased the King to send presently into his New France for -its defence.”[191] This shows that the idea of colonization was not -abandoned, and that the King asserted his rights there. He was no doubt -accustomed to send cruisers to Canada to protect French interests, -as the English at an early period sent ships of war to the coast of -Iceland to protect fishermen and traders.[192] - -In 1583 Stephen Bellinger, a friend of Hakluyt, being in the service -of Cardinal Bourbon, of Rouen, visited Cape Breton and the coasts to -the south.[193] In 1577 and 1578 commissions were issued by Henry -III. to the Marquis de la Roche for a colony;[194] and Hakluyt says -that in 1584 the Marquis was cast away in an attempt to carry out -his scheme.[195] In 1587 the grandnephew of Cartier was in Canada, -evidently engaged in regular trade.[196] Beyond question communication -was maintained with Canada until official colonization was again taken -up in 1597.[197] The efforts of Francis I. in sending out Verrazano, -Cartier, and Roberval were by no means thrown away, and we must take -for what it is worth the statement of Alexander in his _Encouragement -to Colonies_, where (p. 36) he says that the French in America effected -more “by making a needless ostentation, that the World should know they -had beene there, then that they did continue still to inhabit there.” - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -LITTLE is known of the personal history of Jacques Cartier, though -Cunat discovered several points relating to his ancestry. It appears -that one Jehan Cartier married Guillemette Baudoin; and that of their -six children, Jamet, or Jacques, was the oldest, having been born Dec. -4, 1458. Marrying in turn Jeffeline Jansart, he had by her a son, -Dec. 31, 1494. This son, up to a recent day, was held to be the great -navigator; but Longrais has rendered it almost certain that he was not. - -Like Verrazano, Allefonsce, and others, he appears to have done -something as a privateer; and the Spanish ambassador in France, -reporting the expedition of Cartier and Roberval, Dec. 17, 1541, spoke -of “el corsario Jacques Cartier.”[198] - -At an early age Cartier was wedded to Catharine des Granches, daughter -of Jacques des Granches, the constable of St. Malo, this being -considered a brilliant marriage. After retiring from the sea, he lived -in the winter at his house in St. Malo, adjoining the Hospital of St. -Thomas, and in the summer at his manor on the outskirts of the town at -Limoilou.[199] The name of Des Granches appears in connection with the -mountains on the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Cartier, so far -as known, had no children. At least Cunat’s researches, supported by -the local tradition, show that Manat had no authority now recognized -for saying that in 1665 he had a lineal descendant in one Harvée -Cartier.[200] - -Following Verrazano, we have the earliest notice of French visitations -to the coast in the statement of Herrera,[201] that in 1526 the -Breton, Nicolas Don, pursued the fisheries at Baccalaos. In 1527 Rut, -as reported in Purchas,[202] says that eleven sail of Normans and -one of Bretons were at St. John, Newfoundland.[203] According to -Lescarbot,[204] who gives no authority, the Baron de Léry landed cattle -on the Isle of Sable in 1528.[205] - -Next in the order of French voyages we reach those of Cartier. The -narrative of his first voyage appeared originally in the _Raccolta_, -etc., of Ramusio, printed at Venice in 1556.[206] It was translated -from the Italian into English by John Florio, and appeared under -the title, _A Short and Briefe Narration of the Two Navigations -and Discoveries to the Northweast Partes called Newe Fraunce_, -London, 1580.[207] This was adopted by Hakluyt, and printed in his -_Navigations_, 1600.[208] Another account of this voyage appeared in -French, printed at Rouen, 1598, having been written originally in -a _langue étrangere_. It has been supposed very generally that the -“strange language” was Italian, and that it was a translation from -Ramusio;[209] but this opinion is questioned.[210] Another narrative -of the voyage has been found and published as an original account by -Cartier.[211] In the Preface to the volume the Editor sets forth his -reasons for this opinion. It is noticeable that each of these three -versions is characterized by an obscurity to which attention has been -called.[212] Nearly all the facts of the first voyage, handled, like -the rest of his voyages, by so many writers, come from one of these -three versions.[213] The patent for the voyage, as in the case of the -voyage of Verrazano, is not known. - -The narrative of the second voyage was published at Paris in 1545.[214] -Ramusio[215] accompanies the narrative of the first voyage with an -account of the second, also in Italian. Three manuscript versions of -the narrative are preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale, and are -described by Harrisse in his _Notes_.[216] Hakluyt[217] appears to -follow Ramusio.[218] The patents for the second voyage will be found in -Lescarbot (_Nouvelle France_), who used in his account of Cartier what -is known as the Roffet text, though he abridges and alters somewhat; -and he in turn was followed by Charlevoix. - -For the third voyage of Cartier, unfortunately, we have only a few -facts in addition to the fragment preserved by Hakluyt,[219] which ends -with events at the close of September, 1541. An account of the voyage -of Roberval is added thereto.[220] The commission of Cartier is found -in Lescarbot’s _Nouvelle France_.[221] All that was formerly known -was taken from Hakluyt; but facts that somewhat recently have come to -light, though few, are nevertheless important, proving that Hakluyt’s -information respecting Roberval was poor, like that which he gives of -the voyage of Rut (1527). Rut’s voyage was tolerably well understood -by Purchas, who wrote after Hakluyt. Bancroft, in his _History of -the United States_,[222] writes on the subject of Cartier as he wrote -forty-nine years earlier;[223] while nearly all historical writers, -whether famous or obscure, have written in a similar way. They have -been misled by Hakluyt. The statement that Cartier, on his way home -in June, 1542, encountered Roberval at Newfoundland, and deserted him -in the night, is not in keeping with his character, and is rendered -improbable by the fact that in the previous autumn Roberval sailed for -Canada. All things, so far as known, indicate that a good understanding -existed between the two commanders, and that circumstances alone -prevented the accomplishment of larger results. Certainly, if Cartier -had failed in his duty, history would have given some record of the -fact. Francis I. would not have employed any halting, half-hearted man -who was trying to discourage exploration. Let us here, then, endeavor -to epitomize the operations of Roberval and Cartier:— - -Jan. 15, 1540, Roberval was appointed lieutenant-general and -commander.[224] February 6 he took the oath,[225] followed the next -day by letters-patent confirming those of January 15.[226] February -27 Roberval appointed Paul d’Angilhou, known as Sainterre, his -lieutenant.[227] March 9 the Parliament of Rouen authorized Roberval -to take certain classes of criminals for the voyage.[228] October -17 Francis I. appointed Jacques Cartier captain-general and chief -pilot.[229] October 28 Prince Henry, the Dauphin, ordered certain -prisoners to be sent to Cartier for the voyage.[230] November 3 -additional criminals, to the number of fifty, were ordered for the -expedition.[231] December 12 the King complained that the expedition -was delayed.[232] May 23, 1541, Cartier sailed with five ships.[233] -July 10 Chancellor Paget informs the Parliament of Rouen that “the King -considers it very strange that Roberval has not departed.”[234] August -18 Roberval writes from Honfleur that he will leave in four days.[235] -Aug. 22, 1541, Roberval sailed from Honfleur.[236] In the autumn -of 1541, Roberval, on his way to Canada, meets at St. John’s,[237] -Newfoundland, Jallobert and Noel, sailing by order of Cartier to -France. Immediately on his arrival at Quebec, autumn of 1541, Roberval -sends Sainterre to France.[238] Jan. 26, 1542, Francis I. orders -Sainterre, who has already “made the voyage,” to sail with two ships -“to succour, support, and aid the said Lord Roberval with provisions -and other things of which he has very great need and necessity.”[239] -During the summer of 1542 Roberval explores and builds France Roy.[240] -Sept. 9, 1542, Roberval pardons Sainterre at France Roy, in the -presence of Jean Allefonsce, for mutiny.[241] Oct. 21, 1542, Cartier -is in St. Malo and present at a baptism, having spent seventeen -months on the voyage.[242] Roberval spends the winter of 1542-1543 -at France Roy.[243] March 25, 1543, Cartier present at a baptism in -St. Malo.[244] In the summer of 1543 Cartier sails on a voyage which -occupies eight months,[245] and brings Roberval home, leaving Canada -late in the season, and running unusual risk of his freight (_péril de -nauleaige_).[246] April 3, 1544, Cartier and Roberval are summoned to -appear before the King.[247] - -This, so far as our present knowledge goes, formed the end of Cartier’s -seafaring. Thereafter, without having derived any material financial -benefit from his great undertakings, Cartier, as the Seigneur of -Limoilou, dwelt at his plain manor-house on the outskirts of St. Malo, -where he died, greatly honored and respected, about the year 1555.[248] - - * * * * * - -Charlevoix affirms that Roberval made another attempt to colonize -Canada in 1549;[249] Thevet says that he was murdered in Paris: at all -events he soon passed from sight.[250] - -There is no evidence to prove that Cartier gave any name to the country -which he explored. The statement found at the end of Hakluyt’s version -of the second voyage,[251] to the effect that the Newfoundlands “were -by him named New France,” originated with the translator. It is not -given in connection with the text of Ramusio, nor in the French edition -of 1545, though that _Relation_ (p. 46) employs the language, “Appellée -par nous la nouvelle France.” In the same folio we find the writer -stating of Cape St. Paul, “Nous nommasmes le cap de Sainct Paul,” -though the name had been given at an early period, appearing upon the -Maijolla map of 1527. - -“Canada” was the name which Cartier found attached to the land,[252] -and there is no evidence that he attempted to displace it. It is -indeed said, in Murphy’s _Voyage of Verrazzano_,[253] that the name -“Francisca” was due to Cartier. He says, “This name Francisca, or -the _French Land_,”—found on a map in the Ptolemy printed at Basle -in 1540,—was “due to the French under Jacques Cartier, and which -could properly belong to no other exploration of the French.” This -statement was made in rebuttal of that by Brevoort in his _Verrazano -the Navigator_ (p. 141), where he says that “the first published map -containing traces of Verrazano’s exploration is in the Ptolemy of -Basle, 1530, which appeared four years before the French renewed their -attempts at American exploration. It shows the western sea without a -name, and the land north of it called Francisca.” As it appears, there -is no edition of Ptolemy bearing date of 1530; yet the student is -sufficiently correct in referring the name “Francisca” to the voyage of -Verrazano, especially as the Maijollo map, 1527, applies “Francesca” -to North America, this map having been made only three years after the -voyage of Verrazano, performed in 1524. Evidently, however, Verrazano -was not more anxious than Cartier about any name, since on the map of -his brother Hieronymus da Verrazano (1529), this region is called “Nova -Gallia, sive Yucatania.” - -Nor did Roberval attempt to name the country, while the commission -given him by the King does not associate the name of Francis or any -new name therewith. The misunderstanding on this point is now cleared -up.[254] - -Cartier did not give any name to the Gulf, simply applying the name -of St. Lawrence to what may have been the St. John’s River, on the -Labrador coast, where he chanced to be on the festival of that saint in -1535. Gomara thus writes in 1555: “A great river, named San Lorenço, -which some consider an arm of the sea. It has been navigated two -hundred leagues up, on which account many call it the Straits of the -Three Brothers (_los tres hermanos_). Here the water forms a square -gulf, which extends from San Lorenço to the point of Baccallaos, more -than two hundred leagues.”[255] - - * * * * * - -Little is known at present of the personal history of Jean Allefonsce. -D’Avezac, in the _Bulletin de géographie_,[256] attempted to give -an account of the man and his work; and Margry, in his _Navigations -Françaises_, added substantial information. At one time he was claimed -by the Portuguese as of their nation, because he voyaged to Brazil; but -his French origin is now abundantly proved out of the book published by -Jean de Marnef in 1559, entitled _Les voyages avantureux du Capitaine -du Alfonce Saintongeois_. It is a small volume in quarto, numbering -sixty-eight leaves, the verso of the last one bearing the epilogue: -“End of the present book, composed and ordered [?] by Jan Alphonce, -an experienced pilot in things narrated in this book, a native of the -country of Xaintonge, near the city of Cognac. Done at the request of -Vincent Aymard, merchant of the country of Piedmont, Maugis Vumenot, -merchant of Honfleur, writing for him.” - -Allefonsce appears to have been of a brave, adventurous, and somewhat -haughty spirit. We are even told that he was once imprisoned at -Poitiers by royal orders.[257] He was considered a man of ability, and -was trusted on account of his great skill. In Hakluyt[258] it is said, -“There is a pardon to be seene for the pardoning of _Monsieur de saine -terre_, Lieutenant of the sayd _Monsieur de Roberval_, giuen in Canada -in presence of the sayde _Iohn Alphonse_.” - -The sailor of Saintonge met his death in a naval engagement, though -most writers appear to have overlooked the fact. It is indicated in a -sonnet written by his eulogist, Melin Saint-Gelais, and prefixed to -the first edition of the _Voyages avantureux_, 1559. The allusion was -pointed out by Harrisse in his _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, Paris, -1872 (p. 8), indicating that this event must have taken place before -March 7, 1557,—the date of the imprimatur of the edition of 1559.[259] -Mr. Brevoort, in his _Verrazano the Navigator_, quoting Barcia’s -Ensayo, etc., Madrid, 1723, fol. 58, shows that he fought Menendez, the -Spaniard, near the reef of Rochelle, and was mortally wounded.[260] - -There is no true connection between the manuscript of Allefonsce, -now preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, catalogued under -Secalart, and the volume of _Voyages avantureux_ which bears his -name. This latter work we owe, in some not understood sense, to the -enterprise of a publisher who brought it out after the old mariner’s -death. The erroneous character of certain of its statements excited -the criticism of Lescarbot;[261] yet several descriptions of our coast -are recognizable, and very interesting. In this printed book the -matter relating to the North Atlantic coast occupies only about three -pages,—the chief points for which were taken, it appears, from the -manuscript of Allefonsce, though several particulars not found in his -manuscript are given. - -The manuscript itself must be judged leniently, as Secalart was -concerned in the composition, and appears to have written some portions -from the notes of Allefonsce.[262] The part of the _Cosmographie_ -applying to the North Atlantic coast begins with a description of the -Island of St. John and Cape Breton. Three points south of Cape Breton, -if not a fourth, are defined in connection with that cape. We read: -“Turning to the Isle of St. John, called Cape Breton, the outermost -part of which is in the ocean in 45° from the Arctic pole, I say Cape -of St. John, called Cape Breton, and the Cape of the Franciscans, are -northeast and southwest, and there is in the course one hundred and -forty leagues; and here it makes a cape called the Cape of Norumbega. -The said cape is by 41° from the height of the Arctic pole.” For the -writer to call Cape Breton by another name is consistent with old -usage.[263] Where, however, it is said, “here it makes a cape,” the -language is obscure, as the writer seems to mean that on this coast -there is a cape between the Franciscan Cape and Cape Breton, since on -the map the Franciscan Cape is placed south of the Bay of the Isles, -which the description places south of the Cape of Norumbega. The latter -cape is not laid down on the map; but we have there the River of -Norumbega, north of which is “Une partie de la Coste de la Norombegue,” -while south of the river is “Terra de la Franciscaine.” The Cape of -Norumbega should therefore have been marked on the map at the southern -extremity of the Norumbega coast, near the Bay of the Isles. “Cap de la -Franciscaine” would then stand for Cape Cod. If this interpretation is -correct, the clause, “the said cape is by 41° from the height of the -Arctic pole,” would denote the Franciscan cape.[264] - -The next descriptive paragraph gives a clear idea of the region south -of Cape Norumbega: “Beyond the Cape of Noroveregue descends the river -of said Noroveregue, about twenty-five leagues from the cape. The -said river is more than forty leagues wide at its entrance, and -continues inwardly thus wide full thirty or forty leagues, and is -all full of islands that extend quite ten or twelve leagues into the -sea, and is very dangerous on account of rocks and shoals.”[265] Here -we have a clear representation of the Penobscot region, the writer -taking the bay for the entrance to the river, as others did in later -times. He also says that “fifteen leagues within this river is a -city called Norombergue.” According to the old notion, he thought -the Norumbega River extended to Canada, as in the map of Ramusio, -which is substantially true. Taking up his account of the coast, the -writer says: “From the River of Norombergue the coast runs to the -west-southwest quite two hundred leagues, to a large bay which enters -the land about twenty leagues, and is full twenty-nine leagues wide; -and within this gulf there are four islands joined the one to the -other. The entrance to the Gulf is 38° from the height of the Arctic -pole, and the said isles are in 39 and a half degrees. And I have not -seen the end of this Gulf, and I do not know whether it passes beyond.” -Here he does not appear to be making an allusion to the great bay in -42° N. (_ante_, p. 60), but he has now reached the vicinity of the -Franciscan Cape, or Cape Cod, and speaks of the mouth of Long Island -Sound and contiguous openings, in connection with the great islands -that stretch along the coast southwest of Cape Cod. He does not here -mention the Franciscan Cape, before alluded to, distant from the “Cape -of St. John, called the Cape of the Franciscans,” one hundred and -forty leagues, but he indicates its situation by the islands and the -Sound lying to the southward; while in its place it will be observed -that the printed _Cosmographie_ also identifies the region by means -of the islands, and shows that the Franciscan Cape at one point was -high land,—evidently what is now known as the Highland of Cape Cod, -which, as the geological formation indicates, was even higher in the -time of Allefonsce. He continues: “From this gulf the coast turns -west-northwest about forty-six leagues, and makes here a great river of -Fresh water, and there is at its entrance an island of sand. The said -island is 39° from the height of the Arctic pole.” He is now speaking -of the region of the Hudson and Sandy Hook, though the latitudes are -incorrect, as was usual with writers of that time; while the courses -and distances are equally confused. Nevertheless we have a general and -recognizable description of the main features of the coast between -Cape Breton and Sandy Hook, though in the printed _Cosmographie_, -which is very brief, the island of sand is not mentioned. Therefore, -feeling certain of the correctness of our position, minor errors and -omissions may be left to take care of themselves. The principal points, -Cape Breton, Cape Sable, Cape Cod, and the Hudson, are unmistakably -indicated in the _routier_, though in the maps of Allefonsce, as in -most of the maps of the day, essential features are not delineated -with any approach to accuracy, the great peninsula of Nova Scotia, -terminating in Cape Sable, for instance, having no recognizable -definition. Yet he dwells upon the fierceness of the tides, and says -that when the strong northeast winds blow, the seas “roar horribly.” -This is precisely the case on the shoals of Georges and Nantucket, -where the meeting of waves and tides, even in a dead calm, produces an -uproar that is sometimes deafening. - -At this point we may obtain a confirmation of the manuscript -description from the printed work. The account says: “Having passed the -Isle of Saint Jehan, the coast turns to the west and west-southwest as -far as the River Norombergue, newly discovered[266] by the Portuguese, -which is in the thirtieth degree.” After describing the river and its -inhabitants, he says: “Thence the coast turns south-southwest more than -two hundred leagues, as far as a cape which is high land (_un cap qui -est haute terre_), and has a great island of low land and three or four -little islands;”[267] after which he drops the subject and hastens -down the coast to the West Indies. Here, however, we have the same cape -that we find in the manuscript, which is there called the Franciscan -Cape, or our present Cape Cod, beyond which are the islands Nantucket, -Martha’s Vineyard, and the Elizabeth group, joined one to the other -almost like beads on a string, as we see them on the modern map. - -Here, however, it should be pointed out that, apparently in the -lifetime of Francis I., the portion of _Voyages avantureux_ which -describes the North American coast was turned into metrical form by -Jehan Maillard, “poet royal;” and thus, long before Morrell wrote -his poetical description of New England, our coast from Newfoundland -to Sandy Hook was described in French verse, Maillard being the -first writer to pay a tribute of the kind.[268] This person was a -contemporary of Allefonsce and Cartier, and possibly he was connected -with Roberval, as Parmenius, the learned Hungarian of Buda, was -connected with Sir Humphrey Gilbert in his expedition of 1585, who -went for the express purpose of singing the praise of Norumbega in -Latin verse.[269] In his dedication he refers to Cartier. These verses, -like the printed book, contain the points which are not made in the -manuscript of Allefonsce.[270] - -Again, in our manuscript we find the writer going down the coast from -Sandy Hook to Florida, describing, in a somewhat confused way, Cape -Henlopen and Delaware Bay, with its white cliff (_fallaise blanche_), -so conspicuous at the entrance to-day. Thus both the printed book and -the manuscript make three divisions of the coast between Cape Breton -and Florida, and show a general knowledge of essential features. - -Hakluyt[271] gives a section from the original work of Allefonsce, to -which he appears to have had access. The heading runs: “Here followeth -the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland, -vp the riuer of Canada for the space of 230 leagues, obserued by Iohn -Alphonse of Xanctoigne, chiefe Pilot to Monsieur Roberual, 1542.” -This piece was translated from the French, and in one place Hakluyt -makes Allefonsce say: “By the nature of the climate the lands toward -Hockelaga are still better and better, and more fruitful; and this land -is fit for figges and peares. I think that gold and silver will be -found here.” This, however, is a mistranslation, or at least it does -not agree with the manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which may -be rendered, “These lands, extending to Hochelaga, are much better -and warmer than those of Canada, and this land of Hochelaga extends -to Figuier and Peru, in which silver and gold abound.”[272] Under the -direction of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society, the English -version found in Hakluyt was turned back into French, as the existence -of the Paris manuscript was not known to the editors; and in the -_Voyages des déscouvertes au Canada_ (p. 86) we read: “Et cette terre -peut produire des Figuee et des Poires.” In this, however, they were -encouraged by the statement found in all three versions of the first -voyage of Cartier, which say that at Gaspé the land produced figs. - -Allefonsce confines his description chiefly to the route pursued by -him in his voyage with Roberval, though he speaks of the neighborhood -of Gaspé and Chaleur; while he calls the Island of Assumption -“L’Ascentyon.” He also says of the Saguenay, “Two or three leagues -within the entrance it begins to grow wider and wider, and it seems to -be an arm of the sea; and I think that the same runs into the Sea of -Cathay.”[273] - -We turn finally to the cartology of the voyages under consideration, -which, however, it is not proposed to treat here at much length, the -subject being well-nigh inexhaustible.[274] - -In the order of the Court of St. Malo, already referred to,[275] made -on the remonstrance of Cartier, we find that in March, 1533, he was -charged with the responsibility of a voyage to the New Lands, the -route selected being that of “the strait of the Bay of the Castle,” -now the Strait of Belle Isle. The existence of the Bay of St. Lawrence -was evidently known to Cartier. He must have learned something of the -region through the contemporary fishing voyages of the French. He -could have inferred nothing, however, from the map of Ruysch, 1508, -which made Newfoundland a part of Asia; though the Reinel map, 1505, -and the Portuguese map (1520), given by Kunstmann, show the Straits -of Belle Isle and the entrance to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, between -Cape Breton and Newfoundland. The anonymous map of 1527, published -by Dr. Kohl, with the Ribero map (1529), show both straits; though -when Ribero copied that map and made some additions, he substantially -closed them up.[276] On the Verrazano map of 1529 the straits were -indicated as open. The Maijolla map of 1527, though a Verrazano map, -gives a deep indenture, but no indication of an opening beyond. It was, -nevertheless, clear enough to Cartier at this time that the straits -entering north and south of Newfoundland led either to another strait -or to a large bay. Maps of the Gulf must have existed in Dieppe at the -period of his voyage, though, owing to the desire of the various cities -to gain a monopoly of the New World trade, he may not have obtained -much information from that Norman port. Cartier seems to have made maps -representing his explorations. There is a brief description of one map -contained in the letter of Jacques Noel, his grandnephew, written from -St. Malo in 1587 to Mr. John Grote, at Paris. In this map Canada was -well delineated, but it has now disappeared.[277] - -What may have been known popularly of Newfoundland at the time of -Cartier’s first voyage is shown by the Maijolla map (1527), the map of -Verrazano (1529), and the map of Gaspar Viegas (1534).[278] The latter -shows a part of Newfoundland, and the Cape Breton entrance to the Gulf -of St. Lawrence is simply the mouth of a _cul-de-sac_, into which empty -two streams,—“R. dos Poblas” and “Rio pria,”—indicating that the -Portuguese may have entered the Gulf. On the New Brunswick coast is -“S. Paulo,”—a name that Cartier is erroneously represented as giving -in 1535, at which time Cartier found the name in use, probably seeing -it on some chart. The Island of Cape Breton is laid down distinctly, -but we can hardly make “Rio pria” do duty for the St. Lawrence. The -Maijolla map (1527) shows “C. Paulo.” A map now preserved in the -Bodleian, given by Kohl,[279] and bearing date of “1536, die Martii,” -shows a dotted line running from Europe to Cathay, and passing through -an open strait north of Newfoundland. The map of Agnese (1536) makes no -mention of Cartier.[280] - -Oviedo,[281] in his description of the coast in 1537, shows no -knowledge of the Gulf. He mentions an Island of St. John, but this lay -out in the Atlantic near Cape Breton, close to the Straits of Canso. -Nevertheless he gives a description of the four coasts of Cape Breton -Island. Afterward describing Newfoundland out of Ribero, he puts an -Island of St. John on the east coast near Belle Isle,[282] while in -a corresponding position we see on Ribero’s map, as published by -Kohl, the Island of “S. Juan.”[283] Mercator’s rare map of 1538[284] -exhibits Newfoundland as circumnavigated, the southern part being -composed of broken islands, named “Insule Corterealis.” Canada is -“Baccalearum regio,” and North America is “Americæ,” or “Hispania -major, capta anno 1530.” A strait, “Fretum arcticum,” runs north of -Labrador to the Pacific. - -The Ptolemy published at Basle in 1540 shows a knowledge of Cartier’s -second voyage, Canada being called “Francisca;” while in the gulf -behind Newfoundland, called “Cortereali,” is a broad river like the St. -Lawrence, extending into the continent. - -Nevertheless, at this period many of the maps and globes bore no -recognition of Cartier. A Spanish globe, for instance, of about 1540 -shows no trace of Cartier, though behind Newfoundland—reduced to a -collection of small islands—is a great gulf indented with deep bays, -one being marked “Rio de Penico,” which may stand for the St. Lawrence, -and thus represent the alleged Portuguese exploration of the Gulf by -Alvarez Fagundes anterior to Cartier.[285] - -[Illustration: ALLEFONSCE, FOL. 62^A.] - -The map of Mercator published at Louvain in 1541 indicates no new -discovery of the French. Newfoundland appears as in the sketch of -1538, but in the Gulf, represented by a broad strait, we find, “C. das -paras,” “R. compredo,” and “R. da Baia.” The island of Cape Breton -bears the legend, “C. de teenedus bretoys.” - -Next in order, perhaps, come the sketches of Jean Allefonsce, pilot of -Roberval, who sailed with him for Canada, Aug. 22, 1541. Of his maps we -have four examples relating to the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the North. -Like the rest of his sketches, they are intercalated in his manuscript. -These particular sketches are found on folios 62, 179, 181, 183. Folio -62 represents Labrador and the regions to the north, with Iceland; -folio 179 shows “La Terra Neufe,” the southern part being an island, -and Labrador cut in two by a broad channel marked “La Bay d’au vennent -les glaces,” which Allefonsce thought came out of a fresh-water sea. -Folio 181 has the Gulf of St. Lawrence, with Assumption Island marked -“L’Ascention.” He invariably makes this mistake. - -[Illustration: ALLEFONSCE, FOL. 179.] - -The Gulf is called the Sea of Canada (_Mer de Canada_). There are three -inlets without names, representing Miramichi, Chaleur, and Gaspé. The -Gaspé region is called “Terre Unguedor.” The mouth of the St. Lawrence -is shown; and near the entrance, on the Labrador side, we find “La -Terre de Sept Isles.” There is an opening intended for Cartier’s Bay -of St. Lawrence; and farther eastward is “Cap de Thienot,” so named by -Cartier on his first voyage, after the Indian chief found there. Folio -183 indicates the Gulf again, as part of the Sea of Canada (_Partie -de la Mer de Canada_), together with a portion of the St. Lawrence, -marked “Riviere du Canada.” Where the sketch of folio 181 properly -shows “Unguedor,” we find “La Terre Franciscaine.” The Saguenay is -represented as a broad strait leading into a great sea, “La Mer du -Saguenay,” in which are three islands. These sketches, though rude, -possess considerable interest, as being the first known delineations of -the region made on the spot by an actual navigator; but the Saguenay -region is sketched fancifully from hearsay. - -[Illustration: ALLEFONSCE, FOL. 181^A.] - -In this connection we may mention Allefonsce’s sketches of the Atlantic -coast on folios 184, 186, 187 of his _Cosmographie_. The first includes -the entrance to the Gulf and the southern part of Newfoundland. The -entrance is marked “Entree des Bretons.” The Island of Cape Breton -bears its proper name, with the Straits of Canso clearly defined. Near -its true locality in the Gulf, but on too small a scale, we discover -the “Isla de Saint-Jean,” the “Isle Gazeas” of the map of Du Testu. The -New Brunswick section is styled, “One part of the Land of the Laborer” -(_Une partje de la Coaste du Laboureur_).[286] Cape Race, Newfoundland, -is called “Cap de Rat.” Folio 186 shows the New England coast proper, -with the River of Norumbega, south of which is “Cap de la Franciscaine” -and “Terre de la Franciscaine.” The next section (187) includes the -coast to Florida, with the West Indies and part of South America. - -It would prove interesting if one could establish the priority of -Allefonsce in his application of the name “Saint-Jean” to our present -Prince Edward Island.[287] The _Cosmographie_ was finished in 1545, -while the so-called Cabot map, which uses the same name, was published -in 1544. Now did Allefonsce adopt the name from this map of 1544? -Clearly the name was not given by Cartier, either on his first or -second voyage. On his third voyage he does not appear to have sailed on -that side of the Gulf, while we have no details of the fourth voyage. -He, however, gave the name of St. John to a cape on the west coast of -Newfoundland during his first voyage. Allefonsce called Prince Edward -Island by that name. A full discussion of this subject might involve -a fresh inquiry into the authenticity of the Cabot map, and expunge -“Prima Vista.” - -[Illustration: ALLEFONSCE, FOL. 183^A.] - -The globe of Ulpius, 1542, does not recognize the voyages of Cartier, -showing Canada as the “Baccalearum Regio,” with openings in the coast -north and south of Newfoundland, called “Terra Laboratores.” North -America appears as a part of Asia.[288] The Nancy globe, which also -shows North America as connected with Asia, indicates that the insular -character of Newfoundland, called “Corterealis,” was well known at -the time of its construction, about 1542. From the gulf behind the -island—the southern part of which is much broken—two rivers extend -some distance into the continent.[289] These globes are according to -the prevailing French idea of the period, making New France, as Francis -I. expressed it, a part of Asia. The map of Jean Rotz, 1542, shows the -explorations of Cartier, but omits the names that belong on the Gulf -and River of St. Lawrence.[290] - -The Vallard map 1544 (?) shows very fully the discoveries of Cartier, -his French names being corrupted by the Portuguese map-makers, who -promptly obtained a report of all that Cartier had done. The Gulf and -River of St. Lawrence appear simply as “Rio de Canada.”[291] - -In 1544 we reach the famous Cabot map,[292] drawn from French material, -fully illustrating the French discoveries in Canada, and practically -ignoring the claims of Spain, though the alleged author was in the -service of that country. This appears to be the first publication, -and in fact the first recognition in a printed form, of the voyages -of Cartier and Roberval, the narrative of Cartier’s second voyage not -appearing until the following year. - -[Illustration: ALLEFONSCE, CAPE BRETON, 1544-1545.] - -Next, we find in the map of the Dauphin, or Henri II. (1546), that -Roberval is recognized standing with his soldiers in martial array -on the bank of the Saguenay. Newfoundland is represented as a mass -of islands,—an idea not dissipated by the voyages of Cartier; but -the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence are well depicted, and show the -explorations of the sailor of St. Malo. We see the Island of Assumption -(our Anticosti), the Island of St. John (Alezay), Brion’s Island, and -the Bird Rocks, with many of the names actually given to points of -the coast by Cartier, which shows that he did his work with care, yet -without attempting to affix names to either the gulf or the river, -giving to the latter in his narrative the Indian name “Hochelaga.” On -this map[293] the name of “St. Laurens” stands where Cartier put it -on his first voyage, at the St. John’s River, though the name very -soon—we cannot say when—was applied to the Gulf, as to-day. Gomara -styles it San Lorenço in 1553. The _Isolario_ of Bordone (1549) has -no recognition of Roberval or Cartier, repeating the map found in the -edition of 1527. - -[Illustration: ALLEFONSCE, COAST OF MAINE, 1544-1545.] - -In this connection the map of Gastaldi (1550) is somewhat remarkable. -Publishing it in 1556, in the third volume of his _Raccolta_ in -connection with the “Discorso d’vn Gran Capitano,” supposed to -have been written in 1539, Ramusio says that he is aware of its -deficiencies. This map, as well as the “Discorso,” makes no reference -to Cartier, though the country is called “LA NVOVA FRANCIA.” The map -gives a lively picture of the region. Norumbega appears as an island, -and Newfoundland as a collection of large islands, with evidences -of what may stand for explorations in the Gulf lying behind; but, -unlike the globe just mentioned, it shows no names on the coast of the -Gulf.[294] The insular character of the Norumbega region is not purely -imaginary, but is based upon the fact that the Penobscot region affords -almost a continued watercourse to the St. Lawrence, which was travelled -by the Maine Indians. - -A map of Guillaume le Testu (1555),[295] preserved in the Department -of the Marine at Paris, exhibits very fully the work of Cartier. He -uses both the names “Francica” and “Le Canada.” To the Island of Prince -Edward, one cape of which Cartier called “Alezay,” he calls “Isle -Gazees.” The map marked xi. in Kunstmann’s _Atlas_ appears to apply “I: -allezai” to the same island. - -Diego Homem’s map (1558), in the British Museum, also shows the -explorations of Cartier, though, in a poor and disjointed way, -representing the Northern Ocean as extending down to the region of -the St. Lawrence, and as being connected therewith by several broad -passages. Mercator (given by Jomard) reveals the discoveries of Cartier -in a more sober way, though he puts “Honguedo” at the Saguenay instead -of at Gaspé. - -Here some notice should perhaps be taken of a map drawn in the year -1559,—the year 967 of the Hegira,—by the Tunisian, Hagi Ahmed, who -was addicted to the study of geography in his youth, and who, while -temporarily a slave among Christians, acquired much knowledge which -afterwards proved very serviceable. This map is cordiform, and engraved -on wood. It is described in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ -(1865, pp. 686-757). A delineation in outline is also given, though -this representation affords only a faint idea of its contents. It was -found in the archives of the Council of Ten, and was discussed by -the Abbé Assemani in 1795. He was awarded a gold medal by the Prince -of Venice, who caused it to be struck in his honor. His treatise was -limited to twenty-four copies, which were accompanied by an equal -number of copies of the map. The name “Hagi” indicates that Ahmed had -made the holy pilgrimage to Mecca. The photograph[296] of it measures -16½ × 16 inches, the representation of the earth’s surface being -bordered by descriptive text inclosed in scroll work. Only two and one -half inches are devoted to the coast from Labrador to Florida; the -work, accordingly, being very minute, is difficult to examine even -under a lens. The coast is depicted according to Ribero; the Gulf of -St. Lawrence not being shown, though deep indentations mark the two -entrances. He does not appear to have had access to any good charts, -and shows a poor knowledge of what Cartier had done. - -The map of Nicholas des Liens, of Dieppe (1566), which is a map of the -world, preserved under glass in the Geographical Department of the -Bibliothèque Nationale, gives on a small scale a curious representation -of Cartier’s exploration; the St. Lawrence as far as Quebec being -a broad gulf, one arm of which extends southwest, nearly to what -represents the New England coast. Along Lower Canada is spread out the -name “Jacques Cartier.” - -Mercator’s map of 1569 makes some improvement upon the Dauphin’s map of -1546, showing Cape Breton more in its true relation to the continent; -while Newfoundland is comprised in fewer fragments. North America and -the lands to the north are dominated by imagination; and in this map we -find the source of much of that confusion which the power of Mercator’s -name extended far into the seventeenth century.[297] Mercator does not -give any additional facts respecting the explorations of Cartier. - -The general map in the Ptolemy of 1574, by Ruscelli, shows North -America connected with both Asia and Europe, Greenland being joined -with the latter. Another map in this volume, showing the coast from -Florida to Labrador, presents Newfoundland in the old way as a -collection of islands, with three unnamed rivers extending into the -main at the westward.[298] - -Ortelius, in 1575, fashioned his map of the world after Mercator, and -shows “Juan” out in the sea off Cape Breton; while in his special map -of America, farther out, we find “Juan de Sump^o” in the place of -Mercator’s “Juan Estevan.”[299] - -The map of Thevet, given in his _Cosmographie Universelle_, 1575, -adds little to the interest of the discussion, as for the most part -he follows Mercator, the master of the period. On reaching the year -1584, the map of Jacques de Vaulx is found to show no improvement over -its immediate predecessors. The Gulf of St. Lawrence appears under its -present name, and the river, which is very wide, extends to Chilaga. -The Penobscot River runs through to the St. Lawrence, while a large -island, called “L’Isle St. Jehan,” lies in the sea along the coast -which occupies the region where we should look for a definition of the -peninsula of Nova Scotia.[300] On Lower Canada we read, “Terre Neufe.” -Newfoundland appears almost as a single island. - -[Illustration: DES LIENS (1566). - -[Sketched from a tracing furnished by Dr. De Costa.—ED.]] - -Porcacchi’s work, _L’Isole piv Famose del Mondo_ of 1590 (p. 161), -goes backward in a hopeless manner. A river extends from the region of -Nova Scotia into a great lake (Lago) near “Ochelaga,” the latter being -nearly the only word on the map distinctly recalling the voyages of -Cartier.[301] - -The map of De Bry, 1596, gives no light; though out at sea, off Cape -Breton, is the island “Fagundas.”[302] Wytfliet’s _Descriptionis -Ptolemaicæ_, etc., of 1597, contains the same representations of the -Gulf and River of St. Lawrence found in other editions, including the -Douay edition of 1611.[303] This author is also dominated by Mercator. - -The Molyneux map of 1600, among other points, shows Allefonsce’s Sea of -Saguenay, saying, “The Lake of Tadenac [Tadousac?], the boundes whereof -are unknown.”[304] On this map Newfoundland appears as one solid -island, while the Penobscot extends through to the St. Lawrence, which -itself flows westward into the great “Lake of Tadenac, the boundes -whereof are unknoune.”[305] - -Here we close our brief notice of a few of the representative maps -produced prior to the opening of the seventeenth century. A careful -examination of these maps would show, that, from the period of the -Dauphin Map down to the first voyage of Champlain to Canada, in 1603, -no substantial improvement was made by the cartographers of any nation -in the geographical delineation of the region opened to France by the -enterprise of Cartier and those who followed him. As we have shown -(_ante_, p. 61), the connection with New France was maintained, vast -profits being derived from the fisheries and from trade; but scientific -exploration appears to have been neglected, while the maps in many -cases became hopelessly confused. It was the work of Champlain to -bring order out of confusion; and by his well-directed explorations -to restore the knowledge which to the world at large had been lost, -carrying out at the same time upon a larger scale the arduous -enterprises projected by Jacques Cartier. - -[Illustration] - - -THE CARTOGRAPHY - -OF THE - -NORTHEAST COAST OF NORTH AMERICA. - -1535-1600. - -BY THE EDITOR. - -ALONZO DE CHAVES, who was made a royal cosmographer April 4, 1528, and -still retained that title, at the age of ninety-two, in 1584,[306] -is known to have made in 1536 a chart of the coast from Newfoundland -south; and though it is no longer extant, Harrisse[307] thinks its -essential parts are given in all probability in a chart of Diego -Gutierrez, preserved in the French archives.[308] It is known that -Oviedo based his description of the coast upon it; his full text -was not generally accessible till the Academy of History at Madrid -published its edition of the _Historia general de las Indias_[309] in -1852. - -[Illustration: FROM THE NANCY GLOBE. - -The key is as follows: 1. Gronlandia. 2. Corterealis. 3. Baccalearum -regio. 4. Anorombega.] - -During the few years immediately following the explorations of Cartier -we find little or no trace of his discoveries. There is scarcely any -significance, for instance, in the Agnese map of 1536,[310] the Apianus -map of 1540,[311] the Münster of the same year,[312] or in other -maps mentioned in connection with the Sea of Verrazano on an earlier -page.[313] A little more precision comes with the group of islands -standing for the Newfoundland region, which appears in the early -Mercator map of 1538 and in the gores of Mercator’s globe of 1541,[314] -and in the Nancy globe of about the same date; but the Ulpius globe -(1542) is uncertain enough, and has the names confused. - -We first begin to trace a sensible effect of Cartier’s voyage in -a manuscript in the British Museum[315] indorsed, _This Boke of -Idrography is made by me, Johne Rotz, Sarvant to the Kinges Mooste -Excellent Majestie_. The author was a Frenchman of Flemish name, and -his treatise is dated 1542. Harrisse[316] thinks that he used the -Portuguese-Dieppe authorities; and Kohl thinks that he must have had -access to the maps, now lost, which Cartier brought home from his first -voyage, while along the Gulf of Maine he depended upon the Spanish -accounts.[317] Both of the sketches from Rotz here given follow copies -in the Kohl Collection; one is a section from his map of the east coast -of North America, and the other is from his Western Hemisphere,—which -seems to indicate that he had in the interim between making the two -maps got tidings of Cartier’s later voyage.[318] - - -[Illustration: FROM THE ULPIUS GLOBE, 1542. - -The key is as follows: 1. Groestlandia. 2. Islandia. 3. Grovelat. -4. Terra Corterealis. 5. Baccalos. 6. Terra laboratoris. 7. Cavo de -Brettoni. Cf. the fac-simile on an earlier page.] - -Baptista Agnese at Venice seems not to have been as fortunate in -getting knowledge of Cartier’s voyages as Rotz in London was; and -two or three of his charts, dated 1543, showing this region, are -preserved. They give a pretty clear notion of the eastern coast of -Newfoundland, with “C. Raso” and “Terra de los Bretones” to the west of -it.[319] These Agnese maps are in London,[320] Paris, Florence,[321] -and Coburg.[322] Other maps by Agnese of a year or two later date, but -preserving much the same characteristics, are in the Royal Library at -Dresden,[323] dated 1544, and in the Marciana Collection at Venice, -dated 1545.[324] - -We get at last, as has been said in the previous chapter, the first -recognition in a printed map of the Cartier voyages in the great -Cabot map of 1544, of which a section is here reproduced,[325] and a -similar section is given by Harrisse in his _Cabots_, preserving the -colors of the original. Harrisse, by collating the references and -early descriptions, reaches the conclusion that there may have been -three, and perhaps four, editions of this map, of which a single copy -of one edition is now known. Of the maps accompanying the manuscript -_Cosmographie_ of Allefonsce, in the Paris Library, sufficient has been -said in the preceding text.[326] - -None of these explorations prevented Münster, however, from neglecting, -if he was aware of, the newer views which the Cabot map had made -public; and his eagerness for the western passage dictated easily -a way to the Moluccas in the “Typus universalis” of his edition of -Ptolemy in 1545. - -[Illustration: ROTZ, 1542 (_East Coast_).] - -In the same year (1545) a map of America appeared in the well-known -nautical handbook of the Spaniards, the _Arte de navegar_ of Pedro -de Medina, which was repeated in his _Libro de grandezas y cosas -memorables de España_ of 1549. A sketch of this part of the coast is -annexed, and it will be seen that it betrays no adequate conception of -what Cartier had accomplished. - -[Illustration: ROTZ, 1542 (_Western Hemisphere_).] - -To 1546 we may now assign the French map sometimes cited as that of -the Dauphin, and sometimes as of Henri II. It is but a few years since -Mr. Major first deciphered the legend: “Faictes a Arques par Pierre -Desceliers, presb^r, 1546.” Jomard, who gives a fac-simile of it, -places it about the middle of the century;[327] D’Avezac put it under -1542;[328] Kohl thought it was finished in 1543.[329] - -[Illustration: FROM THE CABOT MAPPEMONDE, 1544.] - -The annexed sketch will show that the Cartier discoveries are clearly -recognized. The Spanish names along the coast seem to indicate that the -maker used Spanish charts; and probably in part such as are not now -known to exist.[330] - -[Illustration: PART OF MÜNSTER’S MAP OF 1545. - -This sketch is reduced from a copy in Harvard College Library. This map -was re-engraved in the edition of _Ptolemy_ (1552), and on this last -plate the names of “Islandia” and “Bacalhos” are omitted, and “Thyle” -becomes “Island.” - -A different engraving is also found in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ (1554). - -Harrisse (nos. 188, 189) refers to unpublished maps of this coast of -about this date, which are preserved in the Musée Correr, and in the -Biblioteca Marciana at Venice, and to accounts of these and others in -Matkovic’s _Schiffer-Karten in den Bibliotheken zu Venedig_, 1863, and -in Berchet’s _Portolani esistenti nelle principali biblioteche_ _di -Venetia_, 1866.] - -[Illustration: FROM MEDINA, 1545. - -This is sketched from the Harvard College copy. The map is repeated in -the Seville edition of 1563,—the first edition (1545) having appeared -at Valladolid. The _Libro_, etc., is also in Harvard College Library.] - -A map preserved in the British Museum belongs to this period. That -library acquired it in 1790, and its Catalogue fixes it before 1536; -but Harrisse, because it does not give the Saguenay, which Cartier -explored in his third voyage, places it after October, 1546. Harrisse -thinks it is based on Portuguese sources, with knowledge also of -Cartier’s discoveries.[331] - -Dr. Kohl, in his Washington Collection, has included a map by Joannes -Freire, of which a sketch is annexed. It belonged to a manuscript -portolano when Kohl copied it, in the possession of Santarem, which is -described by Harrisse in his _Cabots_ (p. 220). Freire was a Portuguese -map-maker, who seems to have used Spanish and French sources, besides -those of his own countrymen. - -The New England coast belongs to a type well known at this time, and -earlier; and if the position of the legend about Cortereal has any -significance, it places his exploration farther south than is usually -supposed. The names along the St. Lawrence are French, with a trace of -Portuguese,—“Angoulesme,” for instance, becoming “Golesma.” - -[Illustration: HENRI II. MAP, 1546. - -The key is as follows: 1. Ochelaga. 2. R. du Saĝnay. 3. Assumption. -4. R. Cartier. 5. Bell isle. 6. Bacalliau. 7. C. de Raz. 8. C. aux -Bretons. 9. Encorporada. 10. Y^e du Breton. 11. Y^e de Jhan estienne. -12. Sete citades. 13. C. des isles. 14. Arcipel de estienne Gomez. - -Some of these names not in Ribero, nor in other earlier Spanish charts, -indicate that Desceliers had access to maps not now known.] - -Kohl placed in the same Collection another map of this region from an -undated portolano in the British Museum (no. 9,814), which in some -parts closely resembles this of Freire; but it is in others so curious -as to deserve record in the annexed sketch. Kohl argues, from the -absence of the St. Lawrence Gulf, that it records the observations of -Denys, of Honfleur, and the early fishermen. - -The precise date of the so-called Nicolas Vallard map is not certain; -for that name and the date, 1547, may be the designation and time of -ownership, rather than of its making. The atlas containing it was once -owned by Prince Talleyrand, and belongs to the Sir Thomas Phillipps -Collection. Kohl has conjectured that it is of Portuguese origin,[332] -and includes it in his Collection, now in the State Department at -Washington. - -[Illustration: FREIRE, 1546.] - -Cesáreo Fernandez Duro, in his _Arca de Noé; libro sexto de las -disquisiciones náuticas_, Madrid, 1881, gives a map of the St. Lawrence -Gulf and River of the sixteenth century. It was found in a volume -relating to the Jesuits in the Library of the Royal Academy of History -at Madrid, and was produced in fac-simile in connection with Duro’s -paper on the discovery of Newfoundland and the early whale and cod -fisheries,—particularly by the Basques. The date of the chart is too -indefinitely fixed to be of much use in reference to the progress of -discovery. Harrisse[333] is inclined to put its date after the close of -the century, even so late as 1603. - -Intelligence of Cartier’s tracks had hardly spread as yet into Italy, -judging from the map of Gastaldi in the Italian Ptolemy of 1548. -Mr. Brevoort[334] says of the sketch,—which is annexed,—that it -is a “draught entirely different from any previously published. The -materials for it were probably derived from Ramusio, who had collected -original maps to illustrate his Collection of Voyages, but who -published very few of them. In this particular map we find indications -of Portuguese and French tracings, with but little from Spanish ones.” - -Gastaldi is thought to have made the general map which appears in -Ramusio’s third volume (1556), five or six years earlier, or in 1550. -All that it shows for the geography of the St. Lawrence Gulf and River -is a depression in the coast nearly filled by a large island. In 1550, -and again in 1553, the Abbé Desceliers, who has already been shown to -be the author of the Henri II. map, made portolanos which are of the -same size, and bear similar inscriptions: (1) “_Faicte a Arques par -Pierres Desceliers, P. Bre: lan 1550_; and (2) _Faicte a Arques par -Pierre Desceliers, Prebstre_, 1553.” - -[Illustration: BRITISH MUSEUM, NO. 9,814.] - -No. 1 was in the possession of Professor Negri at Padua, when it was -described in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, September, -1852, p. 235. It is now in the British Museum.[335] Harrisse[336] -describes it, and says its names are essentially Portuguese. On -Labrador we read: _Terre de Jhan vaaz_ and _G. de manuel pinho_. The -St. Lawrence is not named, but the Bay of Chaleur bears its present -name. - -[Illustration: NIC. VALLARD DE DIEPPE.] - -No. 2, which is less richly adorned than the other, was intended for -Henri II., as would appear from its bearing that monarch’s arms. Some -inquiry into the life of its maker is given in the _Bulletin de la -Société de Géographie_, September, 1876, p. 295, by Malte-Brun. It is -owned by the Abbé Sigismond de Bubics, of Vienna. Desceliers was born -at Dieppe, and his services to hydrography have been much studied of -late.[337] - -[Illustration: FROM GASTALDI’S MAP. - -A sketch of map no. 56 in the Italian edition of Ptolemy, 1548, -entitled, “Della terra nova Bacalaos.” The following key explains it: -1. Orbellande. 2. Tierra del Labrador. 3. Tierra del Bacalaos. 4. -Tierra de Nurumberg. 5. C: hermoso. 6. Buena Vista. 7. C: despoir. 8. -C: de ras. 9. Breston. 10. C. Breton. 11. Tierra de los broton. 12. Le -Paradis. 13. Flora. 14. Angoulesme. 15. Larcadia. 16. C: de. s. maia. - -Paul Forlani, of Verona, had scarcely advanced beyond this plot of -Gastaldi, when so late as 1565 he published at Venice his _Universale -descrittione_ (Thomassy, _Les Papes géographes_, p. 118).] - -Harrisse[338] thinks that the praise bestowed upon Desceliers as the -creator of French hydrography is undeserved, as the excellence of the -maps of his time presupposes a long line of tentative, and even good, -work in cartography; and he holds that Portuguese influence is apparent -from the early part of the sixteenth century. - -Wuttke, in his “Geschichte der Erdkunde,”[339] describes and figures -several manuscript American maps from the Collection in the Palazzo -Riccardi at Florence, dated 1550 or thereabout; but they add nothing -to our knowledge respecting the region we are considering. One makes a -large gulf in the northeast of North America, and puts “Terra di la S. -Berton” on its east side, and “Ispagna Nova” on the west. This gulf has -a different shape in two other of the maps, and disappears in some. In -one there is a gulf prolonged to the west in the far north. - -At about this date we may place a curious French map, communicated -by Jomard to Kohl, and included by the latter in his Washington -Collection. A sketch of it is annexed.[340] It is manuscript, and -bears neither name nor date. The extreme northeastern part resembles -Rotz’s map of 1542, and the explorations of Cartier and Roberval seem -to be embodied. The breaking-up of Newfoundland would connect it with -Gastaldi’s maps, or the information upon which Gastaldi worked, while -the names on its outer coast are of Portuguese origin, with now a -Spanish and now a French guise. Farther south the coast seems borrowed -from the Spanish maps. The large river emptying into the St. Lawrence -from the south is something unusual on maps of a date previous to -Champlain. If it is the Sorel, Champlain’s discovery of the lake known -by his name was nearly anticipated. If it is the Chaudière, it would -seem to indicate at an early day the possibilities of the passage by -the portage made famous by Arnold in 1775, and of which some inkling -seems to have been had in the union of the St. Lawrence and the Gulf -of Maine not infrequently shown in the early maps. The most marked -feature of the map, however, is the insularity of the continent, with a -connection of the Western Ocean somewhere apparently in the latitude of -South Carolina, similar to that shown in John White’s map, as depicted -in the preceding chapter. It may, of course, have grown out of a belief -in the Sea of Verrazano; or it may have simply been a geographical -gloss put upon Indian reports of great waters west of the limit of -Cartier’s expedition. - -[Illustration: THE JOMARD MAP, 155—(?).] - -Harrisse[341] puts _circa_ 1553 a fine parchment planisphere, neither -signed nor dated, which is preserved in the Archives of the Marine -in Paris. It shows the English standard on Labrador (Greenland), the -Portuguese on Nova Scotia, and the Spanish at Florida. - -[Illustration: PART OF BELLERO’S MAP, 1554. - -The whole map is reproduced in Vol. VIII.] - -Another popular American map by Bellero was used in the Antwerp -_Gomara_ of 1554, and in several other publications issuing from -that city.[342] It was not more satisfactory, as the annexed sketch -shows,—which indicates that even in Antwerp the full extent of -Cartier’s explorations was not suspected. Nor had Baptista Agnese -divined it in his atlas of the same year, preserved in the Biblioteca -Marciana at Venice. Our sketch is taken from the fifth sheet as given -in a photographic fac-simile[343] issued at Venice in 1881, under the -editing of Professor Theodor Fischer, of Kiel. - -An elaborate portolano _Cosmographie universelle, par Guillaume -Le Testu_, and dated in 1555, is described by Harrisse[344] as an -adaptation of a Portuguese atlas, with the addition of some French -names. The northern regions of North America are called _Francia_. - -[Illustration: BAPTISTA AGNESE, 1554.] - -In 1556, in the third volume of Ramusio’s _Navigationi et viaggi_,[345] -Gastaldi, excelling a little his Ptolemy map of 1548,—a sketch -of which is given on p. 88,—produced his _Terra de Labrador et -Nova Francia_; while for the accounts which Ramusio now printed of -Cartier’s voyage, Gastaldi added the _Terra de Hochelaga nella Nova -Francia_,—which was simply a bird’s-eye view of an Indian camp.[346] - -In the same year (1556) the map of Volpellio was not less deceptive. -Two years later (1558) we find an atlas in the British Museum, the work -of Diego Homem, a Portuguese cartographer, which seems to indicate -other information than that afforded by Cartier’s voyages. It is not -so accurate as regards the St. Lawrence as earlier maps are, but shows -additional knowledge of the Bay of Fundy, which comes out for the -first time, and is not again so correctly drawn till we get down to -Lescarbot, half a century later. - -[Illustration: VOPELLIO. - -Part of the northern portion of Vopellio’s cordiform mappemonde, which -appeared in Girava’s _Cosmographia_, Milan, 1556; cf. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 200. The map is very rare; Stevens has issued a -fac-simile of it from the British Museum copy.] - -Girolamo Ruscelli, in the Venice edition of Ptolemy, 1561, gave a map -which was evidently derived from the same sources as the Gastaldi, as -the annexed sketch will show. - -A mere passing mention may be made of a large engraved map of -America, of Spanish origin, “Auctore Diego Gutierro, Phillipi regis -cosmographo,” dated 1562, because of its curious confusion of names and -localities in its Canadian parts.[347] - -[Illustration: GASTALDI IN RAMUSIO. - -Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_, p. 226 (who gives a modern rendering of -this map), puts the making of it at about 1550,—two years later than -the appearance of his Ptolemy map.] - -The atlas of Baptista Agnese of 1564, preserved in the British -Museum,[348] and another of his of the same date in the Biblioteca -Marciana, still retain some of the features of his earlier portolanos. -He always identifies Greenland with Baccalaos, and still represents -Newfoundland as a part of the main. Harrisse holds that he had not -advanced beyond the Toreno (Venice) map of 1534, and in 1564 knew -little more of the Newfoundland region than was known to Ribero and -Chaves thirty-five years earlier. - -[Illustration: HOMEM, 1558. - -This sketch follows a reproduction in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. -377; cf. _British Museum Catalogue of Manuscript Maps_ (1844), i. 27; -Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 243. Various atlases of Homem are preserved in -Europe. This 1558 map (giving both Americas) is included in Kohl’s -Collection at Washington, as well as another map of 1568, following a -manuscript preserved in the Royal Library at Dresden, purporting to -have been made by “Diegus Cosmographus” at Venice. Kohl thinks him the -Diego Homem of the 1558 map, which the 1568 map closely resembles, -though it makes the northern coast of America more perfect than in the -earlier draft.] - -The Catalogue of the King’s maps in the British Museum puts under 1562 -a map entitled, _Universale descrittione di tutta la terra cognosciuta -da Paulo di Forlani_. - -[Illustration: RUSCELLI, 1561. - -A sketch of his _Tierra Nueva_. The key is as follows: 1. Lacadia. -2. Angouleme. 3. Flora. 4. Le Paradis. 5. P. Real. 6. Brisa I. 7. -Tierra de los Breton. 8. C. Breton. 9. Breston. 10. C. de Ras. 11. C. -de Spoir. 12. Buena Vista. 13. Monte de Trigo. 14. Das Chasteaulx. -15. Terra Nova. 16. C. Hermoso. 17. S. Juan. 18. Isola de Demoni. 19. -Orbellanda. 20. Y. Verde. 21. Maida. - -There are reproductions of this map in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, -p. 233, and Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen-Age_, p. 170; cf. Harrisse, -_Cabots_, p. 237; and his _Notes, pour servir à l’histoire ... de la -Nouvelle France_, etc., no. 294.] - -Thomassy,[349] however, cites it as published in Venice in 1565, and -says it strongly resembles Gastaldi’s map, and is, perhaps, the same -one credited to Forlani under 1570, as showing the recent discoveries -in Canada. It is contained in the so-called Roman atlas of Lafreri, -_Tavole moderne di geografia_, Rome and Venice, 1554-1572.[350] - -[Illustration: ZALTIERI, 1566.] - -Next in chronological order comes an engraved map (15½ × 10½) -with the following title: _Il disegno del discoperto della Nova Franza -... Venetijs aeneis formis Bolognini Zalterij, Anno M.D. LXVI_.[351] -It gives the whole breadth of the continent, and is very erroneous in -the eastern parts. The “R. S. Lorenzo” runs southeast from a large -lake into the ocean between Lacadia and Baccalaos, while Ochelaga and -Stadaconi[352] are on a river running east farther to the north, whose -headwaters are in a region called “Canada.” The island C. Berton, as -well as Sable Island (Y. Darena), would seem to indicate that the coast -to the north of them is intended for the modern Nova Scotia, which -would make the river running from the lake the Penobscot, and the group -of islands east of Baccalaos a disjointed Newfoundland, compelling -the river rising near Canada to do duty for the St. Lawrence. The -large island, “Gamas,” is perhaps a reminiscence of Gomez.[353] The -map in these parts is so confused, however, that its chief interest -is to illustrate the strange commingling of error and truth, “which -we have received lately,” as the inscription reads, “from the latest -explorations of the French,”—which must, if it means anything, refer -to Roberval. The map has signs neither of latitude nor longitude. In -general contour it resembles other Italian maps of this time, like -those of Forlani, Porcacchi, etc. Zaltieri differs from Forlani, -however, in separating America from Asia. - -The great mappemonde of Gerard Mercator, introducing his well-known -projection, followed in 1569. The annexed sketch indicates its -important bearing on a portion of North American cartography. The -St. Lawrence is extended much farther inland than ever before, with -no signs of the Great Lakes, and it is made to rise in the southerly -part of the region, put in modern maps west of the Mississippi, -among mountains which also form a watershed westerly to the Gulf of -California and southerly to the Gulf of Mexico. - -[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1569. - -The key is as follows: 1. Hic mare est dulcium aquarum, cujus terminum -ignorari Canadenses ex relatu Saguenaiesium aiunt. 2. Hoc fluvio -facilior est navigatio in Saguenai. 3. Hochelaga. 4. P^o de Jacques -Cartier. 5. Belle ysle. 6. C. de Razo. 7. C. de Breton. 8. Y. della -Assumptione. 9. G. de Chaleur. - -A fac-simile of this map is given on a later page.] - -Kohl[354] sums up his essay on this map as follows: “It is a remarkable -fact, that while the icy seas and coasts of Greenland, Labrador, -Newfoundland, and Canada were depicted on the maps of the sixteenth -century with a high degree of truth, our coasts of New England and New -York were badly drawn so late as 1569; and their cartography remained -very defective through nearly the whole of the sixteenth century.” - -A close resemblance to Mercator is seen in the rendering of Ortelius -in the first (1570) edition of his _Theatrum orbis terrarum_.[355] -The contour and general details of North America, as established by -Mercator and Ortelius, became a type much copied in the later years -of the sixteenth century. The woodcut map in Thevet’s _Cosmographie -universelle_ (1575), for instance, is chiefly based on Ortelius, though -Thevet claimed to have based it on personal observation in 1556.[356] - -[Illustration: ORTELIUS, 1570.] - -The maps in De la Popellinière’s _Les trois mondes_ (1582), that of -Cornelius Judæus (1589), those in Maffeius’s _Historiarum Indicarum -libri xvi._ (1593), in Magninus’s _Geographia_ (1597), and in Münster’s -_Cosmographia_ (1598),—all follow this type. Reference may also be -made to a Spanish mappemonde of 1573 which is figured in Lelewel,[357] -an engraved Spanish map in the British Museum, evidently based on -Ortelius, and assigned by the Museum authorities to 1600; but Kohl, who -has a copy in his Washington Collection, thinks it is probably earlier. -A similar westward prolongation of the St. Lawrence River is found in -a “Typus orbis terrarum,” dated 1574, which, with a smaller map of -similar character, appeared in the _Enchiridion Philippi Gallæi, per -Hugonem Favolium_, Antwerp, 1585. Quite another view prevailed at the -same time with other geographers, and also became a type, as seen in -the map given by Porcacchi as “Mondo nuovo” in his _L’ isole piu famose -del mondo_, published at Venice in 1572, in which he mixes geographical -traits and names in a curious manner. It is not easy to trace the -origin of some of this cartographer’s points. - -A theory of connecting the Atlantic and the St. Lawrence on the line -of what is apparently the Hudson River, which had been advanced by -Ruscelli in the general map of the world in the 1561 edition of -Ptolemy, was developed in 1578 by Martines in his map of the world in -the British Museum, from a copy of which in the Kohl Collection the -accompanied sketch is taken.[358] - -What is known as Dr. Dee’s map was presented by him to Queen Elizabeth -in 1580, and was made for him, if not by him. It is preserved in the -British Museum, and the sketch here given follows Dr. Kohl’s copy in -his Washington Collection. Dee used mainly Spanish authorities, as many -of his names signify; and though he was a little too early to recognize -Drake’s New Albion, he was able to depict Frobisher’s Straits.[359] - -[Illustration: PORCACCHI, 1572. - -This is sketched from the copy in the Harvard College Library. The book -has a somewhat similar delineation in an elliptical mappemonde, of -which a fac-simile is given in Stevens’s _Historical and Geographical -Notes_. The bibliography of Porcacchi is examined in another volume.] - -The peculiarities of three engraved English maps of about this time -are not easy to trace. The first map is that in Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s -_Discourse_;[360] the second is the rude drawing which accompanied -Beste’s _True Discourse_ relating to Frobisher;[361] the third, that of -Michael Lok,[362] in Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_. Hakluyt, in the map -which he added to the edition of Peter Martyr published in Paris in -1587, conformed much more nearly to the latest knowledge.[363] - -We find what is perhaps the latest instance of New France being made -to constitute the eastern part of Asia, in the map (1587) given in -Myritius’s _Opusculum geographicum rarum_, published at Ingoldstadt -in 1590.[364] A group of small islands stands in a depression of the -coast, and they are marked “Insulæ Corterealis.” It carries back the -geographical views more than half a century. - -[Illustration: MARTINES, 1578.] - -In the Molineaux globe of 1592,[365] preserved in London, we find -a small rudimentary lake, which seems to be the beginning of the -cartographical history of the great inland seas,—a germ expanded in -his map of 1600[366] into his large “Lacke of Tadenac.” Meanwhile Peter -Plancius embodied current knowledge in his well-known map of the world. -So far as the St. Lawrence Valley goes, it was not much different from -the type which Ortelius had established in 1570. Blundeville, in his -_Exercises_ (1622, p. 523), describing Plancius’ map, speaks of it as -“lately put forth in the yeere of our Lord 1592;” but in the Dutch -edition of Linschoten in 1596 it is inscribed: _Orbis terrarum ... -auctore Petro Plancio_, 1594. - -[Illustration: JUDÆIS, 1593.] - -It appeared re-engraved in the Latin Linschoten of 1599; but in this -plate it is not credited to Plancius. The map which took its place in -the English Linschoten, edited by Wolfe, in 1598, was the same recut -Ortelius map which Hakluyt had used in his 1589 edition. This was the -work of Arnoldus Florentius à Langren, though Wolfe omits the author’s -name.[367] - -[Illustration: JOHN DEE, 1580.] - -In the map, “Americæ pars borealis, Florida, Baccalaos, Canada, -Corterealis, a Cornelio de Judæis in lucem edita, 1593,” which appeared -in that year in his _Speculum orbis terrarum_, Mercator and Ortelius -seem to be the source of much of its Arctic geography; but its Lake -Conibas, with its fresh water, records very likely some Indian story -of the Great Lakes lying away up the Ottawa,—which is presumably the -river rising in the Saguenay country. A legend on the map says that -its fresh water is of an extent unknown to the Canadians, who are, as -another legend says, the nations filling up the country from Baccalaos -to Florida. - -[Illustration: DE BRY, 1596.] - -It will be observed that to the northwest the Zeno map[368] has been -made tributary, while one name, “Golfo quarré,” is not in the place -usually given to it, since it is generally the alternative name of the -Gulf of St. Lawrence. The nomenclature of the coast from Cape Breton -south follows the Spanish names; and though Virginia is recognized by -name, there is no indication of the new geography of that region.[369] - -[Illustration: FROM WYTFLIET.] - -De Bry in 1596 added little that was new; and much the same may be said -of the maps in the edition of Ptolemy published at Cologne in 1597, and -numbered 2, 29, 34, and 35.[370] - -New France is also shown in the “Nova Francia et Canada, 1597,” which -is no. 18 of the series of maps in Wytfliet’s Continuation of Ptolemy. -Others in the same work show contiguous regions:— - -No. 15. “Conibas regio cum vicinis gentibus,”—Hudson’s Bay and the -region south of it. - -No. 17. “Norumbega et Virginia,”—from 37° to 47° north latitude. - -No. 19. “Estotilandia et Laboratoris,”—Labrador and Greenland, mixed -with the Zeni geography. - -[Illustration: QUADUS, 1600.] - -The map by Mathias Quaden, or Quadus, in the _Geographisches Handbuch_, -was published at Cologne in 1600, bearing the title, “Novi orbis pars -borealis.” The northeastern parts seem to be based on Mercator and -Ortelius. A marginal note at “Corterealis” defines that navigator’s -explorations as extending north to the point of what is called -Estotilant. In its Lake Conibas it follows the 1593 map of Judæis. - - * * * * * - -In this enumeration of the maps showing the Gulf and River St. -Lawrence down to the close of the seventeenth century, by no means -all of the reduplications have been mentioned; but enough has been -indicated to trace the somewhat unstable development of hydrographical -knowledge in this part of North America. Most interesting, among the -maps of the latter part of the century which have been omitted, are, -perhaps, the _Erdglobus_ of Philip Apian (1576), given in Wieser, -_Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 72; the mappemonde in Cellarius’ _Speculum -orbis terrarum_ (Antwerp, 1578); the map of the world in Apian’s -_Cosmographie augmentée, par Gemma Frison_ (Antwerp, 1581, 1584, and -the Dutch edition of 1598); the map of the world by A. Millo (1582), -as noted in the _British Museum Manuscripts_, no. 27,470; that in the -_Relationi universali di Giovanni Botero_, Venice (1595, 1597, 1598, -1603); the earliest English copperplate map in Broughton’s _Concent -of Scripture_ (1596); the _Caert-Thresoor_ of Langennes, Amsterdam, -1598; and, in addition, the early editions of the atlases of Mercator, -Hondius, Jannsen, and Conrad Loew, with the globes of Blaeuw. - -The maps in Langenes were engraved by Kærius, and they were repeated -in the French editions of 1602 and 1610 (?). They were also reproduced -in the _Tabularum geographicarum contractarum libri_ of Bertius, -Amsterdam, 1606, whose text was used, with the same maps, in Langenes’ -_Handboek van alle landen_, edited by Viverius, published at Amsterdam -in 1609. In 1618 a French edition of Bertius was issued by Hondius at -Amsterdam with an entirely new set of maps, including a general map of -America and one of “Nova Francia et Virginia.” - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -CHAMPLAIN. - -BY THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER. - - -FROM 1603 to 1635 the ruling spirit and prominent figure in French -exploration and colonization in America was Samuel de Champlain. -His temperament and character, as well as his education and early -associations, fitted him for his destined career. His home in the -little town of Brouage, in Saintonge, offered to his early years more -or less acquaintance with military and commercial life. He acquired a -mastery of the science of navigation and cartography according to the -best methods of that period. His knowledge of the art of pictorial -representation was imperfect, but nevertheless useful to him in the -construction of his numerous maps and topographical illustrations. -He wrote the French language with clearness, and without provincial -disfigurement. Several years in the army as quartermaster gave him -valuable lessons and rich experience in many departments of business. -Two years in the West Indies, visiting not only its numerous Spanish -settlements, including the City of Mexico on the northern and New -Grenada on the southern continent, gave him an intimate and thorough -knowledge of Spanish colonization. - -With such a preparation as this, at the age of thirty-five or -thirty-six, Champlain entered, in a subordinate position, upon his -earliest voyage to the Atlantic coast of North America. During -the preceding sixty years the French had taken little interest in -discovery, and had made no progress in colonization, though their trade -on the coast may have been kept up.[371] - -In 1603, Amyar de Chastes, a venerable governor of Dieppe, conceived -the idea of planting a colony in the New World, of removing thither -his family, and of finishing there his earthly career. He accordingly -obtained from Henry IV. a commission; and, associating with himself in -the enterprise several merchants, he sent out an expedition to make a -general survey, to fix upon a suitable place for a settlement, and to -determine what provision would be necessary for the accommodation of -his colony. De Chastes invited Champlain to accompany this expedition. -No proposition could have been more agreeable to his tastes. He -accepted it with alacrity, provided, however, the assent of the King -should first be obtained. This permission was readily accorded by -Henry IV., but was coupled with the command that he should bring back -a careful and detailed report of his explorations. Champlain was thus -made the geographer of the King. It is doubtless from this appointment, -unsought, unexpected, and almost accidental, that we are favored with -Champlain’s unparalleled journals, which have come down to us rich in -incident, prolific in important information, and covering nearly the -whole period of his subsequent career. - -The expedition set on foot by Amyar de Chastes left Honfleur on the -15th of March, 1603. It consisted of two vessels, one commanded by Pont -Gravé, a distinguished fur-trader and merchant, who had previously -made several voyages to the New World, and the other by Sieur Prevert, -both of them from the city of St. Malo. Two Indians, who had been -brought to France by Pont Gravé on a former voyage, accompanied the -expedition, and made themselves useful in the investigation which -ensued. Delayed by gales lasting many days, and by floating fields -of ice sometimes fifteen or twenty miles in extent, the company were -forty days in reaching the harbor of Tadoussac. Here, a short distance -from their anchorage, they found encamped a large number of savages, -estimated at a thousand, who were celebrating a recent victory. These -savages were representatives from the three great allied northern -families or tribes,—the Etechemins of New Brunswick and Maine, the -Montagnais of the northern banks of the St. Lawrence about Tadoussac, -and the Algonquins, coming from the vast region watered by the Ottawa -and its tributaries. They had just returned from a conflict with the -Iroquois near the mouth of the Richelieu. War between these tribes was -of long standing. All traditions as to its beginning are shadowy and -obscure; but it had clearly been in progress several generations, and -probably several centuries, renewing its horrors in unceasing revenge -and in constantly recurring cruelties. For the thirty years which -Champlain was yet to spend as the neighbor of these tribes such hostile -encounters were, as we shall see, a continual obstacle to his plans and -a steady source of anxiety. - -On the arrival at Tadoussac, preparations were at once made for -an exploration of the St. Lawrence. While these were in progress, -Champlain explored the Saguenay for the distance of thirty or forty -miles, noting its extraordinary character, its profound depth, its -rapid current, and impressed with the lofty and sterile mountains -between whose perpendicular walls its pent-up waters had forced their -way, moving down to the ocean with a heavy and irresistible flood. This -survey of the Saguenay was probably the first ever made by a European -explorer. At all events, Champlain’s description is the earliest which -has come down to us. - -On the 18th of June, leaving Tadoussac in a barque, and taking with -them a skiff made expressly for ascending rapids and penetrating -shallow streams, Champlain, Pont Gravé, and a complement of sailors, -with several Indians as guides and assistants, proceeded up the -St. Lawrence. From Tadoussac to Montreal they explored the bays and -tributary rivers, observing the character of the soil, the forests, -the animal and vegetable products, including all the elements of -present and prospective wealth. On reaching the Lachine Rapids above -Montreal, their progress was abruptly terminated. Neither their barque -nor their skiff could stem the current. They continued on foot along -the shore for several miles, but soon found it inexpedient with their -present equipment to proceed farther. Having obtained from the Indians -important, if not very definite, information concerning the country, -rivers, and lakes above the falls, and having likewise learned from -them that in the lake region far to the north native copper existed -and had been fabricated into articles of ornament, they returned to -Tadoussac. - -Champlain immediately organized another party to examine the southern -shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Skirting along the coast, they -touched at Gaspé, Mal-Bay, and Isle Percée, which were at that time -(1603) important stations, annually visited by fishermen of different -nations. Soon after reaching the southern coast they met a troop of -savages who were transporting arrows and moose-meat to exchange for the -skins of the beaver and marten with the more northern tribes whom they -expected to find at Tadoussac. Having obtained such information as they -desired of the country still farther south, and of the copper mines in -the region about the Bay of Fundy, Champlain’s party passed directly -from Gaspé to the northern side of the Gulf, touching somewhere near -the Seven Islands, and thence coasted along the inhospitable shores of -the northern side till they reached the harbor of Tadoussac. Having -completed their explorations and secured a valuable cargo of furs, -which was a subordinate purpose of the expedition, they returned to -France, arriving at Havre de Grâce on the 20th of September, 1603. - -On their arrival Champlain received the painful news of the death of -Amyar de Chastes, under whose auspices the expedition had been sent -out. This put an end to the present scheme of a colonial plantation. - -Champlain applied himself immediately to the preparation of an -elaborate report of his explorations, and in a few months it was -printed under the sanction of the King and given to the public. This -book proved of importance at that early stage of French colonization in -America; it covered, indeed, nearly the same ground which had been gone -over by Cartier sixty years before. But the survey had been more exact -and thorough; for he had observed more of the harbors and penetrated -more of the tributaries both of the river and of the gulf. The pictures -which he presented were more completely drawn, and detailed more -accurately the sources of wealth, while they conveyed the practical -information which was needed by those who were about to embark in the -colonization of the New World. This fresh statement of Champlain, -virtually with the royal commendation, awakened in the public mind, as -might well be expected, a new interest, and enterprising merchants in -different cities of France were not wanting who were ready to invest -their means in the new undertaking. - -This union of colonization and mercantile adventure was incongruous in -itself, and proved a constant impediment to settlements. The merchant -made his investments for no reason but to obtain immediate returns in -large dividends. On such conditions of profit, money for the necessary -outlays could be obtained, but upon no other. This put into the hand of -the merchant or adventurer a power which he exercised almost entirely -for his own advantage. What was necessary for the prosperity of the -colony which he seemed to be founding, he absorbed in frequent and -excessive dividends. The avarice of the merchant thus hampered the true -colonial spirit, and his demands consumed the profits which should -have given solid strength and expansion to the colony. This condition -was a constant source of annoyance and discouragement to Champlain, -and against it he found it necessary to contend throughout his whole -career, but with not very satisfactory results.[372] - -It was two months after the return of this first Canadian voyage of -Champlain when the commission was granted to the Sieur de Monts of -which an account is given in the following chapter. De Monts had -succeeded in forming an association of merchants, who were lured by the -prospects of the profits of the fur-trade. Taking himself the charge -of one of his vessels, of one hundred and fifty tons, and putting Pont -Gravé over the other, of one hundred and twenty tons, accompanied by -several noblemen, among whom was Poutrincourt, and with Champlain still -in the capacity of geographer of the King, they led forth their company -of one hundred and twenty men,—laborers, artisans, and soldiers,—of -whom about two thirds were to remain as colonists. - -De Monts, who had been in the Gulf of St. Lawrence with De Chauvin -several years before, decided to seek out a suitable location for -his colony in a milder climate, which he could well do without going -beyond the limits of his grant. The expedition reached the shores of -Nova Scotia early in May, where they captured and confiscated several -vessels engaged in a contraband fur-trade. Pont Gravé proceeded -through the Strait of Canseau to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in order to -prosecute more successfully the fur-trade, by which the expenses of the -outfit were to be met. - -Champlain’s duties as an explorer and geographer began at once. He -proceeded in a barque of about eight tons, accompanied by several -gentlemen, sailing in advance of the vessel, exploring the southern -coast of the peninsula of Nova Scotia, touching at numerous points, -visiting the harbors and headlands, giving them names, and making -drawings, until he reached St. Mary’s Bay, within the opening of -the Bay of Fundy, where he discovered several mines of silver and -iron. Subsequently having been joined by De Monts, continuing his -examinations, he entered Annapolis Harbor, crept along the western -shore of Nova Scotia, and passing over to New Brunswick, skirted the -whole of its southern coast, and entered the Harbor of St. John; then -exploring Passamaquoddy Bay as far as the mouth of the River St. Croix, -he finally reached the island which the patentee selected as the seat -of his new colony. - -Champlain—undoubtedly the best engineer in the party—was immediately -directed to lay out the grounds and fix upon the situation and -arrangement of the buildings, which were forthwith erected.[373] - -This settlement, here and at Port Royal,[374] under the charter of De -Monts, continued for three years, making, as might well be expected, -but little progress as a colony, the principal achievement being -the cultivation of some small patches of ground, the raising of a -few specimens of European grains, and of garden vegetables for its -own use. It has consequently very little historical significance in -itself. But it served in the mean time a very important purpose as -a base, necessary and convenient, for the extensive explorations -made by Champlain on the Atlantic coast, stretching from Canseau, at -the eastern extremity of Nova Scotia, to the Vineyard Sound, on the -southern shores of Massachusetts. These geographical surveys occupied -him three summers, while the intervening winters were employed in -executing a general chart of the whole region, together with many local -maps of the numerous bays, harbors, and rivers along the coast.[375] - -The first of these surveys was made during the month of September, -1604. This expedition was under the sole direction of Champlain, and -was made in a barque of seventeen or eighteen tons, manned by twelve -sailors, and with two Indians as guides. He examined the coast from the -mouth of the St. Croix to the Penobscot. He was especially interested -in the beautiful islands which fringe the coast, particularly in Mount -Desert and Isle Haute, to which he gave the names which they still -bear. Sailing up the Penobscot, called by the Indians the Pentegöet, -and by Europeans who had passed along the coast the Norumbegue, he -explored this river to the head of tide-water, at the site of the -present city of Bangor, where a fall in the river intercepted his -progress. In the interior, along the shores of the river, he saw -scarcely any inhabitants; and by a very careful examination he was -satisfied beyond a doubt that the story, which had gained currency from -a period as far back as the time of Alfonse, about a large native town -in the vicinity, whose inhabitants had attained to some of the higher -arts of civilization, was wholly without foundation. He not only saw -no such town, but could find no remains or other evidence that one had -ever existed. Having spent nearly a month in his explorations, he -obtained a good knowledge of the country and much information as to the -inhabitants, when having exhausted his provisions, he returned to his -winter quarters at De Monts’ Island. - -The next expedition was made early in the following summer, after it -had been decided to abandon the island. Accordingly, on the 18th of -June, 1605, De Monts himself, with Champlain as geographer, several -gentlemen and twenty sailors, together with an Indian and his wife, -necessary guides and interpreters, set sail for the purpose of finding -a more eligible situation somewhere on the shores of the present New -England. Passing along the coast which had been explored the preceding -autumn, they soon came to the mouth of the Kennebec. Entering this -river, and bearing to the easterly side, they sailed through a tidal -creek, now called Back River, into the waters of the Sheepscot, and -passing round the southern point of Westport Island, skirting its -eastern shore, they came to the site of the present town of Wiscasset. -Lingering a short time, exchanging courtesies with a band of Indians -assembled there, and entering into a friendly alliance with them, they -proceeded down the western shores of Westport, and passing through -the Sasanoa, again entered the Kennebec, and sailed up as far as -Merrymeeting Bay, where, by their conference with the Indians whom they -met in the Sheepscot, they were led to believe they should meet Marchin -and Sasinou, two famous chiefs of that region, whose friendship it was -good policy to secure. Failing of this interview, they returned by a -direct course to the mouth of the Kennebec. - -Champlain having made a sketch of the mouth of the river, the islands -and sandbars, with the course and depth of the main channel, the party -moved on towards the west. Examining the coast as they proceeded, -they passed without observing the excellent harbor of Portland, -concealed as it is by the beautiful islands clustering about it, and -next entered the bay of the Saco, which stretches from Cape Elizabeth -to Fletcher’s Neck. Here they observed strong contrasts between the -natives and those of the coast farther east. Their habits, mode of -life, and language were all different. Hitherto the Indians whom they -had seen were nomadic, living wholly by fishing and the chase. Here -they were sedentary, and subsisted mainly on the products of the soil. -Their settlement was surrounded by fine fields of Indian corn, gardens -of squashes, beans, and pumpkins, and ample patches of tobacco. They -observed also on the bank of the river a fort, which was made of lofty -palisades. After tarrying two days in this bay, making ample sketches -of the whole, including the islands, the place now known as Old Orchard -Beach, and the dwellings on the shore, and having bestowed on the -natives some small presents as tokens of gratitude for cordial and -friendly entertainment, the French, on the 12th July, once more weighed -anchor. Keeping close in, following the sinuosities of the shore, and -lingering here and there, they observed everything as they passed, and -on the morning of the 16th arrived at Cape Anne. - -[Illustration: PORT ST. LOUIS. - -[From the edition of 1613. Key: _A_, anchoring-place. _B_, channel. -_C_, two islands (the left-hand one seems to be what is now known -as Saquish, a peninsula connected at present with the Gurnet Head, -here marked _H_; the right-hand one is the present Clark’s Island). -_D_, sand-hills (apparently the low sand-hills of Duxbury beach). -_E_, shoals. _F_, cabins and tillage ground of the natives. _G_, -beaching-place of our barque (apparently the present Powder Point). -_H_, land like an island, covered with wood (the present Gurnet -Head). _I_, high promontory, seen four or five leagues at sea. This -promontory has usually been called Manomet, and if the right-hand of -the map is north, it has the correct bearing from the Gurnet; but it -is in that case very strange that so marked a feature as the sand-spit -known as Plymouth Beach is not indicated, and no sign is given of the -conspicuous eminence known as Captain’s Hill. If, however, we consider -the top of the map north (and the engraver may be accountable for -the erroneous fashioning of the points of the compass), it becomes -at once perfectly comprehensible as a sketch of that part of the bay -known as Duxbury Harbor, and would not, accordingly, show that part -of the shore on which the Pilgrims landed. In this view the hill _I_ -becomes Captain’s Hill, and the rest of the plan, though but rudely -conforming to the lines of Duxbury Harbor, is much more satisfactory in -its topographical correspondences than the other theory would allow. -See the modern map of the harbor in Vol. III. chap. viii. Cf. further -Davis’s _Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth_, p. 35, and the papers in the -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, December, 1882. - -It will be remembered that the French found in all this region populous -communities, which had been greatly reduced or destroyed by a plague -in 1616 and 1617, before the English made their settlements. Mr. Adams -has grouped the authorities on this point in his Morton’s _New English -Canaan_, p. 133. - -The French accounts of these Massachusetts Indians may be compared -with the later English descriptions of Smith, Winslow, Wood, Morton, -Williams, Lechford, Josselyn, and Gookin. - -The French continued to frequent the Massachusetts coast for some -years. We have accounts of two of their ships, at least, which were -lost there between 1614 and 1619,—one on Cape Cod, two of whose crew -were reclaimed by Dermer (Bradford’s _Plymouth Plantation_, 98), and -the other in Boston Harbor, whose crew were killed. Cf. 4 _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, iv. 479, 489, in Phinehas Pratt’s narrative; Morton’s _New -English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 131; Mather’s _Magnalia_, book i. -chap. ii.—ED.]] - -Their stay here was brief, its chief feature being an interview with -the natives, whom they found cordial and highly intelligent. The -Indians made an accurate drawing, with a crayon furnished by Champlain, -of the outline of Massachusetts Bay, and indicated correctly their six -tribes and chiefs by as many pebbles, which they skilfully arranged for -the purpose. - -Holding short interviews with the natives at different points, -threading their way among the islands which besprinkle the bay, many -of which, as well as ample fields on the mainland, were covered -with waving corn, they sailed into Boston Harbor. The next day they -proceeded along the south shore, and on the 19th entered and made -such survey as they could of the little bay of Plymouth, destined a -few years later to become the seat of the first permanent English -settlement in New England. Besides a description of the Indian methods -and implements of fishing, in which vocation he found them engaged, -and of the harbor and its surroundings, Champlain has left us a sketch -of the bay, to which he gave the name of Port St. Louis. This sketch -is certainly creditable, when we bear in mind that it was made without -surveys or measurements of any kind, and during a hasty visit of a -few hours. Leaving Plymouth Harbor, and keeping along the coast, they -made the complete circuit of the bay, and rounding the point of Cape -Cod they sailed in a southerly direction, and entered an insignificant -tidal inlet now known as Nauset Harbor. Here they lingered several -days, making inland excursions, gathering much valuable information -relating to the Indians, their mode of dress, ornamentation, the -structure of their dwellings, the preparation of their food, and the -cultivation of the soil. These particulars did not differ essentially -from what they had observed at Saco, on the coast of Maine, and -indicated clearly that the people belonged to the same great family. - -Their provisions being nearly exhausted, it now became necessary to -turn back. On reaching the mouth of the Kennebec, they learned that an -English ship had been anchored at the island of Monhegan, which proved -to be the “Archangel,” in command of Captain George Weymouth, who was -making an exploration on the coast at that time, under the patronage -of the Earl of Southampton. The conflicting claims of the French and -English to the territory which Champlain was now exploring will come -into prominence later in our story. On arriving at De Monts Island, it -became necessary to hasten arrangements for the removal of the colony -to a situation less exposed; but in all the explorations thus far made -they had found no location which was in all respects satisfactory for -a permanent settlement. They determined, therefore, to transfer the -colony at once to Annapolis Basin, where the climate was milder and the -situation better protected. The buildings were forthwith taken down -and transported to the new site. De Monts, the governor, soon after -departed for France, in order to obtain from the King assistance in -establishing and enlarging the domain of his colony. The command in his -absence was placed in the hands of Pont Gravé. Champlain determined -also to remain, in the hope of “making new explorations towards -Florida.” - -During the early autumn Champlain made an excursion across the bay to -St. John, whence, piloted by an Indian chief of that place, he visited -Advocate’s Harbor, near the head of the Bay of Fundy, in search of a -copper mine. A few small bits of that metal, which was all he found, -offered little inducement for further search. - -The colony, in their new quarters at Port Royal, suffered less from -the severity of the climate during the winter than they had done on -the preceding one at De Monts Island. Nevertheless the dreaded _mal -de la terre_, or scurvy, made its appearance, and twelve out of the -forty-five settlers died of that disease. Early in the spring several -attempts were made to continue their explorations along the southern -coast; but, much to their disappointment, they were as often driven -back by disastrous storms. The supplies needed for the succeeding -winter were much delayed, and did not come till late in July, when De -Poutrincourt arrived as lieutenant of De Monts, and took command at -Port Royal. - -On the 5th of September an expedition under De Poutrincourt, -together with Champlain as geographer, departed to continue their -explorations.[376] It was Champlain’s opinion that they should sail -directly for Nauset Harbor, where their previous examinations had -terminated, and from that point make a careful survey of the coast -farther south. Had his counsels prevailed, they might, during the -season, have completed the exploration of the whole New England coast. -But De Poutrincourt desired to examine personally what had already been -explored by previous expeditions. In this re-survey they discovered -Gloucester Harbor, which they had not seen before. They found it -spacious, well protected, with good depth of water, surrounded by -attractive scenery, and therefore named it _Le Beauport_, the beautiful -harbor. It was fringed with the dwellings and gardens of two hundred -natives. In their mode of life they were sedentary, like those at Saco -and at Boston, and they gave their guests a friendly welcome, offering -them the products of the soil,—grapes just from the vines, squashes -of different varieties, the trailing-bean which is still cultivated -in New England, and the Jerusalem artichoke, fresh and crisp, the -product of their industry and care. After several days at Gloucester, -the voyagers proceeded on their course, and finally rounded Cape Cod, -touched again at Nauset, and after infinite trouble and no less danger -crept round Monomoy Point and entered Chatham Harbor, where they found -it necessary to remain some days for the repair of their disabled -barque. From Chatham as a base they made numerous inland excursions, -and also sailed along the shore as far as the Vineyard Sound, which was -the southern terminus of Champlain’s explorations on the coast of New -England. The work of exploration having thus been completed, spreading -their sails for the homeward voyage, touching at many points on their -way, they reached Annapolis Harbor on the 14th of November. - -The winter that followed was employed by the colonists in such minor -enterprises as might seem to bear on their future prospects. Near -the end of the following May a ship arrived from France bringing a -letter from De Monts, the patentee, stating that by order of the -King his monopoly of the fur-trade had been abolished, and directing -the immediate return of the colony to France. The cause of this -sudden reverse of fortune to De Monts, of this withdrawal of his -exclusive right to the fur-trade, is easily explained. The seizure -and confiscation of several ships and their valuable cargoes on the -coast of Nova Scotia had awakened a personal hostility in influential -circles, and they easily represented that the monopoly of De Monts was -destroying an important branch of national commerce, and diverting to -the emolument of a private gentleman revenues which belonged to the -State. - -Preparations for the return to France were undertaken without delay. -Meanwhile two excursions were made, one, accompanied by Lescarbot the -historian, to St. John and to the seat of the first settlement at De -Monts Island; another, under De Poutrincourt, accompanied by Champlain, -to the head of the Bay of Fundy. The bulk of the colonists left near -the end of July, in several barques, to rendezvous at Canseau, while De -Poutrincourt and Champlain remained till the 11th of August, when they -followed in a shallop, keeping close to the shore, which gave Champlain -an opportunity to examine the coast from La Hève to Canseau,—the last -of his explorations on the Atlantic coast. - -As the geographer of the King, Champlain had been engaged in his -specific duties three years and nearly four months. His was altogether -pioneer work. At this time there was not a European settlement of any -kind on the eastern borders of North America, from Newfoundland on -the north to Mexico on the south. No exploration of any significance -of the vast region traversed by him had then been made. Gosnold and -Pring had touched the coast; but their brief stay and imperfect and -shadowy notes are to the historian tantalizing and only faintly -instructive.[377] Other navigators had indeed passed along the shore, -sighting the headlands of Cape Anne and Cape Cod, and had observed some -of the wide-stretching bays and the outflow of the larger rivers;[378] -but none of them had attempted even a hasty exploration. Champlain’s -surveys, stretching over more than a thousand miles of sea-coast, are -ample, and approximately accurate. It would seem that his local as well -as his general maps depended simply on the observations of a careful -eye; of necessity they lacked the measurements of an elaborate survey. -Of their kind they are creditable examples, and evince a certain ready -skill. The nature and products of the soil, the wild, teeming life -of forest and field, are pictured in his text with minuteness and -conscientious care. His descriptions of the natives, their mode of -life, their dress, their occupations, their homes, their intercourse -with each other, their domestic and civil institutions as far as they -had any, are clear and well defined, and as the earliest on record, -having been made before Indian life became modified by intercourse with -Europeans, will always be regarded by the historian as of the highest -importance. - -On the 3d of September, 1607, the colonists, having assembled by -agreement at Canseau, embarked for France, and arrived at St. Malo -early in October. Champlain hastened to lay before De Monts the results -of his explorations, together with his maps and drawings. The zeal of -De Monts was rekindled by the recital, notwithstanding the losses he -had sustained and the disappointments he had encountered. Specimens -of grain, corn, wheat, rye, barley, and oats, together with two or -three braces of the beautiful brant goose, which had been bred from -the shell, were presented to the King as products of New France and -as an earnest of its future wealth. Henry IV. was not insensible to -the merits of the faithful De Monts, and he granted him a renewal of -his monopoly of the fur-trade, but only for a single year. With this -limitation of his privilege, stimulated by the futile hope of getting -it extended at its expiration, De Monts fitted out two vessels,—one to -be commanded by Pont Gravé, and devoted exclusively to the fur-trade, -while the other was to be employed in transporting men and material -for a settlement or plantation on the River St. Lawrence. Of this -expedition Champlain was constituted lieutenant-governor,—an office -which he subsequently continued to hold in New France, with little -interruption, till his death in 1635. - -On the 13th of April, 1608, he left Honfleur, and arrived at Tadoussac -on the 3d of June. Here he found Pont Gravé, who had preceded him, in -serious trouble. A Basque fur-trader and whale-fisherman, who did not -choose to be restrained in his trade, had attacked him, killed one of -his men, severely wounded Pont Gravé himself, and taken possession -of his armament. The illegal character of this proceeding and its -utter disregard of the King’s commission clearly merited immediate -and severe punishment. While the Governor was greatly annoyed, he -did not, however, allow passion to warp his judgment or overcome the -dictates of reason. The punishment, so richly deserved, could not be -administered without the sacrifice of all his plans for the present -year. With a characteristic prudence he therefore decided, “in order -not to make a bad cause out of a just one,” to use his own expression, -upon a compromise, by referring the final settlement to the authorities -in France, with the assurance, in the mean time, that there should be -no further interference by either party with the other. - -[Illustration: TADOUSSAC. - -Champlain’s plan in the edition of 1613. Key: _A_, Round Mountain. _B_, -harbor. _C_, fresh-water brook. _D_, camp of natives coming to traffic. -_E_, peninsula. _F_, Point of all Devils. _G_, Saguenay River. _H_, -Point aux Alouettes. _I_, very rough mountain covered with firs and -beeches. _L_, the mill Bode. _M_, roadstead. _N_, pond. _O_, brook. -_P_, grass-land.] - -Having constructed a small barque of about fourteen tons, and taken -on board a complement of men and such material as was needed for his -settlement, he proceeded up the River St. Lawrence. On the fourth -day the French approached the lofty headland jutting out upon the -river and forcing it into a narrow channel, to which, on account of -this narrowing, the Algonquins had given the significant name of -Quebec.[379] Here on a belt of land at the base of a lofty precipice, -along the water’s edge, on the 3d day of July, 1608, Champlain laid the -foundations of the city which still bears the name of Quebec. - -[Illustration: QUEBEC, 1613. - -[A fac-simile of Champlain’s plan in the edition of 1613. Key: _A_, Our -habitation, now the Point; _B_, cleared ground for grain, later, the -Esplanade, or Grande Place; _C_, gardens; _D_, small brook; _E_, river -where Cartier wintered, called by him St. Croix, now the St. Charles; -_F_, river of the marshes; _G_, grass-land; _H_, Montmorency Falls, -twenty-five fathoms high (really forty fathoms high); _I_, end of Falls -of Montmorency, now Lake of the Snows; _R_, Bear Brook, now La Rivière -de Beauport; _S_, Brook du Gendre, now Rivière des Fons; _T_, meadows -overflowed; _V_, Mont du Gas, very high, now the bastion Roi à la -Citadelle; _X_, swift mill-brooks; _Y_, gravelly shore, where diamonds -are found; _Z_, Point of Diamonds; _9_, sites of Isle d’Orléans; _L_, -very narrow point, afterward known as Cap de Lévis; _M_, Roaring -River, which extends to the Etechemins; _N_, St. Lawrence River; _O_, -lake in the Roaring River; _P_, mountains and “bay which I named New -Biscay;” _Q_, lake of the natives’ cabins. Cf. Slafter’s edition, ii. -175. This map is often wanting in copies of this edition; cf. _Menzies -Catalogue_, no. 368. There is another fac-simile of it in the _Voyages -de Découverte au Canada_, published by the Literary and Historical -Society of Quebec in 1843.—ED.]] - -The remaining part of the season was employed in establishing his -colony, in felling the forest trees, in excavating cellars, erecting -buildings, in laying out and preparing gardens, and in the necessary -preparations for the coming winter. Among the events to occupy the -attention of the Governor early after their arrival was the suppression -of a conspiracy among his men which aimed at his assassination, the -seizure of the property of the settlement, and the conversion of it -to their own use. Proceeding cautiously in eliciting all the facts, -Champlain got the approbation of the officers of the vessels and -others, and condemned four of the men to be hanged. The sentence was -executed upon the leader at once, while the other three were sent -back to France for a review and confirmation of their sentence in the -courts. This prompt exercise of authority had a salutary effect, and -good order was permanently established. The winter was severe and -trying, especially to the constitutions of men unaccustomed to the -intense cold of that region, and disease setting in, twenty of the -twenty-eight which comprised their whole number died before the middle -of April. The suffering of the sick, the mortality which followed, -the starving savages who dragged their famishing and feeble bodies -about the settlement, and whose wants could be but partially supplied, -produced a depression and gloom which can hardly be adequately pictured. - -Early in June, 1609, Pont Gravé returned from France with supplies -and men for the settlement. The colony, even thus augmented, was -small; and under the system on which it was established and was to -be maintained, there was little assurance that it would be greatly -enlarged. During the first twenty-five years its whole number did not -probably at any time much exceed one hundred persons. While there was a -constant struggle to enlarge its borders and increase its numbers, it -was in fact only a respectable trading-post, maintained at a limited -expense for the economical and successful conduct of the fur-trade. -The responsibility of the Lieutenant-Governor was mostly confined -to maintaining order in this little community, and in giving the -men occupation in the gardens and small fields which were put under -cultivation, and in packing and shipping peltry during the season of -trade. For a man of the character, capacity, and practical sense of -Champlain, this was a mere bagatelle. He naturally and properly looked -forward to the time when New France should become a strong and populous -nation. Its territorial extent was at present unknown. The channel only -of the St. Lawrence, including the narrow margin that could be seen -from the prow of the barque as it sailed along its shore from Tadoussac -to the Lachine Rapids, had been explored. A vast continent stretched -away in the distance, shrouded in dark forests, diversified with deep -rivers and broad lakes, concerning which nothing whatever was known, -except that which might be gathered from the shadowy representations -of the wild men roaming in its solitudes. To know the capabilities of -this mysterious, unmeasured domain; to learn the history, character, -and relations of the differing tribes by whom it was inhabited,—was -the day-dream of Champlain’s vigorous and active mind. But to attain -this was not an easy task. It required patience, discretion, endurance -of hardship and danger, a brave spirit, and an indomitable will. With -these qualities Champlain was richly endowed, and from his natural love -of useful adventure, and his experience in exploration, he was at all -times ready and eager to push his investigations into these new regions -and among these pre-historic tribes. - -[Illustration: THE ST. LAWRENCE, 1609. - -[From Lescarbot’s map, showing Quebec (Kebec) and Tadoussac at the -mouth of the Saguenay.—ED.]] - -During the winter Champlain had learned from the Indians who came to -the settlement that far to the southwest there existed a large lake, -whose waters were dotted with beautiful islands, and whose shores were -surrounded by lofty mountains and fertile valleys. An opportunity to -explore this lake and the river by which its waters were drained into -the St. Lawrence was eagerly coveted by Champlain. This region occupied -a peculiar relation to the hostile tribes on the north and those on -the south of the St. Lawrence. It was the battle-field, or war-path, -where they had for many generations, on each returning summer, met -in bloody conflict. The territory between these contending tribes -was neutral ground. Mutual fear had kept it open and uninhabited. -The Montagnais in the neighborhood of Quebec were quite ready to -conduct Champlain on this exploration, but it was nevertheless on the -condition that he should assist them in an attack upon these enemies if -encountered on the lake. To this he acceded without hesitation. It is -possible that he did not appreciate the consequences of assuming such -a hostile attitude toward the Iroquois; but it is probable that he was -influenced by a broad national policy, to which we shall revert in the -sequel. - -[Illustration: VIEW OF QUEBEC. - -[Champlain’s, in his edition of 1613. Key: _A_, storehouse; _B_, -dovecote; _C_, armory and workmen’s lodging; _D_, workmen’s lodging; -_E_, dial; _F_, blacksmith shop and mechanics’ lodging; _G_, galleries -all about the dwellings; _H_, Champlain’s house; _I_, gate and -drawbridge; _L_, promenade, ten feet wide; _M_, moat; _N_, platform for -cannon; _O_, Champlain’s garden; _P_, kitchen; _Q_, open space; _R_, -St. Lawrence River. This print is also reproduced in Lemoine’s _Quebec -Past and Present_, Quebec, 1876, and in _Voyages de Découverte au -Canada_, published by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec in -1843.—ED.]] - -On the 18th day of June Champlain left Quebec for this exploration. His -escort of Montagnais was subsequently augmented by delegations from -their allies, the Hurons and the Algonquins. - -[Illustration: Champlain - -[This follows the Hamel painting after the Moncornet portrait, as -given in Dr. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. ii., and _Le Clercq_, i. 65. -Cf. Slafter’s _Champlain_, vol. i., for a statement regarding the -portraits of Champlain. Mr. Slafter prefers a woodcut by Roujat, and -thinks that Hamel worked upon a sketch made from the Moncornet picture, -which failed to preserve the strength of the original. The autograph -of Champlain is rare. Dufossé in 1883 advertised a manuscript contract -signed by him and his wife for 190 francs.—ED.]] - -After numerous delays and adjustments and readjustments of plans, when -the expedition was fairly afloat on the River Richelieu it consisted of -sixty warriors in bark canoes, clad in their usual armor, accompanied -by Champlain and two French arquebusiers. Proceeding up the river, -they entered the lake, coursed its western shore, and moved tardily -along. At the expiration of nearly three weeks,—on the 29th of July, -1609,—in the shade of the evening, they discovered a flotilla of bark -canoes containing about two hundred Iroquois warriors of the Mohawk -tribe, who were searching for their enemies, the tribes of the north, -whom they hoped to find on this old war-path. Early the next morning, -on the present site of Ticonderoga, near where the French subsequently -erected Fort Carillon, whose ruins are still visible, the two parties -met.[380] - -[Illustration: DEFEAT OF IROQUOIS AT LAKE CHAMPLAIN. - -[A fac-simile of Champlain’s engraving in his edition of 1613. Key: _A_ -(wanting), the fort; _B_, enemy; _C_, oak-bark canoes of the enemy, -holding ten, fifteen, or eighteen men each; _D_, two chiefs, who were -killed; _E_, an enemy wounded by Champlain’s musket; _F_ (wanting), -Champlain; _G_ (wanting), two musketeers; _H_, canoes of the allies, -Montagnais, Ochastaiguins, and Algonquins, who are above; _I_ (also on -the), birch-bark canoes of our allies; _K_ (wanting), woods.—ED.]] - -It was the first exhibition of firearms which the savages had ever -witnessed. Champlain, moving at the head of his allies, discharged -his arquebus, and by it two chiefs were instantly killed, and another -savage fell mortally wounded. The two French arquebusiers, attacking -in flank, poured also a deadly fire upon the astonished Mohawks. The -strange noise of the musketry, their comrades falling dead or wounded, -and the deafening shout of the victors, carried dismay into the Mohawk -ranks. In utter consternation they fled into the forest, abandoning -their canoes, arms, provisions, and implements of every sort. The joy -of the victors was unbounded. In three hours after the fight they had -gathered up their booty, placed the ten captives whom they had taken -in their canoes, performed the customary dance of victory, and were -sailing down the lake on their homeward voyage. They soon reached -their destination, having lingered here and there to inflict the usual -inhuman punishments upon their poor prisoners of war. The cruelties -which they practised in the presence of Champlain were abhorrent to -his generous nature, and he used his utmost influence to mitigate and -soften the sufferings which he could not wholly avert. - -The exploration which Champlain had thus conducted was interesting and -geographically important. He had made a hurried survey of the lake -extending nearly its whole length, and had observed its beautiful -islands, with its wooded shores flanked by the Adirondacks on the -west and by the Green Mountains on the east. From the mouth of the -Richelieu he had penetrated inland a hundred and fifty miles, and as -the discoverer he might justly claim that the whole domain, of which -this line was the radius, had by him been added to French dominion. To -this exquisitely fine expanse of water he gave his own name; and now, -after the lapse of two hundred and seventy-five years, it still bears -the appellation of Lake Champlain. - -Soon after arriving at Quebec, Champlain made preparations to return -to France. Leaving the settlement in charge of a deputy, he arrived at -Honfleur on the 13th of October. He immediately laid before De Monts -and the King a full report of his discoveries and observations during -the past year, and to both of them it was gratifying and satisfactory. -The monopoly of the fur-trade which had been granted to De Monts -had expired by limitation, and he now sought for its renewal. The -opposition, however, was too powerful, and his efforts were fruitless. -Nevertheless, De Monts did not abandon his undertaking, but with a -commendable resolution and courage he renewed his contracts with the -merchants of Rouen, and in the spring of 1610 sent out two vessels to -transport artisans and supplies for the settlement, and to carry on the -fur-trade. Champlain was again appointed lieutenant for the government -of the colony at Quebec. - -During this summer he was unable to undertake any explorations, -although two important ones had been projected the year before. One of -them was in the direction of Lake St. John and the headwaters of the -Saguenay, the other up the Ottawa and to the region of Lake Superior. -The importance of an early survey of these distant regions was obvious; -but the Indians were not ready for the undertaking, and without -their friendly guidance and assistance it was plainly impracticable. -Early in the season the Montagnais were on their way to the mouth of -the Richelieu, where they were to meet their allies, the Hurons and -Algonquins, and proceed up the river to Lake Champlain, and engage in -their usual summer’s entertainment of war with the Mohawks. Sending -forward several barques for trading purposes, Champlain repaired -to the rendezvous, where he learned that the Iroquois or Mohawks, -nothing daunted by the experiences of the previous year, had already -arrived, and had thrown up a hasty intrenchment on the shore, and -were impatiently awaiting the fight. There was no delay; the conflict -was terrific. By the aid and advice of Champlain the rude fort was -demolished. Fifteen of the Mohawks were taken prisoners, others plunged -into the river and were drowned, and the rest perished by the arquebus -and the savage implements of war. Not one of the Mohawks escaped to -tell the story of their disaster. - -Before the Algonquins from the Ottawa returned to their homes, -Champlain began a practice which proved of great value in after years. -He placed in the custody of the Indians a young man to accompany them -to their homes, pass the winter, learn their language, their mode -of life, and the numberless other things which can only be fully -understood and appreciated by an actual residence. On the other hand, -a young savage was taken to France and made familiar with the forms of -civilized life. These delegates of both parties became interpreters, -and thus intercourse between the French and Indians became easy and -intelligent. - -During the summer information was received of the assassination of -Henry IV. This was regarded as a great calamity. He had from the first -been friendly to those engaged in colonial enterprise, and they could -fully rely upon his sympathy, although his impoverished treasury did -not permit him to give that substantial aid which was really needed. - -Champlain returned to France in the autumn of 1610, but again visited -Quebec in 1611, though only for the summer, which was devoted almost -exclusively to the management of the fur-trade. This trade was at -best limited and desultory. The French did not obtain their peltry -by trapping, snaring, or the chase, but by traffic with the savage -tribes, who every summer visited the St. Lawrence for this purpose. -A small number of them appeared each spring at Tadoussac, and a much -larger number at Montreal, with their bark canoes loaded with skins -of the beaver and of other valuable fur-bearing animals. Having no -use for money or for such fabrics as are useful and necessary in -civilized life, the savages gladly exchanged the accumulations of -the winter, sometimes not reserving enough for their own clothing, -for such glittering trifles as were offered to their choice. To -facilitate these exchanges a rendezvous was established at Montreal, -and when the flotilla of canoes appeared in the river, the trade was -completed in an incredibly short time. As it was absolutely free and -unrestricted, the competition became excessive, and the balance-sheet -of the merchants usually presented an exceedingly small net profit, -if not a considerable loss. This competition was so disastrous, that -the associates of De Monts decided to withdraw from the enterprise, -and sold to him their interest in the establishment at Quebec. The -formation of a new company was forthwith committed to Champlain. He -accordingly drew up a scheme, embracing, besides others, these two -important features: First, that the association should be presided -over by a viceroy of high position and commanding influence; this was -supposed to be important in settling any complications that might arise -in France. Second, that membership should be open to all merchants who -might desire to engage in trade in New France, sharing equally all -profits and losses. This was supposed to remove all objections to the -association as a monopoly, since membership was free to all. The Count -de Soissons was appointed viceroy. He died, however, a few weeks later, -in the autumn of 1612, and the Prince de Condé, Henry de Bourbon II., -was chosen his successor. The organization of the Company, under many -embarrassments, notwithstanding the precautions which had been taken by -Champlain, occupied him during the whole of the year 1612. Having been -appointed lieutenant, he returned to New France in 1613, arriving at -Quebec on the 7th of May of that year. - -It had been from the beginning an ulterior object of the French in -making a settlement in North America to discover a northwest passage -by water to the Pacific Ocean. Whoever should make this discovery -would, by diminishing the distance to the markets of the East Indies, -confer a boon of untold commercial value upon his country, and earn for -himself an imperishable fame. This day-dream of all the old navigators -had haunted the mind of Champlain from the first. Every indication -which pointed in that direction was carefully considered. Nicholas -de Vignau, one of the interpreters who had passed a winter with the -Algonquins on the upper waters of the Ottawa, returned to France in -1613. Having heard doubtless something of the disastrous voyage of -Henry Hudson to the bay which bears his name, he manufactured a fine -story, all of which was spun from his own brain, but was nevertheless -well adapted to make a strong impression on the mind of Champlain and -others interested in this question. This bold impostor stated that -while with the Algonquins he had made an excursion to the north, and -had discovered a sea of salt water; that he had seen on its shores the -wreck of an English ship from which eighty men had been taken and slain -by the savages, and that the Indians had retained an English boy to -present to Champlain when he should visit them. Although the story was -plausible, Vignau was cross-examined, and put to various tests, and -finally made to certify to the truth of his statement before notaries -at La Rochelle. Champlain laid the statement before the Chancellor de -Sillery, the President Jeannin, and the Marshal de Brissac, and by them -was strongly advised to ascertain the truth of the story by a personal -exploration. He therefore resolved to make this a prominent feature of -the summer’s work. - -Accordingly, with two bark canoes, provisions and arms, an Indian guide -and four Frenchmen, including De Vignau, Champlain proceeded up the -Ottawa. This river is distinguished by its numerous rapids and falls, -many of them impassable even by the light canoe;[381] and at that time -the shores were lined with dense and tangled forests, which could only -be penetrated with the utmost difficulty. After incredible fatigue and -hunger, the party at length arrived at Alumet Island, where they were -kindly received by the chief of the Indian settlement. Here De Vignau -had passed a previous winter, and was now obliged to confess his base -and shameless falsehood. The indignation of Champlain, as well as his -disappointment, can well be comprehended. He bore himself, however, -with calmness, and restrained the savages from taking the life of De -Vignau, which they were anxious to do for his audacious mendacity. - -Although Champlain did not attain the object for which the journey -was undertaken, he had nevertheless explored an important river for -more than two hundred miles, and had made a favorable impression upon -the savages. On his return he was accompanied by a large number of -them, with eighty canoes loaded with valuable peltry for exchanges at -the rendezvous near Montreal. Having placed everything in order at -Quebec, he returned to France, where he remained during the whole of -the year 1614, occupied largely in adding new members to his company -of associates, and in perfecting such plans as were necessary for the -success of the colony. Among the rest he secured several missionaries -to accompany him to New France, with the purpose of converting the -Indians to the Christian faith. These were Denis Jamay, Jean d’Olbeau, -Joseph le Caron, and the lay brother Pacifique du Plessis, Recollects -of the Franciscan order. - -On his return in 1615, Champlain immediately erected a chapel at -Quebec, which was placed in charge of Denis Jamay and Pacifique du -Plessis, while Jean d’Olbeau assumed the mission of the Montagnais, -and Joseph le Caron that of the Hurons. Hastening to the rendezvous -for trade at Montreal, Champlain found the allied tribes awaiting him, -and anxious to engage him in a grand campaign against the Iroquois. It -was to be on a much more comprehensive scale than anything that had -preceded it, and was to be an attack on a large fort situated in the -heart of the present State of New York. This was distant not less than -eight hundred or a thousand miles by the circuitous journey which it -was necessary to make in reaching it. The warriors were to be collected -and marshalled from the various tribes whose homes were along the -route. The undertaking was not a small one. A journey, including the -return, of fifteen hundred or two thousand miles, by river and lake, -through swamps and tangled forests, with the incumbrance of necessary -baggage and a motley crowd of several hundred savages to be daily fed -by the chance of fishing and hunting, demanded a brave heart and a -strong will. - -[Illustration: CHAMPLAIN’S ROUTE, 1615. - -[This sketch-map follows one given by Mr. O. H. Marshall in connection -with a paper on “Champlain’s Expedition of 1615” in the _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, August, 1878. It shows the route believed by Mr. Marshall to be -that of Champlain from Quinté Bay, and the route suggested by General -John S. Clark, which is in the main accepted by Dr. Shea. - -The route of Champlain and the site of the fort attacked by him has -occasioned a diversity of views. Champlain’s own narrative, besides -making part of the English translation of his works, is also translated -in the _Doc. Hist. of New York_, vol. iii., and in the _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, September, 1877, p. 561. Fac-similes of the print of the fort, -besides being in the works, are also in the _Doc. Hist. of New York_, -iii. 9; Shea’s _Le Clercq_, i. 104; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, September, -1877; Watson’s _History of Essex County, N. Y._, p. 22. - -Mr. Marshall began the discussion of these questions as early as 1849 -in the _New York Hist. Soc. Proc._ for March of the same year, p. 96; -but gave the riper results of his study in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -vol. i., January, 1877, with a fac-simile of Champlain’s 1632 map. His -views here were controverted in the same, September, 1877, by George -Geddes, who placed the fort on Onondaga Creek, and by Dr. J. G. Shea -in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, ii. 103, who substantially -agreed with an address by General J. S. Clark, which has not yet been -printed, but whose views are shared by Mr. L. W. Ledyard, who in an -address, Jan. 9, 1883, at Cazenovia, N. Y., tells the story of his own -and General Clark’s investigation of the site of the fort, and places -it near Perryville, N. Y. Dr. Shea, in his _Le Clercq_, i. 100, has -since gone over the authorities. It was in reply to Geddes, Shea, and -Clark that Mr. Marshall wrote the paper from which the above sketch-map -is taken. Dr. O’Callaghan, in his _Documentary History of New York_, -iii. 16, had advanced the theory that the fort was on Lake Canandaigua: -and to this view Mr. Parkman guardedly assented in his _Pioneers_, and -so marked the fort on his map. Brodhead, _History of New York_, i. 69, -and Clark in his _History of Onondaga_, placed it on Onondaga Lake. Cf. -the _Transactions_ of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, -New Series, part ii., and the notes in the Quebec and Prince Society -editions of _Champlain’s Voyages_.—ED.]] - -But it offered an opportunity for exploring unknown regions which -Champlain could not bring himself to decline. Accordingly, on the -9th of July, 1615, Champlain embarked with an interpreter, a French -servant, and ten savages, in two birch-bark canoes. They ascended -the Ottawa, entered the Mattawan, and by other waters reached Lake -Nipissing. Crossing this lake and following the channel of French -River, they entered Lake Huron, or the Georgian Bay, and coasted along -until they reached the present county of Simcoe. Here they found the -missionary Le Caron, who had preceded them. Eight Frenchmen belonging -to his company joined that of Champlain. The mustering hosts of the -savage warriors came in from every direction. At length, crossing Lake -Simcoe, by rivers and lakes and frequent portages they reached Lake -Ontario just as it merges into the River St. Lawrence, and passing -over to the New York side, they concealed their canoes in a thicket -near the shore, and proceeded by land; striking inland, crossing the -stream now known as Oneida River, they finally, on the 10th of October, -reached the great Iroquois fortress, situated a few miles south of -the eastern end of Oneida Lake. This fort was hexagonal in form, -constructed of four rows of palisades thirty feet in height, with a -gallery near the top, and water-spouts for the extinguishing of fire. -It inclosed several acres, and was a strong work of its kind. The -attack of the allies was fierce and desultory, without plan or system, -notwithstanding Champlain’s efforts to direct it. A considerable number -of the Iroquois were killed by the French firearms, and many were -wounded; but no effective impression was made upon the fortress. After -lingering before the fort some days, the allies began their retreat. -Champlain, having been wounded, was transported in a basket made for -the purpose. Returning to the other side of Lake Ontario, to a famous -hunting-ground,—probably north of the present town of Kingston,—they -remained several weeks, capturing a large number of deer. When the -frosts of December had sealed up the ground, the streams, and lakes, -they returned to the home of the Hurons in Simcoe, dragging with -incredible labor their stores of venison through bog and fen and -pathless forest. Here Champlain passed the winter, making excursions -to neighboring Indian tribes, and studying their habits and character -from his personal observation, and writing out the results with great -minuteness and detail. As soon as the season was sufficiently advanced, -Champlain began his journey homeward by the circuitous route of his -advance, and arrived safely after an absence of nearly a year. Having -put in execution plans for the repair and enlargement of the buildings -at Quebec, he returned to France. - -For several years the trade in furs was conducted as usual, with -occasional changes both in the Company in France and in local -management. These, however, were of no very essential importance, and -the details must be passed by in this brief narrative. The ceaseless -struggle for large dividends and small expenditures on the part of the -company of merchants did not permit any considerable enlargement of the -colony, or any improvements which did not promise immediate returns. -Repairs upon the buildings and a new fort constructed on the brow -of the precipice in the rear of the settlement were carried forward -tardily and grudgingly.[382] As a mere trading-post it had undoubtedly -been successful. The average number of beaver skins annually purchased -of the Indians and transported to France was probably not far from -fifteen or twenty thousand, and it sometimes reached twenty-two -thousand. The annual dividend of forty per cent on the investment, -as intimated by Champlain, must have been highly satisfactory to the -Company. The settlement maintained the character of a trading-post, -but hardly that of a colonial plantation. After the lapse of nearly -twenty years, the average number of colonists did not exceed much -more than fifty. This progress was not satisfactory to Champlain, -to the Viceroy, or to the Council of State. In 1627 a change became -inevitable. Cardinal de Richelieu had become grand master and chief -of the navigation and commerce of France. He saw the importance of -rendering this colony worthy of the fame and greatness of the nation -under whose authority it had been planted. Acting with characteristic -promptness and decision, he dissolved the old Company and instituted a -new one, denominated _La Compagnie de la Nouvelle France_, consisting -of a hundred or more members, and commonly known as the Company of -the Hundred Associates. The constitution of this society possessed -several important features, which seemed to assure the solid growth of -the colony. Richelieu was its constituted head. Its authority was to -extend over the whole territory of New France and Florida. Its capital -was three hundred thousand livres. It proposed to send to Canada in -1628 from two hundred to three hundred artisans of all classes, and -within the space of fifteen years to transport four thousand colonists -to New France. These were to be wholly supported by the Company for -three years, and after that they were to have assigned to them as much -land as was needed for cultivation. The settlers were to be natives of -France and exclusively of the Catholic faith, and no Huguenot was to be -allowed to enter the country. The Company was to have exclusive control -of trade, and all goods manufactured in New France were to be free -of imposts on exportation. Such were the more general and prominent -features of the association. In the spring of 1628 the Company, thus -organized, despatched four armed vessels to convoy a fleet of eighteen -transports, laden with emigrants and stores, together with one hundred -and thirty-five pieces of ordnance to fortify the settlement at Quebec. - -War existing at that time between England and France, an English -fleet was already on its way to destroy the French colony at Quebec. -The transports and convoy sent out by the Company of the Hundred -Associates were intercepted on their way, carried into England, and -confiscated. On the arrival of the English at Tadoussac, David Kirke, -the commander, sent up a summons to Champlain at Quebec, demanding -the surrender of the town; this Champlain declined to do with such -an air of assurance that the English commander did not attempt to -enforce his demand. The supplies for the settlement having thus been -cut off by the English, before the next spring the colony was on the -point of perishing by starvation. Half of them had been billeted on -Indian tribes to escape impending death. On the 19th of July, 1629, -three English vessels appeared before Quebec, and again demanded its -surrender. Destitute of provisions and of all means of defence, with -only a handful of famishing men, Champlain delivered up the post -without hesitation. All the movable property belonging to the Company -at Quebec was surrendered. The whole colony, with the exception of such -as preferred to remain, were transported to France by way of England. -On their arrival at Plymouth, it was ascertained that the war between -the two countries had come to an end, and that the articles of peace -provided that all conquests made subsequent to the 24th of April, -1629, were to be restored; and consequently Quebec, and the peltry and -other property taken after that date, must be remanded to their former -owners. Notwithstanding this, Champlain was taken to London and held as -a prisoner of war for several weeks, during which time the base attempt -was made to compel him to pay a ransom for his freedom. Such illegal -and unjust artifices practised upon a man like Champlain of course came -to nothing, except to place upon the pages of history a fresh example -of what the avarice of men will lead them to do. After having been -detained a month, Champlain was permitted to depart for France. - -[Illustration: CAPTURE OF QUEBEC, 1629. - -Fac-simile of the engraving in Hennepin’s _New Discovery_, 1698, p. -161. Of this capture (during which not a gun was fired, notwithstanding -Hennepin’s dramatic picture) see an enumeration of contemporary -authorities in the notes to Shea’s _Charlevoix_, ii. 44, _et seq._, -principally Champlain, Sagard, and Creuxius. It is the subject of -special treatment in H. Kirke’s _Conquest of Canada_, with help from -papers in the English Record Office. In the same year (1629) there was -a seizure on the part of the French of James Stuart’s post at Cape -Breton, commemorated in _La Prise d’un Seigneur Écossois, etc._ Par -Monsieur Daniel de Dieppe. Rouen, 1630. Cf. Champlain, 1632 ed., p. -272; and Harrisse, no. 45.] - -The breaking-up of the settlement at Quebec just on the eve of the new -arrangement under the administration of the Hundred Associates, and -with greater prospect of success than had existed at any former period, -involved a loss which can hardly be estimated, and retarded for several -years the progress of the colony. The return of the property which -had been illegally seized and carried away gave infinite trouble and -anxiety to Champlain; and it was not until 1633 that he left France -again, with a large number of colonists, re-commissioned as governor, -to join his little colony at Quebec.[383] He was accompanied by the -Jesuit Fathers Enemond Massé and Jean de Brébeuf. The Governor and -his associates received at Quebec from the remnant of the colony a -most hearty welcome. The memory of what good he had done in the past -awakened in them fresh gratitude and a new zeal in his service. He -addressed himself with his old energy, but nevertheless with declining -strength, to the duties of the hour,—to the renovation and improvement -of the habitation and fort, to the holding of numerous councils with -the Indians in the neighborhood, and to the execution of plans for -winning back the traffic of allied tribes. The building of a chapel, -named, in memory of the recovery of Quebec, Notre Dame de Recouvrance, -and such other kindred duties as sprang out of the responsibilities of -his charge, engaged his attention. In these occupations two years soon -passed. - -During the summer of 1635 Champlain addressed a letter to Cardinal de -Richelieu, soliciting the means, and setting forth the importance of -subduing the hostile tribes known as the Five Nations, and bringing -them into sympathy and friendship with the French.[384] This in -his opinion was necessary for the proper enlargement of the French -domain and for the opening of the whole continent to the influence of -the Christian faith,—two objects which seemed to him of paramount -importance. This was probably the last letter written by Champlain, -and contains the key to the motives which had influenced him from -the beginning in joining the northern tribes in their wars with the -Iroquois.[385] On Christmas Day, the 25th of December, 1635, Champlain -died in the little fort which he had erected on the rocky promontory -at Quebec, amid the tears and sorrows of the colony to which for -twenty-seven years he had devoted his strength and thought with rare -generosity and devotion.[386] In the following June, Montmagny, a -Knight of Malta, arrived as the successor of Champlain. - -[Illustration] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE richest source of information relating to Champlain’s achievements -as a navigator, explorer, and the founder of the French settlement in -Canada is found in his own writings. It was his habit to keep a journal -of his observations, which he began even on his voyage to the West -Indies in 1599. Of his first voyage to Canada, in 1603, his Journal -appears to have been put to press in the last part of the same year. -This little book of eighty pages is entitled: _Des Savvages; ov, Voyage -de Samvel Champlain, de Brovage, faict en la France Nouuelle, l’an -mil six cens trois. A Paris, chez Clavde de Monstr’oeil, tenant sa -boutique en la Cour du Palais, au nom de Jesus, 1604. Auec priuilege -du Roy._ This Journal contains a valuable narrative of the incidents -of the voyage across the Atlantic, and likewise a description of the -Gulf and River St. Lawrence, and enters fully into details touching -the tributaries of the great river, the bays, harbors, forests, and -scenery along the shore, as well as the animals and birds with which -the islands and borders of the river were swarming at that period. It -contains a discriminating account of the character and habits of the -savages as he saw them.[387] - -In 1613 Champlain published a second volume, embracing the events which -had occurred from 1603 to that date. The following is its title: _Les -Voyages dv Sievr de Champlain Xaintongeois, Capitaine ordinaire pour -le Roy, en la marine, divisez en devx livres; ou, jovrnal tres-fidele -des observations faites és descouuertures de la Nouuelle France: -tant en la descriptiô des terres, costes, riuieres, ports, haures, -leurs hauteurs, et plusieurs delinaisons de la guide-aymant; qu’en la -creâce des peuples, leur superstition, façon de viure et de guerroyer: -enrichi de quantité de figures. A Paris, chez Jean Berjon, rue S. -Jean de Beauuais, au Cheual volant, et en sa boutique au Palais, -à la gallerie des prisonniers, M.DC.XIII. Avec privilege dv Roy_. -4to.[388] It contains a full description of the coast-line westerly -from Canseau, including Nova Scotia, the Bay of Fundy, New Brunswick, -and New England as far as the Vineyard Sound. It deals not only with -the natural history, the fauna and flora, but with the character -of the soil, its numerous products, as well as the sinuosities and -conformation of the shore, and is unusually minute in details touching -the natives. In this last respect it is especially valuable, as at -that period neither their manners, customs, nor mode of life had been -modified by intercourse with Europeans. The volume is illustrated by -twenty-two local maps and drawings, and a large map representing the -territory which he had personally surveyed, and concerning which he -had obtained information from the natives and from other sources. -This is the first map to delineate the coast-line of New England with -approximate correctness. The volume contains likewise what he calls -a “geographical map,” constructed with the degrees of latitude and -longitude numerically indicated. In this respect it is, of course, -inexact, as the instruments then in use were very imperfect, and it is -doubtful whether his surveys had been sufficiently extensive to furnish -the proper and adequate data for these complicated calculations. It was -the first attempt to lay down the latitude and longitude on any map of -the coast.[389] - -In 1619 Champlain published a third work, describing the events -from 1615 to that date. It was reissued in 1620 and in 1627. The -following is its title, as given in the issue of 1627:[390] _Voyages -et Descovvertvres faites en la Novvelle France, depuis l’année 1615 -iusques à la fin de l’année 1618. Par le Sieur de Champlain, Cappitaine -ordinaire pour le Roy en la Mer du Ponant. Seconde Edition. A Paris, -chez Clavde Collet, au Palais, en la gallerie des Prisonniers, M.D.C. -XXVII. Avec privilege dv Roy._ The previous issue contained the -occurrences of 1613. The year 1614 he passed in France. The present -volume continues his observations in New France from his return in -1615. It describes his introduction of the Recollect Fathers as -missionaries to the Indians, his exploration of the Ottawa, Lake -Nipissing, Lake Huron, and Ontario; the attack on the Iroquois fort in -the State of New York; his winter among the Hurons; and it contains his -incomparable essay on the Hurons and other neighboring tribes. It has -Brûlé’s narrative of his experiences among the savages on the southern -borders of the State of New York, near the Pennsylvania line, and that -of the events which occurred in the settlement at Quebec; it contains -illustrations of the dress of the savages in their wars and feasts, of -their monuments for the dead, their funeral processions, of the famous -fort of the Iroquois in the State of New York, and of the deer-trap. - -In 1632 Champlain published his last work, under the following title: -_Les Voyages de la Novvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada, faits -par le S^r de Champlain Xainctongeois, Capitaine pour le Roy en la -Marine du Ponant, et toutes les Descouuertes qu’il a faites en ce -pais depuis l’an 1603 iusques en l’an 1629. Où se voit comme ce pays -a esté premierement descouuert par les François, sous l’authorité de -nos Roys tres-Chrestiens, iusques au regne de sa Majesté à present -regnante Lovis XIII. Roy de France et de Navarre. A Paris, chez Clavde -Collet, au Palais, en la Gallerie des Prisonniers, à l’ Estoille d’Or, -M.DC.XXXII. Auec Priuilege du Roy._[391] A sub-title accompanies this -and the other works, which we have omitted as unnecessary for our -present purpose. This volume is divided into two parts. The first part -is an abridgment of what had already been published up to this date, -and omits much that is valuable in the preceding publications. It -preserves the general outline and narrative, but drops many personal -details and descriptions which are of great historical importance, -and can be supplied only by reference to his earlier publications. -The second part is a continuation of his journals from 1620 to 1631 -inclusive. Champlain’s personal explorations were completed in -1615-1616, and consequently this second part relates mostly to affairs -transacted at Quebec and on the River St. Lawrence. It contains an -ample and authentic account of the taking of Quebec by the English in -1629. The volume is supplemented by Champlain’s treatise on navigation, -a brief work on Christian doctrine translated into the language of the -Montagnais by Brebeuf, and the Lord’s Prayer, Apostles’ Creed, etc., -rendered into the same language by Masse. - -REPRINTS.—In 1830 the first reprint of any of Champlain’s works was -made at Paris, where the issue of 1632 was printed in two volumes. -It was done by order of the French Government, to give work to the -printers thrown out of employment by the Revolution of July, and is -without note or comment.[392] In 1870 a complete edition of Champlain’s -works was issued at Quebec, under the editorial supervision of the Abbé -Laverdière, who gave a summary of Champlain’s career with luminous -annotations. It was called _Œuvres de Champlain, publiées sous le -Patronage de l’Université Laval. Par l’Abbé C. H. Laverdière, M. A. -Seconde Édition.[393] 6 tomes, 4to. Québec: Imprimé au Séminaire par -Geo. E. Desbarats, 1870._ This edition includes the Brief Discourse or -Voyage to the West Indies in 1599, which had never before been printed -in the original French. The manuscript had been almost miraculously -preserved, and at the time it was used by Laverdière it belonged to M. -Féret of Dieppe.[394] The edition of Laverdière is an exact reprint, -most carefully done, and entirely trustworthy, while its notes are full -and exceedingly accurate.[395] - -TRANSLATIONS.—The “Savages” was printed in an English translation by -Samuel Purchas in his _Pilgrimes_, London, 1625, vol. iv. pp. 1605-1619. - -In 1859 the _Brief Discourse_, or Voyage to the West Indies, translated -by Alice Wilmere and edited by Norton Shaw, was published at London by -the Hakluyt Society. - -In 1878, 1880, and 1882, an English translation of the Voyages was -printed by the Prince Society, in three volumes, comprising the -Journals issued in 1604, 1613, and 1619, as _Voyages of Samuel de -Champlain, translated from the French by Charles Pomeroy Otis, Ph.D., -with Historical Illustrations, and a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. -Slafter, A. M._ The Memoir occupies the greater part of vol. i., and -both the Memoir and the Voyages are heavily annotated. It contains -heliotype copies of all the local and general maps and drawings in the -early French editions,—in all thirty-one illustrations; besides a new -outline map showing the explorations and journeyings of Champlain, -together with two portraits,—one engraved by Ronjat after an old -engraving by Moncornet; the other is from a painting by Th. Hamel, -likewise after the engraving by Moncornet.[396] - -The _Mercure François_, a journal of current events, contains several -narratives relating to New France during the administration of -Champlain.[397] - -In vol. xiii. pp. 12-34, is a letter of Charles Lalemant, a Jesuit -missionary (Aug. 1, 1626), about the extent of the country, method of -travelling, character, manners, and customs of the natives, and the -work of the mission.[398] In vol. xiv. pp. 232-267, for 1628, is a full -narrative of the _Compagnie de la Nouvelle France_, or the Company -of the Hundred Associates, which was under the direction of Cardinal -Richelieu, setting forth its origin, design, and constitution.[399] -In vol. xviii., for 1632, pp. 56-74, there is again much about the -Indians, and the delivery in that year of Quebec to the French by the -English. In vol. xix., for 1633, pp. 771-867, are further accounts of -the savages, and of the return of Champlain as governor in 1633, with -the events which followed, particularly his dealings with the Indian -tribes. - -[Illustration] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -ACADIA. - -BY CHARLES C. SMITH, - -_Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -ACADIA is the designation of a territory of uncertain and disputed -extent. Though its sovereignty passed more than once from France to -England, and from England to France, its limits were never exactly -defined. But in this chapter it will be used to denote that part of -America claimed by Great Britain under the Treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, -as bounded on the south by the Atlantic Ocean, on the west by a line -drawn due north from the mouth of the Penobscot River, on the north by -the River St. Lawrence, and on the east by the Gulf of St. Lawrence and -the Strait of Canso. Within these bounds were minor divisions vaguely -designated by French or Indian names; and the larger part of this -region was also called by the English Nova Scotia, or New Scotland. - -[Illustration: SIEUR DE MONTS. - -[This follows a copy of a water-color drawing in the _Massachusetts -Archives; Documents Collected in France_, i. 441, called a portrait of -De Monts from an original at Versailles. Mr. Parkman tells me that he -was misled by this reference of Mr. Poore in stating that a portrait -of De Monts existed at Versailles (_Pioneers_, p. 222); since a later -examination has not revealed such a canvas, and the picture may be -considered as displaying the costume of the gentleman of the period, -if there is doubt concerning its connection with De Monts. There is -another engraving of it in Drake’s _Nooks and Corners of the New -England Coast_.—ED.]] - -So large a tract of country naturally presents great varieties of soil -and climate and of other physical characteristics; but for the most -part it is fertile, and it abounds in mineral resources, the extent and -value of which were long unsuspected even by such eager seekers for -mines as the early voyagers. It was often the theatre of sanguinary -conflicts on a small scale, and its early history, which is closely -connected with that of the New England colonies, includes more than -one episode of tragic interest. Yet it has never filled an important -place in the history of civilization in America, and it was a mere -make-weight in adjusting the balance of losses and acquisitions by the -two great European powers which for a century and a half contended here -for colonial supremacy. - -Acadia seems to have been known to the French very soon after the -voyages of Cabot, and to have been visited occasionally by Breton -fishermen almost from the beginning of the sixteenth century. For -nearly a hundred years these adventurous toilers of the sea prosecuted -their dangerous calling on the Banks of Newfoundland and the near -shores before any effective attempt at colonization was made. It was -not until 1540 that a Picard gentleman, Jean François de Roberval, -was appointed viceroy of Canada, and attempted to establish a colony -within the St. Lawrence.[400] - -Owing to the unexpected severity of the climate and the want of -support from France, the enterprise failed, and, with the exception -of the abortive efforts of De la Roche in 1584 and in 1598,[401] no -new attempt at French colonization was made for more than half a -century afterward, when the accession of Henry IV. gave a new impulse -to the latent spirit of adventure. In 1603 Pierre de Guast, Sieur de -Monts, was named lieutenant-general of Acadia, with powers extending -over all the inhabitable shores of America north of the latitude of -Philadelphia.[402] Vast as was this domain, his real authority was -confined to very narrow limits. Setting sail from France in the early -part of April, 1604, De Monts, accompanied by Champlain, came in sight -of Sable Island on the 1st of May, and a week later made the mainland -at Cape La Hêve. - -[Illustration: ISLE DE SAINTE CROIX. - -[This is a fac-simile of Champlain’s engraving in his edition of 1613. -The key is as follows: _A_, Habitation. _B_, Gardens. _C_, Isles with -cannon. _D_, Platform for cannon. _E_, Burial-place. _F_, Chapel. -_G_, Rocky shoals. _H_, Islet. _I_, De Mont’s water-mill begun here. -_L_, Place for making coal. _M_ and _N_, Gardens. _O_, Mountains -(Chamcook Hill, 627 feet high). _P_, River of the Etechemins (called -later Schoodic River, till the name St. Croix was restored). Slafter -describes the island as about 540 feet wide at the broadest part, and -it contains now six or seven acres. Five small cannon-balls, two and -one-quarter inches in diameter, were dug up at the southern end some -years ago. Slafter’s edition, ii. 33.—ED.]] - -Subsequently he doubled the southwestern point of the peninsula of -Nova Scotia, and coasting along the shore of what is now known as the -Bay of Fundy, he finally determined to effect a settlement on a little -island[403] just within the mouth of the St. Croix River. Here several -small buildings were erected, and the little company of seventy-nine -in all prepared to pass the winter. Before spring nearly one half of -their number died; and in the following summer, after the arrival of a -small reinforcement, it was decided to abandon the place. The coast was -carefully explored as far south as Cape Cod, but without finding any -spot which satisfied their fastidious tastes;[404] and the settlement -was then transferred to the other side of the bay, to what is now -called Annapolis Basin, but which De Monts had designated the year -before as Port Royal. Here a portion of the company was left to pass -a second winter, while De Monts returned to France, to prevent, if -possible, the withdrawal of any part of the monopoly granted him by the -Crown. - -Nearly a year elapsed before he again reached his settlement,—only to -find it reduced to two individuals. After a winter of great suffering, -Pontgravé, who had been left in command during the absence of De Monts, -weary with waiting for succor, had determined to sail for France, -leaving these two brave men to guard the buildings and other property. -He had but just sailed when Jean de Poutrincourt, the lieutenant of De -Monts, arrived with the long-expected help. Measures were immediately -taken to recall Pontgravé, if he could be found on the coast, and these -were fortunately successful. He was discovered at Cape Sable, and at -once returned; but soon afterward he sailed again for France.[405] -Another winter was passed at Port Royal, pleasantly enough according -to the accounts of Champlain and Lescarbot; but in the early summer, -orders to abandon the settlement were received from De Monts, whose -monopoly of the trade with the Indians had been rescinded. The settlers -reluctantly left their new home, and the greater part of them reached -St. Malo, in Brittany, in October, 1607. The first attempt at French -colonization in Acadia was as abortive as Popham’s English colony at -the mouth of the Sagadahock in the following year.[406] - -[Illustration: BUILDINGS ON ST. CROIX ISLAND. - -[This cut follows Champlain’s in the 1613 edition. It represents,—_A_, -De Monts’s house. _B_, Common building, for rainy days. _C_, -Storehouse. _D_, Building for the guard. _E_, Blacksmith’s shop. _F_, -Carpenter’s house. _G_, Well. _H_, Oven. _I_, Kitchen. _L_ and _M_, -Gardens. _N_, Open square. _O_, Palisade. _P_, Houses of D’Orville, -Champlain, and Champdoré. _Q_, Houses of Boulay and artisans. _R_, -houses of Genestou, Sourin, and artisans. _T_, Houses of Beaumont, la -Motte Bourioli, and Fougeray. _V_, Curate’s house. _X_, Gardens. _Y_, -River.—ED.]] - -Three years later, Poutrincourt, to whom De Monts had granted Port -Royal, set sail from Dieppe to found a new colony on the site of -the abandoned settlement. The deserted houses were again occupied, -and a brighter future seemed to await the new enterprise. But this -expectation was doomed to a speedy disappointment. - -[Illustration: PORT ROYAL, OR ANNAPOLIS BASIN (_after Lescarbot_). - -After a few years of struggling existence, the English colonists -determined to expel the French as intruders on the territory belonging -to them. In 1613 an English ship, under the command of Captain Samuel -Argall, appeared off Mount Desert, where a little company of the -French, under the patronage of the Comtesse de Guercheville,[407] had -established themselves for the conversion of the Indians. - -[Illustration: PORT ROYAL (_after Champlain_). - -[This is Champlain’s plan (edition of 1613) a little reduced. The -letters can be thus interpreted: _A_, Our habitation. _B_, Champlain’s -garden. _C_, Road made by Poutrincourt. _D_, Island. _E_, Entrance. -_F_, Shoals, dry at low water. _G_, St. Antoine river. _H_, Wheat-field -(Annapolis). _I_, Poutrincourt’s mill. _L_, Meadows under water at -highest tides. _M_, Equille River. _N_, Coast (Bay of Fundy). _O_, -Mountains. _P_, Island. _Q_, Rocky Brook. _R_, Brook. _S_, Mill River. -_T_, Lake. _V_, Herring-fishing by the natives. _X_, Trout-brook. _Y_, -Passage made by Champlain. Harrisse (nos. 245-246) cites two plans of -Port Royal in the French Archives.—ED.]] - -The French were too few to offer even a show of resistance, and the -landing of the English was not disputed. By an unworthy trick, and -without the knowledge of the French, Argall obtained possession of the -royal commission; and then, dismissing half of his prisoners to seek in -an open boat for succor from any fishing vessel of their own country -they might chance to meet, he carried the others with him to Virginia. -The same year Argall was sent back by the governor of Virginia, Sir -Thomas Dale, to finish the work of expelling the French. With three -vessels he visited successively Mount Desert and St. Croix, where he -destroyed the French buildings, and then, crossing to Port Royal, -seized whatever he could carry away, killed the cattle, and burned the -houses to the ground. Having done this, he sailed for Virginia, leaving -the colonists to support themselves as they best could. Port Royal -was not, however, abandoned by them, and it continued to drag out a -precarious existence. Seventy-five years later, its entire population -did not exceed six hundred, and in the whole peninsula there were not -more than nine hundred inhabitants.[408] - -[Illustration] - -Meanwhile, in 1621, Sir William Alexander, a Scotchman of some literary -pretensions, had obtained from King James a charter (dated Sept. 10, -1621) for the lordship and barony of New Scotland, comprising the -territory now known as the provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. -Under this grant he made several unsuccessful attempts at colonization; -and in 1625 he undertook to infuse fresh life into his enterprise by -parcelling out the territory into baronetcies.[409] Nothing came of -the scheme, and by the treaty of St. Germains, in 1632, Great Britain -surrendered to France all the places occupied by the English within -these limits. Two years before this, however, Alexander’s rights in -a part of the territory had been purchased by Claude and Charles de -la Tour;[410] and shortly after the peace, the Chevalier Razilly was -appointed by Louis XIII. governor of the whole of Acadia.[411] He -designated as his lieutenants Charles de la Tour for the portion east -of the St. Croix, and Charles de Menou, Sieur d’Aulnay-Charnisé, for -the portion west of that river. - -[Illustration] - -The former established himself on the River St. John where the city of -St. John now stands, and the latter at Castine, on the eastern shore -of Penobscot Bay. Shortly after his appointment, La Tour attacked and -drove away a small party of Plymouth men who had set up a trading-post -at Machias; and in 1635 D’Aulnay treated another party of the Plymouth -colonists in a similar way.[412] - -[Illustration: MAP OF ABOUT 1610. - -[This follows a fac-simile in the _Massachusetts Archives; Documents -Collected in France_, i. 345, where it is called “Carte pour servir à -l’intelligence du mémoire sur la Pesche de moluës, par Jean Michel, -en 1510. Copie de l’original (Dépôt des Cartes).” The date is clearly -wrong, as copied. It cannot be earlier than Champlain’s time, a hundred -years later than the date given.—ED.]] - - -In retaliation for this attack, Plymouth hired and despatched a vessel -commanded by one Girling, in company with their own barque, with twenty -men under Miles Standish, to dispossess the French; but the expedition -failed to accomplish anything. - -[Illustration: PORT ROYAL. - -[This is Champlain’s drawing in his edition of 1613. Key: _A_, House of -artisans. _B_, Platform for cannon. _C_, Storehouse. _D_, Pontgravé and -Champlain. _E_, Blacksmith. _F_, Palisade. _G_, Bakery. _H_, Kitchen. -_I_, Gardens. _K_, Burial-place. _L_, River. _M_, Moat. _N_, Dwelling, -probably of De Monts and others. _O_, Storehouse for ships’ equipments, -rebuilt and used as a dwelling by Boulay later. _P_, Gate. These -buildings were at the present Lower Granville.—ED.]] - -Subsequently the two French commanders quarrelled, and, engaging -in active hostilities, made efforts (not altogether unsuccessful) -to enlist Massachusetts in their quarrel. For this purpose La Tour -visited Boston in person in the summer of 1643, and was hospitably -entertained.[413] He was not able to secure the direct co-operation of -Massachusetts, but he was permitted to hire four vessels and a pinnace -to aid him in his attack on D’Aulnay.[414] The expedition was so far -successful as to destroy a mill and some standing corn, belonging -to his rival. In the following year La Tour made a second visit to -Boston for further help; but he was able only to procure the writing -of threatening letters from the Massachusetts authorities to D’Aulnay. -Not long after La Tour’s departure from Boston, envoys from D’Aulnay -arrived here; and after considerable delay a treaty was signed pledging -the colonists to neutrality, which was ratified by the Commissioners -of the United Colonies in the following year; but it was not until -two years later that it was ratified by new envoys from the crafty -Frenchman.[415] - -In this interval D’Aulnay captured by assault La Tour’s fort at St. -John, securing booty to a large amount; and a few weeks afterward -Madame la Tour, who seems to have been of a not less warlike turn than -her husband, and who had bravely defended the fort, died of shame and -mortification. La Tour was reduced to the last extremities; but he -finally made good his losses, and in 1653 he married the widow of his -rival, who had died two or three years before.[416] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: PENTAGÖET (CASTINE) - -[The site of the old fort was on the shore, at a point just below the -letter _i_ in the name _Castine_ on the peninsula. Harrisse (no. 198) -cites a plan of 1670 in the French Archives.—ED.]] - -In 1654, in accordance with secret instructions from Cromwell, the -whole of Acadia was subjugated by an English force from Boston under -the command of Major Robert Sedgwick, of Charlestown, and Captain John -Leverett, of Boston. To the latter the temporary government of the -country was intrusted. Ineffectual complaints of this aggression were -made to the British Government; but by the treaty of Westminster in -the following year England was left in possession, and the question of -title was referred to commissioners. In 1656 it was made a province by -Cromwell, who appointed Sir Thomas Temple governor, and granted the -whole territory to Temple and to one William Crown and Stephen de la -Tour, son of the late governor. The rights of the latter were purchased -by the other two proprietors, and Acadia remained in possession of the -English until the treaty of Breda, in 1667, when it was ceded to France -with undefined limits.[417] - -Very little was done by the French to settle and improve the country; -and on the breaking out of war between France and England after the -accession of William III., it was again conquered by an expedition -fitted out at Boston under Sir William Phips. He sailed from Boston -on the 28th of April, 1690, with a frigate of forty guns, two sloops, -one of sixteen guns and the other of eight guns, and with four smaller -vessels; and after reducing St. John, Port Royal, and other French -settlements, and appointing an English governor, he returned, with -a booty sufficient, it was thought, to defray the whole cost of the -expedition.[418] - -[Illustration: SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. - -[This likeness is accepted, but lacks undoubted verification; cf. _Mem. -Hist. of Boston_, ii. 36.—ED.]] - -This result was a signal triumph for the New England colonies, and -when Phips became, in 1692, the first royal governor of Massachusetts -under the provincial charter, Acadia was made a part of the domain -included in it. At a later day it was with no little indignation and -mortification that New England saw the conquered territory relinquished -to the French by the Treaty of Ryswick, in 1697; but the story of the -later period belongs to a subsequent volume. - -[Illustration: ACADIE, 1663. - -[In the _Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France_, ii. -147, is a fac-simile of a map, “Tabula Novæ Franciæ,” which is thus -described by Mr. Poore: “A fac-simile of one in a manuscript atlas -purchased by M. Estancelin at a book-stall in Paris soon after the -destruction of the archbishop’s palace in 183-, the library of which -contained several boxes of manuscripts labelled _Canada_, and probably -sent from the missionaries there. The signs [church symbol] undoubtedly -were used to denote Jesuit churches or missions; the [dotted lines] the -English boundary; and the marks + the English settlements. The atlas is -dated 1663.”—ED.]] - -Acadia had been the home of civilized men for nearly a hundred -years; but there was almost nothing to show as the fruits of this -long occupation of a virgin soil. It had produced no men of marked -character, and its history was little more than the record of feuds -between petty chiefs, and of feeble resistance to the attacks of more -powerful neighbors. Madame la Tour alone exhibits the courage and -energy naturally to be looked for under the circumstances in which -three generations of settlers were placed. At the end of a century -there were only a few scattered settlements spread along the coast, -passing tranquilly from allegiance to one European sovereign to -allegiance to another of different speech and religion. A few hundred -miles away, another colony founded sixteen years after the first -venture of De Monts, and with scarcely a larger number of settlers, -waged a successful war with sickness, poverty, and neglect, and made a -slow and steady progress, until, with its own consent, it was united -with a still more prosperous colony founded twenty-three years after -the first settlement at Port Royal. There are few more suggestive -contrasts than that which the history of Acadia presents when set side -by side with the history of Plymouth and Massachusetts; and what is -true of its early is not less true of its later history. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE original authorities for the early history of the French -settlements in Acadia[419] are the contemporaneous narratives of Samuel -de Champlain and Marc Lescarbot. Though Champlain comes within our -observation as a companion of De Monts, a separate chapter in this -volume is given to his personal history and his writings. - - -Of the personal history of Marc Lescarbot we know much less than of -that of Champlain. He was born at Vervins, probably between 1580 and -1590, and was a lawyer in Paris, where he had an extensive practice, -and was the author of several works; only one, or rather a part of one, -concerns our present inquiry.[420] - -This was an account of the settlement of De Monts in Acadia, which -was translated into English by a Protestant clergyman named Pierre -Erondelle, and which gives a very vivid picture of the life at Port -Royal.[421] He appears to have been a man of more than ordinary -ability, with not a little of the French vivacity, and altogether well -suited to be a pioneer in Western civilization. His narrative covers -only a brief period, and after the failure of the colony under De -Monts, he ceased to have any relations with Acadia. He is supposed to -have died about 1630. - -The advent of the Jesuits in 1611 introduces the _Relations_ of their -order as a source of the first importance; but a detailed account of -these documents belongs to another chapter.[422] From the first of the -series, by Father Biard, and from his letters in Carayon’s _Première -Mission des Jésuites au Canada_, a collection published in Paris in -1864, and drawn from the archives of the Order at Rome, we have the -sufferers’ side of the story of Argall’s incursion; while from the -English marauder’s letters, published in Purchas, vol. iv., we get the -other side.[423] - -[Illustration: PART OF LESCARBOT’S MAP, 1609. - -There is a modern reproduction of Lescarbot’s entire map in Faillon, -_Colonie Française_, i. 85.] - -[Illustration: ACADIE. - -[This is a section of La Hontan’s map, _Carte Generale de Canada_, -which appeared in his La Haye edition, 1709, vol. ii. p. 5; and was -re-engraved in the _Mémoires_, vol. iii. Amsterdam, 1741. La Hontan -was in the country from 1683 till after 1690. The double-dotted line -indicates the southern limits of the French claim.—ED.]] - -Another of these early adventurers who has left a personal account of -his long-continued but fruitless attempts at American colonization is -Nicolas Denys, a native of Tours. So early as 1632 he was appointed -by the French king governor of the territory between Cape Canso and -Cape Rosier. Forty years later, when he must have been well advanced -in life, though he had lost none of his early enthusiasm, he published -an historical and geographical description of this part of North -America.[424] The work shows that he was a careful and observant -navigator; but in its historical part it is confused and perplexing. -The second volume is largely devoted to an account of the cod-fishery, -and treats generally of the natural history of the places with which -he was familiar, and of the manners and life of the Indians. It has a -different titlepage from the first volume. - -Abundant details as to the quarrels of D’Aulnay and La Tour are -in Winthrop’s _History of New England_; and many of the original -documents, most of them in contemporaneous translations, are in -the seventh volume of the third series of the _Collections_ of the -Massachusetts Historical Society. From the first of these sources -Hutchinson, in his _History of Massachusetts Bay_, drew largely, as did -Williamson in his _History of Maine_, both of whom devoted considerable -space to Acadian affairs. For some of the later transactions -Hutchinson is an original authority of unimpeachable weight.[425] -The Massachusetts writers are also naturally the sources of most of -our information regarding the expedition of 1654, though Denys and -Charlevoix touch upon it, and the modern historians of Nova Scotia -treat it in an episodical way. The articles of capitulation of Port -Royal are in _Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France_, -ii. 107. - -Among the later French writers the pre-eminence belongs to the -Jesuit Father, Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix, who had access -to contemporaneous materials, of which he made careful use; and his -statements have great weight, though he wrote many years after the -events he describes. His _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ follows the -course of the French throughout the continent, and scattered through -it are many notices of the course of events in Acadia, but its more -particular characterization belongs to another chapter. - -The papers drawn up by the French and English commissioners to -determine the intent of the treaty of Utrecht have a controversial -purpose, and on each side are colored and distorted to make out a case. -In them are many statements of facts which need only to be disentangled -from the arguments by which they are obscured to have a high value. -No one, indeed, can have a thorough and accurate knowledge of Acadian -history who does not make constant reference to these memorials and -to the justificatory pieces cited on the one side or the other. They -stand, when properly sifted and weighed, among the most important -sources for tracing the history of the province.[426] - -The episode of Sir William Alexander and his futile schemes of -colonization is treated exhaustively by Mr. Slafter in a monograph on -_Sir William Alexander and American Colonization_, which reproduces all -the original charters and other documents bearing on his inquiry, and -apparently leaves nothing for any future gleaner in that field.[427] -But, like many other persons who have conducted similar investigations, -it must be conceded that Mr. Slafter attaches more importance to -Sir William Alexander’s somewhat visionary plans than they really -merit. They were ill adapted to promote the great object of western -colonization, and they left no permanent trace behind them. - -Whipple’s brief account of Nova Scotia in his _Geographical View of the -District of Maine_ should not be overlooked; but it was written at a -time when historical students were less exacting than they now are, and -its details are meagre and unsatisfactory.[428] - -Haliburton’s _History of Nova Scotia_ is a work of conscientious and -faithful labor, but in its preparation the author was under serious -disadvantages from his inability to consult many of the books on which -such a history must be based; and as he was not able to correct the -proofs, his volumes are disfigured by the grossest typographical -blunders. No one without some previous familiarity with the subject can -safely read it; but such a reader will find in it much of value.[429] - -[Illustration: SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. - -[Slafter, p. 124, gives an account of the engraving by Marshall, -published in 1635, of which the above is a reproduction following -Richardson’s engraving of 1795. It represents Alexander at -fifty-seven.—ED.]] - -A work of far higher authority, much fuller on the earlier periods, -and one which is generally marked by great thoroughness and accuracy, -is Murdoch’s _History of Nova Scotia_. Written in the form of -annals, it lacks every grace of style; and in a few instances the -author has overlooked important sources of information,—such as -Winthrop’s _History of New England_,[430] which is not named in his -list of authorities (p. 533), and which he seems to have known only -at second-hand through the citations of Hutchinson and of Ferland; -and the original papers connected with La Tour and D’Aulnay in the -_Collections_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society. On the other -hand, he had access for the first time to very valuable manuscript -materials, which greatly enlarge our knowledge on not a few points -previously obscure.[431] - -The _Cours d’Histoire du Canada_ of the Abbé Ferland is mainly devoted -to what is now known as Canada; but there are several chapters in it -on Acadian affairs. By birth and choice a Canadian, “and above all a -Catholic,” as he himself avows, his statements and inferences need to -be scrutinized carefully. He had, however, gathered considerable new -material, his narrative is clearly and compactly written, and his work -must rank among the best of the modern compilations.[432] - -[Illustration: F Parkman] - -The same, or nearly the same, may be said of Garneau’s _Histoire -du Canada_. The chapters on Acadia are based on materials easily -accessible, and they add no new facts to those given by the earlier -writers; but his narrative is clear and exact, and not much colored by -the writer’s point of view. He had not, however, so firm a grasp of his -subject as had Ferland; and for the period covered by this inquiry the -latter may be read with much greater pleasure and profit.[433] - -An English translation of Garneau’s work was published some years after -its first appearance, with omissions and alterations by the translator, -who regarded the subject from an entirely different point of view, -and who did not hesitate to modify occasionally the statements of the -author, besides adding a great body of valuable notes.[434] - -Another recent work which may be profitably consulted on the early -history of Acadia is Henry Kirke’s _First English Conquest of -Canada_.[435] This work deals mainly with the lives of Sir David Kirke -and his brothers, and its chief value is biographical; but it comprises -some hitherto unpublished documents from the Record Office, and throws -considerable light on obscure portions of the early history of Canada -and Acadia. - -Among these more recent writers the highest place belongs to Francis -Parkman. In his _Pioneers of France in the New World_[436] he has -given an account of the first settlement of the French in Acadia which -is not less accurate in its minutest details than it is picturesque -in style and comprehensive in its grasp of the subject. Mr. Parkman -needed only a story of wider relations and more continuous influence -to secure for his book a foremost place among American histories. -In his _Frontenac_[437] he has told with equal vividness the story -of the marauding warfare which devastated the coast of Acadia and -the contiguous English settlements from 1689 to 1697. No one of our -historians has been more unwearied in research, as no one has been more -skilful in handling his materials. Based in great part on original -manuscripts from the French archives and on contemporaneous narratives, -his volumes leave nothing to be desired for the period which they cover. - -[Illustration: Ch. C. Smith] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - - -=A.= A Commissioner of Public Records of Nova Scotia was appointed -in 1857, and by his list, printed in 1864, it appears that but one -of the two hundred and four volumes in which the archives were -arranged had papers of a date earlier than 1700, and that this volume -contained copies of copies from the archives in Paris made for the -Canadian Government, and covered the years 1632-1699. The Library -of Parliament _Catalogue_, p. 1538, shows that vol. i. of the third -series of manuscripts (1654-1699) is devoted to Acadia. A Nova Scotia -Historical Society, instituted a few years ago, has as yet published -but one volume of Reports and Collections for 1878, but it contains -contributions to a later period in the history of Acadia than that now -under consideration. - - -=B.= THE WAR IN MAINE AND ACADIA.—The revolution which deposed Andros -in Boston was also the occasion of withdrawing the garrisons from the -English posts toward Acadia; and this invited in turn the onsets of the -enemy. It was calculated in 1690 that there were between Boston and -Canso four thousand two hundred and ten Indians,—a census destined to -be diminished, indeed, so that in 1726 the savages were only rated for -the same territory at five hundred and six (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1866, p. 9). But this diminution meant a process of appalling -war. In the spring of 1689 came the catastrophe at Choceco (now Dover). -Belknap, in his _New Hampshire_, gives a sufficient narrative; and Dr. -Quint, in his notes to Pike’s Journal (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. -124), indicates the manuscript sources. For the capture of the stockade -at Pemaquid, which quickly followed, we have the French side in the -_Relation_ of Father Thury, the priest of the mission to the Penobscot -Indians, who was in the action, and La Motte-Cadillac’s _Mémoire sur -l’Acadie_, 1692. Cf. the references in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. 42. The -English side can be gathered from Mather’s _Magnalia; Andros Tracts_, -vol. iii.; 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._ vol. i.; Hough’s “Pemaquid Papers,” in -_Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. v.; Hubbard’s _Indian Wars_, and John -Gyles’s _Memoirs_, Boston, 1736 (see _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 336). The -story, more or less colored, under new lights or local associations, is -told in Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, Thornton’s _Ancient Pemaquid_, -Johnston’s _Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_ (p. 170), and of course in -Williamson and Parkman. - -The _Relation_ of Monseignat (_N. Y. Col. Doc._, vol. ix.) and La -Potherie are the chief French accounts on the surprise at Salmon Falls, -in March, 1690, and according to Parkman, “Charlevoix adds various -embellishments not to be found in the original sources.” On the English -side, it is still Mather’s _Magnalia_ upon which we must depend, -and, as a secondary authority, upon Belknap’s _New Hampshire_ and -Williamson’s _Maine_. Parkman points out the help which sundry papers -in the _Massachusetts Archives_ afford; and Dr. Quint, in his notes -to Pike’s Journal (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 125), has indicated -other similar sources. - -[Illustration: POSITION OF FORT LOYAL.] - -The attack on Fort Loyal (Portland), in May, 1690, is studied likewise -from Monseignat, La Potherie, Mather, with some fresh light out of the -“Declaration” of Sylvanus Davis, in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, i. 101, and -Bradstreet’s letter to Governor Leisler, in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, ii. -259. Le Clercq gives the French view; cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. 133, -and _Le Clercq_, ii. 295; Willis’s _Portland_, p. 284, and _N. Y. Col. -Doc._, ix. 472. - -Meanwhile Phips had sailed from Boston in April to attack Port Royal. -He anchored before its defences on the 10th of May. The place was -quickly surrendered to Phips, on the 11th of May, by De Meneval, its -governor, who did not escape the imputation of treachery at the time. -Parkman (_Frontenac_, pp. 237,) and Shea (_Charlevoix_, iv. 155) give -the authorities. Parkman says Charlevoix’s own narrative is erroneous; -but on the French side we still have Monseignat and Potherie, though -both are brief; the _Relation de la prise du Port Royal par les Anglois -de Baston_, May 27, 1690; the official _Lettre au Ministre_ of Meneval, -and the _Rapport de Champigny_, of October, 1690. Cf. _N. Y. Col. -Doc._, iii. 720; ix. 474, 475. - -[Illustration] - -On the English side we have Governor Bradstreet’s instructions to Phips -and an invoice of the plunder, in the _Mass. Archives; a Journal of the -Expedition from Boston to Port Royal_, among George Chalmers’ papers -in the Sparks Manuscripts at Harvard College, perhaps the document -referred to by Hutchinson, in speaking of Phips, as “his Journal;” the -unhistoric overflow of Cotton Mather’s _Life of Phips_, and sundry -extracts embodied in Bowen’s _Life of Phips_. Murdoch, in his _Nova -Scotia_, ch. xxii., gives a summarized account. - -[Illustration] - -During Phips’s ill-starred expedition to Quebec in the autumn of the -same year, Colonel Benjamin Church was ineffectually employed in -creating diversions in Phips’s favor in this lower region. See Dr. -Henry M. Dexter’s edition of Church’s _History of the Expedition to -the East_, and additional letters of Church in Drake’s additions to -Baylies’ _Old Colony_, pt. v.; and in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 271. -Williamson (_Maine_, i. 624) summarizes the authorities. - -Two years later the rapine began afresh. York in Maine was captured and -burned in 1692 by the Abenakis, one of whose chiefs gave to Champigny -the narrative which he sent to the Minister, Oct. 5, 1692, which -Parkman calls the best French account. The Indians also gave Villebon -the exaggerated story which he gives in his _Journal de ce qui s’est -passé à l’Acadie_, 1691-1692. On the English side, we have the account -in Mather’s _Magnalia_, and the later summaries of Williamson and of -the general historians. - -In June, Portneuf and St. Castin, with their savage followers, left -Pentagöet to attack the frontier post of Wells, but they were foiled, -and retreated. Villebon is here the principal French authority; and on -the English side, to the more general accounts of Mather, Hutchinson, -Williamson, and to the eclectic summary of Niles’s _Indian and French -Wars_, we must add the local historian Bourne’s _History of Wells_. - -[Illustration: PEMAQUID.] - -The reader can best follow Parkman (_Frontenac_, p. 357, etc.), who -carefully notes the authorities for the way in which Frontenac was -foiled in 1693 in an attempt to capture the English post at Pemaquid; -and for the attack on Oyster River the next year (1694), Parkman’s -references may be collated with Shea’s (_Charlevoix_, iv. 256). The -expedition was under the conduct of Villieu and the Jesuit Thury, -and what was then known as Oyster River is now Durham, about twenty -miles from Portsmouth. Villieu’s own Journal is preserved: _Relation -du Voyage fait par le Sieur de Villieu ... pour faire la Guerre aux -Anglois au printemps de l’an 1694_, and Parkman says Champigny, -Frontenac, and Callières in their reports adopt Villieu’s statements. -Belknap’s _New Hampshire_ has the best English account, which may be -supplemented by various papers in the _Provincial Records of New -Hampshire_, and the Journal of Pike in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. -128, with Dr. Quint’s notes. The _Mass. Archives_ have depositions and -letters. - -In 1696 Iberville, in charge of two war-ships which had come from -France, uniting with such forces and savage allies as Villebon, -Villieu, St. Castin, and Thury could gather, appeared on the 14th of -August before the English fort at Pemaquid, which quickly surrendered. -Pemaquid is a peninsula on the Maine coast between the mouths of the -Kennebec and Penobscot, and the fort was situated as shown in the -accompanying sketch. It was the most easterly of the English posts in -this debatable territory, as the French fort at Biguyduce (Pentagöet -or Castine) was the most westerly of the enemy’s. The fort at Pemaquid -had been rebuilt of stone by Phips in 1692. (Mather’s _Magnalia_, -Johnston’s _Bristol and Bremen_.) Baudoin, an Acadian priest, -accompanied the expedition, and wrote a _Journal d’une voyage fait -avec M. d’Iberville_, and Parkman also cites as contemporary French -authorities the _Relation de ce qui s’est passé_, etc., of 1695-1696, -and Des Goutin’s letter to the Minister of Sept. 23, 1696; cf. _N. Y. -Col. Docs._, vol. ix. - -Mather and Hutchinson are still the chief writers on the English side, -while everything of local interest is gathered in Johnston’s_ History -of Bristol and Bremen, in Maine, including Pemaquid_, Albany, 1873. - -[Illustration] - -The immediate result of the capture of Pemaquid was to release -D’Iberville for an attempt to drive the English from the east coast of -Newfoundland in 1697. Parkman tells the story in his _Frontenac_, p. -391, and by him and by Shea in his _Charlevoix_, v. 46, the original -sources are traced. - -Mr. Parkman (_Frontenac_, p. 408) has an important note on the military -insufficiency of the English colonies at this time. - - -=C.= THREATENED FRENCH ATTACKS UPON BOSTON.—Ever after the surrender -of the region east of the Penobscot to the French in 1670, there were -recurrent hopes of the French to make reprisals on the English by an -attack on Boston, and emissaries of the French occasionally reported -upon the condition of that town. Grandfontaine, on being empowered to -receive the posts of Acadia from the English (_Massachusetts Archives: -Documents Collected in France_, ii. 209, 211), had been instructed, -March 5, 1670, to make Pentagöet his seat of government; and it was at -Boston, July 7, 1670, that he and Temple concluded terms of peace; and -we have (Ibid., ii. 227) a statement of the condition of the fort at -Pentagöet when it was turned over. Talon (Ibid., ii. 247) shortly after -informed the King of his intention to go to Acadia (Nov. 2, 1671), -hoping for a conference with Temple, whom he reports as disgusted with -the government at Boston, “which is more republican than monarchical;” -and the Minister, in response, June 4, 1672 (Ibid., ii. 265), intimates -that it might do to give naturalization papers and other favors to -Temple, if he could be induced to come over to the French side. In -1678 new hopes were entertained, and under date of March 21, we find -(Ibid., ii. 359) the French had procured a description of Boston and -its shipping. Frontenac and Duchesneau were each representing to the -Court the disadvantages Canada was under in relation to the trade of -the eastern Indians, with Boston offering such rivalry (Ibid., ii. 363; -iii. 12); and Duchesneau, Nov. 14, 1679, enlarges upon a description -of Boston and its defenceless condition (Ibid., ii. 371). When the -English made peace with the Abenakis in 1681, Frontenac reported it to -the Court, with his grievances at the aggressions of the Boston people, -to whom he had sent De la Vallière to demand redress (Ibid., iii. 29, -31); and to end the matter, Duchesneau, Nov. 13, 1681, proposed to -the Minister the purchase of the English colonies. “It is true,” he -says, “that Boston, which is an English town, does not acknowledge the -sovereignty of the Duke of York at all, and very little the authority -of the English King” (Ibid., iii. 35). The French meanwhile had assumed -a right to Pemaquid, and Governor Dongan of New York had ordered them -to withdraw (Ibid., iii. 81), while complications with the “Bastonnais” -increased rapidly (Ibid., iii. 49). De Grosellier sent to the Minister -new accounts of the Puritan town and its situation (Ibid., iii. 450); -and the Bishop of Quebec remonstrated with the King for his permitting -Huguenots to settle in Acadie, since they held communication with the -people of Boston, and increased the danger (Ibid., iii. 95). The King -in turn addressed himself rather to demanding of the Duke of York that -he should see the English at Boston did not aid the savages of Acadia. -In 1690 more active measures were proposed. On the day before Phips -anchored at Port Royal, a “Projet” was drawn up at Versailles for an -attack on Boston, in which its defenceless state was described:— - - “La costé de Baston est peuplée, mais il n’y à aucun poste qui - veille. Baston mesme est sans palissades à moins qu’on n’en ait mis - depuis six mois. Il y a bien du peuple en cette colonie, mais assez - difficile à rassembler. Monsieur Perrot connoist cette coste, et le - Sieur de Villebon qui est à la Rochelle à present, avec le nommé La - Motte,—tous le trois ont souvent esté à Baston et à Manat.... Par la - carte suivante, on peut voir comme ce pays se trouve situé,” etc. - -The capture of Pemaquid in 1696 revived hopes in the French of making a -successful descent upon Boston, and even upon New York. - -Several documents in reference to the scheme, and respecting in part -Franquelin’s map of Boston, are in the _Mass. Archives; Documents -Collected in France_, iv. 467, etc. This map is given in the _Memorial -History of Boston_, vol. ii. p. li, from a copy made by Mr. Poore, -and in Mr. Parkman’s manuscript collections. In the same place will -be found accounts of earlier French maps of Boston (1692-1693), one -of them by Franquelin, but both very inexact. The references on this -projected inroad of the French are given by Parkman (_Frontenac_, p. -384), Shea (_Charlevoix_, v. 70), and Barry (_Massachusetts_, ii. 89, -etc.). - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -DISCOVERY ALONG THE GREAT LAKES. - -BY THE REV. EDWARD D. NEILL, A.B., ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA. - -_Corresponding Member Massachusetts Historical Society; Hon. -Vice-President New England Historic Genealogical Society._ - - -PURCHAS in his _Pilgrimage_ quaintly writes, that “the great river -Canada hath, like an insatiable merchant, engrossed all these water -commodities, so that other streames are in a manner but meere -pedlers.”[438] - -This river of Canada, the Hochelaga of the natives, now known as the -St. Lawrence, is the most wonderful of all the streams of North America -which find their way into the Atlantic Ocean. Its extreme headwaters -are on the elevated plateau of the continent, near the birthplace of -the Mississippi, which flows into the Gulf of Mexico, and the Red -River of the North, which empties into Hudson’s Bay. Expanding into -the interior sea, Lake Superior, after rippling and foaming over the -rocks at Sault Ste. Marie it divides into Lake Michigan and Lake Huron; -and passing through the latter and Lake St. Claire[439] and Lake Erie, -with the energy of an infuriated Titan it dashes itself into foam and -mist at Niagara. After recovering composure, it becomes Ontario, the -“beautiful lake,”[440] and then, hedged in by scenery varied, sublime, -and picturesque, and winding through a thousand isles, it becomes -the wide and noble river which admits vessels of large burden to the -wharves of the cities of Montreal and Quebec; and until lost in the -Atlantic, “many islands are before it, offering their good-nature to be -mediators between this haughty stream and the angry ocean.”[441] The -aborigines, who dwelt in rude lodges near its banks, chiefly belonged -to the Huron or Algonquin family; and although there were variations in -dialect, they found no difficulty in understanding one another, and in -their light canoes they made long journeys, on which they exchanged the -copper implements and agate arrow-heads of the far West for the shells -and commodities of the sea-shore.[442] - -Cartier, born at the time that the discoveries of Columbus were being -discussed throughout Europe, who had toughened into a daring navigator, -sailed in 1535 up the St. Lawrence, giving the river its present name, -and on the 2d of October he reached the site now occupied by the city -of Montreal. Escorted by wondering and excited savages, he went to the -top of the hill behind the Indian village, and listened to descriptions -of the country from whence they obtained _caignetdaze_, or red copper, -which was reached by the River Utawas, which then glittered like a -silver thread amid the scarlet leaves of the autumnal forest.[443] -The explorations of the French and English in the western world led -the merchants of both countries to seek for its furs, and to hope for -a shorter passage through it to “the wealth of Ormus and of Ind.” -Apsley, a London dealer in beads, playing-cards, and gewgaws in the -days of Queen Elizabeth, wrote that he expected to live long enough to -see a letter in three months carried to China by a route that would -be discovered across the American continent, between the forty-third -and forty-sixth parallel of north latitude.[444] The explorations -of Champlain have been sketched in an earlier chapter.[445] To the -incentive of the fur-trade a new impulse was added when, in the spring -of 1609, some Algonquins visited the trading-post, and one of the -chiefs brought from his sack a piece of copper a foot in length, a fine -and pure specimen. He said that it came from the banks of a tributary -of a great lake, and that it was their custom to melt the copper lumps -which they found, and roll them into sheets with stones. - -It was in 1611, when returning from one of his visits to France, -where he had become betrothed to a twelve-year-old maiden, Helen, -the daughter of a Huguenot, Nicholas Boullé, secretary of the King’s -Chamber, that Champlain pushed forward his western occupation by -establishing a frontier trading-post where now is the city of Montreal, -and arranging for trade with the distant Hurons, who were assembled at -Sault St. Louis. - -Again in 1615, as we have seen, he extended his observations to Lake -Huron, while on his expedition against the Iroquois. With the Hurons -he passed the following winter, and visited neighboring tribes, but -in the spring of 1616 returned to Quebec; and although nearly twenty -years elapsed before his remains were placed in a grave in that city, -he appears to have been contented as the discoverer of Lakes Champlain, -Huron, and Ontario, and relinquished farther westward exploration to -his subordinates. - -The fur-trade of Canada produced a class of men hardy, agile, fearless, -and in habits approximating to the savage.[446] Inured to toil, the -_voyageurs_ arose in the morning, “when it was yet dark,” and pushing -their birch-bark canoes into the water, swiftly glided away, “like the -shade of a cloud on the prairie,” and often did not break fast until -the sun had been for hours above the horizon. Halting for a short -period, they partook of their coarse fare, then re-embarking they -pursued their voyage to the land of the beaver and buffalo, the woods -echoing their _chansons_ until the “shades of night began to fall,” -when, - - “Worn with the long day’s march and the chase of the deer and the - bison, - Stretched themselves on the ground, and slept where the - quivering firelight - Flashed on their swarthy cheeks, and their forms wrapped up in their - blankets.” - -Among the pioneers of these wanderers in the American forests was -Étienne (Anglicized, Stephen) Brulé, of Champigny.[447] It has been -mentioned that he went with Champlain to the Huron villages near -Georgian Bay, but did not with his Superior cross Lake Ontario. After -three years of roaming, he came back to Montreal, and told Champlain -that he had found a river which he descended until it flowed into a -sea,—the river by some supposed to be the Susquehanna, and the sea -Chesapeake Bay.[448] While in this declaration he may have depended -upon his imagination, yet to him belongs the undisputed honor of being -the first white man to give the world a knowledge of the region beyond -Lake Huron. - -Sagard[449] mentions that this bold _voyageur_, with a Frenchman -named Grenolle, made a long journey, and returned with a “lingot” -of red copper and with a description of Lake Superior which defined -it as very large, requiring nine days to reach its upper extremity, -and discharging itself into Lake Huron by a fall, first called Saut -de Gaston, afterward Sault Ste. Marie. Upon the surrender of Quebec, -in 1629, to the English, Étienne Brulé chose to cast in his lot with -the conquerors.[450] During the occupation of nearly three years the -English heard many stories of the region of the Great Lakes, and they -encouraged the aborigines of the Hudson and Susquehanna to purchase -English wares. - -The very year that the English occupied Quebec, Ferdinando Gorges and -associates, who had employed men to search for a great lake, received a -patent for the province of Laconia, and the governor thereof arrived in -June, 1630, in the ship “Warwick,” at Piscataway, New Hampshire.[451] -Early in June, 1632, Captain Henry Fleet, in the “Warwick,” visited the -Anacostans, whose village stood on the shores of the Potomac where now -is seen the lofty dome of the Capitol of the Republic. These Indians -told Fleet that they traded with the Canada Indians; and on the 27th of -the month, at the Great Falls of the Potomac, he saw two axes of the -pattern brought over by the brothers Kyrcke to Quebec.[452] - -About the time Quebec was restored to the French, on the 23d of -September, 1633,[453] Captain Thomas Young received a commission from -the King of England to make certain explorations in America.[454] The -next spring he sailed, and among his officers was a “cosmographer, -skilful in mines and trying of metals.” Entering Delaware Bay on the -24th of July, 1634, he sailed up the river, which he named Charles, in -honor of the King, and by the 1st of September had reached the vicinity -of the falls, above Trenton, the capital of New Jersey. In a report -from this river, dated the 20th of October, he writes: “I passed up -this great river, with purpose to have pursued the discovery thereof -till I had found the great lake[455] from which the great river issues, -and from thence I have particular reason to believe there doth also -issue some branches, one or more, by which I might have passed into -that Mediterranean Sea which the Indian relateth to be four days’ -journey beyond the mountains; but having passed near fifty leagues up -the river, I was stopped from further proceedings by a ledge of rocks -which crosseth the river.” - -He then expresses a determination the next summer to build a vessel -above the falls, from whence he hoped to find “a way that leadeth into -that mediterranean sea,” and from the lake. He continues: “I judge that -it cannot be less than one hundred and fifty or two hundred leagues -in length to our North Ocean; and from thence I purpose to discover -the mouths thereof, which discharge both into the North and South -Sea.”[456] The same month that Captain Young was exploring the Valley -of the Delaware, an expedition left Quebec which was not so barren of -results. - -The year that Étienne Brulé came back from his wandering in the far -West, in 1618, Jean Nicolet, the son of poor parents at Cherbourg, came -from France, and entered the service of the fur company known as the -“Hundred Associates,” under Champlain. For several years he lived among -the Algonquins of the Ottawa Valley, and traded with the Hurons; and -because of his knowledge of the language of these people, he was valued -as an interpreter by the trading company. On the 4th day of July, 1634, -on his eventful journey to distant nations, he was at Three Rivers, a -trading post just begun. Threading his way in a frail canoe among the -isles which extend from Georgian Bay to the extremity of Lake Huron, -he, through the Straits of Mackinaw, discovered Lake Michigan, and -turning southward found its Grand Bay, an inlet of the western shore, -and impressive by its length and vastness. - -Here were the Gens de Mer,[457] or Ochunkgraw, called by the -Algonquins Ouinipegous or Ouinipegouek,—people of the salt or -bad-smelling water; and the traders gave them the name of Puants. - -Calling a council of these Winnebagoes and the neighboring tribes, -and knowing the power of display upon the savage, he appeared before -them in a grand robe of the damask of China, on which was worked -flowers and birds of different colors, and holding a pistol in each -hand,—a somewhat amusing reminder of the Jove of mythology, with his -variegated mantle and thunderbolts. To many he seemed a messenger from -the spirit-land; and the women and children, on account of his pistols, -called him the man who bore thunder in his hands.[458] - -Nicolet announced that he was a peacemaker, and that he desired that -they should settle their quarrels and be on friendly terms with the -French at Quebec. His words were well received, and one chief, at the -conclusion of the conference, invited him to a feast, at which one -hundred and twenty beaver were served. He came back to Three Rivers -during the next summer, and renewed the interest in the discovery of a -route to the Western Ocean, by the declaration that if he had paddled -three days more on a large river (probably the Wisconsin), he would -have found the sea. There was no design to deceive; but the great water -at that distance was what has been called “the father of waters,” the -Mississippi. Before December, 1635, he was appointed interpreter at -the new trading-post of Three Rivers, and was there when, on Christmas -Day, at the age of sixty-eight years, one who had been the life of the -fur-trade and the Governor of New France, Samuel de Champlain, expired -at Quebec. After the death of the fearless and enterprising Champlain, -there was a lull in the zest for discovery, and then difficulties arose -which for a time led to the abandonment of all the French trading-posts -on the shores of Lake Huron and Lake Michigan. - -The Iroquois had for years longed to be revenged upon those who, with -the aid of French arquebuses, had defeated them in battle. Friendly -relations were established between them and the Dutch traders on the -banks of the Hudson River; and for beaver skins, powder and firearms -were received. With these they gratified their desire for revenge. They -became a terror to the savage and civilized in Canada; and traders and -missionaries, women and infants, fled from their scalping-knives. - -The following graphic description of affairs was penned in 1653:— - - “The war with the Iroquois has dried up all sources of prosperity. The - beaver are allowed to build their dams in peace, none being able or - willing to molest them. Crowds of Hurons no longer descend from their - country with furs for trading. The Algonquin country is depopulated, - and the nations beyond it are retiring farther away, fearing the - musketry of the Iroquois. The keeper of the Company’s store here in - Montreal has not bought a single beaver-skin for a year. At Three - Rivers, the small means in hand have been used in fortifying the - place, from fear of an inroad upon it. In the Quebec storehouse all is - emptiness.” - -At length, in the year 1654, peace was effected between the French and -Iroquois, and traders again appeared on the upper lakes, and Indians -from thence appeared at Montreal. In August, two Frenchmen accompanied -some Ottawas to the region of the upper lakes; and in the latter part -of August, 1656, these traders came back to Quebec with a party of -Ottawas,[459] whose canoes were loaded with peltries; and about this -time a trader told a Jesuit missionary that “he had seen three thousand -men together, for the purpose of making a treaty of peace, in the -country of the Gens de Mer.” - -[Illustration] - -In 1659, while the new governor Argenson was experiencing the -perplexities of administration at Quebec, the extremity of Lake -Superior was reached by two energetic and intelligent traders,—Medard -Chouart, known in history as Sieur des Groseilliers, and Pierre -d’Esprit or Sieur Radisson. Chouart was born a few miles east of Meaux, -and left France when he was about sixteen years of age, and became -a trader among the Hurons. In 1647 he married the widow Étienne, -of Quebec, the father of whom was the pilot Abraham Martin, whose -baptismal name was given to the suburb of that city, the Plains of -Abraham. She gave birth to a son in 1651, named after his father, and -soon after died. Chouart, the Sieur des Groseilliers, then married -Marguérite Hayet Radisson, and through her he became a sympathizer -with the Huguenots.[460] His brother-in-law, Sieur Radisson, was born -at St. Malo, France, and in 1656 married at Three Rivers, Canada, -Elizabeth Herault; and after her death he espoused a daughter of the -zealous Protestant, Sir David Kyrcke, to whose brothers Champlain had -surrendered Quebec. - -Pushing beyond Lake Superior, after travelling six days in a -southwesterly direction, these traders found the Tionnotantés, a band -incorporated with the Hurons, called by the French Petuns, because -they had raised tobacco. These people dwelt in the country between -the sources of the Black and Chippeway Rivers in Wisconsin, where -they had been wanderers for several years. Driven from their homes by -the Iroquois, they migrated with the Ottawas to the isles of Lake -Michigan, at the entrance of Green Bay. Hearing that the Iroquois had -learned where they had retreated, they descended the Wisconsin River -until they found the Mississippi, and, ascending this twelve leagues, -they came to the Ayoes (Ioway) River, now known as the Upper Iowa, and -followed it to its source, being kindly treated by the tribes. Although -buffaloes were in abundance, they were disappointed when they found no -forests, and retracing their steps to the Mississippi, ascended to a -prairie island above Lake Pepin, about nine miles below the mouth of -the River St. Croix, and here they often received friendly visits from -the Sioux. Confident through the possession of firearms, the Ottawas -and Hurons conspired to drive the Sioux away, and occupy their country. -The attack was unsuccessful, and they were forced to look for another -residence. Going down the Mississippi, they entered one of the mouths -of the Black River, near the modern city La Crosse, and the Hurons -established themselves about its sources, while their allies, the -Ottawas, continued their journey to Lake Superior, and stopped at a -point jutting out like a bone needle,—hence called Chagouamikon. - -Groseilliers and Radisson, while sojourning with the Hurons, learned -much of the deep, wide, and beautiful river, comparable in its -grandeur to the St. Lawrence,[461] on an isle of which they had for -a time resided. Proceeding northward, these explorers wintered with -the Nadouechiouec, who hunted and fished among the “Mille Lacs” of -Minnesota, between the St. Croix and Mississippi Rivers. The Sioux, as -these people were called by traders, were found to speak a language -different from the Huron and Algonquin, and to have many strange -customs. Women, for instance, were seen whose noses had been cut off -as a penalty for adultery, giving them a ghastly look. Beyond, upon -the northwest shore of Lake Superior, about the Grand Portage, and at -the mouth of a river which upon early maps was called Groseilliers, -there was met a separated warlike band of Sioux, called Poualak, who, -as wood was scarce in the prairie region, made fire with coal (_charbon -de terre_), and lived in skin lodges, although some of the more -industrious built cabins of mud (_terre grasse_), as the swallows build -their nests. The Assinepoualacs, or Assineboines, were feared by the -Upper, as the Iroquois were dreaded by the Lower, Algonquins. - -After an absence of about a year, these traders, about the 19th of -August, 1660, returned to Montreal with three hundred Indians and sixty -canoes laden with a “wealth of skins,”— - - “Furs of bison and of beaver, - Furs of sable and of ermine.” - -The settlers there, and at Three Rivers, and at Quebec, were deeply -interested by the tales of the vastness and richness of the new-found -land and the peculiarities of the wild Sioux. As soon as the furs were -sold and a new outfit obtained, Groseilliers, on the 28th of August, -again took his way to the westward, accompanied by six Frenchmen, -besides the aged Jesuit missionary René Menard and his servant Guérin. - -Just beyond the Huron Isles and Huron Bay, which still retain their -name, on the southern shore of Lake Superior, is Keweenaw Bay; and -on the 15th of October, Saint Theresa’s Day in the calendar of the -Church of Rome, the traders and René Menard, with the returning -Indians, stopped, and here some traders and the missionary passed the -winter among the Outaouaks.[462] Father Menard, discouraged by the -indifference of these Indians, resolved to go to the retreat of the -Hurons among the marshes of what is now the State of Wisconsin. He sent -three Frenchmen who had been engaged in the fur-trade to inform them of -his intention; but after journeying for some days they were appalled by -the bogs, rapids, and long portages, and returned. Undaunted by their -tale of the difficulties of the way, and some Hurons having come to -visit the Outaouaks, he resolved to return with them. On the 13th of -June, 1661, Menard and his servant, Jean Guérin, by trade a gunsmith, -followed in the footsteps of their Indian guides, who, however, soon -forsook them in the wilderness. For fifteen days they remained by a -lake, and finding a small canoe in the bushes, they embarked with -their packs; and week after week in midsummer, annoyed by myriads of -mosquitoes, and suffering from heat, hunger, and bruised feet, they -advanced toward their destination, and about the 7th of August, while -Guérin was making a portage around a rapid in a river, Menard lost the -trail. His servant, becoming anxious, called for him, yet there was no -answer; and then he five times fired his gun, in the hope of directing -him to the right path, but it was of no avail. Two days after, Guérin -reached the Huron village, and endeavored without success to employ -some of the tribe to go in search of the aged missionary. - -Afterward Guérin met a Sauk Indian with Menard’s kettle, which he said -he found in the woods, near footprints going in the direction of the -Sioux country.[463] His breviary and cassock were said to have been -found among the Sioux, and it is supposed that he was either killed, -or died from exposure, and that his effects were taken by wandering -Indians.[464] Perrot writes: “The Father followed the Ottawas to the -Lake of the Illinois [Michigan], and in their flight to Louisiana -[Mississippi] as far as the upper part of Black River.” Upon a map -prepared by Franquelin, in 1688,[465] for Louis XIV., there is a -route marked by a dotted line from the vicinity of Keweenaw Bay to the -upper part of Green Bay. If Perrot’s statement is correct, Menard and -his devoted attendant Guérin saw the Mississippi twelve years before -Joliet and his companion looked upon the great river. The reports -of Nicolet and Groseilliers led to a correction and enlargement of -the charts of New France. On a map[466] accompanying the _Historia -Canadensis_, by Creuxius, Lake Michigan is marked as “Magnus Lacus -Algonquinorum, seu Lacus Fœtetium,” and a lake intended for Nepigon is -called “Assineboines,” near which appear the nations Kilistinus and -Alimibegôecus. The lake of the Assineboines is connected by a river -with an arm of Hudson’s Bay called “Kilistonum Sinus;” and west of this -is Jametus Sinus, or James’s Bay. - -Pierre Boucher, an estimable man, sent by the inhabitants of Canada to -present their grievances to the King of France, in a little book which -in 1663 he published at Paris,[467] wrote: “In Lake Superior there is -a great island which is fifty leagues in circumference, in which there -is a very beautiful mine of copper.” He also stated that he had heard -of other mines from five Frenchmen lately returned, who had been absent -three years, and that they had seen an ingot of copper which they -thought weighed more than eight hundred pounds, and that Indians after -making a fire thereon would cut off pieces with their axes. - -Groseilliers[468] returned to Canada, and on the 2d of May, 1662, -again left Quebec, with ten men, for the North Sea, or Hudson’s Bay. -His journey satisfied him that it was easy to secure the trade of -the North by way of Lake Superior; but the Company of Canada, which -had the monopoly of the fur traffic, looked upon Groseilliers’ plans -for securing the peltries of distant tribes as chimerical. Thus -disappointed and chagrined, Groseilliers next went to Boston, and -presented his schemes to its merchants. - -The Reverend Mother of the Incarnation, Superior of the Ursulines at -Quebec, in allusion to him, wrote: “As he had not been successful in -making a fortune, he was seized with a fancy to go to New England to -better his condition. He excited a hope among the English that he -had found a passage to the Sea of the North.” Passing from Boston to -France, and securing the influence of the English ambassador at Paris, -he went to London, and became acquainted with Prince Rupert, nephew of -Charles I., who led the cavalry charge against Fairfax and Cromwell -at Naseby. This brilliant man was now devoted to study and to the -exhibition of the philosophical toy known to chemists as “Rupert’s -drops;” but he was ready to indorse the project for extending the -fur-trade, and seeking a northwestern passage to Asia. Men of science -also showed interest in explorations which would enlarge the sphere -of knowledge. The Secretary of the Royal Society wrote a too sanguine -letter to Robert Boyle, the distinguished philosopher, and friend of -the apostle Eliot. His words were: “Surely I need not tell you, from -hence, what is said here with great joy of the discovery of a northwest -passage, and by two Englishmen and one Frenchman, lately represented by -them to his Majesty at Oxford, and answered by the grant of a vessel -to sail into Hudson’s Bay and channel into the South Sea.” The ship -“Nonsuch” was fitted out in charge of Captain Zachary Gillam, a son of -one of the early settlers of Boston, and in this vessel Groseilliers -and Radisson left the Thames in June, 1668, and the next September -reached a tributary of Hudson’s Bay, which in honor of their chief -patron was called Rupert’s River. The next year, by way of Boston, they -returned to England, where their success was applauded; and in 1670 the -trading company was chartered,—still in existence, and among the most -venerable of English corporations,—known as “The Hudson’s Bay Company.” - -[Illustration] - -While the Canadian Fur Company did not respond to the proposals of -Groseilliers for the extension of commerce, the French Government, in -view of the fact that the Dutch on the south side of the St. Lawrence -and in the valley of the Hudson River had acknowledged allegiance to -England, determined to show more interest in the administration of -Canadian affairs, and Mézy having been recalled, hardly before his -death, Daniel de Remi, Seigneur de Courcelles, was sent as provincial -governor. They also created the new office of Intendant of Justice, -Police, and Finance, and made Talon—a person of talent, experience, -and great energy—the first incumbent. Arriving at Quebec in 1665, -Talon took decided steps for the promotion of agriculture, tanneries, -and fisheries, and was enthusiastic in the desire to see the white -banner of France, with its fleur-de-lis, floating in the far West.[469] - -In the autumn of 1668 he took with him to France one of the hardy -_voyageurs_ who had lived in the region of the lakes, and on the 24th -of the next February he writes to Colbert, the Colonial Minister, that -this man “had penetrated among the western nations farther than any -other Frenchman, and had seen the copper mine on Lake Huron. The man -offers to go to that mine and explore, either by sea, or by the lake -and river, the communication supposed to exist between Canada and the -South Sea, or to the region of Hudson’s Bay.” - -During the summer of 1669 the active and intelligent Louis Joliet, -with an outfit of four hundred livres, and one Peré, perhaps the -same person who gave his name to a river leading from Lake Nepigon -to Hudson’s Bay,[470] with an outfit of one thousand livres, went to -search for copper on the shores of Lake Superior, and to discover a -more direct route from the upper lakes to Montreal. Joliet went as far -as Sault Ste. Marie, where he did not long remain; but in the place of -a mine found an Iroquois prisoner among the Ottawas at that point, and -obtained permission to take him back to Canada. In company with another -Frenchman, he was led by the Iroquois from Lake Erie through the valley -of the Grand River to Lake Ontario, and on the 24th of September, at -an Iroquois village between this river and the head of Burlington Bay, -he met La Salle with four canoes and fifteen men, and the Sulpitian -priests, Galinée and De Casson, who on the 6th of July had left the -post at La Chine. - -La Salle, alleging ill health, at this point separated from the -missionaries, and Joliet, before proceeding toward Montreal, drew a -chart of the upper lakes for the guidance of the Sulpitians. By the -aid of this the priests reached Lake Erie through a direct river, and -near the lake they erected a hut and passed the winter. On the 23d of -March, 1670, they resumed their voyage, and on the 25th of May reached -Sault Ste. Marie, where there were about twenty-five Frenchmen trading -with the Indians. Here was also the mission of the Jesuits among the -Ottawas,—a square enclosure defended by cedar pickets twelve feet -high, and within were a small house and chapel which had recently been -built. Remaining but three days, they returned to Montreal by the old -route along the French River of Lake Huron to Lake Nipissing, and -thence by portage to the Ottawa River. - -About the time of their arrival Talon had learned from some Algonquins -that two European vessels had been seen in Hudson’s Bay, and he wrote -to Colbert,— - - “After reflecting on all the nations that might have penetrated as - far north as that, I can fall back only on the English, who under the - conduct of one named Desgrozeliers, in former times an inhabitant of - Canada, might possibly have attempted that navigation, of itself not - much known, and not less dangerous. I design to send by land some men - of resolution to invite the Kilistinons, who are in great numbers in - the vicinity of that bay, to come down to see us as the Ottawas do, in - order that we may have the first handling of what the latter savages - bring us, who, acting as retail dealers between us and those natives, - make us pay for the roundabout way of three or four hundred leagues.” - -To draw the trade from the English, it was determined to make an -alliance of friendship with all the nations around Lake Superior. -One of the Frenchmen[471] who roved among the tribes west of Lake -Michigan, and in the valley of the Fox River, was Nicholas Perrot. -Accustomed from boyhood to the scenes and excitements of frontier life, -quick-witted, with some education, a leading spirit among _coureurs -des bois_, and looked upon with respect by the Indians, he was an -intelligent explorer of the interior of the continent. In the spring -of 1670, when twenty-six years of age, Perrot left Green Bay with -a flotilla of canoes filled with peltries and paddled by Indians. -By way of Lake Nipissing he reached the Ottawa River, and descended -to Montreal, and in July he visited Quebec. By the Intendant Talon -he was invited to act as guide and interpreter to his deputy, Simon -François Daumont, the Sieur Saint Lusson, who on the 3d of September -was commissioned to go to Lake Superior to search for copper mines and -confer with the tribes. - -It was not until October that Perrot and Saint Lusson left Montreal. -When Manitoulin Island in Lake Huron was reached, it was decided -that Saint Lusson should here remain for the winter hunting and -trading, while Perrot went on and visited the tribes of the Green Bay -region. On the 5th of May, 1671, he met Saint Lusson at Sault Ste. -Marie, accompanied by the principal chiefs of the Sauks, Menomonees, -Pottawattamies, and Winnebagoes. After the delegates of fourteen -tribes had arrived, a council was held, on the 14th of June, by Saint -Lusson, in the presence of the Jesuits André, Claude Allouez, Gabriel -Dreuilletes, and the head of the mission Claude d’Ablon, Nicholas -Perrot the interpreter, Louis Joliet, and some fur-traders;[472] and -a treaty of friendship was formed, and the countries around Lakes -Huron and Superior were taken possession of in the name of Louis XIV., -King of France. Talon announces the result of the expedition in these -words:— - - “Sieur de Saint Lusson is returned, after having advanced as far as - five hundred leagues from here, and planted the cross and set up the - King’s arms in presence of seventeen Indian nations,[473] assembled - on this occasion from all parts, all of whom voluntarily submitted - themselves to the dominion of his Majesty, whom alone they regard as - their sovereign protector. This was effected, according to the account - of the Jesuit Fathers, who assisted at the ceremony, with all the - formality and display the country could afford. I shall carry with me - the record of taking possession prepared by Sieur de Saint Lusson for - securing those countries to his Majesty. - - “The place to which the said Sieur de Saint Lusson has penetrated - is supposed to be no more than three hundred leagues from the - extremities of the countries bordering on the Vermillion or South Sea. - Those bordering on the West Sea appear to be no farther from those - discovered by the French. According to the calculation made from the - reports of the Indians and from maps, there seems to remain not more - than fifteen hundred leagues of navigation to Tartary, China, and - Japan. Such discoveries must be the work of either time or of the - King. It can be said that the Spaniards have hardly penetrated farther - into the interior of South, than the French have done up to the - present time into the interior of North, America. - - “Sieur de Lusson’s voyage to discover the South Sea and the copper - mine will not cost the King anything. I make no account of it in - my statements, because, having made presents to the savages of the - countries of which he took possession, he has reciprocally received - from them in beaver that which replaces his outlay.” - -The Hurons and Ottawas did not arrive in time to witness the formal -taking possession of the country by the representative of France, -having been detained by difficulty with the Sioux. About the year 1662, -the Hurons, who had lingered about the sources of the Black River -of Wisconsin, joined again their old allies, the Ottawas, who were -clustered at the end of the beautiful Chegoimegon Bay of Lake Superior. -The Ottawas lived in one village, made up of three bands,—the Sinagos, -Kenonché, and Kiskakon. After this union, a party of Saulteurs, -Ottawas, Nipissings, and Amikoués were securing white-fish not far from -Sault Ste. Marie, when they discovered the smoke of an encampment of -about one hundred Iroquois. Cautiously approaching, they surprised and -defeated their dreaded foes, at a place to this day known as Iroquois -Point, just above the entrance of Lake Superior. - -After this, the Hurons, Ottawas, and Saulteurs returned in triumph to -Keweenaw and Chegoimegon, and remained in quietness until a number of -Hurons went to hunt west of Lake Superior, and were captured by some of -the Sioux. While in captivity they were treated with kindness, asked -to come again, and sent away with presents. Accepting the invitation, -the Sinagos chief, with some warriors and four French traders, visited -the Sioux, and were received with honor and cordiality. Again, a few -Hurons went into the Sioux country, and some of the young warriors -made them prisoners; but the Sioux chief, who had smoked the calumet -with the Sinagos chief, insisted upon their release, and journeyed to -Chegoimegon Bay to make an apology. Upon his arrival, the Hurons proved -tricky, and persuaded the Ottawas to put to death their visitor. It -was not strange that the Sioux were surprised and enraged when they -received the intelligence, and panted for revenge. Marquette, who had -succeeded Allouez at the mission which was between the Huron and Ottawa -villages, in allusion to this disturbance, wrote:— - - “Our Outaouacs and Hurons, of the Point of the Holy Ghost, had to - the present time kept up a kind of peace with them [the Sioux], but - matters having become embroiled during last winter, and some murders - having been committed on both sides, our savages had reason to - apprehend that the storm would soon burst on them, and they deemed it - was safer for them to leave the place, which they did in the spring.” - -The Jesuits retired with the Hurons and Ottawas, and more than one -hundred and fifty years elapsed before another Christian mission was -attempted in this vicinity, under the “American Board of Foreign -Missions.” The retreating Ottawas did not halt until they reached an -old hunting-ground, the Manitoulin Island of Lake Huron, and the Hurons -stopped at Mackinaw. From time to time they formed war-parties with -other tribes, against the Sioux. In 1674 some Sioux warriors arrived at -Sault Ste. Marie to smoke the pipe of peace with adjacent tribes. At a -grand council the Sioux sent twelve delegates, and the others forty. -During the conference one of the opposite side drew near and brandished -his knife in the face of a Sioux, and called him a coward. The Sioux -replied he was not afraid, when the knife was plunged into his heart, -and he died. A fight immediately began, and the Sioux bravely defended -themselves, although nine were killed. The two survivors fled to -the rude log chapel of the Jesuit mission, and closed the door, and -finding there some weapons they opened fire upon their enemies. Their -assailants wished to burn down the chapel, which the Jesuits would not -allow, as they had beaver skins stored in the loft. In the extremity a -lay brother of the mission, named Louis Le Boeme, advised the firing of -a cannon shot at the cabin’s door. The discharge killed the last two of -the Sioux.[474] Governor Frontenac made complaint against Le Boeme for -this conduct, in a letter to Colbert.[475] - -After the Iroquois had made a treaty of peace with the French, they -did not cease to lurk and watch for the Ottawas as they descended to -trade at Montreal, Three Rivers, or Quebec, and, as occasion offered, -rob them of their peltries and tear their scalps from their heads. -Governor Courcelles, in 1671, determined to establish a post on Lake -Ontario which would act as a barrier between the Ottawas and Iroquois, -and at the same time draw off the trade from the Hudson River. - -[Illustration] - -Before entering upon his journey he had constructed a large plank -flat-boat to ascend the streams,—a novelty which was a surprise. It -was of two or three tons burden, and provided with a strong rope to -haul it over the rapids and shoal places. On the morning of the 3d of -June the expedition left Montreal, consisting of the flat-boat, filled -with supplies and manned by a sergeant and eight soldiers, and thirteen -bark canoes. The party numbered fifty-six persons, who were active and -willing to endure the hardships of the journey. At night, with axe in -hand, the men cut poles for a lodge frame, which they covered with -bark stripped from the trees. The Governor, to protect himself from -mosquitoes, had a little arbor made on the ground, about two feet high, -and covered with a sheet, which touched the ground on all sides, and -prevented the approach of the insects which disturb sleep and irritate -the flesh. The second day of the voyage the flat-boat found difficulty -in passing the first rapids, and Courcelles plunged into the water, -and with the aid of the hardy _voyageurs_ pushed the boat into smooth -water. On the 10th of June the first flat-boat reached the vicinity -of Lake Ontario, and the Governor two days after, in a canoe, reached -the entrance of the lake. Here he found a stream with sufficient water -to float a large boat, and bordered by fine land, which would serve -as a site for a post. On the 14th, at the time that the deputy Saint -Lusson, at Sault Ste. Marie, was taking possession of the region of -Lake Superior, Courcelles was descending the rapids of the St. Lawrence -on his return to Montreal.[476] - -[Illustration] - -The report of this expedition was sent to Louis XIV., and it met -with his approval; but for the benefit of his health Courcelles -was permitted to return to France, and on the 9th of April, 1672, -Louis de Buade, Count de Frontenac, was appointed Governor and -Lieutenant-General in Canada and other parts belonging to New France. -It was not until the leaves began to grow old that Frontenac arrived -in Quebec, and, full of energy, was ready to push on the work of -exploration which had been initiated by his predecessor. Upon the -advice of the Intendant Talon, he soon despatched Louis Joliet to go -to the Grand River, which the Indians alleged flowed southward to the -sea. Joliet (often spelled Jolliet) was born in Canada, the son of a -wagon-maker. In boyhood he had been a promising scholar in the Jesuits’ -school at Quebec, but, imbibing the spirit of the times, while a young -man he became a rover in the wilderness and a trader among Indians. -Three years before his appointment to explore the great river beyond -the lakes, he had been sent with Peré to search for a copper-mine on -Lake Superior, and the year before he stood by the side of Saint Lusson -as he planted the arms of France at Sault Ste. Marie. - -It was not until Dec. 8, 1672, that he reached the Straits of Mackinaw, -and as the rivers between that point and the Mississippi were by -this time frozen, he remained there during the winter and following -spring, busy in questioning the Indians who had seen the great river -as to its course, and as to the nations on its shores. On May 17, -1673, he began his journey toward a distant sea. At Mackinaw he found -Marquette, who became his companion, but had no official connection -with the expedition, as erroneously mentioned by Charlevoix. With five -_voyageurs_ and two birch-bark canoes, Joliet and Marquette, by the 7th -of June, had reached a settlement of Kikapous, Miamis, and Mascoutens, -in the valley of the Fox River, and three leagues beyond they found a -short portage by which they reached the Wisconsin River, and following -its tortuous course amid sandbars and islands dense with bushes, on the -17th of June they entered the broad great river called the Mississippi, -walled in by picturesque bluffs, with lofty limestone escarpment, whose -irregular outline looked like a succession of the ruined castles and -towers of the Rhine. In honor of his patron, Governor Frontenac, Joliet -called it Buade, the Governor’s family name. Passing one great river -flowing from the west, he learned that through its valley there was a -route to the Vermeille Sea [Gulf of California], and he saw a village -(which was about five days’ journey from another) which traded with the -people of California.[477] - -This river is without name on his map,[478] but on its banks he -places villages of the Missouri, Kansa, Osages, and Pawnee tribes. -The River Ohio he marked with the Indian name Ouabouskigou; and the -Arkansas, beyond which he did not descend, and which was reached about -the middle of July, he named Bazire, after a prominent merchant of -Quebec interested in the fur-trade. After ascending the stream, he -entered the Illinois River, which he designated as the Divine, or -Outrelaise, in compliment, it is supposed, to Frontenac’s wife, a -daughter of Lagrange Trianon, noted for her beauty, and Mademoiselle -Outrelaise, her fascinating friend, who were called in Court circles -“les divines.”[479] Upon the west bank of one of its tributaries, the -Des Plaine River, there stands above the prairie a remarkable elevation -of clay, sand, and gravel, a lonely monument which has withstood the -erosion of a former geologic age. It was a noted landmark to the -Indians in their hunting, and to the French _voyageurs_ on their -trading expeditions. By this Joliet was impressed, and he gave the -elevation his own name, Mont Joliet, which it has retained, while all -the others he marked on his map have been forgotten.[480] It was not -until about the middle of August, 1674, that he returned to Quebec, -and Governor Frontenac, on the 14th of November, writes to the French -Government,— - - “Sieur Joliet, whom Monsieur Talon advised me, on my arrival from - France, to despatch for the discovery of the South Sea, returned three - months ago, and found some very fine countries, and a navigation so - easy through the beautiful rivers, that a person can go from Lake - Ontario and Fort Frontenac in a bark to the Gulf of Mexico, there - being only one carrying place, half a league in length, where Lake - Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. A settlement could be made at - this post, and another bark built on Lake Erie.... He has been within - ten days’ journey of the Gulf of Mexico, and believes that water - communication could be found leading to the Vermillion and California - Seas, by means of the river that flows from the west, with the Grand - River that he discovered, which rises from north to south, and is as - large as the St. Lawrence opposite Quebec. - - “I send you, by my secretary, the map[481] he has made of it, and the - observations he has been able to recollect, as he lost all his minutes - and journals in the wreck he suffered within sight of Montreal, where, - after having completed a voyage of twelve hundred leagues, he was near - being drowned, and lost all his papers, and a little Indian whom he - brought from those countries.” - -Governor Frontenac was satisfied with the importance of establishing a -post on Lake Ontario, as Courcelles had suggested, and in the summer of -1673 visited the region. On the 3d of June he departed from Quebec, and -at five o’clock in the afternoon of the 15th was received at Montreal -amid the roar of cannon and the discharge of musketry. On the 9th of -July he had reached a point supposed to be in the present town of -Lisbon, in St. Lawrence County, New York, at the head of all the rapids -of the St. Lawrence; and while sojourning there, at six o’clock in the -evening two Iroquois canoes arrived with letters from La Salle, who two -months before went into their country. - -After exchanging civilities with the Iroquois, and guided by them, -Frontenac was led into a beautiful bay about a cannon-shot from the -River Katarakoui, which so pleased him as a site for a post, that he -stayed until sunset examining the situation. The next day his engineer, -Sieur Raudin, was ordered to trace out the plan of a fort, and on the -morning of the 14th, at daybreak, soldiers and officers with alacrity -began to clear the ground, and in four days the fort was finished, -with the exception of the abatis. After designating the garrison -and workmen who were to remain at the post, and making La Salle the -commandant, on the 27th Frontenac began his homeward voyage, about the -time that Joliet began to ascend the Mississippi from the mouth of the -Arkansas.[482] - -The reports of Joliet led to the formation of plans for the occupation -of the valley of the Mississippi by the leading merchants and officers -of Canada; and the application of Joliet, its first explorer, to go -with twenty persons and establish a post among the Illinois, was -refused by the French Government.[483] - -Frontenac, in the fall of 1674,[484] sent La Salle to France. Under -the date of the 14th of November, he wrote to Minister Colbert that La -Salle was a man of character and intelligence, adapted to exploration, -and asking him to listen to his plans. A few weeks before La Salle’s -arrival in Paris, the Prince of Condé had fought a battle at Seneffe, -and obtained a victory over the Prince of Orange and the allied -generals, and every one was full of the praise of the King’s household -guards, who without flinching remained eight hours under the fire of -the enemy. La Salle could hardly have thought at that moment that the -future was yet to reveal as his associates in the exploration of the -distant valley of the Mississippi a _gend’arme_ of his Majesty’s guard -and a field chaplain of that bloody day.[485] In a memorial to the -King, he asked for the grant of Fort Frontenac and lands adjacent, -agreeing to repay Frontenac the money he had expended in establishing -the post, to repair it, and keep a garrison therein at his own expense. -He further asked, in consideration of the voyages he had made at his -own expense during the seven years of his residence in Canada, that he -might receive letters of nobility.[486] The King, upon the report of -Colbert, accepted the offer, and on the 13th of May, 1675, conferred -upon La Salle the rank of esquire, with power to attain all grades of -knighthood and _gendarmerie_.[487] This year he came back to Canada -in the same ship with Louis Hennepin, and going to Fort Frontenac in -August, 1676, he increased the buildings, erected a strong wall on the -land side, and strengthened the palisades toward the water. From time -to time he had cattle brought thither from Montreal, and constructed -barks to navigate the lake, keep the Iroquois in check, and deter -the English from trading in the region of the upper lakes.[488] In -November, 1677, he made another visit to France,[489] and obtained -a permit, dated the 12th of May, 1678, allowing him to explore the -western part of New France, with the prospect of penetrating as far as -Mexico.[490] The expedition was to be at the expense of himself and -associates, with the privilege of trade in buffalo skins, but with the -express condition that he should not trade with the Ottawas and other -Indians who brought their beavers to Montreal. - -Frontenac was not only in full sympathy with La Salle, but with -other enterprising adventurers, and there is but little doubt that -he shared the profits of the fur-traders. About the time that La -Salle was improving Fort Frontenac as a trading-post, Raudin,[491] -the engineer who had laid out the plan of that fort, was sent by -Frontenac with presents to the Ojibways and Sioux, at the extremity -of Lake Superior.[492] A nephew of Patron, named Daniel Greysolon -du Lhut,[493] and who had made two voyages from France before 1674, -had then entered the army as squire of Marquis de Lassay, was in the -campaign of Franche-Comté and at Seneffe, having now returned to Quebec -was permitted to go on a voyage of discovery in the then unknown region -where dwelt the Sioux and Assineboines. - -On the 1st of September, 1678, with three Indians and three Frenchmen, -Du Lhut left Montreal for Lake Superior, and wintered at some point on -the shore of, or in the vicinity of, Lake Huron. On the 5th of April, -1679, he was in the woods, three leagues from Sault Ste. Marie, when he -wrote in the third person to Governor Frontenac: “He will not stir from -the Nadoussioux until further orders; and peace being concluded he will -set up the King’s arms, lest the English and other Europeans settled -toward California take possession of the country.”[494] On the 2d of -July, 1679, Du Lhut planted the arms of France beyond Lake Superior, -among the Isanti Sioux,[495] who dwelt at Mille Lacs, in what is now -the State of Minnesota, and then visited the Songaskitons (Sissetons) -and Houetbatons, bands of the Sioux, whose villages were one hundred -and twenty leagues beyond. Entering by way of the St. Louis River, -it would be easy, by a slight portage, to reach the Sioux village, -which was at that time on the shores of the Sandy Lake of the Upper -Mississippi. - -Among those who went to the Lake Superior region at the same time as -Du Lhut, were Dupuy, Lamonde, and Pierre Moreau, alias La Taupine, who -had been with Saint Lusson at the planting of the French arms in 1671 -at Sault Ste. Marie, and was trading among the Illinois when Joliet -was in that country. In the summer of 1679 La Taupine returned, and it -was rumored that he had obtained among the Ottawas in two days nine -hundred beavers. Duchesneau, Intendant of Justice, feeling that Moreau -had violated the law forbidding _coureurs des bois_ to trade with -the Indians, had him, in September, arrested at Quebec; but Moreau -produced a license from Governor Frontenac, permitting him, with his -two comrades, to go to the Ottawas, to execute his secret orders, and -so was liberated. He had not left the prison but a short time when an -officer and some soldiers came with an order from Frontenac to force -the prison, in case he were still there. In a letter to Seignelay he -writes: “It is certain, my Lord, that the said La Taupine carried -goods to the Ottawas, that his two comrades remained in the country, -apparently near Du Lhut, and that he traded there.”[496] - -On the 15th of September Du Lhut had returned to Lake Superior, and at -Camanistigoya, or the Three Rivers, the site of Fort William of the -old Northwest Company, he held a conference with the Assineboines, an -alienated band of the Sioux, and other northern tribes, and persuaded -them to be at peace, and to intermarry with the Sioux. The next winter -he remained in the region near the northern boundary of Minnesota; but -in June, 1680, he determined to visit the Issati Sioux by water, as he -had before gone to their villages by land.[497] With two canoes, an -Indian as an interpreter, and four Frenchmen,—one of whom was Faffart, -who had been in the employ of La Salle at Fort Frontenac,[498]—he -entered a river eight leagues from the extremity of Lake Superior, now -called Bois Brulé, a narrow, rapid stream, then much obstructed by -fallen trees and beaver-dams. After reaching its upper waters a short -portage was made to Upper Lake St. Croix, the outlet of which was a -river, which, descending, led him to the Mississippi. - -Two weeks after Du Lhut left Montreal to explore the extremity of Lake -Superior, La Salle returned from France, accompanied by the brave -officer Henry Tonty, who had lost one hand in battle, but who, with -an iron substitute for the lost member, could still be efficient in -case of a conflict. He also brought with him, beside thirty persons, -a supply of cordage, anchors, and other material to be used at Fort -Frontenac and on his proposed journey toward the Gulf of Mexico. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -After reaching Frontenac, La Motte, who had been a captain in a French -regiment, was sent in advance, with the Franciscan Hennepin and sixteen -men, to select a site for building a vessel to navigate the upper -lakes. On the 8th of January, 1679, La Salle and Tonty, late at night, -reached La Motte’s encampment at the rapids below the Falls of Niagara, -only to find him absent on a visit to the Senecas. The next day La -Salle climbed the heights, and following the portage road round the -cataract he found at the entrance of Cayuga Creek an admirable place -for a ship-yard. La Motte having returned to his encampment, with La -Salle and Tonty he visited the selected site, and Tonty was charged -with the supervision of the ship-builders. - -Four days later, the keel of the projected vessel was laid, and in -May it was launched with appropriate ceremonies, and named after the -fabulous animal—the symbol of strength and swiftness,—the “Griffin,” -two of which were the supporters of the escutcheon of Count Frontenac. -Tonty, on the 22d of July, was sent forward with five men to join -fourteen others who had been ordered by La Salle to stop at the mouth -of the Detroit River. On the 7th day of August the “Griffin” spread -her sails upon her voyage to unknown waters whose depths had never -been sounded, and early on the morning of the 10th reached Tonty and -his party, who had anxiously awaited its coming, and received them on -board. On the 10th of August, the day in the calendar of the Church -of Rome devoted to the memory of the virgin Saint Clare, foundress -of the Franciscan Order of Poor Clares, the vessel entered the lake -called by the Franciscan priests after her, although now written St. -Clair. On the 27th they reached the harbor of Mackinaw,—a point on -the mainland south of the straits; and upon his landing La Salle was -greatly surprised to find there a number of those whom he had sent, at -the close of the last year, to trade for his benefit with the Illinois. -Their excuse for their unfaithfulness was credence in a report that -La Salle was a visionary, and that his vessel would never arrive at -Mackinaw. Four of the deserters were arrested. La Salle, learning that -two more—Hemant and Roussel, or Roussellière—were at Sault Ste. -Marie, sent Tonty on the 29th with six men to take them into custody. -While the lieutenant was absent on this errand, La Salle lifted his -anchor and set sail for the Grand Bay, now Green Bay, where he found -among the Pottawattamies still others of those whom he had sent to the -Illinois, and who had collected furs to the value of twelve thousand -livres. From this point he determined to pursue his journey southward -in a canoe, and to send back the “Griffin” with the peltries here -collected. On the 18th of September the ship—in charge of the pilot, -a supercargo, and five sailors—sailed for the magazine at the end of -Lake Erie, but it never came to Mackinaw. Some Indians said it had -been wrecked, but there was never any certain information obtained. A -Pawnee lad, fourteen or fifteen years of age, who was a prisoner among -the Indians near a post established among the Illinois, reported that -the pilot of the “Griffin” had been seen among the Missouri tribes, and -that he had ascended the Mississippi, with four others, in two canoes, -with goods stolen from the ship, and some hand-grenades. It was the -intention of this party to join Du Lhut, and if they could not find -him, to push on to the English on Hudson’s Bay. Meeting some hostile -Indians, a fight occurred, and all the Frenchmen were killed but the -pilot and another, who were sold as prisoners to the Missouri Indians. -In the chapter on the exploration of the lakes, it is only necessary to -allude to that portion of La Salle’s expedition which pertains to this -region. - -After La Salle had established Fort Crèvecœur among the Illinois, on -the 29th of February, 1680, he sent Michel Accault (often spelt Ako) on -a trading and exploring expedition to the Upper Mississippi. He took -with him Anthony Augelle, called the Picard, and the Franciscan priest -Louis Hennepin, in a canoe, with goods valued at about a thousand -livres. In ascending the Mississippi the party was hindered by ice near -the mouth of the Illinois River until the 12th of March, when they -resumed their voyage. Following the windings of the Mississippi, La -Salle mentions in a letter written on the 22d of August, 1682, at Fort -Frontenac,[499] that they passed a tributary from the east called by -the Sioux Meschetz Odéba,[500] now called Wisconsin, and twenty-three -or twenty-four leagues above they saw the Black River, called by the -Sioux Chabadeba.[501] About the 11th of April, at three o’clock in -the afternoon, a war-party of Sioux going south was met, and Accault, -as the leader, presented the calumet,[502] and gave them some tobacco -and twenty knives. The Sioux gave up their expedition, and conducted -Accault and his companions to their villages. On the 22d of April the -isles in the Mississippi were reached, where two Sioux had been killed -by the Maskoutens, and they stopped to weep over their death, while -Accault, to assuage their grief, gave them in trade a box of goods and -twenty-four hatchets. Arriving at an enlargement of the river, about -three miles below the modern city of St. Paul, the canoes were hidden -in the marshes, and the rest of the journey to the villages of Mille -Lacs was made by land. Six weeks after they reached the villages, the -Sioux determined to descend the Mississippi on a buffalo hunt, and -Hennepin and Augelle went with the party. - -When Du Lhut reached the Mississippi from Lake Superior, he found eight -cabins of Sioux, and learned that some Frenchmen were with the party -hunting below the St. Croix River. Surprised by the intelligence, -leaving two Frenchmen to guard his goods, he descended in a canoe with -his interpreter and his other two men, and on the morning of the third -day he found the hunting camp and the Franciscan Hennepin. In a letter -to Seignelay, written while on a visit in France, Du Lhut writes:— - - “The want of respect which they showed to the said Reverend Father - provoked me, and this I showed them, telling them he was my brother. - And I had him placed in my canoe to come with me into the villages of - the said Nadouecioux, whither I took him; and a week after our arrival - I caused a council to be convened, exposing the ill treatment which - they had been guilty of, both to the said Reverend Father and to the - other two Frenchmen who were with him, having robbed them and carried - them off as slaves,[503] and even taken the priestly vestments of - said Reverend Father. - - “I had two calumets, which they had danced to, returned, on - account of the insults which they had offered, being what they - hold most in esteem to appease matters, telling them I did not - take calumets from the people who, after they had seen me and received - my peace presents, and had been for a year always with Frenchmen, - robbed them when they went to visit them. Each one in the council - endeavored to throw the blame from himself, but their excuses did not - prevent my telling the Reverend Father Louis that he would have to - come with me towards the Outagamys [Foxes], as he did; showing him - that it would strike a blow at the French nation, in a new discovery, - to suffer an insult of this nature without manifesting resentment, - although my design was to push on to the sea in a west-northwesterly - direction, which is that which is believed to be the Red Sea [Gulf of - California], whence the Indians who had gone to war on that side gave - salt to three Frenchmen whom I had sent exploring, and who brought - me said salt, having reported to me that the Indians had told them - that it was only twenty days’ journey from where they were to find - the great lake, whose waters were worthless to drink. They had made - me believe that it would not be absolutely difficult to find it, if - permission were given to go there. - - “However, I preferred to retrace my steps, exhibiting the just - indignation I felt, rather than to remain, after the violence which - they had done to the Reverend Father and the other two Frenchmen - who were with him, whom I put in my canoes and brought back to - Michelimakinak.” - -It was not until some time in May, 1681, that Du Lhut arrived at -Montreal, and although he protested that his journey had only been in -the interest of discovery and of peace-making with the tribes, the -Intendant of Justice accused him of violating the King’s edict against -trading with the Indians, and Frontenac held him for a time in the -castle at Quebec, more as a friend than as a prisoner. It was but a -little while before an amnesty came from the King of France to all -suspected of being “_coureurs des Bois_,” and authorizing Governor -Frontenac to issue yearly twenty-five licenses to twenty-five canoes, -each having three men, to trade among the savages. - -Duchesneau, the Intendant of Justice, still complained that the -Governor winked at illicit trade, and on the 13th of November, 1681, he -wrote to Seignelay, who had succeeded his father as Minister for the -Colonies:— - - “But not content with the profits to be derived within the countries - under the King’s dominion, the desire of making money everywhere has - led the Governor, Sieurs Perrot, Boisseau, Du Lhut, and Patron, his - uncle, to send canoes loaded with peltries to the English. It is - said that sixty thousand livres’ worth has been sent thither; and - though proof of this assertion cannot be adduced, it is a notorious - report.... Trade with the English is justified every day, and all - those who have pursued it agree that beaver carried to them sells for - double what it does here, for that worth fifty-two sous, six deniers, - the pound, duty paid, brings eight livres there, and the beaver for - Russia sells there at ten livres the pound in goods.” - -On grounds of public policy Frontenac in 1682 was recalled, and De la -Barre, his successor, in October of this year held a conference with -the most influential persons, among whom was Du Lhut, who afterward -sailed for France, and early in 1683[504] there wrote the letter to -Seignelay from which extracts have been made. - -The Iroquois having found it profitable to carry the beavers of the -northwest to the English at Albany, determined to wage war against -the tribes of the upper Lakes, seize Mackinaw, and drive away the -French. Governor de la Barre, to thwart this scheme, in May, 1683, -sent Oliver Morrel, the Sieur de la Durantaye, with six canoes and -thirty good men, to Mackinaw, and the Chevalier de Baugy was ordered -to the fort established by La Salle on the Illinois River, in charge -of Tonty. As soon as Durantaye reached Mackinaw, he immediately sent -parties to Green Bay to take steps to humble the Pottawattamies for the -hostility exhibited toward the French. He afterward went down the west -side of Lake Michigan, and Chevalier de Baugy proceeded on the other -side, hoping to meet La Salle, who was expected to go to Mackinaw by -following the eastern shore. - -Du Lhut, upon his return from France, obtained a license to trade, and -in August arrived at Mackinaw with men and goods for trading in the -Sioux country[505] by way of Green Bay. Upon the 8th of the month he -left Mackinaw with about thirty persons; and after leaving their goods -at the extremity of the Bay, they proceeded, armed for war, to the -village of the Pottawattamies, and rebuked them for the bad feelings -which they had exhibited. Some Cayuga Iroquois in the vicinity captured -five of the Wyandot Hurons that Du Lhut had sent out to reconnoitre, -but avoided the French post. “The Sieur du Lhut,” writes the Governor -to Seignelay, “who had the honor to see you at Versailles, happening to -be at that post when my people arrived, placed himself at their head, -and issued such good orders that I do not think it can be seized, as -he has employed his forces and some Indians in fortifying and placing -himself in a condition of determined defence.” Having been advised -of the retreat of the Iroquois, Du Lhut proceeded toward the north -to execute his design of stopping English trade in that direction. -The project is referred to in a despatch of the Canadian to the Home -Government in these words: “The English of Hudson’s Bay have this year -attracted many of our northern Indians, who for this reason have not -come to trade to Montreal. When they learned by expresses sent them by -Du Lhut, on his arrival at Messilimakinak, that he was coming, they -sent him word to come quickly, and they would unite with him to prevent -all others going thither any more. The English of the Bay excite us -against the savages, whom Sieur du Lhut alone can quiet.” - -Departing from his first post at Kaministigouia, the site of which -is in view of Prince Arthur’s Landing, he found his way between many -isles, varied and picturesque, to a river on the north shore of -Lake Superior leading to Lake Nepigon (Alepimigon). Passing to the -northeastern extremity, he built a post on a stream connecting with the -waters of the Hudson’s Bay, called after a family name, La Tourette. -He returned the next year, if not to Montreal, certainly to Mackinaw. -Keweenaw by this time had become a well-known resort of traders; and in -its vicinity, in the summer of 1683, two Frenchmen, Colin Berthot and -Jacques Le Maire, had been surprised by Indians, robbed and murdered. -While Du Lhut was at Mackinaw, on the 24th of October, he was told that -an accomplice, named Folle Avoine, had arrived at Sault Ste. Marie with -fifteen Ojibway families who had fled from Chagouamigon Bay, fearing -retaliation for an attack which they had made upon the Sioux during the -last spring. There were only twelve Frenchmen at the Sault at the time, -and they felt too weak, without aid, to make an arrest of Folle Avoine. - -At the dawn of the next day after the information was received, Du Lhut -embarked with six Frenchmen to seize the murderer, and he also gave a -seat in his canoe to the Jesuit missionary, Engelran. When within a -league of the post at the Sault, he left the canoe, and with Engelran -and the Chevalier de Fourcille, on foot, went through the woods to the -mission-house, and the remaining four—Baribaud, Le Mere, La Fortune, -and Maçons—proceeded with the canoe. - -Du Lhut, upon his arrival, immediately ordered the arrest of the -accused, and placed him under a guard of six men; then calling a -council, he told the Indians that those guilty of the murder must be -punished. But they, hoping to exculpate the prisoner, said that the -murder had been committed by one Achiganaga and his sons. Peré had -been sent to Keweenaw to find Achiganaga and his children, and when -he arrested them they acknowledged their guilt, and told him that the -goods they had stolen were hidden in certain places. The powder and -tobacco were found soaked in water and useless, and the bodies of the -murdered were found in holes in marshy ground, covered with branches -of trees to prevent them from floating. The goods not damaged were -sold at Keweenaw, to the highest bidder among the traders, for eleven -hundred livres, to be paid in beavers to M. de la Chesnaye. On the 24th -of November Peré, at ten o’clock at night, came and told Du Lhut that -he had found eighteen Frenchmen at Keweenaw, and that he had brought -down as prisoners Achiganaga and sons, and had left them under a guard -of twelve Frenchmen at a point twelve leagues from the Sault. The -next day, at dawn, he went back, and at two o’clock in the afternoon -returned with the prisoners, who were placed in a room in the house -where Du Lhut was, and watched by a strong guard, and not allowed to -converse with each other. - -On the 26th a council was held. Folle Avoine was allowed two of his -relatives to defend him, and the same privilege was accorded to -the others. He was interrogated, and his answers taken in writing, -when they were read to him, and inquiry made whether the record was -correct. He being removed, Achiganaga was introduced, and in like -manner questioned; and then his sons. The Indians watched the judicial -examination with silent interest, and the chiefs at length said to the -prisoners: “It is enough! You accuse yourselves; the French are masters -of your bodies.” - -On the 29th all the French at the place were called together. The -answers to the interrogatories by the prisoners were read, and then by -vote it was unanimously decided that they were guilty and ought to die. -As the traders at Keweenaw desired all possible leniency to be shown, -Du Lhut decided to execute only two,—man for man, for those murdered; -and in this opinion he was sustained by De la Tour, the Superior of -the Jesuit missionaries at the Sault. Folle Avoine and the eldest of -Achiganaga’s sons were selected. Du Lhut writes: “I then returned to -the cabin of Brochet [a chief], with Mess’rs Boisguillot, Peré, De -Repentigny, De Manthet, De la Ferte, and Maçons, where were all the -chiefs of the Outawas du Sable, Outawas Sinagos, Sauteurs, D’Achiliny, -a part of the Hurons, and Oumamens, chief of the Amikoys. I informed -them of our decision; ... that the Frenchmen having been killed by the -different tribes, one of each must die; and that the same death they -had caused the French to suffer they must also suffer.” The Jesuit -Fathers then proceeded to baptize the prisoners, in the belief of the -Church of Rome that by the external application of water they might -become citizens of the kingdom of heaven. One hour later, a procession -was formed of forty-two Frenchmen, with Du Lhut at their head, and -the prisoners were taken to a hill, and in the sight of four hundred -Indians the two murderers were shot. - -To Du Lhut must always be given the credit of being the first in the -distant West, at the outlet of Lake Superior, to exhibit the majesty of -law, under the forms of the French code. While some of the timid and -prejudiced, in Canada and France, condemned his course as harsh and -impolitic, yet, as the enforcer of a respect for life, he was upheld by -the more thoughtful and reasonable.[506] - -During the summer of 1683 (Aug. 10), René Le Gardeur, Sieur de -Beauvais, with thirteen others who had a permit to trade among the -Illinois, departed from Mackinaw, and early in December reached the -lower end of Lake Michigan, and wintered in the valley of the Theakiki -or Kankakee River. About the 10th of March, 1684, while on their way to -Fort St. Louis, on the Illinois River, they were robbed by the Seneca -Iroquois of their seven canoes of merchandise, and after nine days -sent back to the Chicago River with only two canoes and some powder -and lead. The Indians, on the 21st, approached and besieged Fort St. -Louis,[507] which was gallantly defended by the Chevalier de Baugy and -the brave Henry Tonty, the Bras Coupé (Cut Arm), as he was called by -them, because he had lost his hand in battle.[508] - -Upon the receipt of the news of this incursion, Governor de la Barre, -under a pressure from the merchants of Quebec, whose goods were -imperilled, determined to attack the Iroquois in their own country. -Orders were sent to the posts of the upper lakes for the commandants to -bring down allies to Niagara. While on his way, Du Lhut wrote to De la -Barre:— - - “As I was leaving Lake Alemepigon [Nepigon], I made in June all the - presents necessary to prevent the savages carrying their beavers to - the English. I have met the Sieur de la Croix, with his two comrades, - who gave me your despatches, in which you demand that I omit no step - for the delivery of your letters to the Sieur Chouart at the River - Nelson. To carry out your instructions Monsieur Péré will have to - go himself,[509] the savages having all at that time gone into the - wilderness to gather their blueberries. The Sieur Péré will have left - in August, and during that month will have delivered your letters to - the said Sieur Chouart.[510] - - “It remains for me to assure you that all the savages of the north - have great confidence in me, and this makes me promise you that before - two years have passed not a single savage will visit the English at - Hudson’s Bay. This they have all promised, and have bound themselves - thereto by the presents which I have given or caused to be given. - - “The Klistinos, Assenepoualacs, Sapiniere, Opemens Dacheliny, - Outouloubys, and Tabitibis, who comprise the nations who are west of - the Sea of the North, having promised next spring to be at the fort - which I have constructed near the River à la Maune, at the end of - Lake Alemepigon,[511] and next summer I shall construct one in the - country of the Klistinos, which will be an effectual barrier.... It is - necessary, to carry out my promises, that my brother[512] should, in - the early spring [of 1685], go up again, with two canoes loaded with - powder, lead, fusils, hatchets, tobacco, and necessary presents.” - -Durantaye, Du Lhut, and Nicholas Perrot left Mackinaw with one hundred -and fifty Frenchmen and about five hundred Indians[513] to join De la -Barre’s army; and they had not been six hours at Niagara, on the 6th -of September, before orders were received that their services were not -needed, as the French troops were suffering from sickness, and a truce -had been made with the Iroquois.[514] Du Lhut and the other Frenchmen -slowly returned to their posts, and when the new governor (Denonville) -arrived, he wrote to De la Durantaye at Mackinaw, and sent orders to Du -Lhut, who was at a great distance beyond, to inform him of the number -of allies he could furnish in case of a war against the Iroquois. - -Nicholas Perrot, in the spring of 1685, was commissioned to go to -Green Bay and have chief command there, and of any countries he -might discover.[515] He left Montreal with twenty men, and arriving -at Green Bay, some Indians told him that they had visited countries -toward the setting sun, where they obtained the blue and green stones -suspended from their ears and noses, and that they saw horses and men -like Frenchmen,—probably the Spaniards of New Mexico; and others said -that they had obtained hatchets from persons who lived in a house -that walked on the water in the Assineboine region,—alluding to the -English established at Hudson’s Bay. At the portage between the Fox -and Wisconsin rivers thirteen Hurons were met, who were bitterly -opposed to the establishment of a post near the Sioux. After reaching -the Mississippi, Perrot sent a few Winnebagoes to notify the Aiouez -(Ioways) who roamed on the prairies beyond, that the French had -ascended the river, and that they would indicate their stopping-place -by kindling a fire. A place was found suitable for a post,[516] where -there was wood, at the foot of a high hill (_au pied d’une montagne_), -behind which there was a large prairie.[517] In eleven days a number -of Ioways arrived at the Mississippi, about twenty-five miles above, -and Perrot ascended to meet them; but as he and his men drew near, the -Indian women ran up the bluffs and hid in the woods. But twenty of -the braves met him and bore him to the chief’s lodge, and he, bending -over Perrot, began to weep, and allowed the tears to fall upon his -guest. After he had exhausted himself, the principal men continued this -wetting process. Buffalo tongues were then boiled in an earthen pot, -and after being cut into small pieces, the chief took a piece, and, -as a mark of respect, placed it in Perrot’s mouth. During the winter -Perrot traded with the Sioux; and by 1686 a post was established on the -Wisconsin shore of Lake Pepin, just above its entrance, called “Fort -St. Antoine.”[518] - -Denonville discovered upon his arrival at Quebec that the policy which -De la Barre had pursued in making peace had rendered the Iroquois more -insolent, and had made the allies of the French upon the upper lakes -discontented, on account of their long and fruitless voyage to Niagara. -He therefore determined, as soon as he could gather a sufficient force, -to march into the Iroquois country[519] “and not chastise them by -halves, but if possible annihilate them.” Orders were again sent to -the posts at Mackinaw and Green Bay to prepare for another expedition -against the Seneca Iroquois. Perrot at the time he received the order -to return was among the Sioux, and his canoes had been broken by the -ice. During the summer of 1686 he visited the Miamis, sixty leagues -distant. Upon his return he perceived a great smoke, and at first -thought it was a war-party going against the Sioux. Fortunately he met -a Maskouten chief, who had been at the post to visit him, and from -him he learned that the Foxes, Kickapoos, Maskouten, and others had -determined to pillage the post, kill its inmates, and then go forward -and attack the Sioux. Hurrying on, he reached the post, and was told -that on that very day three spies had been there and discovered that -there were only six men in charge. The next day two more appeared, but -Perrot had taken the precaution to put loaded guns at the door of each -hut, and made his men frequently change their clothes. To the query of -the savage spies, “How many French were there?” the reply was, “Forty, -and that more were daily expected, who had been on a buffalo hunt, and -that the guns were loaded and the knives well sharpened.” They were -then told to go back to their camp and bring a chief of each tribe; and -that if Indians in large numbers came they would be fired at. - -In accordance with this message, six chiefs presented themselves, and -after their bows and arrows had been taken from them, they were invited -to Perrot’s cabin, where he gave them something to eat and tobacco -to smoke. Looking at Perrot’s loaded guns, they asked “if he were -afraid of his children?” He answered, “No.” They continued, “Are you -displeased?” To this he said, “I have good reason to be. The Spirit has -warned me of your designs; you will take my things away and put me in -the kettle, and proceed against the Nadouaissioux. The Spirit told me -to be on my guard, and he would help me.” Astonished at these words, -they confessed he had spoken the truth. That night the chiefs slept -within the stockade, and early the next morning a part of the hostile -force came and wished to trade. Perrot had now only fifteen men, and -arresting the chiefs, he told them he would break their heads if they -did not make the Indians go away. One of the chiefs, therefore, stood -on the gate of the fort and said to the warriors: “Do not advance, -young men, the Spirit has warned Metaminens of your designs.” The -advice was followed, and the chiefs, receiving some presents, also -retired. - -A few days after, Perrot returned to Green Bay in accordance with the -order of the Governor of Canada. His position toward the Jesuits at -this point was different from that of La Salle. This latter explorer -had declared that the missionaries were more anxious to convert, at -their blacksmith shop, iron into implements, to be exchanged for -beaver, than to convert souls. - -After being buried in the earth for years, there has been discovered a -silver soleil or ostensorium, fifteen inches high, and weighing twenty -ounces, intended for the consecrated wafer;[520] around the oval base -of the rim is the following inscription in French: “This soleil was -given by M^r Nicholas Perrot, to the mission of St. Francis Xavier, at -the Bay of Puans, 1686.”[521] - -Governor Dongan of New York, although an Irishman and Roman Catholic, -was aggressive in the interests of England, and asserted the right -of traders from Albany to go among the Indians of the Northwest. As -early as 1685 he licensed several persons, among whom was La Fontaine -Marion, a Canadian, to trade for beaver in the Ottawas country; and -their journey was successful, and created consternation at Quebec. -Governor Denonville wrote to Seignelay of the pretences of the English, -who claimed the lakes to the South Sea. His language was terse and -emphatic: “Missilimakinak is theirs. They have taken its latitude, have -been to trade there with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who received -them cordially on account of the bargains they gave by selling them -merchandise for beaver at a much higher price than we. Unfortunately we -had but very few Frenchmen there at that time.” - -[Illustration: THE SOLEIL.] - -A despatch on the 6th of June, 1686, was sent to Du Lhut, that he -should go and establish a post at some point on the shore of St. -Clair River, between Lake Erie and Lake Huron, which would serve as a -protection for friendly Indians, and a barrier to the English traders. -After he had built the post he was ordered to leave it in command of -a lieutenant and twenty-eight men, return to Mackinaw, and then take -thirty men more to the post, which was called Fort St. Joseph. A party -of English, under Captain Thomas Roseboome, of Albany, consisting of -twenty-nine whites and five Indians, and La Fontaine as interpreter, -in the spring of 1687 were arrested by Durantaye on Lake Huron, twenty -leagues from Mackinaw, and their _eau de vie_ (brandy) given to the -Indians. - -In June, Durantaye left Mackinaw with allies for Denonville, and was -afterward followed by Perrot; and at Fort St. Joseph he met Du Lhut and -Henry Tonty, who had arrived from Fort St. Louis with a few Illinois -Indians.[522] After the united company had left this post, they met in -St. Clair River a second party of Englishmen, consisting of twenty-one -whites, six Indians, and eight prisoners, in charge of Major Patrick -Macgregory, of Albany, a native of Scotland. These were also arrested, -making about sixty then in the hands of the French. - -On the 27th of June, Durantaye and associates, to the number of one -hundred and seventy Frenchmen, and about four hundred Indians, arrived -at Niagara. Sieur de la Foret, who had been with Tonty at Fort St. -Louis, on the 1st of July reported their arrival to Denonville, then at -Fort Frontenac. The Governor was pleased to hear of the capture of the -English, and in a subsequent despatch wrote: “It is certain that had -the two English detachments not been stopped and pillaged, had their -brandy and other goods entered Michillimaquina, all our Frenchmen would -have had their throats cut by a revolt of all the Hurons and Outaouas, -whose example would have been followed by all the other far nations, -in consequence of the presents which had been secretly sent to the -Indians.” - -[Illustration: BOTTOM OF THE SOLEIL.] - -On the 10th of July, as the Canadian and French troops entered -Irondequoit Bay, they were elated by the approach, under sail, of the -Indian allies from Mackinaw who on the 6th had left Niagara. On the -12th, the march to the Seneca village was begun; but the story of it -has been told elsewhere.[523] - -The officers who came from the posts of the upper lakes were well -spoken of by Denonville. In one of his despatches he writes: “A -half-pay captaincy being vacant, I gave it to Sieur de la Durantaye, -who since I have been in this country has done good service among -the Outawas, and has been very economical in labor and expense in -executing the orders he received from me. He is a man of rank, -unfortunate in his affairs, and who, by his great assiduity at -Missillimakinak, efficiently carried out the instructions to seize the -English; he arrested one of the parties within two days’ journey of -Missillimakinak. Sieurs de Tonty and Du Lhut have acquitted themselves -very well; all would richly deserve some reward.” - -After the allies had left Niagara for the scene of battle, Greysolon de -la Tourette, a brother of Du Lhut, described as “an intelligent lad,” -arrived there from Lake Nepigon, north of Lake Superior, in a canoe, -without an escort. Denonville a few weeks after wrote: “Du Lhut’s -brother, who has recently arrived from the rivers above the Lake of the -Allemepigons, assures me that he saw more than fifteen hundred persons -come to trade with him, and they were very sorry he had not sufficient -goods to satisfy them. They are of the tribes accustomed to resort to -the English at Port Nelson and River Bourbon.”[524] - -The destruction of the Seneca villages having been completed, Du Lhut, -with his brave cousin Henry Tonty, returned in September to Fort -St. Joseph,[525] near the entrance of Lake Huron, garrisoned at his -own charges by _coureurs des bois_, who had in the spring sown some -bushels of Turkey wheat. The next year, to allay the irritation of the -Iroquois, Governor Denonville issued an order to abandon the fort, and -on the 27th of August the buildings were destroyed by fire. - -Perrot, in 1688, was ordered to return to his post on the Upper -Mississippi, and take formal possession of the country in the King’s -name. With a party of forty men, he left Montreal to trade with the -Sioux, who, according to La Potherie, “were very distant, and could not -trade with us easily, as the other tribes and the Outagamis [Foxes] -boasted of having cut off the passage thereto.” Reaching Green Bay in -the fall of the year, Perrot was met by a deputation of Foxes, and -afterward visited their village. In the chief’s lodge there was placed -before him broiled venison, and for the rest of the French raw meat was -served; but he refused to eat, because, he said, “meat did not give him -any spirit. But he would take some when they were more reasonable.” -He then chided them for not having gone, as requested by the Governor -of Canada, on the expedition against the Senecas. Urging them to -proceed on the beaver hunt, and to fight only the Iroquois, and leaving -a few Frenchmen to trade, he proceeded toward the Sioux country. -Arriving at the portage, the ice formed some impediment, but, aided by -Pottawattamies, his men transported their goods to the Wisconsin River, -which was not frozen. Ascending the Mississippi, he proceeded to the -post which he occupied before he was summoned to fight the Senecas. - -As soon as the ice left the river, in the spring of 1689, the Sioux -came down and escorted Perrot to one of their villages, where he was -received with much enthusiasm. He was carried around upon a beaver -robe, followed by a long line of warriors, each bearing a pipe and -singing. Then, taking him to the chief’s lodge, several wept over -his head, as the Ioways had done when he first visited the Upper -Mississippi. After he had left, in 1686, a Sioux chief, knowing that -few Frenchmen were at the fort, had come down with one hundred warriors -to pillage it. Of this, complaint was made by Perrot, and the guilty -leader came near being put to death by his tribe. As they were about -to leave the Sioux village, one of his men told Perrot that a box of -goods had been stolen, and he ordered a cup of water to be brought, -into which he poured some brandy. He then addressed the Indians, and -told them he would dry up their marshes if the goods were not restored, -at the same time setting on fire the brandy in the cup. The savages, -astonished, and supposing that he possessed supernatural powers, soon -detected the thief, and the goods were returned. - -On the 8th of May, 1689, at the post St. Antoine, on the Wisconsin -side of Lake Pepin, a short distance above the Chippewa River, in the -presence of the Jesuit missionary, Joseph J. Marest, Boisguillot,[526] -a trader near the mouth of the Wisconsin River, Pierre Le Sueur, whose -name was afterward identified with the exploration of the Minnesota, -and a few others, Perrot took possession of the country of the rivers -St. Croix, St. Pierre, and the region of Mille Lacs, in the name of the -King of France. - -When he returned to Montreal, he found a great change had occurred in -political affairs. It had become evident that the Iroquois were mere -agents of the English. The Albany traders had searched the land between -the Hudson River and Lake Erie, and had made a report that the Valley -of the Genesee was fertile and beautiful to behold, and every year an -increasing number of pale-faces wandered among the Indian villages -toward Lake Ontario. Old officers in Canada saw that their only hope -was to destroy the source of supply to the Iroquois. The question to -be determined was whether the King of France or the King of England -should control the region of the Great Lakes. Chevalier de Callières, -who had seen much service in Europe, and was in command of the troops -in Canada, insisted that decisive steps should be taken. The crisis -was hastened by the arrival of the intelligence that a revolution had -occurred in England, and that William and Mary had been acknowledged. -Callières wrote to Seignelay relative to the condition of affairs: “It -would be idle to flatter ourselves with the hope to find them improved -since the usurpation of the Prince of Orange, who will be assuredly -acknowledged by Sir Andros,[527] who is a Protestant, born in the -Island of Jersey, and by New York, the inhabitants whereof are mostly -Dutch, who planted this colony under the name of New Netherland, all of -whom are Protestant.” - -He urged that the war should be carried into New York, and that a -force be sent strong enough to seize Albany, and then to move down and -capture Manhattan. “It will give his Majesty,” he said, “one of the -finest harbors in America, accessible at almost all seasons, and it -will give one of the finest countries of America, in a milder and more -fertile climate than that of Canada.” The sequel was a conflict of -drilled troops under European officers upon the borders of New England -and New York. - - * * * * * - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - - -=1609-1640.=—The _Voyages_ of Champlain, as published in 1632 at -Paris, are valuable in facts pertaining to discovery along the shores -of Lake Champlain and Lake Huron; but the book is the subject of -special treatment in another chapter.[528] The _Grand Voyage_ of -Sagard[529] contains little more than what may be found in Champlain -and the _Relations_ of the Jesuit missionaries. Charlevoix mentions -that Sagard passed “some time among the Hurons, but had not time to see -things well enough, still less to verify all that was told him.” - - -=1640-1660.=—Benjamin Sulté, in his “Notes on Jean Nicolet,” printed -in the _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, viii. 188-194,[530] -shows that Nicolet, the trader, must have visited Green Bay between -July, 1634, and July, 1635, because this interval is the only period -of his life when he cannot be found on the shores of the St. Lawrence. -The recently published _History of the Discovery of the Northwest in -1634 by Jean Nicolet, with a Sketch of his Life_ by C. W. Butterfield, -Cincinnati, 1881, is a useful book, and gives evidence that Nicolet did -not descend the Wisconsin River. - -The _Relations des Jésuites_ (of which a full bibliographical account -is appended to the following chapter) are important sources for the -tracing of these western explorations. - -The _Relation_ of 1640 has an extract from a letter of Paul Le Jeune, -in which, after giving the names of the tribes of the region of the -Lakes, he adds that “the Sieur Nicolet, interpreter of the Algonquin -and Huron languages for Messieurs de la Nouvelle France, has given me -the names of these natives he has visited, for the most part in their -country.” This _Relation_ shows how near an approach Nicolet made to -discovering the Mississippi. See in this connection Margry’s “Les -Normands dans l’Ohio et le Mississippi,” in the _Journal général de -l’Instruction publique_, 30 Juillet, 1862. Shea, _Mississippi Valley_, -p. xx, contends that Nicolet reached the river or its affluents. The -_Relation_ of 1643 records the death of Nicolet, with some particulars -of his life. - -For slight notices of the period, with dates of the departure and -arrival of traders and missionaries, there is serviceable aid to be -had from _Le Journal des Jésuites publié d’après le Manuscrit original -conservé aux Archives du Séminaire de Québec_. Par MM. les Abbés -Laverdière et Casgrain. Quebec, 1871.[531] Under date of Aug. 21, 1660, -is noted the arrival of a party of Ottawas at Montreal, who departed -the next day, and arrived at Three Rivers on the 24th, and on the 27th -left. It adds: “They were in number three hundred. Des Grosilleres -was in their company, who had gone to them the year before. They had -departed from Lake Superior with one hundred canoes; forty turned back, -and sixty arrived, loaded with peltry to the value of 200,000 livres. -At Montreal they left to the value of 50,000 livres, and brought the -rest to Three Rivers. They come in twenty-six days, but are two months -in going back. Des Grosillers wintered with the Bœuf tribe, who were -about four thousand, and belonged to the sedentary Nadouesseronons -[Dakotahs]. The Father Menar, the Father Albanel, and six other -Frenchmen went back with them.” - -There appears to be no uniformity in the spelling of the name of -Groseilliers. Under May, 1662, is this entry: “I departed from Quebek -on the 3d for Three Rivers; there met Des Grosillers, who was going -to the Sea of the North. He left Quebek the night before with ten -men.” Under August, 1663, is the following: “The 5th returned those -who had been three years among the Outaoouac; nine Frenchmen went, and -seven returned. The Father Menar and his man, Jean Guerin, one of our -_donnés_, had died,—the Father Menar the 7th or 8th of August, 1661, -and Jean Guerin in September, 1662. The party arrived at Montreal on -the 25th of July, with thirty-five canoes and one hundred and fifty -men.” Of Creuxius’ _Historia_ and its relations to the missionaries’ -reports, there is an account in the next chapter. - - -=1660-1680.=—The documents from the French archives in the Parliament -Library at Ottawa, Canada (copies in manuscript), and those translated -and printed in the _New York Col. Docs._, vol. ix., give much -information on this period; and so do the _Jesuit Relations_, and the -first volume of the Collections edited by Margry and published at Paris -in 1875.[532] - -The _Mémoire sur les Mœurs, Coustumes, et Réligion des Sauvages de -l’Amérique septentrionale, par Nicolas Perrot, publié pour la première -fois par le R. P. J. Tailhan, de la Compagnie de Jésus_, Leipsic -and Paris, 1864,[533] was examined by Charlevoix one hundred and -fifty years ago, when it was in manuscript, and afforded him useful -information. It is the only work referring to the traders at the -extremity of Lake Superior between 1660 and 1670, and to the migrations -of the Hurons from the Mississippi to the Black River, and from thence -to Lake Superior. Much of interest is also derived from the _Histoire -de l’Amérique septentrionale_. Par M. de Bacqueville de la Potherie, -Paris, 1722, 4 vols.[534] - - -=1680-1690.=—There are differences of statements regarding the Upper -Mississippi Valley, but nevertheless much information of importance, -in the letter of La Salle from Fort Frontenac, in August, 1682,[535] -in Du Lhut’s _Mémoire_ of 1683, as printed by Harrisse,[536] and in -Hennepin’s _Description de la Louisiane_.[537] - -Perrot, in the work already quoted, gives the best account of this -region from 1683 to 1690. - -For the whole period of the exploration of the Great Lakes, the works -among the secondary authorities of the chief value are Charlevoix in -the last century, and Parkman in the present; but their labors are -commemorated elsewhere. - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTE. - -THE local historical work of the Northwest has been done in part under -the auspices of various State and sectional historical societies. -The Ohio Society, organized in 1831, became later inanimate, but was -revived in 1868, and ought to hold a more important position among -kindred bodies than it does. Mr. Baldwin has given an account of the -historical and pioneer societies of Ohio in the Western Reserve and -Northern Ohio Historical Society’s _Tracts_, no. 27; and this latter -Society, organized in 1867, with the Licking County Pioneer Historical -Society, organized the same year, and the Firelands Historical Society, -organized in 1857, have increased the historical literature of the -State by various publications elucidating in the main the settlements -of the last century. The youngest of the kindred associations, the -Historical and Geographical Society of Toledo, was begun in 1871. The -State, however, is fortunate in having an excellent _Bibliography -of Ohio_ (1880), embracing fourteen hundred titles, exclusive of -public documents, which was compiled by Peter G. Thomson; while the -_Americana_ Catalogues of Robert Clarke & Co., of Cincinnati, are the -completest booksellers’ lists of that kind which are published in -America. The _Ohio Valley Historical Series_, published by the same -house, has not as yet included any publication relating to the period -of the French claims to its territory. The earliest _History of Ohio_ -is by Caleb Atwater, published in 1838; but the _History_ by James W. -Taylor—“First Period, 1650-1787”—is wholly confined to the Jesuits’ -missions, the wars of the Eries and Iroquois, and the later border -warfare. (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,535.) Henry Howe’s -_Historical Collections of Ohio_, originally issued in 1848, and again -in 1875, is a repository of facts pertaining for the most part to later -times. - - * * * * * - -The Historical Society of Indiana, founded in 1831, hardly justifies -its name, so far as appears from any publications. The chief _History -of Indiana_ is that by John B. Dillon, which, as originally issued in -1843, came down to 1816; but the edition of 1859 continues the record -to 1856. The first three chapters are given to the French missionaries -and the natives. (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 429, 430; Sabin, -vol. v. no. 20,172.) A popular conglomerate work is _The Illustrated -History of Indiana_, 1876, by Goodrich and Tuttle. A few local -histories touch the early period, like John Law’s _Colonial History of -Vincennes_, 1858; Wallace A. Brice’s _History of Fort Wayne_, 1868; H. -L. Hosmer’s _Early History of the Maumee Valley_, Toledo, 1858; and -H. S. Knapp’s _History of the Maumee Valley from 1680_, Toledo, 1872, -which is, however, very scant on the early history. - - * * * * * - -In Illinois there is no historical association to represent the State; -but the Historical Society of Chicago (begun in 1856), though suffering -the loss of its collections of seventeen thousand volumes in the great -fire of 1871, still survives. - -The principal histories of the State touching the French occupation are -Henry Brown’s _History of Illinois_, New York, 1844; John Reynolds’s -_Pioneer History of Illinois_, Belleville, 1852, now become scarce; -and Davidson and Stuvé’s _Complete History of Illinois_, 1673-1873, -Springfield, 1874. The _Historical Series_ issued by Robert Fergus -pertain in large measure to Chicago, and, except J. D. Caton’s “Last of -the Illinois, and Sketch of the Potawatomies,” has, so far as printed, -little of interest earlier than the English occupation. H. H. Hurlbut’s -_Chicago Antiquities_, 1881, has an account of the early discovery of -the portage. - - * * * * * - -The Michigan Pioneer Society was founded in 1874, and has printed -three volumes of _Pioneer Collections_, 1877-1880. The Houghton County -Historical Society, devoting itself to the history of the region -near Lake Superior,[538] dates from 1866. It has published nothing -of importance. The State of Michigan secured, through General Cass, -while he was the minister of the United States at Paris, transcripts -of a large number of documents relating to its early history. The -Historical Society of Michigan was begun in 1828, and during the few -years following it printed several Annual Addresses and a volume of -_Transactions_. Every trace of the Society had nearly vanished, when -in 1857 it was revived. (_Historical Magazine_, i. 353.) The principal -histories of the State are James H. Lanman’s _History of Michigan_, New -York, 1839; Electra M. Sheldon’s _Early History of Michigan, from the -First Settlement to 1815_, New York, 1856, which is largely given to -an account of the Jesuit missions;[539] Charles R. Tuttle’s _General -History of Michigan_, Detroit, 1874; James Valentine Campbell’s -_Outlines of the Political History of Michigan_, Detroit, 1876. (Cf. -Clarke’s _Bibliotheca Americana_, 1878, p. 92; 1883, p. 169; Sabin, -_Dictionary_, vol. xii. p. 141.) A few of the sectional histories, like -W. P. Strickland’s _Old Mackinaw_, Philadelphia, 1860, touch slightly -the French period. A brief sketch of Mackinaw Island by Lieutenant -Dwight H. Kelton, U. S. A., includes extracts from the registers of the -Catholic Church at Mackinaw, and a list of the French commanders at -that post during the eighteenth century. - - * * * * * - -The Historical Society of Wisconsin was founded in 1849, and -reorganized in 1854. It has devoted itself to forming a large library, -and has published nine volumes of _Collections_, etc. (Joseph Sabin -in _American Bibliopolist_, vi. 158; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, -no. 1,688). Mr. D. S. Durrie published a bibliography of Wisconsin in -_Historical Magazine_, xvi. 29, and a tract on the _Early Outposts -of Wisconsin_ in 1873. A paper on the “First Page of the History of -Wisconsin” is in the _American Antiquarian_, April, 1878. The principal -histories of the State are I. A. Lapham’s _Wisconsin_, Milwaukee, 1846, -which lightly touches the earliest period; William R. Smith’s Wisconsin -(vol. i., historical; vol. ii., not published; vol. iii., documentary, -translating in part the _Jesuit Relations_ from the set in Harvard -College Library), Madison, 1854; and Charles R. Tuttle’s _Illustrated -History of Wisconsin_, Madison and Boston, 1875. - - * * * * * - -The Minnesota Historical Society was organized in 1849, and began the -publication of its _Annals_ in 1850, completing a volume in 1856. -This volume was reissued in 1872 as vol. i. of its _Collections_, and -includes papers on the origin of the name of Minnesota and the early -nomenclature of the region, and papers by Mr. Neill on the French -Voyageurs, the early Indian trade and traders,[540] and early notices -of the Dakotas. In vol. ii. Mr. Neill has a paper on “The Early French -Forts and Footprints in the Valley of the Upper Mississippi;”[541] -and Mr. A. J. Hill has examined the geography of Perrot so far as it -relates to Minnesota territory. In vol. iii. there is a bibliography -of the State; in vol. iv., a _History of St. Paul_, by John Fletcher -Williams, which but briefly touches the period of exploration. The -State Historical Society of Minnesota lost a considerable part of its -collections in the fire of March 11, 1881, which burned the State -capitol,—as detailed in its _Report_ for 1883. - -The principal and sufficient account of the State’s history is -Edward D. Neill’s _History of Minnesota from the Earliest French -Explorations_, Philadelphia, 1858, which in 1883 reached an improved -fifth edition, and is supplemented by his _Minnesota Explorers and -Pioneers, 1659-1858_, published in 1881. In 1858 an edition was also -issued, of one hundred copies, on large paper, illustrated with -forty-five quarto steel plates, engraved from paintings chiefly by -Captain Seth Eastman, U. S. Army. - - * * * * * - -The Historical Society of Iowa was founded in 1857, and began the -publication of its _Annals_ in 1863. The principal account of the State -is C. R. Tuttle and D. S. Durrie’s _Illustrated History of Iowa_, -Chicago, 1876. - - * * * * * - -There are a few more general works to be noted: John W. Monette’s -_History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the -Mississippi_, New York, 1846-1848;[542] S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer -History of the Ohio Valley_, Cincinnati, 1848, which but cursorily -touches the French period; James H. Perkins’s _Annals of the West_, -Cincinnati, 1846, which brought ripe scholarship to the task at a -time before the scholar could have the benefit of much information -now accessible;[543] Adolphus M. Hart’s _History of the Discovery of -the Valley of the Mississippi_, Cincinnati, 1852,—a slight sketch, -as we now should deem it, but followed soon after by a more scholarly -treatment in J. G. Shea’s _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi -Valley_, New York, 1852, to which a sequel, _Early Voyages up and -down the Mississippi_, was published in 1861, containing the voyages -of Cavelier, Saint Cosme, Le Sueur, Gravier, and Guignas, during the -last years of the century; George Gale’s _Upper Mississippi_, Chicago, -1867,—a topical treatment of the subject; and Rufus Blanchard’s -_Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, Chicago, 1880—the -latest general survey of the subject. Poole’s _Index to Periodical -Literature_, under the names of these several States, can often be -usefully consulted. - -[Illustration: THE ROUTES OF EARLY FRENCH EXPLORATIONS. - -This sketch follows a modern map given by Parkman. There is a similar -route-map given in the _Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog._, November, 1880, -accompanying a paper by M. J. Thoulet. In the above sketch the portages -are marked by dotted lines.] - - -JOLIET, MARQUETTE, AND LA SALLE. - -HISTORICAL SOURCES AND ATTENDANT CARTOGRAPHY. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE principal sources for the cartographical part of this study are as -follows: The collection of manuscript copies[544] of maps in the French -Archives which was formed by Mr. Parkman, and which he has described in -his _La Salle_ (p. 449), and which is now in Harvard College Library; -a collection of manuscript and printed maps called _Cartographie du -Canada_, formed by Henry Harrisse in Paris, and which in 1872 passed -into the hands of Samuel L. M. Barlow, Esq., of New York, by whose -favor the Editor has had it in his possession for study; the collection -of copies made by Dr. J. G. Kohl which is now in the Library of the -State Department at Washington, and which through the kind offices of -Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., of that department, and by permission of the -Secretary of State, have been intrusted to the Editor’s temporary care; -and the collection of printed maps now in Harvard College Library, -formed mainly by Professor Ebeling nearly a hundred years ago, and -which came to that library, with all of Ebeling’s books, as a gift from -the late Colonel Israel Thorndike, in 1818.[545] - -The completest printed enumeration of maps is in the section on -“Cartographie” in Harrisse’s _Notes pour servir à l’histoire ... de -la Nouvelle France, 1545-1700_, Paris, 1872, and this has served the -Editor as a convenient check-list. A special paper on “Early Maps of -Ohio and the West” constitutes no. 25 of the _Tracts_ of the Western -Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society. It was issued in 1875, -and has been published separately, and is the work of Mr. C. C. -Baldwin, secretary of that Society, whose own collection of maps is -described by S. D. Peet in the _American Antiquarian_, i. 21. See also -the _Transactions_ (1879) of the Minnesota Historical Society. - -The main guide for the historical portion of this essay has been the -_La Salle_ of Parkman.[546] - -There are in the Dépôt de la Marine in Paris two copies of a rough -sketch on parchment, showing the Great Lakes, which were apparently -made between 1640 and 1650. They have neither maker’s name nor date, -but clearly indicate a state of knowledge derived from the early -discovery of the Upper Lakes by way of the Ottawa, and before the -southern part of Lake Huron had been explored, and found to connect -with Lake Erie. The maker must have been ignorant of the knowledge, or -discredited it, which Champlain possessed in 1632 when he connected -Ontario and Huron. Indications of settlements at Montreal would place -the date of this map after 1642; and it may have embodied the current -traditions of the explorations of Brulé and Nicolet, though it omits -all indications of Lake Michigan, which Nicolet had discovered. Though -rude in many ways, it gives one of the earliest sketches of the Bras -d’Or in Cape Breton. The channel connecting the Atlantic and the St. -Lawrence, if standing for anything, must represent the Connecticut -and the Chaudière. Dr. Kohl, in a marginal note on a copy of this map -in his Washington Collection, while referring to the uninterrupted -water-way by the Ottawa, remarks on a custom, not uncommon on the early -maps, of leaving out the portages; and the same suspicion may attach -to the New England water-way here given. A note on the map gives the -distance as three hundred leagues from Gaspé to the extremity of Lake -Ontario; two hundred more to the land of the buffaloes; two hundred -additional to the region of apes and parrots; then four hundred to the -Sea of New Spain; and thence fifteen or sixteen hundred more to the -Indies. A legend in the neighborhood of Lake Superior confirms other -mention of the early discovery of copper in that region: “In the little -lake near the mountains are found pieces of copper of five and six -hundred pounds’ weight.” - -[Illustration: THE OTTAWA ROUTE, 1640-1650.] - -At a later day La Salle had learned, from some Senecas who visited his -post at Lachine, of a great river, rising in their country and flowing -to the sea; and, with many geographers of his day, captivated with a -promised passage to India, he preferred to believe that it emptied into -the Gulf of California.[547] - -[Illustration: DOLLIER AND GALLINÉE’S EXPLORATIONS. - -This is a reduced sketch of no. 1 of Mr. Parkman’s maps, which measures -30 × 50 inches. It has two titles: _Carte du Lac Ontario et des -habitations qui l’environne, ensemble les pays que Mess^{rs} Dolier et -Galiné, missionnaires du séminaire de St. Sulpice, ont parcouru_, and -_Carte du Canada et des terres decouvertes vers le lac Derié_. _Voir -la lettre du M. Talon du 10 9^{bre}, 1670._ The figures stand for the -following names and legends:— - - 1. C’est ici qu’ils ont un fort Bel Establissement, une belle maison, - et de grands dezerts semés de bled francois et de bled d’inde, pois et - autres graines [referring to 70]. - - 2. Baye des Puteotamites. Il y a dix Journées de Chemin du Sault ou - sont les RR. S. PP. JJ. aux puteotamites, c’est a dire environ 150 - lieues. Je n’ay entré dans cette Baye que jusques a ces Iles que J’ay - marquées. - - 3. Ce lac est le plus grand de tous ceux du pays. - - 4. C’est icy qu’estoit une pierre qu’avoit tres peu de figures - d’hommes, qui les Iroquois tenoient pour un grand Cap^{ne}, et a qui - ils faisoient des sacrifices lorsqu’ils passoient par icy pour aller - en guerre. Nous l’avons mis en pieces et jetté à l’eau. - - 5. Lac Derié, je non marque que ce que j’en ay veu en attendant que je - voie le reste. - - 6. Grandes prairies. - - 7. Presqu’isle du lac D’Erie. - - 8. Prairies. Terres excellentes. - - 9. C’est icy que nous avons hyverne en le plus beau lieu que j’aye yen - en Canada, pour l’abondance des arbres, fruittiers, aces, raisins, qui - sy grande qu’on en pourroit vivre en faisant provision, grand chasse - de serfs, Bisches, Ours, Schenontons, Chats, Sauvages, et Castors. - - 10. Grand chasse a ce petit misseau. - - 11. Toutes ces costes sont extrem^t pierreuses et ne laissent pas d’y - avoir des bestes. - - 12. C’est dans cette Baye que estoit autrefois le pays de Hurons - lorsqu’ils furent defaits par les Iroquois, et ou les RR. PP. Jesuites - estoient fort bien establis. - - 13. Je n’ay point vu cette ance ou estoit autrefois le pays des - Hurons, mais je vois qu’elle est encore plus profonde que je ne la - desseins, et c’est icy apparamment qu’aboutit le chemin par ou Mr. - Perray a passé. - - 14. L’embouchure de cette rivière fort difficile a trouver a neanmoins - la petite isle qui la precede est fort remarquable par la grande - quantité de ces isles de roche dont elle est composée qui deboutent - fort loin au large. - - 17. Chasse d’originaux Bans ces isles. - - 18. Amikoue. - - 20. Portage trainage. - - 21. Sault. C’est dans cette Ance que les Nipissiriniens placent pour - l’ordinaire leur village. Portage, 600 pas. - - 22. Lac des Nipissiriniens ou des Sorciers. - - 24. Rivier des vases. - - 24-25. In this space various portages are marked. - - 26. On entre icy dans la grande Riviere. - - 27. Mataouan. - - 28. C’est d’icy que Mr. Perray et sa Compagnie ont campé pour entrer - dans le lac des Hurons, quand j’aurray vu le passage je le donneray - mais toujours dit-on que le chemin est fort beau, et c’est icy que - s’establiront les missionnaires de St. Sulpice. - - 29. Ganatse kiagourif. - - 30. Village de tanaouaoua. - - 31. C’est a ce village qu’estoit autrefois Neutre. Grand partie sesche - par tout icy et tout le long de la R. rapide. - - 32. Bonne Terre. - - 33. Grand chasse. Prairies siches. - - 34. R. Rapide ou de Tinaatoua. - - 35. Il y a le long de ces ances quantité de petits lacs separés - seulement du grand par des Chaussées de Sable. C’est dans ces lacs que - les Sanountounans prennent quantité de poisson. - - 36. Sault qui tombe au rapport des Sauvages de plus de 200 pieds de - haut. - - 37. Excellente terre. - - 38. Petit lac d’Erie. - - 39. Sault ou il y a grande pesche de barbues. - - 40. Gaskounchiakons. - - 41. Excellente terre. Village du R. P. Fremin. 4 villages des - Sonountouans, les des grands sont chacun de 100 Cabannes et les autres - d’environ 20 a 25 sans aucune fortification non pas mesme naturelle; - il faut mesme qu’ils aillent chercher l’eau fort loing. - - 42. Il y a de l’alun au pied de cette montagne fortaine de bitume. - Excellente terre. - - 43. R. des Amandes et doneiout. R. des Oiogouins. - - 44. Abondance de gibier dans cette riviere. Quoyqu’il ne paroisse icy - que des Sables sur le bord du lac. Ces terres ne laissent pas d’etre - bonnes dans la profondeur. R. Denon taché. - - 45. Kahengouetta. Kaouemounioun. - - 46. Otondiata. - - 47. Pesche d’anguille tout au travers de la riviere. - - 48. Islets de roches. - - 49. Depuis icy Jusques a Otondiata il y a de forts rapides a toutes - les pointes, et des remouils dans toutes les ances. - - 50. Lac St. Francois. - - 51. Habitation des RR. PP. Jesuites. - - 52. La Madelaine. - - 53. Lac St. Louis. - - 54. Habitation du Montreal. - - 55. Lac des 2 montagnes. - - 56. Belle terre. Terres nayées. Bonnes terres. Il faut faire 5 - portages du Costé du Nord portage pour monter au lac St. François, - mais du costé du sud on n’en fait qu’un. - - 57. Long sault. - - 58. Ces 2 rivieres en tombant dans la grande font 2 belles nappes, - portage 50 pas. - - 59. L’estoit icy qu’estoit autrefois la petite nation Algonquine. - - 60. Portage du sault de la Chaudiere 300 pas. - - 61. L’estoit icy ou estoit le fameus Borgne de l’isle dans les - relations des RR. PP. Jesuites. - - 62. Le grand portage du sault des Calumets est de ce costé, pour - l’eviter nous prismes de l’autre coste. - - 63. Il faut faire 5 portages de ce costé icy d’environ 100 pas chacun. - - 64. Portage apellé des alumettes 200 pas. - - 65. Tres grande chasse d’originaux autour de ce petit lac. - - 66. On dit que cette branche de la grande Riviere va aux trois - rivières. - - 67. Grand rapides. - - 68. Portage 200 pas. - - 69. Lac Superieur. - - 70. Fort des S. RR^{nds} PP. Jesuites. Sauteurs. - - 71. Anipich. - - 72. R. de Tessalon. Mississague. - -There are in the Kohl Collection, in the Department of State, two maps -of Lake Ontario, of 1666, the original of one of which is credited to -the Dépôt de la Marine.] - -He was determined to track it; and gaining some money by selling -his grant at Lachine, and procuring the encouragement of Talon and -Courcelles, he formed an alliance for the journey with two priests of -the Seminary at Montreal, Dollier de Casson and Galinée, who were about -going westward on a missionary undertaking. La Salle started with them -on the 6th of July, 1669, with some followers, and a party of Senecas -as guides. The savages led them across Lake Ontario to a point on the -southern shore nearest to their villages, which the party visited in -the hope of securing other guides to the great river of which they -were in search. Failing in this, they made their way to the western -extremity of the lake, where they fell in with Joliet, as mentioned in -the preceding chapter. La Salle now learned Joliet’s route; but he was -not convinced that it opened to him the readiest way to the great river -of the Indians, though the Sulpitians were resolved to take Joliet’s -route north of Lake Erie. When these priests returned to Montreal, in -June, 1670, they brought back little of consequence, except the data -to make the earliest map which we have of the Upper Lakes, and of which -a sketch is given herewith. - -[Illustration] - -This map of Galinée, says Parkman,[548] was the earliest attempt -after Champlain to portray the great lakes. Faillon, who gives a -reproduction of this map,[549] says it is preserved in the Archives -of the Marine at Paris; but Harrisse[550] could not find it there. -There is a copy of it, made in 1856 from the original at Paris, in -the Library of Parliament at Ottawa.[551] Faillon[552] gives much -detail of the journey, for the Sulpitians were his heroes; and -Talon made a report;[553] but the main source of our information is -Galinée’s Journal, which is printed, with other papers appertaining, by -Margry,[554] and by the Abbé Verreau.[555] - -The Michigan peninsula, which Galinée had failed to comprehend, is -fully brought out in the map of Lake Superior which accompanies the -Jesuit _Relation_ of 1670-1671.[556] Mr. Parkman is inclined to -consider a manuscript map without title or date, but called in the -annexed sketch “The Lakes and the Mississippi” (from a copy in the -Parkman Collection), as showing “the earliest representation of the -upper Mississippi, based perhaps on the reports of the Indians.”[557] -He calls it the work of the Jesuits, whose stations are marked on it -by crosses. It seems however to be posterior to the time when Joliet -gave the name Colbert to the Mississippi. - -[Illustration: THE LAKES AND THE MISSISSIPPI. - -This map bears legends or names corresponding to the following key: -1. Les Kilistinouk disent avoir veu un grand naviere qui hiverna à -l’embouchure de ce fleuve; ils auroient fait une maison d’un coste et -de l’autre un fort de bois. 2. Assinepouelak. 3. Oumounsounick. 4. -Ounaouantagouk. 5. Chiligouek. 6. Outilibik. 7. Noupining-dachirinouek. -8. Ouchkioutoulibik. 9. Missisaking-dachiri-nouek. 10. Outaouak. 11. -Michilimakinak. 12. Baye des Puans. 13. Oumalouminek. 14. Outagamik. -15. Nadouessi. 16. Icy mourut le P. Meynard. 17. Kikabou. 18. -Ouenebegouk. 19. Pouteoutamic. 20. Ousakie. 21. Illinouek Kachkachki. -22. Mouingouea. 23. Ouchachai. 24. Ouemissirita. 25. Chaboussioua. -26. Pelissiak. 27. Monsoupale. 28. Paniassa. 29. Taaleousa. 30. -Metchagamea. 31. Akenza. 32. Matorea. 33. Tamikoua. 34. Ganiassa. 35. -Minou. 36. Kachkinouba.] - -What La Salle did after parting with the Sulpitians in 1669 is a -question over which there has been much dispute. The absence of any -definite knowledge of his movements for the next two years leaves ample -room for conjecture, and Margry believes that maps which he made of -his wanderings in this interval were in existence up to the middle of -the last century. It is from statements regarding such maps given in -a letter of an aged niece of La Salle in 1756, as well as from other -data, that Margry has endeavored to place within these two years what -he supposes to have been a successful attempt on La Salle’s part to -reach the Great River of the West. If an anonymous paper (“Histoire de -Monsieur de la Salle”) published by Margry[558] is to be believed, La -Salle told the writer of it in Paris,—seemingly in 1678,—that after -leaving Galinée he went to Onondaga (?), where he got guides, and -descending a stream, reached the Ohio (?), and went down that river. -How far? Margry thinks that he reached the Mississippi: Parkman demurs, -and claims that the story will not bear out the theory that he ever -reached the mouth of the Ohio; but it seems probable that he reached -the rapids at Louisville, and that from this point he retraced his -steps alone, his men having abandoned him to seek the Dutch and English -settlements. Parkman finds enough amid the geographical confusions of -this “Histoire” to think that upon the whole the paper agrees with La -Salle’s memorial to Frontenac in 1677, in which he claimed to have -discovered the Ohio and to have coursed it to the rapids, and that it -confirms the statements which Joliet has attached to the Ohio in his -maps, to the effect that it was by this stream La Salle went, “pour -aller dans le Mexique.”[559] - -The same “Histoire” also represents that in the following year (1671) -La Salle took the course in which he had refused to follow Galinée, and -entering Lake Michigan, found the Chicago portage, and descending the -Illinois, reached the Mississippi. This descent Parkman is constrained -to reject, mainly for the reason that from 1673 to 1678 Joliet’s claim -to the discovery of the Mississippi was a notorious one, believed -by Frontenac and by all others, and that there was no reason why La -Salle for eight years should have concealed any prior knowledge. The -discrediting of this claim is made almost, if not quite, conclusive by -no mention being made of such discovery in the memorial of La Salle’s -kindred to the King for compensation for his services, and by the -virtual admission of La Salle’s friends of the priority of Joliet’s -discovery in a memorial to Seignelay, which Margry also prints.[560] - -In 1672 some Indians from the West had told Marquette at the St. -Esprit mission of a great river which they had crossed. Reports of it -also came about the same time to Allouez and Dablon, who were at work -establishing a mission at Green Bay; and in the _Relation_ of 1672 the -hope of being able to reach this Mississippi water is expressed. - -Frontenac on his arrival felt that the plan of pushing the actual -possession of France beyond the lakes was the first thing to be -accomplished, and Talon, as we have seen, on leaving for France -recommended Joliet[561] as the man best suited to do it. Jacques -Marquette joined him at Point St. Ignace. The Jesuit was eight years -the senior of the fur-trader, and of a good family from the North of -France. - -[Illustration: JOLIET’S MAP, 1673-1674. - -Key: 1. Les sauvages habitent cette isle. 2. Sauvages de la mer. 3. -Kilistinons. 4. Assiniboels. 5. Madouesseou. 6. Nations du nord. 7. Lac -Supérieur. 8. Le Sault St. Marie. 9. Missilimakinak. 10. Kaintotan. -11. Lac Huron. 12. Nipissing. 13. Mataouan. 14. Tous les poincts sont -des rapides. 15. Les trois rivieres. 16. Tadoussac. 17. Le Saguenay. -18. Le Fleuve de St. Laurent. 20. Montroyal. 21. Fort de Frontenac. -22. Lac Frontenac ou Ontario. 24. Sault, Portage de demi lieue. 25. -Lac Erie. 26. Lac des Illinois ou Missihiganin. 27. Cuivre. 28. -Kaure. 29. Baye des Puans. 30. Puans. 31. Maskoutins. 32. Portage. -33. Riviere Miskonsing. 34. Mines de fer. 35. Riviere de Buade. 36. -Kitchigamin. 37. Ouaouiatanox. 38. Paoutet, Maha, Pana, Atontanka, -Illinois, Peouarea, 300 Cabanes, 180 Canots de bois de 50 pieds de -long. 39. Minongio, Pani, Ouchagé, Kansa, Messouni. 40. La Frontenacie. -41. Pierres Sanguines. 42. Kachkachkia. 43. Salpetre. 44. Riviere de -la Divine ou l’Outrelaize. 45. Riv. Ouabouskigou. 46. Kaskinanka, -Ouabanghihasla, Malohah. 47. Mines de fer; Chouanons, terres eiseléez, -Aganatchi. 48. Akansea sauvages. 49. Mounsoupria. 50. Apistonga. 51. -Tapensa sauvages. 52 and 53 (going up the stream which is called -Riviere Basire). Atatiosi, Matora, Akowita, Imamoueta, Papikaha, -Tanikoua, Aiahichi, Pauiassa. 54. Europeans. 55. Cap de la Floride. 56. -Mer Vermeille, ou est la Califournie, par ou on peut aller au Perou, au -Japon, et à la Chine.] - -Their course has been sketched in the preceding chapter. They seemed -to have reached a conviction that the Great River flowed into the Gulf -of Mexico. Their return was by the Illinois River and the Chicag -portage.[562] During the four months of their absence, says Parkman, -they had paddled their canoes somewhat more than two thousand five -hundred miles. - -While Marquette remained at the mission Joliet returned to Quebec. What -Joliet contributed to the history of this discovery can be found in a -letter on his map, later to be given in fac-simile; a letter dated Oct. -10, 1674, given by Harrisse;[563] the letter of Frontenac announcing -the discovery, which must have been derived from Joliet,[564] and the -oral accounts which Joliet gave to the writer of the “Détails sur le -voyage de Louis Joliet; and a Relation de la descouverte de plusieurs -pays situez au midi de la Nouvelle France, faite en 1673,” both of -which are printed by Margry.[565] - -Within a few years there has been produced a map which seems to have -been made by Joliet immediately after his return to Montreal. This -would make it the earliest map of the Mississippi based on actual -knowledge, and the first of a series accredited to Joliet. It is called -_Nouvelle découverte de plusieurs nations dans la Nouvelle France -en l’année 1673 et 1674_. Gabriel Gravier first made this map known -through an _Étude sur une carte inconnue; la première dressée par L. -Joliet en 1674, après son exploration du Mississippi auec Jacques -Marquette en 1673_.[566] A sketch of it, with a key, is given herewith. -The tablet in the sketch marks the position of Joliet’s letter to -Frontenac, of which a reduced fac-simile is also annexed. - -“In this epistle,” says Mr. Neill, “Joliet mentions that he had -presented a map showing the situation of the Lakes upon which there is -navigation for more than 1,200 leagues from east to west, and that he -had given to the great river beyond the Lakes, which he had discovered -in the years 1673-1674, the designation of Buade, the family name of -Frontenac.[567] He adds a glowing description of the prairies, the -groves, and the forests,” and writes of the quail (_cailles_) in the -fields and the parrot (_perroquet_) in the woods. He concludes his -communication as follows: “By one of the large rivers which comes from -the west and empties into the River Buade, one will find a route to the -Red Sea” [Mer vermeille, _i. e._ Gulf of California]. - -[Illustration] - -“I saw a village which was not more than five days’ journey from a -tribe which traded with the tribes of California;[568] if I had arrived -two days before, I could have conversed with those who had come from -thence, and had brought four hatchets as a present. You would have seen -a description of these things in my Journal, if the success which had -accompanied me during the voyage had not failed me a quarter of an hour -before arriving at the place from which I had departed. I had escaped -the dangers from savages, I had passed forty-two rapids, and was about -to land with complete joy at the success of so long and difficult an -enterprise, when, after all dangers seemed past, my canoe turned over. -I lost two men and my box in sight of the first French settlement, -which I had left almost two years before. Nothing remains to me but my -life, and the wish to employ it in any service you may please.” This -Report was sent to France in November, 1674. - -There is in Mr. Barlow’s Collection a large map (27 × 40 inches), which -is held by Dr. Shea and General Clarke to be a copy of the original -Joliet Map, with the Ohio marked in by a later and less skilful hand. A -sketch of it is annexed as “Joliet’s Larger Map.” - -A copy of what is known as “Joliet’s Smaller Map” is also in the Barlow -Collection, and from it the annexed sketch has been made. This map -is called _Carte de la descouverte du S^r Jolliet, ou l’on voit la -communication du Fleuve St. Laurens avec les Lacs Frontenac, Erie, Lac -des Hurons, et Illinois ... au bout duquel on va joindre la Rivière -divine par un portage de mille pas qui tombe dans la Rivière Colbert et -se descharge dans le Sein Mexique_. Though evidently founded in part on -the Jesuits’ map of Lake Superior, it was an improvement upon it, and -was inscribed with a letter addressed to Frontenac. The Valley of the -Mississippi is called _Colbertie_; the Ohio is marked as the course of -La Salle’s route to the Gulf;[569] the Wisconsin is made the route of -Joliet. - -Mr. Parkman describes another map, anonymous, but “indicating a greatly -increased knowledge of the country.” It marks the Ohio as a river -descended by La Salle, but it does not give the Mississippi.[570] -Harrisse found in the Archives of the Marine a map which he thought to -be a part of the same described by Parkman, and this was made by Joliet -himself later than 1674. - -There is in the Parkman Collection another map ascribed to Joliet, -and called in the sketch given herewith “Joliet’s carte générale,” -which Parkman thinks was an early work (in the drafting, at least) of -the engineer Franquelin. It is signed _Johannes Ludovicus Franquelin -pinxit_; but it is a question what this implies. Harrisse[571] thinks -that Franquelin is the author, and places it under 1681. Gravier -holds it to imply simply Franquelin’s drafting, and affirms that it -corresponds closely with a map signed by Joliet, which has already been -mentioned as his earliest. Mr. Neill says of this map that it “is the -first attempt to fix the position of the nations north of the Wisconsin -and west of Lake Superior. The Wisconsin is called Miskous, perhaps -intended for Miskons; and the Ohio is marked ‘Ouaboustikou.’ On the -upper Mississippi are the names of the following tribes: The ‘Siou,’ -around what is now called the Mille Lacs region, the original home -of the Sioux of the Lakes, or Eastern Sioux; the Ihanctoua, Pintoüa, -Napapatou, Ouapikouti, Chaiena, Agatomitou, Ousilloua, Alimouspigoiak. -The Ihanctoua and Ouapikouti are two divisions of the Sioux, now known -as Yanktons and Wahpekootays. The Chaiena were allies of the Sioux, -and hunted at that time in the valley of the Red River of the North. -The word in the Sioux means ‘people of another language,’ and the -_voyageurs_ called them Cheyennes.” - -[Illustration: WESTERN PORTION OF JOLIET’S LARGER MAP (1674). - -A reduced sketch of the copy in the Barlow Collection. The river marked -“Route du Sieur de la Salle” is seemingly drawn in by a later hand, and -the stream is without the coloring given to the other rivers. In its -course, too, it runs athwart the vignette surrounding the scale at the -bottom of the map, as if added after that was made. It is Harrisse’s -no. 203.] - -[Illustration: EASTERN PORTION OF JOLIET’S LARGER MAP (1674).] - -Mention may be made in passing of a small map within an ornamented -border, and detailing the results of these explorations, which bears -a Dutch title in the vignette, and another along the bottom in -French, as follows: _Pays et peuple decouverts en 1673 dans la partie -septentrionale de l’Amerique par P. Marquette et Joliet, suivant la -description qu’ils en ont faite, rectifiée sur diverses observations -posterieures de nouveau mis en jour par Pierre Vander Aa à Leide_. - -[Illustration: JOLIET’S SMALLER MAP. - -This is Harrisse’s no. 204. The original is in the Archives of the -Marine at Paris; cf. Library of Parliament _Catalogue_, 1858, p. 1615; -Parkman’s _La Salle_, p. 453.] - -[Illustration: BASIN OF THE GREAT LAKES. - -A reduced sketch of no. 3 of the Parkman maps, which measures 30 × 44 -inches. It is without title or maker’s name, and the figures stand for -the names and legends as given below: - -1. Pays des Outaouacs qui habitent dans les forets. - -2. Par cette riviere on va aus assinepoüalac a 150 lieues vers le -Noreouest ou il y a beaucoup de Castor. - -3. Isle Minong ou l’on croyoit que fust la mine de Cuivre. - -4. Par cette riviere on va pays des nadouessien a 60 lieues au -couchant. Ils ont 15 villages et sont fort belligueux et la terreur de -ces contrées. - -5. Pointe du St. Esprit. - -6. R. Nantounagan. - -7. Autrefois les restes de la Nation Huronne sestoient refugiez icy et -les Jesuites y avoient une mission. Maintenant les Nadouessien ostants -aus Hurons la liberté de chasser aus castors, ses sauvages ont quitté -et les Jesuites les ont suivie. - -8. Toutes ses nations qui se sont retirées en ces pays par terreur des -Iroquois ont une tres grande quantité de Castors. - -9. Nation et riviere des Oumalouminec, ou de la folle auoine. - -10. Outagamis. - -11. R. Mataban. - -12. Isles ou les Hurons se refugierent apres la destruction de leur -nation par les Iroquois. - -13. Les pp. Jesuites ont icy une mission. - -14. Kakaling rapide de trois lieues de longuerer. - -15. Kitchigamenqué, ou lac St. Francois. - -16. Pouteatamis. - -17. Oumanis. - -18. Maskoutens ou Nation du feu. - -19. Riviere de la Divine. - -20. Les plus grands navires peuvent venir de la decharge du lac Erie -dans le lac frontenac jusques icy et de ce marais ou ils peuvent entrer -il n y a que mille pas de distance jusqu’a la riviere de la Divine qui -les peut porter jusqu’a la riviere Colbert et de la golfe de Mexique. - -21. Riviere Ohio ainsy apellée par les Iroquois a cause de sa beauté -par ou le Sr. de la Salle est descendu. - -22. Les Illinois. - -23. Raye des Kentayentoga. - -24. Les Chaoüenons. - -25. Cette riviere baigne un fort beau pays ou l’on trouvé des pommes, -des grenades, des raisins et d’autres fruits sauvages. Le Pays est -decouvert pour la plus part, y ayant seulement des bois d’espace en -espace. Les Iroquois ont détruit la plus grande partie des habitans -dont on voit encore quelques restes. - -26. Tout ce pays est celuy qui est aus Environs du lac Teiochariontiong -est decouvert. L’hiver y est moderé et court; les fruits y viennent en -abondance; les bœufs sauvages, poules dinde et toute sorte de gibier -s’y trouvent en quantité et il y a encore force castor. - -27. Baye de Sikonam. - -28. Les Tionontateronons. - -29. Detroit de Missilimakinac. - -30. Missilimakinac mission des Jesuites. Detroit par ou le lac des -Illinois communique avec celuy des Hurons, par ou passent les sauvages -du midy quand ils vont au Montreal chargez de Castors. - -31. Sault de Ste. Marie. Ce sault est un Canal de demie lieue de -largeur par lequel le lac Superieur se decharge dans le lac Huron. - -32. Dans ce lac on trouve plusieurs morceaux de cuivre rouge de rozette -tres pure. Outakouaminan. - -33. Sauteurs. Sauvages qui habitent aus environs du Sault Ste. Marie. - -34. Bagonache. - -35. Gens des Torres. Toutes ces nations vivent de chasse dans les bois -sans villages, et la plus part sans cultivee la terre, se trouvans -seulement a de certains rendezvous de festes et de foire de temps en -temps. - -36. Kilistinons. - -37. Les Alemepigon. - -38. Ekaentoton Isle. - -39. Lieu de l’assemblée de tous les sauvages allans en traitte a -Montreal. - -40. Les Kreiss. - -41. Cette riviere vient du lac Nipissing. R. des Francois. - -42. Les Amicoue. - -43. Les Missisaghé. - -44. Lac Skekoven ou Nipissing. - -45. Sorciers. - -46. A cet endroit il y a plusieurs petits marais par ou l’on va dans le -lac Nipissing en portant plusieurs fois les canots. - -47. Nipissiens. - -48. Sault au talc Mataouan. - -49. Sault au lieure. Sault aux Allumettes. Isle du Borgne. - -50. Sault des Calumets. - -51. Riviere des Outaouacs ou des Hurons. - -52. Les Sauvages Loups et Iroquois tirent d’icy la plus grande partie -du Castor qu’ils portent aus Anglois et aus Hollandois. - -53. Cette rivière sort du lac Taronto et se jette dans le lac Huron. - -54. Chemin par ou les Iroquois vont aus Outaoüacs, qu’ils auroient mené -trafiquer a la Nouvelle Hollande si le fort de Frontenac n’eust ésté -basti sur leur route. - -55, 56. Villages des Iroquois dont quantité s’habituent de ce côté -depuis peu. Teyoyagon, Ganatchekiagon, Ganevaské, Kentsio. - -57. Canal par ou le lac des Hurons se decharge dans le lac Erie. - -58. Tsiketo ou lac de la Chaudiere. - -59. Atiragenrega, nation detruite. - -60. Antouaronons, nation detruite. - -61. Niagagarega, nation detruite. Chute haute de 120 toises par ou le -lac Erie tombe dans le lac Frontenac. - -62. Les Iroquois font leurs pesches dans tous les marais ou etangs qui -bordent ce lac, d’ou ils tirent leur principale subsistance. - -63. Ka Kouagoga, nation detruite. - -64. Negateca fontaine. - -65. Tsonontouaeronons. - -66. Goyogouenronons. - -67. Les environs de ce lac et l’extremité occidentale du lac Frontenac -sont infestes de gantastogeronons, ce qui en eloigne les Iroquois. - -68. Ce lac n’est pas le lac Erie, comme on le nomme ordinnairement. -Erie est une partie de la Baye de Chesapeack dans la Virginie, ou les -Eriechronons ont toujours demeuré. - -69. Riviere Ohio, ainsy dite a cause de sa beauté. - -70. Lac Onia-sont. - -71. Les Oniasont-Keronons. - -72. Riviere qui se rend dans la baye de Chesapeack. - -73. Cahihonoüaghé, lieu on la plus part des Iroquois et des Loups -debarquent pour aller en traitte du Castor a la Nouvelle York par les -chemins marques de double rangs de points. - -74. Les plus grands bastimens peuvent naviguer d’icy jusque au bout du -lac Frontenac. - -75. Korlar. - -76. Albanie, ci-devant Fort d’Orange. - -77. Riviere du nord, ou des traittes ou Maurice. - -78. Otondiata. - -79. Tout ce qui est depuis la Nouvelle Hollande jusques icy et le long -du fleuve St. Laurent est convert de bois. La terre y est bonne pour la -plus part et produit de fort beau blé. - -80. Riviere Onondkouy. - -81. Lac Tontiarenhé. - -82. Ohaté. - -83. Lac et riviere de Tanouate Kenté. - -84. En cet endroit la grande riviere se précipite dans un puis dont on -ne voit pas sortir. - -85. Sault des chats. - -86. Petite nation. - -87. Long sault. - -88. R. et I. Jesus, Montreal, etc. - -89. Lac Champlain. - -90. Lac du St. Sacrement. - -91. Montagnes ou l’on trouve des veines de plomb, mais peu abondante. - -92. St. Jean rapide. - -93. Riviere de Richelieu. - -94. Sorel. - -95. Sauvages apelles Mahingans, ou Socoquis. - -96. Socoquois, Goutsagans, Loups. - -97. Vershe Riviere [Connecticut]. - -Dr. Shea places this map after La Salle’s descent of the Mississippi, -“as the Ohio at its mouth was not recognized at that time as the -Ohio of the Iroquois.” See Margry, ii. 191.] Something now needs to -be said regarding Marquette’s contribution to our knowledge of this -expedition of 1673. He seems to have prepared from memory a narrative -for Frontenac, which is printed in two different forms in Margry.[572] -Dablon used this account in his _Relation_, and sent a copy of the -manuscript to Paris;[573] but he seems also to have prepared another -copy, which was, with the original map, confided finally to the -Archives of the Collége Ste. Marie at Montreal, where Shea found it, -and translated it for his _Discovery of the Mississippi_,[574] in 1853, -giving with it a fac-simile of the map.[575] - -Mr. Neill, in comparing this map with the earliest of Joliet’s, as -reproduced by Gravier says: “Joliet marks the large island toward the -extremity of Lake Superior known as Isle Royale; but he gives no name, -and he indicates four other islands on the north shore.” - -[Illustration: JOLIET’S CARTE GÉNÉRALE. - -“This is a sketch reduced from the Parkman copy of the map, which -measures 36 × 30 inches, and is called _Carte genlle de la France -sept^{le} contenant la descouverte du Pays des Illinois, faite par le -S^r Jolliet_; and is dedicated “A Monseigneur, Monseigneur Colbert, -Conseiller du Roy en son Conseil Royal, Ministre et Sécrétaire d’Estat, -Commandeur et Grand Trésorier des Ordes de sa Majesté, par son tres -humble, tres obeiss^t, et tres fidelle serviteur, Duchesnau, Intendant -de la Nouvelle France.” The figures stand for the following names and -legends: 1. Alimouspigoiak. 2. Oussiloua. 3. Agatomitou. 4. Chaiena. -5. Ouapikouti. 6. Napapatou. 7. Pintoüa. 8. Ihanctoua. 9. Paoutek. 10. -Maha. 11. Oloutanta. 12. Moengouena. 13. Ouatoutatoüaoü. 14. Grand -Village. 15. Tanikoüa. 16. Acahichi. 17. Minouk. 18. Emmamoüata. 19. -Akoraa. 20. Ototehiahi. 21. Tahenfa. 22. Europeans [_sic_]. 23. Mine de -fer, Sable doré, Terre rouge ou siselée, Gouza. 24. R. Ouaboustikou. -25. Mataholi et Apistanga, 18 villages. 26. Chaoüanone, 15 villages. -27. Chaboüafioüa. 28. Mine de cuivre rouge. 29. Ilinois. 30. Riviere -Miskous. 31. Mine de fer. 32. Maskoutens. 33. Outagami. 34. Puans. 35. -Chaoüamigon. 36. Siou. 37. Assinibouels. 38. Lac des Assinibouels. 39. -Minonk I. 40. Miscillimakinac. 41. Saut. 42. Missaské. 43. Amikoue. 44. -Nipissink. 45. Mataouan. 46. Riviere des Outaouacks. 47. Kinté. 48. -Ganateliftiagon. 49. Ganerafké. 50. I. Caiu-toton. 51. Fort Frontenac. -52. Teiaiagon. 53. Saût. 54. Sonontouans. 55. Oioguens. 56. Noutahe. -57. Onéoioutes. 58. Agnez. 59. Orange. 60. Hope. 61. Manate. 62. -Lac St. Sacrémt. 63. Lac Champlain. 64. Ste. Terese. 65. Sorel. 66. -Montreal. 67. Trois Rivieres. 68. Quebec. 69. Tadoussac. 70. R. St. -Jean. 71. Ketsicagouesse. 72. Baye des Espagnols. 73. Terre Neuve. 74. -Cape de Raze. 75. Plaisance. 76. I. la Magdelaine. 77. I. Brion. 78. -I. aux oiseaux. 79. Cap Breton. 80. Canceaux. 81. Acadie. 82. Port -Royal. 83. Baye des Chaleurs. 84. I. Bonventure. 85. I. Percée. 86. R. -St. Jean. 87. R. Ste. Croix. 88. R. Etchemins. 89. R. Pintagouete. 90. -Baston. 91. Miskoutenagach. 92. Ouabakounagon.] Marquette shows the -large island only, but without a name. Joliet on the north shore of -Lake Huron has three large islands,—one marked Kaintoton; Marquette -has the same number, but without names. Parallel columns will show some -other names of the two maps; the last three of each column referring to -tribes between Green Bay and the Mississippi:— - - _Joliet’s Map._ _Marquette’s Map._ - - Lac Superieur. Lac Superieur, ov De Tracy. - Lac des Illinois, ou Missihiganin. Lac des Illinois. - Baye des Puans. No name. - Puans. Pouteoutami. - Outagami. Outagami. - Maskoutens. Maskoutens. - -Joliet gives the name Miskonsing to the river, and marks the portage; -while Marquette gives no names. The country south of Lake Superior and -west of Lake Michigan in Marquette is blank. In Joliet it is marked -‘La Frontenacie.’ West of Lake Superior in Marquette is a blank; in -Joliet are several lakes and the tribe of Madouesseou. Joliet calls -the Mississippi, Rivière de Buade, and Marquette names it R. de la -Conception.” - -The original French of the narrative as Shea found it at Montreal was -printed for Mr. Lenox in 1855,[576] and bears the following title: -_Récit des voyages et des découvertes du P. J. Marquette en l’année -1673, et aux suivantes_;[577] and the copy being defective in two -leaves, this matter was supplied from the print of Thevenot, next to be -mentioned. - -The copy which Dablon sent to Paris was used by Thevenot, who gives -it, with some curtailment, in his _Recueil de voyages_, published in -Paris in 1681,[578] with the caption: “Voyage et découverte de quelques -pays et nations de l’Amérique septentrionale par le P. Marquette et Sr. -Joliet.”[579] - -The Jesuits about this time made a map, which, from having been given -in Thevenot as Marquette’s, passed as the work of that missionary -till Shea found the genuine one in Canada. What was apparently the -original of this in Thevenot is a manuscript which Harrisse[580] says -was formerly in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, but cannot now -be found. Mr. Parkman has a copy of it, and calls it “so crude and -careless, and based on information so inexact, that it is of little -interest.”[581] - -[Illustration: MARQUETTE’S GENUINE MAP.] - -As engraved in Thevenot, this map differs a little, and bears the -title: “Carte de la découverte faite l’an 1673, dans l’Amérique -septentrionale. Liebaux fecit.” Sparks followed this engraving in -the map in his _Life of Marquette_, and calls it, with the knowledge -then current, “the first that was ever published of the Mississippi -River.”[582] - - * * * * * - -Marquette’s later history is but brief. In the autumn of the next year -(1674) he started to found a mission among the Illinois; but being -detained by illness near Chicago, he did not reach the Indian town -of Kaskaskia till the spring of 1675. His strength was ebbing, and -he started with his companions to return to St. Ignace, but had only -reached a point on the easterly shore of Lake Michigan, when he died, -and his companions buried him beside their temporary hut. The next year -some Ottawas who had been of his flock unearthed the bones and carried -them to Michillimackinac, where they were buried beneath the floor of -the little mission chapel.[583] - -[Illustration: MISSISSIPPI VALLEY, 1672-1673. - -This is a reduction of a manuscript map placed by Mr. Parkman in -Harvard College Library, no. 5 of the series, entitled: _Carte de la -nouvelle decouverte que les péres Jesuites ont fait en l’année 1672, -et continnuée par le P. Iacques Marquette de la mesme compagnie, -accompagné de quelques françois en l’année 1673, qu’on pourra nommer -en françois_ LA MANITOUMIE _a cause de la statue qui s’est trouvée -dans une belle vallée, et que les sauvages vont reconnoistre pour leur -divinitè, qu’ils appellent Manitou qui signifie esprit ou génie_. A -rude figure of this statue is placed on the map at 4, with this legend: -“Manitou statue ou les sauvages font faire leurs adorations.” The other -longer legends are: 1. “Nations qui ont des chevaux et des chameaux.” -2. “On est venu jusques icy a la hauteur de 33 deg.” 3. “Monsoupena, -ils ont des fusila.” It will be seen that the return route of Marquette -and Joliet is incorrectly laid down. Parkman’s _La Salle_, p. 65.] - -Thirty years ago there were statements made by M. Noiseux, late -vicar-general of Quebec, to the effect that Marquette was not the first -priest to visit the Illinois; but the matter was set at rest by Dr. -Shea.[584] A renewed interest came in 1873 with the bicentennial of -the discovery. Dr. Shea delivered an address on the occasion of the -celebration,[585] and he also made an Address on the same theme before -the Missouri Historical Society, July 19, 1878.[586] At the Laval -University in Quebec the anniversary was also observed on the 17th of -June, 1873, when a discourse was delivered by the Abbé Verreau.[587] - -[Illustration: FORT FRONTENAC. - -This sketch follows a plan sent by Denonville in 1685 to Paris, which -is engraved in Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, iii. 467. -The key is as follows: 1. Four à chaux. 2. Grange. 3. Etable. 4. -Logis. 5. Corps de garde. 6. Guerite sur la porte. 7. Boulangerie. 8. -Palissade. 9. Moulin. 10. Mortier sans chaux. 11. Fondement bâti. 12. -Haut de 4 pieds. 13. Haut de 12 pi^s. 14. A chaux et sable. 15. Puits. -16. Magasin à poudre. The peninsula extended into Lake Ontario. It is -the fort as rebuilt of stone by La Salle. Cf. the paper on La Salle’s -expenses on this fort, etc., in 2 _Pennsylvania Archives_, vi. 14, of -which the original and other papers are given in Margry (i. 291).] - -New complications were now forming. The new governor, Frontenac, was -needy in purse, expedient in devices, and on terms of confidence with -a man destined to gain a name in this western discovery.[588] This was -La Salle. Parkman pictures him with having a certain robust ambition -to conquer the great valley for France and himself, and to outdo the -Jesuits. Shea sees in him little of the hero, and few traces of a -powerful purpose.[589] Whatever his character, he was soon embarked -with Frontenac on a far-reaching scheme. It has been explained in -the preceding chapter how the erection of a fort had been begun by -Frontenac near the present town of Kingston on Lake Ontario. By means -of such a post he hoped to intercept the trafficking of the Dutch and -English, and turn an uninterrupted peltry trade to the French. The -Jesuits at least neglected the scheme, but neither Frontenac nor La -Salle cared much for them.[590] Fort Frontenac was the first stage in -La Salle’s westward progress, and he was politic enough to espouse the -Governor’s side in all things when disputes occasionally ran high. -His becoming the proprietor of the seigniory, which included the new -fort, meant the exclusion of others from the trade in furs, and such -exclusion made enemies of the merchants. It meant also colonization and -settlements; and that interfered with the labors of the Jesuits among -the savages, and made them look to the great western valley, of which -so much had been said; but La Salle was looking there too.[591] - -In the first place he had strengthened his fort. He had pulled down -the wooden structure, and built another of stones and palisades, of -which a plan is preserved to us. He had drawn communities of French and -natives about him, and maintained a mission, with which Louis Hennepin -was connected. We have seen how in the autumn of 1677[592] he went -once more to France, securing the right of seigniory over other posts -as he might establish them south and west during the next five years. -This was by a patent dated at St. Germain-en-Laye, May 12, 1678.[593] -With dreams of Mexico and of a clime sunnier than that of Canada, La -Salle returned to Quebec to make new leagues with the merchants, and -to listen to Hennepin, who had come down from Fort Frontenac to meet -him.[594] Mr. Neill (in the previous chapter) has followed his fortunes -from this point, and we have seen him laying the keel of a vessel above -the cataract.[595] - -While this was going on La Salle returned below the Falls, and having -begun two blockhouses on the site of the later Fort Niagara,[596] -proceeded to Fort Frontenac. By spring Tonty had the “Griffin” ready -for launching. She was of forty-five or fifty tons, and when she had -her equipment on board, five cannon looked from her port-holes. The -builders made all ready for a voyage in her, but grew weary in waiting -for La Salle, who did not return till August, when he brought with him -Membré the priest, whose Journal we are to depend on later, and the -vessel departed on the voyage which Mr. Neill has sketched.[597] - -After the “Griffin” had departed homeward from this region, La Salle -and his canoes followed up the western shores of the lake, while Tonty -and another party took the eastern. The two finally met at the Miamis, -or St. Joseph River, near the southeastern corner of Lake Michigan. - -They now together went up the St. Joseph, and crossing the portage[598] -launched their canoes on the Kankakee, an upper tributary of the -Illinois River, and passed on to the great town of the tribe of that -name, where Marquette had been before them, near the present town of -Utica.[599] They found the place deserted, for the people were on -their winter hunt. They discovered, however, pits of corn, and got -much-needed food. Passing on, a little distance below Peoria Lake they -came upon some inhabited wigwams. Among these people La Salle learned -how his enemies in Canada were inciting them to thwart his progress; -and there were those under this incitement who pictured so vividly -the terrors of the southern regions, that several of La Salle’s men -deserted. - -In January (1680) La Salle began a fortified camp near at hand, and -called it Fort Crèvecœur,[600] and soon after he was at work building -another vessel of forty tons. He also sent off Michel Accau, or -Accault, and Hennepin on the expedition, of which some account is given -by Mr. Neill, and also by the Editor in a subsequent note. Leaving -Tonty in command of the fort, La Salle, in March, started to return to -Fort Frontenac, his object being to get equipments for his vessel; for -he had by this time made up his mind that nothing more would be seen -of the “Griffin” and her return lading of anchors and supplies. For -sixty-five days he coursed a wild country and braved floods. He made, -however, the passage of a thousand miles in safety to Fort Frontenac, -only to become aware of the disastrous state of his affairs,—the loss -of supplies.[601] A little later the same sort of news followed him -from Tonty, whose men had mutinied and scattered. His first thought -was to succor Tonty and the faithful few who remained with him; and -accordingly he started again for the Illinois country, which he found -desolate and terrible with the devastations of the Iroquois. He passed -the ruins of Crèvecœur, and went even to the mouth of the Illinois; and -under these distressing circumstances he saw the Mississippi for the -first time. Then he retraced his way, and was once again at Fort Miami. -Not a sign had been seen of Tonty, who had escaped from the feud of the -Iroquois and Illinois, not knowing which side to trust, and had made -his way down the western side of Lake Michigan toward Green Bay. - -La Salle meanwhile at Fort Miami was making new plans and resolutions. -He had an idea of banding together under his leadership all the -western tribes, and by this means to keep the Iroquois in check while -he perfected his explorations southward. So in the spring (1681) he -returned to the Illinois country to try to form the league; and while -there first heard from some wandering Outagamies of the safe arrival of -Tonty at Green Bay, and of the passage through that region of Hennepin -eastward. Among the Illinois and on the St. Joseph he was listened to, -and everything promised well for his intended league. In May he went -to Michillimackinac, where he found Tonty and Membré, and with them -he proceeded to Fort Frontenac. Here once more his address got him -new supplies, and in the autumn (1681) he was again on his westward -way. In the latter part of December, with a company of fifty-four -souls,—French and savage, including some squaws,—he crossed the -Chicago portage; and sledding and floating down the Illinois, on the -6th of February he and his companions glided out upon the Mississippi -among cakes of swimming ice. On they went.[602] Stopping at one of -the Chickasaw bluffs, they built a small stockade and called it after -Prudhomme, who was left in charge of it. Again they stopped for a -conference of three days with a band of Indians near the mouth of the -Arkansas, where, on the 14th of March, in due form, La Salle took -possession of the neighboring country in the name of his King.[603] -On still they went, stopping at various villages and towns, securing -a welcome by the peace-pipe, and erecting crosses bearing the arms -of France in the open squares of the Indian settlements. On the 6th -of April La Salle divided his party into three, and each took one of -the three arms which led to the Gulf. On the 9th they reunited, and -erecting a column just within one of the mouths of the river, La Salle -formally took possession of the great Mississippi basin in the name -of the French monarch, whom he commemorated in applying the name of -Louisiana to the valley.[604] - -Up the stream their canoes were now turned. On reaching Fort Prudhomme -La Salle was prostrated with a fever. Here he stayed, nursed by -Membré,[605] while Tonty went on to carry the news of their success -to Michillimackinac, whence to despatch messengers to the lower -settlements. At St. Ignace La Salle joined his lieutenant. - - * * * * * - -For the events of these two years we have two main sources of -information. First, the “Relation de la descouverte de l’embouchure -de la Rivière Mississipi dans le Golfe de Mexique, faite par le Sieur -de la Salle, l’année passée, 1682,” which was first published by -Thomassy;[606] the original is preserved in the Archives Scientifiques -de la Marine, and though written in the third person it is held to -constitute La Salle’s Official Report, though perhaps written for him -by Membré.[607] Second, the narrative ascribed to Membré which is -printed in Le Clercq’s _Établissement de la Foi_, ii. 214, and which -seems to be based on the document already named.[608] - -In addition to this there is the paper of Nicolas de la Salle (no -kinsman of the explorer), who wrote for Iberville’s guidance, in 1699, -his _Récit de la découverte que M. de la Salle a faite de la Rivière de -Mississipi en 1682_.[609] - - * * * * * - -La Salle’s future plans were now clearly fixed in his own mind, which -were to reach from Europe the Mississippi by sea, and to make it the -avenue of approach to the destined colonies, which he now sent Tonty -to establish on the Illinois. With as little delay as possible, he -went himself to join his deputy. In December they selected the level -summit of the scarped rock (Starved Rock), on the river near the great -Illinois town, and there intrenched themselves, calling their fort -“St. Louis.” Around it were the villages and lodges of near twenty -thousand savages, including, it is estimated, about four thousand -warriors. To this projected colony La Salle was under the necessity of -trying to bring his supplies from Canada till the route by the Gulf -could be secured,—that Canada in which he had many enemies, and whose -new governor, De la Barre, was hostile to him, writing letters of -disparagement respecting him to the Court in Paris,[610] and seizing -his seigniory at Fort Frontenac on shallow pretexts. Thwarted in all -efforts for succor from below, La Salle left Tonty in charge of the -new fort,[611] and started for Quebec, meeting on the way an officer -sent to supersede him in command. From Quebec La Salle sailed for -France.[612] - -At this time the young French engineer, Franquelin, was in Quebec -making record as best he could, from such information as reached -headquarters, of the progress of the various discoverers. There -are maps of his as early as 1679 and 1681 which are enumerated by -Harrisse.[613] Parkman is also inclined to ascribe to Franquelin a -map with neither date nor author, but of superior skill in drafting, -which is called _Carte de l’Amérique septentrionale et partie de -la meridionale ... avec les nouvelles decouvertes de la Rivière -Mississipi, ou Colbert_. It records an event of 1679 in a legend, and -omits the lower Mississippi; which would indicate that the record was -made before the results of La Salle’s explorations were known.[614] A -sketch of the Map of 1682 is given herewith from a copy in the Barlow -Collection. - -[Illustration: MAP OF 1682.] - -From La Salle, on his arrival in Quebec late in 1683, Franquelin -undoubtedly got new and trustworthy information of that explorer’s -expedition down the Mississippi; and this he embodied in what is -usually known as Franquelin’s Great Map of 1684. It professed to -have been made in Paris, and as Franquelin was not in that city in -1684, Harrisse contends that it was the work of De la Croix upon -Franquelin’s material. It is called _Carte de la Louisiane, ou des -voyages du Sieur de la Salle et des pays qu’il a découverts depuis la -Nouvelle-France jusqu’au Golfe de Mexique, les années 1679-80-81 et 82, -par Jean-Baptiste Louis Franquelin, l’an 1684, Paris_. It was formerly -in the Archives du Dépôt de la Marine; but Harrisse[615] reports it as -missing from that repository, and describes it from the accounts given -by Parkman and by Thomassy.[616] A manuscript copy of this map was made -for Mr. Parkman, which is now in Harvard College Library, and from this -copy another copy was made in 1856, which is now in the Library of -Parliament at Ottawa. Mr. Parkman’s copy has been used in the annexed -sketch. - -[Illustration: FRANQUELIN’S 1684 MAP.] - -Harrisse says that De la Croix made the _Carte de l’Amérique -septent^{le}_,[617] which also purports to be Franquelin’s, and shows -the observations of “douze années.” Harrisse places this map also in -1684, for the reason that a third map by Franquelin, _Carte de la -Amérique septentrionale_,[618] is dated 1688, and claims to embody the -observations of “plus de 16 années,” giving names and legends not in -the earlier ones.[619] - -“It indicates,” says Mr. Neill, “the post which had been recently -established by Du Lhut near the lower extremity of Lake Huron, and -gives the present name, Manitoulin, to the large island of Lake Huron, -and marks on the west shore a Baye de Saginnam. It places the mission -on the south shore of Sault Ste. Marie, and names the rivers and points -on the north and south shores of Lake Superior. A stream near the -present northern boundary-line of the United States is called ‘R. des -Grossillers,’ after the first explorer of Minnesota. The river entering -Lake Superior at the present Fort William is ‘Kamanistigouian, ou Les -Trois Rivières.’ Isle Royale is called ‘Minong;’ upon the northeast -part of ‘Lac Alepimigon’ is Du Lhut’s post, ‘Fort La Tourette.’ At the -portage between the sources of the St. Croix and a stream entering -Lake Superior is ‘Fort St. Croix,’ which Bellin says was afterward -abandoned. The St. Croix River is called ‘R. de la Magdelaine.’ At -the lower extremity of Lake Pepin is ‘Fort St. Antoine;’ and the -site of the present town of Prairie du Chien, near the mouth of the -Wisconsin, appears as ‘Fort St. Nicolas,’ named in compliment to the -baptismal name of Perrot. The Minnesota River is marked ‘Les Mascoutens -Nadouescioux,’ indicating that it ran through the country of the -Prairie Sioux. After Pierre Le Sueur had explored this river, De -l’Isle, in his map of 1703, gives it the name of St. Pierre, as it is -supposed in compliment to Le Sueur.” - -A map of the next year (1689), also in the Archives, claims to be based -on “Mémoires et relations qu’il a eu soin de recueillir pendant pres -de 17 années.” Harrisse thinks this also a copy by De la Croix, and -notes others of the probable dates of 1692 and 1699 respectively.[620] -Harrisse also records[621] a manuscript map, “composée, corrigée, -et augmentée sur les journaux, mémoires, et observations les plus -justes qui en ont été f^{tes}. en l’année 1685 et 1686,” which is also -preserved in the French Archives; and a _Carte Gēralle du voyage que -Mons^r De Meulles ... a fait; ... commencé le 9^e Novembre et finy le -6^e Juillet, 1686_,[622] which was dedicated to Seignelay in the same -year. - -Parkman[623] says of the maps of Franquelin subsequent to his Great Map -of 1684, that they all have more or less of its features, but that the -1684 map surpasses them all in interest and completeness. - - * * * * * - -It is convenient to complete here this enumeration of the maps of the -western lakes and the Mississippi basin before we turn to La Salle’s -explorations from the Gulf side. - -One of the earliest of the printed maps is that called _Partie -occidentale du Canada, ou de la Nouvelle France, ou sont les nations -des Ilinois, de Tracy, les Iroquois, et plusieurs autres peuples, avec -la Louisiane nouvellement découverte, ... par le P. Coronelli, corrigée -et augmentée par le Sr. Tillemon à Paris, 1688_, of which the annexed -sketch follows a copy in Harvard College Library. This was united with -the _Partie orientale_ in 1689 in a single smaller map.[624] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: FRANQUELIN’S 1688 MAP.] - -[Illustration: CORONELLI ET TILLEMON, 1688.] - -The routes of several of the early explorers, like those of Du Lhut, -Joliet, and Marquette (1672), and La Salle (1679-1680), are laid down -on a manuscript map, _Carte des parties les plus occidentales du -Canada, par le Père Pierre Raffeix, S. J._,[625] which is preserved in -the Bibliothèque Nationale, and of which a sketch as “Raffeix, 1688,” -is given on the next page. - -[Illustration] - -A map of Lakes Ontario and Erie, by the Père Raffeix, is in the -Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris;[626] and from a copy in the Kohl -Collection at Washington the sketch on page 234 is taken. It is called, -_Le Lac Ontario avec les lieux circonvoisins et particulierment les -cinq Nations Iroquoises_. - -Another map, thought to be the work of Raudin, Frontenac’s -engineer,[627] should be found in the Archives of the Marine, but -according to Harrisse it is not there.[628] The Barlow Collection, -however, has a map which Harrisse believes to be the lost original; -a sketch of the western part is given herewith.[629] It also gives -the eastern seaboard with approximate accuracy, but represents Lake -Champlain as lying along the headwaters of the Connecticut and the -Hudson. Lake Erie is a squarish oblong, larger than Ontario, and of a -shape rarely found in these early maps. In the upper lakes it resembles -the map of 1672-1673, which Harrisse[630] also found missing from the -Bibliothèque Nationale. - -The maps which pertain to Hennepin and Lahontan are separately treated -on a later page. - -[Illustration: RAFFEIX, 1688. - -This sketch is from a copy in the Kohl Washington Collection. There -is another copy in the Barlow Collection. The original is in the -Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. (Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 238.) It -is marked, _Parties les plus occidentales du Canada, Pierre Raffeix, -Jesuite_. Harrisse puts it under 1688; Kohl says between 1681 and 1688. -The lines of exploration, as indicated on it, are explained in the -marginal inscriptions as follows:— - - Voyage et premiere descouverte de la riviere de Mississipi faite par - le P. Marquette, Jesuitte, et Mr. Jolliet, en 1672. - - (—.—.) signifie l’allée. - - (.....), le retour. - - Ils furent jusques pres du 32 degré d’elevation. (.——.) Mr. du Lude, - qui le premier a esté ches les Sious ou Nadouesiou en 1678, et qui a - esté proche la source du Mississipi, et qui ensuitte vint retirer le - p. Louis [Hennepin], qui avoit esté fait prisonnier ches les Sious au - P., et sen reviendre finir leur descouverte par ou le P. Marquette et - Mr. Jolliet commencer la leur. - - (..—..—) Voyage de Mr. de la Salle en 1679, qui ariva au fond du lac - des Illinois et qui voula commencer un petit fort, et une barque a - Crevecoeur, d’ou le Pere Louis [Hennepin] partit pour aller en haut a - la descouverte. Mr. de la Salle escrit qu’en 1681 il descendit sur le - Mississipi, et qu’il a esté jusqua la mer. - - (E) Voyage a faire et plus facile pour descouvrir tout le Missĩpi en - venant du lac Ontario au bourg des Senontonans et de la en E. - - (F) 1. De l’Embouchure de cette petite riviere jusqu’aux Assinipouals - et aleurs lacs Ilne a que 100 lieues. - - 2. Le pais des Assinipouals qui est le plus a l’ouest est un pais de - continuelles prairies cõme tout le long du Missĩpi, et l’on y voit - quelque fois passer dans un jour plus de 2 a 3,000 beufs sauvages. Il - faut remarquer que osté la forme exacte de lacs que le peu de temps na - pas permis de rechercher et que l’on trouve dans d’autres cartes; les - rivieres y sont marques avec beaucoup de soin. - - PIERRE RAFFÆIX, _Jesuitte_.] - -La Salle once in Paris (1684) succeeded in obtaining an interview with -the King, to whom he then and subsequently in Memorials,[631] which -have been saved to us, presented an ambitious scheme of fortifying -the Mississippi near its mouths, and of subjugating the neighboring -Spanish colonies, of whose propinquity he had very confused notions, as -Franquelin’s map showed. - -[Illustration: ONTARIO AND ERIE, BY RAFFEIX, 1688.] - -Peñalosa was at the same time pressing on the Court a plan for -establishing a French colony at the mouth of the Rio Bravo. La Salle’s -personal address, too, turned the scales against La Barre. - -[Illustration] - -Accordingly, La Forest, the rejected commander of Fort Frontenac, was -sent back to Canada with letters from the King commanding the Governor -to make restitution to La Salle’s lieutenant both of Fort Frontenac and -of Fort St. Louis. La Salle’s shining promises so affected Louis, that -the King gave him more vessels than he asked for; and of these one, -the “Joly,” carried thirty-six guns, and another six.[632] Among his -company were his brother Cavelier and two other Sulpitian priests, and -three Recollects, Membré, Douay, and Le Clercq. - -[Illustration] - -A captain of the royal navy, Beaujeu, was detailed to navigate the -“Joly,” but under the direction of La Salle, who was to be supreme. -La Salle’s distrust and vacillation, and Beaujeu’s jealousy and -assumptions boded no good, and a dozen warm quarrels between them were -patched up before they got to sea.[633] - -[Illustration: PART OF RAUDIN’S MAP. - -Harrisse says: “This is the only map in which the name Bazire is given -to the Arkansas River. Bazire was a merchant of Canada who in 1673 -supported Frontenac in his design of building Fort Frontenac, with -which Raudin had also a great deal to do.” This follows the Barlow -original. There is in the Parkman Collection a copy of a part of it by -Harrisse.] - -There was not a little in all this to point to a state of mental -unsoundness in La Salle. At a late day Joutel, a fellow-townsman of La -Salle, destined to become the expedition’s historian, joined the fleet -at Rochelle, and on the 24th of July (1684) it sailed, only to put -back, four days later, to repair a broken bowsprit of the “Joly.” Once -again they put to sea. - -[Illustration: LA SALLE’S CAMP. - -This is a reduced sketch from a copy in the Barlow collection of a -_Plan de l’entrée du lac ou l’on a laissé Mon^r de la Salle_, which -is preserved in the Archives of the Marine. It is Harrisse’s no. 226. -The key is as follows: 1. Le camp de M. de la Salle. 2. Endroit ou -la flutte c’est perdue. 3. La frigatte la “Belle” mouillée. 4 and 5. -Cabannes des sauvages.] - -Everything still went wrong. The leaders chafed and quarrelled as on -land.[634] The Spaniards captured their smallest vessel.[635] At Santo -Domingo the Governor of the island and his officers joined in the -quarrel on the side of La Salle, who now fell prostrate with disease. -When he recovered he set sail again with his three remaining ships on -the 25th of November, coasted the southern shore of Cuba, and on New -Year’s Day (1685) sighted land somewhere near the River Sabine. He -supposed himself east of the Mississippi mouths, when in fact he was -far to the west of them. He knew their latitude, for he had taken the -sun when there on his canoe voyage in 1682; but he had at that time no -means of ascertaining their longitude. The “Joly” next disappeared in a -fog, and La Salle waited for her four or five days, but in vain. So he -sailed on farther till he found the coast trending southerly, when he -turned, and shortly after met the “Joly.” Passages of crimination and -recrimination between the leaders of course followed.[636] La Salle all -the while was trying to make out that the numerous lagoons along the -coast were somehow connected with the mouths of the Mississippi, while -Beaujeu, vexed at the confusion and indecision of La Salle’s mind, -did little to make matters clearer. They were in reality at Matagorda -Bay. Trying to make an anchorage within, one of the vessels struck -a reef and became a total wreck, and only a small part of her cargo -was saved.[637] La Salle suspected it was done to embarrass him; and -landing his men, he barricaded himself on the unhealthy ground, amid a -confusion of camp equipage, including what was saved from the wreck. -A swarm of squalid savages looked on, and saw a half-dozen of the -Frenchmen buried daily. The Indians contrived to pilfer some blankets, -and when a force was sent to punish them they killed several of the -French. Beaujeu offered some good advice, but La Salle rejected it; and -finally, on the 12th of March the “Joly” sailed, and La Salle was left -with his forlorn colony.[638] Beaujeu steered, as he thought, for the -Baye du St. Esprit (Mobile Bay [?]); but his belief that he was leaving -the mouths of the Mississippi made him miss that harbor, and after -various adventures he bore away for France, and reached Rochelle about -the 1st of July. With him returned the engineer, Minet, who made on the -voyage a map of the mouths of the Mississippi doubly interpreted,—one -sketch being based on the Franquelin map of 1684, as La Salle had found -it in 1682; and the other conformed to their recent observations about -Matagorda, into whose lagoons he made this great river discharge.[639] - -[Illustration: CARTE DE LA LOUISIANE, BY MINET, 1685. - -This is a reduced sketch from a copy (Barlow Collection) of the -original in the Archives of the Marine, giving two plans of the mouth -of the river,—the one in the body of the map as “La Salle le marque -dans sa carte,” and the other (here put in the small square), “Comme -nous les avons trouvez.” It is Harrisse’s no. 225.] - -It soon dawned upon La Salle that he was not at the Mississippi delta; -and it was imperative that he should establish a base for future -movements. So he projected a settlement on the Lavaca River, which -flowed into the head of the bay; and thither all went, and essayed the -rough beginnings of a post, which he called Fort St. Louis.[640] He was -also constrained to lay out a graveyard, which received its tenants -rapidly. As soon as housing and stockades were finished, La Salle, on -the last day of October (1685), leaving Joutel in command, started with -fifty men to search for the Mississippi. - -The first tidings Joutel got of his absent chief was in January (1686), -when a straggler from La Salle’s party appeared, and told a woeful -story of his mishaps. By the end of March La Salle himself returned -with some of his companions; others he had left in a palisaded fort -which he had built on a great river somewhere away. While on his return -he detached some of his men to find his little frigate, the “Belle,” -which he had left at a certain place on the coast. These men also soon -appeared, but they brought no tidings of the vessel. The loss of her -and of what she had on board made matters very desperate, and La Salle -determined on another expedition, this time to the Illinois country -and to Canada, whence he could send word to France for succor. On the -22d of April they started,—La Salle, his brother Cavelier, the Friar -Douay, and a score or so others. - -Joutel was still left in command; and a few days later the appearance -of six men, who alone had been saved from the wreck of the “Belle,” -and reached the fort, confirmed the worst fears of that vessel’s -fate. Meanwhile La Salle was experiencing dangers and evils of all -kinds,—the desertion and death of his men, and delays by sickness, -and the spending of ammunition. Once again there was nothing for him -to do but to return to Joutel, and so with eight out of his twenty men -he came back to the fort. The colony had dwindled from one hundred -and eighty to forty-five souls, and another attempt to secure succor -was imperative. So in January (1687) a new cheerless party set out, -Joutel this time accompanying La Salle; and with the rest were Duhaut, -a sinister man, and Liotot the surgeon. For two months it was the -same story of suffering on the march and of danger in the camp. Then -quarrels ensued; and the murder of La Salle’s nephew and two others -who were devoted to him compelled the assassins to save themselves -by killing La Salle himself; and from an ambuscade Duhaut and Liotot -shot their chief. The party now succumbed to the rule of Duhaut. They -ranged aimlessly among the Indians for a while, and fell in with -some deserters of La Salle’s former expedition now living among the -savages. One of these conspired with Hiens, one of those privy to La -Salle’s death, and killed the assassins Duhaut and Liotot. Joutel with -the few who were left now parted amicably with Hiens and the savage -Frenchmen, and pushed their way to find the Great River. At a point on -the Arkansas not far from its confluence with the Mississippi, they -were rejoiced to find the abode of two of Tonty’s men. This sturdy -adherent of La Salle’s fortunes had been reinstated, as we have seen, -by the King’s order, in the command of the fortified rock on the -Illinois, and had in due time, after the return of Beaujeu to Rochelle, -got the news of La Salle’s landing on the Gulf. In February, 1686, he -had started down the river with a band of French and Indians to join -his old commander. He reached the Gulf,[641] but of course failed to -find La Salle; and returning, had left several men in the villages -of the Arkansas, of whom Couture and another now welcomed Joutel and -his weary companions. After some delay the wanderers floated their -wooden canoe down the Arkansas, and then began their weary journey up -the Great River, and by the middle of September they reached the Fort -St. Louis of the Illinois. They found Tonty absent, and Bellefontaine -in command. They foolishly thought to increase their welcome by -presenting themselves as the forerunners of La Salle, who was on the -way,—tidings which kept all in good spirits except the Jesuit Allouez, -who happened to be in the fort, and was ill, for he was conscious of -his machinations against La Salle, and dreaded to encounter him.[642] -Cavelier and Joutel soon started for the Chicago portage. A storm -on the lake impeded them subsequently, and they came back to the -fort to find Tonty returned from Denonville’s campaign against the -Senecas.[643] The same deceit regarding La Salle’s fate was practised -on Tonty, and he gave them money and supplies as to La Salle’s -representatives, only to learn a few months later, when Couture came -up from the Arkansas, of La Salle’s murder. The wanderers, however, -had now passed on, had reached Quebec in safety, still concealing what -they knew, and not disclosing it till they reached France; and even in -France there is a suspicion that Cavelier held his peace till he had -secured some property against the seizure of La Salle’s creditors. Why -Joutel connived at the deception is less comprehensible, for otherwise -he bears a fair name. No representations of his, however, could induce -the King to send succor to the hapless colony; and all the result, so -far as known, of the tardy acknowledgment of La Salle’s death was an -order sent to Canada for the arrest of his murderers. - -The story which Couture told to Tonty in September inspired that hero -with a determination to try to rescue La Salle’s colony on the Gulf. So -in December he left his fortified rock, with five Frenchmen and three -others. Late in March he was on the Red River, where all but two of his -companions deserted him. He was himself finally, by the loss of his -ammunition, compelled to turn back, but not till he had learned of the -probable death of Heins.[644] In September he reached his fort on the -Illinois; and here, with La Forest, he continued to live, holding the -seigniory jointly under a royal patent, and trading in furs, till 1702, -when the establishment was broken up.[645] Tonty now joined D’Iberville -in Louisiana, and of his subsequent years nothing is known. The French -again occupied his rocky fastness; but when Charlevoix saw it, in 1721, -it was only a ruin. - -The fate of the Texan colony is soon told. The Spaniards who had -searched for it by sea had always missed it, though they had found the -wrecked vessels.[646] A Frenchman, probably a deserter from La Salle, -fell into the Spaniards’ hands in New Leon. From him they learned -its position, and despatched under the Frenchman’s guidance a force -to capture it. They found the fort deserted, and three dead bodies a -little distance off. From the Indians they learned of two Frenchmen who -were living with a distant tribe. They sent for them under a pledge of -good treatment; and when they came, they proved to be L’Archevêque, one -of Duhaut’s accomplices, and one of the stray deserters whom Joutel -had discovered after the murder. They told a story of ravages from -the small-pox and of slaughter by the savages. A few of the colonists -had been saved by the Indian women; but these were subsequently given -up to the Spaniards, and they added their testimony to the sad and -ignominious end of the colony. - - * * * * * - -It is necessary to define the historical sources regarding this hapless -Texan expedition, about the purpose of which there have been some -diverse views lately expressed. It is clear that under cover of a grand -plan of Spanish conquest, La Salle had dazed the imagination of the -King in memorials,[647] which may possibly have been only meant to -induce the royal espousal of his more personal schemes. Shea contends -that La Salle’s real object was not to settle in Louisiana, but to -conquer Santa Barbara and the mining regions in Mexico, and to pave the -way for Peñalosa’s expedition.[648] - -For the broader relations of the expedition to the earlier explorations -of 1682, we must go to a source of the first importance preserved in -the Archives of the Marine. It is entitled _Mémoire envoyé en 1693 sur -la découverte du Mississipi et des nations voisines par le Sieur de -la Salle, en 1678, et depuis sa mort par le Sieur de Tonty_, and is -printed by Margry;[649] and Parkman calls it excellent authority. Out -of this and an earlier paper, written in Quebec in 1684,[650] a book, -disowned by Tonty, as Charlevoix tells us, was in part fabricated, and -appeared at Paris in 1697 under the title of _Dernières découvertes -dans l’Amérique septentrionale de M. de la Salle, mises au jour par M. -le Chevalier Tonti, gouverneur du Fort St. Louis, aux Islinois_.[651] -Parkman[652] calls it “a compilation full of errors,” and does not -rely upon it. Shea says of it that, “although repudiated by Tonti, it -must have been based on papers of his.” It has been held apocryphal by -Iberville and Margry; but Falconer, La Harpe, Boimare, and Gravier put -trust in it. - -It is thought that a Journal by Joutel was written in part to -counteract the statements of the _Dernières découvertes_. This Joutel -paper was given first in full by Margry,[653] and Parkman[654] says -of it that it seems to be “the work of an honest and intelligent -man.”[655] It was printed in Paris in 1713, but abridged and changed -in a way which Joutel complained of, and bore the title, _Journal -historique du dernier voyage que feu M. de la Salle fit dans le -Golfe du Mexique, pour trouver l’embouchure du Mississipi. Par M. -Joutel_.[656] - -To these there are various supplemental narratives, with their interest -centring in the death of La Salle.[657] Joutel gives an account of -the scene as he learned it at the time.[658] Tonty’s account was at -second hand. Douay saw the deed, and what he reported is given in Le -Clercq’s _Établissement de la Foi_.[659] A document in the Archives of -the Marine—_Relation de la mort du Sr. de la Salle, suivant le rapport -d’un nommé Couture, à qui M. Cavelier l’apprit en passant au pays des -Akansa_—is given by Margry;[660] and Harrisse thinks that it merits -little confidence. - -Cavelier is known to have made a report to Seignelay; and his rough -draft of this was recovered in 1854 by Parkman,[661] who calls it -“confused and unsatisfactory in its statements, and all the latter part -has been lost,” the fragment closing several weeks before the death of -his brother.[662] - -The character of Beaujeu has certainly been put in a more favorable -light by the publication of Margry, and the old belief in his treachery -has been somewhat modified.[663] - -The Spanish account of the fate of the colony is translated from -Barcia’s _Ensayo cronologico de la Florida_,[664] in Shea’s _Discovery -of the Mississippi_;[665] and Margry[666] adds to our knowledge, as -does Buckingham Smith in his _Coleccion_.[667] - -It remains now to speak of the Collections which have been formed, -and the theories regarding these Western explorations which have -been maintained, by M. Pierre Margry, who has occupied till within -a few years the office of archivist of the Marine and Colonies in -Paris, having been for a long period assistant and principal. Margry -may be said to have discovered what that department contained in -manuscripts relating to the explorations of the Mississippi Valley and -River, particularly as regards La Salle’s agency. On more than one -occasion he has done good service in helping to enrich the archives of -New York[668] and Canada with copies of documents known to him,—so -far, apparently, as they did not interfere with his own projects -of publication. His position created relations for him with other -departments of the French Government, and his eager discernment found -an abundance of manuscript treasures even in private hands. These he -assiduously gathered, and on a few occasions he published papers[669] -which seemed to indicate more than he chose to disclose explicitly; -for his fellow-students were not quite satisfied, and longed for the -documents which had yielded so much. As the guardian of the public -archives, he was by office the agent and servant of the public; but -other investigators, it is feared, failed, through obstacles thrown in -their way, to profit as they might by what that office contained. There -is in the Sparks Collection of Manuscripts in Harvard College Library -a volume of copies of such documents as could be found in the Paris -Archives which that historian intended to use in another edition of his -_Life of La Salle_. While Mr. Sparks was regretting that not a single -document or letter in the hand of the great explorer had come down to -us, enough to fill a large volume was immured in these Paris Archives. -At a later day Mr. Parkman, in turn, failed of access to documents -which were of the first importance to him, and he was obliged to make -the best use he could of what it was possible to obtain. Environed by -these disadvantages Mr. Parkman published, in 1869, his _Discovery -of the Great West_. In his Preface, speaking of the obscurity which -had enshrouded the whole subject, he referred to the “indefatigable -research of M. Pierre Margry, Assistant-Custodian of the Archives of -the Marine and Colonies at Paris, whose labors as an investigator of -the maritime and colonial history of France can be appreciated only by -those who have seen their results.” - -Gravier about the same time referred to the twenty years of study which -had made M. Margry the most learned of students of La Salle’s history. - -It was evident that investigators could not profit by this accumulation -of material, unless M. Margry’s hopes of publication were realized. He -refused offers to purchase. In conjunction with M. Harrisse, an effort -was made by him in 1870-1871 to enlist the aid of the United States -Congress; but a vote which passed the Senate failed in the House. The -great fire at Boston in 1872 stayed the progress which, under Mr. -Parkman’s instigation, had been made to insure a private publication. -At last, by Mr. Parkman’s assiduous labors in the East, and by those -of Colonel Whittlesey, Mr. O. H. Marshall, and others in the West, and -with the active sympathy of the Hon. George F. Hoar, a bill was passed -Congress in 1873, making a subscription for five hundred copies of the -intended work.[670] - -With this guaranty M. Margry put to press the series of volumes -entitled _Mémoires et documents pour servir à l’histoire des origines -Françaises de pays d’outre-mer: découvertes et établissements des -Français dans l’ouest et dans le sud d’Amérique septentrionale_. -The first volume appeared in 1876. It contained an Introduction by -M. Margry, and was prefixed by a very questionable likeness of La -Salle,—the picture (of which nothing was said by the editor) having -no better foundation than the improbable figure of the explorer in a -copperplate, published some years after his death, representing the -scene of his murder, and of which a fac-simile is annexed.[671] Of the -intended volumes, three are devoted to La Salle, and appeared between -1876 and 1878: vol. i., _Voyages des Français sur les grands lacs, et -découvertes de l’Ohio et du Mississippi_, 1614-1684; vol. ii., _Lettres -de La Salle, et correspondance relative à ses entreprises_, 1678-1685 -(these include letters also preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale); -vol. iii., _Recherche des bouches du Mississipi et voyage à travers le -continent depuis les côtes du Texas jusqu’à Québec_. - -[Illustration] - -The later volumes (the Editor has seen in Mr. Parkman’s hands the -proofs of vols. iv. and v., and there is to be one more) pertain -to Iberville and the following century; but a volume of the early -cartography is promised as a completion of the publication. On the -issue of these three volumes Mr. Parkman in considerable part rewrote -his _Discovery of the Great West_, and republished it in 1879 as _La -Salle and the Discovery of the Great West_. In his Preface he speaks -of the collection of documents in Margry’s keeping “to which he had -not succeeded in gaining access,” and which, besides the papers in -his official charge, included others added by him from other public -archives and from private collections in France. “In the course of my -inquiries,” says Mr. Parkman, “I owed much to [M. Margry’s] friendly -aid; but his collections as a whole remained inaccessible, since he -naturally wished to be the first to make known the results of his -labors.” - -[Illustration: LA SALLE. - -This follows a design given in Gravier (pp. 1, 202), which is said -to be based on an engraving preserved in the Bibliothèque de Rouen, -entitled CAVILLI DE LA SALLE FRANÇOIS,—and is the only picture -meriting notice, except possibly a small vignette of which Gravier -gives a fac-simile in his _Cavelier de la Salle_. Mr. Parkman has a -photograph, given to him by Gravier, of a modern painting drawn from -the first of these two pictures. In the _Magazine of American History_, -May, 1882, there is an engraving, “after a photograph of the original -painting,” leading the reader to suppose a veritable original likeness -to have been followed, instead of this photograph of a made-up picture.] - -It was fortunate that in regard to one point only this deprivation -had led Mr. Parkman astray in his earlier edition; and that was upon -La Salle’s failure to find the mouth of the Mississippi in 1684, and -the conduct therewith of Beaujeu. Mr. Parkman has testified to the -authenticity of the La Salle letters in the _North American Review_, -December, 1877, where (p. 428) he says: “The contents of these letters -were in good measure known through a long narrative compiled from them -by one of the writer’s friends, who took excellent care to put nothing -into it which could compromise him. All personalities are suppressed. -These letters of La Salle have never been used by any historical -writer.” Margry’s publication has been reviewed by J. Thoulet in the -_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, November and December, 1880, -where a modern map enables the reader to track the explorer’s course. A -sketch of this map is given on an earlier page. - -The severest criticism of Margry’s publication has come from Dr. -Shea, in a tract entitled _The Bursting of Pierre Margry’s La Salle -Bubble_, New York, 1879,—a paper which first appeared in the _New -York Freeman’s Journal_. Margry is judged by his critic to have -unwarrantably extended the collection by repeating what had already -elsewhere been printed, sometimes at greater length.[672] The “bubble” -in question is the view long entertained by Margry that La Salle was -the real discoverer of the Mississippi, and which he has set forth at -different times in the following places:— - -1. “Les Normands dans les vallées de l’Ohio et du Mississippi,” in the -_Journal general de l’instruction publique_, July-September, 1862, -placing the event in 1670-1671. - -2. _Revue maritime et colonial_, Paris (1872), xxxiii. 555. - -3. _La priorité de La Salle sur le Mississipi_, Paris, 1873,—a -pamphlet. - -4. The preface to his _Découvertes_, etc., 1876. - -5. A letter in the _American Antiquarian_ (Chicago, 1880), ii. 206, -which was addressed to the Wisconsin Historical Society (_Collections_, -ix. 108), and which first appeared in J. D. Butler’s translation in the -_State Journal_, Madison, Wisconsin, July 30, 1879. - -Margry, who has wavered somewhat, first claimed that La Salle reached -the Mississippi by the Ohio in 1670; and later he has contended for the -route by the Illinois in 1671. He bases his claim upon four grounds:— - -First, upon a _Récit d’un ami de l’Abbé de Galinée_, 1666-1678 (printed -in the _Découvertes_, etc., i. 342, 378),[673] which is without date, -but which Margry holds to be the work of Abbé Renaudot, derived from -La Salle in Paris in 1678, wherein it is stated that La Salle, after -parting with Dollier and Galinée, made a first expedition to the Ohio, -and a second by the Illinois to the Mississippi. - -Second, upon a letter of La Salle’s niece, dated 1756 (i. 379), which -affirms that the writer of it possessed maps which had belonged to La -Salle in 1676, and that such maps showed that previous to that date he -had made two voyages of discovery, and that upon these maps the Colbert -(Mississippi) is put down. - -Third, upon a letter of Frontenac in 1677 to Colbert (i. 324), which -places, as is alleged, the voyage of Joliet after that of La Salle; -but at the same time (ii. 285) he prints a paper of La Salle virtually -admitting Joliet’s priority. - -Fourth, upon the general antagonism between the Jesuits, who espoused -Joliet’s claim, and the merchants, who were, with La Salle, the -adherents of the Sulpitians and Recollects. - -Sides have been taken among scholars in regard to the irrefragability -of these evidences, but with a great preponderance of testimony against -their validity. - -The principal supporter of Margry’s view (though Henri Martin has -adopted it) has been Gabriel Gravier in the following publications:— - -1. _Découvertes et établissements de la Cavelier de la Salle de Rouen -dans l’Amérique du nord_, Paris, 1870. - -2. _Cavelier de la Salle de Rouen_, Paris, 1871, p. 23. This work is in -good part a commentary on Parkman, to whom it is dedicated. - -3. “La route du Mississipi,” in the _Compte rendu, Congrès des -Américanistes_, Nancy, 1878, placing it in 1666. - -4. In _Magazine of American History_, viii. 305 (May, 1882). - -Views in support of the prior discovery of Joliet and Marquette, and -opposed to the claim for La Salle, are given in the following places, -without enumerating Charlevoix, Sparks, and the other upholders of the -Joliet discovery, before Margry’s theory was advanced:— - -1. Tailhan, as editor of Perrot’s _Sauvages_, Paris, 1864, p. 279. - -2. Verreau, _Voyage de MM. Dollier et Galinée_, p. 59. - -3. Parkman, _La Salle_. - -4. Faillon, in his _Colonie Française en Canada_, iii. 312; while at -the same time he testifies to Margry’s labors in vol i. p. 24. - -5. Harrisse, _Notes, etc., sur la Nouvelle France_, 1872, p. 125, -where he reviews the controversy; and again in the _Revue maritime et -coloniale_ (1872), xxxii. 642. - -6. J. Brucker, _Jacques Marquette et la découverte de la vallée du -Mississipi_, Lyons, 1880, taken from _Les études réligieuses_, vol. iv. - -7. H. H. Hurlbut, in _Magazine of American History_, September, 1882. - -8. John G. Shea, in the Wisconsin Historical Society’s _Collections_, -vii. 111; and in the _Bursting of the La Salle Bubble_, already -referred to. In his edition of _Le Clercq_, ii. 89, he speaks of the -theory as “utterly absurd.” - - -FATHER LOUIS HENNEPIN - -AND HIS REAL OR DISPUTED DISCOVERIES. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE life of this Recollect missionary is derived in its particulars -mainly from his own writings; and the details had never been set -forth in an orderly way till Dr. J. G. Shea in 1880 prefixed to a -new translation of Hennepin’s first book a satisfactory sketch. He -seems to have been born in Hainault, though precisely when does -not appear. Felix Van Hulst, in the title of his tract, gives the -date approximately: _Notice sur le Père Louis Hennepin, né à Ath_ -(_Belgique_) _vers 1640_. Liege, 1845. He early joined the Franciscans, -served the Order in various places, travelled as he could, was inspired -with a desire to see the world, and felt the impulse strongest when, -at Calais, he listened to the narratives of sea-captains who had -returned from long voyages. This inclination prompted him to continued -missionary expeditions, and to attendance upon armies in their -campaigns. In 1675 Frontenac succeeded in his attempt to recall to -Canada the Recollects, as a foil to the Jesuits; and among the first of -that Order to go was Hennepin, who crossed the ocean in the same ship -with La Salle, the ambitious explorer, and De Laval, the new Bishop of -Quebec. According to his own account, Hennepin had his first quarrel -with La Salle about some girls who were on their way to reinforce the -family life of the new colony.[674] - -La Salle enjoyed their dances, and Hennepin, as their spiritual guide, -kept them under restraint. This, at least, is the Recollect story of -the origin of La Salle’s enmity for the missionary. - -From Quebec Hennepin continued his missionary wanderings, sometimes -to remote stations, and at one time, in the spring of 1677, among -the Iroquois,—not going, however, to Albany, as has been sometimes -asserted. (Cf. Brodhead’s _New York_, ii. 307; _Hist. Mag._ x. 268.) -Next he accompanied La Salle in his explorations west. Of Niagara he -offers us the earliest picture in his 1697 publication,—of which a -reduced fac-simile is here given. Others are in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. -U. S._, ii. 511; Shea’s _Hennepin_, p. 379, and in his _Le Clercq_, -ii. 112; and in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 561. The -original cut was repeated in the later editions and translations -of Hennepin. These Falls had been indicated on Champlain’s map, in -1632, with the following note: “Sault d’eau au bout du Sault [Lac] -Sainct Louis fort hault, où plusiers sortes de poissons descendans -s’estourdissent.” This was from the natives’ accounts. Ragueneau, in -the _Relation_ of 1648, was the first to describe them, though they -had been known by report to the Jesuits some years earlier (Parkman’s -_Jesuits_, p. 142). Lalemant, in 1641, called them _Onguiaahra_. -Ragueneau gave them no definite altitude, but called them of “frightful -height.” Hennepin, in his 1683 book, calls them five hundred feet, and -in 1697 six hundred feet high, and describes a side-shoot on their -western verge which does not now exist. Sanson, in his map of 1657, -had somewhat simplified Ragueneau’s name into _Ongiara_; but Hennepin -gives the name in its present form. There is a great variety in the -early spelling of the name. (See _Canadian Journal_, 1870, p. 385.) The -word is of Iroquois origin, and its proper phonetic spelling is very -like the form now in use (Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 126; O’Callaghan, -_Col. Doc., index_, 465). Hennepin had also been anticipated in a -brief notice by Gendron, in his _Quelques Particularites_, etc., 1659. -Hennepin’s account is also translated in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, v. -47. His engraving was reproduced, in 1702, in Campanius’ work on New -Sweden. - -[Illustration] - -Hennepin accompanied La Salle to the point where Fort Crèvecœur was -built, on the Illinois, and parting from La Salle here in February, -1680, he pursued his further wandering down the Illinois to the -Mississippi, and thence up to the Falls of St. Anthony, which were -named by him in reference to his being a Recollect of the province of -St. Anthony in Artois. On the 3d of July, 1880, the bi-centenary of -the discovery of these Falls was observed, when C. K. Davis delivered -an historical address. Thence, after being captured by the Sioux and -rescued by a party under Du Lhut,[675] Hennepin made his way to the -Wisconsin, passed by Green Bay, and reached Quebec. He soon after -returned to France, where, on the 3d of September, 1682, he obtained -the royal permission to print his first book, which was issued from the -press Jan. 5, 1683. - -From this point his story[676] can be best followed in connection with -the history of his books, and as they are rare and curious, it has been -thought worth while to point out a few of the repositories of copies, -which are indicated by the following heavy-faced letters:— - - =BA.= Boston Athenæum. - =BPL.= Boston Public Library. - =C.= Library of Congress. - =CB.= Carter-Brown Library, Providence. - =HC.= Harvard College Library. - =HCM.= Henry C. Murphy. - =L.= Lenox Library, New York. - -For full titles, see the Bibliography in Shea’s edition of the -_Description of Louisiana_, and the article “Hennepin,” in Sabin’s -_Dictionary_. Cf. also Brunet, _Supplément_, 598. - - -I. DESCRIPTION DE LA LOUISIANE. - -This first book was entitled _Description de la Louisiane nouvellement -découverte au Sud-Oüest de la Nouvelle France. Les Mœurs des Sauvages. -Par le R. P. Louis Hennepin_, Paris, 1683. Pages 12, 312, 107. Some -copies are dated 1684. - - COPIES: =BA.=, =C.=, =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.= (both dates). - - REFERENCES: Shea (ed. of Hennepin), nos. 1, 2; Sabin, _Dictionary_, - no. 31,347; Ternaux, _Bibliothèque Amér._ no. 985; Harrisse, _Notes - sur la Nouv. France_, nos. 150, 352; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. - ii. no. 1,266, with fac-simile of title; _Hist. Mag._, vol. ii. no. - 24 (by Mr. Lenox), 346; Dufossé, _Americana_, 70 francs, with genuine - map, and 40 or 50 francs with fac-simile; Leclerc, _Bibl. Americana_, - nos. 897, 898 at 90 and 150 francs; Rich, _Catalogue_ (1832), no. 402, - 12_s._ - -The map, of which a section is herewith given in fac-simile, measures -10.2 X 17.2, “Guerard inven. et fecit. Roussel sculpsit,” and is often -wanting. Cf. Harrisse, no. 352; _Hist. Mag._, vol. ii. 24. - -Harrisse (no. 219; also see no. 238) cites a map preserved in the -Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine, which seems to embody the results of -Hennepin’s discoveries. - -The next edition (Paris, 1688) shows the same pagination, with some -verbal changes in the text, and is accompanied by the same map. - - COPIES: =B.A.=, =CB.=, =HC.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 3; Sabin, no. 31,348; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. - 1,354; _Hist. Mag._ vol. ii. p. 346; Harrisse, no. 160; O’Callaghan, - _Catalogue_, no. 1,068; Beckford, _Catalogue_, no. 674, bought by - Quaritch, who advertised it at £3 3_s._ - -[Illustration: HENNEPIN, 1683. - -An extract from the _Carte de la Nouvelle France et de la Louisiane, -nouvellement découverte, dediée au Roy l’an 1683_. _Par le Révérend -Père Louis Hennepin, Missionaire Recollect et Notaire Apostolique_, -belonging to the _Description de la Louisiane_, 1683. There is a full -fac-simile in Shea’s translation of this book, and another one was made -in 1876 by Pilinski, in Paris (36 copies). The letter A near a tree -signifies “Armes du Roy telle qu’elle sont gravée sur l’escorce d’un -chesne.” This map (Harrisse, no. 352) seems to resemble closely a map -described by Harrisse (no. 219), as indicating the discoveries of Du -Lhut, of which there is a copy in the Barlow Collection.] - -The following translations may be noted:— - - * * * * * - -ENGLISH.—Some portions of Hennepin’s first work had been translated -in Shea’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_, pp. 107-145; but no English -translation of the whole work appeared till Dr. Shea edited a version -in 1880, comparing Hennepin’s text with the second publication of that -missionary (issued in 1697) with the La Salle documents, published by -Margry, and with other contemporaneous papers. - - * * * * * - -DUTCH.—The engraved title, _Ontdekking van Louisania_; the printed -title, _Beschryving van Louisania_. It appeared at Amsterdam in 1688, -under the same covers with a Dutch version of Denys’ _Coast of North -America_, accompanied by a map which is a reduction of the map of -the 1683 edition, and is called “Kaart van nieuw Vrankrijk en van -Louisania;” together with four plates. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 5; Sabin, no. 31,357; Harrisse, no. 161; - Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,355, with fac-simile of title; - _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 24; O’Callaghan, no. 1,069; - Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 1,433; Muller, _Books - on America_, 1870, no. 908, and 1877, no. 1,395. - -It is usually priced at from $8 to $10. - - * * * * * - -GERMAN.—There were two editions,—_Beschreibung der Landschaft -Louisiana_, to which was appended a German version of Marquette’s and -Joliet’s exploration, published at Nuremberg in 1689. It should have -two maps. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =L.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 6; Ternaux, no. 1,041; Carter-Brown, vol. ii no. - 1,379; O’Callaghan, no. 1,071; Muller, 1877, no. 1,399. - -The other German edition of the same title appeared at Nuremberg in -1692. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =L.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 7; Harrisse, no. 163; _Historical Magazine_, - vol. ii. p. 24; Sabin, no. 31,364. - - * * * * * - -ITALIAN.—_Descrizione della Luigiana._ Rendered by Casimiro Freschot, -and published at Bologna in 1686, with a map. - - COPIES: =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 4; Harrisse, no. 157; Sabin, no. 31,356; - _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 346; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. - 1,326; Ternaux, no. 1,012; Leclerc, no. 900; 60 francs. - -An abridgment was printed in _Il Genio Vagante_, Parma, 1691, with a -map, “Nuova Francia e Luigiana.” Cf. Harrisse, no. 365. - -In this earliest work of Hennepin the Mississippi, it will be seen by -the map, forms no certain connection with the Gulf of Mexico, but is -connected by a dotted line, and there is no claim for explorations -further south than the map indicates. Hennepin’s later publications -have raised doubts as to the good faith of his narrative of discoveries -on the Upper Mississippi. Harrisse (no. 150), for instance, says “Cette -_Relation_ de 1683 n’est en réalité qu’une pâle copie d’un des mémoires -de Cavelier de la Salle;” and goes on to deny to Hennepin the priority -of giving the name of Louisiana to the country. La Salle and others of -his contemporaries threw out insinuations as to his veracity, or at -least cautioned others against his tendency to exaggerate. (Cf. Neill, -_Writings of Hennepin_.) The publication of an anonymous account of La -Salle’s whole expedition in Margry’s _Découvertes et Établissements -des Français_, has enabled Dr. Shea, in his edition of Hennepin, -to contest Margry’s views of Hennepin’s plagiarism, and to compare -the two narratives critically; and he comes to the conclusion that -probably Hennepin was La Salle’s scribe before they parted, and that he -certainly contributed directly or indirectly to La Salle’s despatches -what pertains to Hennepin’s subsequent independent exploration,—thus -making the borrowing to be on the part of the anonymous writer, who, if -he were La Salle, did certainly no more than was becoming in the master -of the expedition to combine the narratives of his subordinates. It is -Shea’s opinion, however, that the Margry document was not written by -La Salle, but by some compiler in Paris, who used Hennepin’s printed -book rather than his notes or manuscript reports. Margry claims that -this _Relation officielle de l’enterprise de La Salle, de 1678 à 1681_, -was compiled by Bernou for presentation to Colbert. Parkman thinks, -as opposed to Shea’s view, that Hennepin knew of the document, and -incorporated many passages from it into his book (_La Salle_, pp. 150, -262). Dr. Shea sided with the detractors of Hennepin in his earlier -_Discovery of the Mississippi_; but in this later book he makes fair -amends for what he now considers his hasty conclusions then. Cf. -further Sparks’s _Life of La Salle_, and the _North American Review_, -January, 1845. Mr. Parkman’s conclusion is that this early book of -Hennepin is “comparatively truthful.” - - -II. NOUVELLE DÉCOUVERTE. - -According to Hennepin’s own story, some time after his first book was -published, he incurred the displeasure of the Provincial of his Order -by refusing to return to America, and was in more ways than one so -pursued by his superior that in the end he threw himself on the favor -of William III. of England, whom he had met at the Hague. Hennepin -searched Amsterdam for a publisher of his new venture, but had to take -it to Utrecht, where it came out, in 1697, with a fulsome dedication -to the English king. It is called in the printed title (the engraved -title is abridged): _Nouvelle Découverte d’un très grand Pays, situé -dans l’Amérique, entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer glaciale_, Utrecht, -1797, pp. 70, 506, with two maps and two plates, one being the earliest -view of Niagara Falls, as given on p. 86. - - - - -[Illustration: HENNEPIN, 1697. - -This is an extract from the second of Hennepin’s maps, _Carte d’un -très grand pays entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer glaciale, dediée à -Guillaume III.... à Utreght_. The same plate was used in later editions -(1698, 1704, 1711, etc.), with additions of many names, and some -topographical changes, and alterations of place of publication. Those -of 1698 have _à Utreght_ in some cases, and in others _à Amsterdam_.] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: HENNEPIN, 1697. - -Extract from _Carte d’un très grand pais nouvellement découvert dans -l’Amérique septentrionale, entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer glaciale, -avec le Cours du Grand Fleuve Meschasipi ... à Utreght_. The same -plate was used for the editions, _à Leiden_, 1704, etc. The plate was -re-engraved with English names for the English editions.] - - COPIES: =BA.=, =CB.=, =HC.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 1; Sabin, no. 31,349; Ternaux, no. 1,095; - Harrisse, no. 175; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,513; _Historical - Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 346; Beckford, no. 675, bought by Quaritch, and - advertised by him at £4 4_s._; Stevens, vol. i. no. 1,434; Leclerc, - no. 902, 80 francs; Harrassowitz, _Catalogue_, 1883, no. 58, 50 marks; - Brinley, _Catalogue_, no. 4,491. It is usually priced in English - catalogues at two or three guineas. - -The portions repeated in this book from the _Description de la -Louisiane_ are enlarged, and the “Mœurs des Sauvages” is omitted. - -It will be observed that in both of the maps of 1697, extracts -from which are given herewith, the Mississippi River is marked as -continuing its course to the Gulf. This change is made to illustrate an -interpolation in the text (pp. 249-312), borrowed from Father Membré’s -Journal of La Salle’s descent of the river, as given in Le Clercq’s -_Premier Établissement de la Foi_, p. 153. Sparks, in his _Life of -La Salle_, was the first to point out this correspondence. Mr. J. H. -Perkins, reviewing Sparks’s book in the _North American Review_ in -January, 1839 (reprinted in his _Memoir and Writings_, vol. ii.), on -the “Early French Travellers in the West,” referring to the partial -statements of the distrust of Hennepin in Andrew Ellicott’s _Journal_, -and in Stoddard’s _Sketches of Louisiana_, makes, for the first time, -as he thinks, a thorough critical statement of the grounds “for -thinking the _Reverend Father_ so great a liar.” Further elucidation -of the supposed theft was made by Dr. Shea in his _Discovery of the -Mississippi_, etc., p. 105, where, p. 83, he translated for the first -time into English Membré’s Journal. The Membré narrative is much the -same as a _Relation de la Découverte de l’Embouchure de la Rivière -Mississippi, faite par le Sieur de la Salle, l’année passée_, 1682, -preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine, and printed in -Thomassy’s _Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_. Gravier, p. 180, holds -it to be the work of La Salle himself (Boimare, _Text explicatif pour -accompagner la première planche historique relative à la Louisiane_, -Paris, 1868; cf. Gravier’s Appendix, no. viii). That there was a fraud -on Hennepin’s part has been generally held ever since Sparks made his -representations. Bancroft calls Hennepin’s journal “a lie.” Brodhead -calls it an audacious falsehood. Parkman (_La Salle_, p. 226) deems it -a fabrication, and has critically examined Hennepin’s inconsistencies. -Gravier classes his narrative with Gulliver’s. - -The excuse given in the _Nouvelle Découverte_ for the tardy appearance -of this Journal is, that fear of the hostility of La Salle having -prevented its appearance in the _Description de la Louisiane_, that -explorer’s death rendered the suppression of it no longer necessary. It -is, moreover, proved that passages from Le Clercq are also appropriated -in describing the natives and the capture of Quebec in 1628. The reply -to this was that Le Clercq stole from a copy of Hennepin’s Journal, -which had been lent to Le Roux in Quebec. These revelations led Shea -seriously to question in his _Mississippi_ if Hennepin had ever seen -the upper parts of that river, and to suspect that Hennepin may have -learned what he wrote from Du Lhut. Harrisse, p. 176, brings forward -some new particulars about Hennepin’s relations with Du Lhut. - -Dr. Shea’s later views, as expressed in his English translation (1880) -of the _Description de la Louisiane_ (1683), is that Hennepin’s -manuscript or revamped copy of his earlier book, as prepared for the -printer by himself, was subjected to the manipulations of an ignorant -and treacherous editor, who made these insertions to produce a more -salable book, and that Hennepin was not responsible for it in the -form in which it appeared. Shea’s arguments to prove this opposite -of the generally received opinion are based on inherent evidence in -the insertions that Hennepin could not have written them, and on the -material evidences of these questionable portions of the book having -been printed at a later time than the rest of it, and in different -type. The only rejoinder yet made to this exculpation is by Mr. E. D. -Neill, in a tract on _The Writings of Louis Hennepin_, read before the -Minnesota Historical Society in November, 1880, in which the conclusion -is reached that “nothing has been discovered to change the verdict of -two centuries, that Louis Hennepin, Recollect Franciscan, was deficient -in Christian manhood.” - -The _Nouvelle Découverte_ was reset and reissued in 1698 at Amsterdam, -with the same maps and a new title. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =L.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 2; Sabin, no. 31,350; Harrisse, no. 176; - Ternaux, no. 1,110; O’Callaghan, no. 1,073; Muller, 1877, no. 3,666; - Sparks, _Catalogue_, no. 1,211; Rich, 1832, 12s.; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. 1,538; _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii. pp. 24,346. - -There was another edition, _Voyage ou Nouvelle Découverte_, at -Amsterdam in 1704, with the same maps and additional plates, to which -was appended La Borde’s _Voyage_. - - COPIES: =BA.=, =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 3; Sabin, no. 31,352; Rich, 1830, no. 8; - _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 347; Beckford, no. 676; Leclerc, - no. 905, 60 francs; Stevens, vol. i. no. 1,436; Carter-Brown, vol. - iii. no. 52. - -The Hague and Leyden editions of the same year (1704) had an engraved -title, _Voyage curieux ... qui contient une Nouvelle Découverte_, but -were evidently from the same type, and also have the La Borde appended. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =L.=, _HCM._ - - REFERENCES: Shea, nos. 4, 5; Sabin, no. 31,353; _Historical Magazine_, - vol. ii. 25. - -The Amsterdam edition of 1711 was called _Voyages curieux et nouveaux -de Messieurs Hennepin et de la Borde_, with oblong title, folded in, -which seems to be the only difference from the 1704 editions. - - COPIES: =BA.=, =CB.=, =HC.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 6; Sabin, no. 31,354; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. - no. 153. - -In 1712 another Amsterdam edition was called _Voyage ou Nouvelle -Découverte_. - - COPY: =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 7; Sabin, no. 31,355; _Historical Magazine_, - vol. ii. p. 347; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 168; Stevens, vol. i. no. - 1,438. - -Hennepin’s book also appeared in the third edition, at Amsterdam -(1737), of Bernard’s _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, vol. ix., with a map -called “Le Cours du fleuve Mississipi, 1737.” Cf. Shea, no. 8; Sabin, -no. 4,936; _Historical Magazine_, ii. 25. It also appeared at Amsterdam -in 1720, in _Relations de la Louisiane et du Fleuve Mississippi_ -(Dufossé, 1878, no. 4,577), and again in 1737 in connection with a -translation of Garcilasso de la Vega (Dr. O’Callaghan in _Historical -Magazine_, ii. 24). An abridgment appeared in Paris, in 1720, under the -title, _Description de la Louisiane, par le Chevalier Bonrepos_, pp. 45 -(Lenox in _Historical Magazine_, ii. 25). - -The following translations may be noted:— - - * * * * * - -DUTCH.—1. _Nieuwe Ontdekkinge_, etc., Amsterdam, 1699. - - COPY: =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 9; Sabin, no. 31,359; Harrisse, no. 183. - -2. _Nieuwe Entdekkinge_, etc., Amsterdam, 1702. It follows the 1697 -French edition, with the same maps and plates, and has Capiné’s book on -the Spanish West Indies appended. - - COPIES: =BA.=, =CB.=, =L.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 10; Sabin, no. 31,360; Lenox in _Historical - Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 25; Muller, 1870, no. 912, and 1877, no. 1,397; - Brinley, no. 4,493; O’Callaghan, no. 1,076; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. - no. 23. - -3. _Aenmerkelyke Voyagie_, etc., Leyden, 1704. - - COPY: =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 11; Sabin, no. 31,361; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. - nos. 53, 54; Stevens, vol. i. no. 1,437; Muller, 1870, no. 913, and - 1877, no. 1,398. - -4. _Aanmerkkelyke_ _Voyagie_, etc., Rotterdam, 1704. It is usually -found with Benzoni’s _West-Indise Voyagien_, and also in Van der Aa’s -Collection of Voyages, 1704. - - COPIES: =C.=, =CB.=, =L.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, nos. 12, 13; Sabin, no. 31,362; Lenox in _Historical - Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 25. - -5. _Nieuwe Ontdekkinge_, etc. Amsterdam, 1722. - - COPY: =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 14; Sabin, no. 31,363. - - * * * * * - -ENGLISH.—_Discovery of a Large, Rich, and Plentiful Country_, etc., -London, 1720. - - COPIES: =BA.=, =CB.=, =HC.= REFERENCES: Shea, no. 2; Sabin, nos. - 20,247, 31,373; _Historical Magazine_, vol. i. p. 347; Rich, no. 12; - Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 267. - -This is an abridgment. - - * * * * * - -GERMAN.—1. _Neue Entdeckung_, etc. Bremen, 1699. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =L.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 15; _Historical Magazine_, vol. i. p. 347, - vol. ii. p. 25; Sabin, no. 31,367; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,572; - Harrisse, no. 185; Stevens, vol. i. no. 1,435. - -2. _Beschreibung der Grosser Flusse Mississipi. Dritte Auflage_, -Leipzig, 1720. - - COPY: =L.= - - REFERENCES: Lenox in _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 25. - -3. _Neue Reise Beschreibung_, etc., Nürnberg, 1739. - - COPY: =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 16; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 604. - -4. _Neue Entdeckung_, etc., Bremen, 1742. - - COPY: =CB.= - - REFERENCE: Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 708. - - * * * * * - -SPANISH.—_Relaçion_, etc., Brusselas, 1699. - - COPIES: =HC.=, =CB.=, =L.= An abridgment by Sebastian Fernandez de - Medrano. - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 1; Sabin, no. 31,374; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. - 1,573; Lenox in _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii. p. 25; Ternaux, no. - 1,126. - -It has the same map with the 1697 French edition, with an Italian -label, “Carta geografica de un Pais,” etc., pasted over the French -title. - - -III. NOUVEAU VOYAGE. - -It has been customary to bestow upon this volume a similar distrust as -upon the preceding; but Dr. Shea contends that the luckless treatment -of the _Nouvelle Découverte_ by a presumptuous editor was also repeated -with this. It was entitled, _Nouveau Voyage d’un Pais plus grand que -l’Europe_, Utrecht, 1698. The work was made up from Le Clercq, and -included the treatise on the Indians which had been omitted in the -_Nouvelle Découverte_, of which this volume may be considered the -supplement. - - COPIES: =BA.=, =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 1; Sabin, no. 31,351; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. - 1,537; Harrisse, no. 177; Beckford, no. 677, bought by Quaritch, who - priced it at £4 4_s._; Leclerc, no. 904, 70 francs; Rich, no. 455; - Ternaux. no. 1,111. - -The _Nouveau Voyage_ was also included in an abridged form in the -second (1720) and third (1734) editions of the _Recueil de Voyages au -Nord_, published by Bernard at Amsterdam. Cf. Shea, 2 and 3. - -[Illustration] - -It was also issued in the following translations:— - - * * * * * - -DUTCH.—Engraved title, _Reyse door nieuwe Ondekte Landen_. Printed -title, _Aenmerckelycke Historische Reijs Beschryvinge_, Utrecht, 1698. -The map reads, “Carte d’un Nouveau Monde entre Le Nouveau Mexique et la -Mer glaciale. Gasp. Bouttals fecit.” - - COPIES: =BA.=, =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 4; Sabin, no. 31,358; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. - no. 1,539, with fac-simile of title; _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii. - p. 347; Harrisse, no. 179; Trömel, no. 425; O’Callaghan, no. 1,075; - Muller, 1877, no. 1,396. - - * * * * * - -ENGLISH.—In the _Archæologia Americana_, vol. i. - - * * * * * - -GERMAN, I.—_Neue Reise Beschreibung, übersetzt durch M. J. G. Langen_, -Bremen, 1698. - - COPY: =CB.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 5.; Sabin, no. 31,365; Ternaux, no. 1,049, of - doubtful date; Harrisse, no. 165; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,540. - -2. _Reisen und seltsehme Begebenheiten_, etc., Bremen, 1742. - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 6; Sabin, no. 31,369. - - -IV. COMBINATION. - -The _Nouvelle Découverte_ and the _Nouveau Voyage_ were combined -in an English translation issued under the following title: _A new -Discovery of a Vast Country in America, extending above four thousand -miles between New France and New Mexico_, etc., London, 1698. It -contains—part i., a translation of the _Nouvelle Découverte_; part -ii., in smaller type and new paging, a version of the _Nouveau Voyage_; -the rest of the volume in the type of part i. and continuing its -paging, being an account of Marquette’s voyages. Another edition of the -same year shows a slight change of title, with alterations in part i. -and part ii. rewritten. Still another issue conforms in title to the -earliest, but in body, with a slight correction, to the second edition. -The engraved title of the first edition is given herewith. This picture -is a re-engraving reversed of the one on the title of the _Nouvelle -Découverte_ of 1697. - - COPIES: =BPL.=, =CB.=, =H.C.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, nos. 1, 2, 3; Sabin, nos. 31,370, 31,371; Ternaux, - nos. 1,010, 1,119; _Historical Magazine_, vol. i. p. 347; Field, - _Indian Bibliography_, no. 685; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 1,535, - 1,536; Rich, no. 456; Brinley, no. 4,492; Harrisse, no. 181; _Menzies - Catalogue_, no. 915. - -In the next year (1699) there was a reprint of the second issue of the -preceding year. - - COPY: =BA.= - - REFERENCES: Shea, no. 4; Sabin, no. 31,372; O’Callaghan, no. 1,074; - and _Historical Magazine_, vol. ii p. 74; Menzies, no. 916. - - -BARON LA HONTAN. - -A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AND CRITICAL NOTE BY THE EDITOR. - -LA HONTAN, a young Gascon, born about 1667, had come to Canada in -1683, and from being a common soldier, had by his ability risen to -an officer’s position. He became a favorite of Frontenac, and was -selected by him to bear the despatch to Paris which conveyed an -account of Phips’s failure before Quebec in 1690. He was not long -after made deputy-governor of Placentia, where he quarrelled with his -superior and fled to France; and here, fearing arrest, he was obliged -to escape beyond its boundaries. After the Peace of Ryswick he sought -reinstatement, but was not successful; and it is alleged that his book, -which he now published, was in some measure the venting of his spleen. -It appeared in 1703, at La Haye, as _Nouveaux Voyages dans l’Amérique -septentrionale, qui contiennent une Relation des différens Peuples -que y habitent_, in two volumes (the second entitled _Mémoires de -l’Amérique septentrionale, ou la suite des Voyages_), with twenty-six -maps and plates (Sabin, vol. x. nos. 38,635-38,638; Carter-Brown, vol. -iii. no. 36; Quaritch, 25 shillings; Leclerc, no. 737, 40 francs). -Another edition, in somewhat larger type and better engravings, with a -vignette in place of the sphere on the title, appeared the same year. -Dr. Shea is inclined to think this the authorized edition, and the -other a pirated one, with reversed cuts. La Hontan, being in London, -superintended an edition published there the same year in English, -called _New Voyages to North America_ (in Harvard College Library; -cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 101; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. -852; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 39), likewise in two volumes, but -containing in addition a Dialogue between La Hontan and a Huron Indian -(the Rat), which had not been included in the Hague edition, and which -was the vehicle of some religious scepticism. There were thirteen -plates in vol. i., and eleven in vol. ii., and La Hontan speaks of -them as being much better than those of the Holland edition (Sabin, -vol. x. no. 38,644). This same Dialogue was issued separately the next -year (1704) at Amsterdam in French,—_Dialogue du Baron de La Hontan -et d’un Sauvage dans l’Amérique_; and also, with a changed title -(_Supplément aux Voyages du Baron La Hontan_), as the third volume or -“suite” of the _Voyages_, and sometimes with added pages devoted to -travels in Portugal and Denmark (Sabin, vol. x. nos. 38,633, 38,634, -38,637; Field, no. 853; Leclerc, nos. 738, 739; Muller, _Books on -America_, 1872, no. 864). These editions are found with the dates also -of 1704 and 1705. What is called a “seconde Édition, revue, corrigée, -et augmentée,” with twenty-seven plates (but not from the same coppers, -however, with the earlier issues), and omitting the “Carte générale,” -appeared likewise at La Haye in 1705 and 1706. This is professedly -“almost recast, to make the style more pure, concise, and simple, -with the Dialogues rewritten.” The Denmark and Portugal voyage being -omitted, it is brought within two volumes, the second of which is still -called _Mémoires_, etc. (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 68). There were -later French editions in 1707, 1709, and 1715, and at Amsterdam in -1721, with the “suite,” dated 1728, three volumes in all, and sometimes -all three are dated 1728; and still other editions are dated 1731 and -1741 (Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,640, who says it is quite impossible to -make a clear statement of all the varieties of these several editions; -Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 689). The English version appeared again -at London in 1735 (Menzies, no. 1,178; Brinley, no. 101; Sabin, vol. -x. nos. 38,645, 38,646, who says there are various imprints; and it is -also included in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, vol. xiii.). There are also -a German edition, _Des beruhmten Herrn Baron de La Hontan Neueste -Reisen_, 1709 (Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,647; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. -123; Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, no. 2,505), and a Dutch, _Reizen van den -Baron van La Hontan_, 1739 (Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,648; Stevens, no. -2,506). - -[Illustration: PART OF LA HONTAN’S MAP. - -This is the western part of the _Carte Générale de Canada_, which -appeared in the _Nouveaux Voyages_, La Haye, 1709, vol. ii., and was -re-engraved in his _Mémoires_, Amsterdam, 1741, vol. iii.] - -[Illustration: PART OF LA HONTAN’S MAP. - -A middle section from his “Carte Générale de Canada,” in his _Nouveaux -Voyages_, La Haye, 1709, vol. ii.; re-engraved in the Amsterdam, 1741, -edition of the _Mémoires_, vol. iii.] - -[Illustration: LA HONTAN’S MAP. - -A fac-simile of the frontispiece to La Hontan’s _New Voyages_, London, -1703. It was less carefully drawn in the re-engraving of smaller size -for the _Mémoires de l’Amérique_, vol. ii., Amsterdam; and still -another plate of the same map will be found in the 1709 and 1715 La -Haye editions.] - -The book is thought to have been edited by Nicolas Gueudeville; or at -least his hand is usually recognized in the customary third volume -of some of the editions. Faribault (p. 76) says that a bookseller in -Amsterdam knew that the Dialogue was added by Gueudeville, in whose -_Atlas_, Amsterdam, 1719, as well as in Corneille’s _Geographical -Dictionary_, the accounts given of La Hontan’s Rivière Longue are -incorporated. - -[Illustration: LA HONTAN’S RIVIERE LONGUE. - -Fac-simile of the map in the _Nouveaux Voyages_, La Haye, 1709, i. 136. -He reports that the river was called by some the Dead River, because of -its sluggish current.] - -As early as 1715-1716 there was a general discrediting of the story of -La Hontan, as will be seen by letters addressed by Bobé to De l’Isle, -the French geographer, and printed in the _Historical Magazine_, -iii. 231, 232; but the English geographer, Herman Moll, in his maps -between 1710 and 1720, was under La Hontan’s influence. Another English -cartographer, John Senex (1710), accepted the La Hontan story with -considerable hesitation, and later rejected it. Daniel Coxe, in his -_Carolana_ (1727), quite unreservedly accepted it; and the Long River -appears as Moingona in Popple’s _Atlas_, in 1733. - -The German geographer, Homann, of Nuremberg, was in some degree -influenced; and the French cartographer De l’Isle sometimes accepted -these alleged discoveries, and again discarded them; but the careful -work of Bellin, in Charlevoix’s _Nouvelle France_, did much to relegate -La Hontan to oblivion. Charlevoix himself says: “The great liberty -which La Hontan gives his pen has contributed greatly to make his -book read by people not informed to separate truth from falsehood. It -fails to teach the well-informed, and confuses others. The episode -of the voyage up the Long River is as fabulous as the Barataria of -Sancho Panza.” (Cf. Shea’s ed., i. 86, with Shea’s note, iii. 286.) -The Long River some years later, however, figured in the map which -illustrates Samuel Engel’s _Extraits raisonnés des Voyages faits dans -les parties septentrionales_, published at Lausanne, and again in 1765, -and again in 1779, and of which there is also a German translation. -At a later date Carver accepted the accounts of this western river -as genuine, and identified it with the St. Peter’s,—a belief which -Long again, in his _Expedition to St. Peter’s River_, wholly rejected. -(Cf. also J. H. Perkins in the_ North American Review_ (1839), vol. -xlviii. no. 98, where it is thought possible; and the paper by H. -Scadding in the _Canadian Journal_, 2d series, vol. xiii. pp. 240, -396.) Parkman expresses the present view of scholars when he says (_La -Salle_, p. 458) that La Hontan’s account of the Long River is a sheer -fabrication; but he did not, like Hennepin, add slander and plagiarism -to mendacity. Again, in his _Frontenac_ (p. 105), he calls La Hontan -“a man in advance of his time, for he had the caustic, sceptical, -and mocking spirit which a century later marked the approach of the -great Revolution. He usually told the truth when he had no motive to -do otherwise, and yet was capable at times of prodigious mendacity,” -for his account of what “he saw in the colony is commonly in accord -with the best contemporary evidence.” There are some exceptions to -this view. Gravier speaks of La Hontan as “de bonne foi et de jugement -sain”! - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE JESUITS, RECOLLECTS, AND THE INDIANS. - -BY JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D. - - -AT the time of the discovery of this portion of the northern continent, -the missionary spirit was active in the Catholic Church. The labors of -the earlier monks had been revived and continued in the East by the -new zeal of the orders of friars, especially of the Franciscan and -Dominican Fathers. The earlier voyages of explorations from Cabot’s -day were accompanied by priests; and as soon as the condition and -character of the inhabitants were known, projects were formed for their -conversion. This work was looked upon as a duty by the kings of Spain, -Portugal, and France, as well as by the hierarchy and religious orders. -Coeval with the Spanish and French attempts to settle on the coast, -were missionary efforts, often pushed with wonderful zeal and courage -far into the interior by intrepid apostles, who, trusting their lives -to Indian guides, sought fields of labor. - -The mission lines on the map meet and cross, as, undeterred by the -death of pioneers, others took up the task. In 1526, Dominicans reared -a chapel on the banks of the James in Virginia; in 1539, the Italian -Franciscan Mark, from Nice, penetrated to New Mexico; and soon after, -Father Padilla, of the same order, died by the hands of the Indians -near the waters of the Missouri. By 1559 Dominicans were traversing the -territories of the Mobilian tribes from Pensacola to the Mississippi; -and when Melendez founded St. Augustine, it became a mission centre -whence the Jesuit missionaries threaded the Atlantic coast to -Chesapeake Bay and the banks of the Rappahannock, before they left that -field to the Franciscans, who dotted Florida and Georgia with their -mission chapels. - -The same spirit was seen pervading France, where the conversion of the -Indians of the New World was regarded as a duty of the highest order. -One of the first traces that we find of French voyages to the northern -coast is the mention in an early edition of the Chronicle of Eusebius, -in 1508, that Indians who had been brought from the new-found land -received baptism within the walls of a cathedral in France. - -Though the introduction of Calvinism led to the destruction of many -a convent and shrine, and thinned by death the ranks of the mission -orders, the zeal for the conversion of the Indians survived the wars -of religion. Soon after Poutrincourt began his settlement in Acadia, -it was made a reproach to him that nothing had been done for the -conversion of the natives. He addressed a letter to the Pope, as if -to put the fact of his orthodoxy beyond all question; and when it was -proposed to send out Jesuit missionaries to labor among the Indians, he -caused twenty-five of the natives to be baptized in token of his zeal -for their spiritual welfare. - -The establishment of a Jesuit mission was, however, decided upon. On -the 12th of June, 1611, Fathers Peter Biard and Enemond Masse reached -Port Royal. Some difficulties had been thrown in their way, and others -met them in the petty settlement. They turned at once to study the -Micmac language, so as to begin their mission labors among that nation -of Algonquins. The aged Membertou, who had acquired some French, was -their interpreter and first convert. Biard visited all the coast as -far as the Kennebec, and tried to give some ideas of Christianity to -the Abenakis on that river. Finding that little could be done at Port -Royal, where the settlers hampered rather than aided their efforts, -the Jesuits projected an independent mission settlement elsewhere. -Their protector, Madame de Guercheville, obtained from the French king -a grant of all the coast from the St. Lawrence to Florida. A vessel -was sent out, the missionaries were taken on board, and a settlement -was begun on Mount Desert Island. There a cross was planted, and Mass -said at a rustic altar. But the Jesuits were not to carry out their -mission projects. English vessels under Argall, from Virginia, attacked -the ship and settlement of St. Savior; a Jesuit laybrother was killed; -the rest of the settlers were sent to France or carried prisoners -to Virginia. Thus ended the first Jesuit mission begun under French -auspices.[677] - -Meanwhile Champlain had succeeded in establishing a settlement on the -St. Lawrence, and had penetrated to Lake Champlain and the rapids of -the Ottawa. On all sides were tribes “living like brute beasts, without -law, without religion, without God.” His religious zeal was quickened; -for Quebec itself was destitute of ministers of religion. The -Recollects, a reformed branch of the Franciscan order, were invited to -enter the field. They accepted the mission, and in May, 1615, four of -the Gray Friars landed at Quebec. Father John Dolbeau at once began a -mission among the Montagnais,—the tribe occupying that portion of the -St. Lawrence valley,—and wintered with them in their wandering hunter -life, enduring all its hardships, and learning their language and -ideas. The friendly Wyandots, from the shores of a far distant lake, -were the tribe assigned to Father Joseph le Caron, and to the palisaded -towns of this more civilized race he boldly ventured, without waiting -for Champlain. In the summer of 1615 he set up his altar in a new bark -lodge in the Huron town of Caragouha, near Thunder Bay, and began to -learn a new strange tongue, so as to teach the flock around him. - -The Recollects had thus undertaken to evangelize two races, who, -with their kindred, extended from the ocean to the Mississippi, from -the Chesapeake and Ohio to the frozen lands of the Esquimaux. Their -languages, differing from all known to European scholars in vocabulary, -forms, and the construction of sentences, offered incredible -difficulties. The ideas these Indians held of a future state were so -obscure, that it was not easy to find enough of natural religion by -which to lead them to the revealed. Progress was naturally slow,—there -was more to discourage than to cheer. Still the Franciscans labored -on; and though their number was limited to six, they had in 1625 five -missions at Tadousac, Quebec, Three Rivers, among the Nipissings, and -in the Huron country. - -Finding that the mission field in New France required an order bound -to less scrupulous poverty than their own, the Recollects of Paris -invited the Jesuits to aid them. Enemond Masse, of the unfortunate -Acadian mission, with Charles Lalemant and John de Brebeuf, came over -in 1625. The old opposition to the order was renewed. The Jesuits were -homeless, till the Recollects opened the doors of their convent to -them. Commanding resources from influential friends, they soon began -to build, and brought over men to swell the settlement and cultivate -the ground. They joined the Recollects in the missions already founded, -profiting by their experience. This enabled the Church to extend its -missions. Father Joseph de la Roche d’Aillon, leaving the Hurons, -struck southwesterly, and founded a mission among the Neutral Nation, -apparently on the eastern bank of the Niagara, and urged his countrymen -to open direct communication by way of Lake Ontario with that fertile -part of the country. - -The little colony at Quebec was, however, on the verge of starvation; -and after once baffling the English, Champlain surrendered in 1629, -and the missions of the Recollects and Jesuits came to a close. A -mere handful of converts was all the reward of their long and zealous -labors, and these they were compelled to leave exposed to the danger of -lapsing back into their original heathendom. - -We cannot trace very distinctly the system adopted by the Recollects -and their Jesuit auxiliaries during this first period of mission labor -in Canada. Their usual course was to remain during the pleasant months -at the French posts,—Quebec, Three Rivers, and Tadousac,—attending to -the spiritual wants of the French and of the Indians who encamped near -by for trade, and then to follow an Indian band on its winter hunt. The -Recollects spoke despondingly. Some young men were taken to France and -instructed there,—one, Peter Anthony, having the Prince de Guimené as -his sponsor in baptism. But they found it almost impossible to keep -the young for any prolonged instruction, and they hesitated to baptize -adults, except in case of danger of death. - -In the Huron country Father Nicholas Viel succeeded Le Caron, and -had his little chapel at Quieunonascaran, cultivating a small patch -of ground around his bark lodge. His success does not seem to have -exceeded that of his fellow religious in the more nomadic tribes. While -on his way to Quebec in 1625 he was treacherously hurled from his canoe -by a Huron guide, and perished in the rapid waters near Montreal that -still bear the name of _Sault au Récollet_. - -Another Recollect, Father William Poullain, while on his way with some -Frenchmen from Quebec to Sault St. Louis, fell into the hands of the -Iroquois, who were about to torture him at the stake, when he was saved -by an offer of an exchange made by his countrymen. - -The Jesuits adopted the system of the Recollects, but we have no -details of their labors,—one Huron boy taken to France, where he was -baptized by the name of Louis de Sainte Foy, being the result of the -joint labors to which most allusion is made. - -The Court of France seems to have considered that both Recollect and -Jesuit had failed to acquire the languages of the country sufficiently -to do the work of God and of his most Christian Majesty. At all events, -each order hastened to put in print evidence of its proficiency -in American linguistics. The Recollect Sagard published a Huron -Dictionary; the Jesuit Brebeuf, a translation of Ledesma’s Catechism -into Huron, with the Lord’s Prayer and other devotions rendered into -Montagnais by Father Enemond Masse.[678] - -When England reluctantly yielded up her Canadian conquest, the -all-powerful Cardinal Richelieu seems to have looked with no kindly -eye on either of the bodies who had already labored to evangelize New -France. He offered the mission to his favorite order, the Capuchins, -and only when they declined it did he permit the Jesuits to return. - -[Illustration] - -With the restoration of Canada to France by the treaty of Saint -Germain in 1632, the history of the great Jesuit missions begins. For -some years the Fathers of the Society of Jesus were, almost without -exception, the only clergy in the colony in charge of all the churches -of the settlers and the missions to the Indian tribes. When a pious -association, under the inspiration of the Venerable Mr. Olier, founded -Montreal, members of the Society of Priests which he had formed at -Saint Sulpice became the clergy of that town; and they gathered near it -a double-tongued Indian mission, which still continues to exist under -their care. They made no attempt to extend their labors, except in the -missionary voyage of Dollier de Casson and Galinée in the mission of -the Abbés Fénelon and Trouvé at Quinté Bay, and the later labors of the -Abbé Picquet at Ogdensburg. - -When Bishop Laval was appointed for Canada in 1658, he founded a -seminary at Quebec, which was aggregated to the Seminary of the Foreign -Missions in Paris. The Jesuits then resigned all the parishes which -they had directed in the colony, and confined themselves to their -college and their Indian missions. The priests of the Seminary of -Quebec, beside their parish work, also undertook missions among the -Indians in Acadia, Illinois, and on the lower Mississippi. - -A collision between the Governor of Canada and the Bishop with his -clergy and the Jesuits, in regard to the sale of liquor to the Indians, -led the Government to send back the Recollects to resume their early -labors. They did not, however, undertake any important missions among -the Indian tribes. Their efforts were confined almost exclusively -to the period and course of La Salle’s attempts at settlement and -exploration, and to a mission at Gaspé and a shorter one on the -Penobscot. - -When the colony of Louisiana took form, the Indian missions there were -confided to the Jesuits, who directed them till the suppression of the -order terminated their existence in the dominions of France. Spain, in -her colonies, sent other orders to continue the work of the Jesuits, -and this was done successfully in some places; but there was no effort -made to sustain those of the Jesuits in Canada and Louisiana, and amid -the political changes which rapidly ensued the early French missions -gradually dwindled away. - -These Jesuit missions embraced the labors of the Fathers among the -Micmacs, chiefly on Cape Breton Island and at Miscou; the missions -among the Montagnais, Bersiamites, Oumamiwek, Porcupine Indians, -Papinachois, and other tribes of the lower St. Lawrence and Saguenay, -the centre being at Tadousac; the missions of which Quebec was -the immediate centre, comprising the work among the Montagnais -of that district and Algonquins from the west. Of this Algonquin -mission, Sillery soon became the main mission; but as the Algonquins -disappeared, Abenakis came to settle there, and remained till the -chapel was removed to St. François de Sales. Then Three Rivers was -a mission station for the Indians near it, and for the Attikamegues -inland, till a separate mission was established for that tribe. Beyond -Montreal was the mission to the Nipissings, and the great Huron -mission, the scene of the most arduous and continued labors of the -Fathers among the palisaded towns of the Wyandots and Dinondadies. -After the ruin of these nations, the Jesuits led one part of the -survivors to Isle Orleans, and subsequently gathered a remnant of -them at Lorette, where their descendants still remain. The rest fled -towards the Mississippi, and were zealously followed by the energetic -missionaries, who gathered them at Mackinac, whence they removed in -time to Detroit, and ultimately to Sandusky, the last point where the -Jesuits ministered to them. - -Beyond Lake Huron was the great Ottawa mission, embracing the attempts -to christianize the Ottawas on Lake Superior, the Chippewas at Sault -Ste. Marie, the Beaver Indians and Crees; at Green Bay was another -post for the Menomonees, Pottawatamies, Foxes, and Mascoutens; while -south of Lake Michigan came in time Jesuit labors among the Miamis and -Illinois. The missions attempted among the Sioux beyond the Mississippi -mark the western limit of the old Jesuit efforts to convert the native -tribes. - -With the establishment of Louisiana came the missions of the Society -among the Yazoos, Arkansas, Choctaws, Alibamons, and other tribes. - - -THE MICMAC MISSION.—The Jesuit missions among the Micmacs never -attained any remarkable development, and most of the territory occupied -by this branch of the Algonquin family was attended by other bodies of -missionaries. Father Julian Perrault began his labors on Cape Breton -in 1634; Charles Turgis, with others, was at Miscou in the following -years. Most of the Jesuits, however, were compelled to withdraw with -shattered health; and Turgis, devoting himself to the care of the sick, -died at his post in 1637. Father John Dolebeau became paralyzed, and -while returning to France was blown up at sea. At last, however, Father -Andrew Richard and Martin de Lyonne succeeded in founding a mission; -they learned the language, and extended their labors to Chaleurs Bay, -Ile Percée, Miramichi, and Chédabuctou, finding one old woman who had -been baptized by Biard at Port Royal. Lyonne died, devotedly attending -the sick, in 1661; Richard continued his labors some years later, aided -for a time by James Fremin, and cheered by visits from his superior, -Jerome Lalemant. They made some converts, although they did not banish -the old superstitions and savagery of the tribe; but when Bishop Laval -visited Gaspé in 1659, the missionaries presented one hundred and forty -Indian Christians for confirmation. - -[Illustration] - -When Richard’s labors ceased, the Recollects took charge of the mission -at Isle Percée, where French and Indians were attended from about 1673 -by Fathers Hilarion Guesnin and Exuperius Dethune. They were succeeded -in 1675 by Father Christian Le Clercq, who took up the Indian mission -with zeal, and has left ineffaceable traces of his twelve years’ labor. -He acquired the Micmac language; and finding that some Indians, to -aid their memory in retaining his instructions, employed a system of -hieroglyphics on bits of bark, he studied and improved it, till he -had the daily prayers, mass, and catechism in this form. The Indians -readily adopted these hieroglyphics, and taught them to their children -and later converts. They have been retained in use till the present, -and the Rev. Christian Kauder, a Redemptorist, had type cut in Austria, -and published a catechism, hymn and prayer book, in them at Vienna in -1866. In 1685 land was given to the priests of the Seminary of Quebec; -gentlemen of that body, with some Recollects and occasionally a Jesuit -Father, served the coast from Gaspé to Nova Scotia, and all the Micmacs -became Catholics. They seem to have been attended with the French, -and not as a distinct mission. The Micmac territory included not only -the coast, but Cape Breton, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland. -Of these missionaries, Messrs. Thury and Gaulin and the Recollect -Felix Pain seem to have been the most prominent. The Abbé Anthony S. -Maillard, who was missionary to the Micmacs in Cape Breton and Acadia -till his death in 1768, exercised great influence; and his mastery of -the language is shown in his Grammar of the Micmac, which was printed -at New York in 1864. - - -THE MONTAGNAIS MISSION.—Tadousac was from the commencement of French -settlement on the St. Lawrence an anchoring-place for vessels and -a trading-station which attracted Indians from the west and north. -Missionaries made visits to the spot from an early period, but the -Jesuit mission there is regarded as having been founded in 1640. It -received charitable aid from the Duchess d’Aiguillon, who maintained -for a time the Fathers employed there. Father John de Quen may be said -to have established the first permanent mission, from which gradually -extended efforts for christianizing the tribes on the shores down to -Labrador and on the upper waters of the Saguenay. - -The first mission was the result of the effort of Charles Meiachkwat, -a Montagnais who had visited Sillery and induced the Jesuit Fathers to -send one of their number to Tadousac. Charles erected the first chapel; -and may be regarded as the first native Christian of that district, and -first native catechist, for he visited neighboring tribes to impart -what religious knowledge he had learned. - -The missionaries encountered the usual difficulties,—great laxity -of morals, a deep-rooted belief in dreams, the influence of the -medicine-men, and vices introduced by the traders, especially -intoxication. Father Buteux, who replaced De Quen for a time, seems to -have been the first to give his neophytes the kind of calendar still in -use among the wandering Indians, with spaces for each day, to be marked -off as it came, and Sundays and holidays so designated by symbols that -they could recognize and observe them. - -The missionaries at first went down from Quebec in the spring, and -continued their labors till autumn, when the Indians scattered for -the winter hunt; but as the neophytes felt the want of a regular -ministry during the winter, they attempted, in 1645, to supply it by -performing some of the priestly functions themselves. This led to -fuller instruction; and to impress them, the missionaries left marked -pieces of wood of different colors, called _massinahigan_, a word still -in use in all the Catholic missions among Algonquin nations for a book -of prayers. - -In 1646 De Quen ascended the Saguenay, and penetrated, by way of the -Chicoutimi, to Lake St. John, in order to preach to the Porcupine -tribe, who had already erected a cross in their village. Three years -later, Father Gabriel Druillettes visited the same tribe and reared -his bark chapel among them. In 1651 De Quen made another missionary -excursion, reaching various villages on the lake, and subsequently, -returning to Tadousac, sailed down the St. Lawrence till he reached -bands of the Oumamiwek or Bersiamites, among whom he began mission work. - -[Illustration] - -The mission of the Holy Cross at Tadousac was, however, the scene of -the most assiduous labors, as often a thousand Indians of different -tribes would be encamped there; and though nothing could be done to -check the errant life of these Algonquins, ideas of Christian morality -and faith were inculcated, and much reformation was effected. In 1660 -Father Jerome Lalemant, superior of the missions, continued the labors -of his predecessors on Lake St. John, and ascending the Mistassini, -reached Nekouba, then a gathering-place for the Algonquin tribes of -the interior. Here they hoped to reach several nations who had never -seen a missionary, and especially the Ecureuil, or Squirrel tribe; but -the Iroquois war-parties had penetrated farther than missionary zeal, -and the Jesuits found the Algonquins of these remote cantons fleeing -in all directions after sustaining a series of defeats from the fierce -men-hunters from the Mohawk and Oswego. The great aim was to reach the -Crees, but that nation was subsequently approached by way of the great -lakes, when the route in that direction was opened by Menard. - -[Illustration] - -Bailloquet and Nouvel wintered in successive years with bands of -Montagnais, travelling in snow-shoes, and drawing their chapel -requisites on a sled, as they followed the hunters, pitching their -tents on encountering other parties, to enable them to fulfil their -religious duties. Then, in the spring of 1664, while Druillettes -visited the tribes on the upper waters of the Saguenay, Nouvel ascended -the Manicouagan to the lake of that name in the country of the -Papinachois, a part yet untrodden by the foot of the white man. Some -of the tribe were already Christians, converted at the mission posts; -but to most the missionary was an object of wonder, and his rude chapel -a never-ceasing marvel to them and to a more northerly tribe, the -Ouchestigouetch, who soon came to camp beside the mission cross. - -Nouvel cultivated this tribe for several years, wintering among them, -or pursuing them in their scattered cabins, till the spring of 1667, -when all the Christians of these Montagnais bands gathered at Tadousac -to meet Bishop Laval, who, visiting his diocese in his bark canoe, was -coming to confer on those deemed sufficiently grounded in the faith the -sacrament of confirmation. He reached Tadousac on the 24th of June, and -was welcomed by four hundred Christian Indians, who escorted him to the -temporary bark chapel, for the church had been totally destroyed by -fire. The bishop confirmed one hundred and forty-nine. - -Beaulieu, Albanel, and Druillettes labored there in the following -years; but small-pox and other diseases, with want caused by the -Iroquois driving them from their hunting-grounds, had reduced the -Indians, so that, as Albanel states, in 1670 Tadousac was almost -deserted,—not more than one hundred Indians assembled there, whereas -he remembered the time when one could count a thousand or twelve -hundred encamped at the post at once; and of this petty band some were -Micmacs from Gaspé, and Algonquins from Sillery. - -[Illustration] - -In 1671, while Father de Crépieul remained in charge of the missions -near Tadousac, with which he was for years identified, Albanel, with -the Sieur Denys de St. Simon, ascended the Saguenay, and wintering near -Lake St. John pushed on by Lake and River Nemiskau, till they reached -the shores of Hudson’s Bay, where the Jesuit planted his cross and -began a mission. On his way to revisit it in 1674, he was crippled by -an accident, and Albanel found him helpless in mid-winter in the woods -near Lake St. John. Crépieul then visited the Papinachois in their -country, as Father Louis Nicolas did the Oumamis at the Seven Islands. -Boucher, a few years later, aided Crépieul, and from their chapels at -Chicoutimi and Metabetchouan as centres, missionary excursions were -made in all directions. - -[Illustration] - -Dalmas, a later auxiliary of Crépieul, after wintering at Chicoutimi, -was killed in the spring of 1694 on the shores of Hudson’s Bay. - -De Crépieul clung to his arduous mission till 1702, when, broken by his -long and severe labors, he retired to Quebec, where he died soon after. - -Peter Michael Laure, who occupied the same field from 1720 to 1737, -drew up a Montagnais grammar and dictionary, greatly aided, as his -manuscript tells us, by the pious Mary Outchiwanich. - -Father John Baptist La Crosse was the last of the old Jesuit -missionaries at Tadousac and Chicoutimi, dying at the former post -in 1782, after the suppression of his order and the disasters of -his countrymen. He taught many of his flock to read and write, and -they handed down the knowledge from parent to child, clinging to the -religious books and Bible selections made for them by this missionary, -of whom they still recount wonderful works. - - -[Illustration] - -THE MISSIONS AT QUEBEC, THREE RIVERS, AND SILLERY.—The Jesuit -missionaries on returning to Canada in 1632 resumed the instruction -of the wandering Montagnais near Quebec, Father Le Jeune taking the -lead; and when a post was established at Three Rivers, Father Buteux -began there the devoted labors which ended only with his life. The -missionaries during the time of trade when Indians gathered at the -French posts endeavored to gain their good-will, and instructed all -who evinced any good disposition; during the rest of the year they -made visits to wandering bands, often wintering with them, sharing the -dangers and privations of their hunting expeditions amid mountains, -rapids, and forests. - -[Illustration: PAUL LE JEUNE. - -From a photograph (lent by Mr. Parkman) of an old print.] - -It was soon evident that their precarious mode of life, the rapid -diminution of game when they began to kill the animals for their furs -and not merely for food, small-pox and other diseases introduced by -the French, and the slaughters committed by the Iroquois, would soon -sweep away the Upper Montagnais, unless they could be made sedentary. -A few endeavored to settle near the French and maintain themselves by -agriculture, but in 1637 the missionaries began a kind of reduction -at a place above Quebec called at first St. Joseph, but soon known -as Sillery, from the name of the pious and benevolent Commander de -Sillery in France, who gave means for the good work. Two families, -comprising twenty souls in all, settled here, in houses built for -them, and began to cultivate the ground. Others soon joined them, and -plots were allotted to the several families. Of this settlement Noel -Negabamat may be regarded as the founder. Though Sillery was ravaged by -disease, which soon broke out in the cabins, the project seemed full -of promise; the Indians elected chiefs, and a form of government was -adopted. The nuns sent out in 1639 to found a hospital, for which the -Duchesse d’Aiguillon gave the necessary means, aided the missionaries -greatly. From the day they landed, these self-sacrificing nuns opened -wards for the reception of sick Indians, and they decided to establish -their hospital at Sillery. They carried out this resolution, and opened -it on the first of December, 1640, receiving both French and Indian -patients. Their services impressed the natives more deeply than did the -educational efforts of the Jesuit Fathers and of the Ursuline nuns, who -had schools for Indian children of various tribes at Quebec. - -This mission was an object of especial care, and great hopes were -entertained of its effecting much in civilizing and converting the -Montagnais and Algonquins, both of which nations were represented in -the first settlers at St. Joseph’s. These Indians were induced to -cultivate the ground, but they still depended on their fishing, and -the winter hunt carried them off to the woods. This the missionaries -could not prevent, as the hunts supplied the furs for the trade of the -company which controlled Canada. - -The hopes of the Jesuits were not to be realized. Some progress was -made, and converts like Noel Negabamat and Charles Meiachkwat exercised -great influence; but the Iroquois war-parties soon drove the new -agriculturists from their fields, the nuns removed their hospital -to Quebec in 1646, and the neophytes were scattered. “We behold -ourselves dying, exterminated every day,” wrote Negabamat in 1651. -Some years after, an accidental fire destroyed St. Michael’s church -with the mission house, and from that time the Indian settlement at -Sillery languished. Disease and excess aided the work of war, and the -Algonquins and Montagnais dwindled away. - -[Illustration] - -As early as 1643 some Abenakis from the banks of the Kennebec had -visited Sillery, and one chief was baptized. Father Druillettes soon -after visited their towns, and founded a mission in their country. -This was at first continued, but the Christians of the tribe and -those seeking instruction visited Sillery from time to time. This was -especially the case after 1657, when the Jesuits suspended their labors -in Maine, for fear of giving umbrage to the Capuchin Fathers who had -missions on the coast. - -[Illustration] - -Sillery revived as an Abenaki mission, but the soil at last proved -unfit for longer cultivation by Indians. By this time, Fathers James -and Vincent Bigot had been assigned to this tribe. They looked out -for a new mission site, and by the aid of the Marchioness de Bauche -bought a tract on the Chaudière River, and in 1683 established near -the beautiful falls the mission of St. Francis de Sales. Sillery was -abandoned, and there was nothing to mark the famous old mission site, -till a monument was erected a few years ago to the memory of Masse and -De Noue, who lie there. - -[Illustration] - -With the chapel of St. Francis as a base, a new series of missions -gradually spread into Maine. The Jesuits resumed their ministry on -the banks of the Kennebec; the Bigots, followed by Rale, Lauverjeat, -Loyard, and Sirenne, keeping up their work amid great danger, their -presence exciting the most fearful animosity in the minds of New -Englanders, who ascribed all Indian hostilities to them. Rale was -especially marked out. Though a man of cultivation and a scholar,—his -Abenaki dictionary being a monument of his mastery of the language,—a -price was set on his head, his chapel was pillaged by one expedition, -which carried off his manuscript dictionary[679] (now one of the -curiosities in Harvard College Library), and in a later expedition he -was slain at the foot of his mission cross, August 23, 1724. He knew -his danger, and his superior would have withdrawn him, but the Canadian -authorities insisted on his remaining. - -Besides this Jesuit mission at Norridgewock, the priests of the -seminary at Quebec, anxious to do their part in the mission-work of -which their parent institution, the Seminary of the Foreign Missions at -Paris, did so much, founded a mission on the Penobscot. This was long -directed by the Rev. Peter Thury, who acquired great influence over the -Indians, accompanying them in peace and war till his death in 1699. A -Recollect, Father Simon, had a mission at Medoktek, on the St. John’s, -which was subsequently directed by the Jesuits, as well as that on the -Penobscot. - -Meanwhile the mission on the Chaudière had been transferred to the -site still known as St. François, and on the death of Rale bands of -the Kennebec Indians emigrated to it, forming a strong Indian village, -which sent many a vindictive war-party on the frontiers of New England. -This drew on it fierce retaliation from Rogers and his partisan -corps, who captured the village, killed many, and fired church and -dwellings.[680] - -THE MISSIONS AT THREE RIVERS AND MONTREAL.—Ascending the St. Lawrence, -the next mission centre was Three Rivers, where the Jesuit missionaries -Le Jeune and Buteux resumed, in 1633, the labors of the Recollect -Brother Du Plessis and Fathers Huet and Poullain. It was a place of -trade where Indians gathered, so that the missionaries found constant -objects of their care. Many were instructed, and returned to impart to -others their newly acquired knowledge of God’s way with man, and the -consolations of Christianity. - -Gradually the Indians who had settled near Three Rivers were almost -entirely won; while the Attikamegues, or White Fish Indians, dwelling -far inland, came to ask a missionary to reside among them. They were -of the Montagnais tongue, and remarkable for their gentle character. -Father Buteux, charmed with their docility, instructed them; and -at last, in 1651, ascended the river, and after a toilsome journey -of fifty-three days, reached their country. All who had not become -Christians already were anxiously awaiting his arrival; a rude chapel -was raised, and the neophytes in their fervor crowded to it to listen -or to pray. The next year Buteux set out once more to make a missionary -visit to this interesting race; but the Iroquois were on their -track, and the missionary while making a portage received two fatal -wounds, and died amid his arduous duties. The tribe was soon nearly -annihilated, the survivors seeking refuge among the remote lodges of -the scattered Montagnais. - -Among the converts at Three Rivers was Pieskaret, the most famous -warrior of the Montagnais or Adirondacks, whose bravery was the terror -of the Iroquois. But the Indians of that portion of the St. Lawrence -valley were doomed,—nearly all were swept away by the Iroquois; and -after the death of Buteux the Montagnais mission at Three Rivers seems -to have numbered few Indians, nearly all the survivors having fled to -their kindred tribes near Tadousac. - -[Illustration] - -When the settlement at Montreal was formed in 1641 by Maisonneuve -acting under the Society of Montreal, the Jesuits were the first -clergymen of the new town, and began to labor among the Indians who -gathered there from the St. Lawrence and Ottawa. This mission of the -Jesuits was not, however, a permanent one. The Sulpitians,—a community -of priests established in Paris by the Rev. John James Olier, one -of the members of the Montreal society,—became the proprietors of -the new settlement, and they continue still in charge of churches, -institutions, and missions on or near Montreal island, after a lapse of -more than two centuries. An Indian mission for Algonquins was begun on -the mountain at a spot now known as the Priests’ Farm, chiefly by the -liberality and zeal of the Rev. Mr. Belmont. Iroquois and Hurons also -came, and the mission was removed to Sault au Récollet, and then to the -Lake of the Two Mountains. Here it still exists, embracing an Iroquois -village and one of Algonquin language, made up in no small part of -Nipissings from the lake of that name. This is the oldest mission -organization in Canada, the Sulpitians having been unmolested by the -English Government, which put an end to the communities of the Jesuits -and Recollects. - -Above Montreal no permanent missions were attempted among the Algonquin -bands dotted along the line of the Ottawa,—the Indians seeking -instruction on their visits to the French posts and missions, or -receiving missionaries from time to time, as their river was the great -highway to the West. - -THE HURON MISSION.—The Huron nation in Upper Canada, a confederacy of -tribes allied in origin and language to the Iroquois, had been already -the field of a mission conducted by Recollects, aided after a time by -the Jesuits. When Canada was restored to France by the treaty of St. -Germain, Brebeuf penetrated to his old mission, in 1634, accompanied by -Fathers Daniel and Davost, and in September erected a log chapel in the -town of Ihonatiria. Thus began the greatest of the Jesuit missions in -Canada, which called forth the most intrepid courage of the heralds of -Christianity, and triumphed over the heathen hostility in the tribes, -only to perish at last by the hands of the terrible Iroquois. - -The Hurons lived in palisaded towns, their bark cabins clustering -within, while the fields where they cultivated corn, beans, pumpkins, -and tobacco lay near. Their hunting and fishing excursions were -comparatively short, and they laid up stores of provisions for winter. -The opportunity for instructing the people was accordingly much greater -than among the nomadic tribes of the Algonquin family. Brebeuf, -already versed in the language, extended his studies and initiated his -associates into its intricate peculiarities. The young were the first -care, and catechetical instructions were daily given to all whom they -could gather. The Lord’s Prayer and other devotions were taught; but it -was not easy to secure continuous attendance. This led to the project -of a school at Quebec, to which some of the most promising boys were -sent. There, with less to tempt them, more progress was made; yet the -result was but temporary, for the pupils on returning to the upper -country threw aside their slight civilization. - -[Illustration] - -As other missionaries arrived, the labors of the Fathers in the Huron -country extended; but they found that the medicine-men were bitter -enemies, foreseeing a loss of all their influence. The march of -Europeans through America always spread new diseases. In the Huron -country the ravages were severe. The medicine-men ascribed all to -the missionaries. Cabins were closed against them; their lives were -in constant peril. Their house was set on fire, and a council of the -three tribes met to decide whether they should all be put to death. -The undaunted missionaries prepared to meet their fate, committing -their chapel service and the fruit of their Indian studies to Peter -Tsiwendeentaha, their first adult convert. Their fearless conduct at -last triumphed. Adults came to solicit instruction; Ossossare and -Teananstayae became mission stations, four Fathers laboring in each, -while Garnier and Jogues proceeded to the towns of the Tionontates, -a kindred tribe, who from their cultivation and sale of tobacco -were generally called by the French the Petun, or Tobacco tribe. As -new stations were formed and chapels built in the Huron towns, the -missionaries in 1639 erected on the River Wye the mission-house of St. -Mary’s, to serve as a centre from which priests could be sent to any of -the towns, and where they could always find refuge. They extended their -labors to the Neutral Nation and to the Algonquin tribes lying near the -Huron country, reaching as far as Sault Ste. Marie. The missionaries -endured great hardships and sufferings on these journeys from hunger, -cold, and accident,—Brebeuf having broken his collar-bone by a fall, -and reaching his lodge only by a long and weary progress on his hands -and knees. Their efforts seemed almost vain. In 1640 they could claim -only one hundred Christians out of sixteen thousand Hurons; a few -prominent chiefs had joined them, but the young braves would not submit -to the law of the gospel. Christian families, and still more Christians -in heathen families, were subjected to much persecution, till the -number of catechumens in a town enabled them to take a firm stand. - -Meanwhile the Five Nations, freely supplied with firearms by the Dutch, -were annihilating the Huron tribes, already weakened by disease. The -war interrupted intercourse between the Huron country and Quebec. -Father Jogues, sent down in 1642 to obtain supplies for the mission, -while journeying back, fell with many Hurons into the hands of the -Mohawks, who killed most of the party, and led the rest with the -missionary to their towns. The missionary and his attendant, René -Goupil, were tortured and mutilated, reduced to the rude slavery of -Indian life, and witnessed the execution of most of their Hurons. -Full of missionary zeal, they endeavored to impart some ideas of -Christianity; but the effort cost Goupil his life, and Jogues was with -difficulty rescued by the Dutch, and sent to Europe. - -[Illustration] - -The missionaries in the Huron country, by the loss of the supplies in -the Huron flotilla, were reduced to great straits, till Brebeuf reached -them with two assistants, Garreau and Chabanel, whom no dangers could -deter. Father Bressani, returning to his western labors, was less -fortunate; he too was captured, and endured all but death at the hands -of the Mohawks. His sufferings led the charitable Dutch to effect his -release. Yet neither Jogues nor Bressani faltered; both returned to -Canada to continue their perilous work. - -When a temporary peace gave the Huron mission a respite, there were -five churches in as many towns, and one for Algonquins living in the -Huron country. The voice of the missionary seemed to find more hearers, -and converts increased; but the end was at hand. - -In July, 1648, the Iroquois attacked Teananstayae. As the braves -manned the palisades, Father Daniel was among them to give them the -consolations of religion, to confess and baptize; then he hurried to -the cabins to minister to the sick and aged. He found his chapel full, -and urging them to flight from the rear, he closed the front portal -behind him, and awaited the Iroquois braves, who had stormed the -palisade and were swooping down on the cross-crowned church. Riddled by -arrows and balls, he fell dead, and his body was flung into the burning -church of St. Joseph. - -The capture of this town seemed a death-blow to hope in the bosoms of -the Hurons. They abandoned many of their towns, and fled to the islands -of Lake Huron or the towns of the Petuns. They could not be aroused to -any system of defence or precaution. - -On the 16th of the ensuing March, a force of a thousand Iroquois -stormed, at daybreak, the Huron town which the missionaries called St. -Ignatius. So general and complete was the massacre, that only three -escaped to the next large town, St. Louis. Here were stationed the -veteran Brebeuf, companion of the early Recollect missioners in the -land, friend of Champlain, and with him as associate the young Gabriel -Lalemant. The Hurons urged the missionaries to fly; but, like Daniel, -they remained, exercising their ministry to the last, and attending to -every call of zeal. The Hurons repelled the first assault; but their -palisade was carried at last, and the victorious Iroquois fired the -cabins. The missionaries, while ministering to the wounded and dying, -were captured. They were taken, with other captives, to the ruined town -of St. Ignatius, and there a horrible torture began. They were bound -to the stake; Brebeuf’s hands were cut off; Lalemant’s body bristled -with awls and iron barbs; red-hot hatchets were pressed under their -arms and between their legs; and around the neck of Brebeuf a collar of -these weapons was placed. But the heroic old missionary denounced God’s -vengeance on the savages for their cruelty and hatred of Christianity, -till they cut off his nose and lips, and thrust a firebrand into his -mouth. They sliced off his flesh and devoured it, and, scalping him, -poured boiling water on his head, in mockery of baptism; then they -hacked off his feet, clove open his chest, and devoured his heart. -Lalemant was wrapped in bark to which fire was applied, and underwent -many of the same tortures as the older missionary; he too was baptized -in mockery, his eyes torn out and coals forced into the sockets. After -torturing him all the night, his tormenters clove his head asunder at -dawn. - -[Illustration] - -St Mary’s was menaced; but the Huron fugitives there sent out a -party which repulsed the Iroquois, who then retired, sated with -their vengeance. The Huron nation was destroyed. Fifteen towns were -abandoned. One tribe, the Scanonaenrat, submitted to the Iroquois, and -removed to the Seneca country in a body, with many Hurons of other -tribes. Some bands fled to the Petuns, Neuters, Eries, or Susquehannas. -A part, following the first fugitives to the islands in Lake Huron, -roamed to Lake Michigan and Lake Superior. These were in time brought -back by later missionaries to Mackinac. - -The Huron mission was overthrown. A few of the Jesuit missionaries -followed the fugitives to St. Joseph’s Island; others joined Garnier -in the Petun mission. But that too was doomed. Echarita was attacked -in December, the Iroquois avoiding the Petun braves who had sallied -out to meet them. Garnier, a man of singularly attractive character, -earnest and devoted, though mortally wounded, dragged himself along on -the ground to minister to the wounded, and was tomahawked as he was -in the act of absolving one. Another missionary, Chabanel, was killed -by an apostate Huron. Their comrades accompanied the fugitive Petuns -as they scattered and sought refuge in the islands. The number of the -Hurons and Petuns was too great for the limited and hasty agriculture -to maintain. Great misery ensued. In June, 1650, the missionaries -abandoned the Huron country, and descended to Quebec with a number of -the Hurons. This remnant of a once powerful nation were placed on Isle -Orleans; but the Iroquois swept many of them off, and the survivors -found a home at Lorette, where their descendants still remain. - -Thus ended the Huron mission in Upper Canada, which was begun by -the Recollect Le Caron in 1615, and which had employed twenty-nine -missionaries, seven of whom had yielded up their lives as the best -earnest of their sincerity and devotion to the cause of Christian -progress. - -The Jesuit missions were by this time reduced to a most shadowy state. -The Iroquois had almost entirely swept away the Montagnais tribes on -the St. Lawrence above the Saguenay; they had cut to pieces most of the -bands of Algonquins on the Ottawa, while the country of the Hurons, -Petuns, and Neuters was a desert. The trading-posts of the French at -Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec were almost forsaken; no longer -did flotillas come laden with peltries to gladden the merchants, and -give missionaries an opportunity to address distant tribes. Several -missionaries returned to Europe, as there seemed no field to be reached -in America. - -Suddenly, however, such a field presented itself. The Iroquois, who had -carried off a missionary—Father Poncet—from near Quebec, proposed -peace. They were in a fierce war with the Eries and Susquehannas, and -probably found that in their bloodthirsty march they were making the -land a desert, cutting off all supplies of furs from Dutch and French -alike. At all events, they restored Poncet, and, proposing peace, -solicited missionaries. - -THE IROQUOIS MISSION.—War with the Iroquois had been almost -uninterrupted since the settlement of Canada. Champlain found -the Canadian tribes of every origin arrayed against the fierce -confederation which in their symbolic language “formed a cabin.” The -founder of Canada had gone to the very heart of the Iroquois country, -and at the head of his swarthy allies had given them battle on the -shores of Lake Champlain and on the borders of Lake Oneida. But the -war had brought the French colony to the brink of ruin, and swept its -allies from the face of the earth. - -[Illustration] - -Now peace was to open to missionary influence the castles of this -all-conquering people, and a foothold was to be gained there; and not -only this, but, relieved from war, Canada was to open intercourse with -the great West, and new missions were to be attempted in the basin of -the upper lakes and in the valley of the Mississippi. The missionaries -of Canada were thus to extend their labors within the present limits of -our republic on the north, as the Franciscans of Spain were doing along -the southern part from Florida to New Mexico. - -The Recollect Joseph de la Roche d’Allion had already in early days -crossed the Niagara from the west; Jogues and Raymbault had planted -the cross at Sault Ste. Marie; Father Jogues had attempted to found a -mission on the banks of the Mohawk; but his body, with the bodies of -Goupil and Lalande, had mouldered to dust in our soil. - -Father Simon le Moyne, who had succeeded to the Indian name of Jogues, -and who inherited his spirit, was the interpreter in the recent -negotiations, and had been invited to Onondaga and the Mohawk. For the -former, the seat of the council-fire of the Iroquois league, he set -out from Quebec July 2, 1654, and reached Onondaga by a route then new -to the French, passing through the St. Lawrence, Lake Ontario, and -the Oswego. He was favorably received at Onondaga, and the sachems, -formally by a wampum belt, invited the French to build a house on Lake -Ontario. - -There was already a Christian element in the Iroquois cantons. Each -of the cantons contained hundreds of Hurons, all instructed in the -fundamental doctrines of Christianity, and not a few openly professing -it; while in the Seneca country was a town made up of the Scanonaenrat -Hurons, Petuns, and Neuters. Le Moyne found wherever he went Christians -eager to enjoy his ministry. - -[Illustration] - -His embassy filled all with hope; and the next year, as the Onondagas, -through a Christian chief, solicited the establishment of a mission -by the Jesuit Fathers, Peter Joseph Chaumonot and Claude Dablon were -selected. They reached Onondaga, and after a formal reception by the -sachems with harangues and exchange of wampum belts, the missionaries -were escorted to the spot given to them for their house and chapel. -Two springs, one salt and one of clear, sparkling fresh water, still -known as the Jesuits’ well, mark the knoll where St. Mary’s of Ganentaa -was speedily erected. The Canadian missionaries, from their resources -and alms contributed in France, spent large amounts to make this new -central mission adapted for all the fond hopes planned for its future -work in diffusing the gospel. - -[Illustration] - -The missionaries found the greatest encouragement in the interest -manifested, and in the numbers who came to solicit instruction. They -labored assiduously to gather the unexpected harvest; but mistrust -soon came, with reports of hostile action by the French. Dablon -returned to Canada, and a party of French under Captain Dupuis set -out to begin a settlement at Onondaga, while Fathers Le Mercier and -Menard went to extend the missions. They were welcomed with all the -formalities of Indian courtesy; and while Dupuis and his men prepared -to form the settlement, the missionaries erected a second chapel at -the Onondaga castle, which was attended from Ganentaa. Then René -Menard began a mission among the Cayugas, and Chaumonot, passing still -farther, visited the Seneca town of Gandagare, and that occupied by -the Scanonaenrat, many of whom were already Christians, and more ready -to embrace the faith. The Senecas themselves showed a disposition to -listen to Christian doctrines. Finding the field thus full of promise, -Chaumonot and Menard returned to Onondaga, whence they were despatched -to Oneida. Here they found less promise, but there were captive Hurons -to profit by their ministry. - -[Illustration: LAKE ONTARIO AND THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY. - -[From the _Jesuit Relation_ of 1662-1663, showing the relative -positions of the Five Nations, and Fort d’Orange (Albany). - -Cf. this with map _Pays des Cinq Nations Iroquoises_, preserved in the -Archives of the Marine at Paris, and engraved in Faillon, _Histoire de -la Colonie Française_, iii. 196; and with one cited by Harrisse (no. -239), _Le Lac Ontario avec les Lieux circonuoisins, et particulierement -les Cinq Nations Iroquoises, l’Année_ 1688, which he would assign to -Franquelin.—ED.]] - -Meanwhile Father Le Moyne had visited the Mohawk canton from Canada, -and prepared the way for a mission in that tribe. - -Thus at the close of 1656 missionaries had visited each of the Five -Nations, and all seemed ready for the establishment of new and thriving -missions. The next year signs of danger appeared. A party of Hurons -compelled to remove to Onondaga were nearly all massacred on the way, -the missionaries Ragueneau and Duperon in vain endeavoring to stay the -work of slaughter, which was coolly ascribed to them. The Mohawks, -though they received Le Moyne, were openly hostile. They attacked -a flotilla of Ottawas at Montreal, and slew the missionary Leonard -Garreau, who was on his way to the far West, to establish missions on -the upper lakes. - -[Illustration] - -The missionaries in the cantons and the little French colony at -Onondaga were soon evidently doomed to a like fate. So evident was the -hostility of the Five Nations, that Governor d’Ailleboust arrested -all the Iroquois in Canada to hold them as hostages. The missionaries -at Ganentaa saw their danger, and through the winter formed plans for -escape. At last, in March, they prepared for a secret flight, and to -cover their design gave a banquet to the Onondagas, adopting the kind -in which, according to Indian custom, all the food must be eaten. -Dances and games were kept up till a late hour; and when the weary -guests at last departed, the French, who had amid the din borne to -the water’s edge boats and canoes secretly prepared in their house, -embarked, and, plying oar and paddle all night long, reached Lake -Ontario unseen and undiscovered even by a wandering hunter. It was -not till the following evening that the Onondagas, finding the house -at Ganentaa still and quiet, discovered that the French had vanished. -But the mode of escape was long a mystery to them, so cautiously and -adroitly had all the preparations for flight been made. - -Le Moyne, in similar peril on the Mohawk, wrote a farewell letter, -which he committed to the Dutch authorities; but the sachems of the -tribe suddenly sent him to Montreal in the care of a party, so that -in March, 1657, the Jesuit missionaries had all withdrawn from the -territory of the Five Nations, after their short but laborious effort -to open the eyes of the people to the truths of religion. - -The Iroquois then dropped the mask, and war parties swept through -the French colony, filling it with fire and blood. Yet the influence -of the missionaries had not been in vain. One able man, Garakonthié, -had listened and studied, though his unmoved countenance gave no -token of interest or assent. He became the protector of the Indian -Christians and of French prisoners, as well as an open advocate of -peace. Saonchiogwa, the Cayuga sachem, embraced his views, and in the -summer of 1660 appeared at Montreal as an envoy of peace, restoring -some prisoners and demanding a missionary for Onondaga. The Governor -of Canada hesitated to ask any of the Jesuit Fathers to undertake so -perilous a duty; but as the lives of the French at Onondaga depended on -it, Father Le Moyne intrepidly undertook the mission. He was waylaid -by Oneidas, but escaped, and reached Oswego. Garakonthié came out to -meet him. Once more peace was ratified. Nine prisoners accompanied -Garakonthié to Montreal, Le Moyne remaining; but so frail was the -newly established peace, that war parties from Mohawk and Onondaga -slew, near Montreal, two zealous Sulpitians, the Rev. Messrs. Vignal -and Le Maître. Though aware that any moment might be his last, Le -Moyne labored on at Onondaga and Cayuga among Huron captives and -native Iroquois, many, especially women, having become Christians, and -instructing others whom they brought to the missionary. His labors -ended in the spring of 1661, when he returned to Canada with the rest -of the French captives. - -Again war was resumed, and though there were negotiations for peace, -and even applications for missionaries, the French Government, weary of -being the sport of Indian treachery, resolved to humble the Iroquois. -Regular troops and a body of colonists were sent from Europe, and -preparations made for a vigorous war. Forts were erected on the -Sorel River and Lake Champlain to cover Canada and aid in operations -against the Mohawks and Oneidas. The western cantons, influenced by -Garakonthié, proposed peace, and their proposals were accepted. Then, -in 1665, De Courcelles led a force, on snow-shoes, to the very castles -of the Mohawks, and though the tribe was warned in time to escape, -their flight had its effect on the other cantons. The Oneidas asked for -peace, and the Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas renewed their request. -De Tracy, the Viceroy of Canada, led in person a force of twelve -hundred French and one hundred Indians to the Mohawk country, and laid -it waste, burning all their towns and destroying all their stores of -provisions. - -This exhibition of strength compelled the Mohawks to sue for peace. -All the cantons united in the treaty, and all solicited missionaries. -Once more were the Jesuits to undertake to propagate Christianity in -the towns of the Iroquois league, which had been so uniformly hostile -to the French and their allies. In July, 1667, Fathers Fremin, Bruyas, -and Pierron set out for the field of their mission work, trusting -their lives to a Mohawk party. They reached Gandawagué, and there and -elsewhere found Christians. A chapel in honor of St. Mary was raised, -and Fremin, sending Bruyas to Oneida, began his labors seriously. -Pierron, after visiting Albany, returned to Quebec, and in May, 1668, -Onondaga was assigned to Father Julian Garnier. Then De Carheil began -St. Joseph’s mission at Cayuga; and Fremin, leaving Pierron on the -Mohawk, set out for the Seneca country to establish a mission there. - -Missionaries were thus at their labors in all the cantons, reviving -the faith of the captive Hurons, and winning the better disposed to -the faith. At Onondaga, Garakonthié during his life was the great stay -of the missions. He did not at once embrace Christianity; but after -mature deliberation was baptized with great solemnity in the cathedral -of Quebec in 1669, and persevered to his death, respected by English, -Dutch, and French, and by the Indians of the Five Nations, as a man -of remarkable ability and virtue. The Mohawk canton gave to the faith -Catharine Ganneaktena, an Erie captive, who founded subsequently a -mission village on the St. Lawrence; Catharine Tehgahkwita, a Mohawk -girl whom Canada reveres to this day as a saint; the Chief Assendasé; -and subsequently Kryn, known as the Great Mohawk: Oneida gave the -Chief Soenrese. Everywhere the missionaries found hearers, and among -them many with courage enough to throw off the old ideas and accept -Christianity with the strict obligations it imposed. The liquor which -was sold without check at Albany made drunkenness prevalent throughout -the castles of the Five Nations, brutalizing the braves; and these -degraded men became tools of the medicine-men, who, clinging to the old -belief, rallied around them the old Pagan party. But it is a remarkable -fact that the Jesuit missionaries, while they did not succeed in -making the Five Nations Christian, overthrew the worship of Agreskoué, -or Tharonhiawagon, their old divinity, so completely that his name -disappeared; and even those Iroquois who to this day refuse to accept -Christianity, nevertheless worship Niio or Hawenniio, God or the Lord, -who is no other than the God preached by the Jesuits in their almost -hopeless struggle in the seventeenth century. - -The Christians in the cantons were subjected to so many annoyances -and petty persecutions, that gradually some sought homes with the -Hurons at Lorette; but when, in 1669, the Jesuits offered La Prairie -de la Magdelaine, a tract owned by them opposite Montreal, the -Iroquois Christians began there the mission of St. Francis Xavier. -The opportunity of being free from all molestation, of enjoying their -religion in peace, led many to emigrate from the castles in New York, -and a considerable village grew up, which the French fostered as a -protection to Canada. This mission in time was moved up to Sault St. -Louis, and became the present village of Caughnawaga, of which St. -Regis is an offshoot. About the same time Iroquois Christians gathered -at the Sulpitian Mission of the Mountain formed a village there -beside that of the Algonquins, and this, removed to the Lake of the -Two Mountains, still subsists, the same church serving for the flock -divided in language. - -These missions, continually recruited by accessions of converts from -New York, afforded the missionaries the best opportunity for improving -the Indians, and the spirit of religious fervor prevailed. The daily -devotions, the zeal and piety of these new Christians, won encomiums -from the bishop and clergy and from the civil authorities. - -The sachems of the league saw with no favorable eye this emigration -which was building up Iroquois settlements in Canada; for at Quinté -Bay, Lake Ontario, was a third, chiefly of Cayugas, among whom the -Sulpitians became missionaries. Finding their own efforts to recall the -emigrants fruitless, the sachems complained to the English authorities. -Dongan, the able governor of New York, whose great object was to -exclude the French from the territory south of the great lakes, took up -the matter in earnest. He brought over English Jesuits to replace those -of France in the missions in the cantons from the Mohawk to Seneca -Lake, and offered the Christian Iroquois in Canada a tract at Saratoga, -promising them a missionary and special protection. The fall of James -II. prevented the successful issue of this plan; but the opposition -made manifest in the English policy roused the old feeling in the -Iroquois, and when De la Barre, and subsequently Denonville, marched -to attack the Iroquois, the missionaries, no longer safe, abandoned -their missions. John de Lamberville, at Onondaga, was the last of the -missionaries, and he remained in his chapel till news arrived that -Denonville had seized many of the Iroquois in order to send them to the -galleys in France, and was advancing at the head of an army. His life -was forfeited, but the magnanimous sachems would not punish him for the -crime of another. They sent him safely back under an escort. - -[Illustration] - -Thus the Jesuit missions in New York ended virtually in 1687. Father -Milet, captured at Fort Frontenac, was a prisoner at Oneida from 1689 -to 1694; and in spite of a severe law passed by New York in 1700, -Bruyas, the very next year, endeavored to revive the Iroquois missions; -but they never recovered any of their old importance, and were finally -abandoned in 1708, when the last Jesuit missionary retired to Albany. -Thenceforth the Jesuits devoted themselves to their mission at Sault -St. Louis; though at a later period the Sulpitian Picquet gathered a -new mission at the Presentation, now Ogdensburg, in 1748. - -[Illustration] - -During the period of the main missions in the tribes from 1668 to -1687, the baptisms—chiefly of infants, and adults in danger of -death—were about two hundred and fifty a year in the Five Nations; no -permanent church or mission-house was erected, and the result of their -teachings was the only monument. This was not slight: many were sincere -Christians, frequenting Montreal and Philadelphia for the practice of -their religion, while the Moravian and other later missionaries found -these converts, from a knowledge of Christian thought and prayers, -valuable auxiliaries in enabling them to reach the heathen Iroquois. -Pennsylvania, which had English Jesuit missionaries in her borders, -wisely employed their influence to attract Catholic Iroquois to the -chapel in Philadelphia, in order to win through them the good-will of -the cantons. - -Towards the close of the Jesuit missions in New York, the Recollects -appeared within the Iroquois limits at Quinté Bay and Niagara, during -La Salle’s sway; but they made no serious effort to found a mission, -though Father Hennepin obtained Bruyas’ works on the Mohawk language, -in order to fit himself for the task. After the extinction of the -Jesuits, secular priests continued the missions at Sault St. Louis and -St. Regis, which still exist. - - -THE OTTAWA MISSIONS.—In the geographical distribution of the country, -the district around Lake Superior acquired at an early period the -name of the country of the Ottawas, from the first tribe which opened -intercourse with the French. The Jesuits, after establishing their -missions among the Hurons, soon extended their care to the neighboring -Algonquin tribes, and in 1641 Father Jogues and Father Raymbault -visited the Chippewas of Sault Ste. Marie. But the overthrow of the -Wyandots and the desertion of their country interrupted for years all -intercourse between the French on the St. Lawrence and the tribes -on the upper lakes. Yet in 1656 an Ottawa flotilla reached the St. -Lawrence, and the missionaries Garreau and Druillettes set out with -them for the West; but near Montreal Island they were ambushed by the -Iroquois, and Garreau was left weltering in his blood. Undeterred by -his fate or by the hardships and perils of the long journey, the aged -Menard, a veteran of the Huron and Cayuga missions, set out, encouraged -by Bishop Laval, with another Ottawa flotilla, in July, 1660, expecting -no fate but one that would appall most men. “Should we at last die -of misery,” he wrote, “how great our happiness will be!” Paddling -all day, compelled to bear heavy burdens, deprived of food, and even -abandoned by his brutal Ottawa guides, Menard at last reached a bay -on the southern shore of Lake Superior on the festival of St. Teresa, -and named it in her honor. It was apparently Keweenaw Bay. “Here,” he -wrote, “I had the consolation of saying mass, which repaid me with -usury for all my past hardships. Here I began a mission, composed of -a flying church of Christian Indians from the neighborhood of the -settlements, and of such as God’s mercy has gathered in here.” A chief -at first received him into his wigwam, but soon drove him out; and the -aged priest made a rude shelter of fir branches piled up, and in this -passed the winter laboring to instruct and console some as wretched -as himself. In the spring his zeal led him to respond to a call from -some fugitive Hurons who were far inland. He set out, but was lost at a -portage, and in all probability was murdered by a Kickapoo, in August, -1661. - -Claude Allouez was the next Jesuit assigned to this dangerous post. In -the summer of 1665 he set out, and reaching Chegoimegon Bay on Lake -Superior on the first of October, began the mission of La Pointe du St. -Esprit, content to labor there alone with no mission station and no -countrymen except a few fur-traders between his chapel and Montreal. -For thirty years he went from tribe to tribe endeavoring to plant the -faith of which he was the envoy. He founded the mission at Sault Ste. -Marie, those in Green Bay, the Miami, and, with Marquette, the Illinois -mission. He was the first of the missionaries to meet the Sioux and to -announce the existence of the great river Mesipi. His first labors were -among the Chippewas at Sault Ste. Marie, the Ottawas at La Pointe, and -the Nipissings at Lake Alimpegon. When reinforced by Fathers Nicolas, -Marquette, and Dablon, the last two took post at Sault Ste. Marie; and -Allouez, leaving the Ottawa mission to Father Marquette, who soon had -the Hurons also gather around him at La Pointe, proceeded to Green Bay, -where he founded, in December, 1669, the mission of St. Francis Xavier -and a motley village of Sacs and Foxes, Pottawatamies, and Winnebagoes. -His visits soon extended to other towns on the bay and on Fox River. - -At these missions the Jesuits, after their daily mass, remained for a -time to instruct all who came; then they visited the cabins to comfort -the sick, and to baptize infants in danger of death. Study of the -dialects of the various tribes cost hours of patient toil; and reaching -the western limit of the Algonquin tribes, they were already in contact -with the Winnebagoes and Sioux of a radically different stock,—the -Dakota. - -Marquette was preparing the way to the lodges of the Sioux, when -the folly of the Hurons and Ottawas provoked that tribe to war. The -Hurons fled to Mackinac, the Ottawas to Manitouline, and Marquette was -compelled to defer his projected Sioux and Illinois missions. - -The field seemed full of promise, and other missionaries were sent -out. They labored amid great hardships, and suffered much from the -brutality of the Indians. With tribes that were constantly shifting -their camping-grounds, it was difficult to maintain any regular system -of instruction for adults, or to bring the young to frequent the -chapel with any assiduity. Lay brothers, skilled as smiths and workers -in metal, were powerful auxiliaries in winning the good-will of the -Indians, as they repaired guns and other weapons and utensils. They -were the first manufacturers of the West, visiting the copper deposits -of Lake Superior, to obtain material for crucifixes, medals, and -other similar objects, which the missionaries distributed among their -converts. Yet even these lay brothers and their helpers, the volunteer -_donnés_, were not free from danger, and tradition claims that one of -them was killed by the brutal men whom they had so long served so well. - -Of these missions, that at Mackinac, with its Hurons and Ottawas, -became the largest and most fervent. The former were more easily -recalled to their long-forgotten Christian duties, and the Ottawas -benefited by their example. Between 1670 and 1680 this mission, then -at Point St. Ignace, numbered five hundred Hurons and thirteen hundred -Ottawas. - -The missions at Green Bay could show much less progress among the Sacs -and Foxes, Mascoutens, Pottawatamies, and Menomonees. - -Father Marquette, setting out in June, 1673, from Mackinac with Louis -Jolliet, ascended the Fox, and reaching the Wisconsin by a portage, -entered the Mississippi, which they descended to the villages of the -Quappas or Arkansas. Returning by way of the Illinois River, the Jesuit -gave the Kaskaskias the first instructions, and was so encouraged that -he returned to found a mission, but died before he could reach his -chapel at Mackinac. This Illinois mission was continued by Allouez, who -visited it regularly for several years from his headquarters among the -Miamis. - -There had arisen by this time a strong government opposition to the -Jesuits, based partly on a hostility to the order which had always -prevailed in France, but heightened in Canada by the fact that in the -struggle between the civil authorities and the bishop with his clergy -in regard to the selling of liquor to the Indians, the Jesuits were -regarded as the most stanch and active adherents of the bishop. This -feeling led to the recall of the Recollects. They found, however, -few avenues for their labors. Several were assigned to Cavelier de la -Salle, to accompany him on his explorations. One was stationed at Fort -Frontenac, and Father Hennepin made some attempt to acquire a knowledge -of Iroquois; but no mission work is recorded there or at Niagara, where -Father Watteau was left. - -Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, with Hennepin and Zenobius Membré, -proceeded westward, and when La Salle established his post on the -Illinois, which he called Fort Crèvecœur, the three Franciscans -attempted a mission. Then Father Zenobius took up his residence in an -Illinois wigwam. He found great difficulty, and was not destined to -continue the experiment long. Hennepin, sent off by La Salle, descended -to the Mississippi, and fell into the hands of the Sioux, who carried -him up to the falls which still bear the name he conferred, “St. -Anthony’s.” He was rescued after a time by Du Lhut, but can scarcely -be said to have founded a mission. The Iroquois drove the French from -Fort Crèvecœur by their attack on the Illinois, Father Gabriel was -killed on the march by wandering Indians, and the attempted Recollect -mission closed. After La Salle’s descent of the Mississippi and -departure from the west, Allouez resumed his labors in Illinois, and -was followed by Gravier, who placed the mission on a solid basis, and -reduced the language to grammatical rules. Binneteau, the Marests, -Mermet, and Pinet came to join in the good work. The Illinois seemed to -show greater docility than did the tribes on Lake Superior and Green -Bay. The missionaries were stationed among the Kaskaskias, Cahokias, -Peorias, and Tamaroas. French settlements grew up in the fertile -district, and marriages with converted Indian women were not uncommon. -These missions flourished for several years, and a monument of the zeal -of the Jesuits exists in a very extensive and elaborate dictionary of -the language, with catechism and prayers, apparently the work of Father -le Boulanger. - -When Iberville reached the mouth of the Mississippi he was accompanied -by Jesuit Fathers; but at that time no regular mission was attempted at -the mouth of the river. - -The Seminary of Quebec resolved to enter the wide field opened by the -discovery of the Mississippi. Under the authority of the Bishop of -Quebec, the Rev. Francis de Montigny, the Rev. Messrs. St. Côme and -Davion were sent to Louisiana in 1698. They took charge of the Tamaroa -mission on the Illinois, and attempted missions among the Natchez, -Taensas, and Tonicas; but the Rev. Mr. St. Côme, who was stationed at -Natchez, and the Rev. Mr. Foncault were killed by roving Indians. Then -the priests of the Quebec Seminary withdrew from the lower Mississippi, -but continued to labor at Tamaroa, chiefly for the French, till the -closing years of French rule. - -The Indian missions of Louisiana were then assigned to the Jesuits, -who were allowed to have a residence in New Orleans, but were excluded -from all ministry among the colonists. Their principal missions, among -the Arkansas, Yazoos, Choctaws, and Alibamons were continued till the -suppression of the order. At the time of the Natchez outbreak, the -Jesuit Father du Poisson, who had stopped at the post to give the -settlers the benefit of his ministry in the absence of their priest, -was involved in the massacre; Father Souel was butchered by the Yazoos -whom he was endeavoring to convert, and Father Doutreleau escaped in -a most marvellous manner. In the subsequent operations of the French -against the Chickasaws, Father Sénat, accompanying a force of French -and Illinois as chaplain, was taken and put to death at the stake, -heroically refusing to abandon the wounded and dying. - -These Louisiana missions extended to the country of the Sioux, where -several attempts were made by Father Guignas, who was long a prisoner, -and by other Jesuit Fathers. Aubert died by the hands of the Indians -while trying to reach and cross the Rocky Mountains with La Verenderye. - -The increasing hostility to the Jesuits naturally weakened their -missions, which received a death-blow from the suppression of the order -in France,—a step carried out so vindictively in Louisiana, that all -the churches at their Indian missions were ordered to be razed to the -ground. - -As Canada fell to England and Louisiana to Spain, the work of the -Jesuit missionaries in French North America ended. Their record is -a chapter of American history full of personal devotedness, energy, -courage, and perseverance; none can withhold the homage of respect -to men like Jogues, Brebeuf, Garnier, Buteux, Gravier, Allouez, and -Marquette. Men of intelligence and education, they gave up all that -civilized life can offer to share the precarious life of wandering -savages, and were the first to reveal the character of the interior of -the country, its soil and products, the life and ideas of the natives, -and the system of American languages. They made known the existence -of salt springs in New York, and of copper on Lake Superior; they -identified the ginseng, and enabled France to open a lucrative trade in -it with China; they planted the first wheat in Illinois and the first -sugar in Louisiana. Their missions did not equal in results those of -the Franciscans in Florida, Texas, New Mexico, and California,—not -from any lack of personal ability or devotion to their work, but -because they were at the mercy of trading companies, which allowed them -a stipend just sufficing for their moderate wants; but neither company -nor government made any outlay for such mission-work as would have -enabled the missionaries to carry out any general plan for civilizing -the natives. The Spanish Government, on the contrary, dealt directly -with the missionaries, and did all to insure the success of their -teaching. When a mission was to be established in Texas, New Mexico, -or California, with the missionaries went a party of soldiers to erect -a _presidio_ or garrison-house as the nucleus of a settlement. These -soldiers took their families with them; civilized Indians from Mexico -who had acquired some European arts and trades were also sent, as being -able to understand the character of the Indians better. With the party -went horses, cattle, sheep, swine, agricultural implements, grain and -seeds for planting, looms, etc. Then a mission was established, and as -converts were made in the neighboring tribes, they were brought into -the mission, and there taught to read and write in Spanish, instructed -religiously, and trained to agriculture and trades. The mission was -under discipline like a large factory, and each family shared in the -profit. - -The defect of the system was that no provision was made for the -gradual settling apart from the mission of those who showed ability -and judgment, allowing them to manage for themselves, and replacing -them by others. They were kept too long in the degree of vassals, with -no incentive to acquire manhood and independence. Accordingly, when -the missions were suppressed, the Indians, who had never acted for -themselves, were left in a state of helplessness. - -Such a system in Canada would have saved the Indians of the St. -Lawrence Valley and Upper Canada. What was accomplished, was effected -by the indomitable energy of individuals,—the Jesuits, laboring most -earnestly and continuously, effecting most; the Sulpitians ranking -next; then the Priests of the Foreign Missions, and the Recollects. -In our time the work of winning the Indians to the Catholic faith, or -retaining them among its adherents, has devolved almost entirely on -the Oblates of Mary Immaculate in Canada and Oregon, the Jesuits and -Benedictines in the United States. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE works bearing directly or mainly on the history of the Catholic -missions in Canada and the other parts of the northern continent once -claimed by France embrace so large a collection, that, instead of the -missions being an incident in the civil history, the civil history of -French America for much of its first century has to be gleaned from the -annals of its missionary work. - -For the first Recollect mission,—1615-1629,—the main authority is -Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons, situé en l’Amérique vers -la Mer douce, és derniers confins de la Nouvelle France, dite Canada_, -Paris, Denys Moreau, 1632; enlarged a few years later, and published -as _Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les Frères Mineurs Recollects y -ont faicts pour la conversion des infidelles_, Paris, Claude Sonnius, -1636. To each of these works is appended a _Dictionnaire de la Langve -Hvronne_, Paris, 1632. Sagard’s work is very diffuse, rich in details -on Indian life and customs, but gives little as to the civil history of -Canada.[681] - -Le Clercq, _Établissement de la Foi_, 2 vols. 12mo, 1691, translated -as _Establishment of the Faith_, 2 vols. 8vo, New York, 1881,[682] -gives in the first volume a clearer and more definite account of the -ecclesiastical history of Canada for the period embraced in the first -Recollect mission. - -The _Voyages de Champlain_, Paris, 1619, gives some account of -the introduction of the Recollects into Canada.[683] In Margry, -_Découvertes et Établissements des Français_, Paris, 1875, there are -two memoirs by the Recollects, drawn up to obtain permission to return -to Canada,—one made in 1637 (vol. i. p. 3), the other in 1684 (p. -18),—both bearing on their earlier labors. - -Le Clercq refers in two places[684] to “an ample Relation given to the -public” by the Recollects of Aquitaine for an account of their labors -in Acadia; but the work is still unknown to bibliographers and students. - -For the later Recollect missions, the sources to be consulted are -Father Christian Le Clercq, _Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspésie_, Paris, -1691, and the second volume of his _Établissement de la Foi_. Hennepin, -in his _Description de la Louisiane_, Paris, 1683, 1688, translated -as _Description of Louisiana_, New York, 1881, gives an account of -his own missionary career; but his _Nouvelle Découverte_ expands his -former work, and introduces matter of doubtful authenticity, while his -_Nouveau Voyage_ is based on the second volume of Le Clercq.[685] - -As bearing on the Recollect missions, cf. the _Voyage au Nouveau Monde_ -of Father Crespel, Amsterdam, 1757; in English in _Perils of the Ocean -and Wilderness_, Boston.[686] - - * * * * * - -On the Jesuit missions, the works to be consulted are, for the first -attempt in Acadia, Biard, _Relation de la Nouvelle France, de ses -Terres, Naturel des Terres, et de ses Habitans_, Lyons, 1616, reprinted -in the _Relations des Jésuites_, Quebec, 1858, and in fac-simile by -Dr. O’Callaghan; the accounts in the _Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu_ -for 1612, Lyons, 1618, and for 1611, Douay, 1618; Biard’s letter in -Carayon’s _Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada_, pp. 1-105; and an -adverse view in Lescarbot, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, 3d ed., -Paris, 1618. - -For the missions of Canada proper, the series of _Jesuit Relations_, -as they are generally called, volumes issued in Paris, beginning -with the “Lettre du Père Charles l’Allemant,” Paris, 1627 (also vol. -xiii. of the _Mercure Français_), as _Relation de ce qui s’est passé -en la Nouvelle France en l’année MDCXXVI_, and continued annually -from the _Briève Relation du Voyage de la Nouvelle France_, by Father -Paul le Jeune, printed by Cramoisy at Paris in 1632, down to the -year 1672, comprising in all a series of forty-one volumes. Besides -the religious information which it was their main object to convey, -in order to interest the pious in France in their mission work, the -Jesuits in these _Relations_ give much information as to the progress -of geographical discovery, the resources and fauna of the country, the -Indian nations, their language, manners, and customs, their wars and -vicissitudes. The volumes have been much sought by collectors, and -the whole series was reprinted by the Canadian Government at Quebec -in 1858, in three large octavo volumes, under the title of _Relations -des Jésuites_. Though some _Relations_ were reprinted and translated -into Latin, complete sets have never been common. In Le Clercq’s -_Établissement de la Foi_ there is a bitter and satirical review of -these Jesuit _Relations_, but the writer evidently had only eight or -nine of the volumes; and Arnauld, the great enemy of the Jesuits, -having his attention drawn to them by Le Clercq’s work, found great -difficulty in getting copies of any, but finally discovered fourteen -in “a great library.” Dr. E. B. O’Callaghan drew attention to them in -a paper before the New York Historical Society, and several collectors -endeavored to complete sets. Mr. James Lenox obtained nearly all, -reprinting two that exist in almost unique copies. Matter was prepared -for subsequent volumes by the Superiors of the Canada missions, -and the _Relations_ for 1672-73, 1675, 1673-79, 1696, and separate -_Relations_ bearing on the Abenaki, Illinois, and Louisiana missions -have been printed to correspond with the old _Relations_; and many -of these were reprinted under the title of _Relations Inédites de la -Nouvelle France_, 2 vols., 12mo, Paris, 1861. The autobiography of -the missionary Chaumonot has also been issued (New York, 1858; Paris, -1869); and _Lives of Father Isaac Jogues and Brebeuf_, by Father -Felix Martin (Paris, 1873, etc.). One work called forth by the Jesuit -missions in Canada is the _Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquains comparées -dux mœurs des premiers Temps_, by Father Lafitau, long a missionary at -Sault St. Louis, and author also of a treatise on the Ginseng.[687] - -[Illustration: IROQUOIS FIVE NATIONS AND MISSION SITES, - -1656-1684 (_John S. Clark_, 1879).] - -For the Louisiana mission there are some letters in the _Lettres -Édifiantes_, which are also given in Rt. Rev. W. I. Kip, _Early Jesuit -Missions in North America_, New York, 1847. The close of that mission -is described in Carayon, _Bannissement des Jésuites de la Louisiane_, -Paris, 1865. Besides the works in French, there is a _Breve Relatione -d’alcune Missione_, by Father Joseph Bressani, a Huron missionary -captured and tortured by the Mohawks. It appeared at Macerata in -1653, and a French translation of it by F. Félix Martin was issued -in Montreal in 1852. The work of Du Creux, _Historia Canadensis_, -Paris, 1664, gives a summary of the mission work of the Jesuits in -Canada. Father Marquette’s account of his voyage down the Mississippi -was first printed by Thevenot, _Recueil de Voyages_, Paris, 1681, and -was translated into Dutch and issued by Vander Aa. It was printed -from the original manuscript by Mr. James Lenox,—_Récit des Voyages -et des Descouvertes du R. Père Jacques Marquette_,—and had been -previously translated and published by J. G. Shea in his _Discovery and -Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, New York, 1852. - - * * * * * - -The history of the Sulpitian missions is to be found chiefly in recent -works: Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada_, 3 vols., -Montreal, 1854; _Vie de la Sœur Bourgeoys_, 1853; _Vie de Mlle. Mance_, -2 vols., 1854. Belmont, _Histoire du Canada_, Quebec, 1840; Dollier -de Casson, _Histoire de Montreal_, Montreal, 1869; and _Voyage de MM. -Dollier et Galinée_, Montreal, 1875, are printed from manuscripts of -early missionaries of that body. - -Of the missions founded by the Seminary of Quebec nothing has been -printed except the _Relation de la Mission du Mississippi du Séminaire -de Québec en_ 1700, New York, 1861. The vast and successful Spanish -missions, extending from the Chesapeake to the Gulf of California, have -a literature of their own, of which it is not our province to treat. - -[Illustration] - -NOTE.—The map on the preceding page is a reproduction of a part of a -map by Gen. John S. Clark, showing the missionary sites, 1656-1684, -in the Iroquois country. It appeared in Dr. Charles Hawley’s _Early -Chapters of Cayuga History_, Auburn, 1879, which had an Introduction on -the _Jesuit Relations_ by Dr. Shea. - - -THE JESUIT RELATIONS, - -AND OTHER MISSION RECORDS. - -A CHRONOLOGICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE main bibliographical sources for this study pertain to the Jesuit -missions, as follows:— - -LE PÈRE AUGUSTE CARAYON: _Bibliographie historique de la Compagnie de -Jésus, ... depuis leur Origine jusqu’à nos jours_, Paris, 1864, 4º. - -[Illustration] - -HENRY HARRISSE: _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, 1545-1700, Paris, -1872. He says, no. 49, that no library (1870-71) has a complete set -of the _Jesuit Relations_; and adds that, including those of 1616 and -1627, a full set consists of fifty-four volumes, nine of which are -second editions, and one a Latin translation. He had inspected all but -one. - -E. B. O’CALLAGHAN: a catalogue raisonnée (1632-1672), in the _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1847, p. 140, also printed separately. Field -(_Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,146), in noticing this essay, says that -Dr. O’Callaghan enumerates only forty titles, of which the Carter-Brown -Collection had thirty-six; Harvard College, thirty-five; Henry C. -Murphy, twenty-nine. “Of the forty-eight now [1873] known to exist, Mr. -Murphy has secured all but three.” Dr. O’Callaghan at that time named -twenty libraries, public and private, in the United States which had -sets more or less imperfect. The volumes of some years were not very -scarce, those of 1648-1649 and 1653-1654 being known in ten copies in -these libraries, while there were at that time no copies at all of the -years 1655 and 1659; and these, marked by titles varying from the usual -form, are still the rarest of the series. - -The O’Callaghan pamphlet was reissued at Montreal in 1850 in a French -translation by Father Martin, the superior of the Jesuits in Canada, -who amended the text in places, and included the Biard _Relation_ of -1613. He also gave an account of unprinted ones still preserved in -Canada which were written subsequent to 1672, when the annual printing -of them ceased. - -Deriving help from this and other sources, Dr. O’Callaghan issued -privately, in 1853, a broadside, with an amended list of the -_Relations_ and their several principal repositories,—State Library, -Albany; Harvard College Library; the Parliamentary Library, Quebec; -and the private libraries of Mr. Carter-Brown of Providence, Mr. Lenox -of New York, Rev. Mr. Plante, Mr. O. H. Marshall of Buffalo, and Mr. -George Bancroft. - -In June, 1870, Dr. O’Callaghan issued a circular asking information -of owners of the volumes for a second edition of his tract; but I -cannot learn that the new edition was ever published. At the sale of -Dr. O’Callaghan’s library December, 1882, his _Catalogue_, p. 105, -showed 31 of the series; and they brought $1,068.45. Dr. O’Callaghan -contributed a paper on the _Relations to the International Magazine_, -iii. 185. - -CARTER-BROWN LIBRARY: _Catalogue_, vol. ii. p. 164. - -LENOX LIBRARY: _Contributions_, no. ii., _The Jesuit Relation_, etc., -New York, 1879. The _Relation_ of 1659, of which the copy in the -Library of the Canadian Parliament was supposed to be unique, was -reprinted in fac-simile by Mr. Lenox. In 1854, at the destruction of -the Parliamentary Library at Montreal, its series of these _Relations_, -forty-three in number (except eight), and including this unique volume, -was destroyed. This _Contribution_ shows the Lenox Library to possess -forty-nine out of the series of fifty-five, counting different editions -of the forty-one titles, from 1632 to 1672, making the fifty-five to -include two translations and twelve second or later editions. The -Lenox series lacks nos. 1, 28, and 35, as enumerated, and of no. 35 -the Carter-Brown Library has the only copy known in America. The Lenox -Library also lacks the first issue of no. 2, and the second issue of -nos. 3 and 5. It has four duplicates, with slight variations. - -These _Relations_ will also be found entered under their respective -authors in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ and in Field’s _Indian Bibliography_. - - * * * * * - -The reason of the rarity of these books may lie in part in the -smallness of the editions, but probably most in the avidity of readers, -and consequent destruction; for Charlevoix says, “They were at the time -extremely relished in France.” Of their character, the same authority -says: “There is no other source to which we can apply for instruction -as to the progress of religion among the savages, or for a knowledge of -these people, all of whose languages the Jesuits spoke. The style of -these _Relations_ is extremely simple; but this simplicity itself has -not contributed less to give them a great celebrity than the curious -and edifying matter they contain.” Father Martin, in his translation -of Bressani, speaks (p. 8) Of these _Relations_ as the most precious -monument, and sometimes the only source, of the history of Canada, and -praises the impartial use made of them by Bancroft and Sparks. Parkman -says of them: “Though the productions of men of scholastic training, -they are simple and often crude in style, as might be expected of -narratives hastily written in Indian lodges or rude mission-houses in -the forest, amid annoyances and interruptions of all kinds. In respect -to the value of their contents, they are exceedingly unequal.... The -closest examination has left me no doubt that these missionaries wrote -in perfect good faith, and that the _Relations_ hold a high place as -authentic and trustworthy historical documents. They are very scarce, -and no complete collection of them exists in America.” Shea (_Le -Clercq_, i. 381) has a note of the contemporary discrediting of the -_Relations_ by rival orders. - -The series was reprinted by the Canadian Government in 1858 in -three octavo volumes, with bibliographical notes and synopses, -containing—vol. i. 1611, 1626, 1632 to 1641; ii. 1642 to 1655; iii. -1656 to 1672. These reprinted volumes are not now easy to find, and -have been lately priced at £7 10_s._ and 100 francs. Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 1,177; Lenox, _Jesuit Relations_, p. 14. - -There have been three supplemental and complemental issues of allied -and later _Relations_; one was printed at the expense of Mr. Lenox, -and the others had the editorial care of Dr. O’Callaghan and Dr. -Shea, of which notice will be taken under their respective dates. See -the lists of Shea’s “Cramoisy Series” (100 copies printed) in the -_Lenox Contributions_, p. 15; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 129 -and 1,397; and _Menzies Catalogue_, no. 1,811; and the _O’Callaghan -Catalogue_ for Dr. O’Callaghan’s series (25 copies printed). Dr. Shea’s -acquaintance with the subject was first largely evinced by his _History -of the Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes of the United States_, -1529-1854, published, at the instance of Jared Sparks, in New York in -1855 (Field, no. 1,392); and he published a list of early missionaries -among the Iroquois in the _Documentary History of New York_, iv. 189. - -The earliest summarizing of these _Relations_ or of those before -1656, was by the Père du Creux (or Creuxius, b. 1596, d. 1666) in his -_Historiæ Canadensis, sev Novæ Franciæ, libri decem_, Paris, 1664 -(pp. xxvi, 810, 4, map and thirteen plates). There are copies in -Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Lenox, and New York Historical Society -libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 333, £1 16_s._; Brinley, no. 82, $80; -Carayon, no. 1,322; Harrisse, no. 120; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 945, -with fac-simile of title; Leclerc, _Bibl. Amér._ no. 706, 500 fr.; -Ternaux, no. 823; Lenox, p. 10; O’Callaghan, no. 699; Huth, i. 367; -Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 3,561; Charlevoix (Shea’s edition), i. 81, -who says: “This extremely diffuse work was composed almost exclusively -from the Jesuit _Relations_. Father du Creux did not reflect that -details read with pleasure in a letter become unsupportable in a -continuous history.” “It contains, however,” says Dr. Shea, “some -curious statements, showing that he had other material.” The map, -_Tabula Novæ Franciæ anno 1660_, extends so as to include Hudson’s -Bay, Newfoundland, the Chesapeake, and Lake Superior; and it has a -corner-map, “Pars regionis Huronum hodie desertæ.” The map has been -reproduced in Martin’s translation of Bressani’s _Relation_ of 1653, -and is given in part on another page of the present volume. - -The _Relations_ were not much noticed by writers at the time, and few -allusions to them appear in contemporaneous works. One of the few -books which drew largely from them is _Le Nouveau Monde ou l’Amérique -Chrestienne.... Par M^e Charles Chavlmer, Historiographe de France_. -Paris, 1659. - -The story of the missions of New France necessarily makes part of -the general works of Charlevoix and the other Catholic historians, -particularly the _Histoire du Canada_ of Brasseur de Bourbourg, Paris, -1859, who depends largely upon Bancroft for his facts. Mr. Parkman, -not bound by the same ties, gives a view of the Jesuits’ character, -in his _Jesuits in North America_, which has been questioned by their -adherents. His book, however, is of the first importance; and Dr. -George E. Ellis, in the _Atlantic Monthly_, September, 1867, recounts, -in a review of the book, the historian’s physical disability, which -has from the beginning of his labor sadly impeded the progress of -his work. Cf. also Dr. Ellis’s sustained estimate of Parkman, in his -_Red Man and White Man in North America_, p. 259. The story of the -Jesuits’ trials contained in the _Lettres Edifiantes_ is translated -in Bishop W. I. Kip’s _Early Jesuit Missions in North America_, 1846, -and again, 1866. Cf. also _Magazine of American History_, iii. 767; M. -J. Griffin in _Canadian Monthly_, i. 344; W. B. O. Peabody’s “Early -Jesuit Missionaries in the Northwest,” in _Democratic Review_, May, -1844, reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_; Judge Law on the same -subject, in _Wisconsin Historical Society’s Collections_, iii. 89; and -Thébaud on the natives and the missions, in _The Month_, June, 1877; -Poole’s _Index_ gives other references, p. 683. Dr. Shea, at the end of -his _Catholic Missions_, p. 503, gives a list of his sources printed -and in manuscript. - -[Illustration: A CANADIAN (_from Creuxius_).] - - -Of the tribes encountered by the Jesuits, there is no better compact -account than Mr. Parkman gives in the Introduction to his _Jesuits in -North America_, where he awards (p. liv) well-merited praise to Lewis -H. Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_, and qualified commendation to -Schoolcraft’s _Notes on the Iroquois_, and gives (p. lxxx) a justly -severe judgment on his _Indian Tribes_. Mr. Parkman’s Introduction -first appeared in the _North American Review_, 1865 and 1866. - -[Illustration: THE OHIO VALLEY, 1600. - -This sketch follows one by Mr. C. C. Baldwin, accompanying an article -on “Early Indian Migrations in Ohio,” in the _American Antiquarian_, -i. 228 (reprinted in _Western Reserve Historical Society’s Tracts_, -no. 47), in which he conjecturally places the position of the tribes -occupying that valley at the opening of the seventeenth century. The -key is as follows: 1, Ottawas; 2, Wyandots and Hurons: 3, Neutrals; 4, -Iroquois; 5, Eries; 6, Andastes, or Susquehannahs; 7, Algonquins; 8, -Cherokees; 9, Shawnees; 10, Miamies; 11, Illinois; 12, Arkansas; 13, -Cherokees. (On the Andastes see Hawley’s _Cayuga History_, p. 36.) - -[Illustration] - -There is another map of the position of the Indians in 1600 in George -Gale’s _Upper Mississippi_, Chicago, 1867, p. 49; and Dr. Edward -Eggleston gives one of wider scope in the _Century Magazine_, May, -1883, p. 98. Cf. Henry Harvey’s _History of the Shawnee Indians_, -1681-1854, Cincinnati, 1855; and a paper by D. G. Brinton on the -Shawnees and their migrations, in the _Historical Magazine_, x. 21. -Judge M. F. Force, in _Some Early Notices of the Indians of Ohio_, -Cincinnati, 1879, an address before the Philosophical and Historical -Society of Ohio, has tracked the changing habitations of the tribes -of that region. There is a paper by S. D. Peet on the location of -the Indian tribes between the Ohio and the Lakes, in the _American -Antiquarian_, i. 85. William H. Harrison controverted the view that -the Iroquois ever conquered the valley of the Ohio, in his “Discourse -on the Aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio,” which was printed at -Cincinnati in 1838, at Boston in 1840, and in the Historical and -Philosophical Society of Ohio’s _Transactions_, vol. i. part 2d, p. -217; but compare C. C. Baldwin’s “Iroquois in Ohio, and the Destruction -of the Eries,” in _Western Reserve Historical Society’s Tracts_, no. -40. David Cusick (a Tuscarora) published _Sketches of Ancient History -of the Six Nations_, at Tuscarora Village, 1825, and again at Lockport, -N. Y., 1848. An historical sketch of the Wyandots will be found in -the _Historical Magazine_, v. 263; and Peter Clarke (a Wyandot) has -published the _Origin and Traditional History of the Wyandots_. See -references in Poole’s Index under Hurons, Iroquois, Indians, etc.] - -There is a rare book containing contemporary accounts of the savages, -which was written at Three Rivers in 1663, by the governor of that -place, the Sieur Pierre Boucher, and published in Paris in 1664, under -the title, _Histoire veritable et naturelle des Mœurs et Productions du -Pays de la Nouvelle France, vulgairement dite le Canada_. The author, -says Charlevoix (Shea’s edition, i. p. 80), should not be confounded -with the Jesuit of the same name; and he calls the book under -consideration a “superficial but faithful account of Canada.” There are -copies in the Harvard College, Lenox (_Jesuit Relations_, p. 10), and -Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_ ii. 941) libraries.[688] - -Another early account is the _Mémoire sur les Mœurs ... des Sauvages_, -by Nicholas Perrot, which remained in manuscript till it was edited by -Father Tailhan, and printed in 1864.[689] - -The Jesuit Lafitau published at Paris in 1724 his _Mœurs des Sauvages -Amériquains_ in two volumes, with various plates, which in the main -is confined to the natives of Canada, where he had lived long with -the Iroquois. Charlevoix said of his book, twenty years later, “We -have nothing so exact upon the subject;” and Lafitau continues to -hold high rank as an original authority, though his book is overlaid -with a theory of the Tartaric origin of the red race. Mr. Parkman -calls him the most satisfactory of the elder writers. (Field, no. 850; -Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 344, 345, 472; Sabin, vol. x. p. 22.) -There was a Dutch version, with the same plates, in 1731. - -Bacqueville de la Potherie’s _Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale_, -in four volumes, with a distinctive title to each (1722 and 1753), is -mainly a history of the Indians with which the French came in contact. -He wrote early in the last century, and his book saw several editions, -evincing the interest it created. His information is at second hand for -the early portions of the period covered (since Cartier); but of the -later times he becomes a contemporary authority. (Field, no. 66,) - -Of less interest in relation to the seventeenth century is Le -Beau’s _Voyage Curieux et Nouveau parmi les Sauvages de l’Amérique -Septentrionale_, published at Amsterdam in 1738,—a work, however, of a -semi-historical character, (Field, no. 901.) - -Cadwallader Colden’s _History of the Five Indian Nations_ was printed -by Bradford in New York in 1727, and is now very rare. Dr. Shea -reprinted it in 1866, and in his introduction and notes its somewhat -curious bibliographical history is learnedly traced. (Carter-Brown, -vol. iii. nos. 393, 394; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, 341; Menzies, -429, $210; Sabin, vol. v. p. 222.) The three later London editions -(1747, 1750, 1755) were altered somewhat by the English publishers, -without indicating the variations they introduced. (Carter-Brown, -vol. iii. nos. 847, 922, 1,049.) A portrait of Colden is given in the -_Historical Magazine_, ix. 1. Sulte, in his _Mélanges_, p. 184, has -an essay on the respective positions of the Iroquois and Algonquins -previous to the coming of the Europeans. - -D. G. Brinton, at the end of chap. i. of his _Myths of the New World_, -characterizes the different writers on the mythologies of the Indians; -and Mr. Parkman, _Jesuits_, etc., p. lxxxviii, notes some of the -repositories of Iroquois legends. - -A valuable paper on the origin of the Iroquois confederacy, by Horatio -Hale, is printed in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 241; and Mr. C. C. -Baldwin has a paper on the Iroquois in Ohio in the _Western Reserve -Historical Society_, no. 40, and another paper on the early Indian -migrations, in no. 47. Mr. Hale has further extended our knowledge by -the curious learning of his _Iroquois Book of Rites_, Cincinnati, 1883; -and he also printed in the _American Antiquarian_, January and April, -1883 (also separately Chicago, 1883), a scholarly paper on _Indian -Migrations as evidenced by Language_. - -So far as relates to the more easterly tribes coming within the range -of the Jesuits’ influence, Parkman’s description can be compared with -the plain matter-of-fact enumerations which make up the picture in -Palfrey’s _New England_, which are derived from authorities enumerated -in his notes. See various papers in the _Canadian Journal_. - -[Illustration] - -The general historians of New France necessarily give more or less -attention to the study of the Indians as the Jesuits found them; and -such a study is an integral part of Dr. George E. Ellis’s learned -monograph, _The Red Man and the White Man in North America_, whose -account of the different methods of converting the natives, pursued by -the French and the English, may be compared with that in Archbishop -Spalding’s _Miscellanea_, i. 333. - - * * * * * - - [In the enumeration below the initials of the repositories of copies - signify: =C.=, Library of Congress; =CB.=, Carter-Brown Library, - Providence; =F.=, Mrs. J. F. Fisher, Alverthorpe, Penn.; =GB.=, Hon. - George Bancroft, Washington; =HC.=, Harvard College; =J.=, Jesuits’ - College, Georgetown, D.C.; =K.=, Charles H. Kalbfleisch, New York; - =L.=, Lenox Library, N.Y.; =M.=, the late Henry C. Murphy, Brooklyn, - L.I.; =OHM.=, O. H. Marshall, Buffalo; =NY.=, New York State Library, - Albany; =SJ.=, St. John’s College, Fordham, N.Y.; =V.=, Catholic - Bishop of Vincennes, Indiana. - - Space is not taken in these notes to give full titles nor exhaustive - collations, which can be found in the authorities referred to, the - figures following them being to _numbers_; but the references to the - _Lenox Contributions_ is necessarily to pages.] - - -=1580.=—The Lenox bibliography begins the series of allied works with -_A Shorte and briefe narration of the two Navigations and Discoveries -to the northweast partes, called Newe France_, London, 1580. Harrisse, -_Notes sur la Nouvelle France,_ no. 5. - -=1605.=—De Monts’ Commission. See chapter iv. - -=1609.=—_Coppie d’une lettre envoyée de la Nouvelle France, par le -Sieur Cōbes,_ Lyons. (Harrisse, no. 20; Lenox, p. 3; Sabin, xiii. no. -56,083.) Dated “Brest-en-Canada, 13 Février, 1608.” The Carter-Brown -_Catalogue_ (vol. ii. no. 80) shows only a manuscript copy. Brunet -speaks of a single copy, sold and bought for America. - -=1610.=—_La Conversion des Savages ... baptizés en la Nouvelle -France_, Paris. Harrisse, no. 21; Lenox, p. 3; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. -no. 99. - -=1610.=—_Lettre missive, touchant la conversion ... du grand Sagamos_, -Paris. Lenox, p. 3; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 103 (manuscript only.) - -=1611.=—_Missio Canadensis. Epistola ex Porturegali in Acadia._ This -is a reprint, made for Dr. O’Callaghan at Albany in 1870 (25 copies), -following the letter as given in the _Annuæ litteræ Societatis Jesu_, -1611 and 1612. (Cf. Lenox, p. 18; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 119.) -Carayon says that this Annual extends from 1581 (imprint, 1583) to -1614; and then again, 1650-1654. There are incomplete sets in the -Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries. From the same source Dr. -O’Callaghan also reprinted _Relatio rerum gestarum in Nova Francia_, -1613, which relates to Biard’s mission. - -=1613.=—_Contract d’association des Jésuites au trafique de Canada_, -Lyons. (Harrisse, no. 28.) Tross’s reprint on vellum (12 copies only) -is in the Lenox (p. 4) and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 148) Collections. - -=1611-1613.=—_Canadicæ Missionis Relatio ab anno 1611 usque ad annum -1613, auctore Josepho Juvencio._ Dr. O’Callaghan’s reprint, no. 4. -(O’Callaghan, no. 1,980; Lenox, p. 18.) - -=1612.=—_Relation dernière de ce qui s’est passé au voyage du Sieur de -Poutrincourt en la Nouvelle France_, Paris. A description of the voyage -of Biard and Masse from Dieppe, Jan. 26, 1611. (Cf. Harrisse, no. 26.) - - COPY: HC. - -Upon this early mission, see Carayon, _Première mission des Jésuites -au Canada, lettres et documents inédits_, Paris, 1864. (Sabin, vol. -iii. no. 10,792.) These letters and others are cited by Harrisse, -nos. 397-400, 404-406. (Cf. Parkman’s _Pioneers_, p. 263.) Charlevoix -(Shea’s ed., p. 87) cites Juvency’s _Historiæ Societatis Jesu pars -quinta_, book xv., Rome, 1710, as elucidating events in Acadia in -1611. (Harrisse, no. 402.) For the trading relations of the Jesuits, -see Lescarbot (1618), p. 665; Champlain (1632), p. 100, and references -in Harrisse, no. 28, and Parkman’s _Old Régime_, p. 328. These early -Acadian missions are treated in the _Catholic World_, xii. 628, 826; -xxii. 666, and in _Historical Magazine_, xv. 313, 391; xvi. 41. - -The subject of the Capuchins and other Catholics on the Maine coast at -an early date is followed in _Historical Magazine_, viii. 301, and in -_Maine Historical Collections_, i. 323. Cf. Poor’s _Gorges_, p. 98. - -=1613-1614.=—_Relatio rerum gestarum in Nova-Francia Missione annis -1613 et 1614._ Lugduni. No. 6 of Dr. O’Callaghan’s reprints, Albany, -1871. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 170; O’Callaghan, no. 1,250; Lenox, p. -19. - -=1616.=—_Relation de la Nouvelle France ... faicte par le P. -Pierre Biard_, Lyons. Chaps. i. to viii. are on the country and its -inhabitants. Chap. xi. is on the arrival of the Jesuits in 1611; and -in Harrisse’s opinion, it constitutes a reply to the _Factum escrit et -publié contre les Jésuites_,—a publication of which we can find no -other trace. It also describes the labors of the missionaries and the -cruelties of Argall. See chap. iv. - -See Harrisse, no. 30, on the question of an earlier edition in 1612. -The Supplément of Brunet calls this 1612 edition spurious. (Carayon, -p. 178; Lenox, p. 4, for a copy, with title in fac-simile by Pilinski, -which yet cost 1,000 francs, as per Leclerc, no. 2,482.) A reprint, -“presque en fac-simile,” was made at Albany in 1871 from a copy owned -by Rufus King, of Jamaica, L. I. The Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 178) -has only this fac-simile, and it is noted in O’Callaghan, nos. 1,207, -1,971, where it is stated only twenty-five were printed, at $25 per -copy. - -=1626.=—_Coppie de la lettre escripte par le R. P. Denys Jamet, -Commissaire des PP. Recollestz de Canada._ Dated Quebec, Aug. 15, 1626. - - REFERENCES: Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 315. Dr. Shea thinks the date - should be 1620. It is from Sagard, p. 58. - -=1626.=—_Relation de ce qui s’est passé en la Nouvelle France, 1626. -Envoyée au Père Hierosme L’Allemant par Charles L’Allemant._ Paris, -1629. Reprinted (no. 7) in O’Callaghan’s series, from the text in -_Mercure François_, vol. xiii. - - REFERENCES: Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 351; O’Callaghan, nos. 1,210, - 1,250, 1,982; Lenox, p. 19. Le Clercq doubts L’Allemant’s authorship; - but see Shea’s _Le Clercq_, i. 329. - -=1627.=—_Lettre du Père Charles l’Allemant, Supérieur de la mission de -Canadas_, Paris, 1627. It bears date Aug. 1, 1626. - - REFERENCES: Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,680; Harrisse, no. 41; Faribault, - no. 361; Ternaux, no. 496; Carayon, p. 179; Lenox, p. 4; O’Callaghan, - no. 1,250. - -It was reprinted in 1871 in O’Callaghan’s series. (Carter-Brown, -vol. ii. no. 328; O’Callaghan, no. 1,208.) It first appeared in the -_Mercure François_, xiii. 1. This last publication appeared in Paris, -1611-1646, in twenty-three volumes, and contains much illustrative of -these early missions. There are sets of the _Mercure_ in the Boston -Athenæum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Boston Public libraries, etc. -The reprint of L’Allemant’s _Lettre_ in the Quebec edition of the -_Relations_, follows the text of the _Mercure_, which corresponds, -as is not always the case of these early _Relations_, with the -contemporary separate text, as Mr. Lenox has pointed out in the -_Historical Magazine_, iii. 19. Carayon, in his _Première Mission_, -translates from another letter of L’Allemant, preserved at Rome, and -of the same date, another account of these early Jesuit labors, which -he sent to Père Vitelleschi. L’Allemant’s name in the contemporary -publications is spelled with a single or double _l_, indifferently. - -Another of O’Callaghan’s series (Albany, 1870), was _Copie de trois -Lettres escrittes en 1625 et 1626 par le P. Charles Lallemand_. -O’Callaghan, nos. 1,209, 1,250; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 316. - -=1629.=—_Lettre du Rev. Père l’Allemand au Rev. Père Supérieur du -Collège des Jésuites à Paris, 22 Novembre, 1629._ It is found in -Champlain’s _Voyages_, and a reprint (no. 3) is in O’Callaghan’s -series, Albany, 1870. O’Callaghan, nos. 1,250, 1,979; Sabin, vol. x. -no. 38,681; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 390; Carayon, p. 179; Lenox, p. -18. It is translated in Shea’s _Perils of the Ocean and Wilderness_. - - * * * * * - - [The regular series of so-called RELATIONS, addressed to the - Provincial of the order in France, begins here.] - - -=1632.=—LE JEUNE. _Brieve Relation du Voyage de la Nouvelle France, -fait au mois d’Avril dernier, par le P. Paul le Jeune._ Paris, 1632. -Pages 68, one leaf for the Privilege. - - CONTENTS: The arrival and reinstatement of the order in Quebec, with - notices of the natives. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,260; Harrisse, no. 49; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,946. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 381, with fac-simile of title. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =M.= Others in the Arsenal and National - Libraries at Paris, etc. - - -It was reprinted in the _Mercure François_ for 1633. - - -=1633.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation de ce qui s’est passé en la Nouvelle -France en l’année 1633._ Paris, 1634. Pages 216 and Privilege, with -a cupid in the vignette, and errors of pagination. A second issue -has a ram’s head for a vignette, and some typographical variations. -These vignettes are at the top of p. 3; that with two storks is on the -titlepage. - - CONTENTS: Champlain’s arrival, and that of Brebeuf and Masse; Le - Jeune’s difficulties with the native language. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,261; Harrisse, nos. 55, 56; Sabin, vol. x. - no. 39,947-48; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 417; O’Callaghan, no. 1,212. - (2d issue). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.= (3d issue), =M.= - -There is an abridgment in the _Mercure François_ for 1633. - - -=1634.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation ... en l’année 1634._ Paris, 1635. Pages -4, 342, with pp. 321-22 numbered 323-24. A second issue corrects p. -321, but makes 337 to be 339. - - CONTENTS: Champlain’s Domestic Life; Labors of Missionaries; Habits of - Indians, and (chap. 9) Account of their Languages; Le Jeune’s Journal, - August, 1633, to April, 1634, while he was living with the savages. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,263. Harrisse, nos. 60, 61; Sabin, vol. x. - no. 39,949; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 307; Lenox, p. 4; O’Callaghan, - no. 1,235; Harrassowitz (1882, 180 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =F.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.= (1st ed.), =M.= - - -=1635.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation ... en l’année 1635._ Paris, 1636. Pages -4, 246, 2. - - CONTENTS: Report, dated August 28, 1635, ending on p. 112; Report from - the Huron country by Brebeuf, with “divers sentimens.” Report from - Cape Breton by Perrault. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,264; Harrisse, nos. 58, 63; Carter-Brown, - vol. ii. no. 436; Lenox, p. 5; Sabin, vol. x. nos. 39,950, 39,951; - O’Callaghan, no. 1,214; Leclerc, no. 778 (140 francs). Priced (1883), - $50. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.=, =OHM.= - - -=1635.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation_, etc. Avignon, 1636. - - CONTENTS: Same as the Paris edition. - - REFERENCES: Harrisse, no 64; Lenox, p. 5. - - COPIES: The Lenox _Contributions_ claims its copy as the only one now - known; if so, a third edition is represented in a defective copy noted - in O’Callaghan, no. 1,215. - - -=1636.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation ... en l’année 1636._ Paris, 1637. Pages -8, 272, 223. - - CONTENTS: Report; Death of Champlain, etc.; Brebeuf’s Huron report, - with account of the language, customs, etc. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,265; Harrisse, no. 65; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,952; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 446; Lenox, p. 5; Harrassowitz, - 1883 (125 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.= It does not appear whether copies - =GB.=, =M.=, =OHM.=, and =V.= are of this or of the following edition. - - -=1636.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation_, etc. Paris, 1637. Pages 199 in smaller -type than the preceding edition; the Huron report sometimes wanting, -though mentioned in the title, while it was not mentioned in the -preceding edition; but Sobolewski describes a copy which has this Huron -report, occupying 163 pages. - - REFERENCES: Harrisse, no. 66; Lenox, p. 5. - - -=1637.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation ... en l’année 1637._ Rouen, 1638. Pages -10,336 (pp. 193-196 omitted in paging), 256, with vignette of I. H. S. -supported by two angels on the title. A second issue has the I. H. S. -surrounded by rays, and there are other typographical changes in the -title only. A folding woodcut of fireworks between pp. 18 and 19. - - CONTENTS: Report about the missions and the Huron Seminary near - Quebec; Report by Lemercier from the Huron country, dated 1637. - - REFERENCES: Harrisse, nos. 67, 68; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,953; - Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 457; Lenox, p. 5; O’Callaghan, no. 1,216; - Harrassowitz, 1880 (150 francs); Leclerc, 779 (200 francs). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =M.=, =OHM.=, =L.= (both varieties). - -Harrisse, p. xiv, says the oldest original document he has found is a -memorandum of a gift, August 16, 1637, by the Duchesse d’Aiguillon to -the Réligieuses Hospitalières of Quebec (cf. also his no. 457). - -=1638.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation ... en l’année 1638._ Paris, 1638. Pages -4, 78, 2, 68. A second edition has pp. 4, 78, 76. Harrisse says it is -distinguishable by the last page being marked 67, correctly, and page -39 of the Huron report having the word _fidelle_ instead of _fidèle_; -but the whole volume is reset. - - CONTENTS: Report,—Failure of the Huron Seminary; Persecution of the - Fathers; Lemercier’s Report from the Huron Country, 1637-38, with - account of Lunar Eclipse, December, 1637. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,267; Harrisse, nos. 69, 70; Sabin, vol. - x. nos. 39,954, 39,955; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 458; Lenox, - p. 5; O’Callaghan, no. 1,217; Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,120; - Harrassowitz, 1883 (125 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.= (both eds.), =OHM.=, =NY.= - -Harrisse, p. 62, says a Latin version is included “dans le recueil du -P. Trigaut, Cologne, 1653.” - -=1639.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation ... en l’année 1639._ Paris, 1640. Pages -8, 166, 2, 174. A second edition was a page-for-page reprint, with -typographical changes on almost every page. The Privilege on the first -reads, _Par le Roy en son Conseil_, and is signed March 26, 1638; the -word _son_ is omitted in the second, and the date of this is Dec. 20, -1639. - - CONTENTS: Regular Report; Huron Report, June, 1638, to June, 1639. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,268; Harrisse, nos. 74, 75; Sabin, vol. - x. no. 39,956; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. pp. 481, 482; Lenox, p. 6; - O’Callaghan, no. 1,218; Harrassowitz, 1883 (125 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.= (both eds.), =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.= (both eds.). - -=1640.=—VIMONT. _Relation ... en l’année_ M. DC. XL. Paris, 1641. -Pages 8, 197, 3, 196; but 191 and 192 are repeated. - - CONTENTS: Report on the State of the Colony and the Missions; Report - from the Huron Country by Hierosme Lalemant, mentioning a map of the - Western country by Ragueneau. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,269; Harrisse, no. 76; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. p. 495; Lenox, p. 6; O’Callaghan, no. 1,219; Dufossé, no. 8,660 - (125 francs); Harrassowitz, 1883 (125 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.=, =OHM.= - -We derive the earliest mention of Jean Nicolet’s explorations about -Green Bay from this _Relation_, and what it says is translated in -Smith’s _Wisconsin_, vol. iii. See chapter v. of the present volume. - -=1640-1641.=—VIMONT. _Relation ... ès années 1640 et 1641._ Paris, -1642. Pages 8, 216, 104. Chap. vi. is numbered viii., and there are -other irregularities. - - CONTENTS: Report,—Missions News; Wars with the Iroquois; Tadousac - Mission; Report from the Huron Country by Lalemant, June, 1640, to - June, 1641; First mention of Niagara as Onguiaahra; a Huron Prayer - interlined. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,720; Harrisse, no. 77; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. p. 509; Lenox, p. 6; O’Callaghan, no. 1,220; Harrassowitz, 1883 - (100 marks). Cf. Faillon, _Hist. de la Col. Française_, vols. i. and - ii., chaps. 4 and 5, on this Iroquois War. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.= (two copies, with slight - variations), =OHM.= - -=1642.=—VIMONT. _Relation ... en l’année 1642._ Paris, 1643. Pages 8, -191, 1, 170; pp. 76, 77, omitted in paging. - - CONTENTS: Report,—Founding of Montreal; Capture of Jogues; Lunar - Eclipse, April 4, 1642; Lalemant’s Report from the Huron Country, - June, 1641, to June, 1642. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,271; Harrisse, no. 80; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 528; Lenox, p. 6; O’Callaghan, no. 1,221; Harrassowitz, 1883 - (125 marks); Dufossé, 1878 (180 francs). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.=, =V.= - -On Jogues’ exploration to the Sault Ste. Marie, see Margry, -_Découvertes_, i. 45; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 137. - -For references on the founding and early history of Montreal, see -Harrisse, p. 79. The Abbé Faillon’s _Histoire de la Colonie Française -en Canada_, Paris, 1865-1866, three volumes, with maps, pertains -chiefly to Montreal, and was left incomplete at the author’s death. - -[Illustration: MONTREAL AND ITS VICINITY. - -Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, iii. 375, gives a map of -Montreal preserved in the French archives,—_Plan de Villemarie et des -premières rues projetées pour l’établissement de la Haute Ville_. This -represents the town at about 1665. There is a fac-simile of another -plan of about 1680 preserved in the library of the Canadian Parliament, -the original being at Paris (_Catalogue_, 1858, p. 1,615). A plan of -1685 is given in _l’Héroïne Chrétienne du Canada, ou Vie de Mlle. le -Ber, Villemarie_, 1860. Charlevoix gives a map with the old landmarks, -and it is reproduced in Shea’s edition, ii. 170. A later one is in La -Potherie, 1753 edition, ii. 311 (given above), and one of about 1759, -in Miles’s _Canada_, p. 296.] - -He derives new matter from the public archives in France, goes over -afresh the whole history of Champlain’s career, and throws light on -points left dark by Charlevoix and the earlier narrators, and is in -some respects the best of the recent French historians; but Parkman -(_Jesuits_, p. 193) cautions us that his partisan character as an -ardent and prejudiced Sulpitian should be well kept in mind (cf. Field, -p. 518; and chap. vii. of the present volume). Dollier de Casson’s -_Histoire de Montréal_, 1640-1672, is a manuscript in the Mazarin -Library in Paris, of which Mr. Parkman has a copy. It was printed in -1871 by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, in the third -series of their historical documents. Parkman refers to (_Jesuits_, -p. 209), and gives extracts from, _Les véritables Motifs ... de la -Société de Notre Dame de Montréal pour la Conversion des Sauvages_, -which was published in 1643 as a defence against aspersions of the -“Hundred Associates.” It was probably printed at Paris. A copy some -years since passed into an American collection at 800 francs. A -transcript of a copy, collated by Margry, was used in the reprint -issued in the _Mémoires de la Société historique de Montreal_, in -1880, under the editing of the Abbé Verreau, who attributes it to -Olier, while Faillon has ascribed it to Laisné de la Marguerie. The -editor adds some important “notices bibliographiques et documentaires;” -some “notes historiques par le Commandeur Viger,” from an unpublished -work,—_Le Petit Registre_; a “liste des premiers Colons de Montreal.” -Of the older authorities, Le Clercq and Charlevoix (Shea’s edition, -note, ii. 129) are useful; but Charlevoix, as Parkman says, was not -partial to Montreal. The Société historique de Montreal began in 1859 -the publication of _Mémoires et Documents relatifs a l’histoire du -Canada_. The first number, “Dè l’Esclavage en Canada,” was the joint -work of J. Viger and L. H. Lafontaine, but it has little matter falling -within the present period; the second, “De la Famille des Lauson,” the -governor of New France after 1651, by Lafontaine, with an Appendix on -the “Vice-Rois et Lieutenants Generaux des rois de France en Amerique,” -by R. Bellemare; the third, “Ordonances de M^{r} Paul de Chomedey, -Sieur de Maisonneuve, premier gouverneur de Montreal,” etc; the fourth, -“Règne Militaire en Canada;” the fifth, “Voyage de Dollier et Galinée.” -See a paper on Montreal and its founder, Maisonneuve, in the _Canadian -Antiquarian_, January, 1878. Concerning the connection of M. Olier with -the founding of Montreal and the schemes connected with it for the -conversion of the savages, see Faillon, _Vie de M. Olier_, Paris, 1873, -iii. 397, etc., and references there cited; and also see Faillon, _Vie -de Mdlle. Mance_, Paris, 1854, and Parkman in _Atlantic Monthly_, xix. -723. - -=1642-1643.=—VIMONT. _Relation ... en l’années 1642 et 1643_. Paris, -1644. Pages 8, 309, 3. - - CONTENTS: Report,—Algonquin Letter, with interlinear Translation; - Founding of Sillery; Tadousac; Five Letters from Père Jogues about his - Captivity among the Iroquois, beginning p. 284, giving, in substance - only, the Latin narrative mentioned below; Declaration of the Company - of New France, that the Jesuits took no part in their trade; Further - notice of Nicolet’s Exploration towards the Mississippi. - -[Illustration: THE SITE OF MONTREAL. - - From Lescarbot’s map of 1609, showing the Mountain and the Indian - town, Hochelaga, the site of Montreal. Newton Bosworth’s _Hochelaga - Depicta_ was published in Montreal in 1839.] - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,272; Harrisse, no. 81; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 552; Lenox, p. 6; O’Callaghan, no. 1,222. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =F.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =L.= (two copies, slightly - different), =M.=, =SJ.=, =V.= - -Nicolet’s explorations, which have usually been put in 1638-39, -were fixed by Sulté in 1634; cf. his _Mélanges_, Ottawa, 1876, and -Draper’s annotations in the _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, viii. -188, and _Canadian Antiquarian_, viii. 157. This view is sustained -in C. W. Butterfield’s _Jean Nicolet_, Cincinnati, 1881. Cf. Margry, -_Découvertes_, i. 47; Creuxius, _Historia Canadensis_, and the modern -writers,—Parkman, _La Salle_: Harrisse, _Notes_; Margry, in _Journal -de l’Instruction publique_, 1862; Gravier, _La Salle_; etc. See also -chap. v. of the present volume. - -=1643-1644.=—VIMONT. _Relation ... ès années 1643 et 1644._ Paris, -1645. Pages 8, 256, 4, 147 (marked 174). - - CONTENTS: Report, giving account of the Capture of Father Bressani; - Huron Report by Hierosme Lalemant; War of the Five Nations against the - Hurons. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,273; Harrisse, no. 83; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 576; Lenox, p. 6. O’Callaghan, no. 1,223. Recently priced at - $50. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.=, =OHM.= - -Father F. G. Bressani was in the country from 1642 to 1645, and in -his _Breve Relatione d’alcune missioni de PP. della Compagnia di -Giesu nella Nuova Francia_, Macerata, 1653, pp. iv, 127, he gave an -account of the rise and progress of the Huron mission. He promised a -map and plates, but they do not appear in the copies known, of which -two are in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 750) and Lenox -(_Contributions_, p. 8) libraries; and others were sold in the Brinley -(no. 67) and O’Callaghan (no. 1,232) sales. Cf. Carayon, p. 1,317; -Leclerc, no. 684 (350 francs); and Shea’s _Charlevoix_, p. 80. Père -Martin had to bring a copy from Rome to make his French translation, -_Relation abrégée de quelques missions ... dans la Nouvelle France_, -Montreal, 1852. This version had the Creuxius map, as already stated; -another of the Huron country (p. 280), and numerous notes, with a -memoir of Bressani by the editor. Cf. Parkman’s _Jesuits_, p. 253, with -references; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, ii. 174, with note, and his _Perils -of the Ocean and Wilderness_, p. 104; O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_; -Archbishop Spalding’s _Miscellanea_. - -[Illustration] - -The first martyr of the Huron mission was Père Antoine Daniel, -killed July 4, 1648 (Parkman’s _Jesuits_, p. 373). Field (_Indian -Bibliography_, p. 146) says some curious, though perhaps not very -authentic, information regarding the Hurons can be got from Sieur -Gendron’s _Quelques Particularitéz du Pays des Hurons, par le Sieur -Gendron_, which appeared in Davity’s _Déscription Générale de -l’Amerique_, edited by Jean Baptiste de Rocoles, Troyes et Paris, 1660, -and was reprinted in New York in 1868. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -873; Lenox, p. 18; and Field, no. 598. A fac-simile of a corner map in -Creuxius’s larger map, giving the Huron country, is given herewith. -Parkman also gives a modern map with the missions and villages marked, -and tells the fate of this people after their dispersement, at the end -of his _Jesuits_. See _Canadian Monthly_, ii. 409. - -[Illustration] - -Dr. Shea gives the following list of martyrs among the Canadian -Jesuits, with the dates of their deaths: Isaac Jogues, 1646; Antoine -Daniel, 1648; Jean Brebeuf, Gabriel Lallemant, Charles Garnier, and -Natalis Chabanel, 1649; Jacques Buteux, 1652; Leonard Garreau, 1656, -and René Menard, 1661. And of the Sulpitians: Guillaume Vignal and -Jacques Le Maître, 1661. _Les Jésuites-Martyrs du Canada_, Montreal, -1877, includes Martin’s translation of Bressani’s _Relation Abrégée_, -and sections on the “Caractère des Sauvages et de leur pays,” on their -conversion, and on the “Mort de Quelqes Pères.” - -_1644-1645._—VIMONT. _Relation ... ès années 1644 et 1645._ Paris, -1646. Pages 8, 183, 1. - - CONTENTS: Missions News; Incursions of the Five Nations; Letter from - Lalemant about the Huron Mission, beginning on p. 136. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,274; Harrisse, no. 84; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 594; Lenox, p. 6; Dufossé, no. 8,663. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.=, =V.= - -_1645-1646._—HIEROSME LALEMANT. _Relation ... ès années 1644 et 1645._ -Paris, 1647. Pages 6, 184, 128. - - CONTENTS: Report,—Missions to the Iroquois; Jogues among the Mohawks; - Huron Report by Paul Ragueneau, May, 1645, to May, 1646. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,275; Harrisse, no. 86; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 38,684; Carter-Brown, vol ii. no. 619; Lenox, p. 7; O’Callaghan, - 1,224; Harrassowitz, 1883 (160 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.= (two copies), =K.=, =L.= (two copies), - =M.=, =NY.=, =V.= - -Masse died May 12, 1646, and this _Relation_ contains an account of him. - -From October, 1645, to June, 1668, there are journals of the Jesuit -missionaries preserved in the archives of the Séminaire at Quebec, -which give details not originally intended for the public eye, but -which now form an interesting supplement to the series for the years -1645-1668, except that there is a gap between Feb. 5, 1654 and Oct. 25, -1656. These journals were printed at Quebec in 1871, as _Le Journal -des Jésuites; publié par les Abbés Laverdière et Casgrain_. Cf. -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,009, where it is stated that the greater -part of the edition was destroyed by fire. A continuation of this -Journal was in the hands of William Smith, historian of Canada; but -is now lost. The _Amer. Cath. Quarterly, U. S. Cath. Mag._, and _The -Month_ contain various papers on the missions. See Poole’s _Index_. - -=1647.=—HIEROSME LALEMANT. _Relation ... en l’année 1647._ Paris, -1648. Pages 8, 276; paging irregular from p. 209 to p. 228. Some copies -have a repeated _de_ in the title. - - CONTENTS: The Mission of Jogues among the Mohawks, and a narrative of - his death begins p. 124; Missions among the Abenakis. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,276; Harrisse, no. 87; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 38,685; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 652; Lenox, p. 7; O’Callaghan, no. - 1,225; Harrassowitz, 1883 (160 marks); Dufossé, no. 5,603 (190 francs). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =F.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =J.= (two copies), =K.=, _L._ (two - copies), =M.=, =NY.=, =V.= - -After Jogues’ captivity among the Mohawks, and his mutilations, and -his rescue by the Dutch, he wrote an account of _Novum Belgium_ in -1643-1644, which remained in manuscript till Dr. Shea printed it with -notes in 1862, as explained in a note to chap. ix. of the present -volume. Jogues now went to France, but returned shortly to brave once -more the perils of a missionary’s life, and this second venture he did -not survive. His own account of this was preserved, according to Père -Martin, in the archives of the College of Quebec down to 1800, and -according to Dr. Shea passed into the hands of the English Government, -and was used by Smith in compiling his _History of Canada_, Quebec, -1815, and has not been seen since. “It is given apparently in substance -in the Relation of 1646.”—Shea’s _Charlevoix_, ii. 188. - -Dr. Shea also edited in English the “Jogues Papers” in the _N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, 2d ser., vol. iii., including the account of Jogues’ -captivity among the Mohawks; and he repeated the narrative in his -_Perils of the Ocean and Wilderness_, p. 16. The original is a Latin -letter, dated Rennselaerswyck, Aug. 5, 1643, of which there is a sworn -copy preserved at Montreal, which differs somewhat from the printed -copy as given in Alegambe’s _Mortes illustres_, Rome, 1667, p. 616 -(Carayon, no. 79); and in Tanner’s _Societas Jesu_, Prague, 1675; -and the German translation of it, _Die Gesellschaft Jesu_, Prague, -1683. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 1,136, 1,274; Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, 1,530; Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._ 2,017. The letter -is badly translated in Bressani’s _Breve Relatione_, p. 77, but Martin -gives it better in his version of Bressani (p. 188). Details, more or -less full, can be found in Andrada’s _Claros Varones_, Madrid, 1666; -Creuxius, _Historia Canadensis_, pp. 338, 378; the Dutch _Church -History_ of Hazart, vol. iv.; Barcia, _Ensayo Chronologico_, Madrid, -1723, p. 205; Carayon, _Première Mission_; the Bishop of Buffalo’s -_Missions in Western New York_, Buffalo, 1862; and of course in -Ferland, Parkman (_Jesuits_, pp. 106, 211, 217, 304), and the other -modern historians. A portrait of Jogues is given in Shea’s edition of -the _Novum Belgium_, and in his _Charlevoix_, ii. 141. - -=1647-1648.=—HIEROSME LALEMANT. _Relation ... ès années 1647 et 1648._ -Paris, 1649. Pages 8, 158, blank leaf, 135. - - CONTENTS: Dreuillettes among the Abenakis; Huron Country Report by - Ragueneau, with accounts of the Great Lakes and the Native Tribes upon - them; The Five Nations; The Delawares (Andastes); New Sweden, Niagara - Falls, etc. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,277; Harrisse, no. 89; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 38,686; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 673; Lenox, p. 7; O’Callaghan, no. - 1,226; Sunderland, vol. iii. no, 7,218. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.= (2 copies), =M.=, =NY.=, =V.= - -[Illustration] - -Father Gabriel Dreuillettes, in the interest of the Abenakis mission, -subsequently made a journey in 1651 to Boston, to negotiate a -league between the New England colonies, the Canadian authorities -and the Abenakis against the Iroquois. The papers appertaining -were recovered by Dr. Shea and printed in New York in 1866, as -_Recueil de Pièces sur la Négociation entre la Nouvelle France et -la Nouvelle Angleterre ès années 1648 et suivantes_. A Latin letter -from Dreuillettes to Winthrop, which makes a part of this book, had -earlier been printed separately in 1864 by Dr. Shea, and again in -1869. The original manuscript was found among the Winthrop Papers, -and is now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society. -(Field, _Indian Bibliography_, pp. 460, 461; Sabin, vol. v. p. 536; -_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 2d ser., iii. 303.) Mr. Lenox also, still -earlier, privately printed at Albany in 1855, after the original, -“déposé parmi les papiers du Bureau des Biens des Jésuites à Québec,” -Dreuillettes’ _Narré du Voyage_ (60 copies), as copied by Dr. Shea. -Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 713; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 34; -xi. 152; Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts Bay_, i. 166; his _Collection -of Papers_, p. 166; _Plymouth Colonial Records_, ix. 199; Parkman’s -_Jesuits_, pp. 324, 330, and his references; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. -228, and ii. 214; Hazard’s _Collection_, ii. 183, 184; and _N. Y. Col. -Doc._, ix. 6. The letter of the Council of Quebec and the commission -given to the envoys sent to Boston, are also in _Massachusetts -Archives; Documents Collected in France_, ii. 67, 69, where will also -be found (iii. 21) a letter, dated Quebec, April 8, 1681, on the life -and death of Druillettes. - -=1648-1649.=—PAUL RAGUENEAU. _Relation ... ès années 1648 et 1649._ -Paris, 1650. Pages 8, 103. There was a second issue, with larger -vignette on title, and some additional pages to the Huron report, pp. -4, 114, 2. - -[Illustration] - - CONTENTS: Text signed by J. H. Chaumonot; the Huron mission; chaps. 4 - and 5 give biographies of Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, killed by the - Iroquois. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,278; Harrisse, nos. 90, 91; Carter-Brown, - vol. ii. nos. 695, 696; Lenox, p. 7; O’Callaghan, no. 1,228; Dufossé, - 1880 (180 francs). Harrassowitz, 1883 (160 marks). The second issue - was recently priced in New York at $60. - - COPIES: =CB.= (both editions), =GB.= (first), =J.= (first), =K.= - (second), =L.= (both), =M.= (first), =OHM.= (both). - -=1648-1649.=—RAGUENEAU. _Relation_, etc.... Lille, 1650. Pages 121, 3. -Follows the first Paris edition, but is of smaller size. - - REFERENCES: Harrisse, no. 92; Lenox, p. 7. - - COPIES: =HC.=, =L.= - -=1648-1649.=—RAGUENEAU. _Narratio Historica_ ... Œniponti, 1650. Pages -24, 232, 3. A Latin translation by G. Gobat, somewhat abridged, and -differently divided into chapters; smaller than the preceding edition. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,316; Harrisse, no. 93; Ternaux, no. 703; - Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 690; Lenox, p. 7; O’Callaghan, no. 1,227. - Rich, 1832 (15 shillings). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.= - -Further accounts of the martyrdom of Brebeuf and Lalemant will be found -in most of the works mentioned under 1647, in connection with Jogues. -Cf. also the _Mercure de France_, 1649, pp. 997-1,008; _Catholic -World_, xiii. 512, 623; Le Père Martin’s _Le P. Jean de Brebeuf, sa -vie, ses travaux, son Martyre_, Paris, 1877; Harrisse, p. 88; Shea’s -_Charlevoix_, ii. 221, where is an engraving of a silver portrait bust -of Brebeuf, sent by his relatives from Paris to enclose his skull (cf. -Parkman’s _Jesuits_, p. 389), which is still preserved at Quebec. The -accompanying engraving is made from a photograph kindly lent by Mr. -Parkman. There are other engravings in Shea’s _Catholic Mission_, in -his _Charlevoix_, ii. 221; and in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 171. - -[Illustration] - -=1649-1650.=—RAGUENEAU. _Relation ... depuis l’Esté de la année -1649 jusques à l’Esté de l’année 1650._ Paris, 1651. Pages 4, 178 -(marked 187), 2. Page 171 has tailpiece of fruits. A second issue has -typographical variations, with no tailpiece on p. 171, and on p. 178 a -letter from the “Supérieure de l’Hospital de la Miséricorde de Kebec.” - - CONTENTS: Ragueneau’s letter begins p. 1; Lalemant’s, p. 172; Letters - of Buteux and De Lyonne; Huron Mission; Murders of Garnier and Noel - Chabanel; Iroquois defeat of the Hurons, and a remnant of the latter - colonized near Quebec. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, nos. 1,279, 1,280; Harrisse, nos. 95, 96; - Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 719; Lenox, p. 8; Brinley, p. 139; - Harrassowitz, 1883 (250 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.= (first edition), =K.=, =L.= (both), =M.=, - =NY.= - -Shea, _Charlevoix_, ii. 231, and Parkman, _Jesuits_, pp. 101, 406, -407, give references for Garnier. Cf. Bressani, _Breve Relatione_, and -Martin’s translation of Bressani, for a table of thirty Jesuit and -Recollect missionaries among the Hurons. Margry’s _Découvertes_, etc., -Part I., is on “Les Récollets dans le pays des Hurons, 1646-1687.” - -Parkman, _Jesuits_, pp. 402, 430, saying that this Relation is the -principal authority for the retreat of the Hurons to Isle St. Joseph, -etc., gives other references. - -=1650-1651.=—RAGUENEAU. _Relation ... ès années 1650 et 1651._ Paris, -1652. Pages 4, 146, 1. - - CONTENTS: French Settlements and the Missions. A letter signed Martin - Lyonne begins p. 139. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,281; Harrisse, no. 97; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 740; Lenox, p. 8; O’Callaghan, no. 1,229; Harrassowitz, 1883 - (120 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.= - -=1651-1652.=—RAGUENEAU. _Relation ... depuis l’été de l’année 1651 -jusques à l’été de l’année 1652._ Paris, 1653. Pages 8, 200. - - CONTENTS: Chap. i. gives an account of the death of Buteux; Chap. ix., - War with the Iroquois; Chap. x., Biography of La Mère Marie de Saint - Joseph. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,282; Harrisse, no. 98; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 756; Lenox, p. 8; O’Callaghan, no. 1,231; Harrassowitz, 1883 - (120 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, (two copies), =K.=, _L._, _V._ - -The account of the Réligieuses Ursulines of Canada in this Relation was -repeated, with additions, in pp. 229-315 of _La Gloire de S. Ursule_, -Valenciennes, 1656. Cf. Harrisse, p. 106; Lenox, p. 8; also _Les -Ursulines de Québec_, and Saint Foi’s _Premières Ursulines de France_. - -[Illustration] - -An account of the missions “in Canada sive Nova Francia” is the -first section of the _Progressus fidei Catholicæ in novo orbe_, -published at Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1653. The book is very rare; the only -copy noted is in the Carter-Brown Collection, vol. ii. no. 758. The -_Lenox Contribution_, p. 8., says there was a copy in O’Callaghan’s -Collection, but I fail to find it in his sale catalogue; cf. Harrisse, -p. 99. - -=1652-1653.=—FRANÇOIS LEMERCIER. _Relation ... depuis l’été de l’année -1652 jusques à l’été de l’année 1653._ Paris, 1654. Pages 4, 184, 4. - - CONTENTS: Montreal; Three Rivers; Poncet captured by the Mohawks; Fort - Orange; Peace with the Iroquois. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,283; Harrisse, no. 101; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,992; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 775; Lenox, p. 8; O’Callaghan, no. - 1,233; Harrassowitz, 1883 (120 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.=, =M.=, =OHM.= - -Montreal was organized as a colony in 1653. Cf. Faillon, vol. ii. chap. -10. - -=1653-1654.=—LEMERCIER. _Relation ... ès années 1653 et 1654._ Paris, -1655. Pages 4, 176. - - CONTENTS: Negotiations with the Five Nations; Le Moyne at Onondaga; - Treaty of Peace, and Discovery of Salt Springs; Letter from the Hurons - at the Isle d’Orléans with a translation. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,284; Harrisse, no. 103; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,993; Lenox, p. 8; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 799; O’Callaghan, no. - 1,234; Harrassowitz, 1883 (120 marks); _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 33 - - COPIES: =CB.=, =F.=, =HC.=, =J.=, =K.=, =L.=, =M.=, =OHM.=, _NY._. - -Cf. L. P. Tarcotte’s _Histoire de l’ile Orléans_, Quebec, 1867, and N. -H. Bowen’s _Isle of Orleans, 1860_. - -=1655.=—_Copie de deux Lettres envoiées de la Nouvelle France._ Paris, -1656. Pages 28. The bearer of the Relation of this year was robbed in -France, and only these two letters were recovered and printed. It, with -the _Relation_ of 1660, is the rarest of the series. - - REFERENCES: Harrisse, nos. 108, 425; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 813; - Lenox, p. 9; O’Callaghan, no. 1,974. - - COPIES: Those in =L.= and in the Ste. Geneviève at Paris are the only - ones known. - -Mr. Lenox printed a fac-simile edition from his own copy, with double -titles, showing variations; and of this there are copies in =CB.=, -=HC.=, etc. - -=1655-1656.=—JEAN DE QUENS. _Relation ... ès Années 1655 et 1656._ -Paris, 1657. Pages 6, 168. - - CONTENTS: A Letter signed by De Quens; Le Moyne among the Mohawks; The - French at Onondaga; War between the Five Nations and Eries; Ottawas at - Quebec; Murder of Garreau. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,285; Harrisse, no. 109; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 826; Lenox, p. 9; O’Callaghan, no. 1,237. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.= - -Cf. Tailhan, _Mémoires sur Perrot_, p. 229; and the references in -Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. ii. Parkman says Perrot is in large part -incorporated in La Potherie; cf. _Historical Magazine_, ix. 205. - -=1656-1657.=—=Le Jeune.= _Relation ... ès années mil six cents -cinquante six et mil six cens cinquante sept._ Paris, 1658. Pages 12, -211. - - CONTENTS: Begins with a Letter signed by Le Jeune; The Senecas and - the French; Mission to the Cayugas; Dupuis and the Jesuits among the - Onondagas; Le Moyne among the Mohawks; Customs of the Five Nations; - Chap. xxi. has a Letter signed by Le Mercier. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,280; Harrisse, no. 110; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,957; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 839; Lenox, p. 9; O’Callaghan, no. - 1,238; Harrassowitz, 1883 (125 marks). Recently priced at $60. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.=, =NY.= - -[Illustration] - -=1657-1658.=—RAGUENEAU. _Relation ... ès années 1657 et 1658._ Paris, -1659. Pages 8, 136. Martin holds that this volume was made up in Paris. - - CONTENTS: Two Letters from Ragueneau; French Settlements at Onondaga - abandoned; Journal, 1655-1658, dated New Holland, March 25, 1658, and - signed Simon Le Moine; Routes to Hudson’s Bay; Comparison of savage - and European Customs. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,287; Harrisse, no. 112; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 859; Lenox, p. 9. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.= - -On the French missions in New York, see Marie de l’Incarnation, -_Lettres historiques_; Parkman’s _Old Régime_, chap. i.; O’Callaghan’s -_New Netherland;_ Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. iii.; J. V. H. Clark’s -_Onondaga_ (Syracuse, 1849); Charles Hawley’s _Early Chapters of -Cayuga History, with the Jesuit Missions in Goi-o-gouen_, 1656-1684 -(Auburn, 1879), with an Introduction by Dr. Shea. This last book has -a map of the Iroquois territory and the mission sites, by J. S. Clark -(reproduced on an earlier page). - -=1659.=—LALLEMANT. _Lettres envoiées de la Nouvelle France._ Paris, -1660. Pages 49, 3. - - CONTENTS: Arrival of a Bishop; Algonquin and Huron Missions; Acadia - Mission. The three letters are dated, respectively, Sept. 12, Oct. 10, - Oct. 16, 1659. - - REFERENCES: Harrisse, no. 113; Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,683; Lenox, p. 9; - O’Callaghan, no. 1,236. - - COPIES: From what was supposed to be a unique copy (since burned - in 1854), in the Parliamentary Library at Quebec, Mr. Lenox had - a fac-simile made, from which he afterward printed, in 1854, his - fac-simile edition; but Harrisse has since reported two copies in the - Bibliothèque Nationale, at Paris. Harrassowitz, in his _Rarissima - Americana_, no. 91, p. 5, notes a copy at 2,500 marks, which is now in - Mr. Kalbfleisch’s Collection. - -[Illustration] - -De Laval landed at Quebec June 6, 1659, having been made Bishop of -Petra and Vicar Apostolic of New France the previous year. He became -Bishop of Quebec in 1674; resigned in 1688, and died in 1708. Parkman -draws a distinct picture of his character in his _Old Régime_, chap. -v., and describes his appearance from several portraits which are -extant, one of which is engraved in Shea’s _Le Clercq_, ii. p. 50. -A Life of him, by La Tour, was printed at Cologne in 1761; and an -_Esquisse de la vie_, etc., at Quebec, in 1845. Two other publications -are of interest: _Notice sur la fête à Quebec le 16 Juin, 1859, 200eme -anniversaire de l’arrivée de Laval_, Quebec, 1859, and _Translation -des Restes de Laval_, Quebec, 1878. Cf. Faillon, _Hist. de la Colonie -Française_, ii. chap. 13, and Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. 20, for -references. In 1874 the second centennial of Laval’s becoming bishop -was commemorated in a _Notice biographique_, by E. Langevin, “suivie -de quarante-une lettres et notes historiques sur le Chapitre de la -Cathédrale,” published at Montreal, 1874. - -[Illustration] - -The Sisters of the Congregation of Notre Dame were founded this year -at Montreal, and the life of the foundress, Margaret Bourgeois, by -Montgolfier, was published in Montreal in 1818; and was translated and -published in English in New York in 1880. Another Life, said to be by -the Abbé Faillon, was published in 1853. An earlier Life, by Ransonet, -was published at Liege in 1728. Cf. Parkman’s _Jesuits_, p. 201, and -Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. v., for her portrait. - -The Abbé de Queylus, who was the candidate of the Sulpitians for the -Bishopric, came over in 1657. (Faillon, ii. 271; La Tour, _Vie de -Laval_, 19; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. 20; Parkman, _Old Régime_, 97.) - -=1659-1660.=—(Not signed.) _Relation ... ès années mil six cent -cinquante neuf et mil six cent soixante._ Paris, 1661. Pages 6, 202; -paging irregular in parts. - - CONTENTS: Letter from Menard; Country of the Five Nations, with Census - of the Tribes; Saguenay River; Hudson’s Bay; Overthrow of the Hurons. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,288; Harrisse, no. 115: Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 895; Lenox, p. 9; O’Callaghan, no. 1,239. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =F.=, =GB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.= - -For the dispersal of the Hurons, see Martin’s Bressani, App. p. 309; -cf. Parkman’s _Jesuits_. - -For the part relating to traders on Lake Superior in 1658, see -translation, in Smith’s _Wisconsin_, iii. 20; cf. Margry, i. 53. -Menard’s letter, Aug. 27, 1660, on the eve of his embarkation for Lake -Superior, is translated in Minnesota Historical Society’s _Annals_, i. -20; and _Collections_, i. 135. - -[Illustration] - -=1660-1661.=—LE JEUNE. _Relation ... ès années 1660 et 1661._ Paris, -1662. Pages 8, 213, 3. - - CONTENTS: Le Jeune’s Epistle to the King; War with the Iroquois; Peace - with the Five Nations; Mission to Hudson’s Bay; “Journal du premier - Voyage fait vers la Mer du Nort,” begins on page 62; Letters of Le - Moyne from the Mohawk Country, and from a French Prisoner among the - Mohawks. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,289; Harrisse, no. 117; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 907; Lenox, p. 10; O’Callaghan, no. 1,240; Harrassowitz, 1882 - (125 marks). Recently priced in New York at $50. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.=, =NY.=, =V.= - -[Illustration - - RELATION - - DE CE QVI S’EST PASSE - - DE PLVS REMARQVABLE - - AVX MISSIONS DES PERES - - De la Compagnie de Iesvs - - EN LA - - NOVVELLE FRANCE - - és années 1662. & 1663. - - _Envoyée au R. P. André Castillon, Provincial de la Province de - France._ - - A PARIS, - - Chez SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Et SEBAST. - - MABRE-CRAMOISY, Imprimeurs ordinaires du Roy & de la Reine, rue S. - Iacques, aux Cicognes. - - M. DC. LXIV. - - _AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY_] - -=1661-1662.=—LALLEMANT. _Relation ... ès années 1661 et 1662._ Paris, -1663. Pages 8, 118, 1. - -[Illustration] - - CONTENTS: Letter dated Kebec, Sept. 18, 1662, signed Hierosme - Lalemant; Disputes with two of the Five Nations; Murder of Vignal; Le - Moyne among the Senecas. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,290; Harrisse, no. 119; Carter-Brown, vol. - ii. no. 929; Lenox, p. 10; O’Callaghan, no. 1,241; Quaritch, no. - 12,365 (£8 10_s_.); Harrassowitz, 1882 (150 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =J.=, =K.=, =L.= - -Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. 45, note. - -=1662-1663.=—LALLEMANT. _Relation ... ès années 1662 et 1663._ Paris, -1664. Pages 16, 169, with some irregularity of paging. - - CONTENTS: Meteorological Phenomena: Earthquake of 1663 [see Harrisse, - p. 118] and Solar Eclipse, Sept. 1, 1663; War with the Iroquois; - Outaouaks; Death of Menard. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,291; Harrisse, no. 121; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 38,688; Lenox, p. 10; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 950; O’Callaghan, - no. 1,242; Dufossé, no. 5,602 (180 francs); Harrassowitz, 1882 (120 - marks). Recently priced in New York at $50. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =K.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.= - -Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. 48, 57. - -Menard had established a mission at St. Theresa Bay, Lake Superior, -in 1661. Cf. Smith’s _Wisconsin_, vol. iii., for a translation; -cf. further, on Menard, Perrot’s _Mœurs des Sauvages; Historical -Magazine_, viii. 175, by Dr. Shea, and his edition of _Charlevoix_, -i. 49; _Minnesota Hist. Soc. Coll._, by E. D. Neill, i. 135. Cf. J. -G. Shea on the “Indian Tribes of Wisconsin,” in the _Wisconsin Hist. -Coll._, iii. 125; and a criticism by Alfred Brunson in vol. iv. p. 227. - -=1663-1664.=—LALLEMANT. _Relation ... ès années 1663 et 1664._ Paris, -1665. Pages 8, 176, with some irregularities of paging. - - CONTENTS: Missions among the Hurons, Algonquins, and Five Nations; War - of the Mohawks; Iroquois Embassy to the French. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,292; Harrisse, no. 123; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 38,689; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 964; Lenox, p. 10. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.= - -=1664-1665.=—LEMERCIER. _Relation ... ès années 1664 et 1665._ Paris, -1666. Pages 12, 128. - - CONTENTS: M. de Tracy’s Voyage; Strength of the Five Nations; - Comets; Vignal’s Death; Nouvel among the Savages. What is called a - second issue has in addition a “Lettre de la R. Mère Supérieure des - Réligieuses Hospitalières de Kebec du 23 Octobre, 1665,” 16 pp., which - is not reprinted in the Quebec edition of the _Relations_. A map of - Lakes Ontario, Champlain, and adjacent parts, with plans of the forts - on the Richelieu River. A part of the map and plans of the forts are - given herewith. Martin assigns these plans to the following _Relation_. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,293; Harrisse, nos. 124, 133; Sabin, - vol. x. no. 39,994; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no 978; Lenox, p. 10; - O’Callaghan, no. 1,243; Dufossé, no. 2,175 (200 francs). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.= (both issues), =M.=, =OHM.=, =NY.= - -[Illustration] - -=1665-1666=.—LEMERCIER. _Relation ... aux années mil six cent soixante -cinq et mil six cent soixante six._ Paris, 1667. Pages viii, 47, 16. - - CONTENTS: Courcelles’ Expedition, January, 1666, against the Oneidas - and Mohawks; De Tracy’s Interview with Garacontie, and his Expedition, - September, 1666, against the Mohawks. - - [Illustration] - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,294; Harrisse, no. 126; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,995; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 992: Lenox, p. 10; Harrassowitz, - 1882 (150 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, without the “Lettre.” =K.=, with the “Lettre.” - -[Illustration] - -Harrisse says the copies in the Bibliothèque Nationale and the Ste. -Geneviève Libraries in Paris contain also a “Lettre de la Révérende -Mère Supérieure des Réligieuses Hospitalières de Kebec, du 3 Octobre, -1666,” 16 pp., which is called for in the contents-tables of copies in -which it fails, and it is not included in the Quebec edition of the -_Relations. Historical Magazine_, iii. 20. - -[Illustration] - -=1666-1667=.—LEMERCIER. _Relation ... les années mil six cens soixante -six et mil six cens soixante sept._ Paris, 1668. Pages 8, 160, 14. The -title is without the usual vignette of storks. - -[Illustration: THE FORTS. - -A section in fac-simile of the map in the _Relation_ of 1662-63, -showing the position of the forts. These may be compared with the -_Carte dressée pour la Campagne de 1666_, accompanied by plans of forts -Richelieu, St. Louis, and Ste. Thérèse, which Talon sent with his -despatch of Nov. 11, 1665, and which is engraved in Faillon, _Histoire -de la Colonie Française en Canada_, iii. 125, where will also be found -a map to illustrate the campaign of 1666.] - - CONTENTS: Allouez’ Journal to Lake Superior; The Pottawatomies and - other Western Tribes; Missions to the Five Nations; Thomas Morel’s - Account of the Wonders in the Church of St. Anne du Petit Cap. A - second issue has appended, a “Lettre de la Révérende Mère Supérieure - des Réligieuses Hospitalières de Kebec du 20 Octobre, 1667,” 14 pp., - which is omitted in the Quebec edition of the _Relations_. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,295; Harrisse, no. 127; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,996; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,011; Lenox, p. 11; Harrassowitz, - 1882, without the “Lettre” (100 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.= (2d issue), =HC.= (2d issue), =J.=, =K.= (1st issue), L. - (both), =M.=, =NY.= (1st issue), =V.= - -A translation of Allouez’ journal is in Smith’s _Wisconsin_, vol. -iii.; cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. 101, and his _Discovery of the -Mississippi_, and _Catholic Missions_; Margry’s _Découvertes_, i. 57. - -For the early missions in the far West, see _Wisconsin Hist. Soc. -Coll_., vol. iii.; E. M. Sheldon’s _Early History of Michigan_; -Lanman’s _Michigan_; James W. Taylor’s History of Ohio. Cf. Field’s -_Indian Bibliography_, nos. 856, 1,398, 1,535, 1,688. - -[Illustration] - -It has been claimed that Archbishop Fénelon (b. 1651) may have been a -missionary among the Iroquois from 1667 to 1674; cf. Robert Greenough -in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc_., 1848, p. 109; 1849, p. 11. A half-brother -of Fénelon is known to have been in Montreal; cf. Abbé Verreau on “Les -deux Abbés de Fénelon,” in the Canadian _Journal de l’Instruction -publique_, vol. viii.; Parkman’s _Frontenac_, pp. 33, 43. The evidence -fails to establish the proof of the Archbishop’s presence here. Cf. _N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg_. xvi. p. 344, and xvii. p. 246. - -[Illustration: TRACY’S CAMPAIGN, 1666. - -This sketch follows the principal part of a manuscript map in Mr. -Parkman’s collection (No. 6) in Harvard College Library. It is called -_Carte des grands lacs Ontario et Autres, et des costes de la Nouvelle -Angleterre et des pays traversés par M^{rs}. de Tracy et Courcelles -pour aller attaquer les Agnez_, 1666. Key:— - - 1. Saguenay. - 2. Tadoussac. - 3. Quebec. - 4. R. du Sault de la Chaudiere. - 5. R. des Etchemins. - 6. Les 3 Rivières. - 7. Fort de Richelieu. - 8. R. St. François. - 9. Fort de St. Louis. - 10. Montreal. - 11. Lac de St. Louis. - 12. Lac des deux Montagnes. - 13. Rivière par ou viennent les Outaouacs. - 14. Lac St. François. - 15. Sault. - 16. Rapides. - 17. Otondiala. - 18. Ochouagen R. - 19. Commencement du lac Champlain, ou est le fort S^a Anne du quel M. - de Tracy escrit et est party le 4^{eme} Octobre, 1666. - 20. Lac du St. Sacrement. - 21. Habitations Iroquoises que les troupes du Roy doivent attaquer. - Trois villages des Agniez Iroquois. - 22. Petit village hollandais. - 23. Orange Midy. - -The _Catalogue_ of the Library of Parliament, 1858, p. 1614, gives a -map, probably this one, as copied from the original in the archives at -Paris. - -Cf. on this campaign, Parkman’s _Old Régime_, p. 186. Harrisse, no. -125, following Faribault, no. 808, cites a _Journal de la Marche du -Marquis de Tracy contre les Iroquois_, Paris, 1667, as an account of -the third expedition against the Iroquois, of which Tracy took the -command, Sept.-Nov., 1666, in person,—the earlier expeditions having -been unsuccessful. Cf. documents in Margry, i. 169; Charlevoix, liv. -ix., and Brodhead, vols. i. and ix. Cf. Colden’s _Five Nations_, and -authorities enumerated by Shea in his _Charlevoix_, iii. 89, etc.] - -=1667-1668.=—LEMERCIER. _Relation ... aux années mil six cens -soixante-sept, et mil six cens soixante-huit._ Paris, 1669. Pages 8, -219. Has the stork vignette of the Cramoisy press on the title, and it -is the last _Relation_ in which that sign is used. - - CONTENTS: The several Missions; Drowning of Arent van Curler; Letter - of De Petrée, Bishop of Quebec; Death of the Mère Cathérine de St. - Augustin. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,296; Harrisse, no. 128; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,997; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,029; Lenox, p. 11. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.= (2 copies) =L.=, =M.=, =OHM.=, =NY.= - -Père Paul Ragueneau’s _La Vie de la Mère Cathérine de St. Augustin_, -was published at Paris in 1671. Cf. Harrisse, no. 133; Carter-Brown, -vol. ii. no. 1,069; Leclerc, 1878 (500 francs). There was an Italian -translation printed at Naples in 1752. - -=1668-1669.=—(No author.) _Relation ... les années 1668 et 1669._ -Paris, 1670. Pages 2, 150 (last page 140 by error). The title vignette -is a vase of flowers. - -[Illustration: THE JESUIT MAP OF LAKE SUPERIOR.] - - CONTENTS: Missions among the Five Nations; Letter from Governor - Lovelace, “Gouverneur de Manhate,” from Fort James (New York), Nov. - 18, 1668, to Father Pierron, on the sale of ardent spirits to the - Indians. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,297; Harrisse, nos. 129, 530; Carter-Brown, - vol. ii. no. 1,049; Lenox, p. 11; O’Callaghan, no. 1,244. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.=, =OHM.=, =NY.= - -The question of selling liquor to the Indians was one of large -political bearing at times. Cf. Faillon, iii. chap. 21. - -=1669-1670.=—LEMERCIER. _Relation ... les années 1669 et 1670._ Paris, -1671. Pages 10, 3-318. Part i. pp. 3-108, in larger type than part ii. -pp. 111-318. - - CONTENTS: Missions to the Five Nations; The Iroquois and Algonquin - Difficulties; The Mohawk and Mohegan War, 1669; The Père d’Ablon’s - “Relation des Missions aux Ovtaovaks;” A chapter on the Dutch begins - p. 145; Lake Superior and the Copper Mines; Letter from Jacques - Marquette on the Western Tribes. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,298; Harrisse, no. 135; Sabin, vol. x. no. - 39,998; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,070; Lenox, p. 11; O’Callaghan, - no. 1,245; Dufossé, no. 2,176 (200 francs). - - Copies: =CB.=, =F.=, =HC.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.=, =V.= - -[Illustration] - -Translations of portions on Western explorations are in Smith’s -_Wisconsin_, vol. iii. - -=1670-1671.=—CLAUDE D’ABLON. _Relation ... les années 1670 et 1671._. -Paris, 1672. Pages 16, 189, 1, with errors of paging. The title -vignette is a basket of fruit. - - CONTENTS: The Missions; The Western Country occupied by the French, - and the Country described; the Mississippi River described from the - Reports of the Indians. - -[Illustration] - -It has a folding map of Lake Superior (a fac-simile of it is annexed), -of which, says Parkman (_La Salle_, pp. 30, 450), “the exactness -has been exaggerated as compared with other Canadian maps of the -day.” Bancroft (UNITED STATES, original edition, iii. 152) gives a -reproduction of it. Others are in Whitney’s GEOLOGICAL REPORT OF LAKE -SUPERIOR, and in Monette’s MISSISSIPPI. vol. i. Harrisse (no. 201) -notes a map of Lake Superior, dated 1671, and preserved in Paris. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,290; Harrisse, no. 138; Carter-Brown, - vol. ii. no. 1,084; Lenox, p. 11; Dufossé, no. 2,177 (200 francs); - Harrassowitz, 1882 (110 marks). - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =K.= (without map), =L.=, =M.=, =NY.= - -Cf. the “Relation de l’Abbé Gallinée” in Margry, _Découvertes_, -etc., part i. p. 112, and separately with the Abbé Verreau’s notes, -Montreal, 1875. St. Lusson’s ceremony in taking possession of the -country on the Lakes is noted in _Ibid._ i. 96. - -[Illustration: MADAME DE LA PELTRIE. - -Copied from a photograph owned by Mr. Parkman of a painting of which -there is an engraving in _Les Ursulines de Quebec_, i. 348.] - -=1671-1672.=—D’ABLON. _Relation ... les années 1671 et 1672._ Paris, -1673. Pages 16, 264. - - CONTENTS: Arrival of Frontenac; Huron and Iroquois, Lower Algonquin, - and Hudson’s Bay Missions; Overland Journey from the Saguenay. On page - 207 begins “La Sainte Mort de Madame de la Peltrie.” - - REFERENCES: Carayon, no. 1,300; Harrisse, nos. 139, 340; Carter-Brown, - vol. ii. no. 1,097; Lenox, p. 12; O’Callaghan, no. 1,246; - Harrassowitz, 1882 (150 marks.) - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.= (without map), =K.=, =L.=, =M.=, =NY.=, =V.= - -Harrisse says the two copies in the Bibliothèque Nationale have the -same map as the preceding _Relation_. O’Callaghan says all copies -ought to have it. Lenox says the map in this edition is sometimes, but -rarely, found with variations, the position of some of the missions -being changed, and new stations added on the plate. - -Parkman (_La Salle_, p. 29) speaks of the change now taking place in -the character of the _Relations_, which are still “for the edification -of the pious reader, filled with intolerably tedious stories of -baptisms, conversions, and the exemplary deportments of neophytes; -but they are relieved abundantly by more mundane subjects,— ... -observations on the winds, currents, and tides of the Great Lakes, -speculations on a subterranean outlet of Lake Superior, accounts of its -copper mines,”[690] etc. - -A _Life of Madame de la Peltrie_ (Magdalen de Chauvigny), by Mother St. -Thomas, was published in New York in 1859. - -A companion of Madame de la Peltrie was commemorated in _La Vie de -la Vénérable Mère Marie de l’Incarnation, première Supérieure des -Ursulines_ (Paris, 1677), by her son, Claude Martin. She was in Canada -from 1639 to 1672. (Harrisse, no. 143; Lenox, pp. 13, 14; Dufossé, no. -6,763, 125 francs.) In 1681 a series of _Lettres de la Vénérable Mère -Marie de l’Incarnation_ was printed, and they cover many historical -incidents. (Harrisse, no. 148; Dufossé, no. 3,166, 110 francs.) A -selection of them was published at Clermont Ferrand in 1837. Charlevoix -published a Life of her in 1724; and in 1864 one by Casgrain was -printed in Quebec, and in English at Cork in 1880. In 1873 the French -text was included in _Œuvres de l’Abbé Casgrain_, tome i. Another by -the Abbé Richardeau was printed at Tournai in 1873. There is a likeness -of her in _Les Ursulines de Québec depuis leur Etablissement jusqu’a -nos jours_. A. M. D. G. Quebec, 1863. 4 vols. Shea (_Charlevoix_, -i. 82; ii. 101; iii. 184) enumerates other authorities: Juchereau, -_Histoire de l’Hôtel-Dieu de Québec_. Another History of the -Hôtel-Dieu, by Casgrain, was published in 1878. An account of steps to -procure her canonization is in the _Catholic World_ (New York), August, -1878. Cf. Parkman’s _Jesuits_, 174, 177, 199, 206. - - [The contemporary printing of these Relations stopped with this for - 1671-1672. The series in continuation has since been printed in - various forms, as follows.] - -=1672-1679.=—_Mission du Canada; Relations inédites de la Nouvelle -France_ (1672-1679), Paris, Ch. Douniol, 1861. 2 vols.; 2 maps, one of -them a fac-simile of Marquette’s map. [These volumes are vols. iii. and -iv. of _Voyages et Travaux des Missionaires de la Compagnie de Jésus_.] - -Cf. Field. _Indian Bibliography_, p. 276; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -1,085, 1,198; Lenox, p. 14; O’Callaghan, no. 1,252. - -=1673-1679.=—CLAUDE DABLON. _Relation de ce qui s’est passé de -plus remarquable aux Missions des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus en -la Nouvelle France les années 1673 à 1679. A la Nouvelle York. De -la Presse Cramoisy de Jean-Marie Shea_, 1860. Pages 13, 290, with -Marquette’s map. - -Martin describes the original manuscript (147 pages, pp. 109-118 -wanting) preserved at Quebec as being divided into eight chapters. It -has an account of the heroic death of Marquette. Cf. Field’s _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 396; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,197; Lenox, p. 16. - -Some misrepresentations having been made regarding the Cramoisy series -of Dr. Shea, it is fair to say that the expense of the whole series -was borne by himself alone. There are enumerations of the volumes in -Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, the _Menzies Catalogue_, no. 1,811, and -in the Brinley _Catalogue_, no. 146, etc. - -=1672-1673.=—DABLON. _Relation_, etc. New York, 1861. - -This concerns the missions to the Hurons near Quebec, to the Iroquois, -and beyond the Great Lakes. It is also printed in the _Mission du -Canada_, vol. i. Cf. Harrisse, nos. 597, 605; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. -no. 1,098; Field, no. 1,070; Lenox, p. 17. - -=1673-1674.=—DABLON. _Relation_, etc. In the _Mission du Canada_; and -an English translation is in the _Historical Magazine_, v. 237. - -=1673-1675.= _Récit des Voyages et des Découvertes du R. Père Jacques -Marquette, de la Compagnie de Jésus, en l’année 1673 et aux suivantes: -La Continuation de ses Voyages par le R. P. Claude Allouez, et Le -Journal autographe du P. Marquette en 1674 et 1675. Avec la Carte de -son Voyage tracée de sa main._ - -Printed for Mr. Lenox after the original manuscript preserved in -the Collége Ste. Marie at Montreal. Cf. O’Callaghan, no. 1,246a; -Carter-Brown, ii. 1,126; Lenox, p. 12. - -=1675.=—“État présent des missions pendant l’année 1675,” in the -_Mission du Canada_, vol. ii. - -=1676-1677.=—_Relation ... ès années 1676 et 1677. Imprimée pour la -première fois, selon la copie du MS. original restant à l’Université -Laval, Québec._ [Albany, 1854.] Pages 2, 165. - - CONTENTS: Missions among the Iroquois, Outaouacs, and at Tadousac. - -This _Relation_ was printed for Mr. Lenox. Cf. Lenox, p. 13; -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,172; O’Callaghan, nos. 1,247, 1,975. - -=1677-1678.=—_Relation_, etc. This is printed in the _Mission du -Canada_, i. 193. - - CONTENTS: Joliet’s account of his Journey with Marquette, and their - discovery of the Mississippi in 1673, as edited by Père Dablon, with - an account of a third journey to the Country of the Illinois, by - Claude Allouez. - -An English version of Allouez’ journal is given in Shea’s _Mississippi -Valley_, p. 67, with a sketch of the missionary’s life. Cf. Margry’s -“Notice sur le Père Allouez, 1665-71,” in his _Découvertes_, etc., Part -I. p. 59. For Joliet and Marquette, see chap. vi. - -=1684.=_—Copie d’une Lettre escrite par le Père Jacques Bigot, de la -Compagnie de Jésus, l’an 1684._ Manate [New York], 1858. - -[Illustration] - -The letter was written in behalf of the Abenakis of the St. Francis -de Sales mission, to accompany offerings to the tomb of their patron -saint at Annecy. The original letter is preserved in the Archives du -Monastère de la Visitation à Annecy. Cf. Harrisse, no. 725; Lenox, p. -17; O’Callaghan, no. 1,972; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,278. - -=1684.=—JACQUES BIGOT. _Relation ... l’année 1684._ À Manate, 1857 -(100 copies). - -The Abenakis mission of St. Joseph de Sillery and the new mission -of St. Francis de Sales, and follows the original manuscript in -the Collége Ste. Marie. Cf. Harrisse, no. 726; Field, no. 130; -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,277; Lenox, p. 15. - -[Illustration] - -=1685.=—BIGOT. _Relation ... l’année 1685._ À Manate, 1858. - -The St. Joseph de Sillery and St. Francis de Sales missions, and -follows the original manuscript in the Collége Ste. Marie. Cf. -Harrisse, no. 727; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,307; Lenox, p. 15; -Field, no. 131. - -=1688.=—JEAN DE ST. VALIER (Evêque de Québec). _Relation des Missions -de la Nouvelle France._ Paris, 1688. - - REFERENCES: Harrisse, no. 159; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 1,366, - 1,367; O’Callaghan, no. 2,218; Sunderland, no. 268; Lenox, pp. 12, 13. - - COPIES: =CB.=, =HC.=, =L.=, etc. - -This work has sometimes the following title instead: _Estat présent -de l’Eglise et de la Colonie Françoise dans la Nouvelle France._ De -St. Valier had succeeded De Laval, but before consecration visited the -country, and wrote this account of it.[691] - -=1688.=—J. M. CHAUMONOT. _Vie, écrite par lui-même, 1688._ New York, -1858. - -[Illustration] - -One of Dr. Shea’s Cramoisy series. The original manuscript is preserved -in the Hôtel-Dieu, Quebec. It was followed by _Suite de la vie de P. M. -J. Chaumonot, par un père de la Compagnie_, believed by Dr. Shea to be -Rale. This was printed at New York in 1858, and continues the story to -1693. Cf. Carayon, _Le Père Chaumonot_; also, Harrisse, no. 753; Lenox, -p. 16; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 1,348, 1,349; Field, no. 288. - -=1690-1691.=—PIERRE MILET. _Relation de sa Captivité parmi les -Onneiouts en 1690-91._ Nouvelle York, 1864. - -Cf. Lenox, p. 17; Harrisse, no. 776; Field, p. 274. It follows a copy -found in Holland by Henry C. Murphy. See Vol. III. p. 415. - -=1693-1694.=—JACQUES GRAVIER. _Relation ... depuis le Mois de Mars, -1693, jusqu’en Février, 1694._ À Manate, 1857. - -[Illustration] - -The mission of the Immaculate Conception among the Illinois. Cf. Lenox, -p. 15; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,466; Field, no. 622. - -E. Carré, the minister of the French Church in Boston, printed in 1693, -with a preface by Cotton Mather, _Eschantillon de la doctrine que -les Jésuites enseignent aux Sauvages du nouveau monde_, drawn from a -manuscript found at Albany. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,040. - -=1696-1702.=—_Relation des Affaires du Canada en 1696; avec des -lettres des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus, depuis 1696 jusqu’en 1702._ -Nouvelle York [Shea], 1865. - -It was printed from copies of manuscripts preserved at Paris, made -for H. C. Murphy, and covers the war with the Iroquois, the Sault St. -Xavier, and other missions. A portion of it appeared without authority -the same year, as _Relation des affaires du Canada en 1696, et des -Missions des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus jusqu’en 1702_. Cf. Field, -p. 325; Lenox, p. 17; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,489. - -=1700.=—_Relation ou Journal du Voyage du R. P. Jacques Gravier en -1700, depuis le pays des Illinois jusqu’à l’Embouchure du Mississippi._ -Nouvelle York, 1859. - -Printed by Dr. Shea as one of his series, and translated by Shea in -his _Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi_ (Carter-Brown, vol. -ii. no. 1,604). Dr. Shea also printed in 1861 De Montigny de St. Cosme -and Thaumur de la Source’s _Relation de la Mission du Mississippi du -Séminaire de Québec en 1700_, giving an account of the attempt of the -Quebec Seminary to found missions on the lower Mississippi. Cf. Field, -no. 1,084; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,619. An English version is in -Shea’s _Early Voyages_, etc. - -=1701.=—BIGOT. _Relation ... dans la mission des Abnaquis à l’Acadie, -1701._ Manate [Shea] 1858. - -Cf. Field, p. 33; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,628. Shea also printed -_Relation_ (1702) in 1865. - -=1717-1776.=—_Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions -étrangères._ 32 vols. in 34 parts. - - REFERENCES: Carayon, p. 55; Field, no. 919; Brunet, p. 1028; - _Catalogue Library of Parliament_, 1858, p. 1192; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, - p. 88; Sabin, vol. x. pp. 294, 395; Muller, _Books on America_, - (1877), no. 3,680. - -This serial contains various accounts supplementing the Jesuit -Relations: as under 1712, Father Marest’s voyage to Hudson’s Bay in -1694-1695 with D’Iberville; under 1722 and 1724, much about Rale, etc. - -[Illustration] - -As regards the date, 1717, for the beginning of this series, Dr. Shea -writes:— - - “This date, though generally given, is, I am convinced, erroneous. The - first Recueil was approved by the Provincial in 1702, and obtained - the Royal license to print Aug. 23, 1702. The approval of vol. iii. - is dated in 1703. It is clear that vol. i. must have appeared in 1702 - or 1703. I possess a translation of vol. i. in English: ‘Edifying and - Curious Letters of some Missioners, of the Society of Jesus, from - Foreign Missions. Printed in the Year 1707. 16º.’ Of course the French - preceded this translation.” - -Brunet says it is not easy to find the series complete. A second -edition, Paris, 1780-1783, is in twenty-six volumes, but the prefaces -and dedications of the original volumes are not included. There -were other issues in 1819 and 1839. Stöcklein’s _Brief-Schriften_, -etc., 1726-1756, is in part a translation, with much else besides. -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 390, and vol. iii. no. 994, where a Spanish -translation is noted. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -FRONTENAC AND HIS TIMES. - -BY GEORGE STEWART, JR., F.R.S.C. - - -COURCELLE was succeeded as governor of New France by a man of -remarkable individuality, energy, and purpose. Louis de Buade, Count of -Palluau and Frontenac, is beyond any doubt the most conspicuous figure -which the annals of early colonization in Canada reveal. He was the -descendant of several generations of distinguished men who were famous -as courtiers and soldiers. He was of Basque origin, and the blood of -nobles flowed in his veins. His grandfather was Antoine de Buade, a -favorite of Henri IV., and one who performed the delicate mission, in -1600, of carrying to Marie de Médicis the portrait of her royal lover. -He stood high in his sovereign’s estimation, was a counsellor of state -and chevalier of the noble order of the King, and the wearer of several -other titles of dignity and honor. By his wife, Jeanne Secontat, he -had several children, among whom was Henri de Buade, an officer of -the court of Louis XIII., who succeeded to the barony of Palluau, and -became colonel of a Navarre regiment. This Henri married, in 1613, -Anne Phélippeaux, the daughter of the Secretary of State. The future -governor of New France, the fruit of this union, was born in 1620. -The King acted as godfather to the babe, and bestowed on him his own -name. When the child had attained his fifteenth year he entered the -army, and was sent to Holland to fight under the Prince of Orange. Four -years later he was conspicuous among the volunteers at the stubborn -siege of Hesdin; and at the age of twenty he displayed great gallantry -during a sortie of the garrison at Arras. In 1641 he conducted himself -with equal bravery at the siege of Aire, and one year later, when -he was only twenty-two years of age, he took part in the struggles -before Callioure and Perpignan. He was colonel of his regiment at -twenty-three, and during the sharp campaign in Italy commanded in -several hard-contested battles and sieges. Through all this martial -career he was often wounded, and at Orbitello had an arm fractured. -He became a maréchal de camp (brigadier-general) in 1646, and shortly -after this the first part of his military career came to a close, and -he lived for a while in his father’s house in Paris. - -In October, 1648, Frontenac espoused the young and beautiful Anne -de la Grange-Trianon, a maiden of imperious temper, lively wit, and -marvellous grace. She was one of the court beauties of the period, -the intimate friend and companion of Mademoiselle de Montpensier, -grand-daughter of Henri IV. Her portrait, painted as Minerva, now -adorns one of the galleries at Versailles. The marriage, which took -place at the church of St. Pierre aux Bœufs, in Paris, was contracted -without the knowledge of the bride’s parents. Some of Frontenac’s -relatives witnessed the ceremony; but the young Countess’s friends -were greatly chagrined when they were informed of the event, though -their anger did not last long, and a reconciliation soon followed. Not -many months had elapsed before the painful discovery was made that -the young couple were unsuited to each other. The bride conceived a -positive dislike of her husband; and very soon after her son[692] was -born she left his roof, and accepted Mademoiselle de Montpensier’s -friendly offer to join her suite. But the attachment between the two -high-spirited ladies did not continue long. They quarrelled, and the -fair Countess was dismissed from the court. The parting caused her -some real sorrow. Afterward, it is said, she intrigued to have her -husband sent out of the country. The Count had the ear of the King. -He was a fine courtier, polished in manner and chivalrous in spirit. -He was reputed to be one of the many lovers of the haughty beauty, -Madame Montespan, the favorite mistress of Louis XIV. He had, however, -a most ungovernable temper, and extravagance had left him a poor man. -In 1669 Turenne, the great soldier of Europe, selected him to conduct -a campaign against the Turks in Candia, where he displayed much of -his wonted courage and dash, but to small purpose, for the infidels -triumphed in the end. The prestige of Frontenac, however, remained -untarnished, and his reputation as a military leader increased. In 1672 -the King further rewarded his fidelity by appointing him Governor and -Lieutenant-General of New France. Various stories have been told as -to the immediate cause of his appointment. Several chronicles affirm -that the King had detected his intimacy with Madame de Montespan, and -resolved at all hazards to get his dangerous rival out of the way. -Saint-Simon takes a different view of the situation, and says that -Frontenac “was a man of excellent parts, living much in society, and -completely ruined. He found it hard to bear the imperious temper of his -wife, and he was given the government of Canada to deliver him from -her, and afford him some means of living.” The Countess had no mind to -brave the rigors of her husband’s new seat of power, and accordingly -she accepted the offer of a suite of rooms at the Arsenal, where -she went to live with her congenial friend, the lively Mademoiselle -d’Outrelaise. During her long life at the Arsenal, she and her friend -gave a tone to French society; her _salon_ became famous for its wit -and gayety, and _les Divines_, as the ladies were called, were sought -after by the first people of the kingdom. Though she did not live -with her husband, and held him in some aversion, she never forgot -that she was his wife. She corresponded with him on occasion, and it -is established that often she proved of signal service to him in the -furtherance of his ambitious plans and projects. It was at the Arsenal -she died, at the advanced age of seventy-five. - -When Frontenac sailed for the colony he was a matured man of the world, -and fifty-two years of age. “Had nature disposed him to melancholy,” -says Parkman, “there was much in his position to awaken it. A man -of courts and camps, born and bred in the focus of a most gorgeous -civilization, he was banished to the ends of the earth, among savage -hordes and half-reclaimed forests, to exchange the splendors of St. -Germain and the dawning glories of Versailles for a stern gray rock, -haunted by sombre priests, rugged merchants and traders, blanketed -Indians, and the wild bushrangers. But Frontenac was a man of action. -He wasted no time in vain regrets, and set himself to his work with the -elastic vigor of youth. His first impressions had been very favorable. -When, as he sailed up the St. Lawrence, the basin of Quebec opened -before him, his imagination kindled with the grandeur of the scene. ‘I -never,’ he wrote, ‘saw anything more superb than the position of this -town. It could not be better situated as the future capital of a great -empire.’” Such was the striking condition of Quebec when Frontenac -sailed into the port to assume the functions of his office. The King, -his powerful minister Colbert, the Intendant Talon, and the Governor -himself regarded the colony as a great prize, and one destined for a -future which should in no small degree reflect the glory and grandeur -of the old monarchy. Vast sums of money had been expended in colonizing -and defending it. Some of the best soldiers of the kingdom and many -desirable immigrants, inured to toil and hard work, were sent by Louis -to build up the new country and to develop its resources. Frontenac, -imbued with the same spirit as his sovereign, proceeded to bring -his enormous territory to a state of order. He convened a council -at Quebec, and administered an oath of allegiance to the leading -men in his dominions. He sought to inaugurate a monarchical form of -government. He created, with much pomp and show, three estates of his -realm,—the clergy, nobles, and commons. The former was composed of -the Jesuits and the Seminary priests. To three or four _gentilshommes_ -then living in Quebec he added some officers belonging to his troops; -and these comprised the order of nobility. The commons consisted of -the merchants and citizens. The magistracy and members of council were -formed into a distinct body, though their place properly belonged to -the third estate. This great convocation took place on the 23d of -October, 1672, and the ceremonies were conducted in the church of -the Jesuits, which had been decorated for the purpose by the Fathers -themselves. - -[Illustration: FROM LA POTHERIE. - -[This view appears in the 1722 edition, i. 232; 1753 ed. ii. 232. It is -also in Shea’s _Le Clercq_, ii. 313. Harrisse (no. 240) notes a view on -the margin of a map in 1689. - -Faillon, in his _Histoire de la Colonie Française_ (iii. 373), speaks -of two early plans of Quebec which are preserved, one of 1660, -the other of 1664. They resemble each other, except that the last -represents a projected line of fortifications across the peninsula; and -in engraving the latter, Faillon’s engraver has given the plate the -date of 1660, instead of 1664: _Plan du Haut et Bas Québec comme il -est en l’an 1660_. The _Catalogue_ of the Library of Parliament, 1858, -p. 1614, shows copies of plans of these dates copied from originals -in the Paris Archives. Cf. Harrisse, nos. 192-195, and no. 199 for a -manuscript map of 1670, _La ville haute et basse de Quebeck_, also -preserved in the same Archives; while the _Catalogue_ (p. 1614) of the -Canadian Parliament gives three of 1670, copies from originals at Paris. - -Harrisse also notes (no. 220) as in the French Archives a _Carte du -Fort St. Louis de Québec_, dated 1683; (no. 221) a _Plan de la basse -ville de Québec_ (1683),—both by Franquelin: (no. 224) a _Plan de -la Ville et Chasteau de Québec, fait en 1685, ... par le Sr. de -Villeneuve_; and (no. 230) a _Carte des Environs de Québec ... en 1685 -et 1686, par le Sr. de Villeneuve_. Cf. also the _Catalogue_ of the -Library of Parliament, pp. 1615, 1616. - -Plans growing out of Phips’s attack in 1690 are mentioned elsewhere. -Of subsequent plans, Harrisse (no. 249) cites a _Plan de la Ville -de Québec_, 1693, as being in the French Archives, and others (nos. -252-254, 369) of 1694, 1695, and 1699. The _Catalogue_ of the Library -of Parliament also gives manuscript plans of 1693, 1698, 1700, and -1710. Cf. J. M. Le Moine, _Histoire des Fortifications et des Rues de -Québec_, 1875 (pamphlet).—ED.]] - -Frontenac, who spoke and wrote well, made a speech to the citizens, -indicating the policy which he meant to pursue, and scattering advice -to the throng before him with a liberal hand. The three estates which -he had founded listened to an exhortation of some length. The priests -were urged to continue their labors in connection with the conversion -of the Indians, whom they were advised to train and civilize while -they converted. The nobles were praised for their culture and valiant -conduct, and urged to be assiduous in the improvement of the colony. -To the commons he recommended faithfulness in the discharge of their -duties to the King and to himself. After solemnly taking the oath, the -assembly dissolved. The Count next established municipal government -in Quebec, on a model which obtained in several cities of France. He -ordered the election of three citizens as aldermen, the senior of whom -should rank as mayor. This body was to take the place of the syndic, -and it was provided that one of the number should retire from office -every year. The electors would then fill the vacancy with some one of -their choice, though the Governor reserved the right to confirm or -reject the successful candidate. He then, with the assistance of some -of the chief people about him, framed a series of regulations for the -government of the capital, and notified the inhabitants that a meeting -would be held twice a year, where public questions would be discussed. -Frontenac’s reforms were exceedingly distasteful to the King, and the -minister very clearly conveyed his Majesty’s views on the subject, -in a despatch written on the 13th of June, 1673. Talon, who knew the -temper of the Court in such matters, had wisely abstained from taking -an active part in the Governor’s scheme, and feigned illness as the -cause for his non-attendance at the convention. Colbert wrote: “The -assembling and division of all the inhabitants into three orders or -estates, which you have done, for the purpose of having them take the -oath of fidelity, may have been productive of good just then. But -it is well for you to observe that you are always to follow, in the -government and management of that country, the forms in force here; -and as our kings have considered it for a long time advantageous to -their service not to assemble the States-General of their kingdom, with -a view perhaps to abolish insensibly that ancient form, you likewise -ought very rarely, or (to speak more correctly) never, give that form -to the corporate body of the inhabitants of that country; and it will -be necessary even in the course of a little time, and when the colony -will be still stronger than it now is, insensibly to suppress the -syndic, who presents petitions in the name of all the inhabitants, it -being proper that each should speak for himself, and that no one should -speak for the whole.” Louis’ policy was unmistakable. He assumed to be -the autocrat of his dominions, and anything which might be construed -into an attempt to weaken the principles of his policy met with a stern -rebuke. Frontenac’s colonial system might have benefited New France: -it was capable of being wisely administered, and rich developments -might have ensued; but the King would not have it, and the Governor was -forced to withdraw his plan. - -Arbitrary and domineering to a degree, always anxious to preserve -his dignity and to exact respect from his subordinates in office and -from those about his court, whether lay or clerical, and a martinet -in compelling the observance of all rules of social and military -discipline, Frontenac, as may be supposed, did not get on well with -all parties in the colony. He made the fatal mistake of quarrelling -with the Jesuits and the Seminary priests,—the two religious orders -which at that time held the greater sway in Canada, and whose influence -among the people, and sometimes at court, was important, and not -easy to dispel. An enemy was also found in the Intendant Talon, who -suspiciously watched every movement which the Governor made, and -regularly reported his impressions to France. Talon, however, was -recalled before the quarrel had assumed very formidable proportions, -and Frontenac was well rid of him. A more dangerous element, and one -which could thwart him and upset his schemes, remained, however, to -tantalize him. He had his religious convictions, and was accounted a -good-living man, in the ordinary acceptance of the term. He regularly -went to Mass, and followed the observances of the Church; but his -Catholicism was framed in a more liberal school than that of the -followers of Loyola. His enemies said that he was a Jansenist. He -leaned towards the Recollect Fathers, attended their place of worship, -and often called on the King for additional priests of that order, -and took every opportunity to show them attention and marks of his -favor. When the Jesuits appeared too strong in number, he sent to -France for more Recollects, and through them he neutralized to some -extent the influence of the former. But the Jesuits were powerful, -diplomatic, and insidious. They constantly watched their opportunity, -and changed their mode of warfare according to the circumstances of -the hour. When the gloved hand answered their purpose, they used it; -but they had no scruple to strike with stronger weapons. Had Frontenac -chosen at the outset of his career to conciliate them and to play -into their hands, his administration might have been less fretful to -himself and vexatious to others. He might have fulfilled his original -intention, and bettered his fortunes in the way he desired. He might -have carried out some of his cherished reforms, for his zeal in that -direction was really very great, and he had his heart in his task; but -his haughty disposition would not be curbed, and he preferred to be -aggressive towards the Jesuits rather than conciliatory. The result -may be foreseen. Enemies sprang up about him on every side, and often -they were more dangerous than the Iroquois tribes who constantly -menaced the colony, and far more difficult to check than the English -of Massachusetts or of Albany. He early began writing letters to the -minister about his trials with the clergy. On the 2d of November, -1672, he wrote: “Another thing displeases me, and this is the complete -dependence of the Grand Vicar and the Seminary priests on the Jesuits, -for they never do the least thing without their order; so that they -[the Jesuits] are masters in spiritual matters, which, as you know, is -a powerful lever for moving everything else.” He complained of their -spies, and proceeded to resist their influence wherever he found it -asserting itself. The Sulpitians fared no better at his hands, and he -waged as bitter a warfare against them and those who followed their -teachings. He befriended the Recollects so warmly, that it is not -strange that they eagerly lent him all the assistance they could to -further his efforts in breaking down the power of their rivals. It is -said that at first he favored them out of a mere spirit of opposition -to the Bishop and his allies, the Jesuits; but as time wore on, his -favor deepened into affection, and he more than once declared to the -King that the Recollects ought to be more numerous than they were. He -told Colbert that their superior was a “very great preacher,” and that -he had “cast into the shade and given some chagrin to those in this -country who certainly are not so able.” He charged the clergy with -abusing the confessional and intermeddling with private family affairs, -and expressed his dislike in strong terms of their secret doings in the -colony, and their attempts to set husbands against wives, and parents -against children,—“and all,” he wrote to the minister, “as they say, -for the greater glory of God.” It is clear that the Count distrusted -the “Black Gowns” from the very first, and resolved to hold them at -arm’s length. Much of his energy was wasted in trying to lessen their -influence at court; and the King and his minister were kept pretty busy -reading and answering the recriminatory letters of the Governor and his -unsympathetic intendants, whose feelings always prompted them to side -with the Jesuits and the Church, and against Frontenac. - -[Illustration] - -A policy of Louis XIV. was the civilization of the Indians, and -Frontenac was, early in his career, instructed to take means to -civilize them, to have them taught the French language, and to -amalgamate them with the colonists. At that time the Count knew very -little about Indian nature; but he embarked in the scheme with all his -energy and zeal. He soon gained a mastery over the most savage tribes, -taught the warriors to call him father, and succeeded in inducing the -Iroquois to intrust him with the care of eight of their children,—four -girls and four boys. The former were given to the Ursulines, while he -kept two of the boys in his own house, and placed the others, at his -own cost, in respectable French families, and had them sent to school -to be educated. He tried to get the Jesuits to assist him in this task, -but they failed to respond cordially to his urging; and he complained -bitterly of their want of sympathy with the movement, even charging -them—not very accurately, it must be admitted—with “refusing to -civilize the Indians, because they wished to keep them in perpetual -wardship.” - -But a new question now arose, and Frontenac’s mind was turned towards -western exploration. He warmly favored the idea, and, relinquishing -for the moment all thought of his trials with the priests, he gave -his whole attention to the proposals of that bold and self-reliant -explorer, the Sieur Robert de la Salle. This young man was poor in -pocket, but his head was full of schemes. There was much in common -between the two men. Both had strong will and ability of no mean -calibre. They were not easily discouraged, and having once engaged in -an undertaking, they had sufficient determination to carry it through. -Frontenac greatly liked La Salle, and the two remained fast friends -for many years. A short time before the Governor arrived in Canada, -the Iroquois had made an attack on the French, and Courcelle had been -compelled to punish them. To keep them in check and to facilitate the -fur-trade of the upper country, he decided that a fort should be built -near the outlet of Lake Ontario. This determination had also been -reached some time before by the Intendant Talon, and both officers -had submitted the suggestion to the King. Frontenac was not long in -perceiving the advantages which the establishment of such a fort -presented, and he resolved to build it, as much to protect the colony -as to augment his own slender resources, which were running very low. -La Salle had gained the confidence of the Governor, who had listened -to his overtures, and manifested great interest in everything he said. -“There was between them,” says Parkman, “the sympathetic attraction of -two bold and energetic spirits; and though Cavelier de la Salle had -neither the irritable vanity of the Count nor his Gallic vivacity of -passion, he had in full measure the same unconquerable pride and hardy -resolution. There were but two or three others in Canada who knew the -western wilderness so well. He was full of schemes of ambition and -of gain; and from this moment he and Frontenac seem to have formed -an alliance which ended only with the Governor’s recall.” The fort -recommended by Courcelle, if built, might be employed in intercepting -the trade which the tribes of the upper lakes had begun to carry on -with the Dutch and English of New York. This trade Frontenac resolved -to secure for Canada, though it must be said that those who would have -control of the fort would monopolize the larger share of the traffic -to themselves, to the great displeasure of the other merchants, who -resolutely set their faces against the project. Frontenac knew this -perfectly well, for it was principally with a desire to benefit himself -that he had given the plan countenance. La Salle understood the -western country, and was familiar with Lake Ontario and its shores. -He soon convinced the Governor that the most suitable spot for the -contemplated fortified post was at the mouth of the River Cataraqui, -and there, where the city of Kingston now stands, the fort[693] was -built, in July, 1673. La Salle had told Frontenac that the English were -intriguing with the Iroquois and the tribes of the upper lakes to get -them to break the treaty with the French and bring their furs to New -York. This statement was true, and it hastened the Governor’s action. -With his usual address, he announced his intention of making a tour -through the upper parts of the colony with a strong force of men, that -the Iroquois and their associates might be intimidated, and with a view -to the securing of a more permanent peace. He had no money to carry on -this crusade, so he issued an order to the people of Quebec, Montreal, -and Three Rivers, and other settlements within his jurisdiction, -calling on them to supply him, at their own cost, with men and canoes -as soon as the spring sowing had passed. The officers in the colony -were requested to join the expedition, and they dared not refuse. On -the 3d of June Frontenac left Quebec, accompanied by his guard, his -staff, some of the garrison of the Castle of St. Louis, and a band of -volunteers. Arriving at Montreal, he tarried there thirteen days with -his following. There were some matters which required his attention, -and he speedily set about to arrange them in a manner which should at -least be satisfactory to himself. - -La Salle had been despatched to Onondaga, the political stronghold -of the Iroquois, on a mission to secure the attendance of their -chiefs at a council convened by the Governor, to be held at the Bay -of Quinté, situated on the north of Lake Ontario. While the intrepid -traveller was on his way, Frontenac changed his mind about the place -of rendezvous, and sent a messenger after him, calling the sachems to -meet at Cataraqui, where he decided to construct the fort. The Governor -of Montreal received Frontenac with suitable honors. He met him on -shore with his soldiers and people, a salute was fired, and the judge -and the syndic pronounced speeches of interminable length, but loyal -and patriotic in sentiment. The priests of St. Sulpice received him at -their church, where an address of welcome was presented. The _Te Deum_ -was sung, and the Count then retired into the fort, and began preparing -for his coming journey. It was not long before he discovered that his -project found little favor in the eyes of the people of Montreal, who -feared that much of their trade might be diverted from them by the -construction of the new post. The Jesuits, too, were opposed to the -rearing of forts and trading posts in the upper districts, and they did -what they could to discourage the scheme. Frontenac was warned that -a Dutch fleet had captured Boston, and would soon proceed to attack -Quebec. Dablon was the author of this last rumor; but the Count turned -a deaf ear to remonstrance and report, and continued his preparations. -His followers and their stores were already on the way to Lachine, and -on the twenty-eighth of June the Governor-General himself set out. His -force consisted of four hundred men, including the Mission Indians, and -one hundred and twenty canoes and two flat-bottomed boats. The voyage -was an arduous and difficult one. Without the Indians, it is a question -whether it could have been accomplished at all. The fearful journey -was full of perils and hardships, and, to add to their discomfiture, -before the place of destination was reached rain fell in torrents. -Frontenac’s management of the Indians approached the marvellous. They -worked for him with genuine zeal, and showed by their toil as much as -by their manner that they respected his authority and admired him as -a man. He divined the Indian nature well, though he had been in the -country but a few months; and the longer he remained in the colony, -the greater his influence over them became. He knew when to bully and -when to conciliate, when to apply blandishments and when to be stern. -It was a happy thought which prompted him to call himself their father. -It gave him the superiority of position at once. Other Onontios were -brothers; but the great Onontio was the father.[694] He really liked -the Indians, and could enter into their ways and customs with a spirit -born of good-will. He was a frank, and often fiery soldier, and a true -courtier; but he could be playful with the Indian children, and it was -not beneath his dignity to lead a war-dance, should policy demand, as -it did sometimes. He seemed to know the thoughts of his dusky friends, -and they felt that he could read what was passing through their minds. -His control over the tribes, friends and foes alike, was certainly -never surpassed by any white man. - -[Illustration] - -He was, moreover, true to his allies; and on more than one occasion -refused to make peace for himself with the ferocious Iroquois, when he -could easily have done so, unless they complied with his terms, and -included in the treaty the Indians friendly to the French. He would -never abandon his friends to save himself; and the tribes, hostile and -friendly, early in his career learned this, and it served to establish -his fame as a man of fair dealing and chivalrous principle. He never -yielded his point even when his savage enemies were many and his -own forces few and feeble. He maintained his ascendency always, and -lecturing his children, pointed out the duties they should observe. -Such was his personal magnetism, that they listened and obeyed him -when their following was five times as great as his own. The secret -of Frontenac’s supremacy over savage nature seemed to lie in the fact -that he never ceased to have perfect faith and belief in himself. He -had fiery blood in his veins, and an iron will, that the blandishments -which he employed at times never quite concealed. Even when reduced to -severe straits, he did not lose that boldness of demeanor which carried -him through so many perils. The Iroquois gave him most trouble. They -were fond of fighting, and when they were not attacking the French, -they were waging war on the Illinois and Hurons, and on other tribes -whose aid was often found on the side of Frontenac. The Confederacy -preferred to sell their peltries to the English and Dutch of Albany, -than to the French. They drove with the English better bargains and -secured higher prices, and the English encouraged them to bring to them -their beaver skins. But the tribes who were friendly to their white -enemies had by far the richest product of these furs, and La Salle’s -fort of St. Louis, the mission of Michillimackinac, and other posts -really controlled the trade. To gain this traffic, and to divert it -into the hands of their newly-found friends, the English and Dutch, -the five tribes of the League proceeded in 1673 to make war on the -Indians who engrossed it. Great anxiety was felt in the colony when -this determination on the part of the Confederacy became known, and the -tribes interested—the Illinois, the Hurons, and Ottawas—manifested -the utmost fear. Frontenac deemed a conference advisable, and he -invited the Iroquois to come to him and discuss affairs; but the -arrogant warriors sent back an insolent answer, and told the messenger -that Frontenac should come to them,—a suggestion which some of the -French, who were terror-stricken, urged the Governor to act upon. But -the Count had no such intention, and refused to make any concession. He -sent them word that he would go no farther than Montreal, or, at the -utmost, to Fort Frontenac, to meet them. In August, he met the Hurons -and Ottawas at Montreal in council. There had been jealousy among the -tribes, but the Count warned them against dissension among themselves, -called them his children, and exhorted them to live together as -brethren. A celebrated Iroquois chief came next, with several of his -followers. This was Decanisora, who invited Frontenac to Oswego to meet -the Five Tribes. The Count, determined to hold his ground, replied -with firmness, “It is for the father to tell the children where to -hold council, not for the children to tell the father. Fort Frontenac -is the proper place, and you should thank me for going so far every -summer to meet you.” He then conciliated the chief with presents and a -wampum belt, telling him that the Illinois were Onontio’s children, and -therefore his brethren, and that he wished them all to live together -in harmony. There was peace for a brief space, but it did not continue -many months. - -When Frontenac neared the end of his toilsome journey, and had reached -the first opening of Lake Ontario, he made up his mind to show the -Iroquois the full extent of his power, and to make as imposing a -display as possible. He arranged his canoes in line of battle, and -disposed of them in this wise: four squadrons, composing the vanguard, -went in front and in one line; then the two bateaux followed, and after -them came the Count at the head of all the canoes of his guard, of his -staff, and of the volunteers attached to his person. On his right, the -division from Three Rivers, and on his left, the Hurons and Algonquins -were placed. Two other squadrons formed a third line, and composed the -rear-guard. In this order they proceeded about half a league, when -an Iroquois canoe was observed to be approaching. It contained the -Abbé d’Urfé (who had met the Indians above the River Cataraqui, and -notified them of the Count’s arrival) and several Iroquois chiefs, who -offered to guide their visitors to the place of rendezvous. After an -exchange of civilities, their offer was accepted, and the whole party -proceeded to the spot selected. The Count was greatly pleased with the -locality, and spent the rest of the afternoon of the 12th of July in -examining the ground. The Iroquois were impatient to have him visit -them that night in their tents; but he sent them word that it was now -too late, but that in the morning, when it would be more convenient to -see and entertain each other, he would gladly do so. This reply was -considered satisfactory. At daybreak the next morning, the _réveillé_ -was sounded, and at seven o’clock everybody was astir and under arms. -The troops were drawn up in double file around Frontenac’s tent, and -extended to the cabins of the Indians. Large sails were placed in front -of his tent for the savage deputies to sit on, and to the number of -sixty they passed through the two files thus formed to the council. -They were greatly impressed with the display, and “after having sat, -as is their custom, and smoked some time,” says the journal of the -Count’s voyage, “one of them, named Garakontie, who had always been the -warmest friend of the French, and who ordinarily acted as spokesman, -paid his compliment in the name of all the nations, and expressed the -joy they felt on learning from Sieur de la Salle Onontio’s design to -come and visit them. Though some evil-disposed spirits had endeavored -to excite jealousy among them at his approach, they could not, they -said, hesitate to obey his orders, but would come and meet him in the -confidence that he wished to treat them as a father would his children. -They were then coming, they continued, as true children, to assure -him of their obedience, and to declare to him the entire submission -they should always manifest to his command. The orator spoke, as -he claimed, in the name of the Five Nations, as they had only one -mind and one thought, in testimony whereof the captain of each tribe -intended to confirm what he had just stated in the name of the whole.” -The other chiefs followed, and after complimenting Frontenac, each -captain presented a belt of wampum, “which is worthy of note,” says -the chronicle, “because formerly it was customary to present only some -fathoms of stringed wampum.” - -The Count replied in a form of address very similar to theirs. He -assured them that they did right in obeying the command of their -father, told them to take courage, and not to think that he had come -to make war. His mind was full of peace, and peace walked by his side. -After this harangue, he ordered six fathoms of wampum to be given to -them, and a gift of guns for the men, and prunes and raisins for the -women and children. The great council took place later on. Meanwhile, -the construction of the fort began, and the workmen pursued their -task with such ardor and speed, that by the 17th of July, the date -fixed for the grand council, it was well advanced. The work was done -under the supervision of Raudin, the engineer of the expedition. The -Indians watched the building of the fort with curious interest. The -Count regularly entertained two or three of the principal Iroquois at -each meal, while he fondled the children and distributed sweetmeats -among them, and invited the squaws to dance in the evenings. The -great council assembled at eight o’clock in the morning. The ceremony -was the same as that which had been observed at the preliminary -meeting. Frontenac wore his grandest air. He entreated them to become -Christians, and to listen to the instructions of the “Black Gowns.” -He praised, scolded, and threatened them in turn, and drawing their -attention to his retinue, said: “If your father can come so far, with -so great a force, through such dangerous rapids, merely to make you a -visit of pleasure and friendship, what would he do if you should awaken -his anger, and make it necessary for him to punish his disobedient -children? He is the arbiter of peace and war. Beware how you offend -him.” He further warned them not to molest the allies of the French, on -pain of chastisement. He told them that the storehouse at Cataraqui was -built as a proof of his affection, and that all the goods they needed -could be had from there. He could not give them the terms yet, because -the cost of transportation was so far unknown to him. He cautioned them -against listening to men of bad character, and recommended the Sieur de -la Salle and such as he as persons to be heeded. He asked the chiefs -to give him a number of their children to be educated at Quebec, not -as hostages, but out of pure friendship. The Indians wanted time to -consider this proposition, and the next year they acceded to it. At -intervals, during the delivery of his speech, Frontenac paused and gave -the Indians presents, which seemed to please them. The council closed, -and three days later, the Iroquois started on their journey homeward, -while Frontenac’s party returned in detachments. The fort was finished, -and the barracks nearly built. Frontenac would have left with his men -for home sooner than he did, but a band of Indians from the villages on -the north side of Lake Ontario being announced, he remained with some -troops to receive them. He treated them as he had treated the others, -and pronounced the same speech. Leaving a garrison in the fort, he then -set out for Montreal, which he reached on the 1st of August.[695] - -The enterprise cost the King ten thousand francs, and Frontenac -regarded the investment as a good one indeed. He hoped that he had -impressed the savages with fear and respect, that he had obtained a -respite from the ravages of the Iroquois, and that the fort would be -the means of keeping the peltry trade in the hands of the French, its -situation affording the opportunity of cutting it off from the English, -who were making efforts to secure it for themselves. Frontenac wrote to -the minister in November, that with a fort at the mouth of the Niagara -and a vessel on Lake Erie, the French could command all the upper lakes. - -François Perrot, the Governor of Montreal, owed his position to Talon, -his wife’s uncle, who had induced the Sulpitians, the proprietors and -feudal lords of Montreal and the island, and in whom the appointment -rested, to give the place to him. Knowing that the priests could at -will depose him, he sought to protect himself by asking the King to -give him a royal appointment. This Louis did; and the Sulpitians -could now make no change without consent of the King. Perrot was a -man of little principle, selfish and unscrupulous, who turned every -movement to his own advantage. His passion was for money-making, and -his position as governor gave him many opportunities. One of his -first acts, with that object in view, was to set up a storehouse on -Perrot Island, which gave him full command of the fur-trade. This post -was situated just above Montreal, and directly in the route of the -tribes of the upper lakes and their vicinity. A retired and trusted -lieutenant, named Brucy, was placed in charge, whose chief business -it was to intercept the Indians and secure their merchandise, to the -no small profit of the Governor and himself, and the great scandal of -the neighborhood. The forests were ranged by _coureurs de bois_, who -also trafficked with the savages, and bore off the richest peltries -before the real merchants of Montreal had had the opportunity. King -Louis had in vain attempted, by royal edicts of outlawry and stringent -instructions to his representatives and subordinates, to dislodge the -bushrangers and to put an end to their doings. The _coureurs de bois_, -however, were hardy sons of the soil; some of them were soldiers who -had deserted from the army; all of them were men of endurance, and -accustomed to brave the sternest hardships. They loved their wild life -and the adventurous character of their calling. They were, moreover, -on very excellent terms with Perrot, who connived at their escapades -and shut his ears to all complaint. He had no motive to heed the order -of his sovereign, so long as the wayward rangers shared with him the -proceeds of their dealings with the Indians. This, on their part, they -were very willing to do. - -Frontenac was jealous of Perrot’s advantages, and though he had but few -soldiers in his command with whom to enforce obedience, he determined -to strike a blow at the bushrangers, and make an attempt to execute -the King’s orders. Perrot had of late grown despotic and tyrannical. -He was comparatively beyond the reach of his superior, and had matters -pretty much under his own control. The journey from Quebec to Montreal -sometimes occupied a fortnight, and the Governor-General, as he well -knew, was not able to strike heavily with the shattered remnants of -forces who served under him. Perrot was therefore bold and defiant; -but he miscalculated the temper of his chief, and it was not long -before the arms of Frontenac were long enough to reach him. Perrot, -in a fit of temper, had imprisoned the judge of Montreal because that -functionary had dared to remonstrate against the disorders which had -been perpetrated by the _coureurs de bois_. The affair caused much -excitement; and with other acts of the Governor, the Sulpitians were -soon convinced of the grave error they had made in their choice of -a chief magistrate. They were powerless, however, to unseat him. -Frontenac now wrote to the minister, and asked for a galley, to the -benches of which it was his intention to chain the outlaws as rowers. -He then ordered the judge at Montreal to seize every _coureur de bois_ -that he could find. Two of them were living at the house of Lieutenant -Carion, a friend of Perrot’s, and when the judge’s constable went to -lay hands on them, Carion abused the officer, and allowed the men -to escape. Perrot indorsed the conduct of his lieutenant, and even -threatened the judge with arrest, should he make a similar attempt -again. - -[Illustration: CANADIAN ON SNOW-SHOES. - -A fac-simile of a print in Potherie, vol. i.] - -Frontenac, when he heard of the manner in which his orders had been -treated, flew into a passion. He despatched Lieutenant Bizard and three -soldiers to Montreal, charged to arrest and convey to the capital the -offending Carion. Bizard succeeded in making the arrest, and left a -letter in the house of Le Ber the merchant for Perrot, from Frontenac, -giving notice of what had been done. Perrot was, however, earlier -advised of the arrest. He hastened with a sergeant and three or four -soldiers, found Bizard, and indignantly ordered him under arrest. Nor -did Le Ber fare better, for, because he had testified to the scene he -had witnessed, he was thrown into jail. These arrests produced much -excitement in the place, and Perrot after a while was aware that he had -acted with inconsiderate rashness. He released Bizard, and sent him off -to Quebec, the bearer of a sullen and impertinent letter to the Count. -In due time an answer came, in an order to come to Quebec and render an -account of his conduct. Frontenac also wrote to the Abbé Salignac de -Fénelon,[696]—a zealous young missionary stationed at Montreal, one of -whose uncles had been a firm friend of Frontenac during the progress -of the Canadian war,—and desired him to see Perrot and explain the -situation. The Abbé’s task was a delicate but congenial one, and he -pursued it with such good effect that the Governor was induced to -accompany him to headquarters. They made the journey on snow-shoes, -and walked the whole distance of one hundred and eighty miles on the -St. Lawrence. The interview with the Count was short. Both men were -choleric and easily excited. Perrot was disappointed at his reception, -after taking the trouble to come so far, and at such a season of the -year. Frontenac was stubborn and angry, and the position of his rival -at his feet did not mollify his passion, but rather increased it. He -put an end to the interview by locking up his offending subordinate in -the château, and ordering guards to be placed over him day and night. -A trusty friend of Frontenac, La Nouguère by name, was despatched to -Montreal to take command. Brucy was seized and cast into prison, while -a determined war was made on the _coureurs de bois_. The two who had -been the main cause of the recent trouble were captured and sent to -Quebec, where one of them was hanged in the presence of Perrot. The -end of this war of extermination soon came, and Frontenac informed the -minister that only five of these rangers of the wood remained at large; -all the others had returned to the settlements, and given up their -hazardous calling. - -The old jealousy between Quebec and Montreal now showed itself again. -The Sulpitians thought that Frontenac had acted a high-handed part in -placing La Nouguère in command over their district without as much as -consulting them. Perrot was still their selected governor, and they -revolted against the arbitrary conduct of the Governor-General. They -roused the colonists against Frontenac’s course, and the Abbé Fénelon, -who possessed many of the indiscretions of youth, and who felt that -he had been trapped, became the most bitter of the Count’s enemies. -Before he left Quebec to return home, he gave his former friend a good -deal of abuse; and his first act on reaching Montreal was to preach -a sermon full of meaning against Frontenac. Dollier de Casson, the -superior of the congregation, reproved the preacher and disclaimed -the sermon. Fénelon, in turn, declared that bad rulers in general, -and not Frontenac in particular, were meant; but his future conduct -belied his words. He made the cause of Perrot his own, and was active -in his behalf. Frontenac summoned him before the council on a charge -of inciting sedition. The Abbé d’Urfé, a relative of Fénelon, tried -to smooth matters over with the Count, but he fared very ill, and was -shown the door for his pains. - -And now ensued a remarkable trial before the council at Quebec. Perrot -was charged with disobeying the royal edicts and of treating with -contempt the royal authority. The other offender was the Abbé Fénelon. -Frontenac had a pliant council to second his wishes. The councillors -owed their positions to him, and as he had power to remove them when -he willed, they soon ranged themselves on his side, and showed that -they were friendly to his cause. Perrot challenged the right of the -Governor-General to preside over the case, on the ground that he was -a personal enemy. He moreover objected to several of the councillors -on various pretexts. New judges were appointed for the trial, and -Perrot’s protests continuing, the board overruled all his exceptions, -and the trial went on. Other sessions proceeded to try the impetuous -Abbé. Frontenac presided at the council-board. When Fénelon was led in, -he seated himself in a vacant chair, though ordered to stand by the -Count, and persisted in wearing his hat firmly pressed over his brows. -Hot words passed between the Governor and his prisoner, the result -of which was that the Abbé was put under arrest. The priest assumed -that Frontenac had no right to try him, and that the ecclesiastical -court alone had jurisdiction over him. The war grew fierce, and the -councillors, half afraid of what they had done, at length decided to -refer the question to the King himself. The Governor of Montreal and -the vehement Abbé were accordingly despatched to France, and all the -documents relating to the case were sent with them. Frontenac presented -his side of the argument in a long despatch, which, considering his -provocation, was moderate in tone and calm in judgment. The Abbé d’Urfé -accompanied the prisoners to France, and as his cousin, the Marquise -d’Allègre, was shortly to marry Seignelay, the son of Colbert, he hoped -much from his visit. Perrot, too, was not without friends near the -King: Talon, his wife’s relative, held a post at court. Besides these -influences the Church had other means at work. - -In April, 1675, the King and Colbert disposed of the Perrot question. -They wrote calmly and with dignity. His Majesty condemned the action of -Perrot in imprisoning Bizard, and had the offender confined for three -weeks in the Bastile, “that he may learn to be more circumspect in the -discharge of his duty, and that his example may serve as a warning to -others.” He had already endured ten months of imprisonment in Quebec. -The King also told Frontenac that he should not, “without absolute -necessity,” cause his “commands to be executed within the limits of -a local government, like that of Montreal, without first informing -its governor.” Perrot was sent back to his government, and ordered to -apologize to Frontenac. Colbert informed the Count of the approaching -marriage of his son with the heiress of the house of Allègre, and -hinted at the closeness of the connection which existed between the -Abbé d’Urfé and himself. Frontenac was urged to show the Abbé “especial -consideration,” and also to treat with kindness the priests of -Montreal. Fénelon was sustained in his plea that he had the right to be -tried by an ecclesiastical tribunal; but his superior, Bretonvilliers, -absolutely forbade him to return to Canada, and wrote a letter to the -members of his order at Montreal, telling them not to interfere in -worldly matters, but to profit by the example of M. Fénelon. He advised -them “in matters of this sort” to “stand neutral.” - -[Illustration] - -The King now resolved to make some administrative changes in New -France, with a view, it is probable, of lessening the hold of Frontenac -on the body politic of the colony. He announced that the appointment of -councillors should rest with him alone in future, and promptly filled -the vacant office of Intendant by appointing M. Duchesneau whose duty -it was to watch the Governor-General, and to manage certain details in -executive work. Bishop Laval, who had been absent from Canada for some -time, also returned to his see; and Frontenac, who had ruled alone, -without bishop, without intendant, and with a subservient council, -viewed the new aspect of affairs with ill-concealed disgust. It was -not long before the threatened outbreak came. The question of selling -brandy to the natives, which had disturbed previous administrations, -became again a contention between governor and prelate.[697] The -Intendant promptly sided with the Bishop and the clergy, while the -latter stood aside at times, and allowed their secular ally to lead -the contest, content themselves to give him arguments and advice. One -question after another arose. Many of them were of trivial import, but -all of them were vexatious and troublesome, and to an imperious mind -like Frontenac’s galling in the extreme. The old rivalry of Church -and State in the matter of honors and precedence became troublesome. -Colbert wrote strongly to Duchesneau, and ordered him not to make -himself a partisan of the Bishop, and to pay proper respect to -Frontenac. The latter was commanded to live in harmony and peace with -the Intendant. The King was incensed at the constant bickerings, and -ordered Frontenac to conform to the practice prevailing at Amiens, and -to demand no more. The Intendant was roundly berated by the minister, -who told him that he ought to be able to understand the difference -between a governor and an intendant, and that he was completely in the -wrong as regards the pretensions he had assumed. - -But if the religious quarrel was settled for a time, a civil difficulty -arose. The council no longer remained a mere body for registering the -Governor’s decrees. The new order of things gave him a council of men -who were opposed in many respects to his views and interests. The -King had reinstated Villeray,—a former councillor, and a man wholly -under Jesuitical influence. Frontenac, who thought him a “Jesuit in -disguise,” called him “an intriguing busybody, who makes trouble -everywhere.” The attorney-general was Auteuil, another enemy of the -Governor. Tilly was a third member, and the Count at first approved of -him; but his opinion was destined to change. Under the ordinance of -Sept. 23, 1675, the Intendant, whose official position entitled him to -rank as the third man in the colony, was appointed president of the -council. His commission, dated June 5, 1675, read: “Présider au Conseil -Souverain en l’absence du dit Sieur de Frontenac.” Frontenac was styled -in many of the despatches which reached him from the Crown, “Chief and -President of the Council.” A conflict of authority immediately arose, -and both Governor and Intendant claimed with equal right (one would -suppose from the royal documents in their possession) the position -of presiding officer. Frontenac bided his time, and remained patient -until late in the autumn, when the last vessel cleared for France. -Then he asserted his claim to the title of chief and president, and -demanded to be so styled on the records of the council. In support of -his contention he exhibited a letter from Louis dated May 12, 1678. The -Intendant, supported by the clergy, opposed the claim. The Governor -refused to compromise, scolded Duchesneau, and threatened to teach -him his duty, while he ordered Villeray, Tilly, and Auteuil to their -houses, and commanded them to remain there until he should give them -permission to leave.[698] Auteuil begged the King to interfere, and -the wearied monarch wrote to his representative: “You have wished to -be styled Chief and President on the records of the supreme council, -which is contrary to my edict concerning that council; and I am the -more surprised at this demand, since I am very sure that you are the -only man in my kingdom who, being honored with the title of governor -and lieutenant-general, would care to be styled chief and president of -such a council as that of Quebec.” So the King refused the title of -president to either, and commanded that Duchesneau should perform the -duties of presiding officer. He also said that Frontenac had abused -his authority in exiling two councillors and the attorney-general for -so trivial a cause, and warned him to be careful in future, lest he be -recalled from office. Several other disputes in the council followed. -They were mostly about matters of small moment, but they created great -storms while they lasted. The imprisonment of Councillor Amours by -order of the Count for an alleged infringement of the passport law, and -the presence of his wife with a petition to the council for redress and -a speedy trial, caused much discussion and provoked very strong feeling. - -Duchesneau was the object of Frontenac’s constant displeasure. On him -was visited his fiercest wrath; but the Intendant bore it all with -varying moods,—sometimes disputing with Frontenac, at others abusing -him, and occasionally treating the diatribe of vituperation which -flowed from the Count’s lips with lofty disdain and scorn. He wrote -letters to the Court, and lodged complaint after complaint against -the Governor, who, in his turn, pursued the same course. Out of the -council quarrels others involving more important issues sprang up, -and nearly all the people in the colony were in time driven to one -side or the other. With Frontenac, as Parkman points out, were ranged -La Salle and his lieutenant, La Forêt; Du Lhut, the leader of the -_coureurs de bois_; Boisseau, agent of the farmers of the revenue; -Barrois, the Governor’s secretary; Bizard, lieutenant of his guard; -and others. Against him were the members of the council, Aubert de la -Chesnaye, Le Moyne and his sons, Louis Joliet, Jacques Le Ber, Sorel, -Boucher, Varennes, and many of the ecclesiastics. Duchesneau received -replies from the Court, and they must have been galling to his pride -and self-respect. He was plainly assured that though Frontenac was -not blameless, his own conduct was far more open to censure. In this -strain Colbert’s letter continued, and he said: “As to what you say -concerning his violence, his trade with the Indians,[699] and in -general all that you allege against him, the King has written to him -his intentions; but since, in the midst of all your complaints, you -say many things which are without foundation, or which are no concern -of yours, it is difficult to believe that you act in the spirit which -the service of the King demands,—that is to say, without interest and -without passion. If a change does not appear in your conduct before -next year, his Majesty will not keep you in your office.” The King -returned his usual advice to Frontenac, told him to live on good terms -with the Intendant, and prohibited him from trading with the Indians. -But neither the letters of the King nor the minister had much effect -apparently, for the Governor and Intendant continued to war against -each other. At last the King wrote thus sharply to the Count:— - - “What has passed in regard to the _coureurs de bois_ is entirely - contrary to my orders, and I cannot receive in excuse for it your - allegation that it is the Intendant who countenances them by the trade - he carries on, for I perceive clearly that the fault is your own. As I - see that you often turn the orders I give you against the very object - for which they are given, beware not to do so on this occasion. I - shall hold you answerable for bringing the disorder of the _coureurs - de bois_ to an end throughout Canada; and this you will easily succeed - in doing if you make a proper use of my authority. Take care not to - persuade yourself that what I write to you comes from the ill-offices - of the Intendant. It results from what I fully know from everything - which reaches me from Canada, proving but too well what you are - doing there. The Bishop, the ecclesiastics, the Jesuit Fathers, the - supreme council, and, in a word, everybody, complain of you; but I am - willing to believe that you will change your conduct, and act with the - moderation necessary for the good of the colony.” - -Frontenac felt the ground slipping under him, but he continued his -suicidal policy, while he wrote to some friends in France to recount -his woes, and to solicit their good offices with the Court. - -[Illustration] - -Seignelay came to power in 1681. He was the son of Colbert, and a man -of very good abilities, matured under the eye of the great minister. -He soon received long letters from Frontenac and the Intendant, filled -with accusations and countercharges. Affairs had gone badly during -the spring and summer of 1681. Some blows were struck, and a resort -to sharper weapons was hinted at. The Intendant, Frontenac said, had -barricaded his house and armed his servants. Duchesneau declared that -his son had been beaten by the Governor for a slight offence, and -afterward imprisoned in the château for a month, despite the pleadings -of the Bishop in his behalf. These matters, and much more, were -regularly reported to the new minister. Both officials stated that furs -had been carried to the English settlements, and each blamed the other -for it. The Intendant maintained that the faction led by Frontenac -had spread among the Indians a rumor of a pestilence at Montreal, for -the purpose of keeping them away from the fair, and in order that -the bushrangers might purchase the beaver-skins at a low price. The -allegation was groundless, but it had its effect at court. The King, -tired at last of the constant strife, recalled both Frontenac and -Duchesneau in the following year. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -Frontenac’s successor was Le Fèbvre de la Barre, a soldier of repute -who had already rendered his country good service in the West Indian -war, where he had gained some notable successes against the English. -For reducing Antigua and Montserrat and recapturing Cayenne from the -enemy, he had been promoted to a lieutenant-generalship. He arrived -at Quebec with Meules, his intendant, at a most inopportune time. The -great fire of August 4, 1682, had laid waste fifty-five houses, and -destroyed vast quantities of goods. - -[Illustration] - -The new Governor took up his residence in the château, while Meules -went to live in a house in the woods. La Barre was a very different man -from Frontenac. He had nothing of that soldier’s peculiar energy or -determination. He was a temporizer, cold and insincere, and no match -for Indian diplomacy or duplicity. The Indians gauged his capacity -before he had been in Canada many weeks, and as compared with Frontenac -they felt that they had a child to deal with. The King had given him -pretty plain instructions. He was ordered not only to apply himself -to prevent the violence of the Iroquois against the French, but also -to endeavor to keep the savages at peace among themselves, and by all -means to prevent the Iroquois from making war on the Illinois and -other tribes. He was further told that his Majesty did not attach -much importance to the discoveries which had lately been made in the -countries of the Nadoussioux, the River Mississippi, and other parts -of North America, deeming them of but slight utility; but he enjoined -that the Sieur de la Salle be permitted to complete the exploration -he had commenced, as far as the mouth of the Mississippi, “in case he -consider, after having examined into it with the Intendant, that such -discovery can be of any utility.” - -It was not long before La Barre exhibited his total incapacity for -governing Canada. He lowered the French prestige in the eyes of the -Indians of the Confederacy, and left his red allies to their fate. He -was jealous of La Salle, and hated him cordially. Charlevoix accounts -for his incapacity by saying that “his advanced age made him credulous -when he ought to be distrustful, timid when he ought to be bold, dark -and cautious towards those who deserved his confidence, and deprived -him of the energy necessary to act as the critical condition of the -colony demanded when he administered its affairs.” He was not very -old, being little more than sixty years of age at the time. He found -the Iroquois flushed with victory over their enemies, and displaying -an arrogant bearing towards the French. He wrote a braggart letter to -the King; said that with twelve hundred men he would attack twenty-six -hundred Iroquois, and then begged for more troops. To the minister he -wrote that war was imminent, and unless those “haughty conquerors” -were opposed, “half our trade and all our reputation” would be lost. -He was always talking about fighting; but those about him knew that -he rarely meant all he said. He developed a remarkable predilection -for trade, and soon after his arrival allied himself to several of the -Quebec merchants, with that object in view. This gave grave offence -to all those who could not participate. The tables were turned, and -the old enemies of Frontenac now reigned, while La Salle and La Forêt -were deposed. Du Lhut, the leader of the _coureurs de bois_, and a -quondam friend of the Ex-Governor, transferred his allegiance to the -new authority. La Barre soon showed his feeling towards La Salle. -Jacques Le Ber and Aubert de la Chesnaye were early despatched to Fort -Frontenac, which La Forêt commanded, with orders to seize it and all it -contained, on the flimsy pretext that La Salle had failed to fulfil the -conditions of his contract. La Forêt was offered his former position -as commander of the fort; but he refused to be false to his chief, and -sailed for France in high dudgeon. - -On the 10th of October a conference on the state of affairs with the -Iroquois was held. There were present the Governor, Intendant, Bishop -of Quebec, M. Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice of -Montreal, Father Dablon, the Governor of Three Rivers, and others. The -meeting was harmonious, and the importance and danger of the situation -seemed to be understood. A most uninviting prospect lay before the -little colony. The Iroquois, well armed and equipped, could strike -first the Illinois, and in turn all the tribes in alliance with the -French, and so divert the peltry trade into other channels, and finally -fall upon the French themselves. It was stated at the conference that -the English were responsible for this, and that they had been urging -the Iroquois on for four years, in order to ruin Canada, and to secure -for themselves and the Dutch the entire peltry trade of the continent. -It was determined to make an effort to prevent the Iroquois from -bringing upon the friendly Indians the fate they had previously dealt -upon the Algonquins, the Andastes, the Abenaquis, and others. It was -finally thought that the war might be averted for a time, and meanwhile -the King was urgently importuned for troops and two hundred hired men, -besides arms and ammunition. - -The attack came sooner than had been expected. In the early spring the -Seneca Indians were reported to be moving in considerable force on the -Illinois, the Hurons, and the Ottawas of the lakes. La Barre, greatly -excited, hastened his preparations. He wrote to France, explaining the -posture of affairs, and demanding more troops. Du Lhut was sent with -thirty men, with powder and lead, to Michillimackinac, to strengthen -the defences there, and to guard the stores, of which there was a -great quantity. Charles Le Moyne was despatched to Onondaga with a -mission, which so far succeeded that forty-three Iroquois chiefs went -to Montreal to meet the Governor. They arrived on the 14th of August. A -council was held, and over two thousand crowns’ worth of presents were -distributed among the Indians. La Barre demanded friendship for the -Ottawas, the Algonquins, and the Hurons; but there was no firmness in -his demands. He was timid, and when the fierce Senecas declared that -the Iroquois made war on the Illinois because they deserved to die, he -said nothing, and his silence sealed their doom. The delegates were -asked to agree not to plunder French traders who were provided with -passports. They agreed to this. It was a suggestion of La Chesnaye, and -evidently aimed at La Salle, though La Barre denied that he gave the -Iroquois liberty to plunder and kill the explorer. By a sort of poetic -justice, the first captures the Iroquois made under their agreement -were two boats belonging to La Chesnaye, which had gone up the lakes -during Frontenac’s reign, and had no passports. On the 30th of August -the deputies left Montreal. - -La Barre continued his trading operations. He and La Chesnaye -anticipated the annual market at Montreal, by sending up a large fleet -of vessels, and securing enormous quantities of furs, a great part of -which was clandestinely sent to Albany and New York. The Governor’s -persecutions of La Salle went on, and in the spring he sent the -Chevalier de Baugis, with canoes and soldiers, to seize his fort of St. -Louis; but his scheme suffered defeat. La Barre now prepared in earnest -for war, and was resolved to attack the Senecas in the following -August (1684). On the 31st of July the King wrote that he had sent him -three hundred soldiers. - -It has been said that the English colonists of New York had instigated -the Iroquois to make war on the French. Colonel Thomas Dongan, Lord -Tyrconnel’s nephew, and a Roman Catholic, was governor of New York. -Though he had respect for the King of France, he nevertheless thought -himself entitled to a share of the fur-trade, which had so long -remained a monopoly of the Canadians, and he decided to make some -effort to obtain it. The Duke of York warned him against offending -the French governor; but while Dongan publicly professed to observe -his Grace’s injunction, he was really in frequent intrigue with the -enemies of the French, and did all he could to provoke the Iroquois -into making war on La Barre and his allies. The English had secured -the allegiance of the five tribes of the Confederacy; the hatchet had -been buried, and the song of peace had been sung. Dongan was wily, and -got the Iroquois to recognize his king as their lawful sovereign. This -would give him the command of the country south of the great lakes. -The Indians readily promised, but without any intention of keeping -their word. Their motive evidently was to make the most out of either -party, and yield nothing. La Barre complained of the Senecas and -Cayugas, and wrote to Dongan, telling him not to sell the offenders any -arms or ammunition, and saying that he meant to attack the tribes for -plundering French canoes and attempting a French fort. Dongan wrote in -reply that the Iroquois were British subjects, and if they had done -wrong, reparation should be made. Meanwhile he urged La Barre not to -make his threatened attack, and begged him to keep the peace between -the two colonies. Next he laid the complaints of the French governor -before the chiefs, who on their part declared that the French had -carried arms to their foes, the Illinois and the Miamis. Dongan handled -the question with tact, and played upon the fears of the Indians so -well that he got them to consent to his placing the arms of the Duke of -York in their villages, which he said would save them from the French. -They further agreed that they would not make peace with Onontio without -consent of the English. In return for this, Dongan promised aid in case -their country should be invaded. - -The English Governor was a believer in prompt action, and he hastened -to have the Iroquois’ subjection to King Charles confirmed. To that end -he despatched a Dutch interpreter, Arnold Viele by name, to Onondaga. -But Charles Le Moyne and the crafty Jesuit Jean de Lamberville, who -knew the Indian character well, were there before the envoy of the -English arrived. Le Moyne had been sent to invite the tribes to a -conference with La Barre. The chief of the Onondagas was Otréouati, -or Big Mouth, a famous orator and influential warrior, and ranking as -one of the ablest Indians of the Confederacy. He was unscrupulous as -regards keeping promises, but his valor and astuteness were beyond -question. The two Frenchmen had spent some days in trying to induce -the Onondagas to get their Seneca confederates to make peace with the -French. The Senecas at first would not hear of it; but finally they -succumbed to Big Mouth’s eloquence, and gave the Onondagas power to -complete a treaty for them. Viele appeared on the scene; but he was -no diplomat, and he shocked the pride of the Onondagas when he told -them, with more arrogance than policy, that the English were masters of -their territory, and that they had no right to hold council with the -French without permission. It was natural that Big Mouth should become -indignant: he asserted the independence of his tribe, and told his -warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals of a man who seemed -to be drunk, so opposed to all reason was what he uttered. The end of -it was that Big Mouth and his sachems consented to accompany Le Moyne -to meet La Barre. - -The French Governor was ready for the campaign, having seven hundred -Canadians, a hundred and thirty regulars, and two hundred mission -Indians under his command. He was to be reinforced by a band of Indians -on the way, and a company of _coureurs de bois_ led by Du Lhut and La -Durantaye. More warriors were to join him at Niagara. He declared that -he intended to exterminate the Senecas; but his Intendant, Meules, had -no faith in his promises, and kept urging him on, as if he feared that -he would make peace without striking a blow,—a fatal course in his -eyes. He wrote to the Governor two letters on the subject, concluding -the second one thus: “If we do not destroy them, they will destroy -us. I think you see but too well that your honor and the safety of -the country are involved in the results of this war.” He also sent -a despatch to Seignelay, which contained the customary complaints -against La Barre, and some vigorous comments on his conduct in trading -against the orders of the King, and his warlike pretensions which -meant nothing. “I will take the liberty to tell you, Monseigneur,” -he wrote, “though I am no prophet, that I discover no disposition on -the part of Monsieur the General to make war against the aforesaid -savages. In my belief, he will content himself by going in a canoe as -far as Fort Frontenac, and then send for the Senecas to treat of peace -with them, and deceive the people, the Intendant, and, if I may be -allowed with all possible respect to say so, his Majesty himself.” La -Barre proceeded on his way with his army, and after encountering a few -adventures _en route_, finally reached Fort Frontenac, where the whole -party encamped. A malarial fever broke out among the French, and many -died. La Barre himself was greatly reduced and wasted by the disease, -and so disheartened that he abandoned his plans, and sought to secure -peace on the most favorable terms that he could get. He no longer -thought of punishing the Senecas, nor had he the courage to invite them -to council. He crossed over to La Famine with a few men, and sent Le -Moyne to beg the tribes to meet him on their side of the lake. Here -provisions grew scarce, and hunger and discontent prevailed among his -followers. Several soldiers languished through disease; others died. - -La Barre awaited the return of his envoy with fear and suspense. When -at last he came on the third of the month, with Big Mouth and thirteen -deputies, the Governor received the party with what grace he could. -He had sent his sick men away, and told the Indians that his army was -at Fort Frontenac; but the keen-witted savages were not deceived, and -one of their number, understanding French, gathered during the evening -from the conversation of the soldiers the true condition of affairs. -The council was held on the 4th of September; and Baron La Hontan, who -was present, gives a long account of what took place. The Governor -related the offences of the Iroquois; charged them with maltreating -and robbing the French traders in the country of the Illinois, with -introducing the “English into the lakes which belong to the King, my -master, and among the tribes who are his children, in order to destroy -the trade of his subjects,” and with having made “several barbarous -inroads into the country of the Illinois and Miamis, seizing, binding, -and leading into captivity an infinite number of those savages in time -of peace.... They are the children of my king,” he said, “and are not -to remain your slaves. They must at once be set free and sent home.” -Should such things occur again, he was ordered, he said, to declare -war against the offending tribes. He agreed to grant them terms of -peace, provided they made atonement for the past, and promised good -conduct for the future; otherwise he would burn their villages and -destroy them. Big Mouth rose and replied. He very soon convinced La -Barre of the hopelessness of his task. “Listen, Onontio,” he said. “I -am not asleep, my eyes are open; and by the sun that gives me light I -see a great captain at the head of a band of soldiers who talks like -a man in a dream. He says that he has come to smoke the pipe of peace -with the Onondagas; but I see that he came to knock them in the head -if so many of his Frenchmen were not too weak to fight. I see Onontio -raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has saved by -smiting them with disease. Our women had snatched war-clubs, and our -children and old men seized bows and arrows, to attack your camp, if -our warriors had not restrained them, when your messenger, Akouessan, -appeared in our village.” The savage refused reparation; said that his -tribe had been born free, and that they depended on neither Onontio nor -on Corlaer, the governor of New York. “We have knocked the Illinois -in the head,” he continued, “because they cut down the tree of peace -and hunted the beaver on our lands. We have done less than the English -and the French, who have seized upon the lands of many tribes, driven -them away, and built towns, villages, and forts in the country.” La -Barre, greatly disgusted, retired to his tent, and the council closed. -In the afternoon another session was held, and in the evening a treaty -was patched up. Big Mouth agreed to some reparation, which, however, -he never made; but he would not consent to make peace with La Barre’s -allies, the Illinois, whom he declared he would fight to the death. -He also demanded that the council fire should be removed from Fort -Frontenac to La Famine,—a concession yielded by La Barre without -hesitation, but which Frontenac would never have granted. - -The Governor returned home the next day, broken and dispirited; his -men followed, wasted by fever and hunger, as best they could. This -disgraceful truce was treated with contempt by all, the allies of the -French included; and for a while it was thought that the friendly -tribes would go over to the enemy in a body, make peace with their -old rivals, and divert the channel of trade from Montreal to Albany. -Lamberville only indorsed the Governor’s conduct, and styled him the -“savior of the country” for having made peace at so critical a time. -Meules and the others viewed the matter differently, and the former -wrote to the minister that the Governor’s excuses were a mere pretence; -that he had lost his wits, had gone off in a fright, and since his -return his officers could not abstain from showing him the contempt in -which they held him. The King, much annoyed, recalled La Barre, and the -Marquis de Denonville, a colonel in the Queen’s regiment of Dragoons, -full of piety and a devoted friend of the Jesuits, was sent to succeed -him. - -[Illustration] - -Denonville had been thirty years a soldier, and was much esteemed -at court for his valor. It was agreed on all hands that the King’s -selection of him for governor of the troubled colony was a very good -one. But results proved it otherwise; and Denonville’s administration -was even more unfortunate than that of La Barre, whose disastrous -reign had brought Canada almost to the brink of ruin. When he arrived -at Quebec in the autumn of 1685, with his wife and a portion of his -family, he found little to cheer him. One hundred and fifty of the -five hundred soldiers who had been sent out to Canada by King Louis -had perished of scurvy while crossing the sea. The colony was in great -disorder; the Iroquois roamed at their pleasure, destroyed when and -whom they pleased, and vented their anger with all the cruelty and -ferocity of their savage nature on such tribes as favored the French. -The Indian allies of the French who had been abandoned by La Barre -had little respect left for the nation whose chief representative had -so badly served them. But now all this would be changed. Denonville -was ordered to ratify the peace with the Iroquois or to declare war, -the alternative being left to his own discretion. The King, who felt -acutely the disgrace of La Barre’s abandonment of the Illinois, -enjoined the new governor to repair that mischief as speedily as -possible, to sustain the friendly tribes, and to humble the Iroquois -at all hazards. A vigorous policy was determined on, and the King had -great faith in the instrument which was to effect it. Denonville was -given especial instructions regarding the English of New York, who at -this time were constantly intriguing with the enemies of New France. -Dongan understood the country well, and was striving with all his -energy to secure control of the valuable fur districts south of the -Great Lakes. To that end he was always in treaty with the Iroquois, -who promised and disregarded their promises as exigency or humor -suited them. The King was fully aware of this, and his instructions of -March 10, 1685, are especially clear on this point. First, the French -ambassador at London, M. Barillon, was desired to demand from the King -of England “precise orders obliging that Governor [Dongan] to confine -himself within the limits of his government, and to observe a different -line of conduct toward Sieur de Denonville, whom his Majesty has chosen -to succeed said Sieur de la Barre.” And Denonville was himself told -that “everything must be done to maintain good understanding between -the French and English; but if the latter, contrary to all appearances, -excite and aid the Indians, they must be treated as enemies when found -on Indian territory, without, at the same time, attempting anything -on territory under the obedience of the King of England.” Meanwhile, -the English were seizing posts in Acadia[700] which had always been -occupied by the French. Denonville was ordered to send to the governor -at Boston to explain the points of boundary, and to request him to -confine himself to his own limits in future. Perrot, the former -governor of Montreal, was now governor of Acadia, and he was instructed -to keep up a correspondence with Denonville, and to take his orders -from him.[701] - -The struggle for the supremacy was between Denonville and Dongan. -The latter dared not act as openly as he wished, for his King, being -often at the mercy of Louis, kept saddling him with mandates which he -could not disobey, though they sorely touched his pride. He could, -however, intrigue; and the convenient Iroquois, who found their gain -in the dissensions of the English and French, and who soon learned to -encourage the rivalry between the two white powers encroaching on their -domain, turned listening ears to his words. Louis favored the schemes -of Denonville, which had been formed on a very extensive scale, and -involved the mastery of the most fruitful part of the entire continent. -New York had at this time about 18,000 inhabitants; Canada’s population -was 12,263; but while the latter people were united in furthering -French aims, the inhabitants of New York, save the active traders -of the colony who were concerned in the purchase of peltries, took -very little interest in Dongan’s plans. The English colonies were all -deeply interested in checking French advancement, but they declined to -help the government of New York, and Dongan was forced to fight his -battles single-handed. His king furnished him neither money nor troops; -but the assistance rendered, though sometimes in a negative sense, -by the Iroquois league, was often formidable enough, and served his -purpose on occasion. On the part of Denonville there were, of course, -counter-intrigues. Through Lamberville he distributed presents to the -Iroquois, and Engelran spent many days at Michillimackinac trying to -stay the Hurons, Ottawas, and other lake tribes from allying themselves -with the English, as they threatened to do. It was clear that a bold -stroke must be made to keep these hitherto friendly tribes on the side -of the French, and the only means which seemed to be open was war with -the Iroquois. The latter were also intriguing with their old enemies, -and trying to make treaties independently of the French. The _coureurs -de bois_, too, were a source of danger and annoyance. La Barre had not -kept them in check, and Denonville speedily discovered that they acted -as though they regarded the edicts of the King as so much waste paper. -It was impossible to prevent their selling brandy to the Indians, and -demoralizing and debauching the tribes. Denonville wrote for more -troops, and seemed anxious to deal a decisive blow at the Iroquois. -Affairs were in a deplorable state, and nothing short of a stalwart -exhibition of French power would save the country. “Nothing can save -us,” wrote the Governor, “but the sending out of troops and the -building of forts and blockhouses. Yet I dare not begin to build them; -for if I do, it will bring down all the Iroquois upon us before we are -in a condition to fight them.” - -A brisk correspondence sprang up between the Governor of New York and -Denonville. At first it was polite and complimentary, but ere long it -assumed a sterner character, and strong language was employed on both -sides. A good deal of fencing was indulged in. There were charges and -countercharges. Each blamed the other for keeping bad faith, and each -side made every effort to out-manœuvre the other. Denonville saw with -military prescience that forts would be of service at several important -points. One of these sites was situate on the straits of Detroit, and -he hastened to send Du Lhut with fifty men to occupy it. The active -woodsman promptly built a stockade at the outlet of Lake Huron, on the -western side of the strait, and paused there for a while. News reached -Denonville that Dongan contemplated sending, early in the spring -of 1687, an armed expedition in the direction of Michillimackinac -to forestall the trade there. He complained to the Governor of New -York, and advised the King about it. To Du Lhut he issued orders to -shoot down the intruders so soon as they presented themselves. Dongan -dissembled until he heard from England, when he altered his tone, -and wrote a letter much subdued in temper to Denonville. The French -Governor replied, and counselled harmony. - -Intelligence from the north reached Denonville about this time, which -gave him considerable satisfaction. The French had resolved in the -spring of 1686 to assert their right to the territory of Hudson’s -Bay. An English Company had established a post at the mouth of Nelson -River, on the west, and on the southern end there were situate forts -Albany, Hayes, and Rupert, each garrisoned by a few men. The rival of -this Company was the Company of the North, a Canadian institution, -which held a grant from Louis XIV. The French had decided to expel the -English from their posts, and Denonville approved the plan, and sent -Chevalier de Troyes with a band of eighty men to assist the Company. -Forts Hayes and Rupert were assaulted at night. In each instance the -attack was a surprise, and the posts readily fell into the hands -of the invaders. Several of the English were killed, others were -wounded, and the rest were made prisoners. Iberville attacked a vessel -anchored near the fort; three of its defenders were killed, and others, -including Bridger, the governor for the Company, were captured. At Fort -Albany, which was garrisoned by thirty men, a stouter resistance was -offered, but at the end of an hour it was silenced, and shared the fate -of its fellows. - -Meanwhile, a treaty of neutrality had been signed at Whitehall, and -there was peace between England and France for a time. The document -bears date Nov. 16, 1686. On Jan. 22, 1687, instructions were sent to -Governor Dongan to maintain friendly relations with Denonville, and to -give him no cause for complaint. The King of France delayed despatching -his orders to Canada until four months had elapsed. - -[Illustration] - -Denonville was ordered to punish the Iroquois. He had eight hundred -regulars, and a further contingent of eight hundred men were promised -in the spring. Abundant means, too, had been provided; namely, 168,000 -livres in money and supplies. Denonville was in high feather, and -everything turned in his favor for a time. He had got rid of his -meddling Intendant, Meules, and a pious man like himself had been sent -in his place. This was Champigny. The Bishop, St. Vallier, had only -words of praise for the administration as it then stood: Church and -State were in perfect harmony at last. The attack on the Iroquois towns -was well planned, and every precaution was observed to keep the matter -secret until the time for action had arrived. Dongan, however, learned -the truth from straggling deserters, and he was not slow in informing -the Iroquois of the warlike designs of the French. - -Denonville’s plan was to proceed to the Senecas, the strongest -castle and the nearest to Niagara, his course taking him along the -southern shore, which he elected on account of certain advantages -which it possessed over the northern side. The little army moved -out from Montreal on its career of conquest June 13, 1687. After -some difficulty, Fort Frontenac was reached. Champigny and his men -had arrived a few days in advance of the main army; and through his -exertions thirty men and ninety women and children of a peaceable tribe -belonging to the Iroquois and living in the neighborhood, were decoyed -into the fort under the pretence of being feasted, and treacherously -captured. Other Indians were taken in the same way, many of whom were -afterward consigned to the French galleys. The Iroquois were more -chivalrous. They had Lamberville, the Jesuit missionary whom Denonville -had basely left to his fate, in their power, and could easily have -destroyed him, but they allowed him to go free and join his friends. -At the fort there were assembled, according to Denonville, about two -thousand men, regulars, militia, and Indians. Eight hundred troops, -newly arrived from France, had been left at Montreal to protect the -settlers and property there. More allies were awaiting his commands at -Niagara; they consisted of one hundred and eighty Frenchmen, and four -hundred Indians, under Tonty, La Durantaye, and Du Lhut. The journey to -Niagara had not been made without hardship and adventure. The Indians -of the party had been difficult to manage, and for a while Durantaye -was not sure that they would remain with him. Some of the English -traders, commanded by Johannes Rooseboom, a Dutchman, on the way to -Michillimackinac with goods, were encountered, and Durantaye hastened -with one hundred and twenty _coureurs de bois_ to meet them. The party, -consisting of twenty-nine whites and five Mohawks and Mohicans, were -threatened with death if they resisted. They immediately surrendered, -and were despatched to Michillimackinac as prisoners. The merchandise -they brought was parcelled out among the Indians. This stroke was the -means of saving Durantaye’s life, and the Indians with him became in -consequence his sure allies. While making for Niagara, McGregory’s -canoes were met, and the same fate overtook them. This capture -proved important, for McGregory had with him a number of Ottawa and -Huron prisoners whom the Iroquois had taken. It was the Englishman’s -intention to restore these captives to their countrymen, to make -good the terms of the triple alliance which had been entered into by -the English, the Iroquois, and the lake tribes. McGregory’s capture -destroyed the whole arrangement, and he and his companions, with those -of Rooseboom, were ultimately sent as prisoners to Quebec. - -The war-party at Niagara were ordered to repair to the rendezvous at -Irondequoit Bay, on the border of the Seneca country, and Denonville -went to meet them. His command numbered three thousand men, for a -reinforcement of Ottawas of Michillimackinac who had refused to follow -Durantaye, having altered their minds, now joined the party. The host -was well officered. The leaders were Denonville, the Chevalier de -Vaudreuil,—an excellent soldier, fresh from France,—La Durantaye, -Callières, Du Lhut, Tonty, Berthier, La Valterie, Granville, Longueil, -La Hontan, De Troyes, and others. On the afternoon of the 12th of -July, at three o’clock, having already despatched four hundred men to -garrison the redoubt, which had been put in a condition of defence for -the protection of the provisions and canoes, Denonville began his march -across the woods to Gannagaro,—twenty-two miles distant. Each man -carried with him food for thirteen days. Three leagues were made the -first day, and the party camped for the night. Two defiles were passed -the next morning. The heat was intense, and the mosquitoes were very -troublesome, but the men moved on in pretty fair order. So far, only a -few scouts of the enemy had been encountered. At two o’clock the third -defile was entered. It had been the Governor’s intention to rest here, -but having been notified by scouts that a considerable party of the -Senecas was in the neighborhood, an advance was made by Callières, who -was at the head of the three companies commanded by Tonty, Durantaye, -and Du Lhut, besides the detachment of Indians. This body, which -formed the vanguard of the army, pushed rapidly through the defile, -unconscious of the fact that an ambuscade of Senecas, three hundred -strong, was posted in the vicinity. When they reached the end they came -upon a thicket of alders and rank grass. At a given signal, the air -was rent with defiant shouts, and a host of savages leaped from their -places of concealment, and sent a volley of lead into the bewildered -French, while the three hundred Senecas who lined the sides of the -defile sprang upon the van. They had thought to crush their enemy at a -blow, but Denonville, hurrying up with his sixteen hundred men, soon -spread consternation into their ranks. The firing was heavy on both -sides; but the Senecas were defeated with considerable slaughter, and -finally fled from the scene in dismay. Denonville wrote that “all our -Christian Indians from below performed their duty admirably, and firmly -maintained the position assigned to them on the left.” The French did -not follow the flying savages, being too much fatigued by their long -march. Their loss was five or six men killed and twenty wounded. Among -the latter was Father Engelran, who was seriously injured by a bullet. - -[Illustration] - -The next morning the army pressed forward again, but no Seneca warriors -were to be seen. The villages were deserted, and ten days were occupied -by the soldiers and their allies in reducing the Indian villages and -destroying the provisions and stores which the Senecas had left behind -them. Denonville withdrew on the 24th with his army, and set out for -Montreal. On the way back he ordered a stockade to be built at Niagara, -on the site of La Salle’s old fort, between the River Niagara and Lake -Ontario. Montreal was reached on the 13th of August.[702] - -Denonville thought that he had made a successful stroke; but he was -over sanguine. After this his power seemed to wane, and his prestige -went down. Dongan was savage when he heard of the imprisonment of -McGregory and Rooseboom, and wrote a sharp letter demanding their -return. Denonville refused, and upbraided him for having assisted the -savages. He thought better of his resolution as his anger cooled, -however, and in a few weeks released his prisoners. - -Dongan called a conference of the Iroquois, and told them to receive -no more Jesuit missionaries into their towns. He called them British -subjects, and said that they should make no treaties with the French -without asking leave of King James. The humbled Indians promised -obedience. - -Hitherto, Dongan had not succeeded in getting his king to recognize the -Iroquois as his subjects. On the 10th of November, 1687, however, a -warrant arrived from England authorizing the Governor to protect the -Five Nations, and to repel the French from their territory by force -of arms, should they attack the villages again. The commissioners -appointed, in accordance with the terms of the neutrality treaty signed -at Whitehall, had the boundary question before them. Both French and -English claimed the Iroquois, and the matter was assuming a serious -aspect. News came in August, 1688, to Denonville, that the subject of -dispute would receive prompt and satisfactory settlement.[703] - -Meanwhile, the French Governor made several overtures to obtain peace -with the Iroquois; but their demands were greater than his pride could -grant. Dongan’s hand was seen in every proposition formulated by the -savages. Father Vaillant was sent to Albany to try and obtain easier -conditions, but the effort was vain; and the Iroquois absolutely -refused to make peace or grant a truce until Fort Niagara was razed, -and all the prisoners restored. These terms were exasperating; but -when Denonville learned that Dongan had been recalled by King James, -his spirits rose, and he felt as if a great load were removed. The -governments of New York, New Jersey, and New England became one -administration, and Sir Edmund Andros was named governor over all. So -far as Denonville was concerned, he was no better off than before, -for the new Governor insisted on all of Dongan’s old demands being -satisfied, and actually forbade peace with the Iroquois on any other -basis. - -The state of Canada at this time, 1688, was most deplorable. Disease -had broken out, and the mortality was fearful. Before spring, ten -only, out of a garrison of one hundred men at Niagara, survived the -scourge. The provisions had become bad, and prowling Senecas prevented -any of the inmates of the fort from venturing out to look for food. -Fort Frontenac’s garrison was also sadly diminished, and the distress -throughout the country, from famine and disease, was very great. To -add to the Governor’s troubles, the fur-trade had languished. Bands of -Iroquois menaced the unfortunate settlers. The fields were untilled; -danger lurked in every bush, and destitution, gaunt and grim, abounded -everywhere. Peace must be had at any price, if the colony would live, -and Denonville resolved to make it. He had become unmanned by his -trials, and though he still had a force of fourteen hundred regulars, -some militia, and three or four hundred Indian converts, he hesitated -to venture on war. He wrote to the Court for eight hundred more troops, -and the King sent him three hundred. Then he made up his mind to fight. -He planned a campaign against the Iroquois which he hoped would break -their power. He proposed to divide his army into two sections, with one -of which he might crush the Onondagas and Cayugas, and with the other -the Mohawks and Oneidas. He asked the King for four thousand troops, -and the Bishop backed his demand with an earnest prayer; but France -could not spare them, and the Governor was left to his own resources. -He fell back on the arts of the diplomat, and invited the wily old -chief Big Mouth, to a council at Montreal. The savage consented to -come, despite his promises to the English, and presently he appeared -before Denonville at the head of twelve hundred warriors. He addressed -the Marquis haughtily, and said that he would make peace with the -French, but the terms would not include their allies: the Iroquois must -be left free to attack them when and how they would. Denonville, like -De la Barre on a former occasion, dared not refuse, and the red allies -of the Governor were again abandoned to their fate. A declaration of -neutrality was drawn up June 15, 1688, and Big Mouth promised that -deputies from the whole Confederacy should proceed to Montreal and sign -a general peace. - -A chief of the Hurons named Kondiaronk, or the Rat, heard of the treaty -about to be made. Should it be ratified, it meant the destruction of -his own tribe. He took steps to prevent it, and with a band of trusty -savages intercepted the Iroquois deputies on their way to Montreal, at -La Famine, and attacked them. One chief was killed, a warrior escaped -with a broken arm, and the rest were wounded and taken prisoners. The -Rat told his captives that Denonville had informed him that they were -to pass that way, and when the captives replied that they were envoys -of peace, the crafty Huron assumed an injured air, liberated them all -save one, and giving them guns and ammunition, told them to go back to -their people, and avenge the treachery of the French. They departed, -breathing vengeance against Onontio. The wounded Iroquois who had -been in the _mêlée_ escaped, however, learned a different story at -Fort Frontenac, where he was well received, and hastened to Onondaga -charged with explanations. The Iroquois pretended to be satisfied, and -Denonville believed them; but ere long he was terribly undeceived. From -one pretext and another, the treaty was not signed. - -And now occurred one of the direst and blackest tragedies in the -annals of New France. During the night and morning of the 4th and 5th -of August, 1689, some fourteen or fifteen hundred Iroquois landed at -Lachine. A tempest was raging at the time, and taking advantage of the -storm and the darkness, they crept noiselessly up to the houses of the -sleeping settlers, and, yelling their piercing war-whoop, fell upon -their defenceless and surprised victims. The houses were fired, and -the massacre of the inmates which followed was swift and frightful. -Few escaped; men, women, and children were indiscriminately slain in -cold blood. It is estimated that more than two hundred persons were -butchered outright, and one hundred and twenty were carried off as -prisoners and reserved for a fate worse than death. Women were impaled, -children roasted by slow fires, and other horrors were perpetrated. -Three stockade forts, Rémy, Roland, and La Présentation, respectably -garrisoned, were situate in the vicinity of this bloody deed. Two -hundred regular troops were encamped less than three miles away. Their -officer, Subercase, was at the time in Montreal, some six miles from -his command. A fugitive from the massacre alarmed the soldiers, and -then fled to Montreal with his terrible news. Flying victims of the -tragedy were seen at intervals pursued by Iroquois, but the presence -of the file of soldiers prevented them from following up their prey. -It was far into the day when Subercase returned, breathless, from -Montreal. He hastily ordered his troops to push on, and, reinforced -by one hundred armed settlers and several men from the forts, marched -towards the encampment of the Indians. Most of the latter were -helplessly drunk by this time, and Subercase could have killed many of -them easily; but just as he was about to strike, Chevalier de Vaudreuil -appeared upon the scene, and by orders of Denonville commanded the -gallant officer to stand solely on the defensive. In vain Subercase -protested; but the orders of his superior could not be gainsaid. The -troops were marched back to Fort Roland, a great opportunity for -revenge was lost, and the fatal pause cost the French very dearly. The -next day the savages were early on the alert. Eighty men hurrying from -Fort Rémy to join Vaudreuil were cut to pieces, and only Le Moyne, De -Longueil, and a few others succeeded in making their way through the -gate of the fort which they had just abandoned. The Indians continued -their fiendish work. They burned all the houses and barns within an -area of nine miles, and pillaged and scalped, without opposition, -within a circle of twenty miles. The miserable policy of Denonville -completely paralyzed the troops and inhabitants, and they allowed -the Iroquois to remain in the neighborhood until they had surfeited -themselves with slaughter, though with a little determined effort they -could readily have driven them off. At length the savages withdrew of -their own accord, and as they passed the forts they called out loud -enough for the inmates to hear, “Onontio, you deceived us, and now we -have deceived you.” - -Other troubles overtook the colony: the rebellion broke out in England; -war was declared between Britain and France, in the midst of which -Denonville was recalled, and brave, chivalrous Frontenac, now in his -seventieth year, crossed the seas again, his past conduct forgiven by -King Louis, to administer for a second time the affairs of Canada. - -It was in the autumn of 1689, and by evening, that Frontenac was -received at Quebec with fireworks and jubilations. His passage had been -long, and the season was too far advanced to render it practicable to -organize an attack on New York by sea and land, in accordance with -secret instructions which he had received on leaving France;[704] so -the condition of affairs in Canada at once engaged his attention. -These were far from cheerful. Frontenac hastened to Montreal, only -to meet the garrison of Fort Frontenac, which had abandoned and -partially destroyed the works, and were withdrawing under Denonville’s -orders. In every direction the settlements were in terror of the -stealthy Iroquois; and even the tribes of the lakes, having found -under Denonville’s policy that little dependence could be placed in -the support of the French, were showing signs of revolt. Frontenac -had induced a council of the Iroquois; but his proposition for peace -was only met by the revelation of their alliance with the tribes of -Michillimackinac. The French Governor acted promptly: he despatched -a force, accompanied by the astute Nicholas Perrot, to endeavor to -prevent any overt act on the part of the Ottawas. - -Meanwhile, to punish the English and to impress the savages, Frontenac -sent out three expeditions. The first, from Montreal, fell suddenly -upon Schenectady, then the farthest outpost of the English in New -York, and perpetrated a fearful massacre. The invaders retired, not -without pursuit, leaving some prisoners in the hands of the English, -who learned from them that Frontenac designed to make a more formidable -attack in the spring. Schuyler, of Albany, appealed to Massachusetts -for help; but the New England colonies soon had a sharper appeal for -their own defence. Towards the end of January, Frontenac’s second -expedition had left Three Rivers, and two months later it fell suddenly -upon Salmon Falls, a settlement on the river dividing Maine from New -Hampshire, where the force plundered and killed whom they could, and -retreated so as to intercept and join the third of the French parties, -which had left Quebec in January, and was now on its way to attack -Fort Loyal, at the present Portland. After a vigorous resistance, -Captain Sylvanus Davis, a Massachusetts man, who commanded the English, -surrendered that post upon terms which were not kept. Murder and rapine -followed, as in the other cases, while Davis and some others were led -captive to Canada. Frontenac received the New Englander kindly, who was -still in his power when another and more famous New Englander appeared -before Quebec with a fleet, in pursuance of a part of a plan of attack -on New France which the English were now bent on making in retaliation. -At a congress in May, 1690, held in New York, the scheme was arranged. -A land force under Fitz-John Winthrop was to march from Albany to -Montreal. It fell (as we shall see) by the way, and disappeared. A -sea-force was to sail from Boston and attack Quebec at the same time. -This for a while promised better. - -During the previous year the Boston merchants had lost ships and -cargoes by French cruisers, which harbored at Port Royal.[705] Another -chapter tells the story of the reprisals which the aroused New -Englanders made, and how Sir William Phips had returned with captives -and booty to Boston, just after the Massachusetts Government had -begun to make preparations to carry out their part of the campaign as -planned in New York. There is no test of soldiership like success, -and the adventitious results of the Port Royal expedition stood with -the over-confident and unthinking for much more than they signified, -and Phips of course was put in command of the new Armada. Money -was borrowed, for recurrent frontier wars had drained the colonial -treasuries. England was appealed to; but she refused even to contribute -munitions of war. So with a bluff and coarse adventurer for a general, -with a Cape Cod militia-man in John Walley as his lieutenant, with -a motley force of twenty-two hundred men crowded in thirty-two -extemporized war-ships, and with a scant supply of ammunition, the -fleet left Boston Harbor in August, 1690. - -Meanwhile Frontenac at Quebec had, during the winter, been -constructing palisades in front of the inland side of the upper -town, and leaving the work to go on, had gone up in the early -summer to Montreal, to be elated by the arrival of a large fleet -of canoes bringing furs from the upper lakes. All this indicated -to Frontenac that his policy of reclaiming to the French interest -the tribes about Michillimackinac was working successfully, and -he rejoiced. While here, however, he got news of Winthrop’s force -coming down Lake Champlain. It turned out that the English did nothing -more than to frighten him a little by the sudden onset of a scouting -party under John Schuyler, which fell upon the settlement at La -Prairie, and then vanished. - -Suddenly again word came of a rumor of a fleet having sailed from -Boston to attack Quebec. Frontenac made haste to return to that town, -and was met on the way by more definite intelligence of the New England -fleet having been seen in the river. When he reached Quebec, not a -hostile sail was in sight. He was in time, and his messengers were -already summoning assistance from all distant posts. - -In coming up the river, Phips had captured two vessels, so that the -fleet which two or three days after Frontenac’s arrival slowly emerged -into the basin of Quebec counted thirty-four vessels to the anxious -eyes of the French. Phips’s prisoners had told him that there were not -two hundred men in the works; Frontenac knew that his reinforcements -had already made his garrison about twenty-seven hundred men. - -Phips promptly sent a summons to surrender. His messenger was -blindfolded and tumbled about over the barricades, to impress him with -the preparations of defence. Frontenac disdained to take the offered -hour for consideration, and sent back his refusal at once. Phips -dallied with councils of war till he heard the acclamations with which -the Governor of Montreal was received, when he brought several hundred -additional men to the garrison. Walley was at last landed with a force -of twelve or thirteen hundred, who experienced some fighting, which -they conducted courageously enough, but without result, and suffered -much from the inclemency of the weather. Without waiting for the land -troops to reach a position for assaulting the town, Phips moved up -his ships, and began a bombardment, wholly ineffectual, and drew a -return which damaged him so considerably, that, after renewing it -the following day, he finally drew off. There was another delay in -rescuing Walley and his men, who were at last re-embarked under cover -of the night. The fleet now fell down the river, stopped to repair, -and then made their way back to Boston, straggling along for several -months, some of the vessels never reaching home at all. The miseries of -mortification and paper money were all that New England had to show for -her bravado.[706] - -[Illustration: ATTACK ON QUEBEC.] - -To Frontenac the success of his defence was a temporary relief, so -far as the English were concerned, though the New England cruisers -continued to intercept his supplies in the Gulf. But the Iroquois -wolves began to prowl again. Taunted by their savage allies for their -inertness, the English and Dutch of Albany once more raided towards -Montreal, under Peter Schuyler, and, inflicting more damage than they -received, successfully broke through an ambuscading force on their -retreat. All this irritated Frontenac. He prayed his King for help -to destroy New York and Boston; and when a false report reached him -that ten thousand “Bastonnais” had sailed to wreak their revenge for -Phips’s failure, he set vigorously to work strengthening the vulnerable -points of his colony. He varied his activity with continued expeditions -against the Iroquois, whether strolling or at home, striking -particularly against the Mohawk towns; and he protected a great fleet -of canoes which in the troublous times had been kept back in the upper -country, and now brought credit and hope to the lower settlements in an -ample supply of furs. - -But during all this turmoil with public foes, Frontenac was having his -old troubles over again with the Bishop and the Intendant. Outward -courtesy and secret dislike characterized their intercourse, and -discord went in the train of the Bishop as he made his pastoral tours -among a people bound in honor and reverence to the Governor. - -The reader must turn to another page[707] for the struggle with the -“Bastonnais” which Frontenac was watching meanwhile in Acadia; but -this did not divert his attention from the grand castigation which -at last he was planning for the Iroquois. He had succeeded, in 1694, -in inducing them to meet him in general council at Quebec, and had -framed the conditions of a truce; but the English at Albany intrigued -to prevent the fulfilment, and war was again imminent. Both sides -were endeavoring to secure the alliance of the tribes of the upper -lakes.[708] These wavered, and Frontenac saw the peril and the remedy. -His recourse was to attack the Iroquois in their villages at once, -and conquer on the Mohawk the peace he needed at Michillimackinac. It -was Frontenac’s last campaign. In July, 1696, he left Montreal with -twenty-two hundred men. He went by way of Fort Frontenac, crossed Lake -Ontario, landed at Oswego, and struggled up its stream, and at last set -sails to his canoes on Lake Onondaga. Then his force marched again, and -Frontenac, enfeebled by his years, was borne along in an arm-chair. -Eight or nine miles and a day’s work brought them to the Onondagas’ -village; but its inhabitants had burned it and fled. Vaudreuil was -sent with a detachment, which destroyed the town of the Oneidas. After -committing all the devastation of crops that he could, in hopes that -famine would help him, Frontenac began his homeward march before the -English at Albany were aroused at all. The effect was what Frontenac -wished. The Iroquois ceased their negotiations with the western tribes, -and sued for peace. - -Meanwhile the crowns and diplomats of England and France had concluded -the Peace of Ryswick in 1697. Frontenac got word of it from New York as -early as February of 1698, and a confirmation from Louis in July. There -were still some parries of diplomacy between the old French soldier and -the English governor at New York, the Earl of Bellomont, each trying -to maintain the show of a paramount authority over the Five Nations. -But Frontenac was not destined to see the end. In November he sickened. -His adversary, Champigny, mollified at the sight, became reconciled to -him, and soothed his last hours. On the twenty-eighth he died, in the -seventy-eighth year of his age, and New France sincerely mourned her -most distinguished hero. - - * * * * * - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -A LARGE portion of the manuscript sources of this chapter may be found -in the invaluable collection of papers relating to New France in the -Archives of the Marine and Colonies, the Archives Nationales, and the -Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris; and in the office of the Provincial -Registrar at Quebec. The archives of New York, Massachusetts, and -Canada have made extensive transcripts from these documents, as -follows:— - -1. _Correspondance Officiele_, first series, vols. i.-v. There are -transcripts from the Paris documents copied in France for the State -of New York, and translations of them all are in the ninth and tenth -volumes of the _Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State -of New York_.[709] - -2. _Correspondance Officiele_, second series, vols. ii., iv.-viii. -These papers exist in manuscript, and have not been translated into -English. Copies are in the Library of Parliament, Ottawa, and in the -Archives Office of the Quebec Government. - -3. A collection of papers made by an agent of Massachusetts at Paris, -relating chiefly to Acadian matters, contains also a good deal about -Frontenac. They were copied afterward in Boston on an order from the -Quebec Government, and are in the keeping of the Registrar at Quebec. -The Quebec administration intends publishing these papers.[710] [They -have since been published.] - -The original Register and Proceedings of Council, in several volumes, -remain in very fair condition in the archives of the Quebec Government. -The first, a folio bound in calf and indexed, bears two titles, the -first of which is, _Registre des Insinuations du Conseil Supérieur -de 1663 à 1682_, ninety-six pages. It begins with the King’s edict -creating the Superior Council, dated April 1, 1663, and ends with the -“Procès Verbal” of the Superior Council concerning the _Redaction_ of -the _Code Civil_, or ordinance of Louis, April 14, 1667. - -The second title is, _Jugements et Délibérations du Conseil Souverain -de la Nouvelle France, 1663 à 1676_, two hundred and eighty-one -pages. It begins with an _arrêt_ of the Superior Council ordering -the registration of the King’s edict of April 1, 1663, creating the -Superior Council for New France, to be held at Quebec; and ends with -an interlocutory judgment, dated Dec. 19, 1676, upon a petition of -François Noir Roland, complaining of his curate for refusing him -absolution. This book, or register, is authenticated by the certificate -of the Governor, Comte de Frontenac, on the first page, as follows:— - - “Le Présent Régîstre du Conseil Souverain contenant trois cens - soixante et seize feuillets a été ce jour paraphé _ne varietur_ par - premier et dernier, par nous Louis de Buade de Frontenac Chevallier - Comte de Palluau, Conseiller du Roy en ses Conseils, Gouverneur et - Intendant Général pour sa Majesté, en la Nouvelle France, Québec le - quinzième Janvier Mille six cents soixante et quinze.” - - “FRONTENAC.” - -The entries in general throughout this end of the book are -authenticated by the Governor, Bishop, Intendant, councillors, or Clerk -of the Council; and the last, or two hundred and eighty-first leaf, is -signed by Duchesneau, Intendant, and by Dupont, Member of the Council. -Its general contents consist of a variety of orders, regulations, -ordinances, judgments, civil and criminal, of the Superior Council, -licitation, and adjudications of Crown estates, representations to the -King and his ministers upon various subjects. There are four following -volumes of this register in the archives at Quebec bearing the dates -1677 to 1680, 1681, 1681 to 1687, and 1688 to 1693, respectively. Each -of these contains interesting details of Council proceedings during the -first administration of Frontenac, the time of La Barre and Denonville, -and during Frontenac’s second term. - -The _Édits et Ordonnances_, vol. iii., contain copies of the -commissions of Frontenac, La Barre, and Denonville. - -For particulars concerning the youth of Frontenac, his family and -marriage, see Parkman’s Appendix, where, among other sources, are -named the journal of Jean Héroard, physician to the court, part of -which is cited in _Le Correspondant_ of Paris for 1873; Pinard, -_Chronologie Historique-Militaire_; _Les Mémoires de Sully_; _Table de -la Gazette de France_; _Mémoires de Philippe Hurault_ (in Petitot); -Jal, _Dictionnaire Critique_, _Biographique, et d’Histoire_, article, -“Frontenac;” _Historiettes de Tallemant des Réaux, ix._ (ed. -Monmerqué); _Mémoires de Mademoiselle de Montpensier_, vols. i.-iii.; -and _Mémoires du Duc de Saint-Simon_.[711] - -At Frontenac’s death we have an _Oraison funèbre du Comte de Frontenac, -par le Père Olivier Goyer_, preached from the text: “In multitudine -videbor bonus et in bello fortis.” A copy of this eulogy, containing -a running commentary on its sentiments strongly adverse to the views -of the orator, is preserved in the Seminary of Quebec. These comments, -selections from which will be found in Parkman’s _Count Frontenac and -New France under Louis XIV._, pp. 431-434, are, the Abbé Casgrain -informs me, from the caustic pen of the Abbé Charles Glandelet, who -came to Canada in 1675, and labored half a century in the Seminary. He -was first theologian, superior, and confessor of the Ursulines, and -died at Three Rivers at the advanced age of eighty years. - -In considering the early printed books pertaining to our subject, -we find them copious; but unfortunately we can scarcely account -many of them trustworthy historical authorities, since prejudice -and partisanship characterize them for the most part. The contests -of the period greatly developed antagonisms, and it was not easy at -the time to resist their influences. When we collate the writings of -these contemporaries, we find a great lack of unity and sympathy, -and this often extends to matters of trifling import. While thus in -many ways these books fail of becoming satisfactory chronicles, as -expressions of current partisan feeling they often throw great light on -all transactions; and it is fortunate that in their antagonisms they -give rival sentiments and opposing narratives, from which the careful -student, with the help of official and other contemporary documents, -may in the main satisfy his mind. Foremost among these early narratives -is the _Premier Établissement de la Foy dans la Nouvelle France_ of the -Père Le Clercq: of this, however, as well as of the works of Hennepin -and La Hontan, Tonti, and Marquette, an examination is made in another -chapter.[712] - -Of the more general early narratives, we must give a prominent place -to a book which ranks as a respectable authority, and is frequently -quoted,—Bacqueville de la Potherie’s _Histoire de l’Amérique -Septentrionale depuis 1534 jusqu’à 1701_, Paris, 1722, four volumes. -It is particularly useful in studying the relations of Frontenac and -Callières, but as a contribution upon the condition of the Indians at -that time it has its chief value.[713] - -The _Histoire du Canada_ of the Abbé Belmont, superior of the Seminary -of Montreal during 1713 and 1724, is a short history of affairs from -1608 to 1700. The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec printed, -about 1840, in their _Collection de Mémoires_, a small edition of -the work from a manuscript copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale of -Paris. It is very scarce, and copies are held at high prices, but the -Society intend reissuing it shortly. Its general accuracy has not -been questioned, and the views expressed are evidently the outcome of -careful consideration. - -The general history of the administrations of Frontenac, De la Barre, -and Denonville is exhaustively treated by Father Francis-Xavier de -Charlevoix; and the first place in time and importance among the -contributions to the general history of Canada, of a date earlier -than the present century, must be given to this Jesuit’s _Histoire et -Description Générale de la Nouvelle France, avec le Journal Historique -d’un Voyage fait par l’Ordre du Roi dans l’Amérique Septentrionale_, -which was issued at Paris in 1744.[714] Shea says: “Access to State -papers and the archives of the religious order to which he belonged, -experience and skill as a practised writer, a clear head and an ability -to analyze, arrange, and describe, fitted him for his work.” Parkman, -whose studies have made him a close observer of Charlevoix’s methods, -speaks of his “usual carelessness.” - -Charlevoix arrived in Canada in September, 1720, on an expedition -to inspect the missions of Canada. His purpose took him throughout -the limits of New France and Louisiana, and by the Illinois and -the Mississippi to the Gulf. His work is commensurate with his -opportunities; his faults and errors were those of his order; and his -religious training inclined him to give perhaps undue prominence to -the ecclesiastical side of his subject; and though the character of -Frontenac suffers but little at his hands, some of the prejudice which -Charlevoix bestows upon the Recollects necessarily colors his judgment -in matters where the Governor came in contact with the Jesuits. - -The Abbé La Tour, not a very trustworthy authority, wrote _Mémoires sur -la Vie de M. de Laval, premier Évêque de Québec_ in 1761,—a small book -which is worth looking into, though not with the object of accepting -all its statements. Frontenac is bitterly attacked, his faults -magnified, and many serious charges are preferred against him. But one -volume, however, was published,—a thin book of a few pages, bearing -the imprint of Jean Frederick Motiens, Cologne, 1761. The second -volume was never printed. The copy of vol. i. which the Abbé Vemey -possessed has this note in the latter’s handwriting: “L’Abbé de la Tour -de Montauban, author of this Life, of which the first volume only has -been published, promised me a manuscript copy of the second volume; but -he did not keep his word. Owing to the unfair manner in which Bishop -St. Vallier was treated in the second volume, his family objected to -its publication.” The first volume ends with the year 1694. A second -edition was published at Paris in 1762.[715] - -A useful work, which should not be lost sight of in the consideration -of this period, is _L’Histoire de l’Hôtel Dieu de Québec, de 1639 à -1716_, by the reverend mother, Françoise Juchereau de St. Ignace, -printed in Paris in 1751. It is rich in facts and incidents, and -especially valuable as an authority on the missionary activity of the -time, and on the attempt made by the clergy to evangelize the savages. -A supplementary work, prepared with great care and thoroughness from -original documents, and bearing the same title, has been written by -the Abbé H. R. Casgrain. It is brought down to 1840, and was published -at Quebec in 1878. The Abbé is one of the most industrious of the -French-Canadian writers, and his book is full of interesting details -and notes.[716] - -In the third series of _Historical Documents_ published under the -auspices of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec in 1871, is -a paper entitled “Recueil de ce qui s’est passé en Canada au sujet de -la guerre, tant des Anglais que des Iroquois, depuis l’année 1682.” -It contains a good account of the Lachine massacre, the truthfulness -of which may be accepted. The author accompanied Subercase to the -scene.[717] - -In a collection entitled, _Bibliotheca Americana: Collection d’ouvrages -inédits ou rares sur l’Amérique_, with the imprint of Leipsic and -Paris, appeared the _Mémoire sur les Mœurs, Coustumes, et Réligions -des Sauvages de l’Amérique Septentrionale, par Nicolas Perrot, publié -pour la première fois par le R. P. Tailhan, de la Compagnie de -Jésus_, 1864. Considerable importance is attached to this memoir by -Charlevoix, La Potherie, Ferland, and others, who frequently quote it -in their narratives. Harrisse (no. 833) says that this work seems to -have been written day by day from 1665 to the death of Perrot, who -was an eye-witness of events under the administration of De la Barre, -Denonville, and Frontenac. Colden gives a part of the narrative in his -_History of the Five Indian Nations_, London, 1747.[718] - -It remains to characterize the chief general works of our own time, -which indicate the great interest with which modern research has -invested the story of New France. The French-Canadians generally accept -François-Xavier Garneau as their national historian, and his _Histoire -du Canada_ well entitles him to that consideration. He began writing -his history in 1840, and published the first volume in Quebec in 1845, -the second in 1846, and the third, treating of events down to 1792, -in 1848. A new edition, revised and corrected, and brought down to -1840, appeared at Montreal from Lovell’s press, in 1852, and a third -edition at Quebec in 1859.[719] In 1882 the fourth edition, edited by -his son,[720] was issued at Montreal by Beauchemin & Valois. It is -enriched by many valuable notes, and has a recognized place as a work -of conspicuous merit. - -The ecclesiastical history of Canada is particularly illustrated -by the Abbé J. B. A. Ferland in his _Cours d’Histoire du Canada_, -1534-1759, Quebec, 1861 and 1865, two volumes. The author died while -the second volume was passing through the press, and the completing -of the publication devolved upon the Abbé Laverdière, one of the -ablest scholars in the Canadian priesthood. Ferland had access to many -documents of great interest, and his work shows judgment and a skilful -handling of the rich store of materials within his reach.[721] - -The _Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada_, with maps, by the -Abbé Faillon, a Sulpitian priest of very great ability, was projected -on an extensive plan. The author visited Canada on three separate -occasions, spending several years in the country, and made the most of -his opportunities in gathering his material, not only there, but from -the archives of the Propaganda at Rome and from the public offices in -Paris. The result was a work of high value; but it must be read with -a full perception of the author’s intention to rear a monument to -commemorate the labors and trials of the Sulpitians of Montreal. - -Parkman[722] thus speaks of him: “In all that relates to Montreal I -cannot be sufficiently grateful to the Abbé Faillon, the indefatigable, -patient, conscientious chronicler of its early history; an ardent and -prejudiced Sulpitian; a priest who three centuries ago would have -passed for credulous, and withal a kind-hearted and estimable man.” - -Three volumes only appeared, the first two in 1865, and the third in -1866. The latter deals with events covered by a small portion of the -period discussed in this chapter. M. Faillon’s death at Paris in 1871 -prevented further publication; but he has left in manuscript enough -prepared material to complete the work as far as the conquest of -1759-1760. The book was published anonymously, according to the custom -of the Congregation of St. Sulpice.[723] - -It is, however, to an American of Puritan stock that the story we -are illustrating owes, for the English reader certainly, its most -conspicuous recital. Two volumes of Francis Parkman’s series of -_France and England in North America_ concern more especially the -period covered by the administrations of Frontenac, De la Barre, and -Denonville; these are his _Frontenac, and New France under Louis XIV._ -(Boston, 1877), and his _La Salle, and the Discovery of the Great West_ -(Boston, 1879); but the consideration of the last of these belongs more -particularly to another chapter. Of Parkman as an historian there has -been a wide recognition of a learning that has neglected no resource; a -research which has proved fortunate in its results; a judgment which, -though Protestant, is fair and liberal;[724] a critical perception, -which in the conflict of testimony keeps him accurate and luminous; -and a style which has given his narrative the fascinations of a romance. - -John Dennis wrote a tragedy,—_Liberty Asserted_,—which was acted -in London in 1704, in which Frontenac was made a character, together -with an English governor and Iroquois chief. Betterton acted in it. -A romantic picture of the period is furnished in an amusing novel by -M. Joseph Marmette, formerly of Quebec, but now of Paris, entitled -_François de Bienville_. Frontenac figures as one of the principal -characters in the story. Frontenac’s expeditions against the Iroquois -were made the subject of a poem by Alfred B. Street,—_Frontenac: or, -the Atotarho of the Iroquois_. London and New York, 1849. - -M. T. P. Bedard, of the Archives department, has a paper in the -_Annuaire de l’Institut Canadien_, nos. 7 and 8, 1880, 1881, which -discusses the first and second administrations of the Count, and sheds -some light on the social and political aspects of the country between -1672 and 1698, the year in which Frontenac died. - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -[Illustration: THE QUEBEC MEDAL. - -This is engraved from a copy kindly lent by W. S. Appleton, Esq., of -Boston. See _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 296, and Shea’s _Charlevoix_, -iv. 190, and his _Le Clercq_, ii. 329. See the “Historic Medals of -Canada,” in the _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Transactions_, 1872-1873, -p. 73.] - -=A.= FRONTENAC’S SECOND TERM.—Mr. Parkman has accompanied his -narrative[725] of the attempt on Quebec in 1690 with an indication -of the sources of the story. Besides the despatches of Frontenac and -the _Relation_ of Monseignat (both printed in the _New York Colonial -Documents_, vol. ix.), there is an account taken by vessel to Rochelle, -which is without place or date, and was probably there printed. It is -entitled, _Relation de ce qui s’est passé en Canada, à la descente -des Anglais à Québec, au mois d’Octobre, 1690, faite par un Officier_ -(Harrisse, no. 168; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,426), and contains -Phips’s summons to Frontenac (also given in Mather’s _Magnalia_, and -repeated by Parkman, _Frontenac_, p. 266), and Frontenac’s verbal -answer. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF ATTACK ON QUEBEC, 1690. - -Fac-simile of an engraved plan in La Hontan’s _New Voyages_, London, -1703, vol. i. p. 160. It was re-engraved for the French edition of -1705.] - -The copy of Phips’s summons sent to Paris by Frontenac is indorsed -by him to the effect that he retained the original. The _Mercure de -France_ also issued an “Extraordinaire,” with an account (Harrisse, -no. 166,) and another brief _Relation de la levée du siége de Québec_ -(Harrisse, no. 167) was printed at Tours. La Hontan, Le Clercq, -La Potherie, and Juchereau (_L’Hôtel Dieu_), give other accounts -contemporary, or nearly so, and their testimony has been availed of -by Charlevoix (cf. Shea’s ed., iv. 169) and the later writers, like -Garneau. - -[Illustration: ATTACK ON QUEBEC, 1690. - -Fac-simile of the engraving in La Hontan’s _Mémoires_, La Haye, 1709, -vol. ii. p. 14. It was re-engraved for the 1715 edition.] - -On the English side, besides a contemporary bulletin issued in the -_Publick Occurrences_, Boston, Sept. 25, 1690 (given in _Hist. -Mag._, August, 1857), two participators in the expedition left -narratives,—one of which by John Walley is printed in Hutchinson’s -_Massachusetts_, i. app. no. xxi., which concerns chiefly the land -forces; and the other was by the officer second in command of the -militia, and is entitled, _An account of the late action of the New -Englanders, under the command of Sir William Phips, against the French -at Canada, sent in a letter from Maj. Thomas Savage, of Boston, in -New England_ (_who was present at the action_), _to his brother, Mr. -Perez Savage, in London_. London, 1691. This quarto tract is in Harvard -College Library; it was reprinted in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xiii. 256. - -[Illustration] - -In the same _Collections_, third series, i. 101, is the diary of -Captain Sylvanus Davis, who was at the time a captive in Quebec; cf. -also Johnston’s _Bremen, Bristol, and Pemaquid_. An original journal of -the expedition is said to have been intrusted to Admiral Walker at the -time of his venture in 1711, and to have been lost in one of his ships -(Walker’s _Journal_, p. 87). Phips’s side of the story is doubtless -told amid the high laudation of Cotton Mather’s _Life of Phips_; some -light is thrown upon the times in Dummer’s _Defence of the Colonies_; -and various tokens of the preparations for the expedition are preserved -in the _Hinckley Papers_, vol. iii, in the Prince Library. - -[Illustration] - -Somewhat later we have the story in some of its aspects in Colden’s -_Five Nations_; later still, in Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts Bay_, vol. -i.; again, in part, in Belknap’s _New Hampshire_; while the chief -modern writers who have preceded Parkman, on the English side, have -been Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 51; Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. -79; Bowen’s “Life of Phips,” in Sparks’ _American Biography_; and -Warburton, in his _Conquest of Canada_, chap. 14. - -[Illustration] - -Of the supporting Winthrop expedition from Albany, we have the French -accounts in La Potherie (iii. 126), and in the _New York Colonial -Documents_, ix. 513. The recently published _Winthrop Papers_ (iv. -303-324) throw considerable light through the letters of Fitz-John -Winthrop on the preparations which were made; and they give also his -reasons for the expedition’s failure, and through his Journal, with -which the one printed in the _New York Colonial Documents_, iv. 193, -may be compared. Parkman’s _Frontenac_ (p. 257) and Shea’s _Charlevoix_ -(iv. 145) note the authorities; and the _New York Colonial Documents_ -(iii. 727, 752) and _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (ii. 266, 288) yield other -light than that already mentioned. The Journal of Schuyler’s raid to -La Prairie is given in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, ii. 285, and in the -publications of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. i. - -[Illustration] - -Concerning the minor episodes of this second term of Frontenac’s -government, both Parkman and Shea indicate the essential authorities. -On the destruction of Schenectady, the letter of Monseignat and other -papers in the _Doc. Hist. of New York_, vol. i. 297, etc. (where -authorities are cited), and a letter of Schuyler and his associates -in the Massachusetts Archives, printed in the _Andros Tracts_, are -of the first importance. Cf. also M. Van Rennsselaer’s paper in _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1846, p. 101, and the same Society’s _Fund -Publications_, ii. 165; a letter from Governor Bradstreet, in the _N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, ii. 150; and the contributions in Munsell’s -_Albany_. French accounts are in _Le Clercq_ (Shea’s edition, ii. 292); -_Potherie_, ii. 68; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 466; and English accounts -in Smith’s _New York_, p. 66; Colden’s _Five Nations_ (1727), p. 114. - -[Illustration] - -On Schuyler’s raid by way of Lake Champlain in 1691, the French side -is still to be gathered from La Potherie, with help from Belmont, -_Histoire du Canada_, and from the _Relation of 1682-1712_, and from -the despatches of Frontenac and Champigny. Schuyler’s own Journal -and other documents, French and English, are in the _N. Y. Colonial -Documents_, vol. iii.; Parkman (p. 294) examines the question of the -number of the forces engaged, and Shea, _Charlevoix_, iv. 202, gives -references. - -[Illustration] - -On the expedition against the Mohawks, led by Mantet, Courtemanche, -and La Noue, we have more various accounts. Parkman gives a graphic -recital, and his notes show he has used all the sources. The French -authorities, besides the letter of Callières to the home government, -are the _Relation de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable en Canada_, -1692-93; the _Relation de ce qui s’est passé en Canada au sujet de la -Guerre_, 1682-1712; while citations of original journals, etc., are -in Faillon’s _Vie de Mdle. Le Ber_, and of course we have La Potherie -(iii. 169) and Belmont. The _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. ix., contain -important material, including a “Narrative of Military Operations -in Canada;” and Major Peter Schuyler’s report is in vol. iv. of the -same collection. Colden, in his _Five Nations_, p. 142, wrote while -the actors were still living. There was a tract on the expedition -issued in London the same year, which is of such rarity that the copy -in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,446, with -fac-simile of title; also Harrisse, no. 171) is the only one known -to me, and from it Sabin, in 1868, reprinted it. It is entitled, _A -Journal of the late actions of the French in Canada, with the manner -of their being repulsed, by his Excellency Benjamin Fletcher, Governor -of New York_, etc. _By Coll. Nicholas Reyard_ [should be Beyard] _and -Lieutenant-Coll. Charles Lodowick._ - -[Illustration] - -The reader must turn to the chapter on Acadia for the authorities -for such other expeditions as come within the alleged limits of that -province and the neighboring English settlements. - -[Illustration: A CANADIAN SOLDIER. - -This sketch of the costume of a grenadier de St. Louis, Compagnie -canadienne, is taken from the _Mass Archives: Documents Collected in -France_, iii. 3.] - -On Frontenac’s last raid,—the attack upon the Onondagas, in 1696,—we -must naturally find our chief information from the French, for the -English at Albany were not ready to advance till the French had done -their work and had gone. Frontenac and Callières each despatched -accounts to Paris; and besides the _Relation_, 1682-1712, already -referred to, we have the _Relation de ce qui s’est passé en Canada_,—a -manuscript preserved in the library of the Literary and Historical -Society of Quebec (see _Parliamentary Library Catalogue_, 1858, p. -1613); the _Relation_, 1696, which Shea has printed, and of course the -accounts in La Potherie, iii. 270, and Charlevoix (Shea adds references -in his edition, vol. v.), and the papers in the _Doc. Hist. of N. -Y._, i. 323, and the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ iv. 342. Parkman’s narrative -(_Frontenac_, chap. xix.) is clearly put and exemplified. - - -=B.= GENERAL DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF CANADIAN HISTORY.—Harrisse -prefaces his _Notes pour servir à l’histoire, à la bibliographie -et à la cartographie de la Nouvelle France et des pays adjacents_, -1545-1700, Paris, 1872, with an account of the sources of early -Canadian history, and of the repositories of documentary material in -Paris, etc. He states that the French Government refused access to -their archives to an agent of the Historical Society of Quebec in 1835, -and that a similar refusal was made in 1838; but that in 1842 General -Cass, then United States Minister, succeeded, in behalf of the State -of Michigan, in securing about forty cartons for publication; and ten -years later the Parliament at Quebec obtained copies of documents, -which now (1872) form a series of thirty-six folios,—not embracing, -however, the papers of the early discovery, which were withheld. - -Louis P. Turcotte, in his address on _Les Archives du Canada_ (Quebec, -1877), says that the first inventory of the public archives of Canada -was published in 1791; that it shows the subsequent loss of important -documents; that the first steps were taken to procure copies from the -European archives in 1835, which were not successful at the time; and -that the better results made by the State of New York (1841-1844) -were accordingly availed of. In 1845 the Canadian agent, M. Papineau, -secured other copies in France; and in 1851-1852 M. Faribault added -twenty-four volumes of transcripts to the collection, now in the -library at Ottawa; and sixteen volumes have been added since. M. -Turcotte pays a tribute, for his zeal and industry in preserving early -Canadian records, to M. Jacques Viger, whose efforts have been since -supplemented by the labors of l’Abbé Verreau, who has formed a large -library of copies of manuscripts and printed books. M. Verreau was -in 1873 sent by the Canadian Government to Europe to make additional -collections. - -The _Catalogue_ of the Library of the Canadian Parliament, made by -Gérin-Lajoie, and published in 1858, gives (p. 1448) an account of the -manuscript collections at that time in the possession of the Canadian -Government at Toronto, and now transferred to Ottawa, and divides them -thus:— - -_First series._—Copies of copies made by Brodhead for the State of -New York, from the archives at Paris, seventeen volumes, with six -additional volumes, drawn at second hand in the same way from the -Colonial Office in London. These copies were made before the Brodhead -collection was printed. Kirke, in his _First English Conquest of -Canada_, London, 1871, says: “The papers in the Record Office [London] -relating to Canada, Acadia, or Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland are -numerous and continuous from 1621 to 1660, with the exception of the -period from 1640 to 1649, during which years we find no papers.” - -_Second series._—Copies obtained in Paris by Faribault, and made under -Margry’s direction; twelve volumes, giving the official correspondence -of the governors, 1637-1727. These are enumerated in the _Catalogue_. - -_Third series._—Copies of official correspondence relative to Canada, -1654-1731; twelve volumes, likewise arranged by Margry, and also -enumerated in the _Catalogue_. - -_Fourth series._—A transcript of Franquet’s “Voyages et mémoires sur -le Canada, 1752-53,” and other documents mentioned in the _Catalogue_. - -_Fifth series._—Maps, copied by Morin, and enumerated on pp. 1614-21 -of the _Catalogue_. - -Cf. _Collection de Mémoires et de Relations sur l’histoire ancienne -du Canada, d’après des manuscrits récemment obtenus des archives et -bureaux publics en France_, Quebec, 1840; and the Transactions of the -Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, 1870-71, and 1871-72. The -_Collection_ contains Belmont and the Report attributed to Talon. Cf. -_Magazine of American History_, iii. 458, in the Quebec Society. - -The _Lettres, instructions et mémoires de Colbert, publiés par -Clément_, Paris, 1865, vol. iii., second part, contain various -important papers,—like the instructions as intendant of Talon, March -27, 1665; of De Bouteroue, April 5, 1668; Duchesneau, May 30, 1675; -those to Gaudais in 1663, and to Courcelles in 1669: besides letters -to Frontenac, April 7, 1672; June 13, 1673; May 17, 1674; April 22, -1675; May 10, 1677; March 21, 1678; Dec. 4, 1679; April 30, 1681 (pp. -533, 557, 574, 585, 594, 622, 631, 641, 644): others to Talon, Feb. -11, 1671; June 4, 1672 (pp. 511, 539); to Duchesneau, April 15, 1676; -April 28, 1677; May 1, 1677; May 15 and 24, 1678; April 30, 1679 (pp. -605, 614, 619, 632, 635, 638); with one to l’Évêque de Petrée, May 15, -1669 (p. 451). Margry (i. 247) gives some of the correspondence of -Frontenac and Colbert, 1672-1674, relative to the pushing of Recollect -missionaries farther west; and in Clément’s _Histoire de Colbert_, -Paris, 1874, vol. i. last chapter, there is an exposition of Colbert’s -colonial policy. - -[Illustration] - -Mr. Ben: Perley Poore was appointed by the Governor of Massachusetts, -in May, 1845, to select and transcribe such documents in the -French archives as he might find to bear upon the early history of -Massachusetts and the relations of New England with New France. His -report to the Governor, Dec. 28, 1847, accompanied by letters from John -G. Palfrey and Jared Sparks, telling the story of his work, constitutes -_Senate Doc., no. 9_ (1848), _Mass. Documents_. His transcripts, -covering papers from the discovery to 1780, fill ten volumes in the -Archives of the State, and are accompanied by two volumes of engraved -maps. Mr. Poore, under the auspices of the Massachusetts Historical -Society, and with the pledge of Colonel William P. Winchester to -assume the expense if necessary, had already a year earlier begun his -work. M. Davezac was at that time _chef des archives_ of the Marine, -and the confusion which Brodhead, the agent of New York, had earlier -found among the papers had disappeared under the care of the new -custodian. From other departments as well as from other public and from -private sources, Mr. Poore increased his collection, and added to it -water-color drawings and engraved prints of an illustrative nature; but -unfortunately many of the documents cited are given by title only, and -the blank pages left to be filled are still empty. It is these papers -which have been copied within a year or two for the Government of the -Province of Quebec. - -The manuscript collections of Mr. Parkman are very extensive, and are -still in his house; the more important of his maps, however, have been -transferred to the College Library at Cambridge, and these have been -sketched elsewhere in the present volume. The Editor is under great -obligations to Mr. Parkman for unrestricted access to his manuscripts. -They consist of large masses of miscellaneous transcripts, with a few -original papers, and so far as they come within the period of the -present volume, of the following bound series:— - -I. _Acadia_, in three volumes. These are transcripts made by, or -under the direction of, Mr. Ben: Perley Poore, and in considerable -part supplement the collection made by Mr. Poore for the State of -Massachusetts. - -II. _Correspondance officielle_, in five volumes, coming down to 1670, -being transcripts from the French archives. - -III. _Canada_, in eight volumes, covering 1670-1700, being transcripts -from the French archives, and supplementing Brodhead’s _Colonial -Documents of New York_, vol. ix. - - -=C.= BIBLIOGRAPHY.—Harrisse’s _Notes_, etc., is the latest of the -general bibliographies of the history and cartography of New France; -and this with his _Cabot_ constitutes a complete, or nearly so, -indication of the sources of Canadian history previous to 1700. -Charlevoix in 1743 prefixed to his _Nouvelle France_ a list of -authorities as known to him, and characterized them; and this is -included in Shea’s translation. Of the modern writers, Ferland and -Faillon in their introduction each make note of their predecessors. -The work of G. B. Faribault, _Catalogue d’ouvrages sur l’histoire de -l’Amérique, et en particulier sur celle du Canada, avec des notes_, -Quebec, 1837, containing nine hundred and ninety-six titles, besides -maps, etc., has lost whatever importance its abounding errors left -for it formerly. There is a biographical sketch (1867) of Faribault -in the Abbé Casgrain’s _Œvres_, vol. ii. Cf. Morgan’s _Bibliotheca -Canadensis_, p. 118. H. J. Morgan’s _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, Ottawa, -1867, includes the writers on Canadian history who have published since -the conquest of 1759. - -From this book and other sources the following enumeration of the -various general histories of Canada, compendious as well as elaborate, -and including such as cover a long interval in a general way, is -taken:— - -Excepting one volume of a projected _History of Canada_, by George -Heriot, published in London in 1804, and which was an abridgment of -Charlevoix, the earliest of modern works is _The History of Canada from -its first Discovery to 1796_, by William Smith, published in Quebec in -1815. The author was a son of the historian of New York. - -There was published in Paris in 1821, in a duodecimo of 512 pages, -a sketchy compendium by D. Dainville,—_Beautés de l’histoire du -Canada, ou époques remarquables, traits intéressans, mœurs, usages, -coutumes des habitants du Canada, tant indigènes que colons, depuis sa -découverte jusqu’à ce jour_. - -In 1837 Michael Bibaud published at Montreal a _Histoire du Canada -sous la domination Française_. A second edition was published in -1845. In 1844 appeared his _Histoire du Canada et des Canadiens sous -la domination Anglaise_. This author also published a _Bibliothèque -Canadienne_, a monthly magazine, which for several years gathered and -preserved considerable documentary material. - -Between 1845 and 1848 the work of Garneau, mentioned in the preceding -chapter, was printed, which became the basis of Bell’s adaptation in -1866. - -In 1851 a comprehensive compendium by W. H. Smith,—_Canada_ [West]: -_Past, Present, and Future_,—in two volumes, was published at Toronto. - -Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Histoire du Canada; de son Église et de ses -missions_, published in Paris in 1852, is characterized in the Note on -the _Jesuit Relations_, following chap. vi. - -A popular _History of Canada from its first Discovery to the Present -Time_, by John MacMullen was published at Brockville in 1855 and 1868. - -L. Dussieux’s _Le Canada sous la domination Française_ was published at -Paris in 1855, and a new edition in 1862. - -F. M. N. M. Bibaud’s _Les Institutions de l’histoire du Canada_ (to -1818), Montreal, 1855, is a concise narrative. - -Between 1861 and 1865, and in 1865-1866, were published the works of -Ferland and Faillon, of which note is made in the preceding chapter. - -John Boyd’s _Summary of Canadian History_ was issued at Toronto in -1860, and many editions since. - -In 1863 Boucher de la Bruère, fils, published a brief survey,—_Le -Canada sous la domination Anglaise_. - -Alexander Monro’s _History, Geography, and Statistics of British North -America_ was published at Montreal in 1864. - -William Canniff’s _History of the Settlement of Upper Canada, with -special reference to the Bay Quinté_, appeared at Toronto in 1869. This -book was undertaken under the auspices of the Historical Society of -Upper Canada, which was established at St. Catharines in 1861. - -At Montreal, in 1872, appeared Henry H. Miles’s _History of Canada -under the French régime (1535-1763), with Maps, Plans, and Illustrative -Notes_. - -Andrew Archer’s _History of Canada_ was published in 1875 at London. - -John Harper’s _History of the Maritime Provinces_ was issued at St. -John, N.B., in 1876. - -Charles R. Tuttle’s _Short History of Canada_, 1500-1878, appeared in -Boston in 1878. - -F. Teissier’s compendious historical sketch of Canada under the French, -1562-1763, appeared at Limoges,—_Les Français au Canada_. It is not -dated, but is recent. - -The series of monographs by Mr. Parkman is spoken of elsewhere. - -An important work is now publishing: _Histoire des Canadiens-Français. -1608-1880. Origine, Histoire, Réligion, Guerres, Découvertes, -Colonization, Coutumes, Vie Domestique, Sociale et Politique, -Développement, Avenir_. Par Benjamin Sulte. Ouvrage orné de portraits -et de plans. Montreal. 1882-1883. - - - - -THE GENERAL ATLASES AND CHARTS - -OF THE - -SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE general atlases at this time becoming familiar to Europe were -unfortunately made up on a thrifty principle, little conducive to -keeping the public mind abreast of current discovery,—so far as -America, at least, was concerned,—and very perplexing now to any one -studying the course of the cartographical development of American -geography. Dates were sedulously erased with a deceitful purpose (which -is not yet gone into disuse) from plates thus made to do service for -many years, and united with other dated maps, to convey an impression -of a like period of production. - -Bestelli e Forlani’s _Tavole moderne di Geografia de la maggior parte -del mondo_, Roma, 1558-80, with seventy-one large maps, including three -maps of the world, and three of America, is reputed the best atlas -which had been constructed up to that date. Sets vary much in their -make-up.[726] - -Perhaps the prototype of the modern atlas can be best found in the -_Theatrum orbis terrarum_ of Ortelius, issued in the first edition at -Antwerp in 1570, of which an account has been given elsewhere.[727] His -portrait is on a later page. - -In 1597 appeared the earliest special atlas of America in the -_Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum_ of Cornelius Wytfliet, which was -reissued the same year with its errata corrected.[728] It had nineteen -maps, which were also used in the second edition, issued in 1598. A -fac-simile of the title of 1597 is given on the next page.[729] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration - -This is a fac-simile of a cut in Lorenzo Crasso’s _Elogii d’ Huomini -letterati_, Venice. 1666. There’s a portrait of him at sixty-two in the -1584 edition of Ptolemy, the second of Mercator’s own editing. It is -engraved by Francis Hoggenberg. The engraving in the 1613 edition of -Mercator’s _Atlas_ represents Mercator and Hondius seated at a table, -and is colored. There is said to be an engraving in the 1618 edition of -Ptolemy, but it is wanting in the Harvard College copy. Cf. fac-similes -of old prints in Raemdonck’s _Mercator_, in C. P. Daly’s address on -_The Early History of Cartography_, and in _Scribner’s Monthly_, -ii. 464. There is another portrait of Mercator in J. F. Foppens’ -_Bibliotheca Belgica_, Bruxelles, 1739.] - -Reference has been made elsewhere to the conspicuous work of Gerard -Mercator, which was a sort of culmination of his geographical views, in -his great mappemonde of 1569.[730] Then after giving his attention to -a closer study of Ptolemy and to the publication of an edition of the -great Alexandrian geography, with a revision of Agathodæmon’s charts, -but without any attempt to make them conform to the newer knowledge, he -set about the compilation of a modern geographical _atlas_ (applying -this word for the first time to such a collection, though modern -usage has somewhat narrowed the meaning as he applied it); and he -had published two parts of it, when he died, in December, 1594,—the -second part having appeared at Duisburg in 1585, and the third in 1590. -Shortly after his death, a son, Rumold Mercator, published in 1595, -at Dusseldorf, part i., and prefixed to it a Latin biography of his -father, by Walter Ghymm, which is the principal source of our knowledge -of his career.[731] The son Rumold died in 1600, and in 1602, at the -expense of the estate, the three parts of the _Atlas_ were united and -published together, making what is properly the earliest edition of the -so-called _Mercator Atlas_. It had one hundred and eleven maps and a -Latin text. It is very rare, for Raemdonck says he has met with but two -copies of it. Up to this time it had contained no American maps. A map -of America, as one of the four quarters of the globe, was called for in -part iii.; but Raemdonck (p. 257) says he has never seen a copy of that -part which has it. - -Mercator’s maps were followed, however, pretty closely in Mathias -Quad’s or Quadus’s _Geographisch Handtbuch_,[732] Cologne, 1600, which -contained a map of the world and another of North America, with some -other special American maps; and such were also contained in the Latin -version called _Fasciculus geographicus_, Cologne, 1608, etc. - -[Illustration: signature - -This is a fac-simile of an engraving in J. F. Foppens’s _Bibliotheca -Belgica_, 1739, vol. i. p. 3. There is another engraving in Lorenzo -Crasso’s _Elogii d’huomini letterati_, Venice, 1666.] - -In 1604 Mercator’s plates fell by purchase into the possession of -Jodocus Hondius,[733] of Amsterdam, who got out a new edition in -1606,[734] to which he added fifty maps, including a few American ones; -and thus began what is known as the _Hondius-Mercator Atlas_. The text -was furnished by Montanus,[735] and the new maps were engraved by -Petrus Kærius, who also prepared for Hondius the _Atlas minor Gerardi -Mercatoris_ in 1607.[736] - -[Illustration: MAPPEMONDE DE GERARD MERCATOR Duisbourg. 1569.] - -After the death of Jodocus Hondius, Feb. 16, 1611, Heinrich Hondius (b. -1580; d. 1644) and Johannes Jannsonius (d. 1666) completed the _Atlas_; -and what is known as the fourth edition (1613) contains portraits of -Mercator and the elder Hondius. In this there were ten American maps, -and for several editions subsequently there were 105 of Mercator’s -maps and 51 of Hondius’. Such seemingly was the make-up of the seventh -edition in 1619 (though called fourth on the title); but there is much -arbitrary mingling of the maps observable in many copies of these early -editions. - -The same Latin text and its translations appeared in the several -editions down to 1630, when what is called sometimes the eleventh -edition appeared with 163 maps (105 by Mercator, 58 by Hondius); but I -have noted copies with 184 maps, of which ten are American, and a copy -dated 1632, with 178 maps. Raemdonck does not venture to enumerate all -the Latin editions of Hondius and Jannsonius; but he mentions those of -1612, 1613, 1616, 1623, 1627, 1628, 1630, 1631. - -In 1633 a marked change was made in the _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_. There -was a new Latin text, and it was now called the _Atlas novus_, and made -two volumes, containing 238 newly engraved maps (only 87 of Mercator’s -remaining, while Hondius added 151, including 10 new maps of America). -The French text was issued the same year, but it added details not -in the Latin, and in the general description of America is quite -different.[737] The German text also appeared in 1633; but it had—at -least in the copy we have noted—only 160 maps, and of these 6 were -American. The Dutch text is dated usually in 1634. - -In 1635 the English text appeared with the following title: _Historia -Mundi; or, Mercator’s Atlas.... Lately rectified in divers places, and -also beautified and enlarged with new mappes and tables by the studious -industry of Iudocus Hondy. Englished by W. S._, London;[738] and of -this there was a second edition in 1637. The only map showing New -France is a general one of America, which is no improvement upon that -of the 1613 edition. - -The English market was also supplied with another English version, -published much more sumptuously, in two large folios, at Amsterdam -in 1636, with the title, _Atlas; or, a Geographical Description of -the Regions ... of the World, represented by New and Exact Maps. -Translated by Henry Hexham. Printed at Amsterdam by Henry Hondius and -John Johnson_.[739] The American maps are in the second volume, where -the map of the two Americas is much like the world-map in vol. i. There -is no part of New France shown in the special maps, except in that of -“Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium, et Virginia,” where lying west of the Lac -des Iroquois (Ontario) is a single and larger “Grand lac.” - -A still further enlargement of the Mercator-Hondius _Atlas novus_ -took place in 1638, when it appeared in three imperial folio volumes, -with 318 maps, 17 of which are special maps of America.[740] It was -now more commonly known as Jannson’s _Atlas_,—this publisher being -a son-in-law of Jodocus Hondius,—and it went on increasing till it -grew to eight volumes, to which were added a volume “Orbis Maritimus” -(1657), a second on the ancient world, a celestial atlas for a third, -and an “Atlas Contractus,” or _résumé_, for the fourth; making twelve -in all.[741] - - * * * * * - -At this time there was a rival in the _Atlas_ of Blaeu, of which the -reader will find an account in chapter ix. of the present volume, to be -supplemented by the present brief statement. - -Willem Jannson Blaeu was born in 1571, and died in 1638, and, with his -sons Jean and Cornelis, devoted himself with untiring assiduity to his -art. In 1647 the number of their maps reached one hundred. In 1655 -their _Atlas_ had reached six volumes, and contained 372 maps. In this -year (1655) the Blaeu establishment issued separately the American map, -_Americæ nova Tabula_, with nine views of towns and representations of -native costumes, accompanied by four pages of text. The Latin edition -of 1662-63, _Atlas major, sive cosmographia Blaviana_, had 586 maps, of -which the collection in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (ii. 900) shows 23 -in vol. xi. to belong to America.[742] - -The Blaeu establishment was burned in 1672, and most of the plates -were lost. Those which were saved passed into the hands of Frederic -de Witt, who put his name on them, and they continued to be issued -thus inscribed in the _Blaeu Atlas_ of 1685, etc.; and when De Witt’s -business fell to Covens and Mortier, the inscriptions were again -altered.[743] - - * * * * * - -A French atlas began a little later to attract attention, and -ultimately made the name of its maker famous in cartographic annals. -It was begun in 1646 by Nicolas Sanson d’Abbeville, who in 1647 was -appointed Royal Geographer of France, and held that office till his -death.[744] The volume of his _Atlas_, containing fifteen American -maps, and entitled _L’Amérique, en plusieurs Cartes nouvelles et -exactes_, was published by the author in Paris without date, but -probably in 1656, though some copies are dated in 1657, 1658, and -1662.[745] - -The elder Sanson, having been born in 1600, died in 1667, leaving about -four hundred plates to his sons, who kept up the name,[746] and their -stock subsequently fell to Robert Vaugondy, who has given a notice of -the Sansons in his _Essai sur l’Hist. de la Géog._, as has Lenglet -Dufresnoy in his _Méthode pour étudier la Géographie_.[747] - -A new Dutch atlas, that of N. Visscher, called _Atlas minor, sive -Geographia compendiosa_, appeared at Amsterdam about 1670. It contained -twenty-six maps, and had three American maps; but the number was -increased in later editions.[748] In 1680 it appeared in two volumes -with 195 maps, 10 of which were American, and plates by Jannson, De -Witt, and others, were included. It is not easy to discriminate among -various composite atlases of this period, the chief cartographers -being made to contribute to various imprints. Another _Atlas minor, -novissimas Orbis Terrarum Tabulas complectens_, is likewise of this -date (1680), and passes under the name of S. Wolfgang, with maps by -Blaeu, Visscher, De Witt, and others. This usually contains nineteen -American maps. Other atlases have the name of Frederic de Witt, -who, as we have seen, got possession of some of Blaeu’s plates. The -first example of his imprint appeared about 1675, at Amsterdam, with -a printed index calling for 102 maps. Another edition (? 1680) is -indexed for 160 plates, contained in two volumes of maps, and a third -of charts.[749] Another small German atlas, the _Vorstellung der -gantzen Welt_, of J. U. Muller, was published at Ulm in 1692, which had -eighteen small American maps; and towards the close of the century the -_Atlas minor_ of Allard obtained a good popularity. The pre-eminent -name of Delisle, just becoming known, marked the opening of a new era -in cartography, which is beyond the limits of the present volume. - - * * * * * - -Some notice should be given of another class of atlases, the successors -of the portolanos of the sixteenth century, and the beginning of the -later science of hydrography. In these the Dutch were conspicuous; and -many of their subsequent charts trace back to the larger _pascaart_ -of the North Atlantic which Jacob Aertz Colom published at Amsterdam -about 1630.[750] Among the earliest of the regular _Zee-Atlases_ was -that of Theunis Jacobsz, published in Amsterdam about 1635, which has a -chart showing the American coast-line from Nova Francia to Virginia. Of -large importance in this direction was the _Arcano del Mare_ of Robert -Dudley, issued at Florence in 1646-1647, of which mention has been made -in other chapters in this and in the preceding volume. Another of the -Amsterdam Coloms—Arnold Colom—published his _Zee-Atlas_ about 1650, -which contains six American coast-charts, and sometimes appears with -a Latin title, _Ora maritima Orbis universi_, and is of interest in -the historical study of our American coast-lines, improving as he does -the preceding work of Jacobsz. Later editions of Colom, dating the -charts, appeared in 1656 and 1663.[751] Of about this same date (1654) -is a _pascaart_, published at Amsterdam, which seems to have been -the joint business project of Frederic de Witt, Anthony and Theunis -Jacobsz, and Gulielmus Blaeu. The world-map in it is dated 1652, and -is doubly marked “C. J. Visscher” (Claes Jannson Visscher) and “Autore -N. J. Piscator” (Nicolas Joanides), as the Latin equivalent of the -same person. It shows the Atlantic coast from Labrador to Brazil. The -first edition of Hendrick Doncker’s _Zee-Atlas ofte Water-Waereld_ -appeared at Amsterdam in 1659, and is particularly useful for the -American coasts. New maps were added to it in the edition of 1666; but -the _Nieuwe Groote vermeerderde Zee-Atlas_ of 1676, though still called -Doncker’s, is based on Colom, and has Colom’s six American charts. -Additional American and other charts were added to the 1697 edition; -while a set of still larger charts constitute Doncker’s _Nieuw Groot -Zeekaert-boek_ of 1712.[752] - -The _Zee-Atlas_ of Van Loon, with its forty-five double charts, -appeared in 1661.[753] It is in parts reproduced from Blaeu, De Laet, -and Jannson. Its numbers 46 and 47 show the coast from Newfoundland -southwards. P. Goos, in his _Lichtende Colomme_, Amsterdam, 1657, had -touched the Arctic coasts of America; but in his _Zee-Atlas_ of 1666 he -gave in excellent manner eleven charts of the coasts of both Americas, -out of the forty-one charts in all. These were all repeated in the -edition of 1668-1669, and in the French edition, _Atlas de la Mer_, -1673. Other Dutch editions, with some changes, followed in 1675 and -1676. It was issued with an English text at Amsterdam in 1670. - -Frederic de Witt, who had earlier appended to his _Atlas_ a section of -maritime charts, published his _Zee-Atlas_ in 1675, which contained -twenty-seven charts, eight of which were American; and in 1676 Arent -Roggeveen issued his well-known navigator’s chart-book, which in -English is known as _The Burning Fen_ (1676), and which also has a -Spanish dress (1680). It gives in successive charts the whole eastern -coast of the two Americas, on a large scale. Johann van Keulen, who -had published a chart of the coast from Nantucket to Trinidad in -1680, issued a _Zee-Atlas_ in 1682-1687, based in part upon Van Loon, -enlarging it in successive issues, so that in the edition of 1694 it -had 146 charts, of which 38 were American. A later edition in 1734 -contained 12 large folded charts of American coasts.[754] - -Near the close of the century we come to the earliest of the French -marine atlases, the _Neptune Français_, which Jaillot published in its -enlarged form in 1693; but not till a _Suite du Neptune Français_ was -issued in 1700 did any charts of American coasts make part of it. This -contained eleven on America, professing to be based on Sanson’s drafts. - - - - -THE MAPS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, SHOWING CANADA. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - [Detailed maps of the Upper Lakes and the Mississippi Basin, as well - as those produced by Hennepin, though connected with this period, - are made the subject of separate treatment elsewhere in the present - volume. The general atlases are treated in the next preceding pages.] - -[Illustration: MOLINEAUX, 1600. - -The key is as follows: - - 1. Discovered by Cabot. - 2. Bacalaos. - 3. C. Bonavista. - 4. C. Raso. - 5. C. Britton. - 6. I. Sables. - 7. I. S. John. - 8. Claudia. - 9. Comokee. - 10. C. Chesepick. - 11. Hotorast. - 12. La Bermudas. - 13. Bahama. - 14. La Florida. - 15. The Gulfe of Mexico. - 16. Virginia. - 17. The Lacke of Tadenac, the bounds whereof are unknowne. - 18. Canada. - 19. Hochelague. - -Except for the supposed inland sea, much the same configuration of Nova -Francia is given in the map of not far from this date which Hondius -made to illustrate Drake’s voyage, and of which a fac-simile is given -in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of _The World Encompassed_. The same -general character belongs to the Hondius map in the 1613 edition -of Mercator; while in the same book the _Orbis Terræ compendiosa -Descriptio_ is very nearly of the original Mercator and Ortelius type, -which is also closely followed in a second map, _America, sive India -nova, per Michælem Mercatorem_. Another map of the same date is in -Megiser’s _Septentrio Novantiquus_, Leipsic, 1613.] - -IN the notes at the end of chapter ii. we followed the cartography of -New France down to the opening of the seventeenth century. We saw in -the map of Molineaux (1600) an indication of a great inland sea, as the -prototype of the Great Lakes; but the general belief of the period, -just as Champlain was entering on his discoveries, is well shown in -the map, “Americæ sive Novi Orbis nova Descriptio,” which appeared in -Botero’s _Relaciones universales_, published at Valladolid in 1603.[755] - -The Spanish and the Dutch only repeated, but hardly with as much -precision, what the map in Botero had shown;[756] and we only get -approximate exactness when we come to the map of Lescarbot in 1609, of -which sections are given in the present and in other chapters.[757] -Champlain’s first map was made in 1612, and his second in 1613,[758] -both of which appeared in _Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain_, Paris, -1613. Between the issue of these 1612 and 1613 maps of Champlain and -his greater one in 1632, the cartography of New France is illustrated -by several conspicuous maps. Those of Hondius and Mercator, so called, -of the same year were of course unaffected by the drafts of Champlain. -We begin to notice some effects of Champlain’s work, however, in -several of the Dutch maps; in that of Jacobsz, or Jacobsen, of 1621, -for instance, of which account will be found on another page.[759] Maps -by Jodocus Hondius and Blaeu represent a number of streams flowing from -small lakes uniting to form the St. Lawrence. One by Jannson, in 1626, -nearly resembles for the St. Lawrence region that portion of a “new and -accurate map of the world, 1626,” which makes part of Speed’s _Prospect -of the most famous Parts of the World_. - -In 1625 the _Pilgrimes_[760] of Purchas introduces us to two -significant maps. One is that which Sir William Alexander issued in his -_Encouragement to Colonies_ in 1624, and was reproduced by Purchas, -calling it “New England, New Scotland, and New France.” The essential -part of it is given in Vol. III. chap. ix. The other is that called -“The North Part of America,” ascribed to Master Briggs. - -[Illustration: BOTERO, 1603.] - -In the original edition of De Laet’s _Nieuwe Wereldt_,[761] published -in 1625, we have a map of North America; but in the 1630 (Dutch) -edition we find a special map of New France, which was repeated in the -(Latin) 1633 edition. Harrisse[762] is in error in assigning the first -appearance of this map to the 1640 French edition. - -Champlain’s great map appeared in his 1632 edition. - -[Illustration: NEWFOUNDLAND, 1609. - -Part of Lescarbot’s map. There is in the Kohl Collection, in the State -Department at Washington, a map of the mouth of the St. Lawrence River -of about this date, copied from one in the Dépôt de la Marine at Paris. -Kohl also includes a map by Joannes Oliva, copied from a manuscript -portolano among the Egerton Manuscripts in the British Museum, which -purports to have been made at Marseilles in 1613. Its names and legends -are Italian and Latin; and the map, while inferior to Hakluyt’s map, -bears a strong resemblance to it. It is much behind the time, except as -respects the outline of Newfoundland, which seems to be more accurately -drawn than before. This island was still further to be improved in -Mason’s map of 1626. Oliva seems to have been ignorant of Lescarbot’s -book.] - -[Illustration: EASTERLY PORTION OF CHAMPLAIN’S 1612 MAP. - -These fac-similes of the 1612 map are made from the Harvard College -copy. There are other fac-similes in the Boston and Quebec editions; -and one by Pilinski (fifty copies at 40 francs) was made in Paris in -1878. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, p. 478, says: “The copies vary in the maps. -Mr. Lenox’s copy differs from that in the New York Historical Society. -Sometimes in one map there are more references than in the others, and -the spelling of the references varies. The large map is usually in two -parts, and is very often wanting or defective.” Harrisse, nos. 306-318, -enumerates the proper maps of this 1613 edition. The title of the 1613 -edition speaks of this map: “La première servant à la navigation, -dressée selon les compas, qui nordestent, sur lesquels les mariniers -navigent.”] - -[Illustration: WESTERLY PORTION OF CHAMPLAIN’S 1612 MAP.] - -[Illustration: PART OF CHAMPLAIN’S 1613 MAP. - -The title of the 1613 edition speaks of this map as being “en son vray -Meridien, avec ses longitudes et latitudes: à laquelle est adjousté le -voyage du destroict qu’ont trouvé les Anglois, au dessus de Labrador, -depuis le 53^e degré de latitude, jusques au 63^e én l’an 1612, -cerchans un chemin par le nord pour aller à la Chine.”] - -[Illustration: AMERICÆ SEPTENTRIONALIS PARS (_Jacobsz_, 1621).] - -[Illustration: BRIGGS IN PURCHAS, 1625.] - -It will be observed that Champlain had reached, in his plotting of the -country east of the Penobscot, something more than tolerable accuracy. -Farther west, proportions and relations were all wrong. The country -between the St. Lawrence and the Gulf of Maine is much too narrow. The -Penobscot is made almost to unite with the more northern river; and -this error is perpetuated in the Dutch maps published by Blaeu, and -Covens and Mortier many years later. The placing of Lake Champlain -within a short distance of Casco Bay was another error that the later -Dutch cartographers adopted in one form or another. Lake Ontario is not -greatly misshapen; but Erie is stretched into a strait, while beyond -a distorted Huron a “grand lac” is so placed as to leave a doubt if -Superior or Michigan was intended. - -[Illustration: SPEED, 1626.] - -Notwithstanding this pronounced belief in large inland seas, and the -publication of the belief, the notion did not make converts in every -direction. Two years later (1634) a map of Petrus Kærius, and even his -other map, which appeared in Speed’s _Prospect of the most famous Parts -of the World_, published in London, gave no intimation of Champlain’s -results. The same backwardness of knowledge or apprehension is apparent -in the map which accompanies the Amsterdam edition of Linschoten in -1644; in that of the world, dated 1651, which appeared in Speed’s 1676 -edition; in the map in Petavius’s _History of the World_, London, 1659; -and in two maps of N. I. Visscher, both dated 1652, which make the St. -Lawrence River rise in the neighborhood of the Colorado. We might not -expect the _Zee-Atlas_ of Van Loon to give signs of the inland lakes; -but it is strange that the map “Americæ nova descriptio,” ignoring the -great interior waters, was used in editions of Heylin’s _Cosmographie_, -in London, from 1669 to 1677. - -[Illustration: NOVA FRANCIA ET REGIONES ADJACENTES (_De Laet_). - -Cf. another section of De Laet’s map in chap. viii. De Laet was much -better informed than Champlain regarding the relative position of Lake -Champlain to New England; and he placed it more in accordance with the -English belief, as expressed by Thomas Morton, _New English Canaan_ -(Adams’s edition, p. 234), who speaks of Lake Champlain as being three -hundred miles distant from Massachusetts Bay,—a distance somewhat in -excess. De Laet’s map is also given in Cassell’s _United States_, i. -240.] - -Some of the Dutch cartographers were not so inalert. Johannes Jannson -in his _America septentrionalis_, and even Visscher himself in his -_Novissima et accuratissima totius Americæ Descriptio_ give diverse -interpretations to this idea of the inland seas. The draft in the -Hexham English translation (1636) of the Mercator-Hondius atlas is not -much nearer that of Champlain. - -[Illustration: JANNSON.] - -Harrisse (_Notes_, etc., nos. 190, 191) refers to two charts of the -St. Lawrence of 1641 which are preserved in Paris, and are known to be -the work of Jean Bourdon, who came to Quebec in 1633-34. Perhaps one -of these is the same referred to by Kohl, as dated 1635, and in the -_Dépôt de la Marine_, of which a copy is in the Kohl Collection in the -State Department at Washington. Harrisse also (no. 324) refers to a -_Description de la Nouvelle France_,—a map published by Boisseau in -Paris in 1643. - -The map in Dudley’s _Arcano del Mare_ (Florence, 1647), called “Carta -particolare della terra nuova, con la gran Baia et il Fiume grande -della Canida: D’America, carta prima,”[763] presents a surprise in -making the St. Croix River connect the Bay of Fundy with the St. -Lawrence; and Dudley seems to have had very confused notions of the -sites of Hochelaga and the Saguenay. The annexed sketch is much reduced. - -The same transverse strait appears in _Carte générale des Costes de -l’Amérique_, published at Amsterdam by Covens and Mortier. A treatment -of the geographical problem of the lakes which had more or less vogue, -is shown in Gottfried’s _Neue Welt_, 1655, in a map called “America -noviter delineate;” and this same treatment was preserved by Blaeu so -late as 1685. - -[Illustration: VISSCHER.] - -A most decided advance came with the map, _Le Canada, ou Nouvelle -France_, of Nicolas Sanson in 1656,[764]—a far better correlation -of the three lower lakes than we had found in Champlain, with an -indication of those farther west.[765] Contemporary with Sanson was the -English geographer Peter Heylin, whose map, as has already been noted, -betrays no knowledge of Champlain. His _Cosmographie in Four Books_ -appeared in 1657,[766] and the second part of the fourth book relates -to America, and is accompanied by the map in question. The contemporary -Dutch maps of Jannson, Visscher, and Blaeu deserve little notice as -contributions to knowledge.[767] - -[Illustration: EASTERLY PORTION OF CHAMPLAIN’S MAP 1632. - -The great map of 1632, by Champlain, has been reproduced full size -in the Quebec edition of his works, and also in the Prince Society -edition. A fac-simile, somewhat reduced, is given in O’Callaghan’s -_Documentary History of New York_, vol. iii. Another, full size, was -made by Pilinski in 1860, and published by Tross, of Paris (thirty-six -copies, and of date, 1877, fifty copies at 40 francs). Field calls it -“imperfect.” Brunet, however, says it has “une admirable exactitude.” -The copy of the 1632 edition in the Bibliothèque Nationale lacks this -map. The Harvard Le Mur copy has no map (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, -no. 268). - -Sabin (no. 11,839) says that the map here copied (the original of -which is in the Harvard College “Collet” copy) belongs properly to the -copies having the Le Mur and Sevestre imprints, and has the legend, -“Faict l’an 1632 par le Sieur de Champlain;” while the proper Collet -map is smaller, and is inscribed, “Faict par le Sieur de Champlain, -suivant les Mémoires de P. du Val, en l’Isle du Palais.” The earliest -copy, however, which I have found of the map thus referred to bears -date 1664, and is called _Le Canada, faict par le S^r. de Champlain, -... suivant les Mémoires de P. du Val, Géographe du Roy_. This map -appeared with even later dates (1677, etc.), preserving much of the -characteristics of the 1632 map, though stretching the plot farther -west, and at a time when much better knowledge was current. Harrisse, -nos. 331, 348; but cf. no. 274. Kohl, in the Department of State -Collection, has one of date 1660.] - -[Illustration: WESTERLY PORTION OF CHAMPLAIN’S 1632 MAP.] - -[Illustration: DUDLEY, 1647.] - -Of the map of Creuxius, made in 1660 and published in 1664, a -fac-simile of a part is annexed.[768] For the eastern parts of the -country reference may be made to the map _Tabula Novæ Franciæ_, of -about 1663, given in the chapter on Acadie.[769] - -[Illustration: CREUXIUS, 1660.] - -[Illustration: CARTE GÉNÉRALE OF COVENS AND MORTIER.] - -One of the volumes of the great _Blaeu Atlas_ of 1662, _America, quæ -est Geographiæ Blavianæ Pars quinta_, very singularly ignored all that -the cartographers of New France had been long divulging, and the same -misrepresentation was persistently employed in the later _Blaeu Atlas_ -of 1685, which contained in other American maps a variety of notions -equally erroneous, and which had been current at a period very long -passed. - -[Illustration: GOTTFRIED, 1655.] - -The map in Montanus’s _De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld_, 1670, “per -Jacobum Meursium,” not the same as the “Novissima et accuratissima -totius Americæ Descriptio” of John Ogilby’s great folio on _America_, -1670, and later years, seems to be substantially N. Visscher’s map of -the same title, issued in Amsterdam in the same year.[770] - -The maps of Hennepin (1683-1697) form a part of a special note -elsewhere in the present volume; and the map accompanying Le Clercq’s -_Etablissement de la Foy_, 1691, is also reproduced in Shea’s -translation of that book.[771] It makes the Mississippi debouch on the -Texas shore of the Gulf of Mexico, as many of the maps of this period -do. - -Maps of a general character, indicating a knowledge of the interior -topography of America, sometimes expanding, and not seldom retrograde, -followed rapidly as the century was closing, of which the most -important were the maps of _Amérique septentrionale_ (1667, 1669, 1674, -1685, 1690, 1692, 1695), by the Sansons, and the Roman reprint of it -in 1677,[772] as well as _La Mer du Nort_ of Du Val in 1679,[773] -Sanson’s _Le Nouveau Mexique_, of the same year, which extends -from Montreal to the Gulf;[774] the _North America_ of the English -geographer, William Berry (1680);[775] the _Partie de la Nouvelle -France_ of Hubert Jaillott (1685);[776] and the same cartographer’s -_Amérique septentrionale_ of 1694, and _Le Monde_ of 1696; the _Carte -Generalle de la Nouvelle France_[777] (1692) engraved by Boudan; the -_Amérique septentrionale_ of De Fer (1693); the marine _Cartes_ (1696) -of Le Cordier;[778] the _New Sett of Maps_ published by Edward Wells -in London in 1698-99; and finally the _Amérique septentrionale_ of -Delisle.[779] The maps of La Hontan (1703-1709) are the subject of -special treatment in another note. - -[Illustration: SANSON, 1656. - -This is the same map, whether with the imprint, “Paris, chez Pierre -Mariette, 1656,” or “Chez l’Autheur” in his _America en plusieurs -Cartes_, 1657, though the scale in the former is much larger.] - -[Illustration: BLAEU, 1662 AND 1685. - -Cf. a section in Cassell’s _United States_, i. 312.] - -[Illustration: NOVI BELGII TABULA, 1670. - -From Ogilby’s _America_, p. 169.] - -[Illustration: OGILBY’S MAP, 1670.] - -If we run through the series of maps here sketched, we cannot but be -struck with the unsettled notions regarding the geography of the St. -Lawrence Valley. Beginning with the clear intimation by Molineaux, -in 1600, of a great body of interior water, which was the mysterious -link between the Atlantic and the Arctic seas, and finding this idea -modified by Botero and others, we see Champlain in 1613 still leaving -it vague. The maps of the next few years paid little attention to any -features farther west than the limit of tide-water; and not till we -reach the great map which accompanied the final edition of Champlain’s -collected voyages in 1632 do we begin to get a distorted plot of the -upper lakes, Lake Erie being nothing more than a channel of varying -width connecting them with Lake Huron. The first really serviceable -delineation of the great lakes were the maps of Sanson and Du Creux, -or Creuxius, in 1656 and 1660. Here we find Lake Erie given its -due prominence; Huron is unduly large, but in its right position; -and Michigan and Superior, though not completed, are placed with -approximate accuracy. This truth of position, however, was disregarded -by many a later geographer, till we reach a type of map, about the end -of the century, which is exemplified in that given by Campanius in 1702. - -[Illustration: FROM CAMPANIUS, 1702.] - -A water-way which made an island of greater or less extent of the -peninsula which lies between the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic, -appeared first in 1600 on the Molineaux map, and was repeated by Dudley -in 1647; but on other maps the water-sheds were separated by a narrow -tract. So much uncertainty attended this feature that the short portage -of the prevailing notion was far from constant in its position, and -on some maps seems repeated in more than one place,—taking now the -appearance of a connection on the line of the St. Croix, or some other -river of New Brunswick; now on that of the Kennebec and Chaudière; -again as if having some connection with Lake Champlain, when a -misconception of its true position placed that expanse of water between -the Connecticut and the Saco; and once more on the line of the Hudson -and Lake George. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -NEW NETHERLAND, OR THE DUTCH IN NORTH AMERICA - -BY BERTHOLD FERNOW, - -_Keeper of the Historical Records, State of New York_. - - -SAYS Carlyle: “Those Dutch are a strong people. They raised their land -out of a marsh, and went on for a long period of time breeding cows and -making cheese, and might have gone on with their cows and cheese till -doomsday. But Spain comes over and says, ‘We want you to believe in St. -Ignatius.’ ‘Very sorry,’ replied the Dutch, ‘but we can’t.’ ‘God! but -you _must_,’ says Spain; and they went about with guns and swords to -make the Dutch believe in St. Ignatius. Never made them believe in him, -but did succeed in breaking their own vertebral column forever, and -raising the Dutch into a great nation.” - -A nation’s struggle for religious liberty comes upon every individual -member of that nation as a personal matter, as a battle to be fought -with himself and with the world. Hence we see the Dutch, encouraged by -the large influx of Belgians whom the same unwillingness to believe in -St. Ignatius had driven out of their homes, emerge from the conflict -with Spain, individually and as a nation, more self-reliant, sturdy, -and independent than ever before. - -Compelled by the physical condition of their country to become a -maritime nation, while other circumstances directed them to commercial -pursuits, they had long been the common carriers of the sea, and had -availed themselves at an early date of the discoveries made by the -Cabots, Verrazano, and other adventurous explorers in the century -succeeding the voyages of Columbus. They had studied the weak points -of that vast Spanish empire “where the sun never set,” and found in -the war with Spain a good excuse to make use of their knowledge, and -to send their ships to the West Indies and the Spanish main to prey -upon the commerce of their enemies. The first proposition to make such -an expedition, submitted to the States-General in 1581 by an English -sea-captain, Beets, and refused by them, was undoubtedly conceived -in a purely commercial spirit. Gradually the idea of destroying the -transatlantic resources of Spain, and thereby compelling her to submit -to the Dutch conditions of peace and to the evacuation of Belgium, -caused the formation of a West India company, which, authorized to -trade with and fight the Spaniards in American waters, appears in the -light of a necessary political measure, without, however, throwing in -the background the necessity of finding a shorter route to the East -Indies.[780] - -Although the scheme to form a West India company was first broached -in 1592 by William Usselinx, an exiled Antwerp merchant, it was many -years before it could be carried out. The longing for a share in the -riches of the New World conduced in the mean time to the establishment -of the “Greenland Company” about 1596, and the pretended search by its -ships for a northwest passage led to a supposed first discovery of the -Hudson River, if we may rely upon an unsupported statement made by -officers of the West India Company in an appeal for assistance to the -Assembly of the Nineteen in 1644. According to this document, ships -of the Greenland Company had entered the North and Delaware rivers in -1598; their crews had landed in both places, and had built small forts -to protect them against the inclemency of the winter and to resist the -attacks of the Indians. - -Of the next adventurer who sailed through the Narrows we know more, -and of his discoveries we have documentary evidence. A company of -English merchants had organized to trade to America in the first -years of the seventeenth century. Their first adventures, directed -to Guiana and Virginia, were not successful,[781] yet gave a new -impetus to the scheme originally conceived by Usselinx. A plan for -the organization of a West India company was drawn up in 1606, -according to the exiled Belgian’s ideas. The company was to be in -existence thirty-six years, to receive during the first six years -assistance from all the United Provinces, and to be managed in the -same manner as the East India Company. Political considerations on -one side and rivalry between the Provinces on the other prevented -the consummation of this project. A peace or truce with Spain was -about to be negotiated, and Oldenbarnevelt, then Advocate of Holland -and one of the most prominent and influential members of the peace -party, foresaw that the organization of a West India company with the -avowed purpose of obtaining most of its profits by preying on Spanish -commerce in American waters would only prolong the war. Probably he -saw still farther. Usselinx’s plan was, as we have seen, to compel -Spain by these means to evacuate Belgium, and thus give her exiled sons -a chance to return to their old homes. A wholesale departure of the -shrewd, industrious, and skilled Belgians would have deprived Holland -of her political pre-eminence and have left her an obscure and isolated -province. On the other hand, each province and each seaport desired a -share in the equipping of the fleet destined to sail in the interests -of the proposed company, and as no province was willing to allow a -rival to have what she could not have, the project itself between these -two extremes of the opposing parties came to nought. It was only when -Oldenbarnevelt, accused of high treason, had been lodged in prison, and -the renewal of the war with Spain had been commended to the public, -that the scheme was taken up again, in 1618. - -Private ships, sailing from Dutch ports, had not been idle in the mean -time; in 1607 we hear of them in Canada trading for furs, and in 1609 -an English mariner, Henry Hudson, who had made several voyages for the -English company already mentioned, offered his services to the East -India Company to search for the passage to India by the north. - -Under the auspices of the Amsterdam chamber of this company Hudson -left the Texel in the yacht “Half Moon” April 4, 1609. His failures in -the years 1607 and 1608, while in the employ of the English company, -had discouraged neither him nor his new employers; but soon ice and -fogs compel him, so we are told, to abandon his original plan to go to -the East Indies by a possible northeast passage, and he proposes to -his crew a search for a northwest passage along the American coast, -at about the 40th degree of latitude. A contemporary writer states: -“This idea had been suggested to Hudson by some letters and maps which -his friend Captain Smith had sent him from Virginia, and by which he -informed him that there was a sea leading into the Western Ocean by -the north of Virginia.” So westward Hudson turns the bow of his ship, -to make a first landfall on the coast of Newfoundland, a second at -Penobscot Bay, and a third at Cape Cod. Thence he takes a southwest -course, but again fails to strike land under the 40th degree; he has -gone too far south by one degree, and he anchors in a wide bay under -39° 5´´ on the 28th of August. He is in Delaware Bay. Scarcely a week -later, on the 4th of September, he finds himself with his yacht in the -“Great North River of New Netherland,” under 40° 30´. A month later, -to a day, he passes again out of the “Great mouth of the Great River,” -homeward bound to report that what he had thought to be the long and -vainly sought northwest passage was only a great river, navigable for -vessels of light draught for one hundred and fifty miles, and running -through a country fair to look upon and inhabited by red men peacefully -inclined. Little did Hudson think, while he was navigating the waters -named for him, that Champlain, another explorer, had recently been -fighting his way up the shores of the lake now bearing his name, and -that, a century and a half later, the great battle for supremacy on -this continent between France and England,—between the old religion -and the new,—would be fiercely waged in those peaceful regions. - -The report brought home by Hudson, that the newly discovered country -abounded in fur-bearing animals, created the wildest excitement among -a people compelled by their northern climate to resort to very warm -clothing in winter. Many private ventures, therefore, followed Hudson’s -track soon after his return, and finally the plan to organize a West -India company, never quite relinquished, was now, 1618, destined to be -carried out. There was in this juncture less opposition to it; but -still various reasons delayed the consent of the States-General until -June, 1621, when at last they signed the charter. Englishmen from -Virginia, who claimed the country under a grant, had tried to oust -the Dutch, who had before this established themselves on the banks -of the Hudson, under the _octroi_ of 1614. The West India Company -nevertheless, undismayed, took possession, in 1623, by sending Captain -Cornelis Jacobsen Mey as director to the Prince Hendrick or South -River (Delaware), and Adrian Jorissen Tienpont in like capacity to the -Prince Mauritius or North River. Mey, going up the South River, fifteen -leagues from its mouth erected in the present town of Gloucester, -N. J., about four miles below Philadelphia, Fort Nassau, the first -European settlement in that region; while the director on the North -River, besides strengthening the establishment which he found at its -mouth, built a fort a few miles above the one erected in 1618 near the -mouth of the Normanskil, now Albany, by the servants of the “United New -Netherland Company,” and called it “Fort Orange.” - -[Illustration] - -Tienpont’s successor, Peter Minuit, three years later, in 1626, bought -from the Indians the whole of Manhattan Island for the value of about -twenty-four dollars, with the view of making this the principal -settlement. This purchase and the organization, under the charter, of -a council with supreme executive, legislative, and judicial authority, -must be considered the first foundation of our present State of -New York, even though the titles of the officers constituting the -council,—upper and under merchant, commissary, book-keeper of monthly -wages,—seem to prove that in the beginning the Company had only purely -commercial ends in view. Their charter of 1621, it is true, required -them “to advance the peopling of those fruitful and unsettled parts,” -but not until the trade with New Netherland threatened to become -unprofitable, in 1627-28, was a plan taken into consideration to reap -other benefits than those accruing from the fur-trade alone, through a -more extended colonization. The deliberations of the Assembly of the -Nineteen and directors of the West India Company resulted in a new -“charter of freedoms and exemptions,” sanctioned by the States-General, -June 7, 1629. Its provisions, no more favorable to liberty, as we -understand it now, than that of 1621, attempted to transplant to the -soil of New York the feudal system of Europe as it had already been -established in Canada; and with it was imported the first germ of that -weakening disease,—inadequate revenues,—which caused the colony to -fall such an easy prey to England’s attack in 1664. While the charter -was still under discussion, several of the Company’s directors took -advantage of their position and secured for themselves a share of the -new privileges by purchasing from the Indians, as the charter required, -the most conveniently located and fertile tracts of land. The records -of the acknowledgment of these transactions before the Director and -Council of the Colony are the earliest which are extant in the -original now in the possession of the State of New York. They bear -dates from April, 1630, to July, 1631, and include the present counties -of Albany and Richmond, N. Y., the cities of Hoboken and Jersey City, -N. J., and the southern parts of the States of New Jersey and Delaware. - -This mode of acquiring lands from the Indians by purchase established -from the beginning the principles by which the intercourse between the -white and the red men in the valley of the Hudson was to be regulated. -The great Indian problem, which has been and still is a question of -paramount importance to the United States Government, was solved then -by the Dutch of New Netherland without great difficulty. Persecuted -by Spain and France for their religious convictions, the Dutch had -learned to tolerate the superstitions and even repugnant beliefs of -others. Not less religious than the Puritans of New England, they made -no such religious pretexts for tyranny and cruelty as mar the records -of their neighbors. They treated the Indian as a man with rights of -life, liberty, opinion, and property like their own. Truthful among -themselves, they inspired in the Indian a belief in their sincerity and -honesty, and purchased what they wanted fairly and with the consent of -the seller. The Dutch _régime_ always upheld this principle, and as a -consequence the Indians of this State caused no further difficulty, -with a few exceptions, to the settlers than a financial outlay. The -historians who charge the Dutch with pusillanimity and cowardice in -their dealings with the Indians forget that to their policy we owe -to-day the existence of the United States. - -The country between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mississippi River, the -Great Lakes and the Savannah River, was at the time of the arrival of -the Dutch practically ruled by a confederacy of Indian tribes,—the -Five Nations,—who, settled along the Mohawk and Upper Hudson rivers -and in western New York, commanded the key to the continent. It was -indeed in their power, had they pleased, to allow the French of Canada -to crush the Dutch settlements on the Hudson; and had this territory -become a French province, the united action of the American colonies -in the French and Revolutionary wars would have been an impossibility. -These Five Nations, called by the Jesuit fathers living among them the -most enlightened but also the most intractable and ferocious of all the -Indians, became soon after the arrival of the Dutch the stanch friends -of the new-comers, and remained so during the whole Dutch period. The -English wisely adhered to this Indian policy of the Dutch, and by the -continued friendship of the Five Nations were enabled successfully to -contend with the French for the supremacy on this continent. - -The purchasers of the tracts already mentioned—with one exception, -associations of Dutch merchants—lost no time in sending out people -to settle their colonies. Renselaerswyck, adjoining and surrounding -Fort Orange, had in 1630 already a population of thirty males, of whom -several had families, sent out by the Association recognizing Kilian -van Renselaer, a pearl merchant of Amsterdam, as patroon. The same -men, associated with several others, among whom was Captain David -Pietersen de Vries, had bought the present counties of Sussex and Kent, -in the State of Delaware, to which by a purchase made the following -year they added the present Cape May County, N. J. On December 12, -1630, they sent two vessels to the Delaware or South River, “to plant -a colony for the cultivation of grain and tobacco, as well as to carry -on the whale-fishery in that region.” They carried out the first part -of the plan, but were so unsuccessful in the second part that the -expedition proved a losing one. Undismayed by their financial loss, -another was sent out in May, 1632, under Captain de Vries’ personal -command, although information had been received that the settlement -on the South River, Zwanendael, had been destroyed by the Indians, -and all the settlers, thirty-two in number, killed. Arriving opposite -Zwanendael, De Vries found the news but too true; and after visiting -the old Fort Nassau, now deserted, and loitering a while in the river, -he left the region without any further attempt at colonization. The -pecuniary losses attending these two unfortunate expeditions induced -the patroons of Zwanendael, two years later, to dispose of their right -and title to these tracts of land to the West India Company. - -[Illustration] - -Shortly before Minuit was appointed director of New Netherland, a -number of Walloons, compelled by French intolerance to leave their -homes between the rivers Scheldt and Lys, had applied to Sir Dudley -Carleton, principal Secretary of State to King Charles I., for -permission to settle in Virginia. The answer of the Virginia Company -not proving satisfactory, they turned their eyes upon New Netherland, -where a small number of them arrived with Minuit. For some reasons they -left the lands first allotted to them on Staten Island, and went over -to Long Island, where Wallabout,[782] in the city of Brooklyn, still -reminds us of the origin of its first settlers. It will be remembered -that Englishmen from Virginia (under Captain Samuel Argal, in 1613) had -attempted to drive the Dutch from the Hudson River.[783] It is said -that the Dutch then acknowledged the English title to this region under -a grant of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584, and made an -arrangement for their continuing there on sufferance. Be that as it -may, the West India Company had paid no heed to this early warning. -Now, in 1627, the matter was to be recalled to their minds in a manner -more diplomatic than Argal’s, by a letter from Governor Bradford of -Plymouth Colony, which most earnestly asserted the right of the English -to the territory occupied by the Dutch. This urged the latter to clear -their title, for otherwise it said: “It will be harder and with -more difficulty obtained hereafter, and perhaps not without blows.” -Before the director’s appeal for assistance against possible English -invaders reached the home office, the Company had already taken steps -to remove some of the causes which might endanger their colony. They -had obtained, September, 1627, from King Charles I. an order giving to -their vessels the same privileges as had been granted by the treaty -of Southampton to all national vessels of Holland,—that is, freedom -of trade to all ports of England and her colonies. But their title -to New Netherland was not cleared, because they could not do it; for -they did not dare to assert the pretensions to the _premier seisin_, -then considered valid according to that maxim of the civil law, “_quæ -nullius sunt, in bonis dantur occupanti_;” nor did they later claim the -right of first discovery when, after the surrender of New Netherland -to the English, in 1664, negotiations were had concerning restitution. -Only once did they claim a title by such discovery. This was when the -ship “Union,” bringing home the recalled director Minuit (1632), was -attached in an English port, at the suit of the New England Company, -on a charge which had been made notwithstanding the King’s order of -September, 1627, and which alleged that the ship had obtained her cargo -in countries subject to his Majesty. The denial of this claim and the -counter claim of first discovery by Englishmen set up by the British -ministry failed to bring forth a rejoinder from their High Mightinesses -of Holland. - -[Illustration] - -When De Vries, having ascertained the destruction of his colony -on the Delaware, came to New Amsterdam, he found there the newly -appointed director, Wouter van Twiller, just arrived. He was, as De -Vries thought, “an unfit person,” whom family influence had suddenly -raised from a clerkship in the Company’s office at Amsterdam to -the governorship of New Netherland “to perform a comedy,” and his -council De Vries calls “a pack of fools, who knew nothing except -to drink, by whose management the Company must come to nought.” De -Vries’ prediction came near being realized. Seized with a mania for -territorial aggrandizement, Van Twiller bought from the Indians a part -of the Connecticut territory in 1633, and by building Fort Hope, near -the present site of Hartford, planted the seed for another quarrel with -the English at Boston, who claimed all the land from the Narragansetts -nearly to the Manhattans under a grant made in 1631 to the Earl of -Warwick, and under a subsequent transfer from the latter in 1632 to -Lord Say and Seal’s company. Notwithstanding their numerical weakness, -the Dutch kept a footing in Connecticut for nearly twenty years; but -they could not prevent the same Englishmen from invading Long Island -in a like manner, and being prominent actors in the final catastrophe -of 1664. Another purchase made by Van Twiller from the Indians, also -in 1633, which included the territory on the Schuylkill, the building -of Fort Beeversreede there and additions made to Fort Nassau, put -new life into the sinking settlement on the Delaware River, and thus -gave color to the subsequent statement, made in the dispute with the -Swedes, that they (the Dutch) had never relinquished their hold upon -this territory.[784] Thoroughly imbued with a sense of the wealth and -power of the West India Company, then in the zenith of its power, Van -Twiller expended the revenues of his government lavishly in building up -New Amsterdam and Fort Orange, and, without regard for official ethics, -abused his position still further at the expense of the Company, by -granting to himself and his boon companions the most fertile tracts of -land on and near Manhattan and Long islands. His irregular proceedings, -finally brought to the notice of the States-General by the law officer -of New Netherland, led to his recall in 1637, when he was succeeded by -William Kieft. - -Up to this time the history of New Netherland is more or less a history -of the acts of the director, who proceeded more like the agent of a -great commercial institution than the ruler of a vast province. He -assumed to be the head of the agency, and all the other inhabitants of -the colony were either his servants or his tenants. Nominally he was -also directed to supervise the proceedings of adjoining colonies of the -same nationality; but they either died out, like Pavonia (New Jersey) -and Zwanendael (Delaware), or as yet the interests of those private -establishments, like Renselaerswyck (Albany) had not come in conflict -with those of the Company so as to call forth the authority vested in -the director. The relations with the Indians had also been amicable so -far, a slight misunderstanding with the New Jersey Indians excepted; -and the quarrel with the English about the Connecticut lands having -been referred to the home authorities for settlement, this complication -did not require any display of statesmanship. The province having been -brought to the verge of ruin by Wouter van Twiller, up to the beginning -of whose administration it had returned a profit of $75,000 to the -Company, the abilities of his successor were taxed to their utmost to -rebuild it, and his statesmanship was tried in his dealings with the -Swedes, the English, and the Indians. - -The absorption, for their own benefit, of the most fertile lands -by officers of the Company had naturally tended to prevent actual -settlers from coming to New Netherland, and the Company itself had -thus far failed to send over colonists, as required by the charter. -The incessant disputes between the Amsterdam department of the Company -and the patroons of Renselaerswyck over the interpretation of the -privileges granted in 1629, and the complaints of the fiscal[785] of -New Netherland against Wouter van Twiller, which pointedly referred to -the general maladministration of the province, at last induced their -High Mightinesses to turn their attention to it. A short investigation -compelled them to announce officially that the colony was retrograding, -its population decreasing, and that it required a change in the -administration of its affairs. But as the charter of the Company was -the fundamental evil, the Government was almost powerless to enforce -its demands, and had to be satisfied with recommending to the Assembly -of the Nineteen of the West India Company the adoption of a plan for -the effectual settlement of the country and the encouragement of a -sound and healthful emigration. This step resulted in overthrowing the -monopoly of the American trade enjoyed by the Company since 1623, and -in opening not only the trade, but also the cultivation of the soil -under certain conditions, to every immigrant, denizen, or foreigner. -The new order of things gave to the drooping colony a fresh lease of -life. Its population, hitherto only transient, as it consisted mainly -of the Company’s servants, who returned to Europe at the expiration of -their respective terms, now became permanent,—“whole colonies” coming -“to escape the insupportable government of New England;” servants who -had obtained their liberty in Maryland and Virginia availing themselves -of the opportunity to make use of the experience acquired on the -tobacco plantations of their English masters; wealthy individuals of -the more educated classes emigrating with their families and importing -large quantities of stock; and the peasant farmers of continental -Europe seeking freehold homes on the banks of the Hudson and on Long -Island, which they could not acquire in the land of their birth. -These all flocked now to New Netherland, and gave to New Amsterdam -something of its present cosmopolitan character; for Father Jogues -found there in 1643 eighteen different nationalities represented by its -population. Two other invasions, however, of New Netherland brought a -people likewise intent upon the cultivation of the soil and trading -with the Indians; but they were not such as “acknowledged their High -Mightinesses and the Directors of the West India Company as their -suzerain lords and masters,” and these caused some anxiety and trouble -to the new director. - -The first of these invasions, arriving on this side of the Atlantic in -Delaware Bay almost simultaneously with Kieft, was made in pursuance of -a plan long cherished by the great Protestant hero of the seventeenth -century, Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, to give his country a share in -the harvest which other nations were then gathering in the New World. -Various reasons deferred the carrying out of this plan, first laid -before the King in 1626 by the same Usselinx who planned the West India -Company; and not until 1638 did the South Company of Sweden send out -their first adventure under another man, also formerly connected with -the West India Company, Peter Minuit. - -Kieft’s protest against this intrusion had no effect upon the Swedish -commander and his colony, whose history is told in another chapter. -More energy was displayed by the Dutch two years later in dealing -with some Englishmen from New Haven, who began a settlement on the -Schuylkill River, opposite Fort Nassau, and who were promptly driven -away. Laxity and corruption on the part of the Dutch local director -seems to have been the cause of the almost inexplicable patience with -which the Dutch bore the encroachments made by the Swedes; and not -until the government of New Netherland was intrusted to the energetic -Stuyvesant was anything done to counteract the Swedish influences -on the Delaware. Stuyvesant built in 1651 a new fort (Casimir, now -Newcastle, Del.), below the Swedish fort Christina (Wilmington), the -treacherous surrender of which, in 1654, to a newly arriving Swedish -governor, led in 1655 to the complete overthrow of Swedish rule. - -The next two years, to 1657, the inhabitants of the Delaware territory -had to suffer under the mismanagement of various commanders appointed -by the Director-General and Council, whose lack of administrative -talent helped not a little to embarrass the Company financially. -Under pressure of monetary difficulty, part of the Delaware region -was ceded by the Company to the municipality of Amsterdam in Holland, -which in May, 1657, established a new colony at Fort Casimir, calling -it New Amstel, while the name of Christina was changed to Altena, and -the territory belonging to it placed in charge of an agent of more -experience than his predecessors. The remaining years of Dutch rule on -the Delaware derive interest chiefly from an attempt by comers from -Maryland to obtain possession of the country through a clever trick; -from quarrels between the authorities of the two Dutch colonies brought -on by the weakness and folly of the directors of the “City’s Colony;” -and from difficulties with Maryland which arose out of the Indian -question. With the surrender of New Amsterdam in 1664, the Delaware -country passed also into English hands. - -Historians have hitherto failed to give due weight to the attempt of -Sweden to establish this American colony, and to the effect it had -upon the fortunes of the West India Company. The expedition of 1655, -although politically successful, not only exhausted the ready means of -the New Netherland Government, but also plunged it and the Company into -debts which never ceased to hamper its movement, and which afterward -rendered it impossible to furnish the province a sufficient military -protection. - -But no less a share in the final result of 1664 is due to the second -invasion of the Dutch territory, made about the time when the Swedes -first appeared on the Delaware, by Englishmen crossing over from -Connecticut to the east end of Long Island. The whole island had been -granted by the Plymouth Company to the Earl of Stirling in 1635; and -basing their claims on patents issued by Forrest, the Earl’s agent -in America, the invaders quickly settled in the present County of -Suffolk (1640), and resisted all efforts of the Dutch to drive them -off. Prejudicial to the Company’s interests as these encroachments -upon their territory were, they were calculated to call forth all the -administrative and diplomatic talents of which Kieft was supposed to -be possessed; but unfortunately by his lack of these qualities he -contrived to lay the colony open to a danger which almost destroyed -it. The trade with the interior had led to an intimacy between the -Indians and the Dutch which gave the natives many chances to acquaint -themselves thoroughly with the habits, strength, and usages of the -settlers; while the increased demand for peltries required that the -Indians should be supplied with better means to meet that demand. They -were consequently given firearms; and when thus put on the same footing -with the white inhabitants, Kieft committed the folly of exacting from -them a tribute as a return for aiding them in their defence against -their enemies by the building of forts and by the maintenance of a -military establishment. He even threatened to use forcible measures -in cases of non-compliance. The war resulting from this policy lasted -until 1645, and seriously impaired the finances of the Company and the -development of the colony. Equally arbitrary and devoid of common-sense -was Kieft’s administration of internal affairs. Before the beginning of -the Indian war, upon which he was intent, circumstances compelled him -to make a concession to popular rights, which he might use as a cloak -to protect himself against censure. He directed that the community at -large should elect twelve delegates to consult with the Director and -Council on the expediency of going to war, and when fairly launched -into the conflict he quickly abolished this advisory board,—the first -representative body of New York,—but only to ask for an expression -of the public opinion by another board a few months later in 1643. -This, at last disgusted with Kieft’s tyranny and folly, set to work -to have him removed in 1647. The people had not forgotten that in the -Netherlands they had been self-governing, and had enjoyed the rights of -free municipalities. Although all the minor towns had acquired the same -privileges almost at the beginning of their existence, New Amsterdam, -the principal place of the colony, was still ruled by the Company -through the Director and Council. The opposition which he met from the -burghers of this place was the principal cause of his recall. - -The relations of New Netherland with its English neighbors during -Kieft’s administration were in the main the same as under his -predecessors. He continued to complain of the grievous wrongs and -injuries inflicted upon his people by New Haven, but had no means to do -more than complain. The stronger English colonies kept their settlement -on the Connecticut, and established another within the territory -claimed by the Dutch at Agawam, now Springfield, Mass. - -The arrival of the new director-general was celebrated by the -inhabitants of New Amsterdam with all the solemnity which circumstances -afforded; and they were pleased to hear him announce that he “should -be in his government as a father to his children for the advantage of -the Company, the country, and the burghers.” They had good reasons -to be hopeful. Petrus Stuyvesant, the new director, had gathered -administrative experience as governor of the Company’s Island of -Curaçao, and while in Holland on sick leave, in 1645, he had proved his -knowledge of New Netherland affairs by offering acceptable suggestions -for the better management of this and the other transatlantic -territories of the Company. His views, together with instructions drawn -up by the Assembly of the Nineteen for the guidance of the director, -were embodied in resolutions and orders for the future government of -New Netherland, which revolutionized and liberalized the condition of -the colony. It was henceforth to be governed by the Director-General -and a Council composed of the vice-director and the fiscal. The right -of the people to be heard by the provincial government on the state -and condition of the country, through delegates from the various -settlements, was confirmed; and the carrying trade between the colony -and other countries, which the reform of 1639 had still left in the -hands of the Company and of a few privileged persons, was now opened to -all, although under certain rather onerous restrictions. - -[Illustration] - -The first few months of the new administration fully justified the hope -with which Stuyvesant’s arrival had been accompanied. The state in -which Kieft had left the public morals compelled Stuyvesant to issue -and enforce such orders, that within two months of his assuming the -new duties the director of the Patroons’ Colony at Albany wrote home: -“Mynheer Stuyvesant introduces here a thorough reform.” What the state -of things must have been may be inferred from Stuyvesant’s declaration -that “the people are without discipline, and approaching the savage -state,” while “a fourth part of the city of New Amsterdam consists of -rumshops and houses where nothing can be had but beer and tobacco.” - -Unfortunately for his own reputation and for the good of the colony, -he used his energies not solely to make provisions for future good -government, but he allowed his feudal notions to embroil him in -the quarrels of the late administration, by espousing the cause of -Kieft, who had been accused by representatives of the commonalty of -malfeasance in office. This grave error induced the home authorities to -consider Stuyvesant’s recall; but he was finally allowed to remain, and -in the end proved the most satisfactory administrator of the province -sent out by the Company. It was his and the Company’s misfortune that -he was appointed when the resources of the Company were gradually -diminishing in consequence of the peace with Spain. He was thus -constantly hampered by a lack of means; and when the end came, he had -only from one hundred and fifty to two hundred soldiers, scattered in -four garrisons from the Delaware forts to Fort Orange, to defend the -colony against an overwhelming English force. - -During the seventeen years of his administration Stuyvesant endeavored -to cultivate the friendship of the Indians; and in this he was in the -main successful, save that the tribes of the Mohegan nation along -the Hudson refused to become as firm friends of the Dutch as their -suzerain lords, the Mohawks, were. While Stuyvesant was absent on -the South River, in 1655, to subdue, in obedience to orders from -home, the Swedish settlements there, New Amsterdam was invaded by the -River Indians and almost destroyed. The Colony and the Company had -not yet recovered from the losses sustained by this invasion, nor -from the draft made upon their financial resources by the successful -expedition against the Swedes, when a few tribes of the same River -Indians reopened the war against the Dutch. They first murdered some -individuals of the settlement on the Esopus (now Kingston, Ulster -County), and later destroyed it almost completely. With an expense at -the time altogether out of proportion to the means of the Government, -Stuyvesant succeeded in 1663 in ending this war by destroying the -Esopus tribe of Indians. - -The negotiations with the New England colonies for a settlement of -the boundary and other open questions fall into the earlier part of -Stuyvesant’s administration. Although he could flatter himself that -he had obtained in the treaty of Hartford, 1650, as good terms as he -might expect from a power vastly superior to his own, his course only -tended to separate the two factions of New Netherland still farther. -His espousal of Kieft’s cause had, as we have seen, alienated him from -the mass of his countrymen, whose anger was now still more aroused -when he selected as advisers at Hartford an Englishman resident at -New Amsterdam and a Frenchman. He was accused of having betrayed his -trust because he had been obliged to surrender the jurisdiction of the -Company over the Connecticut territory and the east end of Long Island. -Listening to these accusations, coming together as they did with the -Kieft affair, the Company increased the difficulties surrounding their -director by an order to make Dutch nationality one of the tests of -fitness for public employment. - -The people had already in Kieft’s time loudly called for more -liberty,—a desire which Stuyvesant in the strong conservatism of his -character was by no means willing to listen to. As, however, liberal -principles gained more and more ground among the population, he at -last gave his consent to the convocation of a general assembly from -the several towns, which was to consider the state of the province. -It was too late. The power of the Dutch in New Netherland was waning; -Connecticut had been lost in 1650; Westchester at the very door of the -Manhattans, and the principal towns of western Long Island were in the -hands of the English; and a few months after the first meeting of the -delegates the English flag floated over the fort, which had until then -been called New Amsterdam. - -The magnitude of the commerce of the United Provinces had long been -a thorn in the side of the English nation; for years Cato’s _Ceterum -censeo, Carthaginem esse delendam_ had been the burden of political -speeches. Differences arising between the two governments, Charles -II., only lately the guest of Holland, allowed himself to be persuaded -by his chancellor, Shaftesbury, that this commerce would make Holland -as great an empire as Rome had been, and this would lead to the -utter annihilation of England. There was apparently no other motive -reflecting “honor upon his prudence, activity, and public spirit,” -to induce him to order the treacherous expedition which seized the -territory of an unsuspecting ally. - -When the English fleet appeared off the coast of Long Island the Dutch -were not at all prepared to offer resistance, their small military -force of about two hundred effective men being scattered in detachments -over the whole province. Nevertheless Stuyvesant would have let the -issue be decided by arms; but the people failed to support him, and -insisted upon a surrender, which was accordingly made. They had not -forgotten how he had treated their demands for greater liberty, and -they expected to be favorably heard by an English government. New -Amsterdam, fort and city, as well as the whole province were named by -the victors in honor of the new proprietor, the Duke of York; while the -region west of the Hudson towards the Delaware, given by the Duke to -Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, received the name of New Jersey -in compliment to the latter’s birthplace. Fort Orange and neighborhood -became Albany; the Esopus, Kingston, and all reminiscences of Dutch -rule, so far as names went, were extinguished, only to be revived less -than a decade later. - -[Illustration] - -Although the treaty of Breda, July 21, 1667, had given to Holland -(which by it was robbed of her North American territory) the colony -of Surinam, the States took advantage of the war brought on by the -ambitious designs of England’s ally, France, against Holland in -1672, to retake New Netherland in 1673. Again the several towns and -districts changed their names,—New York to New Orange; Fort James -in New York to Willem Hendrick; Albany to Willemstadt, and the fort -there to Fort Nassau,—all in honor of the Prince of Orange. Kingston -was called Swanenburg; and New Jersey, Achter Col (behind the Col). -During the first few months after the reconquest the province was -governed by the naval commanders and the governor, Anthony Colve, -appointed by the States-General. The passionate character of the new -governor may have induced the commanders to remain until matters were -satisfactorily arranged under the new order of things. The different -towns and villages were required to send delegates to New Orange -with authority and for the purpose of acknowledging their allegiance -to the States-General of Holland. All submitted promptly, with the -exception of the five towns of the East Riding of Yorkshire on Long -Island, which, however, upon a threat of using force if they would not -come with their English colors and constables’ staves, also declared -their willingness to take the oath of allegiance. A claim upon Long -Island, petitions from three of its eastern towns to New England for -“protection and government against the Dutch,” and an arrogant attempt -made by Governor Winthrop of New Haven to lecture Colve, forced the -latter into an attitude of war, which resulted in a bloodless rencontre -between the Dutch and the English from Connecticut at Southold, Long -Island, in March, 1674. “Provisional Instructions” for the government -of the province, drawn up by Colve, estranged and annoyed its English -inhabitants, who were declared ineligible for any office if not in -communion with the Reformed Protestant Church, in conformity with -the Synod of Dort. Therefore, when, after the failure of receiving -reinforcements from home, New Netherland was re-surrendered to England -(February, 1674), the States-General being obliged to take this step -by the necessity of making European alliances, the English portion of -the population were glad to greet (November, 1674) again a government -of their own nationality, and the Dutch had to submit with the best -possible grace. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -OUR sources for the history of New Netherland are principally the -official records of the time, which must be considered under two heads: -the records of the governments in Europe which directly or indirectly -were interested in this part of the world; and the documents of the -provincial government, handed down from secretary to secretary, and -now carefully preserved in the archives of the State of New York. Of -the former we have copies, the procuring of which by the State was one -of the epoch-making events in the annals of historiography. A society, -formed in 1804[786] in the city of New York for the principal purpose -of “collecting and preserving whatever may relate to the natural, -civil, or ecclesiastical history of the United States in general -and the State of New York in particular,” having memorialized the -State Legislature on the subject, a translation was ordered and made -of the Dutch records in the office of the Secretary of State. This -translation—of which more hereafter—undoubtedly threw light upon the -historical value and importance of the State archives, but proved also -their incompleteness; and another memorial by the same society induced -the Legislature of 1839 to authorize the appointment of an agent who -should procure from the archives of Europe the material to fill the -gaps. Mr. John Romeyn Brodhead, who by a residence of two years at the -Hague as Secretary of the American Legation seemed to be specially -fitted for, and was already to some extent familiar with, the duties -expected from him, was appointed such an agent in 1841, and after -four years of diligent search and labor returned with eighty volumes -of manuscript copies of documents procured in Holland, France, and -England, which were published under his own and Dr. E. B. O’Callaghan’s -supervision[787] as _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New -York_, eleven volumes quarto, including index volume. The historical -value of these documents, which the State procured at an expense of -about fourteen thousand dollars, can not be estimated too highly. When -made accessible to the public, they removed the reproach that “New York -was probably the only commonwealth whose founders had been covered -with ridicule” by one of her sons, by showing that the endurance, -courage, and love of liberty evinced by her first settlers deserved a -better monument than _Knickerbocker’s History of New York_.[788] - -Mr. Brodhead was unfortunately too late by twenty years to obtain -copies of the records of the East and West India companies; for what -would have proved a rich mine of historical information had been sold -as waste paper at public auction in 1821. These lost records would have -told us what the Dutch of 1608-1609 knew of our continent; how Hudson -came to look for a northwest passage under the fortieth degree of north -latitude; and how, where, and when the first settlements were made on -the Hudson and Delaware,—information which they certainly must have -contained, for the States-General referred the English ambassador, in -a letter of Dec. 30, 1664, to the “very perfect registers, relations, -and journals of the West India Company, provided with all the requisite -verifications respecting everything that ever occurred in those -countries” (New Netherland). We cannot glean this information from the -records of the provincial government, consisting of the register of -the provincial secretary, the minutes of council, letter-books, and -land papers, for they begin only in 1638, a few land patents of 1630, -1631, and 1636 excepted. Even what we have of these is not complete, -all letters prior to 1646 and council minutes for nearly four years -having been lost. Where these missing parts may have strayed, it is -hard to say. Article 12 of the “Capitulation on the Reduction of New -Netherland, subscribed at the Governor’s Bouwery, August 27, O. S., -1664,” insured the careful preservation of the archives of the Dutch -government by the English conquerors. In June, 1688, they were still -in the Secretary’s office at New York; a few months later “Edward -Randolph, then Secretary of ye Dominion of New England, carried away -[to Boston] ye severall Bookes before Exprest,” says a Report of -commissioners appointed by the Committee of Safety of New York to -examine the books, etc., in the Secretary’s office, dated Sept. 23, -1689. Why he carried them off, the minutes of the proceedings -against Leisler would probably disclose, if found. They remained in -Boston until 1691, when Governor Sloughter, of New York, had them -brought back. Comparing the inventory of June, 1688 (which states that -there were found in “Presse no. 3 a parcell of old Dutch Records and -bundles of Papers, all Being marked and numbred as y^{ey} Lay now in -the said presse,”[789] which, to judge from the number of books in the -other presses, must have been large) with an inventory and examination -of the Dutch records made in June, 1753, under the supervision of the -commissioners appointed by an act of the General Assembly to examine -the eastern boundaries of the province, I come to the conclusion -that the missing Dutch and English records were lost either in their -wanderings between New York and Boston, or during the brief Dutch -interregnum of 1673-74,[790] or perhaps in the fire which consumed Fort -George in New York on the 18th of April, 1741, although Governor Clarke -informs the Board of Trade that “most of the records were saved and I -hope very few lost, for I took all the possible care of them, and had -all removed before the office took fire.” - -The inventory of 1753 shows that up to the present day nothing has -since been lost, with the exception of a missing account-book and of -some things which time has made illegible and of others which the -knife of the autograph-hunter has cut out. It is difficult to say how -much has gone through the latter unscrupulous method into the hands of -private parties. The catalogues of collections of autographs sold at -auction occasionally show papers which seem to have belonged to the -State archives, but it is impossible to prove that they came thence. -An examination, hurriedly made a few years ago, of the 103 volumes -of Colonial Manuscripts of New York, showed that about three hundred -documents had been stolen since Dr. O’Callaghan published in 1866 the -_Calendar_[791] of these manuscripts. The then Secretary of State, Mr. -John Bigelow, published the list of missing documents, calling upon -the parties in possession of any of them to return the property of -the State; and a month later he had the gratification of receiving a -package containing about sixty, of which, however, only twenty were -mentioned in the published list, while the loss of the others had not -then been discovered. A thorough examination would probably bring the -number of missing or mutilated papers to nearly one thousand. It is -equally remarkable and fortunate, that during the war of the Revolution -the records became an object of solicitude both to the royal Governor -and the Provincial Congress. - -The latter, fearing that the destruction of the records would “unhinge -the property of numbers in the colony, and throw all legal proceedings -into the most fatal confusion,” requested, Sept. 2, 1775, Secretary -Bayard, whose ancestor, Nicolas Bayard, also had them in charge when -the English retook New York in 1674, to deposit them in some safe -place. Bayard, struggling between his duties as a royal officer and -his sympathies as a born American, hesitated to take the papers in -his charge from the place appointed for their keeping, but packed -them nevertheless in boxes to be ready for immediate removal. Sears’s -_coup de main_ in November, 1775, and the intimation that he intended -speedily to return with a larger body of “Connecticut Rioters” to -take away the records of the province, induced Governor Tryon to -remove “such public records as were most interesting to the Crown” -on board of the “Dutchess of Gordon” man-of-war, to which he himself -had fled for safety. When called upon, Feb. 7, 1776, by order of the -Provincial Congress, to surrender them, he offered to place them on -board a vessel, specially to be chartered for that purpose, which was -to remain in the harbor. He pledged his honor that they should not -be injured by the King’s forces, but refused to land them anywhere, -because they could not be taken to a place safer than where they were. -“Shortly afterwards,” he writes to Lord Germain in March, 1779, “the -public records were for greater security (the Rebels threatening to -board in the night and take the vessel) put on board the ‘Asia,’ under -the care of Captain Vandeput. The ‘Asia’ being ordered home soon after -the taking of New York, Captain Vandeput desired me to inform him -what he should do with the two boxes of public records. I recommended -them to be placed on board the ‘Eagle’ man-of-war.” The records not -“most interesting to the Crown” (most likely including the Dutch -records) were taken with Secretary Bayard to his father’s house in the -“Out Ward of New York,” where a detachment of forty-eight men of the -First New York City Regiment, later of Captain Alexander Hamilton’s -Artillery Company, was detailed to guard them. In June of the same -year, 1776, they were removed to the seat of government at Kingston, -N. Y. Almost a year later two hundred men were raised for the special -duty of guarding them, and when the enemy approached Kingston this -body conveyed them to a small place in the interior (Rochester, Ulster -County), whence they were returned to Kingston in November, 1777. -From that date they followed the legislature and executive offices -to New York in 1783, and finally in 1798 to Albany, where they have -since remained. In New York the records which were carried off by -Governor Tryon, and had been in the mean time transferred from the -“Eagle” to the “Warwick” man-of-war and then returned to the city in -1781, were again placed with the others. At the instance of the New -York Historical Society, the Dutch part of the State records were -ordered to be translated; and this duty was entrusted by Governor De -Witt Clinton to Dr. Francis A. van der Kemp, a learned Hollander, whom -the political dissensions in the latter quarter of the eighteenth -century had driven from his home. Unfortunately, Dr. van der Kemp’s -knowledge of the English tongue was not quite equal to the task; -nor was his eyesight, as he himself confesses in a marginal note to -a passage dimmed by age, strong enough to decipher such papers as -had suffered from the ravages of time and become almost illegible. -This translation, completed in 1822, is therefore in many instances -incorrect and incomplete; grave mistakes have been the consequence, -much to the annoyance of historical students. Some of the errors were -corrected by Dr. E. B. O’Callaghan, who published in 1849-54, under -the authority of the State, four volumes of _Documents relating to the -History of the Colony_ (1604-1799), selected at random from the copies -procured abroad, from the State archives, and from other sources. In -1876 the Hon. John Bigelow, Secretary of State, directed the writer -of this paper to translate and prepare a volume of documents relating -to the Delaware colony, which was published in 1877; another volume, -containing the records of the early settlements in the Hudson and -Mohawk River valleys, translated by the writer, followed in 1881; this -year will see a third, on the settlements on Long Island; and a fourth, -to be published later, will contain the documents relating to New York -city and the relations between the Dutch and the neighboring English -colonies. These four volumes contain everything of a general and public -interest, so that the parts not translated anew will refer only to -personal matters. - -These being the official sources of information for the history of New -Netherland, it is proper to inquire whether they are trustworthy beyond -doubt. The charge made by Robert Thorne, of Bristol, in 1527[792] -against the “Portingals,” of having “falsified their records of late -purposely,” might be repeated against the Dutch wherever the claim of -first discovery of the country is discussed. - -I have already stated that one of the motives, and perhaps the -principal one, for establishing the West India Company was of a -political nature. The destruction of Spain’s financial resources was to -lead to an honorable and satisfactory peace with Holland. Spain relied -for the sinews of war on its American colonies; and we must inquire -how much of the information relating to location and extent of these -colonies had reached the Dutch notwithstanding the Spanish efforts to -suppress it. - -Hakluyt says:[793] “The first discovery of these coasts (never heard -of before) was well begun by John Cabot and Sebastian his son, who -were the first finders out of all that great tract of land stretching -from the Cape of Florida unto those Islands which we now call the -Newfoundland, or which they brought and annexed to the Crown of England -[1497].” - -[Illustration: RIBERO’S MAP, 1529. - -[This is a section of the Carta Universal of the Spanish cosmographer, -Diego Ribero. It needs the following key:— - - 1. R. de St. iago. - 2. C. de Arenas (Sandy Cape). - 3. B. de S. _Χρō-a_l. - 4. B. de S. Atonio. - 5. Mōtana Vde. - 6. R. de buena madre. - 7. S. Juā Baptista. - 8. Arciepielago de Estevā Gomez. - 9. Mōtanas. - 10. C. de muchas yllas. - 11. Arecifes (reefs). - 12. Medanos (sand-hills). - 13. Golfo. - 14. R. de M[=o]tanas. - 15. Sarçales (brambles). - 16. R. de la Buelta (river of return). - A. “Tiera de Estevā Gomez, la qual descrubrio - por mandado de su mag^t el año de 1525: ay - en ella muchos arboles y fructas de los de españa - y muchos rodovallos y Salmones y sollos: no han - alla do oro.” - -The map, which is described more fully in another volume, has been the -theme of much controversy, it being usually held to be the result of -Gomez’s explorations; but this is denied by Stevens. References upon -it by the Editor will be found in the Ticknor _Catalogue_, published -by the Boston Public Library. It is of interest in the present -connection as being one of the current charts of the coast, though -made eighty years earlier, which Hudson could and did take with him. -How he interpreted it is not known. In our day there is much diverse -opinion upon its points. Mr. Murphy, for instance, in his _Voyage of -Verrazzano_, puts the Hudson River at 5, and Cape Cod at 10. Sprengel, -who published a memoir on this map in 1795, thought Hudson’s river was -the one between 10 and 11. Asher, in his _Henry Hudson_, p. xciii, -takes the same view. Kohl, in his _Discovery of Maine_, p. 304, and -in his _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von America_, p. 43, makes -the river between 10 and 11 the Penobscot, and the hook near 2 Cape -Cod, though he acknowledges some objections to this interpretation of -the latter landmark, because the names between 2 and 8 are those that -in later maps are given to the New Netherland coast. It seems to the -Editor, however, as it does to Kohl, that Ribero had fallen into a -confusion of misplacing names, common to early map-makers, and that -we cannot keep the names right and accept the strange geographical -correspondences which, for instance, Dr. De Costa imposes on the map in -his _Verrazano the Explorer_, when he makes the hook near 2 to be Sandy -Hook, at New York Bay, and the bay between 10 and 11 the Penobscot, -which he thinks “clearly defined,” while “Ribero gives no hint of -the region now embraced by Long Island, Connecticut, Rhode Island, -and Massachusetts.” It is difficult to accept Dr. De Costa’s “wildly -exaggerated” Sandy Hook, or his notion of “Dr. Kohl’s confusion” in -regarding the great gulf of these early maps, shown between 2 and -10, as the Gulf of Maine. With all the difficulties attending Kohl’s -interpretation, it presents fewer anomalies than any other. There is so -much uncertainty at the best in the interpretation of these early maps, -that any understanding is subject to change from the developments now -making in the study of this early cartography.—ED.]] - -I will not assert that the Cabots actually saw and explored the whole -coast from Florida to Newfoundland, but they must have brought away -the impression that the land seen by them was a continent, and that -no passage to the East Indies could be found in these latitudes, but -should be looked for farther north. A map in the collection of the -General Staff of the Army at Munich;[794] supposed to have been made -by Salvatore de Pilestrina about 1517, shows that the cartographers -of that period had accepted this Cabot theory as a fact. The voyage -of Esteban Gomez in 1524, sent out “to find a way to Cathay” between -Florida and the Baccalaos,[795] resulted only in discovering “mucha -tierra, continuada con la que se llama de los Baccalaos, discurriendo -al _Occidente y puesta en XL. grados y XLI_.”[796] - -The next voyage along the coast of North America, made in 1526 by Lucas -Vasquez de Aillon and Matienzo, must be considered of importance for -the cartography of the first half of the sixteenth century; for their -discoveries, although of no direct benefit to them or to Spain, proved -to Spanish map-makers and their imitators that North America was not, -like the West Indies, an archipelago of islands, but a continent. Even -though Ramusio, in the preface to vol. iii. of his work, published in -1556, declares it is not yet known whether New France is connected -with Florida or is an island, the maps made shortly after Aillon’s -voyage[797] show that the cartographers had decided the matter in -_their_ minds. - -This knowledge was not confined to the map-makers and officials, who -might have been forbidden to divulge such information. A contemporary -writer says, in 1575:— - - “La forme donc de la Floride est en peninsule et come triangulaire, - ayant la mer qui la baigne de tous costez sauf vers le Septentrion.... - Au Septentrion luy sont Hochelaga [Canada] et autres terres.... Or - ce pays Floridien commence à la grande rivière, que les mondernes - ont appelé de St. Jean [Cape Fear River?], qui le separe du pays de - Norumbeg en la nouvelle France.” [798] - -And I refer further to the divers _Descriptiones Ptolemaicæ_[799] -published during the sixteenth century,—books accessible to the public -of that day, and most likely known to and read by every navigator of -the Atlantic. - -To bring this information still nearer home to Henry Hudson, I mention -the map made by Thomas Hood, an Englishman, in 1592,[800] and the -work of Peter Plancius, published in 1594.[801] Hudson, an English -navigator, could hardly have been ignorant of his countryman’s -production, which shows under 40° north latitude the mouth of a river -called Rio de San Antonio, the name given to Hudson’s River by the -earlier Spanish discoverers. Before starting on his voyage in the “Half -Moon,” Hudson had been in consultation with Dr. Peter Plancius, who -adds to his chapter on “Norumberga et Virginia” a map, incorrect, it is -true, as to latitudes and other details, but nevertheless showing an -unbroken coast-line. - -[Illustration: DUTCH VESSELS, 1618. - -This cut is a fac-simile of one in the title of Schouten’s _Journal_, -Amsterdam, 1618. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 87.] - - -When, therefore, it is stated that Hudson abandoned the plan of -seeking for a northeast passage, in the hope of finding, under 40° -north latitude, a passage to the Western Ocean, as advised by his -friends Captain John Smith, of Virginia, and Dr. Plancius, we are asked -to accept as true a statement made and spread about for political -purposes. These will be understood when we recall the motives for the -establishment of the West India Company,—a project in which Plancius, -a minister of the Reformed Church, and as such driven from his Belgian -home by the Spaniards, gave his hearty and active co-operation to -Usselinx. International law gave possession for his sovereign to any -one who discovered a new land not formerly claimed by any Christian -prince or inhabited by any Christian nation. To have a base for their -operations in America against Spain, Holland required territory not so -claimed, and the shrewd projectors undoubtedly deemed it most advisable -to establish this base not only in an unclaimed but also in a hitherto -unknown country. Therefore it was necessary to claim for Hudson the -discovery of the river bearing his name, as the West India Company did -in 1634,[802] although a few years before, in 1632, they had admitted -by inference[803] that Hudson’s River was known to other nations under -the name of Rio de Montañas, and of Rio de Montaigne, before Hudson saw -it.[804] In the following decade the statement of 1634 was forgotten, -and the company in 1644 claimed title by the first discovery of the -Hudson and Delaware rivers, through ships of the Greenland Company -in 1598.[805] Still later, in 1659, by the mouth of their diplomatic -agents in Maryland and Virginia, it is asserted that Holland derived -its title to New Netherland through Spain as “first discoverer and -founder of that New World,” and through the French, who, by one Jehan -de Verrazano[806] a Florentine, were in 1524 the second followers and -discoverers in the northern parts of America.[807] Falsification in -politics was evidently then, as it is now, a venial sin; the statements -made for political purposes, although emanating from official sources, -must, therefore, be accepted with due caution.[808] - -As the history of New Netherland is closely connected with that of the -West India Company, and as the West India Company was one of the great -political factors in the United Provinces, the Dutch State-Papers[809] -and the writings of contemporaneous authors[810] must be duly -considered by the student of this period of our history. - -Most prominent among contemporaneous writers is Willem Usselinx, the -originator of the Dutch West India and Swedish South Companies, even -though his writings have not always a direct bearing upon the history -of New Netherland. We know little of the life of this remarkable -man, beyond the facts that he was a native of Belgium and a merchant -at Antwerp, whom the political and religious troubles of the period -had compelled to leave his fatherland and to seek refuge in Holland; -that, inspired by hatred against Spain, he conceived the plan of the -West India Company; that for some unexplained reason the West India -Company lost his services, which were then, about 1626, offered to -King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden in the establishment of the South -Company.[811] As Usselinx chiefly wrote before the West India Company -was organized, and as its advocate, his books and pamphlets, instead -of being historical, are of a more or less polemical character. He -never forgets what he had to suffer through Spain, and points out -constantly how important to Holland is the commerce of the West Indies, -and that in their peace negotiations with Spain the States-General -must by all means preserve the freedom of trading to America. These -writings date from before Hudson’s voyage in 1609, and Usselinx -disappears from the list of writers after the publication of the -patent granted by Sweden to the South Company in 1627, unless we admit -the above-quoted _West-Indische Spieghel_ to be his work. Asher, in -his _Bibliographical Essay_, gives as the latest of his works the -_Argonautica Gustaviana_,[812] and had evidently no knowledge of the -_Advice to Establish a new South Company_, written by Usselinx in 1636. - -[Illustration] - -The next writer to be considered had exceptional facilities in -gathering his material. As director of the West India Company, Johannes -de Laet[813] had of course ready access to the records, while as -co-patroon of Rensselaerswyck he had an especial interest in the -country where his daughter and son-in-law[814] had made their home. -Two manuscript volumes in folio, written by De Laet himself, and now -in the collection of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, give us an idea of the -painstaking diligence with which De Laet collected the matter of the -books which he intended to write. These two volumes contain no material -relating specially to New Netherland, but he made undoubtedly as -extensive preparations for the chapter on the Dutch colony in North -America in his _Nieuwe Wereld_,[815] as he had made for the others, by -copying from the most authentic works on the subject, by talking with -seafarers returned from the transatlantic colony, and by transcribing -letters from private persons residing there. His intention to give -to his fellow-citizens as perfect a description of the New World as -circumstances would allow, was carefully carried out. It would have -been difficult to produce anything better at the time when he wrote; -and we must accept this book as the standard work on New Netherland of -the seventeenth century, even though he makes in the book, as well as -on its accompanying map, a few slight errors; saying, for instance, -that “Manhattan Island is separated from the mainland by the Hellgate,” -or that “Fort Orange stood [at the time of his writing, 1625] on an -island close to the left [western] shore of [Hudson’s] river.” - -The title of De Laet’s next work[816] is very misleading, for one -would naturally expect to find the history of the first settlement -on the soil of New York in all its details;[817] but the name of New -Netherland is only mentioned, as it were, by accident. Still the book -has its value for the student of the philosophy of American history, -for in the preface the author frankly admits that the object of the -West India Company was war on Spain, and he congratulates the country -upon the successes so far obtained; and he further shows how the -Company, organized for warlike purposes, could not give any attention -to a country which, under the circumstances, required the utmost care -for its profitable development. Considering that De Laet was personally -interested in New Netherland as co-patroon of Rensselaerswyck and -through the marriage of his daughter to an inhabitant of the province, -it is astonishing to find so little said by him of the actual -occurrences there. It may be that reasons of policy and prudence -restrained him from baring to the public eye many things for which -the Company could be called to account. The new race, however, with -which his countrymen had come in contact, had sufficiently excited -his interest to induce him to study their habits and speculate upon -their origin, so that when the learned Grotius published a treatise -on the American Indians,[818] De Laet rushed into the field combating -Grotius’s theories. - -While De Laet reports the events in New Netherland up to a given date -as a member of the Government saw them, we have two authors before -whose eyes some of these events took place, and who in writing about -them criticise them in the manner of subjects and citizens. To the -first of these, David Pietersen de Vries, _Artillerie-Meester van -d’ Noorder Quartier_, Mr. Bancroft gives the credit of being the -founder of the State of Delaware.[819] How far the abortive attempt of -establishing the colony of Zwanendael, mentioned in the narrative, and -the voyage bringing over the colonists may be called “the cradling of a -state,” I leave others to decide. De Vries published in 1655 an account -of his voyages[820] made twenty years before, and tells us in his book, -in the most unvarnished manner and with the bluntness of a sailor, -how badly New Netherland was being governed under the administration -of Minuit and Van Twiller. No doubt as to the veracity of his -statements can be entertained, as in his case there could be no motive -for “divagation.” He views the loss of his Delaware colony with the -proverbial equanimity both of a Dutchman and of a sailor, and stands -so far above the coarseness of manners and life in his time, that he -considers officials addicted to drink not much better than criminals. -Where he speaks of matters not seen by himself, and of the Indians and -their mode of life, he follows closely the best authority to be found; -namely, the work of Domine Johannis Megapolensis. - -[Illustration] - -The other author, Jonker[821] Adrian van der Donck, Doctor of Laws and -Advocate of the Supreme Court of Holland, has done more to give to his -contemporaries a full knowledge of the country of his adoption, and -to implant in the country itself better institutions, than any other -man. Sent over in 1642 as Schout (sheriff) of the Patroons’ Colony -of Rensselaerswyck, he in 1647 left this service in consequence of a -quarrel with the vice-director, and purchased from the Indians the -colony of Colen Donck, now Yonkers, for which he received a patent in -1648.[822] A controversy arose about this time between the Government -and several colonists, among whom was Van der Donck, which led to a -remonstrance being drawn up, to be laid before the States-General for -a redress of certain grievances which they had so far failed to obtain -either from the provincial governor or the West India Company.[823] -It is a contemporaneous relation of events in New Netherland signed -by eleven residents of New Amsterdam. Its probable author was Van der -Donck; at least his original journal was the source from which this -“Remonstrance” was derived. The form in which Governor Stuyvesant -seized it[824] is, however, different from the one in which it was -published. In the latter it is divided in three parts: 1. A description -of the natives and of the physical features of the country; 2. Events -connected with the earliest settlements of the country; 3. Remonstrance -against the policy of the West India Company. The tone and character -of such a document must be necessarily aggressive; but, even though the -reply to it by the provincial secretary, Van Tienhoven,[825] denies -most of its allegations, it certainly contains valuable and trustworthy -information. - -Van der Donck’s next work, acknowledged by him as his own,[826] is -an improvement on De Laet’s similar description. The time which had -elapsed since De Laet’s publication had taught different lessons, -and Van der Donck’s personal experience in the country described by -him could not fail to give him a better insight than even the best -written reports afforded to De Laet. But, with the latter, this -author falls into the error of ascribing to the Indians a statement -that the Dutch were the first white people seen by them, and that -they did not know there were any other people in the world. This -assertion is contradicted by the Long Island Indians, who talked with -a later traveller, telling him that “the first strangers seen in -these parts were Spaniards or Portuguese, who did not remain long, -and afterwards the Dutch came.”[827] The so-called “Pompey Stone,” in -the State Geological Museum, might be taken for another contradiction -of De Laet’s and Van der Donck’s statements. Still more apparently -contradictory evidence might be the similarity of some so-called -Indian words with words of the Latin tongues.[828] Nor is Van der -Donck correct in the relation of the discovery of the country by -Hudson, and the map accompanying his work has several grave errors. The -description of the physical features of the country, of the animals, -and of the Indians is followed by a discourse between a patriot and a -New Netherlander on the conveniences of the new colony, in which the -questions are asked and answered, whether it is to the advantage of -Holland to have such a flourishing colony, and whether this colony will -ever be able to defend itself against foreign enemies. - -[Illustration] - -Another resident of New Netherland, the Reverend Johannis Megapolensis -(van Mekelenburg), one of the few educated men who came to this country -at that early date, has given us a book which, though not strictly -referring to the history of the country, must yet be considered as -one of the collateral sources, and finds its most appropriate place -here, following the _Descriptions_. As minister of the Reformed Church -at Rensselaerswyck, whither he was called by the patroon in 1642, he -came soon in close contact with the Indians; and having learned the -difficult Mohawk language, he became, several years earlier than the -New England preacher, John Eliot, a missionary among the Indians. The -result of his labors was an account of the Mohawks, their country, -etc.[829] This account was closely followed by De Vries, as mentioned -above, and by most of the other writers on the Indians. - -[Illustration] - -A large share of the material for this work Megapolensis must have -received from Father Jogues, a Jesuit missionary whom the Dominie -rescued from captivity among the Mohawks. The letters of this -courageous and zealous servant of the Church to his superiors teem -with information concerning the Indians, whom he endeavored to -Christianize,[830] and at whose hands he died. - -Either the financial success of De Laet’s works, whose copyright had in -the mean time expired, or else the interest in New Netherland affairs -which had been newly aroused by the presentation to, and discussion -before, the States-General of the _Vertoogh_, led to the compilation in -1651[831] of a book on New Netherland by Joost Hartgers, a bookseller -of Amsterdam, which is nothing more than a clever arrangement of -extracts from De Laet’s _Description_, second edition, the _Vertoogh_, -and Megapolensis’ Indian treatise. Of much greater importance and value -to the historical student is an anonymous publication of 1659, the -title of which gives no idea of its real contents. Like most popularly -written works of the day discussing topics of public interest, it is -in the form of a conversation between a countryman, a citizen, and a -sailor, who discuss the deplorable depression of commerce, navigation, -trade, and agriculture in Holland, and speculate on the best means -to improve this state of affairs.[832] The author speaks of New -Netherland matters with a positiveness which puts it beyond a doubt -that he had been in that country.[833] Only a few pages are given to -the description of New Netherland, but the propositions advanced on -colonization, self-government of colonies, free-trade, and slavery -are all aimed at the West India Company and its American territories. -These propositions are of such a broad and liberal character, that they -would do credit to any writer of our more enlightened times. A similar -feeling of hostility against the West India Company and New Netherland, -both then (1659) in a condition to invite criticism, pervades the work -of Otto Keye,[834] who advocates the colonization of Guiana as being -more rational and profitable than that of New Netherland. Starting with -the argument that a warm climate is preferable to a colder one, on -account both of physical comforts and of greater commercial advantages, -he gives a description of the two countries, the bias being of course -in favor of Guiana. - -The most remarkable of all the contemporary Dutch books appeared also -anonymously in 1662.[835] The description of the country given in this -work adds nothing new to our store of information, and the book itself -has therefore been ranked by American historians with such compilations -as the works of Montanus, Melton, and others, who simply reprinted De -Laet, Van der Donck, etc. It is, however, of great value, for through -it we obtain an insight into the Dutch politics of the day, which had -so far-reaching an influence on the history of New Netherland and on -its colonization. The fight between the Gomarian (Orangist) and the -Arminian[836] (Liberal) parties, which had so long prevented the first -organization of the West India Company, had never been settled and was -now revived. The De Witts, as leaders of the Arminians, were as much -opposed to this organization as Oldenbarnevelt had been. Whether the -ulterior loss of New Netherland, to which this opposition finally led, -embarrassed them as much as is stated[837] or not, it was certainly at -this time (1662) in the programme of the Arminian party to destroy the -West India Company, and by reforming the government of New Netherland -build up the country. This seems to have been the motive for writing -the _Kort Verhael_, which, according to Asher,[838] was written by -a journalist, opposing the third ultra-radical and the Orangist -parties, in conjunction with a Mennonist. It will be remembered that -in 1656-1657 part of the South River (Delaware) territory had been -surrendered, for financial reasons, to the authorities of Amsterdam, -and had ceased to be in the jurisdiction of the Governor-General of -New Netherland. The plan[839] submitted to the burgomasters in the -Requests and Representations, etc., aimed at a further curtailing of -the Company’s territory in that region by planting there a colony of -Mennonists, with the most liberal self-government, under the supreme -jurisdiction of the city of Amsterdam; while the vehemence with -which Otto Keye and his work favoring Guiana at the expense of New -Netherland are attacked shows that the Anti-Orangists, though bent -upon ruining one of the principal factors of the Orange party, were -by no means inclined to give up New Netherland as a colony. A work -from which copious extracts are given in the _Kort Verhael_, and -called _Zeker Nieuw-Nederlants geschrift_,—“A Certain New Netherland -Writing,”—seems to be lost to us; also a work, _Noort Revier_,—“North -River,”—mentioned by Van der Donck. - - -The works of Montanus,[840] Melton,[841] and a few others[842] deserve -no more mention than by title, as being compilations of extracts from -books already referred to; and with these closes the list of such -contemporary and almost contemporary Dutch works on New Netherland as -are either purely descriptive or both descriptive and historical. - -Of the contemporary Dutch works of purely historical character, not -one treats of New Netherland alone; but the Dutch historians of the -time could not well write of the _res gestæ_ of their nation without -referring to what they had done on the other side of the Atlantic. -The first of them in point of time, Emanuel van Meteren,[843] -gives us in his _Historie van de Oorlogen en Geschiedenissen der -Nederlanderen_,[844] a minute description of the discoveries made by -Hudson, and must be specially consulted for the history of the origin -of the West India Company. Although credulous to such an extent that -the value of his painstaking labors is frequently endangered by the -gross errors caused by his credulity, he had no chance of committing -mistakes where, as in the case of the West India Company, everything -was official. His information regarding Hudson’s voyage of 1609, we may -assume, was derived from Hudson himself on his return to England, where -Van Meteren lived as merchant and Dutch consul until 1612, the year of -his death. - -The next Dutch historian whose work is one of our sources, Nicolas -Jean de Wassenaer,[845] takes us a step farther; but he too fails to -give us much more than a record of the earliest years of the existence -of the West India Company. His account of how this Company came to be -organized differs somewhat as to the motives from all others.[846] - -With the works of Aitzema,[847] _Saken van Staat en Oorlogh in ende -omtrent de Vereenigde Nederlanden_, 1621-1669, and _Herstelde Leeuw_, -1650,[848] and with Costerus’s _Historisch Verhael_, 1572-1673, we -come to the end of the list of Dutch historians giving us information -of the events in New Netherland. But I cannot allow the reader to take -leave of these Dutch books without a few words concerning the first -book printed which treated of New Netherland. The _Breeden Raedt aende -Vereenichde Nederlandsche Provintien ... gemaeckt ende gestelt uijt -diverse ... memorien door I. A. G. W. C._, Antwerpen, 1649,[849] is -neither purely historical nor descriptive, but its polemic character -requires such constant allusion both to the events in, and to the -geography of, New Netherland, that we must class it among the most -important sources for our history. Its authorship is unknown, and has -been subject to many surmises. - -It may cause astonishment that the writers of Holland, a country then -renowned for its learning, should not have thought it worth their while -to write a history of their transatlantic colonies. But we must bear -in mind, first, that the settlement of New Netherland was neither a -governmental nor a popular undertaking; second, that in the beginning -the West India Company had no intention of making it a colony, and that -the people, who came here under the first governors as the Company’s -servants, and also those who later came as freeholders, were hardly -educated enough, even if they had not been too busy with their own -affairs, to pay much attention to, or write of, public matters. The -few educated men were officers of the Company, and did not care to -lose their places by speaking with too much frankness of what was -going on. Whatever they desired to publish they had to submit to the -directors of the Company, and it is not likely that any unpleasant -information would have passed the censor. Third, the Company did not -desire any information whatever concerning New Netherland, except what -they thought fit, to be given to the public,[850]—hence the obstacles -which prevented Adrian Van der Donck from writing the history of New -Netherland in addition to his _Description_,[851] and the scanty -information which the contemporary historian has to give us. - -Subsequent Dutch writers found a good deal to say about the Dutch -colonies on the Hudson and Delaware rivers. The most trustworthy among -them is Jean Wagenaar,[852] who, beginning life as a merchant’s clerk, -felt a strong desire for acquiring fame as an author. He studied -languages and history, and at last wholly devoted himself to Dutch -history. His _Vaderlandsche Historie_ is held in Holland to be the best -historical work written, although his political bias as an opponent of -the House of Orange is evident. Wagenaar is, however, more an annalist -than a historian. As official historiographer, and later Secretary of -the City of Amsterdam, he had free access to the archives; hence his -statements are not to be discredited. His account of the circumstances -under which Hudson was sent out in 1609 differs materially from all -other writers. “The Company,” he says, “sent out a skipper to discover -a passage to China by the _northwest_, not by the northeast.” A -resolution of the States of Holland, quoted by Wagenaar, proves that -previous to Hudson’s voyage the Dutch knew that they would find _terra -firma_ north of the Spanish possessions, and contiguous to them.[853] - -The scantiness of information concerning New Netherland in Dutch -books explains why we can learn still less from the writings of other -nations; for sectional or national feeling caused either a complete -silence on colonial affairs, or incorrect and contradictory statements, -leading many to rely on hearsay, unsupported by records. - -Among the earliest works (not in Dutch) speaking of New Netherland, -we have the work of Levinus Hulsius (Hulse), a native of Ghent, -distinguished for his learning, and after him his sons, who published, -at Nürnberg, Frankfort, and Oppenheim, a _Sammlung von 26 Schiffahrten -in verschieden fremde Landen_,—“Collection of twenty-six Voyages -in many Foreign Countries,”—between the years 1598 and 1650; the -twelfth part of this work chronicles the attempts of the English and -Dutch to discover a passage by way of the North Pole, and includes -Hudson’s voyage.[854] The twentieth part refers likewise to voyages -to this continent, and specially to our coast. Other German works of -this early period can only be mentioned by their title, because for -the above reasons they are not sufficiently correct to be considered -trustworthy sources of information.[855] Their titles show them to be -not much more than “hackwork,” with little value to the contemporary -or any later reader. But when we find that a celebrated geographer of -the time, Philipp Cluvier (born at Dantzic, 1580, died 1623), omits -all mention of the existence of such countries as New England and New -Netherland, we can well understand how difficult it must have been to -gather material for a universal geography.[856] Later editors of the -same work, writing in 1697, had then apparently only just learned that -up to 1665 a part of North America was called Novum Belgium. Hardly -less ignorant, though he mentions Virginia and Canada in describing the -bounds of Florida, is Gottfriedt in his _Neuwe Archontologia Cosmica_, -Frankfort, 1638; yet he too was a distinguished geographer.[857] - -Turning to the English, we find a few credible and a great many -very fantastic and unreliable writers, treating either specially or -incidentally of New Netherland. The first mention of the Dutch on the -Hudson is made in a little work, republished in the _Collections_ of -the Massachusetts Historical Society,[858] in which it is stated that -an English sea-captain, Dermer, “met on his passage [from Virginia -to New England] with certain Hollanders who had a trade in Hudson’s -River some years before that time (1619).” This is probably the first -application of Hudson’s name to the river. In a letter[859] from the -same traveller, dated at a plantation in Virginia, December, 1619, he -describes his passage through Hellgate and Long Island Sound, but does -not say anything about the settlement on Manhattan Island. - -This letter of Dermer and the _Brief Relation_ first informed the -English that “the Hollanders as interlopers had fallen into ye middle -betwixt the plantations” of Virginia and New England.[860] The -_Description of the Province of New Albion_[861] informs us that “Capt. -Samuel Argal and Thomas Dale on their return [from Canada in 1613] -landed at Manhatas Isle in Hudson’s River, where they found four houses -built, and a pretended Dutch governor under the West India Company’s of -Amsterdam share or part, who kept trading-boats and trucking with the -Indians;” but the official correspondence[862] between the authorities -of Virginia and the Home Government proves that Argal and his party -never went to New Netherland, although they intended to do so in 1621; -for, hearing that the Dutch had settled on the Hudson, a “demurre -in their p^{r}ceding was caused.”[863] The motive for making the -above-quoted statement concerning Argal’s visit in 1613 is apparent. -The imposing pseudonym under which the _Description of New Albion_ -appeared was probably assumed by Sir Edmund Ploeyden (Plowden), to whom -in 1634 Lord Strafford, then viceroy of Ireland, had granted the patent -of New Albion[864] covering the Dutch possession, and who therefore had -an obvious interest adverse to the Dutch title. Its publication at the -time, when the right of the Dutch to the country was being discussed -between England and the States-General of Holland, was intended to -influence the British mind. It contains a queer jumble of fact and -fancy, and it is not necessary to say more about its claims to be an -historical authority than has already been published in the _Memoirs_ -of the Pennsylvania Historical Society.[865] - -Considering that, according to Van der Donck, Sir Edmund Ploeyden had -been in New Netherland several times, it seems almost incredible that -he should have made such astonishing statements, if he was the author -of the book. A perusal of a work published a few years previous to the -_Description of New Albion_ would have set him right, at least so far -as the geography of the country was concerned.[866] The author of the -_Short Discovery_ has very correct notions of the hydrography of New -Netherland, acquired apparently by the study of Dutch maps; but the -distances and degrees of latitude are as great a puzzle to him as to -many other geographers and seamen of that day. As he wrote before the -Dutch title to New Netherland was disputed, he is of course silent -concerning the English claims to the territory. - -The historian writing of New Netherland to-day has the advantage of -being able to consult the journal of a governor of Massachusetts, -John Winthrop, who took an active part in the occurrences which he -describes.[867] Although it does not cover the whole of the Dutch -period of New York, and his puritanical bias is occasionally evident, -we have no more reliable source for the history of the relations -between the colonies. - -The few historical data given in the next book to be considered[868] -are of interest, as the author endeavors to “assert the rights of -the English nation in vouching the legal interest of England in -right of the first discovery or premier seizure to Novum Belgium.” -They show, however, also how in so short a period as a man’s life -even contemporary history can be distorted. According to Heylin, who -takes Sir Samuel Argal as his source, Hudson had been commissioned -by King James I. to make the voyage of 1609, and after making his -discoveries sold his maps and charts to the Dutch. The Dutch were -willing to surrender their claims to Sir Edmund Ploeyden, he says, for -£2,500, but took advantage of the troubles in England, and, instead of -surrendering, armed the Indians to help them in resisting any English -attempt to reduce New Netherland. Leaving aside Plantagenet’s _New -Albion_, we meet here, in a work which the author’s high reputation -must immediately have placed among the standard works of the day, a -most startling falsification of facts and events which had occurred -during the lifetime of the author. It is impossible to account for -it, even if we suppose that these statements were made for political -effect; for the men who read Heylin’s book had also read the correct -accounts of Hudson’s voyages, and knew that Heylin’s statements -were false. The learned prelate is only little less at fault in his -geographical account. Although he tells us that Hudson gave his name -to one of the rivers, he mentions as the two principal ones only -the _Manhates_ or _Nassau_ or _Noort_ and the _South_ rivers, being -evidently in doubt which is the Hudson. Heylin had studied geography -better than his contemporary Robert Fage, who published about the -same time _A Description of the whole World_, London, 1658, but he -is utterly silent as to New Netherland. In 1667, when he published -his _Cosmography, or a Description of the whole World, represented -by a more exact and certain Discovery_, he had learned that “to -the Southwest of New England lyeth the Dutch plantation; it hath -good ground and good air, but few of that Nation are inhabiting -there, which makes that there are few plantations in the land, they -chiefly intending their East India trade, and but one village, whose -inhabitants are part English, part Dutch. Here hath been no news on -any matter of war or state since the first settlement. There is the -Port Orange, thirty miles up Hudson’s River,” etc. This was written -three years after New Netherland had become an English colony, when New -York city numbered almost two thousand inhabitants, and some ten or -twelve villages were flourishing on Long Island. - -The best description, or rather the most ample, written by an -Englishman, is that of John Josselyn, who published his observations -made during two voyages to New England in 1638-1639 and 1663-1671.[869] -Although he had been in the country, his notions concerning it -are somewhat crude. New England, under which name he includes New -Netherland, is thought to be an island formed by the “spacious” river -of Canada, the Hudson, two great lakes “not far off one another,” where -the two rivers have their rise, and the ocean. His account of the -Indians, of their mode of living and warfare, is highly amusing, and -at the same time instructive, although no philologist would probably -accept as correct his statement that the Mohawk language was a dialect -of the Tartar. Nor would the botanist place implicit faith in the -statement that in New England barley degenerated frequently into oats; -and the zoölogist would be astonished to learn of “frogs sitting upon -their breeches one foot high.” His credulity has led this eccentric -_raconteur_ into describing many similar wonderful details; but his -work is nevertheless of value, as giving, I believe, the first complete -description of the fauna and flora of the Middle Atlantic and New -England States. In some of his historical data he follows Plantagenet, -probably at second-hand through Heylin, and is so far without credit. - -Religion, which had already done so much to increase the population -of the colony on the Hudson, was to cause a new invasion by the Dutch -into their old possessions. While Arminians and Gomarists, Cocceians -and Vœtians, were continuing the religious strife in Holland, a new -sect, the Labadists, sprang up. The intolerance with which they were -treated compelled their leaders to look out for a country where they -might exercise their religion with perfect freedom. An attempt at -colonization in Surinam, ceded to Holland by England in the Treaty -of Breda, 1667, having failed, they turned their eyes upon New York, -then under English rule, and in 1679 sent two of their most prominent -men—Jasper Danckers and Peter Sluyter—across the ocean to explore -and report. The account of their travels was procured, translated, -and published by Mr. Henry C. Murphy in the _Collections_ of the Long -Island Historical Society.[870] It tells in simple language, showing -frequently their religious bias, what the travellers saw and heard. -The drawings with which they illustrated their journal give us a -vivid picture of New York two hundred years ago. As they talked with -many of the men who had been prominent in Dutch times, their account -of historical events acquires special interest. The tradition then -current at Albany, that the ruins of a fort on Castle Island indicated -the place where Spaniards had made a settlement before the Dutch, is -discredited by them; but the discovery of the so-called Pompey Stone, -an evident Spanish relic, at not too great a distance from the Hudson -River, makes it desirable that this tradition should receive special -investigation. It is true the Indians in Van der Donck’s time who were -old enough to recollect when the Dutch first came, declared that they -were the first white men whom they saw;[871] but their descendants told -these travellers “that the first strangers seen in these parts were -Spaniards or Portuguese; but they did not remain long, and afterwards -the Dutch came.” The Spaniards under Licenciado d’ Aillon had made -landings and explored the country south and east of New York, and may -not one of their exploring parties have come to Albany and fortified -themselves? - -While Aitzema gives us, in his _Saken van Staat_, the Dutch side of -the public affairs in the seventeenth century, Thurloe,[872] in his -_Collection of State Papers_, uncovers English statesmanship and -diplomacy. His official position as secretary to the Council of State -under Charles I., and afterwards to the Protector and his son, gave him -a thorough insight into the workings of the public machinery, and makes -his selection of papers extremely valuable. Among them will be found -a document of the year 1656 on the English rights to New Netherland, -which is highly interesting. I can refer only by title to other works -of the seventeenth century speaking of New Netherland, as they are only -either more or less embellished and incorrect repetitions of former -accounts, or because they are beyond my reach.[873] - -Skipping over a century, we come to the work of a native of New York, -the _History of the Province of New York from its first Discovery to -the Year 1732_, by William Smith, Jr. Considering that it was written -and published before the author had reached his thirtieth year,[874] -and that he had to gather his information from the then rare and -scanty libraries of America and the official records of the province, -the work reflects no small credit on its author. For the discovery -by Hudson, he follows the accepted version,—that Hudson in 1608, -under a commission from King James I., first landed on Long Island, -etc., and afterward sold the country, or rather his rights, to the -Dutch. Smith’s knowledge of law should have prevented his repeating -this statement, for he ought to have been aware that Hudson could -not have had any _individual_ claim to the country discovered by -him. Another statement, repeated by Smith on the authority of elder -writers,—namely, that James I. had conceded to the Dutch in 1620 the -right to use Staten Island as a watering-place for their ships going -to and coming from Brazil,—a careful perusal of the correspondence -between the authorities of New Netherland and the Directors of the -West India Company, then within easy reach, would have told him to be -untrue or incorrect. If there were any truth in this statement, for -which I have not found the slightest foundation, it would only prove -that, with their usual tenacity of purpose, the Dutch, having once -determined to settle on Manhattan’s Island, could not be deterred from -carrying out their project. Although admitting that, in the long run, -it would have been impossible for the Dutch to preserve their colony -against the increasing strength of their English neighbors, he condemns -the treachery with which New Netherland was wrested from the Dutch. It -is to be regretted that with so many official Dutch documents as Smith -found in the office of the secretary, he did not write the history of -the Dutch period of the province with more detail, and that he studied -those which he consulted with hardly sufficient care. - -Before a proper interest in the history of New York had been reawakened -after the exciting times of the Revolution and of 1812, it revived in -the European cradle of New York to such an extent as to bring forth a -valuable contribution to our historical sources from the pen of the -learned Chevalier Lambrechtsen.[875] Its value consists principally -in the fact that the author had access to the papers of the West -India Company, since lost, and that it instigated research and called -attention to the history of their State among New Yorkers, several -of whom now set to work writing histories.[876] Not one of them is -of great value now, the documents procured in the archives of Europe -having thrown more and frequently a different light on many facts. -Many statements are given as based on tradition, others are absolutely -incorrect,[877] and none tell us anything about New Netherland that -we have not already read in De Laet, Van der Donck, and other older -writers. - -To the anti-rent troubles in this State and to the researches into the -rights of the patroons arising from them, we are indebted to the best -work on New Netherland which has yet been written. Chancellor Kent’s -assertion, that the Dutch annals were of a tame and pacific character -and generally dry and uninteresting,[878] had deterred many from their -study. Now it became an absolute necessity to discover what privileges -had been held by the patroons under the Dutch government, and, upon -examining the records, Dr. E. B. O’Callaghan was amazed to find a vast -amount of historical material secluded from the English student by an -unknown language. The writing of a history of that period, which had -been a dark page for so long a time, immediately suggested itself; -and as about the same time the papers relating to New York, which the -State had procured abroad, were sent home by Mr. Brodhead, the agent of -the State, the plan was carried into effect, and the _History of New -Netherland, or New York under the Dutch_, by E. B. O’Callaghan, New -York, 1846, vol. ii. 1850, made its appearance.[879] - -It is perhaps beyond the possibilities of the human mind to write -history, not simply annals, from a thoroughly objective point of view; -but the historian must try to suppress his individuality as far as -he can, or at least to criticise only the events of a remote period -from the standpoint of that period, and not from his own, which is -more modern and advanced. Dr. O’Callaghan followed no philosophy of -history. He tried to suppress his individuality as Irishman, Canadian -revolutionist, and devout Romanist; but occasionally it was stronger -than his will, and impaired the objectivity and fairness of his -judgment. Yet the descendants of the settlers of New Netherland owe -to him a greater debt than to any of their own race, for he, first of -any historian, has shown us the colony in its origin—the steadiness, -sturdiness, and industry of the colonists, who were men as religious -as the New England Puritans, but more tolerant towards adherents of -other creeds. Notwithstanding this historian’s desire to be accurate in -his statements, his unqualified reliance upon previous writers has on -several occasions led him into errors, the gravest of which is perhaps -the repetition of Plantagenet’s story of Argal’s invasion. I have tried -to show above that the English documents disprove this statement, which -O’Callaghan repeats on the authority of Heylin. - -J. Romeyn Brodhead, the collaborator of Dr. O’Callaghan in editing the -documents procured for the State by his agency, was the next to enter -the field as a writer on the history of New York. While Dr. O’Callaghan -in a few instances allows his inborn prejudices to make him criticise -the actions of the Dutch too harshly, and without due allowance for -the times and circumstances, Mr. Brodhead, a descendant both of Dutch -and English early settlers, fails on the other side, and becomes too -lenient. Generally, however, his _History of New York_ is written with -great independence of judgment and with thorough criticism of the -authorities. It is to be regretted that death prevented the completion -of the work, which does not go farther than 1691; but what Mr. Brodhead -has given us must, for its completeness and accuracy of research, and -for the genuine historical acumen displayed in it, rank as a standard -work and a classical authority on the subject.[880] - -There are many additional works to be consulted by those who desire -reliable information on the early history of New York,—the more -general histories (like Bancroft’s, chap. xv.), monographs,[881] and -local histories, the _Transactions_ of the various historical societies -of the State, etc.; but the passing of them in review has been in some -degree relegated to notes. - - * * * * * - -When the Greek philosopher Anaxagoras said that man was born to -contemplate the heavens, the sun, and the moon, he might have added -also the earth and its formation in all its details, and enjoined -on his disciples the necessity of representing the result of such -contemplations by maps and charts. We require a map fully to understand -the geography and chorography of a country; hence a study of the maps -made by contemporaneous makers becomes the duty of the writer of New -Netherland history. I have already stated that the coast of New York -and the neighboring districts were known to Europeans almost a century -before Hudson ascended the “Great River of the North,” and that this -knowledge is proved by various maps made in the course of the sixteenth -century. Nearly all of them place the mouth of a river between the -fortieth and forty-first degrees of latitude, or what should be this -latitude, but which imperfect instruments have placed farther north. -The configuration of the coast-line shows that they meant the mouth of -the Hudson. Only one, however, of these sixteenth-century maps, made by -Vaz Dourado at Lisbon, in 1571, gives the Hudson River in its almost -entire course, from the mountains to the bay. A copy of this map, made -in 1580, which found its way to Munich, was probably seen by Peter -Plancius, who induced Hudson to explore that region of the New World, -so little known to Europeans at that time. Although Vaz Dourado’s map -enlightens us so very little, I mention it because his map must lead to -the investigation of the question whether the Dutch under Hudson were -the first to navigate the river. - -[Illustration: FROM THE FIGURATIVE MAP, 1616. - -[Brodhead’s statements regarding the finding of this map are in _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1845, p. 185; compare also his _New York_, i. -757. The original parchment map measured 2 × 2 feet, and showed the -country from Egg Harbor, in New Jersey, to the Penobscot, 40° to 45°. -The paper map covered the territory from below the Delaware Capes to -above Albany, and is three feet long. The original is in colors, which -are preserved in the chromolithograph of it issued at the Hague in 1850 -or thereabout. (Asher’s _List_, no. 1; Muller’s 1877 _Catalogue_, no. -2,270.) There is a reduction of it in Cassell’s _United States_, i. -247.—ED.]] - -The oldest map of the territory now comprising the States of New York, -New Jersey, and Delaware, and known as “The Figurative Map,” was found -by Mr. Brodhead in the archives at the Hague. It is on parchment, and -is beautifully executed. A fac-simile copy, taken by Mr. Brodhead, was -deposited in the State Library at Albany, and reproductions have been -published in the _New York Colonial Documents_, vol. i., also in Dr. -O’Callaghan’s _History of New Netherland_. It purports to have been -submitted to the States-General of Holland in 1616, with an application -for a charter to trade to New Netherland, but it was probably produced -then a second time, having done duty before on a similar occasion in -1614, with a map exhibiting the Delaware region on a larger scale. -This 1614 map was on paper, and was found by Mr. Brodhead in the same -place, and may be seen in similar reproductions, accompanying those -of the 1616 map. Who the draughtsman of either was, is unknown. An -inscription on the latter refers to draughts formerly made, which were -consulted, and to the report of some men, who had probably been the -Dutchmen captured by the Mohawks and mentioned in Captain Hendricksen’s -report (_New York Colonial Documents_, i. 13). De Laet seems to -have had these maps before him when he wrote his _Novus Orbis_, and -to have constructed the map accompanying his work from these two. -Notwithstanding the great care and detail exhibited in them, they are -necessarily inaccurate, but highly interesting and instructive, as -they indicate the location of the several Indian tribes at the time of -the arrival of the Dutch and of the Spaniards before them. The names -given on these maps to some of the Indian tribes are so unmistakably -of Spanish origin, that it is hard to believe they were not first -applied by the Spaniards, and afterwards repeated by the Indians to -the before-mentioned three Dutch prisoners among the Mohawks. We -find one tribe called “Capitanasses,” while in colloquial Spanish -_capitanázo_ means a great warrior; another, whom the Dutch later knew -as Black Minquas, is designated by the name of “Gachos,” the Spanish -word _gacho_ being applied to black cattle. Still another is called -the “Canoomakers;” _canoa_ being a word of the Indian tongues of South -America,[882] the North American Indian could only have learned it from -the Spaniards, and in turn have taught its meaning to the Dutch. Even -the Indian name given to the island upon which the city of New York now -stands, spelled on the earliest maps “Monados, Manados, Manatoes,” and -said to mean “a place of drunkenness,” points to a Spanish origin from -the colloquially-used noun _moñas_, drunkenness, _moñados_, drunken -men. If to these indications of Spanish presence on the soil of New -York before the Dutch period we add the evidence of the so-called -Pompey Stone,[883] found in Oneida County, with its Spanish inscription -and date of 1520, and the names of places given in their corruption by -the Dutch in a grant covering part of Albany County (“Semesseerse,” -Spanish _semencera_, land sown with seed; “Negogance,” place for trade, -Spanish _negocio_, trade), we can no longer hesitate to believe that -the traditions reported by Danckers and other writers mentioned before -had some foundation, and that the Spaniards knew and had explored the -country on the Hudson long before the Dutch came, but had thought, as -Peter Martyr expresses it, after the failures of Esteban Gomez and -the Licenciado d’ Aillon, “To the South, to the South, for the great -and exceeding riches of the Equinoctial; they that seek gold must -not go to the cold and frozen North.” The Spaniards never considered -North America as of any value in itself; they looked upon it only as a -barrier to the richer fields of Asia. - -Dr. O’Callaghan had in his collection[884] a copy, on vellum, of a -map entitled “Americæ Septentrionalis Pars,” from the _West-Indische -Paskaert_, which he added to the maps in the first volume of the _New -York Colonial Documents_. The maker of it was A. Jacobsen, and, to -judge from the fac-simile of the West India Company’s seal exhibited -on it, he made it for that company in 1621. It bears internal evidence -that Jacobsen had as model one of the elder Spanish and English maps, -as he retains some Spanish and English names for places, which on the -Dutch maps just mentioned have Dutch names. No attempt is made to give -details of interior chorography. The coast-line is fairly correct, and -the rivers named are indicated by their mouths.[885] - -The next in the order of date is also a manuscript map, of which -a reduced copy was published by Dr. O’Callaghan in his _History_. -Although it is only a delineation of part of New Netherland, the manor -of Rensselaerswyck,[886] it is of importance to the historian, who in -consulting it has to exercise his judgment to the utmost. Made in 1630 -by Gillis van Schendel at the expense of six dollars, which paid also -for four copies on paper, it shows, in the very year in which the land -was purchased from the Indians and patented to the patroons, such a -large number of settlements on both sides of the river, as to create -the suspicion that it was made to induce emigration from Holland, where -the four copies on paper were sent. De Laet, whose share of the land, -as one of the patroons, is designated by De Laet’s Burg, De Laet’s -Island, De Laet’s Mill Creek and Waterfall, makes no reference to this -map. - -The first printed map of New Netherland accompanies De Laet’s _Novus -Orbis_, under the title of “Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium, et Virginia.” -In outline it resembles the map of 1621 by Jacobsen, while the details -are taken from the maps presented to the States-General. It is very -vague, however, and does not even give the names of any river. Long -Island is represented by three islands, and the Delaware River rises, -as on the 1616 map, out of a large lake in the Seneca country.[887] - -[Illustration: PART OF DE LAET’S MAP, 1630.] - -Jacobsen’s map of 1621 seems to have been used by Robert Dudley in his -_Atlas_, upon which an Italian engraver, Antonio Francesco Lucini, -worked; and Lucini’s signature is attached to a “Carta particolare -della Nuova Belgia è parte della Nuova Anglia, d’America carta ii.,” -which constitutes a part of Dudley’s work.[888] He seems to have -consulted Spanish, Dutch, and English maps of more or less correctness, -but understood none of them well. The Hudson is called “Rio Martins -ò R. Hudsons.” Manhattan’s Island is in its proper place, with New -Amsterdam marked on it; but the name “Isla Manhatas” is given to the -land between Newark Bay, Passaic River on the west and the Hackensack -on the east; while the strip of land now called Bergen Point is called -“Oster’s Ilant.” The position of Manhattan has evidently troubled him -very much, for we find the name again inserted covering the eastern -townships of Westchester County. Stratford Point, at the mouth of the -Housatonic, is “Cabo del Fieme,” while Long Island, called “I. di -Gebrok Land,” is a group of six islands, the largest of which bears the -correct name of Matouwacs, and Fisher’s Island is called “Isla Lange.” -Staten Island, “I. State,” is relegated, shorn of its dimensions, to -Newark Bay, and its space divided by “I. Godins” and one of the six -islands in the Long Island group called “C. Godins.” The low coast of -New Jersey, near Long Branch, is properly named “Costa Bassa.” Thence -going south, we come to “Porto Eyer” (Egg Harbor) and “I. Eyer,” “C. -Pedras Arenas” (Barnegat), “C. Mai,” “Rio Carlo” (Delaware), and “C. -Hinlopen ò C. James.” The student of our early cartography must revert -often to the rival maps and atlases of Blaeu and Jansson. The elder of -the Blaeus, W. J. Blaeu, was long a maker of maps and globes,[889] and -began to be known, with his map of the world, in 1606. He had issued -many other maps when, in 1631, he collected them into his _Appendix -Theatri Ortelii_ (103 maps), the earliest of his atlases, which he -later remodelled and enlarged, sometimes giving the text in French, -and sometimes in Latin; that of 1638 being known as his _Novas Atlas_, -and containing fourteen American maps. After several intermediate -issues,[890] following upon the death of the elder Blaeu in 1638,[891] -his atlas, under the care of his son, John Blaeu,[892] was issued with -various texts, and with a wealth of skill rarely equalled since, as the -_Atlas Major_.[893] - -Jansson produced a rival of the earliest Blaeu atlas in 1633, with -one hundred and six maps.[894] In 1638 it was called _Atlas Novus_, -and had seventeen maps of America.[895] In 1639 a French edition was -called _Nouveau Théâtre du Monde_, with new maps by Henry Hondius, son -of the elder Hondius, eighteen of them being American, and that on -New Netherland following De Laet’s map. It includes New England and -Virginia, and is the original of various later maps.[896] A fifth part -of the _Nouveau Theatre_ was added in 1657, containing coast charts of -America. Jansson reached his best in his _Orbis Antiquus_, of about -even date (1661) with Blaeu’s best. - -In Mr. Edward Armstrong’s essay on _Fort Nassau_ a map in private hands -is mentioned which seems to be little known. It exhibits the grant -made to Sir Edmund Ploeyden of the Province of New Albion, and was -printed at London in 1651. It is a strange combination of knowledge and -ignorance, if not intentional deceit, purporting to have been made by -“Domina Virginia Farrer,” and shows the headwaters of James River to be -within ten days’ march of the California coast.[897] - -A map of the Delaware territory was made, about 1638, by Måns Kling, -for the Swedish Government. A later map of the same region, made by -the Swedish engineer Peter Lindstroem in 1654, unfortunately destroyed -by fire in 1697, when the Royal Palace at Stockholm burned down, is -reviewed in another chapter. A Dutch map of the Delaware, made about -1656, has also been lost.[898] - -Mr. Asher[899] and Mr. Armstrong incline to the opinion that the -earliest of the later group of maps made during the Dutch occupancy -is the original state of what is called Dancker’s map, known under the -title of _Novi Belgii Novæque Angliæ necnon Pennsylvaniæ et Partis -Virginiæ tabula, multis in locis emendata a Justo Danckers_, and -supposed to date between 1650 and 1656.[900] The map purporting to be -the oldest, and which there is reason to believe was this earlier plate -retouched, is the _Novi Belgii, etc., tabula multis in locis emendata -a Nicolao Joannis Visschero_, of which Asher speaks of a copy in the -Royal Library at the Hague.[901] - -[Illustration: SKETCH OF PART OF VISSCHER’S MAP.] - -It was afterward included in what is known as Visscher’s _Atlas -Minor_.[902] Visscher’s map, with its view of New Amsterdam, was -reproduced in what is known as Van der Donck’s map, _Nova Belgica sive -Nieuw Nederlandt_,[903] which appeared in the second edition of the -_Beschrijvinge van Nieuw Nederlant_, 1656. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: VAN DER DONCK’S NEW NETHERLAND.] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - - -=A.= BIBLIOGRAPHY.—In the bibliography of New Netherland, the first -place must be given to the _Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the -Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland_, by G. M. Asher, -Amsterdam, 1854-1867, the work appearing in parts. It embodies the -results of work in the royal library and in the royal archives at the -Hague; at Leyden in the library of the University and in that of Dr. -Bodel Nyenhuis, rich in maps, and particularly in the Thysiana Library, -which he found a rich field; and at Amsterdam, among the extensive -stock of Mr. Frederick Muller, without whose assistance, the author -says, the book would not have been written.[904] In his Introduction he -gives a succinct sketch of the history and geography of New Netherland. - -Next in importance are the catalogues of Frederick Muller of Amsterdam, -particularly the series, _Catalogue of Books, Maps, and Plates on -America_,[905] begun in 1872, and which he calls “an essay towards -a Dutch-American bibliography.” It was also under Mr. Muller’s -direction and patronage that Mr. P. A. Tiele prepared his _Mémoire -bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateurs néerlandais réimprimés -dans les collections de De Bry et de Hulsius_, etc., Amsterdam, 1867. -It covers those voyages not Dutch of which accounts have appeared in -Dutch, as well as the distinctively Dutch collections. The compiler -dedicated it to Mr. James Lenox, from whose rich collection he derived -much help. Muller’s _Catalogue_ (1872), no. 110; Stevens, _Hist. -Coll._, i. 1,002. - -The best American collection of books on New Netherland is probably -that now in the Lenox Library. Mr. Asher said of it some years ago -(_Essay_, p. xlix, _sub anno_ 1867) that it was “absolutely complete.” - - -=B.= NEW AMSTERDAM.—The earliest accounts of the town by Wassenaer -(1623), De Laet (1625), De Rasiere (1627), and Michaelis (1628), have -already been mentioned. (Cf. the paper on the first settlement by the -Dutch in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. iii.) Stuyvesant, in his letter -to Nicoll in 1664, claimed that the town was founded in 1623. This -statement is repeated in De la Croix’s book, with De Vries’s additions, -published in Dutch as _Algemeene Wereldt-Beschrijving_, 1705. (Asher, -no. 19.) O’Callaghan, _New Netherland_, ii. 210, has established that -the town was incorporated in 1653. - -The original Dutch records of New Amsterdam have been put into English -in MS. volumes in the archives of the city, and some parts of them -are printed in Valentine’s _New York City Manual_, and in _Historical -Magazine_, xi. 33, 108, 170, 224, 354; xii. 30; xiii. 39, 168. Cf. -paper on the development of its municipal government in the Dutch -period, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1882, and the papers on the city -of New York in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vols. i. and iii. Some notes on the -Indian incursions in and about New Amsterdam during the Dutch period -are in Valentine’s _New York City Manual_, 1863, p. 533. The principal -histories of the town are Martha J. Lamb’s (1877), M. L. Booth’s -(1859), W. L. Stone’s (1872), and David T. Valentine’s (1853). The last -comes down only to 1750, and this and Lamb’s are of the most importance. - -[Illustration: NEW YORK AND VICINITY, 1666. - -This fac-simile of the lower portion of the map entitled “De Noord -Rivier, anders R. Manhattans, off Hudson’s Rivier, genaamt t’Groodt,” -which appeared in a tract at Middleburgh (and also at the Hague in 1666 -in Goos’s _Zee-Atlas_) in answer to the reply of Downing to the memoir -(1664) of the deputies of the States-General. The cut is made from the -reproduction in Mr. Lenox’s edition of H. C. Murphy’s translation of -the _Vertoogh_ and _Breeden Raedt_, New York, 1854. The North is to the -right.] - -Something can be derived from the gatherings of J. F. Watson in his -_Annals of New York City and State_, 1846, and the appendix to his -_Annals of Philadelphia_, 1830. The reader will find interest in -various local antiquarian quests, as exemplified in J. W. Gerard’s -_Old Streets of New York under the Dutch_ (1874).[906] A map of -the original grants of village lots on the island, from the Dutch -West India Company, is in the _City Manual_ (1857), and in the same -(1856) is a map showing the made and swampy lands, as indicating the -original surface of the town. In other volumes (1852 and 1853), and in -Valentine’s _History_, p. 379, is a modern plan of the city, showing -the line of the original high-water marks and the location of the early -farms. It is one of these farms, that of Dominie Bogardus, the pastor -of the Dutch church, who so vigorously opposed Kieft’s plans, that is -now the property of Trinity Church, and the source of a large revenue. -(See the Key in Valentine’s _History_, p. 380.) The same serial -preserves views of sundry landmarks, like the canal in Broad Street, of -1659 (in 1862, p. 515), a windmill of 1661 (in 1862, p. 547), a house -built in 1626 (in 1847, p. 346). A plan of the fort built in 1633-1635 -is in Valentine’s _New York_, p. 27; and at p. 38 is a plan of the town -in 1642, as well as the author could make it out from existing data. - -[Illustration] - -For the northern part of the island, James Riker’s _History of Harlem_, -1881, affords much interest, tracing more minutely than usual the -associations of the early comers with their family stocks in Europe, -and showing by a map the original locations of their house-lots at -Harlem. - - -=C.= LOCAL HISTORIES.—The Editor is not aware of any considerable -bibliography of New York local histories, except as they are included -in F. B. Perkins’s _Check List of American Local History_. Some help -may be derived from the _Brinley_ and _Alofsen Catalogues_, and -others of a classified character. We have indicated in another Note -the labors of Mr. Munsell for the Albany region. An edition of G. -Furman’s _Antiquities of Long Island_, edited by F. Moore in 1875, -includes a bibliography of Long Island by Henry Onderdonk, Jr. The -most considerable of all the local histories is Stiles’s _History of -Brooklyn_, 1867-1870, which gives a map of the Breuckelen settlements -in 1646. The Faust Club in 1865 issued (125 copies) an older book, -G. Furman’s _Notes of Brooklyn_, which had originally appeared in -1824. Benj. F. Thompson’s _History of Long Island_, 2d ed., 1843, is -the most comprehensive of the accounts of that island, while N. S. -Prime’s _History of Long Island_ is more particularly concerned with -its ecclesiastical history. There are various lesser monographs on the -island towns, like Riker’s _Newton_ (1852), Onderdonk’s _Hempstead_ -(1878), etc. Cf. also _Historical Magazine_, viii. 89; and in the same, -vi. 145, Mr. G. P. Disosway recounts the early history of Staten Island. - -[Illustration] - -Mr. Fernow translated and edited in the _Documents relative to the -Colonial History of New York_, vol. xiii., the papers in the State -archives upon the history and settlements on the Hudson and the Mohawk -(1630-1684), as he has said in the text, which must stand as the basis -for much which is given in the special treatises of Bolton on _West -Chester County_ (or such thorough monographs as that of C. W. Baird on -the _History of Rye_, 1781 in this county), P. H. Smith on _Duchess -County_, 1877, not to name others. The more remote parts of the State -have little or no connection with the Dutch period. - - -=D.= THE DUTCH GOVERNORS.—Mr. George Folsom has a paper on the -governors in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. On Peter Minuit, the -first governor, there is a paper by J. B. Moore in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, 1849, p. 73, and another in _Historical Magazine_, xiii. 205. -An autograph of Kieft is given herewith. Of Stuyvesant, the last -governor, who survived the surrender, and died in 1672 (Brodhead, ii. -183), we have various memorials. His portrait is preserved, belonging -to Mr. Robert Van Rensselaer Stuyvesant, and has been engraved several -times,—Dunlap’s _New York_, vol. i.; O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_, -vol. ii.; Lamb’s New York, i. 127; Gay’s _Popular History of the United -States_, vol. ii. (Cf. _Catalogue of the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Gallery_, no. -67.) Two reminders of him long remained to New Yorkers,—his house in -the Bowery, which is shown as it existed at the time of his death in -Valentine’s _New York_, p. 53, and in his _Manual_, 1852, p. 407; and -in Watson’s _Annals of New York_, p. 196, as it stood later perched -upon so much of the original knoll as improvements had not removed. -The old pear-tree associated with his name is depicted in Valentine’s -_Manual_, 1861, p. 533, and in Lossing’s _Hudson River_, p. 416. - -Mr. Fernow contributed to the _Magazine of American History_, ii. 540, -a monograph on Stuyvesant’s journey to Esopus in 1658. See also 4 -_Massachusetts Historical Collections_, vi. 533. - - -=E.= LEVINUS HULSIUS’S COLLECTION OF VOYAGES.—The twenty-six parts -of this work were originally issued between 1598 and 1650, and this -long interval, as well as their German text finding more popular use -than the Latin of De Bry, has conduced to make sets much rarer of -Hulsius than of De Bry. Scholars also award Hulsius the possession of -more judgment in compiling and translating than is claimed for De Bry. -Asher printed in 1833 a _Short Bibliographical Memoir_ of Hulsius, -which became, when extended, his _Bibliographical Essay on the Voyages -and Travels of Hulsius and his Successors_, in 1839; and in this he -doubts if a perfect set of all the editions of all the parts had ever -been got together. An approximate completeness, however, pertains to -the sets in the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries, as described in the -_Catalogue_ of the former, vol. i. p. 467, and in the _Contributions -to a Catalogue of the Lenox Library_, no. i, New York, 1877. The set -described in this shows all the first editions of the twenty-six parts, -with second issues of three of them, Latin as well as German of two of -them; two parts successively issued of one of them (part xi.) and other -copies with variations of three of them. There are eighteen second -editions, counting variations (one is lacking); nine third editions or -variations; six fourth editions (with one lacking); two fifth editions -(with one lacking). This would indicate that an absolutely complete -set, to include every part, edition, and variety, would increase the -twenty-six parts to seventy-three. The Carter-Brown copy seems to be -less perfect. The _Huth Catalogue_ shows a complete series of first -editions only. - -Tiele’s _Mémoire Bibliographique_ pertains to such voyages in this -collection as were made by Dutch navigators. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, -viii. 526, gives fuller collations for the parts relating to America. -Quaritch printed a collation in 1860. - -Bohn published a collation of Lord Lyndsay’s copy. - -The Lenox Library possesses MS. Collations of the Grenville and other -sets in the British Museum, of those in the Royal Library, Berlin, and -the City Library of Hamburg. - -Sets of such completeness as collectors may hope to attain have been -quoted at £335 (Crowninshield sale, 1860,—all first editions but one), -and 6,700 and 4,500 marks. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -NEW SWEDEN, OR THE SWEDES ON THE DELAWARE. - -BY GREGORY B. KEEN, - -_Late Professor of Mathematics in the Theological Seminary of St. -Charles Borromeo, Corresponding Secretary of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania_. - - -THE honor of projecting the first Swedish settlement in foreign parts -is due to Willem Usselinx,—a native of Antwerp, who resided for -several years in Spain, Portugal, and the Azores, and was afterward -engaged in mercantile pursuits in Holland, acquiring distinction as the -chief founder of the Dutch West India Company.[907] - -[Illustration] - -Failing to obtain adequate remuneration for his services in the -Netherlands, he visited Sweden, and succeeded in inducing Gustavus -II. (Adolphus) to issue a _Manifest_ at Gottenburg, Nov. 10, 1624, -instituting a general commercial society, called the Australian -Company, with special privileges of traffic with Africa, Asia, and -America. Authority was conferred on Usselinx to solicit subscriptions, -and a contract of trade was drawn up to be signed by the contributors, -the whole scheme being commended in a paper of great length by the -projector of it. On the 14th of June, 1626, a more ample charter -was conceded, which was confirmed in the Riksdag of 1627,[908] and -followed by an order of the sovereign requiring subscribers to make -their payments by May, 1628. The King himself pledged 400,000 daler -of the royal treasure on equal risks, and other members of his family -took stock in the Company, which embraced the Royal Council, the most -distinguished of the nobility, officers of the army, bishops and other -clergymen, burgomasters and aldermen of the cities, and many of the -commonalty. - -[Illustration] - -It was believed that the enterprise would prove of great commercial -benefit to Sweden, besides affording private individuals opportunity to -recover fortunes lost through the disastrous wars of the period, and -furnishing, in the colonies to be established, safe places of retreat -for many exiles. By means of a union, in 1630, with the Ship Company, -instituted by agreement of the cities of Sweden, at the Riksdag of the -preceding year, the Australian—or, as it was now generally called, the -South—Company acquired the control of sixteen well-equipped vessels, -which they proceeded to send to sea. No advantage, however, was derived -from any of the voyages made, and in 1632 four of the ships were taken -by Spain. - -[Illustration] - -Meanwhile the momentous conflicts of the age diverted the attention -of the monarch and drained the resources of the country, causing -inevitable delay in carrying out the plans of the Company, until -at last it was determined to seek the aid of foreign capital. Just -before the battle of Lützen closed the earthly career of Gustavus, a -new charter was prepared for his signature, extending the privileges -of the former one to the inhabitants of Germany, and prolonging the -enjoyment of them until the first day of January, 1646. This paper, -which was already dated, was published by Axel Oxenstjerna, Chancellor -of the Kingdom of Sweden,[909] at Heilbronn, April 10, 1633, and was -confirmed, with certain modifications, by the Deputies of the four -Upper Circles at Frankfort, Dec. 12, 1634. - -Another, written at the same time and signed by the Chancellor May 1, -1633, recognized Usselinx as “Head Director of the New South Company,” -with authority to receive subscriptions and promote the undertaking; in -discharge of which duty the zealous Belgian issued a fresh defence of -his project, addressed especially to the Germans, besides reprinting -in their language the earlier documents on the subject. Nevertheless, -no success attended even this well-advertised revival of the -long-cherished enterprise, and subsequent appeals of Usselinx to France -and England, the Hanse Towns, and the States-General appear to have -been without result.[910] - -[Illustration] - -The first real advance towards the founding of New Sweden was made -in 1635. In May of that year Chancellor Oxenstjerna visited Holland, -and on his return home held correspondence upon the advantages of -forming a Swedish settlement on the coast of Brazil or Guinea, with -Samuel Blommaert, a merchant of Amsterdam and a member of the Dutch -West India Company, who had participated five years before in an -attempt to colonize the shores of the Delaware; and in the following -spring he commissioned Peter Spiring, another Dutchman, dwelling in -Sweden, to learn whether some assistance might not be obtained from -the States-General. With this intent, proposals were made by Usselinx, -now Swedish minister, to induce the States of Holland to found a -“Zuid-Compagnie,” in conjunction with his Government; but the Assembly -of the Nineteen (to whom the matter was referred) refusing their -consent, the States postponed further action in the premises. - -[Illustration] - -Nevertheless, if failure attended this appeal to the rulers of the -nation, Spiring’s intercourse with private individuals had a happier -issue; and conversations with Blommaert introduced to his acquaintance -Peter Minuit, or Minnewit, a native of Wesel, who had served the -Dutch West India Company from 1626 to 1632 as Director-General of New -Netherland,[911] living in New Amsterdam, and who was then once more -residing in Cleves,—the person who was destined to conduct the first -Swedish expedition to America. - -In a letter dated at Amsterdam, June 15, 1636,[912] borne home by -Spiring, Minuit offered “to make a voyage to the Virginias, New -Netherland, and other regions adjoining, certain places well known -to him, with a very good climate, which might be named Nova Suedia;” -and this proposal, or one grounded on it, was read in the Swedish -Råd, the 27th of September. Soon afterward Spiring was again sent out -to Holland as minister; and on further consultation with Minuit and -Blommaert, now Swedish Commissary (or consul-general) at Amsterdam, -it was determined to form a Swedish-Dutch Company to carry on trade -with, and establish colonies on, portions of the North American coast -not previously taken up by the Dutch or English. The cost of the -first expedition was estimated at twenty-four thousand (it actually -amounted to over thirty-six thousand) Dutch florins, half of which -was to be contributed by Minuit and Blommaert and their friends, and -the remaining half to be subscribed in Sweden. Minuit was to be the -leader of it, and Blommaert the commissioner in Amsterdam. After these -stipulations had been concluded, in February, 1637, Minuit set out for -Stockholm. The Government embraced the scheme, and promised to place -two fully-equipped vessels at the disposal of the Company, while the -contribution of money required from Sweden was subscribed by Axel -Oxenstjerna, his brother Gabriel Gustafsson Oxenstjerna, their cousin -Gabriel Bengtsson Oxenstjerna, and Clas Fleming (Royal Councillors and -Guardians of Queen Christina), and Peter Spiring. - -[Illustration] - -Fleming, like the Chancellor, was a very zealous promoter of the -project, and, as virtual chief of the admiralty (the head-admiral -was aged and disqualified for service), obtained a commission to fit -out the ships, concerting the details with Minuit and Blommaert, who -procured an experienced crew and suitable cargo in Holland. The vessels -were sent over to Gottenburg during the spring, when the expedition -was to start. Delays occurred, however, and the vessels,—the “Kalmar -Nyckel” (Key of Calmar), a man-of-war, under Captain Anders Nilsson -Krober, and the sloop “Gripen” (the Griffin), Lieutenant Jacob Borben -commander, both belonging to the United South and Ship Company,—did -not receive their passports before the 9th of August, and were not -ready to sail until late in the autumn. Soon after leaving, they -encountered severe storms, and were obliged to put into the Dutch -harbor of Medemblik for repairs and fresh provisions, but set out once -more in December for their place of destination. - -Here they arrived not later than March, 1638, Minuit exercising his -discretion as commander of the expedition to direct his course to the -River Delaware, with which, under the name of the South River of New -Netherland, he had become acquainted during his former sojourn in -America. According to Campanius, the colonists first landed on the -west side of Delaware Bay, below the Mordare Kil (Murderkill Creek), -at a place they called Paradis Udden (Paradise Point), “probably,” -says he, “because it seemed so grateful and agreeable.” They afterward -proceeded up the river, and on the 29th of March Minuit concluded a -purchase of land from five chiefs of the Minquas (belonging to the -great Iroquois race), appropriately rewarding them with articles of -merchandise. The territory thus acquired embraced the west shore of the -Delaware, from Bomtiens Udden (near Bombay Hook) northward to the River -Schuylkill, no limit being assigned towards the interior.[913] At its -boundaries Minuit erected posts bearing the insignia of his sovereign, -designating the country as NEW SWEDEN, and immediately built a fort, -called, in honor of the queen,[914] Christina, at a point of rocks -about two miles from the mouth of the Minquas (now Christeen) Creek, to -which stream he gave the name of Elbe. - -[Illustration] - -Soon after his arrival he despatched “Gripen” to Jamestown, in -Virginia, for a cargo of tobacco to carry to Sweden free of duty,—a -privilege which the governor declined to grant, out of regard to the -instructions of the English king, while the Treasurer of the Province -wrote to Sir Francis Windebanke, Principal Secretary to Charles I., -suggesting the removal of the Swedes from the neighborhood of the -Delaware, which he described as “the confines of Virginia and New -England,” claiming it as appertaining to his sovereign. The sloop was -suffered to remain “ten days, to refresh with wood and water,” and -then returned to Minuit. Subsequently the Swedish commander sent her -up the river for purposes of traffic, when he was summarily challenged -by the Dutch at Fort Nassau, a stronghold built in 1623, by Cornelis -Jacobsen Mey, at Timber Creek on the east side of the Delaware, which -had afterward been abandoned and reoccupied several times, and was -then in the possession of traders from New Amsterdam. The actions of -Minuit were also reported by the Assistant-Commissary at that place -to Willem Kieft, the Director-General of New Netherland, and were in -turn communicated by Kieft, in a letter of the 28th of April, to the -Directors of the West India Company in Holland, and were made the -subject of a formal protest, addressed by Kieft to Minuit, the 6th of -May, claiming jurisdiction over the South River for the Dutch. No heed -was paid, however, to remonstrances of either Hollanders or English; -and Minuit proceeded to improve his fort by building two log-houses in -the inclosure for the accommodation of the garrison, while he stocked -it plentifully with provisions, leaving a portion of his cargo to be -used in barter with the Indians, “all whose peltries,” says Governor -Kieft, “he had attracted to himself by liberal gifts.” - -[Illustration] - -The colonists who remained in New Sweden numbered twenty-three men, -under the command of Lieutenant Måns Kling (the only Swede expressly -named as taking part in this first expedition to the Delaware), who -had charge of the military affairs, and Hendrick Huygen, a relative of -Minuit, likewise born in Cleves, who was intrusted with the civil and -economical duties of the direction. Minuit himself departed for the -West Indies, probably in July, on board the “Kalmar Nyckel,” having -sent “Gripen” thither before him. After disposing of his merchandise, -and securing a cargo of tobacco at the Island of St. Christopher, -while paying a visit to a Dutch ship lying near by, he perished by the -destruction of that vessel in a sudden and violent storm. The “Kalmar -Nyckel” had the good fortune to escape, and soon afterward sailed for -Sweden, but was forced by November gales to take refuge in a port of -Holland; while “Gripen” returned to the Delaware, and, obtaining a load -of furs, acquired by traffic with the Indians, set out for Gottenburg, -where she arrived at the close of May, 1639. - -[Illustration] - -A second expedition to New Sweden had already been projected, which -Queen Christina and the Swedish partners in the South Company -determined to render more national in character than that conducted by -Minuit. Natives of Sweden were particularly invited to engage in it; -and none volunteering to do so, the governors of Elfsborg and Värmland -were directed to procure married soldiers who had evaded service -or committed some other capital offence, who, with their wives and -children, were promised the liberty of returning home at pleasure at -the end of one or two years. - -[Illustration] - -Through the zeal of Fleming, the President of the College of Commerce, -and his efficient secretary Johan Beier, a number of emigrants were at -last assembled at Gottenburg, and put on board the “Kalmar Nyckel,” -freshly equipped and provided with a new crew by Spiring and Blommaert -in Holland, and commanded by a Dutch captain, Cornelis van Vliet, who -had been for several years in the Swedish service. The vessel was -also to carry out the second governor of New Sweden, Lieutenant Peter -Hollender, commissioned July 1, 1639, who was probably, as his name -indicates, a Dutchman, and (since he signed himself “Ridder”) doubtless -a nobleman. The ship sailed in the beginning of autumn, but, springing -a leak in the German Ocean, was obliged thrice to return to Holland -for repairs, when the captain was finally discharged for dishonesty -and negligence, and another, named Pouwel Jansen, was engaged to -take his place. At length, on the 7th of February, 1640, the “Kalmar -Nyckel” left the Texel, and reached Christina in safety the 17th of the -following April.[915] - -How the first settlers had fared since the departure of Minuit, we are -unfortunately not informed by them; but it is testified by Governor -Kieft that they succeeded in appropriating a large trade with the -natives, which “wholly ruined” that of the Dutch. Still, according to -the same authority, the arrival of the second colony was singularly -opportune, since they had determined to quit the Delaware and remove -the very next day to New Amsterdam. Such an intention was of course -at once abandoned, and Governor Hollender strengthened his foothold -on the river by securing a title from the Indians to the western bank -of it as far north as Sankikan (near Trenton Falls), in spite of the -protests of the Dutch Commissary, who even fired upon him as he sailed -past Fort Nassau. A letter of remonstrance was sent to this officer by -the Swedish governor, but his instructions requiring him to deal gently -with the Hollanders, and his people being afterward treated by Governor -Kieft “with all civility,” no serious collisions occurred between the -rival nations during his direction of the colony. The “Kalmar Nyckel” -was soon made ready for her return voyage, and, sailing in May, arrived -in July at Gottenburg. - -The constant intercourse of the Swedish authorities with prominent -merchants of Amsterdam in founding the Colony of New Sweden had by this -time attracted the attention of other Hollanders to the settlement now -successfully established, and the liberality of the terms accorded -the Swedish company induced Myndert Myndertsen van Horst, of Utrecht, -to appeal to Queen Christina for the privilege of planting a Dutch -colony within the limits of her territory, after the model of the -patroonships of their own West India Company. This favor was conceded -in a charter of the 24th of January, 1640, which was transferred by -Van Horst to Hendrik Hoochcamer and other fellow-countrymen, granting -the right to take up land on both sides of the Delaware, four or five -German miles below Christina, to be held hereditarily under the Crown -of Sweden, with freedom from taxation for ten years, but subject to -the restriction that their trade be carried on in vessels built in New -Sweden and confined to Swedish ports, and also assuring liberty for -the exercise of their so-called Reformed religion. Simultaneously with -the charter, a passport was issued for the ship “Fredenburg,” Captain -Jacob Powelsen, to carry the emigrants, and a commission for Jost van -Bogardt, as Swedish agent in New Sweden, with special authority over -this colony. The latter was likewise the leader of the expedition, -which was composed chiefly of persons from the province of Utrecht; and -he arrived with it at the Delaware on the 2d of November, 1640. The -Dutchmen appear to have seated themselves three or four Swedish miles -from Christina. So little mention, however, is afterward made of this -peculiarly constituted settlement,[916] it seems probable that it soon -lost its individuality. - -About this time occurred the first attempt on the part of the -inhabitants of New England to obtain a foothold in New Sweden. Captain -Nathaniel Turner is said to have bought land from the Indians “on -both sides of Delaware Bay or River,” as agent of New Haven, in 1640; -and in April, 1641, a similar purchase was made by George Lamberton, -also of New Haven, notwithstanding one of the tracts acquired in this -manner was comprised within that long before sold by the natives -to the Swedish governors, while the other, extending from Cape May -to Narraticons Kil (or Raccoon Creek), on the eastern shore of the -Delaware, had been conveyed only three days earlier, by the same -sachem, to Governor Hollender. Taking advantage of this nugatory title, -and in contravention of engagements entered into with Director Kieft, -some twenty English families, numbering about sixty persons, settled -at Varkens Kil (now Salem Creek, New Jersey), whose “plantations” were -pronounced, at a General Court held in New Haven, Aug. 30, 1641, to be -“in combination with” that town. - -Meanwhile preparations were making in Sweden to send forth a fresh -expedition to America. On the 13th of July, 1640, the Governor of -Gottenburg was enjoined to persuade families of his province to -emigrate, “with their horses and cattle and other personal property.” -On the 29th the Governor of Värmland and Dal was directed to enlist -certain Finns, who had been forced to enter the army as a punishment -for violating a royal edict against clearing land in that province by -burning forests; and on the 30th the Governor of Örebro was instructed -to induce people of the same race, roaming about the mining districts -under his jurisdiction, to accompany the rest to the Transatlantic -Colony. Lieutenant Måns Kling, who had returned in the “Kalmar Nyckel,” -was also especially commissioned, on the 26th of the following -September, to aid in this work in the mining regions and elsewhere, -and particularly to procure homeless Finns, who were living in the -woods upon the charity of the settled population of Sweden. In all -these mandates the fertility of the new country and the advantages of -colonists in it are clearly intimated; and in the last it is declared -to be the royal aim that the inhabitants of the kingdom may enjoy the -valuable products of that land, increase in commerce and in knowledge -of the sea, and enlarge their intercourse with foreign nations. In -May, 1641, the people collected by Kling accompanied him on the ship -“Charitas” from Stockholm to Gottenburg, where they were joined by -the others, who by that time were ready to set forth. On the 20th of -February the Government had resolved to buy out the Dutch partners in -their enterprise, instructing Spiring to pay them eighteen thousand -gulden from the public funds, provided they abandoned all further -claims. This, no doubt, was done; and thus the third Swedish expedition -to New Sweden sailed under the auspices of a purely Swedish company. -It comprised the well-tried “Kalmar Nyckel” and the “Charitas,” and -arrived at its place of destination probably in the summer or autumn of -1641.[917] - -Nothing is known with regard to New Sweden at this period; but in the -spring of 1642 some of the colonists from New Haven, already spoken -of, took possession of a tract of land, which they claimed to have -purchased of the Indians on the 19th of April, on the west side of -the Delaware, extending from Crum Creek a short distance above the -Schuylkill, and proceeded to build a trading-house on the latter -stream. This attracted the attention of Director Kieft, and on the 22d -of May he despatched two sloops from New Amsterdam with instructions to -Jan Jansen van Ilpendam, the Dutch commissary at Fort Nassau, to expel -the English from the Delaware. His orders were promptly executed; and -the settlements on the Schuylkill and (it is said) at Varkens Kil were -broken up, partly through the aid of the Swedes, who had agreed with -Kieft “to keep out the English,” the trespassers being taken to Fort -Amsterdam, from whence they were sent home to New Haven. Lamberton, -still persisting in trading on the Delaware, was arrested not long -afterward at Manhattan, and compelled to give an account of his -peltries, and to pay duties on his cargo. According to Governor John -Winthrop, of Massachusetts, such “sickness and mortality” prevailed -this summer in New Sweden as “dissolved” the plantations of the -English, and seriously affected the Swedes. - -[Illustration] - -In Sweden the interest in the little American colony was now at its -height; and in July and August, 1642, Spiring was consulted in the Råd -and the Räkningekammår upon the question of appropriating the funds -of the South and Ship Company for the expenses of another expedition -across the ocean. This resulted in the formation of a new company, -styled the West India, American, or New Sweden Company, although -oftener known as the South Company, with a capital of thirty-six -thousand riksdaler, half being contributed by the South and Ship -Company, one sixth by the Crown, and the remainder by Oxenstjerna, -Spiring, Fleming, and others. To it, also, was transferred the monopoly -of the tobacco trade in Sweden, Finland, and Ingermanland, which had -been granted to the South Company in 1641. On the 15th of August a -third governor was commissioned to succeed Hollender in the direction -of New Sweden; namely, Johan Printz, who had taken part in the Thirty -Years’ War as Lieutenant-Colonel of the West Götha Cavalry, and, after -his dismissal from the service for the capitulation of Chemnitz, was -engaged in 1641 in procuring emigrants for the colony in Northern -Finland. He had been restored to royal favor and ennobled in July. -His “Instructions” were likewise dated Aug. 15, 1642, and were signed -by Peter Brahe, Herman Wrangel, Clas Fleming, Axel Oxenstjerna, and -Gabriel Bengtsson Oxenstjerna, Councillors of the Kingdom and Guardians -of Queen Christina, who was still in her minority. They are comprised -in twenty-eight articles, endowing him with extensive authority in -the administration of justice, and enjoining him to keep the monopoly -of the fur-trade, and to pay particular attention to the cultivation -of the soil,—especially for the planting of tobacco, of which he -was expected to ship a goodly quantity on every vessel returning to -Sweden,—as well as to have a care of the raising of cattle, of the -obtaining of choice woods, of the growth of the grape, production of -silk, manufacture of salt, and taking of fish. He was to maintain the -Swedish Lutheran form of religion and education of the young, and -treat the Indians “with all humanity,” endeavoring to convert them -from their paganism, and “in other ways bring them to civilization -and good government.” His territory was defined to include all that -had been purchased of the natives by Minuit and Hollender, extending, -on the west side of the Delaware, from Cape Hinlopen[918] northwards -to Sankikan, and on the east from Narraticons Kil southwards to Cape -May. Over the whole of this region he was commanded to uphold the -supremacy of his sovereign, keeping the Dutch colony under Jost van -Bogardt to the observance of their charter, and bringing the English -settlers under subjection, or procuring their removal, as he deemed -best. His relations with the Holland West India Company and their -representatives at Manhattan and Fort Nassau were to be friendly but -independent, and, in case of hostile encroachments, “force was to be -repelled by force.” On the 30th of August a budget was adopted for -New Sweden, specifying, besides the Governor, a lieutenant, sergeant, -corporal, gunner, trumpeter, and drummer, with twenty-four private -soldiers, and (in the civil list) a preacher, clerk, surgeon, provost, -and executioner, their salaries being estimated at 3,020 riksdaler -per annum. Fleming and Beier (this year appointed postmaster-general) -had the chief direction of the enterprise, and special factors were -designated for the Company’s service in Gottenburg and Amsterdam. -At length all preparations were completed, and the fourth Swedish -expedition to New Sweden, consisting of the ships “Fama” (Fame) and -“Svanen” (the Swan), set sail from Gottenburg on the 1st of November, -1642, carrying Printz, with his wife and children, Lieutenant Måns -Kling, the Rev. Johan Campanius Holm, and many others, among whom were -a number of forest-destroying Finns, sent out as formerly by their -respective governors.[919] They pursued the usual course through the -English Channel and past the Canary Islands, spending Christmas with -the hospitable Governor of Antigua; and, after encountering severe -storms, towards the close of January entered Delaware Bay, and on the -15th of February, 1643, landed in safety at Fort Christina. - -Unfortunately, the first and very full report of the new governor -to the West India Company, dated April 13, 1643, and despatched on -the return voyage of the “Fama,” appears to have been irrecoverably -lost; but in letters addressed the day before and the day after, -respectively, to Councillors Peter Brahe and Axel Oxenstjerna, still -preserved in Sweden, Printz gives a favorable account of the country -and an interesting description of the natives, and earnestly advises -the sending out of more emigrants. Soon after his arrival he made a -journey through his territory, sailing up the Delaware to Sankikan, and -determined to take up his abode on the Island of Tennakong, or Tinicum, -situated about fifteen miles above Christina. Here he built himself -a house (Printzhof), and erected a fort of heavy logs, armed with -four brass cannon, called Nya Göteborg (New Gottenburg),—a name also -bestowed on the whole place in a patent from his sovereign of the 6th -of the following November, granting it “to him and his lawful issue as -a perpetual possession.” About twenty emigrants settled on this island, -with their families, including Printz’s book-keeper and clerk, with -his body-guard and the crew of a little yacht used by the Governor. A -redoubt was likewise constructed “after the English plan, with three -angles,” on the eastern shore, “close to the river,” by a little stream -now known as Mill Creek, three or four miles below Varkens Kil, which -was named Nya Elfsborg. - -[Illustration] - -It was defended by eight brass twelve-pounders, and committed to the -charge of Lieutenant Sven Schute and Sergeant Gregorius van Dyck, -with a gunner and drummer and twelve or fifteen common soldiers; and -was already occupied in October, when a Dutch skipper, carrying David -Pieterszen de Vries on his last voyage to the Delaware, was required -to strike his flag in passing the place and give account of his cargo, -although the noted patroon was afterward courteously entertained five -days at Tinicum by Governor Printz, who bought “wines and sweetmeats” -of his captain, and accompanied him on his return as far as Fort -Christina. - -[Illustration] - -The latter post remained the chief place of deposit of the stores -of the colony under Commissary Hendrick Huygen, and was settled by -about forty persons and their families, including the Reverend Johan -Campanius, a miller, two carpenters, a few sailors and soldiers, and -a dozen peasants, who were occupied in the cultivation of tobacco. A -tobacco plantation was also formed the same year on the west side of -the Delaware, four or five miles below Tinicum, under the direction of -Peter Liljehöck, assisted by an experienced tobacco-grower, specially -hired for the service, with a dozen or more husbandmen, and received -the name of Upland. About the same time another was begun by Lieutenant -Måns Kling, with seven or eight colonists, on the Schuylkill. At first -both of these places were destitute of forts, although log houses, -strengthened by small stones, were built for the accommodation of the -settlers.[920] A large quantity of maize was sown by Printz immediately -after his arrival for the sustenance of the colony, but not yielding -the results anticipated from certain statements of Governor Hollender, -the deficiency was supplied by purchase of some cattle and winter rye -at the Island of Manhattan. Provisions were also obtained from Dutch -and English vessels which visited the Delaware. During the autumn, -rye was planted in three places, and in the following spring some -barley, which grew so well, says the Governor, “it was delightful to -behold.” For greater convenience of communication between the scattered -settlements two boats were built by the carpenters, one for the use of -Elfsborg, the other for Christina. - -Although the instructions to Governor Printz concerning his relations -with the English were probably issued in ignorance of the attempt -of Kieft to dislodge the latter from the Delaware, the success of -the Dutch Director-General does not seem to have been so complete as -to render them superfluous. Lamberton still visited the river for -purposes of trade, and a few settlers from New Haven yet remained at -Varkens Kil. Printz, therefore, “went to the houses” of these English -families, and “forced some of them to swear allegiance to the crown -of Sweden.” He also found opportunity of apprehending Lamberton, -and brought him before a tribunal comprising Captains Christian -Boije and Måns Kling, Commissaries Huygen and Jansen, and six other -persons then on the Delaware, assembled in the name of the Swedish -sovereign at Fort Christina, July 10, 1643. Printz met two protests -made by the Englishman at his trial, claiming land on both sides of -the river in virtue of purchases from the Indians, by showing that -the territory in question was embraced in tracts already bought of -the savages by Governors Minuit and Hollender. He also proved to the -satisfaction of the court that Lamberton had traded with the natives -in the vicinity even of Fort Christina without leave and in spite of -repeated prohibitions, obtaining a quantity of beaver skins, for which -the defendant was required by the tribunal to pay double duty. And, -finally, Lamberton was accused by the Governor of bribing the Indians -to murder the Swedes and Dutch,—a charge which was supported by -several witnesses, who also testified that on the day agreed upon an -unusual number of savages had assembled in front of Fort Christina, who -were, however, frightened off before they could attain their purpose. -In passing upon this grave indictment, the court preferred to treat the -defendant with clemency “on this occasion,” and postponed action on the -subject. These decisions naturally did not content Lamberton, and at -a meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England, -held at Boston September 7, complaint was made by his associates, -Governor Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Gregson, of “injuries received -from the Dutch and Swedes at Delaware Bay;” when it was “ordered that a -letter be written to the Swedish governor, expressing the particulars -and requiring satisfaction,” to be signed by John Winthrop “as Governor -of Massachusetts and President of the Commissioners.” This resolution -was complied with, and a commission was given to Lamberton “to go -treat with” Printz upon the subject, and “to agree with him about -settling their trade and plantation” on the Delaware. Winthrop’s letter -was answered by the Governor of New Sweden, Jan. 12, 1644, with a -statement of the facts established at his court already mentioned, and -a fresh examination of the matter was instituted on the 16th. This was -likewise conducted at Fort Christina, in the presence of the Governor, -Captains Boije, Kling, and Turner, Commissary Huygen, Sergeant Van -Dyck, Isaac Allerton, and Secretary Carl Janson, and resulted in the -exculpation of Printz from the offences charged against him. Copies of -these proceedings and of all others relating to the New Haven people -were transmitted to a General Court of Massachusetts which met at -Boston in March, and Governor Winthrop, in acknowledging the receipt -of them in a friendly letter to Governor Printz, promised “a full -and particular response at the next meeting of the Commissioners of -the United Colonies.” At the same time a fresh commission was issued -to Governor Eaton, though “with a _salvo jure_, allowing him to go -on with his plantation and trade in Delaware River,” accompanied by -a copy of the Massachusetts patent, which he desired “to show the -Swedish governor.” Certain merchants of Boston likewise obtained the -privilege of forming a company for traffic in the vicinity of a great -lake believed to be the chief source of the beaver trade, which was -supposed to lie near the headwaters of the Delaware; and, to carry out -their project, despatched a pinnace, well manned and laden, to that -river, with a commission “under the public seal,” and letters from the -Governor of Massachusetts to Kieft and Printz for liberty to pass their -strongholds. “This,” says Winthrop, “the Dutch promised” to concede, -though under “protest;” but “when they came to the Swedes, the fort -shot at them ere they came up,” obliging them to cast anchor, “and the -next morning the Lieutenant came aboard and forced them to fall lower -down.” On complaint to Governor Printz, the conduct of that officer -was repudiated, and instructions were sent to him from Tinicum not to -molest the expedition. All further progress was, however, checked by -the Dutch agent at Fort Nassau, who showed an order from his Governor -not to let them pass that place; and since neither Printz nor Kieft -would permit them to trade with the Indians, they returned home “with -loss of their voyage.” The letter which Printz addressed to Winthrop, -explaining his actions on this occasion, dated at Tinicum, June 29, -1644, is more amiable than truthful; for in the copy sent to the -authorities in Sweden the Governor qualifies his intimation that he -promoted the undertaking, with the statement that he took care that the -Dutch at Fort Nassau brought it to nought, since it was the purpose of -the persons who were engaged in it “to build a fort above the Swedish -post at Sankikan, to be armed with men and cannon, and appropriate -to themselves all the profits of the river.” Not less successful was -the opposition of the Governor to an attempt to invade his territory -by the English knight, Sir Edmund Plowden, who had recently come to -America to take possession, in virtue of a grant from King Charles I. -of England, of a large tract of land, in which New Sweden was included. -For though certain of the retainers of this so-styled “Earl Palatine -of New Albion,” who had mutinied and left their lord to perish on an -island, were apprehended at Fort Elfsborg in May, 1643, and courteously -surrendered to him by Printz, the latter refused to permit any -vessels trading under his commission to pass up the Delaware, and so -“affronted” Plowden that he finally abandoned the river.[921] - -The relations between the Swedes and Dutch were seemingly more -friendly. “Ever since I came here,” says Printz in his Report of 1644, -“the Hollanders have shown great amity, particularly their Director -at Manhattan, Willem Kieft, who writes to me very frequently, as he -has opportunity, telling the news from Sweden and Holland and other -countries of Europe; and though at the first he gave me to understand -that his West India Company laid claim to our river, on my replying to -him with the best arguments at my command, he has now for a long while -spared me those inflictions.” - -The Indians always exhibited the most amicable dispositions towards -the Swedes, partly no doubt through timidity, but at least equally -in consequence of the kind treatment habitually shown them by the -colonists of that nation. Still, in the spring of 1644, influenced, it -is presumed, by the example of their brethren in Virginia and Maryland -and the vicinity of Manhattan, who had recently been provoked to -fierce hostility against the Dutch and English, some of the savages -massacred two soldiers and a laborer between Christina and Elfsborg, -and a Swedish woman and her husband (an Englishman) between Tinicum -and Upland. Printz, however, immediately assembling his people at -Christina to defend themselves from further outrages, the natives “came -together,” says he, “from all sides, heartily apologizing for, and -denying all complicity in, the murderous deeds, and suing earnestly for -peace.” This was accorded them by the Governor, but “with the menace -of annihilation if the settlers were ever again molested.” Whereupon -a treaty was signed by the sachems, and ratified by the customary -interchange of presents, assuring tranquillity for the future and -restoring something of the previous mutual confidence.[922] - -During the six years now elapsed since the founding of New Sweden the -colonists were compelled to undergo the privations which inevitably -attend the first settlement of a wild and untitled country; and the -frequent scarcity of food and insufficiency of shelter, combined with -the novelty and uncertainty of the climate, and occasional seasons of -disease, had the usual effect of diminishing their numbers. Especially -fatal was the last summer, that of 1643, when no fewer than seventeen -(between six and seven per cent) of the male emigrants died, among -these being the Reverend Reorus Torkillus, the first pastor of the -colony. - -[Illustration] - -The need, therefore, for fresh recruits to take the places of those who -proved themselves unequal to the trials of their situation constantly -presented itself to the survivors, and ought, surely, to have been -appreciated by the authorities in Sweden. Nevertheless, the fifth -Swedish expedition to the Delaware, which arrived at Christina on -the “Fama,”[923] March 11, 1644, added very little to the numerical -strength of the settlement;[924] while, through the carelessness of the -agent at Gottenburg, some of the clothing and merchandise was shipped -in a damaged condition. - -[Illustration] - -The principal emigrant on this occasion was Johan Papegåja, who had -already been in New Sweden, and now returned, bearing letters of -recommendation to the Governor from his sovereign and from Peter Brahe, -President of the Royal Council, in consequence of which he was at once -appointed to the chief command at Fort Christina. He was likewise -accepted as a suitor for the hand of Printz’s daughter, Armgott, and -not long afterward became the Governor’s son-in-law. Brahe acknowledged -the receipt of Printz’s letter, before referred to, on the 18th of -August; and congratulating him on his safe arrival at the Delaware he -expresses the hope that he will “gain firm foothold there, and be able -to lay so good a foundation _in tam vasta terra septentrionali_, that -with God’s gracious favor the whole North American continent may in -time be brought to the knowledge of His Son, and become subject to the -crown of Sweden.” He particularly admonishes the Governor to cultivate -friendship with “the poor savages,” instructing them, and endeavoring -to convert them to Christianity. “Adorn,” says he, “your little church -and priest after the Swedish fashion, with the usual habiliments of the -altar, in distinction from the Hollanders and English, shunning all -leaven of Calvinism,” remembering that “outward ceremonial will not -the less move them than others to sentiments of piety and devotion.” -He likewise enjoins “the use of the Swedish language in spoken and -written discourse, in all its purity, without admixture of foreign -tongues. All rivers and streams, forests, and other places should -receive old Swedish names, to the exclusion of the nomenclature of -the Dutch, which,” he has heard, “is taking root. In fine,” he adds, -“let the manners and customs of the colony conform as closely as -possible to those of Sweden.” To Printz’s reply to this letter we are -indebted for the fullest account of the religious rites observed in -the settlement which has been preserved to us. “Divine service,” says -the Governor, “is performed here in the good old Swedish tongue, our -priest clothed in the vestments of the Mass on high festivals, solemn -prayer-days, Sundays, and Apostles’ days precisely as in old Sweden, -and differing in every respect from that of the sects around us. -Sermons are delivered Wednesdays and Fridays, and on all other days -prayers are offered in the morning and afternoon; and since this cannot -be done everywhere by our sole clergyman, I have appointed a lay-reader -for each place, to say prayers daily, morning and evening, and dispose -the people to godliness. All this,” he continues, “has long been -witnessed by the savages, some of whom we have had several days with -us, attempting to convert them; but they have watched their chance, -and invariably run off to rejoin their pagan brethren,”—a statement -not inconsistent with the testimony of Campanius, who admits that, -although his grandfather held many conversations with the Indians, and -translated the Swedish Lutheran catechism into their language[925] -for their instruction in Christian doctrine, no more definite result -was reached than to convince them of the relative superiority of the -religion thus expounded. - -In the course of three months a cargo was obtained for the return -voyage of the “Fama,” consisting of 2,142 beaver skins, 300 of which -were from the Schuylkill, and 20,467 pounds of tobacco, part being -bought in Virginia, while the rest was raised by the Swedes and their -English neighbors at Varkens Kil, Printz allowing a higher price -for this, to encourage the cultivation of the plant and to induce -immigration to New Sweden. The Governor also freighted the vessel with -7,300 pounds on his personal account. Five of the colonists embraced -this opportunity to go back to Sweden, among whom were Captain Boije, -the clergyman “Herr Israel,” and a barber-surgeon. The “Fama” set sail -on the 20th of June, and reached Europe in the autumn, but putting -into a Dutch harbor to revictual was detained there pending a long -controversy as to the payment of duty between Peter Spiring, then -Swedish Resident at the Hague, and the States-General, and did not -arrive at Gottenburg till May, 1645. - -At the date of Governor Printz’s second Report to the Swedish West -India Company, which was sent home by the “Fama,” the colonists in New -Sweden numbered ninety men, besides women and children. About half of -these were employed, at stipulated wages, in the discharge of various -civil and military functions on behalf of the Crown and Company. -The “freemen” (_frimännen_)—so called because they had settled in -the colony entirely of their own will, and might leave it at their -option—held land granted them in fee, temporarily not taxed, which -they cultivated for themselves, being aided also by the Company with -occasional gifts of money, food, and raiment. Persons who had been -compelled to immigrate, as elsewhere stated, in punishment for offences -committed by them in Sweden, were required to till ground reserved to -the Company, which fed and clothed them, or to perform other work, -at the discretion of the Governor, for a few years, when they were -admitted to the privileges of freemen, or assigned duty in the first -class above mentioned. - -In the autumn of 1644 a bark was sent by the merchants of Boston -to trade in the Delaware, which passed the winter near the English -plantation at Varkens Kil, and the following spring fell down the -bay, and in three weeks secured five hundred skins of the Indians on -the Maryland side. Just as the vessel was about to leave, she was -treacherously boarded by some of the savages, who rifled her of her -goods and sails, killing the master and three men, and taking two -prisoners, who were brought six weeks afterward to Governor Printz, and -were returned by him to New England. - -On the 25th of November, 1645, a grievous calamity befell the colony -in the burning of New Gottenburg, which was set on fire, between ten -and eleven o’clock at night, by a gunner, who was tried and sentenced -by Printz, and subsequently sent to Sweden for punishment. “The whole -place was consumed,” says the Governor, “in a single hour, nought -being rescued but the dairy;” the loss to the Company amounting to -four thousand riksdaler. “The people escaped, naked and destitute; but -the winter immediately setting in with great severity, and the river -and creeks freezing, they were cut off from communication with the -mainland,” and barely avoided starvation until relief arrived in March. -Printz continued, however, to reside at Tinicum, and soon rebuilt a -storehouse, to receive “provisions and cargoes to be sold on behalf of -the Company.” He also erected a church upon the island, “decorating -it,” says he, “so far as our resources would permit, after the Swedish -fashion,” which, with its adjoining burying-ground, was consecrated by -Campanius, Sept. 4, 1646. - -[Illustration] - -In the summer of the same year occurred the first outbreak of the -jealousy which had existed from the beginning between the Swedes and -Hollanders, however well it may have been concealed, especially during -the need of concerted action against their common rival the English. -On the 23d of June a sloop arrived at Fort Nassau with a cargo from -Manhattan, to trade with the Indians, and was directed by Andries -Hudde, the Dutch commissary who had succeeded Jan Jansen, “to go into -the Schuylkill.” She was immediately commanded by the Swedes to leave -the place,—an order which was repeated to Hudde, and reiterated the -next day by Campanius. The result was a conference between the Dutch -commissary and Commissary Huygen, Sergeant Van Dyck, and Carl Janson, -on behalf of Printz; which was followed on the 1st of July by so -menacing an admonition from the Governor, that Jurriaen Blanck the -supercargo, fearing his vessel and goods might be confiscated, felt -constrained to yield, and abandoned his enterprise. Soon afterward -Hudde was prevented from executing a commission of Director Kieft, to -search for minerals at Sankikan, through the opposition of the Indians, -prompted by a report of the warlike intentions of the Hollanders -circulated among the savages by Printz. And when, in September, -in obedience to instructions from Manhattan, the Dutch commissary -purchased from the natives land on the “west shore” of the Delaware, -“distant about one league to the north of Fort Nassau” (within the -limits of the present city of Philadelphia), and erected the arms of -his West India Company upon it, these were pulled down “in a hostile -manner,” on the 8th of October, by Commissary Huygen, and a protest -against his action was delivered to him on the 16th by Olof Stille and -Mans Slom, on the part of the Swedish governor. The latter likewise -forbade his people to have any dealings with the Hollanders, and -treated a counter-protest, sent to him by Hudde on the 23d, with such -contempt as effectually completed the rupture. - -It was now two years and three months since the “Fama” left the -Delaware, during the whole of which time no letters were received in -the colony either from Sweden or from Holland. This apparent neglect -of her offspring by the mother country was accounted for by Chancellor -Oxenstjerna through the occurrence of the war with Denmark, which -absorbed the attention of the Government and cost the life of Admiral -Fleming, who had been the chief administrator of the interests of the -settlement. Not until the 1st of October, 1646, did the sixth Swedish -expedition arrive in New Sweden, on the ship “Gyllene Hajen” (the -Golden Shark), after a tempestuous voyage of four months, in which the -vessel lost her sails, topmasts, and other rigging, and the crew almost -to a man fell sick. Few, if any, emigrants came out on this voyage; -but the cargo was valuable, comprising cloth, iron implements, and -other goods, which supplied the needs of the settlers, with something -to spare for sale in New England. Printz was also enabled to revive -his languishing trade with the Indians. He “immediately despatched -Commissary Hendrick Huygen, with Sergeant Gregorius van Dyck and eight -soldiers, to the country of the Minquas, distant five German miles, who -presented the savages with divers gifts, and induced them to agree to -traffic with the Swedes as formerly, particularly,” says the Governor, -“as the Commissary promised them higher prices than they could get from -the Hollanders.” On the 20th of February, 1647, the vessel sailed on -her return, carrying 24,177 pounds of tobacco, of which 6,920 pounds -were raised on the Delaware, while the rest was purchased elsewhere. -Lieutenant Papegåja went home in her, commissioned to execute some -private behests of the colonists, and to present the Governor’s third -Report to the Swedish West India Company. - -In the document referred to, dated at New Gottenburg the day “Gyllene -Hajen” left, Printz gives a very satisfactory account of the -settlement, which, he says, at that time numbered one hundred and -eighty-three souls. “The people,” he adds, “have always enjoyed good -health, only two men and two young children having died” since the -second Report. “Twenty-eight freemen were settled, and beginning to -prosper; many more being willing to follow their example if they could -be spared from the fortified posts.” Of these, Fort Elfsborg had been -considerably strengthened; Fort Christina, which was quite decayed, -repaired from top to bottom; and Fort Nya Korsholm, on the Schuylkill, -was nearly ready for use. This last was doubtless the structure called -by Campanius “Manaijung, Skörkilen,”[926]—“a fine little fort of logs, -filled in with sand and stones, and surrounded by palisades with sharp -points at the top.” “I have also built,” says Printz, “on the other -side of Korsholm, by the path of the Minquas, a fine house called -Wasa,[927] capable of defence against the savages by four or five -men; and seven stout freemen have settled there. And a quarter of a -mile farther up the same Indian highway I have erected another strong -house, settling five freemen in the vicinity,—this place receiving the -name of Mölndal, from a water-mill I have had constructed, which runs -the whole year, to the great advantage of the country; especially,” -adds he, “as the windmill, which was here before I came, was good for -nothing, and never would work.” Both of these posts the natives were -obliged to pass in going to Fort Nassau; and the Swedish governor -hoped, by storing them with merchandise for barter, to intercept the -traffic with the Dutch. Printz insists upon the need of getting rid -of the latter, accusing them of ruining his trade, and supplying the -savages with ammunition, and inciting them against the Swedes. “The -English Puritans,” he continues, “who gave me a great deal of trouble -at first, I have been able finally to drive away; and for a long time -have heard nothing from them, except that last year Captain Clerk, -through his agent from New England, attempted to settle some hundred -families here under our flag, which I civilly declined to permit -until further instructed in the matter by her Majesty.” The Governor -earnestly solicits the sending of more people from Sweden, particularly -“families to cultivate the country,” artisans and soldiers, “and, above -all, unmarried women as wives for the unmarried freemen and others.” -He likewise mentions the names of several officers who wished to be -allowed to return home, and desires himself to be relieved, especially -as he had been in New Sweden more than a year and a half beyond the -term agreed upon. - -Printz’s Report and Papegåja’s representations seem to have hastened -the sending of another vessel to the Delaware, for on the 25th of -September, 1647, the seventh expedition sailed from Gottenburg on -“Svanen,” Captain Steffen Willemsen. Papegåja returned on the ship, -bearing a letter of commendation from Queen Christina to Governor -Printz, promising to consider a request of the latter for augmentation -of his salary and a grant of “seventy farms,”[928] but requiring him to -remain in the colony until his place could be supplied. - -A great deal of the ammunition asked for by the Governor was sent out -on this vessel, but very few emigrants,[929]—a circumstance which was -explained, in a communication from Chancellor Oxenstjerna in reply to -Printz’s Report, by the near approach of winter. Action was likewise -taken some months later by the Crown making good the deficiency of -the South Company through payment of the salaries of its officers in -New Sweden,—a burden which had been temporarily assumed by it in -consequence of the misappropriations, as well as insufficiency, of the -tobacco excises which had been granted towards that object by statute -of the 30th of August, 1642. And by the same royal letter, dated Jan. -20, 1648, merchandise coming from Holland for transportation to New -Sweden was freed from duty, as also tobacco and furs which arrived in -the kingdom from the colony. On the 16th of the following May “Svanen” -set out again from the Delaware, and after a remarkably quick voyage -arrived on the 3d of July at Stockholm. The clergyman Johan Campanius -Holm returned in her, and Lieutenant Papegåja wrote to Chancellor -Oxenstjerna, begging the favor of a position in Sweden, since the -people in New Sweden were too inconsiderable for him to be of any -service to the company where he was, and “the country was troublesome -to defend, both on account of the savages and of the Christians, who -inflict upon us,” says he, “every kind of injury.” - -[Illustration] - -This complaint is evidently directed against the Hollanders, who -now began to strengthen their position on the Delaware. Willem -Kieft, so amiably pacific in his comportment towards the Swedes, was -superseded in the government of New Netherland in May, 1647, by Peter -Stuyvesant,—a man of arbitrary and warlike character, who declared -it to be his intention to regard as Dutch territory not only New -Sweden, but all land between Cape Henlopen and Cape Cod. Meanwhile, -Governor Printz persisted in a haughty demeanor towards the Dutch, -continuing to impede or prevent their navigation of the “South -River,” and he is charged with inciting suspicion of his rivals among -both Indians and Christians,—actions which were protested against -by Stuyvesant, to whom the Swedish governor made a reply which was -transmitted to Manhattan by Commissary Hudde in December. During the -winter Printz collected a great quantity of logs for the purpose of -erecting more buildings at the Schuylkill; and when in the spring -Hudde, instigated by the natives, constructed a fort called Beversrede -at Passajung, Lieutenant Kling opposed the work, and ordered his men, -some twenty-four in number, to cut down the trees around the spot. -On news of this, and in consequence of a complaint of the Directors -of the Dutch West India Company that the limits between the Swedes, -English, and Hollanders were still unsettled, Councillors Lubbertus van -Dincklagen and Johannes la Montagne, despatched by Stuyvesant on that -mission in June, procured from the natives confirmation of a grant of -land on the Schuylkill made to Arendt Corssen on behalf of the Dutch -in 1633, and, visiting New Gottenburg, protested before the Governor -against the actions of the Swedes. No attention was paid to this, -however, and houses which two Dutchmen immediately began to build upon -the tract were destroyed by Printz’s son (Gustaf Printz) and Sergeant -Van Dyck. In September the Governor caused a house to be built within a -dozen feet of Fort Beversrede, and directly between it and the river, -while Lieutenant Sven Schute prevented the construction of houses by -the Hollanders in November. Another Dutchman obtained permission from -Director-General Stuyvesant to settle on the east side of the Delaware, -at Mantaes Hoeck (near the present Mantua Creek, New Jersey), and -solicited the aid of Governor Printz in carrying out his purpose. This -was promised him, provided he acknowledged the jurisdiction of that -officer; but, fearing some advantage might be taken of the concession -by the Hollanders, Printz immediately bought from the Indians the land -between this place and Narraticons Kil, which constituted the northern -boundary of the purchase of Governor Hollender, and erected the Swedish -arms upon it. According to Hudde, the Governor of New Sweden likewise -endeavored to acquire from the natives territory about Fort Nassau, -more completely to isolate that place from intercourse with Manhattan, -but was anticipated by the Dutch, who secured it for themselves in -April, 1649. - -[Illustration] - -Meanwhile, in the mother country an expedition was preparing, which -but for its untimely fate would have furnished the colony with such -ample means of security and self-defence as might very probably have -postponed or even altogether prevented the ultimate subjugation of the -latter by the Hollanders. On the 24th of March, 1649, Queen Christina -issued orders to the College of the Admiralty to equip the “Kalmar -Nyckel,” then lying at Gottenburg, for the projected voyage across the -ocean; and finding it would take too long to get her ready, on the 13th -of April her Majesty authorized the substitution of the ship “Kattan” -(the Cat), under the command of Captain Cornelius Lucifer. A certain -Hans Amundson Besk was appointed leader of this, the eighth, Swedish -expedition to New Sweden, which comprised his wife and five children, -and sixty-three other emigrants, including a clergyman, clerk, and -barber-surgeon, many mechanics, and some soldiers, with sixteen -unmarried women, designed no doubt as wives for the earlier settlers. -The fact that three hundred Finns applied for the privilege of joining -the party showed there was no lack of voluntary colonists. The cargo -embraced implements of every sort, and a large quantity of the -materials of war,—“two six-pounder brass cannon, two three-pounder, -twelve six-pounder, and two four-pounder iron cannon, powder, lead, -grenades, muskets, pistols,” and so forth, besides rigging for a ship -to be built on the Delaware. The vessel sailed on the 3d of July from -Gottenburg, and arrived in safety at the West Indies, where, through -the carelessness of the captain, on the 26th of August she struck a -rock near an island fourteen miles from Porto Rico. When ready to set -out afresh, the emigrants were pillaged by the inhabitants, who were -Spaniards, and were taken to the latter place, where certain of them -permanently settled, while others contrived in the course of one or two -years to get back to Sweden. Eighteen, only, determined to continue -their voyage to the Delaware, leaving Porto Rico with that intention -in a little bark which they were able to purchase, May 1, 1651. They -were seized the very next day, however, by a frigate, which carried -them to Santa Cruz, then in the possession of France, where they were -most barbarously treated by the Governor and his people. In a few weeks -all died but five, who were taken off by a Dutch vessel, of whom a -single survivor finally reached Holland. Commander Amundson and his -family were sent by the Governor of Porto Rico to Spain, where they -arrived in July of the same year, and whence they afterward proceeded -to Amsterdam, and at last returned to Sweden. - -This expedition, therefore, effected nothing for the colonists on the -Delaware, who must have been greatly depressed by the news of its -calamities. This reached them, through a letter of Director-General -Stuyvesant to Commissary Hudde, on the 6th of August, 1650 (N. -S.).[930] Printz immediately wrote by a Dutch vessel to Peter Brahe, -referring to the report, and giving some account of the settlement -since the departure of “Svanen,” two years and three months before. -“Most of the people,” says he, “are alive and well. They are generally -supplied with oxen and cattle, and cultivate the land with assiduity, -sowing rye and barley, and planting orchards of delicious fruit, and -would do better if all had wives and servants. Last year the crops -were particularly excellent, our freemen having a hundred tuns of -grain to sell. In short, the governor who relieves me will find his -position as good as any similar one in Sweden. I have taken possession -of the best places, and still hold them. Notwithstanding repeated acts -and protests of the Dutch, nothing whatever has been accomplished -by them; and where, on several occasions, they attempted to build -within our boundaries, I at once threw down their work: so that, if -the new governor brings enough people with him, they will very soon -grow weary and disgusted, like the Puritans, who were most violent at -first, but now leave us entirely in peace. This year, however, they -had all the trade, since we received no cargoes; and so long as this -is the case we must entertain some fear of the savages, although as -yet we have experienced no hostility from them.” Further details as -to the condition of the colony were to be orally communicated to the -authorities in Sweden by Lieutenant Sven Schute, who was sent home -for that purpose. Printz earnestly renewed his appeal to be released, -urging his age and great feebleness, and recalling the services he had -rendered to his country during the past thirty years. - -So determined had been the opposition of the Governor to the -encroachments of the Hollanders, that the Directors of the Dutch West -India Company now began to think of applying to Queen Christina for -a settlement of limits between the rival jurisdictions,—a purpose -they communicated to the Director-General of New Netherland in a -letter of the 21st of March, 1651, meantime requiring him, however, -to “endeavor to maintain the rights of the Company in all justice and -equity.” In accordance with these instructions, and in consequence, it -is likely, of Printz’s fresh interference in the spring with operations -of the Dutch in the neighborhood of Fort Beversrede and on an island -in the Schuylkill, the energetic Stuyvesant despatched “a ship, well -manned and equipped with cannon,” from New Amsterdam, which made her -appearance at the mouth of the Delaware on the 8th of the following -May, and “dropping anchor half a (Swedish) mile below Fort Christina, -closed the river to navigation of all vessels, large and small.” - -[Illustration: VISSCHER’S MAP, 1651. - -This is an extract from Visscher’s map as given by Campanius, and the -date is fixed from the presence on it of Fort Casimir (built that year) -and Fort Elfsborg (abandoned that year). The name above the latter one -is a manuscript addition in the copy used in the reproduction. It is -also reproduced in Dr. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 43.] - -She was, to be sure, soon forced to withdraw by an armed yacht made -ready by Printz; but her captain sending tidings of his situation -to Manhattan, on the 25th of June Stuyvesant himself came overland, -with a hundred and twenty men, being joined at Fort Nassau by eleven -sail (including four well-furnished ships), and after proceeding up -and down the river several times, with demonstrations of hostility, -finally landed two hundred of his soldiers at a place on the west -bank between Forts Christina and Elfsborg, called Sandhoeck (near New -Castle, Delaware), where he built a small fort, to which he gave the -name of Casimir. He likewise cut down the Swedish boundary posts, -and sought by threats to compel the freemen to acknowledge the rule -of the Hollanders. Abandoning and razing Fort Nassau, because of its -less convenient position (too far up the stream), he stationed two -men-of-war at his new fort, and collected toll of foreign vessels, even -plundering and detaining several Virginia barques on account of duty -demanded on their traffic in New Sweden for the previous four years. -Printz was not strong enough to resist these acts by force; but when -the Dutch director-general found some Indians ready to deny the rights -of the Swedes, and even to undertake to sell to him the territory -which he had seized, the Governor held a meeting on the 3d of July at -Elfsborg with the heirs of the sachem who had conveyed to Governor -Minuit the land between Christina and Bomtiens Udden, embracing the -site of Fort Casimir, and obtained a confirmation of that grant, with -a denial of the title of the savages who disposed of it to Stuyvesant. -A protest was addressed to the latter from New Gottenburg on the 8th, -claiming this region as well as that above Christina to Sankikan, -and appealing for observance of “the praiseworthy alliance between -her Royal Majesty of Sweden and the High and Mighty States-General.” -Similar conferences were likewise held at New Gottenburg on the 13th -and the 16th of the same month, resulting in still more explicit -recognition, on the part of the natives, of the right of the Swedes -to the territory on the Delaware; but neither this action of the -savages nor a personal visit of Printz produced any effect on the -Dutch director-general, although, it is said, at his departure the -rival governors mutually promised to maintain “neighborly friendship -and correspondence,” and to “refrain from hostile or vexatious deeds -against each other.” The Governor of New Sweden related these events in -letters of the 1st of August to Chancellor Oxenstjerna and Councillor -Brahe, saying that he had been obliged to abandon all save his three -principal posts (New Gottenburg, Nya Korsholm, and Christina), which -he had strengthened and reinforced. In other respects the colony -had prospered, reaping “very fine harvests at all the settlements, -besides obtaining delicious crops of several kinds of fruit” that -year. “Nothing is needed,” he adds, “but a much larger emigration of -people, both soldiers and farmers, whom the country is now amply able -to sustain.” - -Although the Director-General of New Netherland had informed Printz -that his invasion of New Sweden was authorized by the States of -Holland, this was not precisely true; and the Directors of the Dutch -West India Company, in a letter of the 4th of April, 1652, expressed -considerable surprise at the boldness of his action, fearing it might -be resented by her Swedish Majesty. The subject was, in fact, discussed -by the Royal Council of Sweden on the 18th of March, when “the Queen -declared it to be her opinion that redress might fairly be required -of the States-General, and the Chancellor of the Kingdom deemed the -question well worthy of deliberation.” Two days before, also, a -consultation was held on the condition of New Sweden, at which were -present, by special summons, Postmaster-General Beier (who, since the -death of Admiral Fleming, acted as superintendent of the enterprise -in Sweden), the book-keeper Hans Kramer (a zealous co-operator in the -work), Henrik Gerdtson (only known as having been a resident of New -Netherland), the assessor in the College of Commerce, and finally -Lieutenant Schute, who gave a good report of the colony and the -resources of the country, and attested the need of a greater number -of emigrants. Of these, it was stated, plenty could be found “willing -to go forth and settle;” and, in accordance with the judgment of the -Queen and the sentiments of her Chancellor, it was resolved to commit -the undertaking for the future to the care of the College of Commerce, -and to order the Admiralty to prepare a vessel for another expedition -to the Delaware. A few days later a ship was designated by her Majesty, -namely, “Svanen,” but more than a whole year elapsed before the final -execution of the project. - -[Illustration] - -The situation of the colony, meanwhile, awakened great anxiety in -the mind of the Governor. Not since the arrival of “Svanen,” between -four and five years before, had any message or letter been received -from Sweden, and the emigrants naturally began to fear that they -had been abandoned by their sovereign. Some of them, therefore, -left the country, while others were disposed to do so on a more -favorable opportunity. According to a letter from Printz to Chancellor -Oxenstjerna, dated Aug. 30, 1652, forty Dutch families had settled -on the east side of the Delaware, although, like the rest of their -compatriots in New Sweden, they were miserably provided for the pursuit -of agriculture, and could only sustain themselves by traffic with -the savages. In the latter particular, however, both Hollanders and -English had great advantages over the Swedes, who having no cargoes of -their own were forced to buy merchandise for barter of their rivals at -double prices, or entirely lose their trade. This year, unfortunately, -“the water spoiled the grain;” still, says Printz, the country “was -in tolerably good condition, the freemen, with their cattle and other -possessions, doing well, and the principal places being occupied and -fortified as usual.” A vessel also had been built, of ninety or a -hundred läster,[931] and was only waiting for sails and rigging, and -some cannon, which cost too dear to purchase there. On the 26th of -April, 1653, the Governor again wrote to the Chancellor, saying,— - - “The people yet living and remaining in New Sweden, men, women, and - children, number altogether two hundred souls. The settled families do - well, and are supplied with cattle. The country yields a fair revenue. - Still the soldiers and others in the Company’s service enjoy but a - very mean subsistence, and consequently seek opportunity every day - to get away, whether with or without leave, having no expectation of - any release, as it is now five years and a half since a letter was - received from home. The English trade, from which we used to obtain a - good support, is at an end, on account of the war with Holland; while - the fur-trade yields no profit, particularly now that hostilities - have broken out between the Arrigahaga and Susquehanna Indians, from - whom the beavers were procured. The Hollanders have quit all their - places on the river except Fort Casimir, where they have settled about - twenty-six families. To attempt anything against them with our present - resources, however, would be of no avail. More people must be sent - over from Sweden, or all the money and labor hitherto expended on this - undertaking, so well begun, is wasted. We have always been on peaceful - terms with the natives so long as our cargoes lasted, but whenever - these gave out their friendship has cooled; for which reason, as well - as for the sustenance of our colonists, we have been compelled to - purchase a small cargo, by drawing a bill to be paid in Holland, which - we expect to discharge by bartering half of the goods for tobacco.” - -Finally, on the 14th of July, Governor Printz wrote once more to -Brahe concerning a speculation of the Dutch and English for supplying -tobacco for Sweden, through the aid of a Virginia merchant sailing -under a Swedish commission; and, to give further weight to his appeals -on behalf of the colony, he sent home his son, Gustaf Printz, who -had been a lieutenant in the settlement since 1648. The situation -of the emigrants did not improve during the summer; and nothing yet -being heard from Sweden, the Governor felt he could wait no longer, -and determined to leave the country. When this resolution became -known, some of the Swedes were inclined to remove to Manhattan and -put themselves under the protection of Stuyvesant; but being refused -permission by the Director-General until instructions should come from -Holland, they seem to have abandoned the project. Before taking his -departure, Printz promised the inhabitants that he would either himself -return in ten months or send back a vessel and cargo, and appointed -in his place, as Vice-Governor of the Colony, his son-in-law Johan -Papegåja. In company with his wife and Hendrick Huygen, and some others -of the settlers, he left the Delaware in the beginning of October, and, -crossing the ocean in a Dutch vessel, by the 1st of December reached -Rochelle, from whence he went to Holland early in 1654, and in April of -that year at last arrived in Sweden. - -[Illustration] - -The reiterated appeals of Governor Printz to his superiors had begun -at length to produce their effect, and Aug. 13, 1653, Queen Christina -ordered the Admiralty to equip the ship “Vismar” for the expedition to -New Sweden which had been projected (and for which “Svanen” had been -selected) the previous year. Three hundred persons were to take part in -it, and rigging was to be procured for the vessel which had been built -on the Delaware. The same day, also, the College of War was enjoined -to supply ammunition for the defence of the settlement. The College of -Commerce, which was now fully organized, had, by her Majesty’s desire, -assumed the direction of the colony, and the honor of restoring and -actively conducting its affairs belongs to the President of that -College, Erik, son of Axel, Oxenstjerna. - -[Illustration] - -On the 25th of August Sven Schute was commanded to enrol fifty soldiers -as emigrants, preferring such as possessed mechanical skill, sending -them to Stockholm, besides two hundred and fifty persons, including -some women, to be obtained in the forests of Värmland and Dal. Instead -of the “Vismar,” the ship “Örnen” (the Eagle) was supplied by the -Admiralty, which was ready to receive her cargo by autumn, and was -put under the command of Johan Bockhorn, the mate of the ill-fated -“Kattan;” while the West India Company fitted out “Gyllene Hajen,” -which had borne the sixth expedition to New Sweden, to be commanded -by Hans Amundson, who, as Captain of the Navy, was to superintend the -construction of vessels and have charge of the defences of the colony. -Schute was to accompany the expedition as “Captain in the country, and -particularly over the emigrants to be sent out on ‘Örnen,’” both he and -Amundson having been granted patents for land on the Delaware.[932] - -[Illustration] - -Not aware that Printz had already left New Sweden, the Queen wrote a -letter, December 12, permitting him to come home, but deprecating his -doing so until arrangements could be made in regard to his successor; -and the same day Johan Claesson Rising, the Secretary of the College -of Commerce, was appointed Commissary and Assistant-Councillor to the -Governor, at an annual salary of twelve hundred daler-silfver, besides -receiving fifteen hundred daler-silfver for the expenses of his voyage, -with the privilege of resuming his position in the College if he -returned to Sweden. - -[Illustration] - -He was also granted as much land in New Sweden as he could cultivate -with twenty or thirty peasants, and received a Memoir from his -sovereign, as well as Instructions from the College of Commerce, in -twenty-four articles, signed by Erik Oxenstjerna and Christer Bonde on -the 15th, prescribing his duties in the colony. He was to aid Printz -in the administration of justice and the promotion of agriculture, -trade, fishing, and so forth; and to endeavor to extend the settlement, -encouraging the immigration of worthy neighbors of other nations. The -Dutch were to be peacefully removed from Fort Casimir and the vicinity, -if possible, care being taken that the English did not obtain a -foothold on the Delaware; and a fort might be built, if needed, at the -mouth of the river. On the way to America another commission was to be -executed by Captain Amundson, in obtaining from the Spaniards at Porto -Rico compensation for “Kattan.” - -[Illustration] - -The final preparations for the departure of the ninth expedition to -New Sweden were made under the directions of the book-keeper Hans -Kramer, in Stockholm, and Admiral Thijssen Anckerhelm at Gottenburg, -where “Örnen” remained for several months awaiting the arrival of -“Gyllene Hajen” from the capital. This did not occur, however, until -the close of January, 1654; and the ship having met with such disasters -at Öresund as necessitated her stopping for repairs before she could -continue her journey, “Örnen” was forced to sail alone. On the 27th of -that month the emigrants, numbering (with women and children) three -hundred and fifty souls, swore allegiance to their sovereign and to the -West India Company, and on February 2 weighed anchor for the Delaware. -No fewer than a hundred families, who had sold all their property in -expectation of uniting in the expedition, were obliged to stay behind -for lack of room. Besides Commissary Rising and Captain Schute, Elias -Gyllengren, who had accompanied Governor Printz to New Sweden, sailed -on this vessel, with the commission of lieutenant. - -[Illustration] - -Two Lutheran clergymen, Petrus Hjort and Matthias Nertunius, the -latter of whom had embarked on the unfortunate “Kattan,” and Peter -Lindström, a military engineer, from whose letters, journal, and maps -we derive much information concerning the Swedish colony, likewise -were of the company. After a very adventurous voyage, during which -half of the travellers fell sick, and the ship was dismantled by a -violent hurricane, and nearly captured by the Turks, “Örnen” arrived -on the 18th of May in Delaware Bay, and two days afterward at Fort -Elfsborg, now deserted and in ruins. On the 21st she cast anchor -off Fort Casimir, then in charge of Gerrit Bikker and a dozen Dutch -soldiers. Although in the general instructions of his superiors Rising -was cautioned against engaging in hostilities with the Hollanders, -such was not the personal counsel of Axel Oxenstjerna; and a letter -of Erik Oxenstjerna, dated Jan. 18, 1654, expresses the opinion that -the present was “an opportunity for action which it were culpable -to neglect.” This probably accounts for the energy exhibited by the -Commissary in inaugurating his administration of the affairs of the -colony; for, immediately on reaching the Dutch post, he sent Captain -Schute with twenty soldiers to demand the surrender of the garrison. -Not receiving a satisfactory reply, the Captain ordered Lieutenant -Gyllengren to enter the place, where the latter soon triumphantly -displayed the Swedish flag. The stronghold was named anew from the day -of its capture (Trinity Sunday), Trefaldighets Fort (Trinity Fort). The -next day “Örnen” sailed up to Christina, and on the 23d the inhabitants -of that region assembled to hear the commands of their sovereign, and -the Dutch settlers who were permitted to remain on the Delaware took -the oath of fealty to Sweden,—an act which, with the surrender of Fort -Casimir, was at once reported in a letter from Rising to Stuyvesant. - -[Illustration: TRINITY FORT. - -This follows the sketch given in Campanius, p. 76, copied from -Lindström.] - -A meeting of the rest of the people for the same object was held at -Tinicum on the 4th of June. Since the departure of Governor Printz -the colonists had been greatly reduced in numbers through desertion -and other causes, and Fort Nya Korsholm had been abandoned, and had -afterwards been burned by the savages. Lieutenant Papegåja, therefore, -cheerfully resigned the responsibility of the government to Commissary -Rising, who retained him, however, as his counsellor, in conjunction -with Captain Schute. - -The new Governor spent several days in visiting the various settlements -on the river, in company with Engineer Lindström, and on the 17th of -June concluded a treaty of peace and friendship with the Indians, -represented by ten of their sachems, at a council at Printzhof. The -day after, “Lawrence Lloyd, the English commandant of Virginia,” -took supper with Rising, and intimated the claim made by his nation -to the Delaware, referring especially to the grant to Plowden, -already spoken of. The Swedes defended their title to the territory -by an appeal to the donations and concessions of the natives. The -Virginians subsequently desiring to buy land and settle it with -colonists, Rising, remembering the encroachments of the Puritans in -New Netherland, felt constrained to deny their request until special -instructions on the subject should be received from Sweden. On the -other hand, an open letter was addressed by the Governor, July 3, to -all Swedes who had gone to Virginia, inviting them to return to the -Delaware, and promising that they should then be granted permission -to betake themselves wherever they wished. On the 8th of the same -month still further recognition of the Swedish dominion over the west -shore of the river, from Fort Trinity to the Schuylkill, was obtained -from two Indian chieftains, who met Rising for that purpose at Fort -Christina. The relations with New England at this period were quite -friendly, and a shallop was despatched thither, under the charge of -Jacob Svenson, to procure a larger supply of food. At the same time -an “Ordinance” was promulgated, determining many details “concerning -the people, land, agriculture, woods, and cattle,” designed to promote -the internal welfare of the colony. The progress made during the first -two months of Governor Rising’s administration was very satisfactory; -and hopeful letters were addressed by him, July 11 and 13, to Erik -and Axel Oxenstjerna, respectively, and a full Report of measures -recommended and adopted, bearing the latter date, was rendered to the -College of Commerce. “For myself,” says the Governor, “thank God, -I am very contented. There is four times more ground occupied at -present than when we arrived, and the country is better peopled; for -then we found only seventy persons, and now, including the Hollanders -and others, there are three hundred and sixty-eight.” Some of the -old freemen, induced by the immunity from taxation which had been -accorded to persons who occupied new land, requested fresh allotments. -These relinquished ground already cleared, which was purchased for -the Company and settled with young freemen, who were supplied with -seed and cattle, subject to an equal division with the Company of the -offspring and of the crops. Rising also deemed it advisable to found a -little town of artisans and mechanics, and for that purpose selected -a field near Fort Christina, which Lindström laid out in lots, naming -the place Christinahamn (Christina Haven), where he proposed “to build -houses in the autumn;” and among sites for cities and villages he -mentions Sandhoeck, or Trinity, where about twenty-two houses had been -erected by the Hollanders. The Dutch fort at the latter spot, which -he had captured, was reconstructed by Captain Schute, who armed it -with four fourteen-pounder cannon taken from “Örnen.” In accordance -with the permission granted, Rising selected for himself a piece of -“uncleared land below Fort Trinity;” and since this was rather remote -from his place of residence, Christina, he requested the privilege of -cultivating “Timmerön (Timber Island), with the land to Skölpaddkilen -(Tortoise-shell Creek).” - -“Örnen” sailed from New Sweden in July, carrying home some of the -older colonists, with Lieutenant Papegåja, who was deputed to give -further information about the condition of the settlement. It was -impossible to provide the vessel with a sufficient cargo, but Rising -shipped some tobacco, which he had purchased in Virginia, to be sold on -his private account in Sweden. - -[Illustration] - -We now know that news of Printz’s departure from the Delaware was -received soon after “Örnen” had left Gottenburg for America; and -on the 28th of February, 1654, Queen Christina commissioned Rising -as temporary Governor of New Sweden. By the same royal letter Hans -Amundson was removed from the supervision of “the defence of the -land and the forts,” and this duty was intrusted to Sven Schute, in -unwitting anticipation of a request in Rising’s report of the following -July. In consequence of incapacity exhibited on the voyage of “Gyllene -Hajen” from Stockholm to Gottenburg, he was likewise replaced in the -command of his vessel on the 4th of March, by Sven Höök, subject to the -superior orders of Henrich von Elswich, of Lübeck, who was deputed to -succeed Huygen as commissary in the colony, taking care of the cargoes -and funds, and keeping the books of the Company. - -[Illustration] - -In the hope of further developing the growth of the settlement, on the -16th of the same month Queen Christina granted a “_privilegium_ for -those who buy land or traffic in New Sweden or the West Indies,” in -accordance with which, whoever purchased ground of the Company or of -the Indians, with recognition of the jurisdiction of her Majesty was -assured allodial enfranchisement for himself and his heirs forever; -while subjects who exported goods which had already paid duty in the -kingdom or dependencies of Sweden, should be free from all imposts -on the Delaware, and were required to pay only two per cent (and -nothing in Sweden) on what they exported from that river. On the 15th -of April “Gyllene Hajen” was at last able to leave Gottenburg, with -a number of emigrants and a quantity of merchandise, and arrived at -Porto Rico on the 30th of June. Commissary Elswich was kindly received -by the Spanish governor of the island, Don Diego Aquilera, and on -presenting letters from his Catholic Majesty and Antonio de Pimentelli, -the Spanish ambassador to Sweden, with his claim for damages for -“Kattan,” he was offered 14,030 Spanish dollars as compensation from -the Governor, but not deeming that sum sufficient declined to accept -it, in view of the good-will of the Spaniards and the prospect of more -satisfactory negotiations on the subject in the future. Amundson, -who had been permitted to accompany the expedition with his family, -to press his personal demands at Porto Rico, and settle as a private -individual upon the Delaware, died on the 2d of July, and was buried -on the island. The ship continued her voyage in August, and arrived off -the continent September 12, when, either through the rashness or the -malice of the mate, she was conducted into a bay, believed to be the -Delaware, which was in fact the present New York harbor,—an error not -discovered till she had reached Manhattan. So favorable an opportunity -to retaliate the seizure of Fort Casimir by the Swedish governor -was not suffered to pass unimproved by the energetic Stuyvesant, -who detained the vessel and cargo, and on the refusal of Rising to -visit New Amsterdam, or restore or pay for the Dutch fort, the Dutch -governor confiscated the goods, and equipped “Gyllene Hajen,” under the -name of “Diemen,” for the Curaçoa trade, in the service of his West -India Company. Most of the emigrants remained in New Netherland; and -Commissary Elswich, who vainly protested against such hostile actions, -did not arrive at the Delaware until the close of November. - -On the occasion of the English Minister Whitelocke’s embassy to Sweden, -in May, 1654, a convention was adopted for the observance of friendship -between New Sweden and the English colonies in America, and for the -adjustment of their boundaries. Probably in ignorance of this, during -the ensuing summer the colonists of New Haven renewed their project of -forming a settlement on the Delaware. By order of the General Court of -July 5, Governor Theophilus Eaton addressed a letter on the subject to -Governor Rising, to which the latter replied August 1, affirming the -right of his sovereign to “all the lands on both sides Delaware Bay and -River,” and referring to “a conference or treaty before Mr. Endicott, -wherein New Haven’s right was silenced or suppressed.” This was deemed -unsatisfactory by the Commissioners of the United Colonies, to whom -the letters were submitted by Governor Eaton on the 23d of September, -and the same day another letter was written by these gentlemen to the -Governor of New Sweden, reciting their purchases of land from the -Indians, and desiring explanations. These communications being read at -a General Court at New Haven on the 2d of November, a committee was -appointed to receive applications from persons willing to emigrate, -a company of whom appealed to the Court for aid in their enterprise -on the 30th of the following January. This was readily accorded, and -one of the number visited the Delaware to ascertain the sentiment of -the people residing there; but returning in March, announced “little -encouragement in the Bay,” while “a report of three ships being come to -the Swedes seemed to make the business more difficult.” Although the -undertaking was favored by the town of New Haven both then and during -April, no attempt appears to have been made to carry it on. - -During the summer of 1654 occurred the abdication of Queen Christina -and the death of her aged Chancellor, Axel Oxenstjerna; but these -events entailed no diminution of interest on the part of Sweden in -the welfare of her colony in America. Observing that the partners in -the West India Company “had not entered into their work with proper -zeal,” on the 23d of December King Charles X. (Gustavus) instructed -the College of Commerce “to admonish them to do their duty, under -penalty of forfeiting their share of future profits,” and for their -encouragement renewed the privilege of the monopoly of the tobacco -trade in Sweden and her dependencies, which had been withdrawn Oct. 25, -1649. - -[Illustration] - -In April, 1655, members of the Company, including Johan Oxenstjerna, -son of the late chancellor, and Jöran Fleming, son of the late admiral, -were summoned before the College of Commerce, now presided over by -Olof Andersson Strömsköld, who at the same time became Director of the -Company, to decide “whether they would contribute the capital needed -to carry on the enterprise, or relinquish their pretensions.” The -associates not relishing the latter alternative, the resolution was -taken to disburse the last of their funds, and to try to induce other -persons to join them in their work. - -[Illustration] - -It was even proposed to form a new company, enjoying proprietorship of -the land subject to the Crown of Sweden, with increased privileges and -immunities,—the scheme for this (dated in May) being still preserved -in the Archives of the kingdom, although it does not seem to have been -adopted, since it lacks the royal signature, and is not comprised in -the registry. On the 30th of July Johan Rising was commissioned by -the College of Commerce “Commandant” in New Sweden,—the budget for -1655 also embracing a captain, a lieutenant, an ensign, a sergeant, -two gunners, a corporal, a drummer, and thirty-six soldiers, a -provost, and an executioner, with three clergymen, a commissary, an -assistant-commissary, a fiscal, a barber-surgeon, and an engineer, -at an annual expense of 4,404 riksdaler for the colony. In addition, -certain employés were occupied in Stockholm, at a charge of 834 -riksdaler. The Company likewise succeeded in fitting out the tenth -and last Swedish expedition to the Delaware, under the command of -the former Commissary, Hendrick Huygen, including Johan Papegåja, a -Lutheran minister called Herr Matthias, six Finnish families from -Värmland, and other emigrants, numbering in all eighty-eight souls, a -hundred more being turned away for want of room. The vessel selected -on this occasion was the “Mercurius,” which was ready to receive her -cargo, consisting chiefly of linen and woollen stuffs and salt, in -July, but was obliged to wait for cannon and ammunition, and did not -sail from Gottenburg until the 16th of October. She bore a letter to -Rising promising that another ship should very soon follow. - -The efforts of the last two years to strengthen the Swedish dominion -on the Delaware were certainly sufficiently earnest to merit success; -but they were made too late. Their inadequacy to the present extremity -rather hastened the bursting of the storm which engulfed the political -destiny of the settlement. The Dutch West India Company had never -entirely abandoned their claim to jurisdiction over the shores of the -“South River,” and in April, 1654, apparently apprehending danger -from the expedition under Rising, determined to occupy Fort Casimir -with a force of two hundred men, who had been enlisted for service in -New Netherland against the English,—a duty for which they were not -needed, in consequence of the recent conclusion of peace. The surrender -of this fort by Bikker was severely censured by the Directors, -who addressed letters to Stuyvesant, in November, authorizing and -urging the immediate undertaking of an expedition projected by him, -“to avenge this misfortune, not only by restoring matters to their -former condition, but also by driving the Swedes at the same time -from the river.” Documents were likewise called for, to be sent -to Holland, confirmatory of the claim of the Dutch company to the -territory on the Delaware, in anticipation, doubtless, of diplomatic -controversies likely to arise between the governments of Sweden and the -States-General. Before the receipt of these communications, however, -Stuyvesant had gone on a voyage to the West Indies, whence he did not -return to New Amsterdam until the middle of the following summer. -Meanwhile the Dutch Directors wrote to him approving of his seizure -of “Gyllene Hajen,” and informing him that they had chartered “one of -the largest and best ships” of Amsterdam, carrying thirty-six guns and -two hundred men, to unite in the enterprise against New Sweden, which -was to be undertaken by the authorities of New Netherland immediately -on her arrival, in view of the “great preparations making in Sweden -to assist their countrymen on the South River.” At the same time the -orders of November were modified, so that the Swedes might be permitted -to retain the ground on which Fort Christina was built, “with a certain -amount of garden-land for the cultivation of tobacco,” provided they -considered themselves subjects of the Dutch “State and Company.” - -The ship referred to, called “De Waag” (the Balance), reached New -Amsterdam on the 4th of August, 1655, and Director-General Stuyvesant -at once completed his preparations for the invasion of New Sweden. A -small army of six or seven hundred men[933] was at length assembled, -and distributed upon “De Waag,” commanded by the Director-General in -person, and six other vessels, comprising a galiot, flyboat, and two -yachts, each mounting four guns. The whole force sailed on the 26th of -August, arriving off Delaware Bay the following afternoon, and casting -anchor the day after before the old Fort Elfsborg. On the night of -the 30th their presence was made known to the Swedes by a vigorous -discharge of cannon, and by the capture of some colonists by a party -who had landed at Sandhoeck. The next morning the Dutch appeared in -front of Fort Trinity. In consequence of intimations received from -the Indians, and confirmed by the testimony of two spies who had been -sent by Rising to Manhattan, the advent of the Hollanders was not -unexpected, and the garrison had been increased to forty-seven men, -while orders had been issued by the Governor to Captain Schute, who -still commanded at that post, to fire upon the Dutch in case they -should attempt to pass. This fact was communicated by that officer to -persons sent by Stuyvesant to demand the surrender of the fort; and -in a personal interview with the Director-General, Schute solicited -the privilege of transmitting an open letter to Rising asking for -further instructions. This was peremptorily denied him, although a -delay was afterward granted till the next morning, for a response to -the summons. Nevertheless during the night Schute contrived to get -word to Christina about his perilous situation, and nine or ten men -were despatched to his relief. These were intercepted, however, by the -Hollanders, two only escaping capture by retreating to their boat and -returning to their fort. At the same time a mutiny occurred among the -garrison of Fort Trinity, and fifteen or sixteen men were disarmed -and put under arrest. Two others deserted and reported the condition -of affairs to Stuyvesant. Resistance now seeming worse than useless, -Schute met the Director-General on “De Waag,” on the 1st of September, -and consented to capitulate, on promise of security for the persons -and private property of the officers, and the restoration to Sweden of -the four iron guns and five field-pieces constituting the armament of -the redoubt. The captain accordingly marched forth, with a guard of -twelve men and colors flying, and the place was occupied by the Dutch. -In consequence of the omission to stipulate a point of retreat for the -garrison, on the 7th most of these were sent by Stuyvesant, on his -flyboat, to New Amsterdam. The day of the surrender of Fort Trinity -Factor Elswich presented himself before the Director-General, on the -part of Governor Rising, “to demand an explanation of his conduct, and -dissuade him from further hostilities,” but was compelled to return -without receiving satisfaction. Measures were therefore immediately -taken for the defence of Fort Christina, all the people available being -assembled at that place, where they “labored by night and by day, -strengthening the ramparts and filling gabions.” On the 2d of September -the Dutch appeared in force on the opposite bank of Christina Creek, -and on the 3d seized a Swedish shallop, and threatened to occupy a -neighboring house. Lieutenant Sven Höök was sent by Rising to inquire -their purpose, but he was detained by Stuyvesant on “De Waag.” By the -4th the Hollanders had planted gabions about the house referred to, and -under cover of these threw up a battery; and on the 5th landed on the -north side of Christina Creek, and erected batteries on Timber Island, -at Christinahamn, and on the west side of the fort. They completed -their investment of the place by anchoring their ships at the mouth of -the Fiske Kil, on the southeast. Some volleys of shot, fired over-head -from either side, assured Rising that he was entirely surrounded; -and on the 6th a letter was brought by an Indian from Stuyvesant, -“arrogantly claiming the whole river,” and requiring all the Swedes -to evacuate the country, except such as were willing to remain under -the protection of the Dutch. A council of war was immediately held, at -which it was determined not to begin hostilities, but to act on the -defensive, and, if possible, to repel assaults. - -[Illustration: SIEGE OF CHRISTINA FORT. - -This follows the rude plan given in Campanius, p. 81, extracted from -Lindström’s manuscript account of the affair. - - A. Fort Christina. - B. Christina Creek. - C. Town of Christina Hamn. - D. Tennekong Land. - E. Fiske Kil (now Brandywine Creek). - F. Snake Battery, of four guns. - G. Gnat Battery, of six guns. - H. Rat Battery, of five guns. - I. Fly Battery, of four guns. - K. Timmer Öland (Timber Island). - L. Kitchen. - M. Position of the besiegers. - N. Harbor. - O. Mine. - P. Reed flats. - -Comp., Compagn.,—Companies of Dutch soldiers.] - -The next morning Factor Elswich, Sergeant Van Dyck, and Peter Rambo -were sent to reply to Stuyvesant, with an assertion of the right of -Sweden to the Delaware, exhorting him to refrain from acts which might -lead to a breach between their sovereign and the States-General, -and protesting his responsibility for all shedding of blood at Fort -Christina. The Dutchman did not yield to their arguments, and on the -9th despatched a letter to Rising of similar import to that of the 6th, -which was answered with a proposal that their boundaries be settled by -their sovereigns, or by commissioners authoritatively appointed for -that purpose. No regard was paid to this, however, by Stuyvesant, and -the peculiar _quasi_ siege was still continued, although no attempt -was made to harm the garrison, notwithstanding, says Rising, there was -not a spot upon the walls where they could have stood with safety. -Meanwhile the Swedish force, which numbered only about thirty men, some -of whom were sick and others ill-affected, noting the progress of the -works of the enemy, and anticipating the speedy exhaustion of their -supplies, began to entertain thoughts of surrender. - -[Illustration: LINDSTRÖM’S MAP, 1654-1655. - -[This is a reduction from the map given in Campanius, which is in -itself a reduction from an original draft of the Swedish engineer. -It is likewise given in _Nouv. Annales des Voyages, Mars_, 1843; in -Memoirs of _Pennsylvania Historical Society_, vol. iii. part i.; in -Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. 154, etc. Armstrong, -in establishing the position of Fort Nassau, examined the following -maps, which include, he thinks, all early maps of the bay and river: -De Laet’s “Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia,” 1633; Blaeu’s -_Theatre du Monde_, 1645, marked “Nova Belgica et Anglica Nova,” which -apparently follows De Laet. Also, the map of Virginia by Virginia -Farrer (in Vol. III.), dated at London in 1651, and bearing this -legend: “This River the Lord Ployden hath a Patten of, and calls it -new Albion, but the Sweeds are planted in it and have a great trade -of Furrs.” Lindström’s manuscript map of 1654, twenty-seven inches -long, in the Swedish Royal Archives, of which Armstrong saw a copy in -the library of the American Philosophical Society (and another copy -of which, made for the late Joseph J. Mickley, has been engraved in -Reynolds’s translation of Acrelius). The map of Visscher, without -date (? 1654), “Novi Belgii, Novæque Angliæ necnon partis Virginiæ -tabula.” Vanderdonck’s 1654, given in the preceding chapter. The map -in Ogilby’s _America_, and in Montanus’s _Nieuwe Onbekende Weereld_, -1671, both from the same plate, “Novi Belgii ... delineatio,” which -follows Visscher and Vanderdonck. Dancker’s “Novi Belgii,” etc. -Ottens’s “Totius Neobelgii ... tabula,” following Visscher. A map, -“Edita Totius Novi Belgii cura Matthæi Seutteri.” Another, “Nova -Anglia ... a Baptista Homerus (Homans?).” Again, “Pennsylvania, ... -cum regionibus ad flumen Delaware sitis ... per M. Scutterum.” Arent -Roggeveen’s chart, 1675, which Armstrong calls the “first comparatively -correct map of the bay and river.” The three types in these maps are -Lindström’s, Visscher’s, and Roggeveen’s; the others are copies more -or less closely. Armstrong did not, however, quite thoroughly scan the -field. De Laet’s map of 1633 appeared earlier in his 1630 edition, and -is given in fac-simile in Vol. III, where will also be found the map -accompanying _The Relation of Maryland_, 1635. Blaeu’s map appeared -earlier in his Nieuwe _Atlas_, 1635. There is also the map of the -Mercator-Hondius series, reproduced in Hexham’s English translation in -1636. Sanson’s map of 1656 is also sketched in Vol. III. A map entitled -_Pascaerte van Nieu Nederland_ is in Van Loon’s Atlas of 1661. There -are also two maps showing the bay in Speed’s _Prospect of the most -famous Parts of the World_, London, 1676, which very blindly follow the -Dutch maps; and we do not get any better work till we come to Gabriel -Thomas’s map of 1698, which is given in fac-simile in Vol. III.—ED.]] - -On the 13th Rising and Elswich had an interview with Stuyvesant, and -made a last appeal on behalf of the jurisdiction of their sovereign -over the territory of New Sweden, but were answered as before by the -Director-General. The Dutch now brought the guns of all their batteries -to bear upon the fort, and the following day formally summoned the -Swedish governor to capitulate within twenty-four hours,—a proposal -to which the garrison unanimously acceded, and articles of surrender -were drawn up on the 15th. In accordance with these, all artillery, -ammunition, provisions, and other effects belonging to the Crown -of Sweden and the South Company were to be retained by them; while -officers, soldiers, ministers, and freemen were permitted to keep -their personal goods and have liberty to go wherever they pleased, or -remain upon the Delaware, protected in the exercise of their Swedish -Lutheran religion. Such of the colonists as desired to return to their -native country should be conveyed thither on suitable vessels, free -of expense; while Rising and Elswich, by secret agreement, were to be -landed in France or England. After accepting these conditions, the -Governor of New Sweden was approached by the Director-General with -a proposition singularly differing from that authorized, as stated, -by the Directors of the Dutch West India Company; namely, that the -Swedes should reoccupy their fort and maintain possession of the -land higher up the river, while the Hollanders merely reserved for -themselves that south of Christina Creek,—the two nations at the -same time entering into an offensive and defensive alliance with one -another. It is not easy to account for this action on the part of -the victorious Dutchman, unless we attribute it to the news of the -invasion of New Amsterdam by a large body of Indians, just learned -through a letter from his Council, urging his speedy return home, and -the fear lest the Swedes might take advantage of the predicament to -retake all their territory. The unexpected offer was reduced to writing -at the desire of Rising, and was made the subject of a consultation -with his people, who rejected it, however, fearing duplicity on the -part of Stuyvesant, and dreading to incur the animosity entertained -by the English and the Indians towards the Hollanders. They also -thought they might thereby compromise the claim of their sovereign to -the whole territory of New Sweden, and preferred to leave it to their -“most worthy superiors,” as the Governor expressed it, “to resent -and redress their wrongs in their own time, and in such way and with -such force as might be requisite.” The delivery of this answer to the -Director-General terminated negotiations. As had been stipulated, -Rising, Elswich, Lindström, and other officers were allowed to remain -in Fort Christina, while the common soldiers were quartered on Timber -Island, until the time allotted for their departure for Manhattan. -Those of the colonists who determined to stay on the Delaware were -required to take oaths of allegiance to the States-General and the -Dutch West India Company, and to the Director-General and Council -of New Netherland. An article of the capitulation provided for the -trial of Captain Schute for his surrender of Fort Trinity. This took -place presently, at a courtmartial held by Governor Rising on Timber -Island. The Swedish officer denied the charges preferred against him; -and there is no evidence that he ever suffered punishment for them. -During Stuyvesant’s sojourn in New Sweden, and particularly while he -was besieging Fort Christina, the Dutch soldiers committed ravages upon -the settlers, not only in this vicinity and around Fort Trinity, but at -New Gottenburg, Printzdorp, Upland, Finland, and other points along the -river, which were estimated by Rising at over 5,000 florins, involving -incidental losses very much greater. On the 1st of October the Governor -of New Sweden and his companions, among whom were Engineer Lindström -and Factor Elswich, with the clergymen Nertunius and Hjort, embarked -on “De Waag,” and “bade farewell” to the Delaware. After arriving at -New Amsterdam, they sailed on three merchantmen in the beginning of -November. Among the incidents of their voyage was the unfortunate loss -of Lindström’s chest of instruments, maps, and professional papers, -which fell overboard through the carelessness of the sailors, and -sank to the bottom of the sea. Rising landed at Plymouth, England, -from whence he went to London, on the 22d of December, reporting the -conquest of New Sweden to Johan Leyonberg, the Swedish ambassador, -while Lindström and his associates continued their course to Holland. -After suffering many hardships, both parties finally reached their own -country, and on the 17th of April certain of them appeared before the -College of Commerce, to render their accounts and make their claims for -services. On inquiry into the manner of the overthrow of the colony, -it was determined to present a detailed report of it to his Majesty, -and the returned emigrants were instructed to appeal for the settlement -of their demands to the Directors of the American Company. The funds -of the latter were estimated, April 27, 1655, at 158,178 riksdaler, -the chief items accredited, however, being “stock for building ships,” -“the cargo of ‘Örnen,’” “damages for ‘Kattan,’” “the territory of -New Sweden and its forts,”—securities which did not justify such a -hopeful valuation. At the present period their indebtedness was stated -at 19,311 riksdaler, their assets being augmented by claims against -the Dutch West India Company for the seizure of “Gyllene Hajen,” and -afterward by the receipts from the “Mercurius.” Their property was -found to be insufficient to discharge their many obligations, and for -several years demands continued to be presented on behalf of Printz, -Rising, Anckerhelm, and others, which there is little reason to think -were ever fully satisfied. - -During the occurrence of these events the “Mercurius” was wending -her way across the Atlantic, bearing the last hope of safety for -the colony, whose subjugation by the Dutch was not learned by her -passengers until their arrival in the Delaware, March 14, 1656. They -were denied permission to land until commands were received from -Director-General Stuyvesant, either to return at once to Sweden, or, in -case they needed to lay in provisions and other commodities for a fresh -voyage, to repair with their vessel to New Amsterdam. So unexpected -a termination of their long and arduous journey was naturally most -distasteful to the emigrants, and Commissary Huygen endeavored to -change the purpose of the Dutch authorities by paying them a visit -and addressing to them a petition on the subject. This was without -avail, however, and he was obliged to order his ship, with people and -cargo, to Manhattan. The command was disobeyed by the captain, who -was compelled by Papegåja and other Swedes, who boarded the vessel, -to put passengers and goods ashore on the Delaware, deterring the -Hollanders from firing at them from Fort Casimir by carrying along some -friendly Indians, whom the Dutch were afraid to hurt. On the 3d of -May, therefore, two councillors were deputed to proceed to the South -River on “De Waag,” accompanied by Huygen, to enforce the command of -the latter; and in July the “Mercurius” was finally brought to New -Amsterdam by the Commissary, who obtained leave to sell her cargo -there by payment of a satisfactory duty. How many emigrants of this -last Swedish expedition to the Delaware remained in New Sweden is not -known.[934] The vessel bore back Herr Matthias, and probably Papegåja, -and arrived at Gottenburg in September of the same year. - -In conclusion, it remains for us to indicate, very briefly, the -measures taken by the Government of Sweden to regain possession -of their colony, or, at least, to obtain compensation for the -loss of it. As early as March, 1656, the Swedish Minister (Harald -Appelboom) presented a memorial to the States-General, demanding the -re-establishment of the old situation on the Delaware or the payment of -indemnity to the American Company; and on the 3d of the following June -Governor Rising submitted to his sovereign a plan for the reconquest of -that river, supported by an array of arguments maintaining the right of -Sweden to her settlement. - -[Illustration: MAP OF THE ATLANTIC COLONIES. - -This is the curious map given in Campanius, p. 52. It was probably -suggested by, although it does not follow, a detailed and interesting -manuscript map of the Atlantic coast from Cape Henry to Cape Ann, by -Peter Lindstrom, 19¼ x 6⅞ inches in size, including “Virginia,” -“Nova Suecia,” “Nova Batavia,” and “Nova Anglia,” which will soon be -printed by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. [The New England -region has some reminiscences of John Smith’s map of 1614, though that -first explorer did not place Mount Massachusetts (Chevyot Hills,—that -is, the modern Blue Hills of Milton) on the borders of Lake Champlain; -but he did give the entities of London and Bristow to non-existing -towns. The early Dutch maps are responsible for the curiously-shaped -shoal off Cape Cod, and for the southern line of New England running -west from Pye Bay (Nahant). There was, of course, a necessity of -bringing “Massa Chuser” in some way above that line.—ED.]] - -About this time, however, the King’s attention was absorbed by -enterprises in Poland, and soon after by the first war with Denmark, -and nothing was accomplished; but at a meeting of his Council, April -15, 1658, his Majesty “decided, _en passant_, that New Sweden was -well worth endeavoring to recover;” and in a decree concerning the -tobacco trade, of the 22d of May, the monopoly of the West India -Company was further defined, “chiefly, that the important colony of New -Sweden might be preserved now and hereafter to the great advantage” -of the kingdom, “and that the settlements of subjects in that region -be not entirely abandoned.” Still nothing was attempted on behalf -of the colony, doubtless in consequence of the breaking out of the -second war with Denmark. The Company was dissolved and the tobacco -trade enfranchised in 1662. The next year a fruitless demand upon -the States-General for damages was made by the Swedish Regency,[935] -which was followed, on the rise of difficulties between England and -Holland in 1664, by the issue of orders to Appelboom to give heed to -the negotiations of these powers, and to protest against the formal -relinquishing of New Sweden to either nation before the indemnification -of his own. During the latter year attention was still further -attracted to the colony by the arrival in the spring at Amsterdam, on -a Dutch ship from Christiania, of a hundred and forty Finns from the -region of Sundsvall, who had been encouraged to emigrate by letters -from relatives and friends who were living on the Delaware. The Swedish -Government, not knowing of this correspondence, and supposing the Finns -had been enticed by secret emissaries from Holland, instructed Resident -Peter Trotzig and Appelboom to remonstrate against the enterprise, -and to demand that the people should be returned “at the cost of -those who had deceived them.” Nevertheless, the emigrants sailed in -June for New Sweden in a vessel furnished by the city of Amsterdam; -and the Swedish authorities were obliged to content themselves with -requiring strict surveillance on the part of the governors of certain -provinces in Finland to prevent such actions in the future. The -matter was not referred to in the memorials addressed by Appelboom -to the States-General the same month, although these boldly claimed -restitution of the territory of New Sweden to the Swedish West India -Company, with reimbursement of all damages sustained by it,—in support -of which demands the Government also solicited the countenance and -aid of France and England. This topic was renewed on occasion of the -embassy of Isbrandt to Sweden; and at a conference held Nov. 16, 1665, -after some attempts to defend the conduct of his countrymen on the -Delaware, the Dutch envoy actually proposed that Swedes and Hollanders -should endeavor, “_junctis viribus_,” to retake the territory from the -English, who then controlled it. Isbrandt afterward requested proofs -of the Swedish claims, for presentation to his Government. On Dec. -24, 1666, the College of Commerce was commanded to furnish these -evidences to Count Christoffer Delphicus von Dohna and Appelboom, who -were appointed to treat with the States-General upon the subject. A -paper was drawn up, therefore, by that body, Feb. 27, 1667, comprising -the usual arguments and copies of documents, with specifications of -the losses of the Swedish West India Company, including interest -amounting to the sum of 262,240 riksdaler. On the other hand, the -Dutch negotiators, among whom were Isbrandt and John de Witt, produced -counter claims and complaints of the Dutch Company, and demanded that -“the pretensions on both sides be reciprocally dismissed.” At the -final convention at the Hague, July 18, it was “ordered and decreed” -that these controversies “be examined as soon as possible by his -Majesty’s envoy, according to the principles of justice and equity, -and satisfaction then, immediately and without delay, be given to -the injured party.” It could hardly be expected, however, that the -Hollanders would pay claims on property no longer theirs, especially -when the loss of New Netherland had well nigh ruined the Dutch West -India Company, which ought, ordinarily, to have met the obligations -thus incurred. That nothing was done is evident from the fact that the -Swedish Government soon afterward exerted itself, with unrepining zeal, -to obtain indemnity from the power now exercising dominion over their -former territory. Before the terms of the Peace of Breda were known, -instructions had been issued to Dohna “to inquire whether England or -Holland was in possession of New Sweden, and treat with the proper -nation for the restoration of it to Sweden;” and April 28, 1669, -Leyonberg, still Swedish minister at London, was required, “without -attracting attention, secretly, adroitly, and cautiously” to endeavor -to discover what England designed to do with her new acquisition. -Subsequently papers were drawn up, setting forth the grounds of the -Swedish claim to the territory in dispute, and the English ambassador -at Stockholm promised “to contribute his best offices with his -sovereign” to procure its recognition. From a response of Leyonberg to -his Swedish Majesty, dated July 24, 1669, we learn that the question -had been mooted by him, but was always put aside with assertions of -the rights of England, in view of the neglect of Sweden to demand her -colony at the conclusion of peace. Concerning the condition of the -settlement, he had heard great praise of “the diligence and industry, -the alacrity and docility of the Swedes” then dwelling on the Delaware, -and had been told “their lands were the best cultivated in all that -region.” Since we do not meet with any evidence that the Swedish claims -were ever again referred to, we presume that at last the subject was -dropped, and that henceforth the American colony was universally -regarded as finally lost to Sweden. - -Thus terminates the history of New Sweden under Swedish sovereignty. -Although for twenty-five years after the departure of the last governor -the people whose immigration to our continent has been related were -almost the only civilized residents on the shores of the Delaware, -and were practically nearly as independent as their fathers under the -rules of Queen Christina and King Charles X. (Gustavus), they were now -nominally subjects of their High Mightinesses the Lords States-General, -and later of King Charles II. of England, and their career is properly -included in accounts of the Dutch and English dominions of that epoch. -Henceforth their connection with the mother country was confined to -the limited ecclesiastical sphere of the Swedish Lutheran religion; -and this was only ultimately brought to a close at the death of the -Reverend Nicholas Collin, the last Swedish pastor of Gloria Dei Church -in Philadelphia, in 1831, a hundred and seventy-six years after the -conquest of New Sweden by Governor Stuyvesant. During all this period -of perpetual contact with an enormously increasing population of other -races, certain of the descendants of the Swedes who first cultivated -this region sedulously observed ancestral customs, and preserved the -knowledge and use of their maternal tongue within family circles. And -if, on the other hand, intermarriage with their neighbors eventually -confounded many of the old stock with English and German colonists of -later immigrations, this merely extended the influence of that virtuous -and industrious people, who became the progenitors of not a few -citizens of note of several of our chief provinces and commonwealths. -The colonization scheme we have endeavored to portray failed, without -doubt, of the significance anticipated for it in the enlargement of -the empire and the development of the trade and commerce of Sweden; -but it formed the nucleus of the civilization which afterward acquired -such expansion under William Penn and his contemporaries through -the founding of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey, and was the -first impulse of that modern movement,—in strong contrast with the -wild spirit of the ancient Scandinavian sea-kings and pre-Columbian -discoverers of America,—which has contributed so large and useful a -population to Illinois and Wisconsin and other Western States of our -Republic. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE earliest information we possess concerning New Sweden is found in -the charter granted by King Gustavus Adolphus in 1624 to the Australian -Company.[936] During the ensuing decade were published other documents -mentioned in the beginning of the preceding narrative.[937] - -[Illustration] - -The subject is referred to in a few of the _Resolutien van de Staten -van Holland en West Vriesland_. Beauchamp Plantagenet’s _Description -of the Province of New Albion_,[938] the _Breeden-Raedt aende -Vereenichde Nederlandsche Provintien_,[939] and the _Vertoogh van -Nieu Nederland_,[940] and _Beschrijvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant_[941] of -Adriaen van der Donck give brief accounts of the settlement. Several -statements with regard to it are to be found in the _Historia Suecana_ -of Johan Loccenius.[942] David Pieterszen de Vries[943] relates the -circumstances of a visit he paid to it in 1643. Lieuwe van Aitzema[944] -supplies copies of treaties and negotiations between Sweden and the -States-General with respect to the dominion over the Delaware, an -_Antwoordt_[945] of the latter to Resident Appelboom also appearing -separately. Something of interest may be gleaned from _De Hollandsche -Mercurius_. This, with sundry maps elsewhere referred to, constitutes, -it is believed, all the contemporaneous printed matter which is still -preserved to us. - -A short account of the colony is contained in Samuel Puffendorf’s -_Commentarii de Rebus Suecicis_, published at Utrecht in 1686. It was -not, however, until 1702 that a book appeared professedly treating -of the settlement. This was the _Kort Beskrifning om Provincien Nya -Sverige_ of Thomas Campanius Holm.[946] The fact that the author was a -grandson of the Rev. Johan Campanius Holm, who accompanied Governor -Printz to New Sweden, both accounts for his interest in the topic and -indicates the value of much of his material. - -[Illustration: PRINTED TITLE OF CAMPANIUS.] - -This is chiefly drawn from manuscripts of Campanius’s grandfather -and oral communications of his father, Johan Campanius Holm, who was -with the former on the Delaware, and the writings of Governor Rising -and Engineer Lindström, preserved among the Archives of the Kingdom -of Sweden. From the latter are also taken a drawing of Fort Trinity, -a plan of the siege of Fort Christina by the Dutch (both reproduced -in the preceding narrative), and a pictorial representation of three -Indians. There is likewise a map of New Sweden (appearing in this -chapter) engraved by Campanius from a reduction (made by order of -King Charles XI. of Sweden in 1696) of a map of the Swedish engineer, -four Swedish ells in length and two in width, which was destroyed in -the conflagration of the royal palace at Stockholm, May 7, 1697. -Unfortunately, some inaccuracies occur in the work, which have been -repeated by later historians, both European and American.[947] - -The _Dissertatio Gradualis de Svionum in America Colonia_ of Johan -Danielson Svedberg[948] cites Campanius, and makes the first mention of -Papegåja as provisional Governor of New Sweden. The author was a nephew -of Jesper Svedberg, Bishop of Skara, who had the supervision of the -Swedish Lutheran congregations in America,[949] and cousin-german to -Emmanuel Swedenborg, the heresiarch, and his brother Jesper Svedberg, -who taught school for over a year at Raccoon in New Jersey. - - -In the diplomatic correspondence of John de Witt[950] mention is made -of the attempts of Sweden to obtain compensation for the loss of her -colony from the States-General. - -The _Dissertatio Gradualis de Plantatione Ecclesiæ Svecanæ in America_ -of Tobias Eric Biörck[951] cites Campanius and speaks of all the -governors of New Sweden, giving a particular account of Minuit from -statements of the Rev. Provost Andreas Sandel, who was pastor of the -Swedish Lutheran church at Wicacoa from 1702 to 1719, and married a -descendant of early Swedish colonists. The author himself was born in -New Sweden, being the son of the Rev. Provost Eric Biörck, who built -the Swedish Lutheran church at Christina in 1698 (his mother being a -scion of old Swedish families on the Delaware), and cousin to the Rev. -Provost Andreas Hesselius,[952] who succeeded his father in the charge -of the church at Christina in 1713, and who commends the writer in a -letter prefixed to his work. - -The _Breviate_, Penn _vs._ Baltimore,[953] contains extracts from -several of the Dutch Records in the Secretary’s Office at New York, -including Kieft’s letter to Minuit, dated May 6, 1638, Hudde’s Report -to Stuyvesant of 1648, an Indian deed of sale to the Dutch of land on -the east side of the Delaware, dated April 15, 1649, and so forth. - -Anders Anton von Stiernman’s _Samling utaf Kongl. Bref, Stadgar och -Förordningar_ etc., _angående Sveriges Rikes Commercie, Politie, och -Œconomie uti gemen_[954] and _Monumenta Politico-Ecclesiastica_[955] -comprise documents relating to the Swedish West India Company and their -colony. - -Peter Kalm’s _Resa til Norra America_[956] imparts some information -concerning the settlement gathered by that illustrious Swede from -Maons Keen, Nils Gustafson, and other descendants of ancient Swedish -colonists, during a visit paid by him to the Delaware in 1748-1749. - -William Smith, in his _History of New York_,[957] gives a brief -account of New Sweden, citing the _Beschryvinghe van Virginia_, _Nieuw -Nederlandt_, etc. He says that the English who were driven from the -Schuylkill in 1642 were Marylanders, without, however, indicating his -authority for the statement, which cannot be corroborated. - -In 1759 appeared the _Beskrifning om de Svenska Församlingars Tilstånd -uti Nya Sverige_ of the Rev. Israel Acrelius,[958] Provost over the -Swedish congregations in America and pastor of the church at Christina -from 1749 to 1756. Although the greater part of this work is devoted -to the subsequent history of the Swedes on the Delaware, the first -eighty-eight pages of it relate to the period of the supremacy of -Sweden over her colony, and contain the most complete and accurate -account of the settlement till then published. The author cites and -criticises Van der Donck and Campanius, and imparts fresh information -derived from manuscripts in the Archives of the Kingdom of Sweden, -Dutch Records in New York, and manuscripts of the Rev. Anders Rudman, -pastor of the Swedish Lutheran congregation at Wicacoa from 1697 to -1701, and builder of the present Gloria Dei Church of Philadelphia. - -Modeer’s _Historia om Svea Rikets Handel_[959] embraces facts relating -to the Swedish West India Company. - -Bulstrode Whitelocke’s _Journal of the Swedish Embassy in the Years -1653 and 1654_[960] mentions the convention entered into by Sweden and -England for the observance of friendship between their colonies in -America. - -The _Journal_ of John Winthrop, first Governor of Massachusetts, -first printed at Hartford in 1790,[961] the second volume of Ebenezer -Hazard’s _Historical Collections_, comprising “Records of the United -Colonies of New England,” consisting of Acts of the Commissioners,[962] -printed at Philadelphia in 1794, and the Rev. Benjamin Trumbull’s -_History of Connecticut_, printed at Hartford in 1797, cast light on -the relations between the colonies of New England and New Sweden. - -In Professor Christoph Daniel Ebeling’s history of Delaware, in the -fifth volume of his _Erdbeschreibung und Geschichte von America_,[963] -occurs a good summary account of New Sweden, compiled from nearly all -the works then published. - -The Rev. William Hubbard’s _General History of New England_[964] -includes references to the settlements on the Delaware. - -In 1825 appeared Carl David Arfwedson’s _De Colonia Nova Svecia -Historiola_,[965] giving scarcely any account of the settlement itself, -but containing a fuller notice of the origin of the enterprise, with -the events which led to the formation of the Swedish West India -Company. It is also especially valuable as comprehending several -important documents relating to the history of New Sweden not elsewhere -printed. Such are parts of _Een Berättelse om Nova Suecia uthi -America_ and _Relation öfwer thet ahnfall thermed the Hollendske under -P. Stüvesant, Directors öfwer N. Nederland, anförande then Swenske -Colonien i N. Svecia, oförmodeligen, med fiendteligheet, öfwerfalla -monde_,[966] both by Governor Rising, a paper concerning the Finnish -emigration to America in 1664, referred to in the preceding narrative, -and a short _Promemoria angående Nya Sverige i America_, all of which -are comprised in the Palmskiöld Collections in the Royal Library of the -University of Upsala. The work likewise includes a _Series Sacerdotum, -qui a Svecia missi sunt in Americam_,[967] and a map of New Sweden. - -Joseph W. Moulton’s _History of New Netherland_[968] contains nothing -new except a reference to the Report of Andries Hudde among the Dutch -Records in New York, and an estimate of the value of the writings of -Campanius and Acrelius. - -James N. Barker’s _Sketches of the Primitive Settlements on the River -Delaware_[969] is based on earlier publications. - -In _The Register of Pennsylvania_, edited by Samuel Hazard, volumes iv. -and v.,[970] are printed manuscripts which are in the possession of the -American Philosophical Society, and among them (particularly valuable) -are translations from a French version of copies of Swedish documents -procured at Stockholm by the Hon. Jonathan Russel, Minister of the -United States to the Court of Sweden. - -The _Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware_, by the Rev. Jehu Curtis -Clay, Rector of the Swedish churches in Philadelphia and its -vicinity,[971] shows no new matter save a short account of the colony -from manuscripts of the Rev. Anders Rudman, translated by the Rev. -Nicholas Collin. - -Erik Gustaf Geijer’s _Svenska Folkets Historia_[972] makes slight -references to the formation of the Ship and West India Companies of -Sweden. - -George Bancroft’s _History of the United States_[973] gives a brief -account of the settlement, drawing more largely than former works -upon the _Argonautica Gustaviana_, and magnifying the religious -and political motives of Gustavus Adolphus and Axel Oxenstjerna in -attempting the enterprise. - -John Leeds Bozman’s _History of Maryland_[974] cites the statement -in Smith’s _History of New York_, that the English residents on the -Schuylkill who were dispossessed in 1642 were colonists from Maryland, -but qualifies it by affirming that the Maryland Records make no mention -of the settlement. Other references are made in the work to the -relations between New Sweden and Maryland. - -William Huffington’s _Delaware Register and Farmers’ Magazine_[975] -contains a translation of a grant of land on the Delaware from -Director-General Kieft to Abraham Planck and others in 1646 (referred -to by Acrelius), preserved among the State Papers at Dover. - -The first volume of the second series of the _Collections of the New -York Historical Society_[976] has a translation of a Report of Andreas -Hudde, Commissary on the Delaware, from the Dutch Colonial Records. - -In 1843 appeared the _Notice sur la Colonie de la Nouvelle Suède_, by -H. Ternaux-Compans,[977] believed to be the first and only French book -on the subject. It gives a summary history of the settlement, drawn -from the _Argonautica Gustaviana_, Loccenius, Campanius, and Acrelius, -and contains a copy of Lindström’s map. - -_A History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware_, by Benjamin -Ferris,[978] gives a very full account of New Sweden, extracted from -works already published in English, and is interesting and valuable as -identifying and describing many of the places mentioned. - -The _History of New Netherland_, by E. B. O’Callaghan, M.D.,[979] -imparts fresh information about the relations between the Swedes and -Dutch on the Delaware, and gives a translation of a “Memorial delivered -by His Swedish Majesty’s Resident to their High Mightinesses, in -support of the good and complete Right of the Swedish Crown and its -subjects to _Nova Suecia_ in America, June, 1664,” from the original in -Aitzema. - -_Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia, tjugondenionde delen_,[980] -contains some letters of the Swedish Government regarding New Sweden. - -Samuel Hazard’s _Annals of Pennsylvania_[981] supply a comprehensive -history of New Sweden, derived from several of the preceding works, -and comprising new matter drawn from manuscripts of the American -Philosophical Society, Albany Records, translated by Van der Kemp, -the Holland and London Documents, procured by J. R. Brodhead, New -Haven Court and Colony Records, Records of the United Colonies of New -England, and Trumbull and other manuscripts. - -The _Documentary History of the State of New York_, edited by E. B. -O’Callaghan, M.D., vol. iii.,[982] gives a letter addressed to the -Classis of Amsterdam, Aug. 5, 1657, by the Reformed Dutch clergymen at -New Amsterdam, Johann. Megapolensis and Samuel Drisius, referring to -the circumstances of the submission of the Swedes to Director-General -Stuyvesant; and the same work, vol. iv.,[983] contains a description -of New Netherland in 1643-1644, by the Rev. Isaac Jogues, S. J.,[984] -mentioning the Swedes on the Delaware. - -In _Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society_,[985] vol. -vi., are published the report of a committee appointed by that body -to make explorations and researches as to the site of Fort Nassau, -with a letter on the same subject, and a paper, entitled “The History -and Location of Fort Nassau upon the Delaware,” by Edward Armstrong, -Recording Secretary of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The -latter is clear upon the periods of occupancy of that stronghold by the -Dutch, and is especially valuable as comprising an attempt to give a -complete list of maps of the Delaware River previous to 1675.[986] - -In _Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New -England_, vol. ii.,[987] is found the action of the General Court in -1644 on the petition of Boston merchants for a charter for a company to -trade near the Delaware. - -_Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York_, -vol. iii.,[988] procured by John Romeyn Brodhead in England, include -a letter of Jerome Hawley, of Virginia, to Secretary Sir Francis -Windebanke, referred to in the preceding narrative, “A Declaration -shewing the illegality and unlawfull proceedings of the Patent of -Maryland,” dated 1649, mentioning the great trade of the Swedes and -Dutch with the Indians, and the singularly inaccurate “Relation of -Mr. Garrett Van Sweeringen, of the City of St. Maries, concerning his -knowledge of the seateing of Delaware Bay and River by the Dutch and -Swedes,” subscribed in 1684. - -John Romeyn Brodhead’s _History of the State of New York_[989] gives -the best Dutch account of the relations between the Swedes and -Hollanders, amply citing authorities on the subject. It also contains a -map of New Netherland by the author. - -Fredrik Ferd. Carlson’s _Sveriges Historia under Konungarne af -Pfalziska Huset_[990] makes a brief reference to the colony, imparting -fresh information from Printz’s letters and report of 1647, and the -Minutes of the Royal Council, in the archives of Sweden. - -Among _Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New -York_, vols. i. and ii.,[991] procured by J. R. Brodhead in Holland, -are many papers concerning the relations between the Swedes and Dutch -on the Delaware. - -_Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven_[992] contain -information with regard to attempts of inhabitants of New England to -settle in New Sweden. - -_De Navorscher_[993] for 1858 prints two letters from Johannes Bogaert, -“Schrijver,” to Schepen Bontemantel, Director of the Dutch West India -Company, dated Aug. 28 and Oct. 31, 1655 (N. S.), relating the arrival -of the ship “De Waag” at New Amsterdam, and mentioning some details -concerning the conquest of New Sweden by the Hollanders not elsewhere -recorded. - -In the Introduction to _The Record of the Court at Upland_ -(1676-1681),[994] by Edward Armstrong, a brief account of New Sweden -is presented, with citations from copies of a letter and the Report of -1647 of Governor Printz in the Library of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania; while the Editor’s Notes are valuable as identifying many -places on the Delaware, and comprising personal references to several -of the colonists. - -The _History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania_, by the late George -Smith, M.D.,[995] contains a summary history of New Sweden, with -corrections of former authors and additional information upon questions -of topography, besides biographical notices of some of the Swedish -inhabitants. Its illustrations include the reproduction of a part -of Roggeveen’s map of New Netherland, an original “Map of the Early -Settlements of Delaware County,” and a “Diagram” and “Draft of the -First Settled Part of Chester, before called Upland.” - -Professor Claes Theodor Odhner’s _Sveriges Inre Historia under -Drottning Christinas Förmyndare_[996] is valuable for its account of -the Swedish South, Ship, and West India Companies, and its statement -of the origin of the scheme of colonizing the Delaware, drawn from -original documents in the archives of Sweden. - -G. M. Asher’s _Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books -and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland_[997] was “intended,” says -the Preface, “to be as complete a collection as the author was able -to make it of the printed materials for the history and description of -New Netherland.” It mentions several works connected with the history -of New Sweden, particularly those of Willem Usselinx, whose character -and aims in promoting the formation of the Dutch and Swedish West India -Companies are cordially appreciated by the writer;[998] and its account -of maps embracing the Delaware admirably supplements the essay of -Armstrong already spoken of. - -Although Francis Vincent’s _History of the State of Delaware_[999] -contains no new information on New Sweden, it is worthy of notice as -offering a _good_, if not, as the title announces, “a _full_ account of -the first Dutch and Swedish settlements.” - -Professor Abraham Cronholm’s _Sveriges Historia under Gustaf II. -Adolf_[1000] may be consulted with reference to the South Company and -other subjects. - -The _New England Historical and Genealogical Register_, vol. -xxviii.,[1001] contains an article on “The Swedes on the Delaware and -their Intercourse with New England,” by Frederic Kidder, giving a -résumé of the statements of earlier authors, and including an English -translation of a Dutch copy of an “Examination upon the letters of the -Governor of New England to the Governor of New Sweden,” in the presence -of Governor Printz and others, Jan. 16, 1644, and letters of Governors -Printz and Winthrop[1002] never before printed. The article was also -published separately with heliotype fac-similes of the letters cited. - -The _Illustrated History of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania_, by -William H. Egle, M.D.,[1003] imparts no fresh information on the early -Swedish settlements on the Delaware; but it records the discovery in -the autumn of 1873, in a grave near Washington, Lancaster County, in -that State, of certain so-called “Indian relics,” one of which, now in -the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania (represented -in a cut in the book), so nearly resembles the helmet of the Swedish -soldier of the seventeenth century (shown in a figure at the late -Centennial Exhibition of Philadelphia), as to suggest the possibility -that it may have been worn by a soldier of New Sweden. The book -reproduces Campanius’s map of New Sweden after Nicolas Visscher. - -In _Historiskt Bibliotek, Ny Följd, I._,[1004] appeared a paper -entitled “Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning, 1637-1642,” by C. T. -Odhner, Professor of History in the University of Lund, which gives -the most complete account of the founding and early history of the -colony of New Sweden yet written, based on the Oxenstjerna manuscripts -and numerous other documents preserved in several departments of the -archives of Sweden. At the end of this invaluable contribution to our -knowledge of the settlement is given nearly the whole of Printz’s -_Relation_ to the Swedish West India Company of 1644, with its -accompanying _Rulla_ of all the people then living on the Delaware. - -_Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York_, -vol. xii.,[1005] edited by B. Fernow, Keeper of the Historical Records -of New York, consists of “Documents relating to the History of the -Dutch and Swedish Settlements on the Delaware River, Translated and -Compiled from Original Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of -State at Albany, and in the Royal Archives at Stockholm,”—a title -sufficiently indicative of the scope and value of the book. - -_Pennsylvania Archives_, second series, vol. v.,[1006] comprises a -reprint of some papers concerning New Sweden extracted from _Documents -relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York_, vols. i., -ii., and iii., and other sources; and the same series, vol. vii.,[1007] -embraces a selection of similar matter from the twelfth volume of the -same New York _Documents_. - -_Historiskt Bibliotek_ of 1878 contains “Kolonien Nya Sveriges -Historia,” by Carl K. S. Sprinchorn,[1008] constituting a very worthy -complement to Professor Odhner’s _Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning_, -already spoken of. After briefly capitulating the statements of the -latter treatise with regard to the origin of the enterprise, and the -history of the first four Swedish expeditions to the Delaware, and -the one from Holland under Swedish auspices, the author proceeds to -give the only account yet written of the equipment of the last six -expeditions from Sweden, with fresh details as to their fate, drawn -chiefly from unpublished manuscripts in the archives of his country. He -also supplies the Swedish version of the difficulties with the Dutch -and English, and recites the several endeavors of Sweden either to -recover possession of her colony or to obtain satisfactory compensation -for her loss of it. In the Appendix are printed documents relating -to purchases of land from the Indians, and the Report of Governor -Rising, dated July 13, 1654. A map of New Sweden, which accompanies the -dissertation, indicates the principal places and the boundaries of the -settlement. - -_The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_,[1009] vols. ii. -_et seq._, contains a series of articles, by the writer of this essay, -on “The Descendants of Jöran Kyn, the Founder of Upland,”—the only -genealogical account of the posterity of an early Swedish settler on -the Delaware yet printed. Besides speaking of persons who bore the -family name, it includes sketches of, or references to, Captain Sven -Schute, Lieutenant Anders Dahlbo, the Rev. Lars Carlson Lock, Doctor -Timon Stiddem, and Justices Peter Rambo, Peter Cock, and Olof Stille, -inhabitants of New Sweden whose offspring intermarried with members -of the Kyn (or Keen) family, and supplies instances of matrimonial -alliances between the latter and many distinguished Americans of -English, Scotch, Irish, French, Dutch, and German ancestry, as well as -noblemen and gentlemen of Europe. - -Benjamin H. Smith’s _Atlas of Delaware County, Pennsylvania_,[1010] -affords accurate maps of Tinicum, Upland, Marcus Hook, and their -vicinities, indicating tracts of land originally held by Swedes, as -publicly recorded. It also includes an excellent essay on land titles -in the county, with translations of Swedish grants to Governor Printz -and other settlers. - -[Illustration] - -_Some Account of William Usselinx and Peter Minuit_, by Joseph J. -Mickley,[1011] is valuable from the fact that “most of the materials -used in it were taken from original unpublished documents preserved in -the libraries of Sweden.” - -The short paper entitled “Nya Sverige,” in _Svenska Bilder_,[1012] by -R. Bergström, comprises little of interest not included in works above -mentioned. - -The _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, vol. vi.,[1013] -contains a translation of the letter of Peter Minuit proposing the -founding of New Sweden, given in a note to the preceding narrative, -and an obligation of Jacob Svenson, “agent for the Swedes’ Governor of -Delaware Bay,” and John Manning, of Boston, in favor of the Colony of -Massachusetts, dated August 2, 1653, binding them not to carry certain -provisions, obtained in New England, to either Dutch or French in those -parts of America. - - * * * * * - -The above list of printed authorities on the history of New Sweden -is designed to comprise all books within the knowledge of the writer -which present either new facts or noteworthy opinions in relation to -that subject. It only remains for him to add that all the unpublished -manuscripts concerning the topic still extant are in Sweden, the -greater part among the archives of the Kingdom at Stockholm, some -among those of Skokloster, and others in the Palmskiöld Collections -of the Library of the University of Upsala, and in the Library of the -University of Lund. These embrace papers of Usselinx, correspondence -of Oxenstjerna with Spiring, Blommaert, and Minuit, documents with -regard to the Swedish West India Company and the equipment of the -several expeditions to the Delaware, commissions and instructions for -officers of the colony, letters and reports of the governors, and other -records of the settlement, and diplomatic intercourse between Sweden -and foreign nations about colonial questions of mutual interest.[1014] -Copies of many of these (including nearly the whole of Lindström’s -writings) have been procured by the late Mr. Mickley and other worthy -antiquaries for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and are in -process of translation for publication under the auspices of that -body. From those manuscripts was extracted much of the material of a -discourse on “The Early Swedish Colony on the Delaware,” read by the -writer of this essay at the annual meeting of the same Society in May, -1881,[1015] and before the Historical Society of Delaware the following -November; and from them has also been derived whatever appears in print -for the first time in the preceding narrative.[1016] - -[Illustration] - - - - - INDEX. - - [Reference is commonly made but once to a book if repeatedly mentioned - in the text; but other references are made when additional information - about the book is conveyed.] - - - Aa, Van der, _Galerie_, etc., 385. - - Abenakis, 150, 264, 273; - missions, 306, 315. - - Acadia, 135, 143, 249; - authorities, 149; - MSS. about, 367; - controversial literature on its bounds, 154, 155; - Indians in, 150, 159; - called Larcadia, 88; - called Lacadia, 92, 93, 202; - La Hontan’s map (1709), 153; - Lescarbot’s map, 152; - map, (1663), 148, (1684), 228; - map of, 384; - missions, 300, 309; - name first used, 149; - origin of, 149; - population, 142. - - Acadia. _See_ Nova Scotia. - - Acadie. _See_ Acadia. - - Acapulco, 46. - - Accault, Michel, 184, 224. - - Achiganaga, 187. - - Achter Col, 408. - - Acrelius, Israel, _Nya Sverige_, 494. - - Admiral’s map, 34, 35. - - Agnese, B., map (1536), 38, 40, 73, 81; - (1543), 82; - (1544), 82, 90; - (1554), 89; - (1564), 90. - - Agniez. _See_ Mohawks. - - Agona, 57. - - Agouhanna, 53. - - Agramonte’s expedition, 5, 11. - - Agreskoué, 284. - - Ahmed map (1559), 78. - - Aillon, L. V. d’, his voyage, 10, 414, 429. - - “Aimable”, ship, 236. - - Aitzema, L. van, 424, 491. - - Albanel, 270; - autog., 271. - - Albany, 217, 408; - Munsell’s books on, 435. - - Alegambe, _Mortes illustres_, 306. - - Alexander VI., Bull of, 56. - - Alexander, Sir William, charter of, 142; - sources, 155; - _Encouragement to Colonies_, 62, 155, 378; - _Mapp of New England_, 155; - his coinage, 155; - portrait, 156. - - Alezay Island, 49, 77, 78. - - Algonquins, 57, 163; - missions, 267, 309, 310; - country of, 298. - - Allard, _Atlas_, 375; - _Atlas minor_, 376. - - Allefonsce, Jean, 58; - account of, 59; - his _Cosmographie_, 60; - authorities on, 68; - _Les voyages avantureux_, 68, 72; - death, 68; - cartographical sketches, 74. - - Alleghany range, iv, xi, xxvi. - - Allègre, d’, 333. - - Allerton, Isaac, 456. - - Allouez, Claude, 174, 224, 238, 239, 286, 288; - _Voyages_, 315; - at Green Bay, 207; - at Lake Superior, 311; - autog., 311; - Journal, 311, 315; - accounts by Shea and Margry, 315. - - Altena, 404. - - Alumet Island, 124. - - Alverez, John, 69. - - Ameda (tree), 54. - - America, North, maps of northeast coast, 81; - maps of west coast, 35. - - _American Antiquarian_, 201. - - _American Catholic Quarterly_, 223. - - _American Church Review_, 18. - - Américanistes, Congrès des, 15, 18. - - Amistigoyan, Fort, 258. - - Amours, 335. - - Amundson, Hans, 465, 466, 471, 475; - autog., 465. - - Anacostans, 165. - - Anckerhelm, Thijssen, 472; - autog., 472. - - Andastes, 306. - _See_ Delawares, Susquehannahs. - - Andiat, L., _Brouage et Champlain_, 131. - - Andrada, _Claros varones_, 306. - - Andrade’s _Chronicle_, 22. - - André, 174. - - Andros, Sir Edmund, 195, 349. - - _Andros Tracts_, 364. - - Angos family, 4. - - Angoulême, Lake of, 52, 84, 88, 92, 98, 378, 383. - - Anguelle, Anthony, 48, 184. - - Anian, Straits of, 93, 96. - - _Annales de philosophie chrétienne_, 57. - - _Annales des voyages_, 64. - - Annapolis Basin, 138. - - _Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu_, 292, 300. - - _Annuaire de l’Institut Canadien_, 361. - - Anthony, Peter, 265. - - Anticosti, 50, 77, 117, 153. - _See_ Ascension, Assumption. - - Antilia, 41. - - Anti-Rent troubles, 431. - - Apes, region of, 202. - - Apian, Philip, _Erdglobus_, 101. - - Apianus, map (1540), 81. - - Appalachian system, iv, 253. - - Appelboom, H., 484. - - Appleton, W. S., 361. - - Arcangeli on Verrazano, 17. - - “Archangel”, ship, 110. - - Archer, Andrew, _History of Canada_, 368. - - _Archives curieuses_, 150. - - _Archivio Storico Italiano_, 17, 18. - - Arctic regions, cold of, iii. - - Arenas, Cabo, 83, 101, 413. - _See_ Cod, Cape. - - Arfwedson, C. D., _Nova Svecia_, 495. - - Argal, Samuel, 300, 400; - at Manhattan, 427, 432; - at Mount Desert, 141; - in Acadia, 151. - - Argenson, Governor, 168; - autog., 168. - - Arkansas, Indians, 298; - river, 178. - - Arminius, 423. - - Armovchiqvois, 152. - - Armstrong, Edward, on the site of Fort Nassau, 437, 497; - on the Court at Upland, 498. - - Arnould, Antoine, 291. - - Aryan emigrations, xi. - - Ascension Island, 51, 72, 75, 76. - _See_ Anticosti. - - Asher, G. M., _Essay on Dutch Books_, etc., 416, 498; - _Bibliography of New Netherland_, 439; - _Bibliography of Hulsius_, 442. - - Asia connected with America, 36, 40, 43, 60, 73, 76; - passage to, 382; - the parent of civilization, i. - _See_ Cathay. - - “Asia”, ship, 411. - - Asseline, David, _La ville de Dieppe_, 88. - - Assemani, Abbé, 78. - - Assendasé, 283. - - Assenipoils, Lake, 249, 252. - - Assikinach, Francis, on the Odahwah legends, 168. - - Assineboines, 169, 171, 182. - _See_ Assenipoils. - - Assumption Island, 51, 76, 85, 94, 98, 100. - _See_ Anticosti. - - Astrolabe lost by Champlain, 124. - - Atchaqua, 45. - - _Atlas Ameriquain_, 155. - - _Atlas Contractus_, 375. - - Atlases, general, 369. - - Attikamegues, 274; - mission, 267. - - Atwater, Caleb, _History of Ohio_, 198. - - Aubert, Père, 289. - - Aubert, Thomas, on the Newfoundland coast, 4, 5, 64. - - Aulnay, Sieur d’, 143; - autog., 143; - visits Boston, 145; - authorities, 153, 154. - - Australian Company, 443. - _See_ South Company. - - Auteuil, 335. - - Autograph-hunters, 411. - - Avezac, d’. _See_ Davezac. - - Avoine, Folle, 187. - - Ayllon. _See_ Aillon. - - - Baccalaos, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, (Baccalearum regio), 42, 43, - (Baccalear), 45, 56, 62, 67, 74, 81, 82, 84, (Bacalliau), 85, - (Baqualhaos), 86, 87, 88, (Bacalaos), 90, 91, (Bacalhao), 92, - 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 101, 143, (Bacaillos), 152, 377, 378, 414; - why named, 3, 46. - - Bacchus Island, 52. - - Bache, Professor, 33. - - Bacqueville. _See_ Potherie. - - Badajos, Congress of, 10. - - Bahama, 45, 377. - - Bailloquet, 270; - autog., 270. - - Baird, C. W., _History of Rye_, 441. - - Baldelli, _Storia del milione_, 82. - - Baldwin, C. C., on the early maps of the West, 201; - _Early Maps of Ohio_, 224; - _Iroquois in Ohio_, 298, 299; - on Indian migrations, 298. - - Bancroft, George, 295, 299; - on Verrazano, 18; - on New Sweden, 496; - on Cartier, 65. - - Banks, Thomas C., _Case of Earl of Stirling_, 155; - _Baronia Anglia_, 155. - - Barcia, G. de, _Ensayo chronologico_, 17. - - Bardsen, Ivan, 416. - - Baribaud, 187. - - Barker, J. N., _Settlements on the Delaware_, 496. - - Barlow, S. L. M., his collection of Canadian maps, 201. - - Barnard, D. D., 435. - - Barnes, William, _Albany_, 435. - - Barrois, 336. - - Basque fisheries, 86. - - Bauche, Marchioness de, 273. - - Baudet, _Leven van Blaeu_, 437. - - Baudoin, an Acadian priest, 161. - - Baugis, Chevalier de, 339. - - Baugy, Chevalier de, 186, 188. - - Bayard, Nicolas, 411. - - Baylies, F., _History of the Old Colony_, 160. - - Bazire River, 178, 209, 235. - - Beach, _Indian Miscellany_, 297. - - Beaujeu, 234; - autog., 234; - his character, 241. - - Beaulieu, 270. - - Beaumont, 139. - - Beaupré, Viscount of, 57. - - Beaurain, J. de, 375. - - Beauvais, Sieur de, 188. - - Beaver. _See_ Fur-trade. - - Beaver Indians, 268. - - Bedard, M. T. P., 361. - - Beekman, J. W., 418. - - Begin, Louis, 354. - - Bégon, 349. - - Beier, Johan, 449, 453; - autog., 449. - - Belknap, Jeremy, _New Hampshire_, 159. - - Belleisle, 85, 92, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 383. - - Belle Isle, Straits of (Bella Ilha), 37, 47, 49, 72, 73. - - Bellefontaine, 238. - - Belleforest, 31; - _Histoire universelle_, 17; - _Cosmographie_, 17, 414. - - Bellemare, R., 303. - - Bellero, map, 38. - - Bellin, 262; - his map, 64. - - Bellinger, Stephen, 61. - - Bellomont, Earl of, 356. - - Belmont, Abbé, missionary, 275; - autog., 275. - - Belmont, _Histoire du Canada_, 294, 358. - - Belt of land surrounding the globe, 40, 43. - - Bengtson, A., 484. - - Benson, Egbert, 421. - - Benton, _Herkimer County_, 421. - - Benzoni, 255. - - Berchet, _Portolani_, 84. - - Bergeron, _Voyages en Asie_, etc., 68. - - Bergström, R., _Nya Sverige_, 502. - - Berkshire Hills, xxv. - - Bermuda, 46, 78, 83, 89, 93, 95, 96, (Belmuda), 97, 98, 99, 373, 377. - - Bernard, _Recueil de voyages_, 255, 256. - - Bernard’s _Geofroy Tory_, 31. - - Bernou, 223, 250. - - Berry, William, his map, 390. - - Bersiamites’ Missions, 267. - - Bestelli e Forlani, _Tavole moderne_, 369. - - Berthelot, Amable, _Dissertation_, etc., 9. - - Berthier, 347. - - Berthot, Colin, 187. - - Bertius, _Tabularum_, etc., 102. - - Bettencourt, C. A. de, _Descobrimentos dos Portuguezes_, 37. - - Beversrede, Fort, 402, 464. - - Beyard, Nicholas, _Journal_, 365. - - Biard, Pierre, 264, 300; - his _Relation_, 151, 292, 295, 300. - - Bibaud, M., _Histoire du Canada_, 367, 368; - _Bibliothèque Canadienne_, 367. - - _Bibliothèque Canadienne_, 367. - - Big Mouth (Indian), 340, 341. - - Bigelow, John, 411, 412. - - Bigot, Jacques, 273, 316; - letters, 315; - _Relation_, 315; - autog., 315. - - Bigot, Vincent, 273. - - Biguyduce. _See_ Castine. - - Bikker, G., 472. - - Binneteau, 288. - - _Biographie des Malouins_, 65. - - Biörch, T. E., _Dissertatio_, 493. - - Bird Rocks, 48, 77. - - Birds, Island of, 47. - - Bizard, 331, 336. - - Black Mountains, iv, xxv, xxviii. - - Black River, 169, 184. - - Blaeu, W. J., 375, 376, 378; - _Atlas major_, 375; - _Atlas_, 375; - later maps, 385, 390; - maps of 1662 and 1685, 391; - atlases, 437. - - Blanchard, Rufus, _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, 200. - - Blanck, J., 461. - - Blanco, Cape, 46. - - Block Island, seen by Verrazano, 7; - attacked by the French, 352. - - Blome, Richard, _Isles and Territories_, 385, 430; - _Present State_, 430. - - Blommaert, Samuel, 445, 446, 499; - autog., 445. - - Blondel, Jehan, 64. - - Blue Ridge, xxv, xxvi. - - Blundeville, _Exercises_, 97. - - Bobé, 262. - - Bocage, Barbie du, 86. - - Bockhorn, J., 471. - - Boeotics (Indians of Newfoundland), 48. - - Bogardt, Jost van, 453. - - Bogardus, Everhard, 441; - autog., 441. - - Boije, C., 455, 460. - - Boimare, _Texte explicatif_, 225. - - Bois Brulé, 182. - - Boisguillot, 188, 195. - - Boisseau, 185, 336, 385. - - Bollero map (1554), 89. - - Bolton, _West Chester County_, 421, 441. - - Bona Madre, Rio de, 83. - - Bonavista, Cape, 47. - - Bonde, A. S., 450. - - Bonde, Christer, 471; - autog., 471. - - Bone Island. _See_ St. Croix Island. - - “Bonne-Aventure”, ship, 64. - - Bonnetty, 57. - - Bonrepos, _Description de la Louisiane_, 255. - - Booth, M. L., _New York_, 440. - - Borben, Jacob, 447. - - Bordone, 45; - _Isolario_, 77; - his map, 414. - - _Börsenblatt_, 439. - - Boston, Franquelin’s map, 162; - harbor, 110; - her merchants plundered, 352; - her merchants on the Delaware, 456, 460, 497; - proposed attack on by the French, 161, 351. - - Boston Athenæum, 248. - - Boston Public Library, 248. - - Bosworth, Newton, _Hochelaga_, 304. - - Botero, Giovanni, 102; - _Relaciones_, 378; - his map, 378. - - Boucher, Pierre, 171, 271, 336; - _Mœurs et productions de la Nouvelle France_, 298. - - Boucher de la Bruère, _Le Canada_, 368. - - Boudan, 390. - - Boulanger, Père le, 288. - - Boulay, 139, 144. - - Boullé, Nicolas, 164. - - Bourbourg. _See_ Brasseur de Bourbourg. - - Bourdon, Jean, 385. - - Bourgeois, Margaret, 294, 309; - autog., 309; - lives of, 309. - - Bourne, _History of Wells_, 160. - - Bouteroue, 366. - - Bowen, Francis, _Life of Phips_, 160, 364. - - Bowen, N. H., _Isle of Orleans_, 308. - - Boyd, John, _Canadian History_, 368. - - Bozman, J. L., _History of Maryland_, 496. - - Bradford, Governor of Plymouth, 400. - - Bradstreet, Simon, 159, 160, 365. - - Brahe, P., 453, 458; - autog., 458. - - Bras Coupé. _See_ Tonty. - - Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire du Canada_, 296, 360, 367. - - Bravo, Rio, 234. - - Brazil, 31, 40; - (Bresilia), 42, 43; - visited by Thevet, 12. - - Brebeuf, Jean de, 129, 133, 265, 266, 275, 277, 278, 305; - arrives, 301; - in the Huron country, 301; - account of, 307; - silver bust of, 307; - life by Martin, 294, 307. - - Breda, treaty of, 146, 408. - - Breeden Raedt, 419, 425, 490. - - Bresil Island, 96. - - Bressani, Père, 277; - _Breve Relatione_, 294, 305; - captured, 305; - autog., 305. - - Breton, Cape, 37, 38, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 94, 96, 98, - 99, 100, 101, 202. - _See_ Cape Breton. - - Breton fishermen on the coast, 3, 16, 63. - - Brevoort, J. C., 74, 93, 416, 417; - _Verrazano the Navigator_, 18, 25. - - Brice, W. A., _Fort Wayne_, 198. - - Briggs, Master, his map, 378, 383. - - Brion Island, 49, 77. - - Brinton, D. G., on the Shawnees, 298; - _Myths of the New World_, 299. - - Brockhaus buys Muller’s Collection, 439. - - Brodhead, J. R., 409, 424; - his character as an historian, 432; - _History of New York_, 432; - makes copies from French Archives, 366. - - Bronze implements, viii. - - Brooklyn, histories of, 441. - - Broughton, _Concent of Scripture_, 102. - - Brown, Henry, _History of Illinois_, 198. - - Brown, General J. M., on the voyages on the coast of Maine, 107. - - Brucker, J., _Marquette_, 222, 246. - - Brulé, Etienne, 165; - in New York, 132. - - Brunson, Alfred, 310. - - Bruyas, 283, 285. - - Buache, Philip, 375. - - Buade, Louis de. _See_ Frontenac. - - Buade, Lake, 230, 249. - - Buade, River, 209, 235. - _See_ Mississippi. - - Buena Madre, River, 46. - - Buena Vista (Newfoundland), 88. - - Buffalo (animal), xv, 202. - - Building-stones, x. - - _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, 245. - - _Bulletin de la Société Géographique d’Anvers_, 375. - - Butel-Dumont, 155. - - Buteux, 269, 271, 274, 275, 305, 307; - autog., 271; - death, 308. - - Butler, J. D., 245. - - Butterfield, C. W., on Nicolet, 196, 304. - - - Cabo de Conception, 35, 36. - - Cabot, John, 1, 74, 412. - - Cabot, Sebastian, 1; - his map (1544), 76, 77, 82; - section of, 84. - - Caen, William and Emery de, 67. - - Cahokias, 288. - - California, 97, 98; - Gulf of, 97, 178, 179, 202. - - Callières, Chevalier de, 160, 195. - - Cambrai, Treaty of, 47. - - Campanius, (Holm), Johan, 453, 464; - _Nya Swerige_, 385, 491, 492; - map in (1702), 394, 485, 499. - - Campbell, J. V., _Political History of Michigan_, 199. - - Canada, 51, 85, 89, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 373; - Archives of, 366; - bibliography of, 367; - documents concerning, at Quebec, 62; - in the English Record Office, 366; - extent of early colonists, xix; - general histories of, 367; - maps of, 172, 377; - medals of, 361; - name of, 67, 78; - river of, 76, 87, 163. - - _Canadian Antiquarian_, 149. - - _Canadian Journal_, 72, 168, 201. - - Canadian Parliament, Catalogue of the Library of, 366. - - Canadian, picture of a, 297. - - Canadians, comparative physique of, xvi; - purity of blood among, xviii; - costume of early soldiers, 365. - - Canandaigua, Lake, 125. - - Canniff, William, _Upper Canada_, 368. - - Cantino on the Cortereals, 13. - - Cape Breton, 41, 58, 61, 69, 73, 74, 78, 373, 377, 383, 384, 388; - mapped by Allefonsce, 77; - missions, 301. - _See_ Breton, Cape. - - Cape. _See_ names of capes. - - Capiné, 255. - - Capuchins in Maine, 273, 300. - - Caragouha, 264. - - Carayon, Auguste, _Bibliographie de la Compagnie de Jésus_, 295; - autog., 295; - _Bannissement des Jésuites_, 294; - _Chaumonot_, 316; - _Première Mission_, 151, 292, 300. - - Carillon, Fort, 119. - - Carion, 331. - - Carleill, Captain J., his _Discourse_, 57. - - Carleton, Sir Dudley, 400. - - Carli, Fernando, 17. - - Carlson, F. F., _Sveriges Historia_, 498. - - Carpunt Harbor, 47, 57 - - Carré, E., in Boston, 316. - - Carta Marina (1548), 40, 43. - - _Cartas de Indias_, 38. - - Carter-Brown Library, 248, 299. - - “Cartier, Jacques”, by B. F. De Costa, 47; - his harbor, 94; - his bay, 98; - autog., 48; - first voyage, 63; - _Discours_, 63; - _Relation originale_, 63; - second voyage, 50; - his vessels, remains of, 55; - third voyage, 56; - ancestry, 62; - marriage, 62; - portraits, 48, 63; - his manor-house, 63; - account of second voyage, 64; - Roffet text, 64; - his route, 64; - names of his companions, 64; - _Brief Récit_, 64; - epitome of his movements, 64; - death, 66; - his maps, 73; - his discoveries first appeared in a printed map (Cabot’s, 1544), 77; - traces of, in maps, 81; - on the St. Lawrence, 164. - - Cartography. _See_ maps. - - Carver, the traveller, 262. - - Caton, J. D., on the Illinois, 198. - - Casgrain, Abbé, 130, 196, 306; - on Parkman, 158; - _Hôtel Dieu_, 314, 359; - _Œuvres_, 359; - _Tombeau de Champlain_, 130; - _Une paroisse Canadienne_, 360. - - Casimir, Fort, 404, 467, 468, 470, 472, 473, 478. - - Cass, General Lewis, 198, 242, 366. - - Cassell, _United States_, 384. - - Castell, William, _Short Discovery of America_, 427. - - Castine, D’Aulnay at, 143. - _See_ Pentagöet. - - Cataraqui, River, 324. - - Cathay, 41; - Sea of, 72. - _See_ Asia. - - Cathérine de St. Augustin, 312; - life by Ragueneau, 312. - - _Catholic Telegraph_, 222. - - _Catholic World_, 222. - - Catskill Mountains, xxv. - - Caughnawaga, 284. - - Cavelier, Jean, Journal, 236; - autog., 234; - Report, 241. - - Cayet, 131; _Chronologie_, 150. - - Cayuga Creek, 182, 223; - the “Griffin” built at, 183; - mission, 283, 308. - - Cellarius, _Speculum_, 101. - - _Century Magazine_, 44. - - Cespedes, _Yslario general_, 24; - _Navigacion_, 378. - - Chabanel, 277, 278, 305; - autog., 277; - murdered, 307. - - Chabot, Admiral, 22, 47, 50. - - Chaleur Bay, 49, 87, 92, 94, 98, 100. - - Chalmers, George, 160. - - Chamaho, 41. - - Chambly, De, 147. - - Chamcook Hill, 137. - - Champdoré, 139. - - Champigny, 160, 346, 356; - autog., 346. - - Champlain, 397; - account by E. F. Slafter, 103; - explores the New England coast, 107, 108; - on the Nova Scotia coast, 112; - his surveys, 113; - his descriptions, 113; - made lieutenant-governor, 113; - returns to Canada, 113; - portrait, 119, 134; - autog., 119; - returns to France, 121, 122; - in France (1614), 124; - among the Hurons, 126; - again returns to France, 126; - carried to England (1629), 129; - returned to Quebec, 123, 129; - death, 130, 167, 301; - authorities, 130; - his _Des Sauvages_ (1603), 130; - _Les Voyages_ (1613), 131; - his maps, 131; - _Quatriesme Voyage_, 131; - _Voyages et descouvertures_ (1619), 132; - _Les Voyages_ (1632), 132; - Treatise on Navigation, 133; - reprints, 133; - _Brief Discours_, 133; - English translations, 134; - his burial-place, 130; - at Port Royal, 138; - his maps, 378, - (1612), 380, 381, - (1613), 382, - (1632), 386, 387; - arrives, 301; - domestic life, 301; - marries, 164. - - Champlain, Lake, map of, 391; - history of, 120. - - Charlefort, 101. - - Charles X. (Sweden), 476; - autog., 476. - - Charles, Fort, 227. - - Charlesbourg Royal, 57. - - Charlevoix, P. F.-X. de, account of, 154; - _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, 154, 262, 358, 367; - Shea’s translation, 358; - not partial to Montreal, 303. - - Chastes, Amyar de, 103, 105. - - Chateaux, Bay of, 89. - - Chatham Harbor, 112. - - Chats, 293. - - Chaudière River missions, 273. - - Chaulmer, Charles, _Le Nouveau Monde_, 296, 426. - - Chaumonot, Joseph, 280, 281, 307, 316; - autog., 316; - life of, 316; - his autobiog., 292. - - Chauveau on Garneau, 359. - - Chauvigny, Magdalen de. _See_ Peltrie. - - Chaves, Alonzo de, 81, 90; - his map, 30. - - Chaves, Hieronymus, 81. - - Chemoimegon Bay, 175. - - Cheney, Mrs., _Rival Chiefs_, 154. - - Cherokees, 298. - - Chesapeake Bay, 217. - - Chesepick, 377. - - Chesnay, Aubert de la, 336. - - Chevalier edits Sagard, 290. - - Cheyennes, 211. - - Chicago, 258; - Fort, 231; - Historical Society, 198; - was Marquette at?,, 209; - River, 224. - - Chickasaw Bluffs, 225. - - Chicontimi, 269, 271. - - Chilaga, 94, 95, 99, 100, 378. - - Chinagua, 40. - - Chippewas, 175, 268, 286. - - Choisy, Abbé de, 141. - - Chomedey, 303. - _See_ Maisonneuve. - - Choüacoet, 152. - - Chouart, Medard, 189. - _See_ Groseilliers. - - Chouegouen, 293. - - Christina, Queen (Sweden), 448; - autog., 448; - her portrait, 500, 501; - abdicates, 476. - - Christina, Fort, 404, 462; - siege of, 480. - - Christinahamn, 474. - - Christopher (bay), 46. - - _Chronologie de l’histoire de la paix_, 131. - - Church, Colonel Benjamin, 160; - his _Expedition to the East_, 160. - - Cibola, 97. - - Cigateo, 45. - - Cipango, 41. - _See_ Japan. - - Circourt, Comte, on Parkman, 158. - - Clark, John S., 125; - on the Iroquois missions, 293. - - Clark, J. V. H., _Onondaga_, 126, 309, 421. - - Clarke, Peter, 298. - - Clarke, R. H., 222, 241. - - Clarke, Robert, _Americana_, 198. - - Clarke, Samuel, _Geographical Description_, 430. - - Clarke, Dr. William, 155. - - Claudia Island, 377, 378. - - Clay, J. C., _Annals_, 496. - - Clément, _Bibliothèque curieuse_, 437. - - Clément, _Histoire de Colbert_, 366. - - Cleveland, R. H., 416. - - Climate of North America, ii, vi, xii. - - Cluvier, Philipp, 426. - - Coal-mines, viii. - - Coal-oil, ix. - - Cocheco, 159. - - Cock, P., 500. - - Cock, P. L., 452. - - Cod, Cape, 69, 70, 71; - on the old maps, 413. - - Codfish called baccalaos, 3. - - Cogswell, J. G., 17. - - Colbert, 172; - and Frontenac, 321; - _Lettres, etc._, 366; - autog., 366; - life of, by Clément, 366. - - Colbert River, 206, 237, 245. - _See_ Mississippi. - - Colbertie, 212, 214. - - Colden, Cadwallader, _Five Indian Nations_, 299, 359, 421; - autog., 299; - portrait, 299. - - _Coleccion de documentos ineditos_, 30. - - _Coleccion de los viages_, 30. - - Collières, 347. - - Collin, Rev. N., 488, 494, 496. - - Colom, Arnold, 376; - _Zee-Atlas_, 376; - _Ora Maritima_, 376. - - Colom, J. A., 379; - _Pascaart_, 376. - - Colon, Donck, 419. - - Columbus, Christopher, his map, 34. - - Columbus, Ferdinand, his map, 37. - - Colve, Anthony, 408; - autog., 409. - - Combes, 299. - - Comets, 310. - - Comokee, 377. - - Company of the Hundred Associates, 127, 134. - - Condé, Prince de, 123. - - Congress, Library of, 248, 299. - - Conibas, Lake, 97, 99, 101. - - Connecticut River, 217; - Dutch and English on the, 405. - - Continents, shape of, ii. - - Copper, 173; - at Lake Superior, 202; - mines, 111, 164, 165, 171, 175, 178, 198, 215, 219, 221, 287, 313, - 314; - near the Bay of Fundy, 105; - used by natives, viii; - in Connecticut, xxix. - - Coppo, Piero, his map, 45. - - Cordeiro, Luciano, on the Early Portuguese Discoveries in America, 15. - - Cordilleras, iv, v, xi. - - Corlaer, 342. - - Coronelli and Tillemon, maps, 229, 232. - - _Correspondant, Le_, 357. - - Corssen, Arendt, 464. - - Cortereal, voyages of, 1; - authorities on, 12; - maps of, 13, 15; - confusion of accounts, 13, 14. - - Corterealis, 35, 36, 39, 42, 74, 81, 82, 84, 86, 94, 95, 97, 100, 101, - 373, 378. - - Cortes, his treasure-ships, 5. - - Costerus, 425. - - Coudray, André, 354. - - Courcelles _or_ Courcelle, Seigneur de, 172, 366; - autog., 177, 311; - returns to France, 177; - expedition against the Mohawks, 283, 311. - - _Coureurs de bois_, 330, 345. - - Courtemanche, 365; - autog., 365. - - Cousin, Jean, 31. - - Couture, 238. - - Covens and Mortier, 375, 385; - map of, 390. - - Cowan, F. W., 425. - - Coxe, Daniel, _Carolana_, 262. - - Cramoisy Press, 312. - - Cramoisy Series, 296, 315. - - Crasso, Lorenzo, _Elogii_, 371, 372. - - Crees, 268, 270. - - Cremer, 371. - - Crépieul, Père de, 271. - - Crespel, Père, 292; - _Voyage_, 292. - - Creuxius, _Historia Canadensis_, 134, 170, 294, 296; - his map, 296, 305, 389. - - Crèvecœur, Fort, 184, 200, 224, 225, 227, 231, 232, 249, 253, 258, - 261, 288. - - Crignon, Pierre, 16, 63. - - Criminals sent to America, 51. - - Croatoan, 45. - - Cronholm, A., _Sveriges Historia_, 499. - - Crown, William, 145. - - Cuba, 41, 46; - Gomez at, 11. - - Cunat, _St. Malo_, 62, 65. - - Curaçao, 405. - - Cusick, David, 298. - - - Dablon, Claude, 174, 280, 286, 338; - autog., 280, 313; - letter, 313; - _Relations_, 313, 314, 315; - at Green Bay, 207. - - Dacotahs, 199, 287. - - D’Adda, Girolamo, 36. - - Dagyncourt, Guillaume, 64. - - Dahlbo, A., 450, 500. - - D’Aiguillon, Duchesse, 272, 302. - - D’Ailleboust, Governor, 282; - autog., 282. - - Dainville, D., _Histoire du Canada_, 367. - - Dale, Sir Thomas, 142; - at Manhattan, 427. - - Dalmas, 271; - autog., 271. - - Daly, C. P., on Verrazano, 18. - - Danckers, Jasper, 429; - _Journal_, 420; - map of New Netherland, 438. - - Daniel, Père Antoine, 275, 277; - killed, 305. - - D’Anville, J. B., 375. - - Dapper’s Collection, 423. - - D’Aulnay. _See_ Aulnay. - - Daumont, S. F., 174. - - Dauphin map (1546), 83. - _See_ Henri II. - - Dauphiné, Nicolas du, 378. - - “Dauphine”, ship, 6. - - D’Avezac, 367; - _Atlas hydrographique de_ 1511, 38; - on Cartier, 64. - - Davidson and Struvé, _History of Illinois_, 198. - - Da Vinci’s map, 36. - - Davion, 288. - - Davis, A. McF., 211. - - Davis, C. K., 248. - - Davis, Sylvanus, 159, 352; - autog., 364; - his Diary in Quebec, 364. - - Davis, W. T., _Landmarks of Plymouth_, 110. - - Davity, Pierre, _Description_, 305, 426. - - Davost, 275. - - Dawson, J. W., _Fossil Men_, 53. - - Dead River, 261. - - Deane, Charles, on the Cabot map, 82; - on Verrazano, 18. - - Death-rate, xvi, xviii. - - De Ber, Mdlle. de, 365. - - _De Bow’s Review_, 199, 241. - - De Bry map (1596), 79, 99. - - Decanisora, 327. - - De Carheil, 283. - - De Casson, 173. - - De Chauvin, 106. - - De Costa, B. F., on Verrazano, 18; - in _Magazine of American History_, 18; - his _Verrazano the Explorer_, 18, 27; - “Jacques Cartier”, 47; - _Coasts of Maine_, 138; - on the Globe of Ulpius, 19; - _Cabo de Baxos_, 61; - _Motion for a Stay of Judgment_, 69; - _Sailing Directions of Hudson_, 416. - - Dee, John, map (1580), 96, 98. - - De Fer, 390. - - De Grosellier, 161. - _See_ Groseilliers. - - Deguerre, 222. - - De la Barre, governor, 185. - - De la Croix, 229. - - De Laet, Johannes, as an authority, 417; - autog., 417; - _Nieuwe Wereld_, 416, 417; - translations of, 417; - his map, 378; - map of New France, 384; - _Novus orbis_, 417; - his library, 417; - _West-Indische Compagnie_, 417; - combats Grotius, 418; - his map of New Netherland, 433, 435, 436; - at Rensselaerswyck, 435. - - De la Roche, 56, 61, 136. - - Delaware Bay and River, 398; - early maps of, 481; - explored, 166. - - Delaware colony, 412; - founded, 418. - - Delaware country, 404. - - Delaware Indians. _See_ Andastes. - - Delayant, _Sur Champlain_, 130. - - Delisle, 262, 375, 376; - map of routes of early explorers, 219. - - De Meneval, autog., 160. - - De Meulles, 229. - - Demons, Isles of, 92, 93, 100, 373. - - De Monts, Sieur, 106; - portrait, 136; - Champlain reports to, 113; - Commission, 299; - and the fur-trade, 121. - - De Monts Island, 111, 137. - - Dennis, _Liberty Asserted_, 361. - - Denonville, governor, 189; - appointed governor, 343; - autog., 343; - and Dongan, 344, 345; - campaign against the Senecas, 347; - authorities, 348; - his journal, 348. - - De Noue, 273; autog., 273. - - Denton, Daniel, _New York_, 430. - - Denys, Jean, 63; - in the St. Lawrence, 4; - chart of the St. Lawrence, 36. - - Denys, Nicholas, 151. - - Denys of Honfleur, 86. - - De Peyster, J. Watts, _Dutch at the North Pole_, 138; - _Early Settlement of Acadie by the Dutch_, 138. - - Des Plaine’s river, 178. - - De Quen, John, 269. - - Dermer, Captain, 110; - _Brief Relation_, 427. - - Desceliers, Pierre, 83, 86, 87; - and the Henri II. map, 20. - - Des Goutin, 161. - - Des Granches, 62. - - De Silhouette, 154. - - Desimoni, Cornelio, on Verrazano, 18, 27. - - Desmarquet, _Histoire de Dieppe_, 88. - - D’Esprit, Pierre. _See_ Radisson. - - _Detectio Freti Hudsoni_, 378. - - De Thou, _Histoire de France_, 31, 32. - - Dethune, Exuperius, 268. - - _Deutsche Pionier_, 248. - - De Vries, 418, 454, 491; - _Voyagien_, 418. - - De Witt, Frederic, 375, 376; - _Atlas_, 376; - _Zee-Atlas_, 376. - - De Witt, Johan, _Brieven_, 493. - - De Witts, 423. - - Dexter, George, “Cortereal”, etc., 1. - - Diamonds, 57, 58. - - D’Iberville, 161; - autog., 161; - in Hudson’s Bay, 316; - in Louisiana, 239. - _See_ Iberville. - - Dieppe, Archives of, destroyed, 16; - great French captain of, 16; - navigators of, 4. - - Dieulois, Jean, 64. - - Dillon, J. B., _History of Indiana_, 198. - - Dincklagen, L. van, 464. - - Dinondadies, 267. - - Diseases, xv. - - Disosway, G. P., 441. - - Divine, River, 178, 209, 212, 214, 216. - - Divines, Les, 318. - - D’Olbeau, Jean, 124, 264, 268. - - Dollier and Galinée, 303; - their map, 203; - _Voyage_, 294. - - Dollier de Casson, 266, 332; - _Histoire de Montreal_, 294, 302. - - Dolretan, 373, 378. - - Domagaya, 50, 52. - - Dominicans in Virginia, 263. - - Don, Nicolas, 62. - - Doncker, Hendrick, _Zee-Atlas_, 376; - _Nieuwe Zee-Atlas_, 376. - - Dongan, governor, 161, 284; - licensed traders, 192; - and the Iroquois, 340, 343; - and Denonville, 345. - - Donnacona, 52, 54, 57, 64. - - Dornelos, Juan, 10. - - D’Orville, 139. - - Douay, 234, 238, 241. - - Double, Cape, 48. - - Douchet Island. _See_ St. Croix Island and De Monts Island. - - Douniol, Ch., _Mission du Canada_, 314. - - Dourado, Vaz, 414; his map, 433. - - Doutreleau, Père, 289. - - Dover (N. H.), 159. - - Drake, S. A., _Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast_, 136. - - Drapeau, Stanilas, on Champlain’s tomb, 130. - - Drisius, S., 497. - - Drocoux, 222. - - Drogeo, 94, 98, 373. - - Druillettes, Gabriel, 174, 270, 273, 286; - autog., 270, 306; - among the Abenakis, 306; - in Boston, 306; - letter to Winthrop, 306; - _Narré du Voyage_, 306; - account of, 307. - - Duchesneau, 161, 170, 335, 366; - autog., 334. - - “Duchess of Gordon”, ship, 411. - - Du Creux. _See_ Creuxius. - - Dudley, Robert, _Arcano del Mare_, 376, 385, 435; - map of Nova Francia, 388. - - Dufresnoy, Lenglet, _La Géographie_, 375. - - Duhaut, 238. - - Du Lhut, 181, 248, 249, 254; - rescues Hennepin, 288; - mentioned, 347, 338, 339; - licensed to trade, 186; - enforces the law, 188; - his _Mémoire_, 197; - his route, 181, 232, 233. - - Du Luth. _See_ Du Lhut. - - Dummer, _Defence of the Colonies_, 364. - - Dumont, _La Louisiane_, 240. - - Dunlap, William, _History of New York_, 431. - - Duperon, Père, 281. - - Du Plessis, 274. - - Du Plessis, Pacifique, 124. - - Du Ponceau, P. S., 492. - - Dupont, 357. - - Duport, Nicolas, 64. - - Dupuis, 280; - among the Onondagas, 308. - - Dupuy, 181. - - Durantaye, 186, 189, 341, 347, 354. - - D’Urfé, Abbé, 327, 332, 333. - - Duro, C. F., _Arca de Noé_, 86. - - Durrie, D. S., _Bibliography of Wisconsin_, 199; - _Early Outposts_, 199. - - Dussieux, L., _Le Canada_, 367. - - Dutch, the, on the Hudson, xxiv, xxv; - on the Maine coast, 138; - and the Indians, 399, 421; - educated emigrants among them, 410; - their State-Papers, 416; - and New Plymouth, 428; - first arrived in New Netherland, 429. - - Dutch. _See_ New Netherland. - - Duval, P., 375, 388; - _Géographie universelle_, 375; - his maps, 390. - - Duxbury Bay, 109. - - Dwight, Theodore F., 33. - - - “Eagle”, ship, 412. - - Earthquake (1663), 310. - - Eastman, F. S., _History of New York_, 431. - - Eastman, Captain Seth, 199. - - Eaton, Governor Theophilus, 456, 476. - - Ebbingh, J., 417. - - Ebeling, C. D., _America_, 495; - his library, 495; - his maps, 201. - - Ebers, Georg, on Oscar Peschel, 15. - - Eclipse. _See_ Solar, Lunar. - - Eggleston, Edward, 44; - on sites of Indian tribes, 298. - - Egle, W. H., _Pennsylvania_, 499. - - Egypt, i. - - Elfsborg, Fort, 462, 478. - - Ellicott, Andrew, 254. - - Ellis, George E., _Red Man and White Man_, 296, 299; - on Parkman’s histories, 201, 296. - - Elswich, Henrich von, 475, 476; - autog., 475. - - “Emerilon”, galley, 51. - - Engel, Samuel, _Voyages_, 262. - - Engelran, 187, 195, 344; wounded, 348; - autog., 348. - - English State-Paper Office, 410. - - Erie, Lake, 227; maps of, 203, 204, 206, 208, (1674), 213, 214, 215, - 217, 218; - latest explored of the lakes, 224; - mentioned (1688), 232; - (Du Chat), 234; (Herrie), 237; - (Conty), map (1683), 249: map (1697), 251; - called “Du Chat”, 251, 252; - (Conti), 259, 260; map (1655), 391, (1660), 389. - _See_ Great Lakes. - - Eries, 53; - country of, 298; - destroyed, 298. - - Erondelle, Pierre, translates Lescarbot, 150. - - Esopus, 407. - - Espirito Bay (Bahia), 238. - - Estancelin, Louis, _Navigateurs Normands_, 16, 63. - - Estotiland, 94, 95, 98, 99, 101, 378. - - Etechemins, 150, 152, 312. - - _Études réligieuses_, 222. - - Eusebius, Chronicon, 16, 263. - - Evans, Lewis, his map, 447. - - Eyma, Xavier, 241. - - - Faffart, 182. - - Fage, Robert, _Description_, etc., 428; - _Cosmography_, 428. - - Fagundes, Joas Alvarez, 37, 74. - - Faillon, Abbé, _Colonie Française en Canada_, 246, 302, 360; - an ardent Sulpitian, 302; - on Margaret Bourgeois, 309; - accounts of, 360; - _Vie de N. Olier_, 303; - _Vie de Mdlle. Mance_, 303; - _Vie de Mdlle. Le Ber_, 365. - - Falconer, _Discovery of the Mississippi_, 226. - - Faribault, G. B, _Catalogue_, etc., 367; - account of, 367; - and the Canadian Archives, 366. - - Farrer, Virginia, 437. - - Faust Club, 441. - - Fénelon, Abbé, 267, 332, 333. - - Fénelon, Archbishop, 311. - - Fergus, Robert, _Historical Series_, 198. - - Ferland, Abbé, _Cours d’histoire du Canada_, 134, 157, 360; - accounts of, 360; - _Registres de Notre Dame_, 207. - - Fernow, Berthold, “New Netherland”, 395; - edits State archives, 441; - _Dutch and Swedish Settlements on the Delaware_, 500; - his work on the New York records, 412. - - Ferris, Benjamin, _Settlements on the Delaware_, 497. - - Fevers, vi, xxviii. - - Figs in Canada, 72. - - Figurative map, 433. - - Finnish emigration, 496. - - Fischer, Professor Theodor, 89. - - Fisher, J. F., 299. - - Fisheries, xxi; - at Newfoundland, 61. - - Fishing stages, 3. - - Firelands Historical Society, 198. - - Five Nations, plans for subduing the, 130. - _See_ Iroquois. - - Fleet, Captain Henry, 165. - - Fleming, Charles, 447, 453; - autog., 447. - - Fleming, Jöran, 477; - autog., 477. - - Fletcher, Governor Benjamin, 365; - autog., 365. - - Florida, 39, 41, 42, 45, 46; - mapped by Allefonsce, 75; - mentioned, 93, 95, 98, 101, 197, 227, 373, 377. - - Florin, Jean, 5, 9, 17, 21. - _See_ Verrazano. - - Florio, John, translates account of Cartier’s voyage, 63. - - Fluviander, Israel, 463. - - Folsom, George, 151, 427, 441. - - Foucault, 288. - - Fongeray, 139. - - Foppens, J. F., _Bibliotheca Belgica_, 371, 372. - - Force, M. F., on the Indians of Ohio, 298. - - Forests, value of, vii; - distribution, xiv. - - Forlani, Paolo, 40, 88; - _Universale Descrittione_, 88; - his map (1562), 92. - - Fort Crèvecœur. _See_ Crèvecœur. - - Fort Loyal, 159; - map, 159. - _See_ Portland. - - Fourcille, Chevalier de, 187. - - Fox River, 178, 200, 224. - - Foxes (Indians), 194, 268. - - France, Mer de, 85. - - France Royal, 58. - - France, royal geographers of, 375. - - Francesca. _See_ Francisca. - - Francia, 90. - _See_ New France; Francisca. - - Francis I., 9, 23; - autog., 23. - - Francis, Convers, _Life of Ralle_, 274. - - Francis, John W., on New York, 409. - - Francisca (Canada), 28, 38, 39, 41, 45, 67, 74, 84. - _See_ New France. - - Franciscan Cape, 69, 77. - - Franciscans, 289; - in Canada, 265; - in Florida, 263. - - Franciscus, monk, his map, 45. - - Frankfort globe, 36. - - Franquelin, maps, (1679, 1681), 211, 226, (1682), 227, (1684), 227, - 228, (1688), 170, 229, 230, 231; - plans of Quebec, 321. - - Franquet, _Voyages_, 366. - - Freels, Cape, 36. - - Freire, Joannes, map (1546), 84, 86. - - Fremin, Jacoby, 268, 283; - autog., 268. - - French archives. _See_ Paris. - - French colonization impeded by the commercial spirit, 106. - - French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, 241. - - Frère, Edouard, _Bibliographe Normand_, 201. - - Freschot, Casimiro, 250. - - Frisius, Laurentius, map of, 36. - - Frislant, 97, 378. - - Frison, Gemma, 101. - - Frogs, 429. - - Frontenac, made governor, 177, 318; - autog., 177, 326, 364; at Lake Ontario (1673), 179, 329; - recalled (1682), 185; - mentioned, 291; - arrives, 314; - and his times, 317; - married, 318; - and La Salle, 324; - and Perrot, 330; - recalled, 337; - again appointed governor (1689), 351, 361; - his titles, 357; - his youth, 357; - death, 356, 357; - letters to, 366; - his lodging, 354; - his last campaign against the Iroquois, 355, 365. - - Frontenac, Fort, established, 180; - plan of, 222; - mentioned, 223, 324. - - Frontenac, Lake, 208. - - Frontenacia, 209, 235. - - Fumée, 31. - - Fundy, Bay of, in maps, 90; - called “Grande Baye Françoise”, 140; - map, (1609), 152, (1709), 153; - called Golfo di S. Luize, 388. - - Furman, G., _Long Island_, 441; - _Notes of Brooklyn_, 441. - - Fur trade, in Canada, xxi, 105, 112, 113, 122, 127, 164, 168, 170, - 181, 183, 192, 199, 327, 330, 336, 339, 340, 343, 349, 353, 397; - in New England, xxv; - in New Sweden, 459, 481. - - Furlani. _See_ Forlani. - - - Gaffarel, Paul, edits Thevet, 31, 32. - - Gaillon, Michael, 59. - - Gale, George, _Upper Mississippi_, 200, 298. - - Galinée, Abbé de, 173, 245, 266, - his map, 205; - his Journal, 205. - - Gallaeus, Philippus, map (1574), 95; - _Enchiridion_, 95. - - Galvano, Antonio, 14; - his _Tratado_, 14; - edited by Bethune, 14. - - Gamas, Golfo de los, 100. - - Gamas River, 24, 37, 98. - - Gamort, 64. - - Gandagare, 280. - - Ganentaa, 280. - - Gannagaro, 347. - - Ganneaktena, 283. - - Garacontie, 282, 283, 311, 328. - - Gardner, A. K., 418. - - Garneau, Alfred, 359. - - Garneau, F. X., 359; - _Histoire du Canada_, 157, 158, 359, 367; - translated by Bell, 158, 359. - - Garnier, Charles, 305. - - Garnier, Julian, 283. - - Garnier, Père, 276, 278; - murdered, 307. - - Garreau, Père Leonard, 277, 282, 286, 305; - autog., 277; - murdered, 308. - - Gaspé, 50, 75, 291; - Champlain at, 105; - mission, 267. - - Gastaldi, 28, 40, 77, 93; - map, (1548), 86, 88, (1550), 86; - map in Ramusio, 90, 91. - - Gastaldo. _See_ Gastaldi. - - Gaudais, 366. - - Gaulin, 269. - - Geddes, George, 125. - - Geijer, E. G., _Historia_, 496. - - Gendron, _Quelques particularites_, 247, 305. - - Genealogy in New York, 410. - - Genestou, 139. - - Genoa, _Società Ligure_, _Atti_, 18. - - Gens de mer, 166. - - _Geographical Magazine_, 18. - - George, Fort (New York), 411. - - George, Lake (St. Sacrament), 312. - - Gerdtson, H., 469. - - Gérin-Lajoie, 366. - - Germans in Pennsylvania, characteristics, xix. - - Gerrard, J. W., _Old Streets of New York_, 440. - - Gerritsz, Hessel, 417. - - Ghymm, Walter, on Mercator, 371. - - Gibbons, Edward, 145. - - Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, map, 96. - - Gillam, Captain Zachary, 172. - - Ginseng, 289, 294. - - _Giornale Ligustico_, 38. - - Girava, _Cosmographia_, 90. - - Glacial action, xii. - - Glandelet, Abbé, 357. - - Gloucester Harbor, visited by Champlain, 111. - - Gobat, G., 307. - - Goes, Damiano de, _Chronica_, 14, 15. - - Gold, 57; mines, viii, xxix. - - Gomar, 423. - - Gomara, as an authority, 11; - on the Cortereals, 13; - _Historia general_, 68. - - Gomez, 9, 38, 82, 85, 87, 93, 413, 414; - his voyage, 24, 28; - Murphy on, 21; - and Ribero’s map, 21. - - Goodrich and Tuttle, _History of Indiana_, 198. - - Goos, P., _Lichtende Colomme_, 376; - _Zee-Atlas_, 376, 419, 440; - _Atlas de la mer_, 376. - - Gorges, Ferdinando, 165; - _Briefer Narration_, 430; - _America painted to the Life_, 430. - - Gosselin, E., 60; - _Documents de la marine Normande_, 61; - _Nouvelles glanes historiques_, 61, 65. - - Gottfriedt, J. L., _Archontologia Cosmica_, 426; - _Newe Welt_, 385, 426; - map, 390. - - Gould, B. A., the astronomer, xvi; - his _Statistics of American Soldiers_, xvii. - - Goupil, René, 277, 280. - - Goyer, Olivier, 357. - - Graffenreid, Baron de, xxviii. - - Grandfontaine, 161. - - Granville, 347. - - Gravier, Gabriel, on Joliet’s earliest map, 209; - _Découvertes de La Salle_, 245; - _La Salle de Rouen_, 245; - on La Hontan, 262. - - Gravier, Jacques, _Relation_, 316; - autog., 316. - - Gray Friars, 264. - - “Great Hermina”, ship, 51. - - Great Lakes (_see_ Ontario, Erie, Huron, Michigan, Superior), - authorities on the discovery of, 196; - levels of, 224; - map of, 228. - - Green, John, 154. - - Green Bay, 166, 224; - missions, 268, 286, 287. - - Green Mountains, xxv. - - Greene, G. W., on Verrazano, 17; - his _Historical Studies_, 17. - - Greene, J. H., reviews Sparks’s _Marquette_, 201. - - Greenhow, R., 199. - - Greenland, 2, 3, 36, 37, 89, 101; - (Groestlandia), 42, 82; - (Gronlandia), 43, 81; - (Grutlandia), 90, 96; - (Groenlant), 97, 101; - in early Portuguese maps, 16. - - Greenland Company, 396, 415. - - Greenough, Robert, 312. - - Gregson, Thomas, 456. - - Grenolle, 165. - - Griffin, A. P. C., on the bibliography of Western Explorations, 201. - - Griffin, M. J., 297. - - “Griffin”, bark, built on Niagara River, 183, 223; - lost, 183. - - Gripsholm, 462. - - Groclant, 97, 101. - - Groseilliers, 168, 171, 174, 197; - goes to Boston, 171. - - Groseilliers River, 169, 171. - - Grotius, on the Origin of the American Indians, 418. - - Grovelat, 82. - - Grozelliers. _See_ Groseilliers. - - Guanahani, _or_ Guanahana, 97, 101. - - Guast, De. _See_ De Monts. - - Gudin, Th., 241. - - Guendeville, Nicolas, 257. - - Guercheville, Comtesse de, 141, 264. - - Guerin, Jean, 170. - - Guerin, _Navigateurs Français_, 134, 241. - - Guesnin, Hilarion, 268. - - Guiana, 422, 423. - - _Guiana, Beschryvinghe van_, 378. - - Guignas, Père, 289. - - Guimené, Prince de, 265. - - Guincourt, 58. - - Gulf Stream, iii. - - Gunnarson, S., 450. - - Gustafson, Nils, 494. - - Gustavus Adolphus, 403, 443; - autog., 443. - - Gutierrez, Diego, 81; - map (1562), 90. - - Gurnet, 109. - - Gyles, John, _Memoirs_, 159. - - Gyllengren, E., 453, 472, 473. - - - Hachard, Madeleine, 241. - - Hacket, M., 31. - - Hagaren, King, 226. - - Hager, A. D., 198; - on Marquette at Chicago, 209. - - Hakluyt, 151; - _Divers Voyages_, 17, 43; - _Navigations_, 17. - - Hale, E. E., on Dudley’s _Arcano_, 435. - - Hale, Horatio, on the Iroquois, 299; - _Iroquois Book of Rites_, 299. - - Hale, Nathan, 155. - - “Half-Moon”, vessel, 397. - - Haliburton, Thomas C., _Nova Scotia_, 155. - - Hall, E. F., 371. - - Hall, Ralph, his map of Virginia, 374. - - Hallam, _Literature of Europe_, 375. - - Hamilton, Alexander, his Artillery Company, 412. - - Hannay, James, _History of Acadia_, 138, 157. - - Harlem, 441. - - Harmansen. _See_ Arminius. - - Harper, John, _Maritime Provinces_, 368. - - Harrassowitz, Otto, 439. - - Harrison, W. H., _Aborigines of the Ohio_, 298. - - Harrisse, Henry, reviews Murphy’s book on Verrazano, 18; - his _Cabots_, 35, 367; - his _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, 35, 295, 366; - his collection of Canadian maps, 201; - and Margry’s Collection, 242; - list of maps in his _Notes_, etc., 201; - opposes Margry’s views, 246. - - Hart, A. M., _Mississippi Valley_, 199. - - Hartford (Conn.), 401. - - Hartgers, Joost, _Beschrijvinghe van Virginia_, 422. - - Harvard College Library, 248, 299; - maps in, 201. - - Harvey, Henry, _Shawnee Indians_, 298. - - Hassard, J. R. G., 358. - - Hatarask, 45. - _See_ Hattoras. - - Hatton, _Newfoundland_, 65. - - Hattoras (Hotorast), 377. - _See_ Hatarask. - - Hawley, Charles, _Cayuga History_, 294, 309. - - Hawley, Jerome, 497. - - Hazard, Samuel, _Annals of Pennsylvania_, 497; - _Register of Pennsylvania_, 496. - - Hazart, on Dutch Church History, 306. - - Hebert, Louis, 126. - - Heins, 238, 239. - - Hemant, 183. - - Henlopen, Cape, 453. - - Hennepin, Louis, arrives in Canada, 180; - account of, 247; - mentioned, 182, 285; - with Accault, 184, 224; - captured, 233, 288; - _Description de la Louisiane_, 197, 248; - papers on, by Rafferman, 248; - at Fort Frontenac, 223; - his frauds, 254, 291; - and La Salle, 250; - his map (1683), 249; - _New Discovery_, 128; - title of, 256; - _Nouvelle Découverte_, 250; - map (1697), 251; - _Nouveau Voyage_, 240, 255, 256; - _Voyage curieux_, 254; - _Discovery of a Large Country_, etc., 255; - his books, 292. - - Hennin, De, _Essai sur la Bibliothèque du Roi_, 82. - - Henri II., map called by his name, 20; - made by Desceliers, 20, 77, 83, 85. - _See_ Dauphin. - - Henri IV., interested in Champlain’s voyage, 104; - assassinated, 122; - autog., 136. - - Henry (Dauphin), autog., 56. - - _Heptameron_ of Marguerite, 66. - - Heriot, George, _History of Canada_, 367. - - Hermanson, B., 458. - - Hermoso, Cape, 88, 92. - - Héroard, Jean, 357. - - Herrera, _Hechos de las Castellanos_, 29; - _Historia_, 13; - _Las Indias_, 378. - - _Hesperian, The_, 199. - - Hesselius, Andreas, 493. - - Hewett, General Fayette, xviii. - - Hexham, Henry, editor of Mercator, 374. - - Heylin, Peter, _Cosmographie_, 384, 385, 428; - _Microcosmus_, 428. - - Hilderberg Hills, xxv. - - Hildreth, S. P., _Ohio Valley_, 199. - - Hill, A. J., 199. - - Hispaniola, 41. - _See_ Santo Domingo. - - Historical Societies of the Northwest, 198. - - Hjort, P., 472. - - Hoar, George F., 242. - - Hochelaga, 52, 53, 77, 85, 94, 97, 98, 100, 101, 163, 377, 385; - extent of, 72; - (Ochelaga), 87; - plan of, 64; - site of, 304; - view of, 90. - - Hoffman, C. F., _Pioneers of New York_, 410. - - Hoggenberg, Francis, 371. - - Hojeda, 10. - - Holden, A. W., _Queensbury_, 421. - - _Hollandsche Mercurius_, 491. - - Hollender, Peter, 449; - autog., 449. - - Holm. _See_ Campanius. - - Homann, 262. - - Homem, Diego, map, 40, 78; - _Atlas_ (1558), 78, 90, 92; - maps, 92. - - Homes, H. A., on the Pompey Stone, 434. - - Hondius, Henry, 371, 437. - - Hondius, Jodocus, succeeds Mercator, 372, 378; - dies, 374. - - Hondius-Mercator Atlas, 374. - - Honfleur, Navigators of, 4. - - Honguedo, 78. - - Honter globe, 36. - - Hoochcamer, H., 450. - - Hood, Thomas, his map, 38, 414. - - Höök, Sven, 475, 479; - autog., 475. - - Hope, Fort, 401. - - Horologgi, 31. - - Horse, xv. - - Hosmer, H. L., _Maumee Valley_, 198. - - Hough, F. B., _Pemaquid Papers_, 159. - - Houghton County Historical Society (Michigan), 198. - - Howe, Henry, _Historical Collection of Ohio_, 198. - - Hudde, A., 461, 496; - autog., 461. - - Hudson, Henry, 397, 416; - his American voyages, 397, 424, 428; - authorities, 416. - - Hudson Bay, English at, 186, 345; - map (1709), 259; - routes to, 309; - mentioned, 101, 172, 228, 309, 316; - company, 172; - missions, 271, 314. - - Hudson River, 436; - the San Antonio of the Spaniards, 11, 429; - settlements, xxv; - early visited, 397, 398, 432; - in the old maps, 413; - discovery of, 415, 416; - name first applied, 427. - - Huet, 274. - - Huffington, William, _Delaware Register_, 496. - - Hulsius, Levinus, his _Sammlung_, 426, 442. - - Hulter, Johan de, 417. - - Humboldt’s study of Maps, 33. - - Hundred Associates, 302. - - Hunt’s _Merchants’ Magazine_, 201. - - Huppé, 354. - - Hurault, Philippe, 357. - - Hurlbut, H. H., 246; - _Chicago Antiquities_, 198; - on Marquette at Chicago, 209. - - Huron Country, 298; - map of, 296, 305. - - Huron, Lake, 165, 237; - (1688), 231, 232, 233, (1709), 259, (1703), 260; - called Michigane, 203; - D’Orleans map (1683), 249; - maps of, 208, 213, 214, 215, 218; - map (1697), 251, 252; - called Karecnondi, 251, 252; - map of (1660), 389; - map of (1656), 391. - - Hurons, 163, 216; - missions, 124, 267, 275, 301, 302, 305, 307, 310, 315; - migrations, 197; - prayer, 302; - among the Iroquois, 280; - at Isle d’Orleans, 308; - colonized near Quebec, 307, 315; - Champlain among the, 126; - described by Champlain, 132; - defeated by the Iroquois, 277; - destroyed, 278, 309; - at Mackinaw, 176; - join the Ottawas, 175; - Sagard among the, 196. - - Huygen, H., 448, 454, 462, 470, 477; - autog., 448. - - - Iberville, 226, 243. - _See_ D’Iberville. - - Ice period, xii. - - _Il genio vagante_, 250. - - Illinois, histories of, 198. - - Illinois (Indians), 175, 298; - their country, 179; - missions, 268. - - Illinois, Lac des. _See_ Michigan. - - Illinois River, 258. - - India, passage to, 10, 50, 51, 55, 59, 72, 84, 123, 164, 167, 171, - 172, 173, 202, 396, 397, 414, 426. - _See_ Asia, Cathay. - - India Superior, 41, 43. - - Indian corn, xiii. - - Indiana, Historical Society, 198; - histories of, 198. - - Indians, life and customs, 290; - migrations in Ohio, 298, 299; - map of, 298; - of Canada, 263; - described by Champlain, 131; - carried to France by Cartier, 57; - converted, 299; - and the Dutch, 399, 406, 407, 421; - and Frontenac, 323, 325; - geographical distribution of, 163; - habits, 301; - languages, 301; - on the Massachusetts coast, 110; - mythology of, 299; - in New England, xxiv; - Parkman’s account of, 297; - and Potherie, 358; - selling liquor to, 313, 334. - - Inga, Athanasius, _West-Indische Spieghel_, 416. - - Intendant of justice, 172. - - _International Magazine_, 295. - - Iowa, Historical Society, 199; - histories, 199. - - Ioway (Ayoes), River, 169. - - Irondequoit Bay, 193. - - Iron mines, viii, xxix, 106, 209, 219. - - Iroquois, 57, 217, 279, 399; - and Algonquins, respective locations of, 299; - _Book of Rites_, 299; - attacked (1615), by Champlain, 120, 124, 125, 132; - route to attack them, 125; - their country, 298; - map of, 281; - modern map of, 293; - missions in, 293; - French claims to, 349; - attempted treaty (1688), with the French, 350; - Dunlap’s map of their country, 421; - relations with Dongan, 340; - with the Dutch, 167; - wars with the French, 167; - peace with the French, (1654), 168; - embassy to the French, 310; - and Eries, war of, 308; - their idol, 204; - threatened by La Barre, 189; - relations with La Barre, 339; - their legends, 299; - origin of their confederacy, 299; - mission, 279, 296, 305, 311, 313; - numbers of, 309; - defeated by Ottawas, 175; - peace with (1652), 308; - and Huron wars, 305; - wars of, 104, 302. - - Irving, _Knickerbocker’s History of New York_, 410. - - Isabella (Cuba), 34. - - I-Santi Indians, 181. - - Iselin, I. C., 372. - - Isle aux Coudres, 52. - - Isle Gazees, 78. - - Isle of Birds, 51. - - Isle of Demons, 66. - - Isle Percée, 268. - - Isle Royale, 217. - - Isles aux Margoulx, 48. - - Isles of Shoals, discovered by Champlain, 111. - - Issati Indians, 181. - - Iucatan. _See_ Yucatan. - - - Jacobsz or Jacobsen, A., his maps, 378, 383, 434. - - Jacobsz, Theunis, 376. - - _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 38. - - _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Leipzig_, 38. - - Jaillot, Bernard, 375. - - Jaillot, Hubert, 375, 390; - _Amérique_, 385; - _Neptune Français_, 377. - - Jal, _Dictionnaire critique_, 357. - - Jallobert, Marc, 51, 57, 58. - - Jamay, Denis, 124. - - James, Fort, 313. - _See_ New York. - - James’s Bay, 171. - - Jamet, Denys, _Lettre_, 300. - - Jannson, Johan, 374, 378, 384; - his _Atlas_, 374; - _Atlas contractus_, 437; - _Novus Atlas_, 437; - sketch of his map, 385; - atlases, 437. - - Jansen, Carl, 452, 456. - - Jansen, Jan, van Ilpendam, 452. - - Japan (Giapan), 93, 96. - - Jefferys, the geographer, 155. - - Jenner, Thomas, _Foreign Passages_, 430. - - Jesuits, Journals of, 306; - Martyrs, Shea’s History of, 305; - missions in Ohio, 198; - missions in Michigan, 199; - in Acadia, 292; - authorities, 292; - _Relations_, 151, 292; - various reprints and supplements, 292; - bibliography of, 295; - judged by Parkman, 296; - by Charlevoix, 296; - by Shea, 296; - fac-simile of a title, 310; - in Acadia, 151; - in Canada, 263, 265, 266; - trading in Canada, 300, 304; - their character, 296; - and Poutrincourt, 150; - and Frontenac, 322, 323; - retired from Lake Superior, 176; - list of, among the Hurons, 307; - maps of, 205; - in the Northwest, 222; - in Quebec, 301, 354; - _Voyages et Travaux_, 314. - - Jesuit College (Georgetown), 299. - - Jocker, E., 223. - - Jode, Corneille de, 369. - - Jogues, Isaac, 276, 277, 279, 285, 305, 421; - captured, 302, 303; - at Sault Ste. Marie, 302; - among the Mohawks, 305, 306; - Novum Belgium, 306, 421; - portrait, 306; - life by Martin, 294; - autog., 421; - death, 306; - papers, 306. - - Johnson, Jeremiah, 419, 420, 491. - - Johnston, _Bristol and Bremen_, 138. - - Joliet, Louis, 173, 174, 336; - sent by Frontenac westward, 177; - Marquette joins him, 178; - authorities, 201; - autog., 204, 315; - meets La Salle, 204; - his canoe overset, 179; - his maps, 179; - his letter to Frontenac, 179; - as the discoverer of the Mississippi, 246, 315; - route of, 221, 224, 232, 233; - earliest map (1673-1674), 208, 209; - explorations, 207; - his personal history, 207; - his so-called “larger map”, 211, 212, 213; - his “smaller map”, 211, 214; - letter to Frontenac, 210, 211; - route by the Wisconsin, 211; - his “carte générale”, 211, 218; - his letters, 209; - his accounts of his discoveries, 209; - fac-simile of letter, 210. - - “Joly”, ship, 234. - - Jomard, map, 89. - - Jones, J. P., 226. - - Jonge, T. C. de, _Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsch Zeewesen_, 418. - - Jordan River, 45. - - Josselyn, John, _Voyages_, 429. - - _Journal des Savans_, 237. - - _Journal général de l’Instruction publique_, 196. - - Joutel, 235; - his Journal, 240; - _Journal historique_, 240; - at Lavaca River, 238; - goes with La Salle, 238. - - Juchereau, Françoise, 335; - _L’Hôtel Dieu_, 314, 359. - - Judæis, Cornelio, map, (1589), 95, (1593), 97, 99; - _Speculum Orbis_, 99. - - Juet’s Journal, 416. - - Juvencius, Josephus, _Canadicae missionis Relatio_, 300; - _Historiæ Societatis Jesu_, 151, 300. - - Juvency. _See_ Juvencius. - - - Kærius, P., 102, 374; - his maps, 384. - - Kalbfleisch, C. H., 299. - - Kalm, Peter, _Resa_, 494. - - Kankakee River, 188, 200, 224. - - Kapp, Frederick, on Minuit, 502. - - Karegnondi (Huron Lake), 391. - - Kaskasia, 220, 287. - - Katarakoni River, 180. - - Kauder, Christian, 268. - - Kaufmann, 371. - - Keen. _See_ Kyn. - - Keen, Gregory B., “New Sweden”, 443. - - Keen, Maons, 494. - - Keith, Sir William, _British Plantations_, 3. - - Kelton, D. H., on Mackinaw Island, 199. - - Kennebec River, 108, (Quinebeque), 383. - - Kentucky, English stock in, xvii; - the physical proportions of, xvi, xviii; - death-rate, xviii. - - _Kerkhistorisch Archief_ 421. - - Ketchum, _Buffalo_, 421. - - Keulen, Johan van, _Zee-Atlas_, 376. - - Keweenaw Bay, 170, 171, 187. - - Keye, Otto, 422; - _Het waere Onderscheyt_, 422, 423. - - Kidder, Frederic, on the Swedes on the Delaware, 499. - - Keift, Willem, 402, 448; - autog., 441; - his recall, 405. - - Kikapous, 178. - - King, Rufus, 300. - - Kip, W. I., _Early Jesuit Missions_, 294. - - Kirke, David, 158, 168; - at Tadoussac, 127; - captures Quebec, 128. - - Kirke, Henry, _First English Conquest of Canada_, 128, 158. - - Kling, Måns, 448, 451, 452, 453, 455; - his map, 437. - - Knapp, H. S., _Maumee Valley_, 198. - - _Knickerbocker Magazine_, 222. - - Kohl, J. G., his study of maps, 33; - his collection of maps in Department of State in Washington, 33, - 201; - maps in Coast Survey Office, 34; - in the American Antiquarian Society’s Library, 35; - Cartographical Depot, 35; - Discovery of Maine, 15; - on the Cortereals, 15; - his _Geschichte der Entdeckung Amerikas_, 35. - - Kondiaronk, 350. - - Koopman, 371. - - _Kort Verhael_, 422, 423. - - Kramer, H. 469, 472; - autog., 469. - - Krober, A. N., 447. - - Kryn, 283. - - Kunstmann, Friedrich, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, 15; - _Atlas_, 15, 45. - - Kyn, Jöran, 498; - his descendants, 500. - _See_ Keen. - - - La Barre, Le Febvre De, 337; - autog., 337; - and the Senecas, 342. - - La Borde, 254, 255. - - La Chesnay, 354; - site of, 303. - - La Chine, 303; - attacked, 350, 359. - - La Cosa, map, 35. - - La Croix, A. P. de, 189, 424. - - La Croix, _Algemeene Wereldt-Beschrijving_, 439. - - La Crosse, J. B., 271. - - La Famine Bay, 293. - - La Ferte, 188. - - La Forest, 234, 239. - - La Forêt, 193, 336, 338. - - La Fortune, 187. - - Lafreri, _Tavole moderne_, 93. - - La Galissonière, 154. - - La Hontan, Baron, 342; - account of, 257; - _Nouveaux Voyages_, 257; - _Mémoires de l’Amérique_, 257; - _New Voyages_, 257; - _Dialogue_, 257; - map (1703), 260; - _Supplément_, 257; - map (1709), 258, 259. - - Lamonde, 181. - - La Montagne, J., 464. - - La Motte, 182. - - La Motte Bourioli, 139. - - La Motte-Cadillac, _Mémoire sur l’Acadie_, 159. - - La Noue, 365. - - La Plata, 40. - - La Potherie, 159. - - La Prairie, 284. - - La Roche d’Aillon, 265, 279. - - La Rochelle, archives of, destroyed, 16. - - La Salle, Sieur de, his birth, 242; - his character, 222; - in Canada, 180; - at Fort Frontenac, 180; - explorations (1678), 181, 202; - at Niagara, 182; - meets Joliet, 173, 204; - on the Ohio, 207; - at the Chicago portage(?,), 207; - did he discover the Mississippi?, 207, 245; - at St. Joseph’s River(?,), 207; - his route, 212, 214, 224, 232, 233, 241; - reaches the Gulf of Mexico, 225; - at Fort Miami, 225; - at Michillimackinac, 225; - superseded, 226; - in France, 226, 233; - restitution made, 234; - expedition to Texas, 236; - founds a colony, 237; - on Lavaca River, 238; - starts northward (1686), 238; - killed, 238, 241, 243; - fate of his colony, 239, 241; - relations with Hennepin, 250; - with Denonville, 226; - with Frontenac, 324; - with La Barre, 339; - his life by Sparks, 242; - by Parkman, 242; - portraits, 242, 244; - his letters, 244; his will, 241. - - La Salle, Nicholas de, 226. - - La Taupine, 179. - - La Tour, Abbé, _Vie de Laval_, 309, 358. - - La Tour, Charles de, 142, 143; - autog., 143; - visits Boston, 144; - attacks D’Aulnay, 145; - authorities, 153, 154. - - La Tour, Stephen de, 145. - - La Tourette, Greysolon de, 194. - - La Tourette, Fort, 189, 229, 230. - - La Valterie, 347. - - L’Archevêque, 239. - - Labadists, 429. - - Labrador, 37, 39, 43, 45, 48, 74, 75, 78, 82, 83, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, - 95, 96, 97, 99, 101; - discovered, 38, 46; - on the early maps, 16. - - Laconia, 165. - - Lafitau, Père, _Mœurs des Sauvages_, 294, 298; - autog., 298. - - Lafitau, _Des Portugais dans le Nouveau Monde_, 15. - - Lafontaine, L. H., 303. - - La Hêve, Cape, 136. - - Laisné de la Marguerie, 302. - - Lake of the Two Mountains, 312. - - Lalande, 280. - - Lalemant, Charles, 134, 265; - _Relations_ and _Letters_, 300, 301, 309. - - Lalemant, Gabriel, 278, 305; - autog., 278; - death of, 307. - - Lalemant, Hierosme, _Relations_, 305, 306, 310; - in the Huron Country, 302, 305. - - Lalemant, Jerome, 268, 270. - - Lamb, Martha J., _New York_, 440. - - Lamberton. George, 451. - - Lamberville, 346. - - Lamberville, Jean de, 283, 340, 346; - autog., 285. - - Lambrechtsen, N. C., _Kort Beschrijving_, 416, 431. - - Lampe, B., 424. - - Langen, J. G., 256. - - Langenes, _Caert-Thresoor_, 102; - _Handboek_, 102. - - Langevin, E., on Laval, 309. - - Langren, A. Florentius à, 99. - - Langton, John, 201 - - Lanman, James H., _History of Michigan_, 198. - - Lapham, I. A., _History of Wisconsin_, 199. - - Latitude and longitude in Champlain’s map, 131. - - Laudonnière, 17. - - Laure, Michael, 271. - - Lauson, Governor, 303. - - Lauverjeat, 273. - - Lavaca River, 238. - - Laval, Bishop, 247, 267, 309, 312, 334; - autog., 309; - Parkman on, 309; - portraits, 309; - lives of, 309; - La Tour’s life of, 358. - - Laval University, 222. - - Laverdière, Abbé, 130, 133, 196, 306, 360; - edits Champlain, 360. - - Lavvradore. _See_ Labrador. - - Law, John, _Vincennes_, 198. - - Law, Judge John, 222. - - Lazaro, Luiz, map by, 37. - - Le Beau, _Voyage curieux_, 299. - - Le Ber, 303, 331, 336. - - Le Boeme, Louis, 176. - - Le Caron, Joseph, 124, 125, 264, 279. - - Le Clercq, Christian, 234, 268; - _Établissement de la Foy_, 255, 291; - translated by Shea, 291; - _Histoire des Colonies Françaises_, 291; - map in his _Établissement de la Foy_, 390; - _Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspésie_, 292; - attacks the Jesuits, 292. - - Le Cordier, 393. - - Le Gardeur, René. _See_ Beauvais. - - Le Jeune, Paul, 196, 271, 274; - _Relations_, 301, 302, 308, 309; - Journal, 301; - portrait, 272. - - _Le Journal des Jésuites_, 196. - - Le Maire, Jacques, 187. - - Le Maître, Jacques, 283, 305. - - Le Mere, 187. - - Lemercier, François, 280; - _Relations_, 308, 310, 311, 312, 313; - in the Huron country, 301, 302; - autog., 311. - - Lemoine, J. M., _Rues de Québec_, 321; - _Quebec Past and Present_, 118; - _Picturesque Quebec_, 126. - - Le Moyne, Charles, 339, 340. - - Le Moyne, Simon, 280, 281, 282, 283; - autog., 308; - Letters, 309; - in the Mohawk country, 308, 309; - at Onondaga, 308; - among the Senecas, 310. - - Le Rouge, 375. - - Le Roux, 254. - - Le Sage, S., on the Recollects, 292. - - Le Sueur, Pierre, 195, 229. - - Le Testu, Guillaume, _Cosmographie_, 90; - his map, 77. - - Lebreton, 240, 241, - - Ledyard, L. W., 125. - - Leipzig, _Verein für Erdkunde, Jahresbericht_, 15. - - Leisler, Governor, 159. - - Lelewel, account of, 375. - - Lenox, James, 418, 439; - on the bibliography of Champlain, 133; - prints Marquette’s accounts, 294. - - Lenox globe, 36. - - Lenox Library, 248, 299; - _Contributions_, 295; - _Jesuit Relations_, 295. - - Lery, Baron de, 31; - at Sable Island, 5, 63. - - Lescarbot, Marc, 149; - _La Conversion des Sauvages_, 150; - _Relation dernière_, 150; - _Le bout de l’an_, 150; - his maps (1609), 150, 152, 378; - map of the Upper St. Lawrence, 304; - career, 149; - _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, 149; - _Les Muses_, 150; - on the Nova Scotia coast, 112. - - _Les véritables motifs_, 302. - - _Lettres édifiantes_, 294, 316. - - Leverett, John, expedition to Acadie, 145; - autog., 145. - - Levot, 241. - - Leyonberg, Johan, 483, 487. - - Leyzeau, Pierre, 354. - - _L’Héroine Chrétienne_, 303. - - Licking County Pioneer Historical Society, 198. - - Liens, Nicholas des, 78; - his map, 78, 79. - - Liljehöck, P., 455. - - Limestone regions, xiii. - - Lindstroem, Peter, 472, 473, 483, 485, 494; - autog., 472; - His writings, 502; - his map, 437, 481, 496. - - Linschoten, 97; by Wolfe, 97; - _Histoire de la Navigation_, 414. - - Liotot, 238. - - Liquor, sale of to Indians, controversy over, 267. - - “Little Hermina”, ship, 51, 54. - - Livingston, William, 430. - - Livot, _Biographie Bretonne_, 65. - - Lloyd, Lawrence, 473. - - Loccenius, J., _Historia Suecana_, 491. - - Lock, L. C., 463, 500. - - Lodowick, Charles, 365. - - Loew, 102. - - Lok’s map, 17, 43, 415; - fac-simile, 44. - - Long, _Peter’s River_, 262. - - Long Island, Dutch and English on, 404, 409; - antiquities of, 441; - bibliography of, 441; - histories of, 441. - - Long Island Historical Society, 409. - - Long river of La Hontan, 258, 260; - map of, 261. - - Longevity, xvi, xviii. - - Longueil, 347. - - Lorette, 267, 279, 284. - - Lossing, B. J., _Hudson River_, 435. - - Louis XIV., autog., 323; - and Canada, 172. - - Louis de Sainte Foy, 266. - - Louisa Island, 7, 24, 28, 39. - _See_ Claudia Island. - - Louisiana, 228, 249; - named by La Salle, 225, 250; - missions, 267, 294. - - Lovelace, Governor, 313. - - Loyal, Fort, attacked, 39. - _See_ Fort Loyal and Portland. - - Loyard, 273. - - Luce, Loys, 64. - - Lucifer, C., 465. - - Lucini, A. F., 435. - - Luis, Lazaro, his map, 37. - - Lunar eclipse (1637), 302; - (1642), 302. - - _Lutheri Catechismus_, 459. - - Luyt, Johannes, _Introductio ad Geographiam_, 375. - - Lyndsay, Lord, 442. - - Lyonne, Martin de, 268, 307, 308. - - - Macauley, James, _State of New York_, 431. - - Macgregory, Major, 193. - - Machiaca, 45. - - Machias (Me.), 143. - - Mackerel, 50. - - Mackinac, Hurons at, 278; - mission at, 267, 287. - - Mackinaw, history of, 199; - Hurons at, 176. - - MacMullen, John, _History of Canada_, 367. - - Maçons, 187, 188. - - Madeleine River, 168. - - Madockawando, 146. - - Maffeius (1593), map, 95. - - Magaguadavic River, 137. - - _Magasin Encyclopédique_, 86. - - _Magazine of American History_, 31. - - Magellan’s Straits, 40, 41, 42, 43; - voyage, 10. - - Maggiollo. _See_ Maiollo. - - Magliabechian Library, 17. - - Magninus, _Geographia_, 95. - - Maida, 92, 93, 96. - - Maillard, A. S., 269. - - Maillard, Jehan, 71. - - Maillard, Thomas, 72. - - Maine, missions in, 273, 300; - war in, 159. - - Maingart, Jacques, 51. - - Maiollo, map of, 27, 38, 39, 73. - - Mairobert, _Discussion summaire_, 155. - - Maisonneuve, Père, 275. - - Maisonneuve, Sieur de, 53, 303. - - Maize, xiii, xxiv; - not produced in Canada, xxii. - - Major, R. H., _Prince Henry the Navigator_, 245; - on Verrazano, 18. - - Mallebar, Cape, 143. - - Mallet, A. M., _L’Univers_, 375. - - Malte-Brun, _Annales_, 64. - - Man, origin of, xi. - - Mance, Mdlle., 294. - - Mangi, Sea of, 93, 96. - - Manhattan, 398, 436; - origin of name, 433. - - Manitoulin Island, 174; - Ottawas at, 176, 287. - - Manitoumie, 221. - - Manning, John, 502. - - Manno and Promis, _Notizie di Gastaldi_, 93. - - Manthet, De, 188, 365. - - Maps, difficulties with coast-names, 33; - of eastern coast of North America, 33; - of the lakes and the Mississippi, 201. - - Mar del Sur, 43, 93. - _See_ South Sea and Pacific. - - Marest, J. J., 195, 288, 316; - autog., 316. - - Margry, Pierre, his collections and theories, 241; - _Les Normands dans les vallées d’Ohio_, 196, 241; - Congress assists him, 242; - his _Mémoires et documents_, 242; - on Allouez, 315; - controversy over the discovery of the Mississippi, 245; - criticised by R. H. Major, 245; - assists Faribault in collecting documents, 366; - _Navigations Françaises_, 68. - - “Marie de Bonnes Nouvelles”, 64. - - Marie de l’Incarnation, 314; - _Lettres_, 309, 314; - accounts of, 314. - - Marie de St. Joseph, 308. - - Marion, La Fontaine, 192. - - Markham, William, 498. - - Marmette, Joseph, _François de Bienville_, 36 - - Marquadas, J., _Tractatus_, 490. - - Marquette, 176, 286, 287; - at Chicago (?,), 209; - letter, 313; - autog., 313; - joins Joliet, 178, 207, 287; - route of, 221, 232, 233; - at St. Esprit, 207; - _Récit des voyages_, 294, 315; - translated in Shea’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_, 294; - report of his expedition, 217, 219; - and map, 217, 220; - compared with Joliet’s, 219; - (spurious), map, 220; - given in Thevenot, 220; - his later history, 220; - dies, 220, 315. - - Marsh, George P., 495. - - Marshall, O. H., 125, 242, 295, 299, 348; - on the “Griffin”, 223; - _La Salle’s Visit to the Senecas_, 205. - - Martha’s Vineyard seen by Verrazano, 7. - - Martin, Claude, 314. - - Martin, Felix, 294. - - Martin, Henri, 245. - - Martin, Père, 305; - _Vie de Brebeuf_, 307. - - Martines, map (1578), 95, 97. - - Martyr, Peter, on Verrazano, 25; - _Decades_, 29; - _Opus Epistolarum_, 29. - - Mascoutens, 178, 268. - - Massachusetts Archives, documents collected in France, 366, 367. - - Massachusetts Bay, discovered by Allefonsce, 60. - - Masse, Enemond, 129, 133, 264, 265, 266, 273, 300, 301; - death, 306. - - Mather, Cotton, 316; - _Life of Phips_, 160, 364; - _Magnalia_, 159. - - Matkovic, _Schiffer-Karten_, 84. - - Matthias, 477. - - Mauclerc, astronomer, 16. - - Maumee Valley, 198. - - Maurault, _Histoire des Abênaquis_, 150. - - May River, 45. - - McGregory, 347. - - Mead, _Construction of Maps_, 369. - - Medina, Pedro de, _Arte de Navegar_, 83; - map (1545), 83; - _Libro de Grandezas_, etc., 83; - _L’Art de Naviguer_, 378. - - Medrano, S. F. de, 255. - - Megapolensis, Johannis, 419, 420, 497; - autog., 420; - _Een kort Ontwerp_, 421; - accounts of, 421. - - Megiser, _Septentrio Novantiquus_, 377. - - Meiachkwat, Charles, 269, 273. - - Melendez at St. Augustine, 263. - - Melton, Edward, _Zee en Land Reizen_, 423. - - Melyn, Cornelis, 425; - autog., 425. - - Membertou, 150, 264. - - Membré, Zénobe, 223, 225, 234, 288; - his Journal, 254. - - _Mémoires des Commissaires_, 154. - - Menard, Père, 170, 280, 281, 286, 305, 309; - autog., 280, 309; - death, 286, 310. - - Mennonists, 423. - - Menomonees, 268. - - Menou, Charles de, 143. - - Mer de Canada, 75. - - Mercator, Gerard, portrait, 371; - notice by Ghymm, 371; - his _Atlas_, 371; - life by Raemdonck, 371; - his mappemonde, 369, 373; - _Atlas minor_, 374; - _Atlas novus_, 374; - English editions, 374; - globes, 99; - map, (1538), 74, 81, (1541), 74, 81, (1569), 78, 94; - his projection, 369. - - Mercator, Michael, his map, 377. - - Mercator, Rumold, 369, 371. - - _Mercure de France_, 307. - - _Mercure François_, 131, 134, 150, 300; - sets of, 300. - - _Mercure gallant_, 226. - - Mermet, 288. - - Metabetchouan, 271. - - Metellus, _America_, 369. - - Meules, 337, 341, 346; - autog., 337. - - Meurcius, Jocobus, 390. - - Mexico, 43; - physiography, vi. - _See_ Temistitan, New Spain. - - Mexico, Gulf of, maps, 34; - reached by La Salle, 225. - - Mey, C. J., 398, 448. - - Mézy, 172; - autog., 172. - - Miami River, 224. - - Miamis, 178, 298; - Fort, 200, 225, 249, 251; - missions to, 268 - - Michaelius, Rev. Jonas, 421. - - Michel, Jean, 143. - - “Michel”, ship, 64. - - Michelant, H., 63. - - Michigan. _See_ Great Lakes. - - Michigan, 235; - different names of, 229; - Historical Society of, 198; - histories of, 198; - Lake (Lac des Illinois), 170, 206, 212, 214, 215, 218, 231, 232, - 233, 237, 251, 252, 260; - (Dauphin), map of, 249; - discovered, 166; - map (1709), 258; - map (1697), 251, 252; - map (1656), 391; - peninsula first mapped out, 205; - Pioneer Society, 198. - - Mickley, J. J., 482, 502. - - Micmacs, 49, 150; - missions to, 267, 268. - - Mildmay, W., 154. - - Miles, H. H., _History of Canada_, 368. - - Milet, Père, 285, 316. - - Mille Lacs, 169; - this region taken possession of, 195. - - Millin, _Magazin encyclopédique_, 19. - - Mills, A., 102. - - Mines of the Cordilleras, v; - of North America, viii. - _See_ Copper, Gold, etc. - - Minet’s Map of Louisiana (1685), 237. - - Minnesota, Historical Society of, 199; - bibliography of, 199; - histories of, 199. - - Minnesota River, 195 - - Minong Island, 229, 230, 258. - - Minquas, 447, 462, 492. - - Minuit, Peter, 398, 403, 441, 445, 447, 493, 502; - autog., 398, 446. - - Miramichi, 153; - Bay, 49. - - Miscou, 266. - - _Missio Canadensis_, 300. - - Missions in Canada, sources of their history, 290; - of the Catholics, 199; - to the Indians, 263; - among the Iroquois, map of sites of, 293. - _See_ the names of orders, of priests, and of mission sites. - - Mississippi River, 167, 258, (Meschasipi), 251, 253; - reported by Allouez, 286; - report of, from the Indians, 207, 313; - extent of its system, viii; - French possession of, xxiii; - reached by Joliet, 178; - named Buade, 178; - called Colbert, 206; - various names of, 209; - map (1684), 228. - - Mississippi Valley, physical characteristics of, iii, iv; - histories of, 199; - French forts in, 199; - French discovery in, 199; - called “Colbertie”, 211; - map (1672), 221. - - Missouri River, 237; - early notices, 226. - - Modeer, _Historia_, 495. - - Mohawk Valley, xxv; - early settlements in, 412. - - Mohawks, 119, 122, 309, 311; - war with, 310, 313, 365; - missions, 281. - - Mohegan war (1669), 313. - - Moingona, 262. - - Molineaux globe, 97, 99; - map (1600), 80, 377. - - Moll, Herman, 262. - - Mölndal, 462, 463. - - Moluccas, 40. - - Moncacht-Apé, 211. - - Monette, J. W., _Valley of the Mississippi_, 199. - - Monomet, 109. - - Monro, Alexander, _British North America_, 368. - - Monseignat, autog., 364; - _Relation_, 159, 361. - - Mont Joliet, 179. - - Montagnais, 118, 120, 264; - language of, 133; - missions to, 124, 267, 269. - - Montalboddo, _Pæsi_, etc., 12. - - Montanus, map in, 390; - _Nieuwe Weereld_, 423; - _Die Unbekante neue Welt_, 423, - (Van den Bergh), 374. - _See_ Ogilby. - - Montespan, Madame, 318. - - Montgolfier, account of Margaret Bourgeois, 309. - - _Month, The_, 199, 297. - - Montigny de St. Cosme, 316. - - Montigny, Francis de, 288. - - Montmagny, 130, 326. - - Montpensier, _Mémoires_, 357. - - Montreal, 53, 205, 308, 312; - Faillon on, 360; - founded, 302; - Frontenac at, 325; - maps of, 303, 311; - mission at, 274; - site of, 164; - Société Historique de, _Mémoires_, 303; - and vicinity, map by La Potherie, 303. - - Moon. _See_ Lunar. - - Moore, Frank, 441. - - Moore, J. B., 441. - - Morasses, xiii. - - Moreau, _L’Acadie Françoise_, 156. - - Moreau, _Mémoire_, 155. - - Moreau, Pierre, 179, 181. - - Morel, Thomas, 311. - - Morgan, H. J., _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, 359, 367. - - Morgan, Lewis H., 163; - _League of the Iroquois_, 297, 421. - - Morin, P. L., 201, 366. - - Morrel, Oliver. _See_ Durantaye. - - Morton, Thomas, _New English Canaan_, 40, 384. - - Mound-Builders, 53. - - Mount Desert Island, 107, 264. - - Moulton, J. W., _New Netherland_, 496. - - Muilkerk, B. van D., 499. - - Muller, Frederick, of Amsterdam, 439; - his catalogues, 439. - - Muller, J. U., _Vorstellung der gantzen Welt_, 376. - - Mundus Novus (South America), 40. - - Munsell, Joel, his labors, 435; - _Annals of Albany_, 365, 435; - _Collections_, 435. - - Münster, Sebastian, 82; - _Cosmographie_ (1574), 414; - map, (1532), 36, (1540), 38, 41, 81, (1545), 83, 84, (1598), 95. - - Murdock, Beamish, _Nova Scotia_, 142, 156. - - Murphy, Henry C., 248, 295, 299, 419, 421, 425, 429, 432, 491, 498; - autog., 418; - his case against the genuineness of the Verrazano voyage stated, 19; - examined, 22; - his intended _History of Maritime Discovery in America_, 22; - his death, 22; - accounts of, 22; - his library, 22; - Voyage of _Verrazzano_, 18. - - Myritius, _Opusculum_, 96; - map (1590), 96. - - Mythology of the Indians, 299. - - - Nahant, 485. - - Nancy Globe, 76, 81. - - Nassau, Fort, 398, 400, 402, 437, 448; - abandoned, 468; - site of, 497. - - Natiscotec Island, 51. - - Nauset Harbor, 111, 112. - - Navarrete, _Bibliotheca maritima_, 62; - _Coleccion_, 30. - - Navigation, treatise on by Champlain, 133. - - Negabamat, Noel, 272, 273. - - Neill, Edward D., “Discovery along the Great Lakes”, 163; - papers in the Minnesota Historical Society’s _Collections_, 199; - _History of Minnesota_, 199; - _Minnesota Explorers_, 199; - on Menard, 310; - _Founders of Maryland_, 165; - _Writings of Hennepin_, 250, 254. - - Nekouba, 270. - - Nelson, Fort, 259. - - Nemiskau, 271. - - Nepignon, Lake, 173, 189. - - _Neptune Français_, 377. - - Nertunius, M., 472. - - Netscher, P. N., _Les Hollandais au Brésil_, 418, 499. - - Neuters, 276, 293; - country of, 298. - - Neutral Island. _See_ St. Croix Island. - - New Amstel, 404. - - New Amsterdam taken (1673), by the Dutch, 408; - again given up to the English, 409; - early accounts of, 439; - early records, 439; - Indian incursions towards, 440; - Stadthuys, 441. - _See_ New York. - - _New Dominion Monthly_, 67. - - New England, physical characteristics of, xxiv; - Indians of, xxiv; - climate, xxiv; - importance of, xxv; - an island, 429; - De Laet’s map of, 436; - and New Sweden, 474, 494; - Swedish map of, 485; - map of coast, by Allefonsce, 75; - explored by Champlain, 107. - _See_ names of the States. - - Newfoundland, 47, 79; - mapped by Allefonsce, 74, 75; - visited before Columbus, 3; - authorities, 4; - early maps of, 73; - fishing vessels at, 58; - fisheries, 61, 63; - a group of islands, 77, 93; - Lescarbot’s map of, 379; - Mason’s, 379. - _See_ Baccalaos. - - New France, 61, 77, 93, 95, 97, 99, 100, 101; - archives of, 356; - map, 228; - name of, 67, 78, 91; - its position seemed to assure control of the continent, xx; - soil and climate against it, xxii; - its colonists compared with New Englanders, xxii. - _See_ Francia; - Francisca; - Canada. - - New Gottenburg, burned, 460. - - New Netherland, Asher’s list of maps of, 437; - anthology of, 432; - bibliography of, 439; - best collection of books on, in the Lenox Library, 439; - maps of, 433, 435; - to be purchased by France, 172; - history of, 395; - records of, 410. - _See_ New York. - - New Orange, 408. - - Newport, Verrazano at, 8. - - New Scotland, 142. - _See_ Nova Scotia. - - New Spain, 43, 88, 97. - _See_ Mexico; - Nova Hispania. - - New Sweden, 306, 443; - eclectic map of, 501; - the English expelled from, 452; - and the Dutch, 457, 461, 498; - and the Indians, 457; - map by Lindstroem, 481; - map by Visscher, 467; - attacked by Stuyvesant, 467; - maps of, 485, 496, 500; - and Maryland, 496; - and New England, 498, 499; - unpublished documents, 502; - lost to Sweden, 487; - authorities, 488; - fac-simile of title of the _Manifest_, 489. - _See_ Swedes. - - New York (province), Archives of, depredated, 411; - O’Callaghan’s _Calendar_, 411; - _Documents relative to Colonial History_, 356, 409; - missions in, 309. - _See_ New Netherland. - - New York (city), histories of, 440; - called Menate, 219; - map of town (1666), 440; - original grants, 441; - early farms, 441; - view of fort, 441. - - _New York Freeman’s Journal_, 245. - - New York Harbor, Verrazano in, 7; - early visitors, 396. - - New York Historical Society, origin of, 409. - - New York State Library, 299. - - _New York Weekly Herald_, 222. - - Niagara, block-house at, 223; - Falls, 306, 485; - first mentioned, 302; - fort, 260, 293; - Hennepin’s view of Falls, 240, 247, 248, 254; - history of the Falls, 247; - name of, 247. - - Nicholas, Louis, 271. - - Nicholas, Père, 286. - - Nicolet, Jean, 166, 167, 302, 304; - account of, by C. W. Butterfield, 304; - death, 196; - at Green Bay (1634-1635), 196. - - Nicolosius, 385. - - Niles, _French and Indian Wars_, 160. - - Nipissing, Lake, 125, 259; - map, 213, 214; - mission, 265, 267. - - Noel, Étienne, 57, 58. - - Noel, Jacques, 73. - - Noiseaux, 220. - - “Nonsuch”, ship, 172. - - “Normandy”, ship, 6. - - Normans, early on the Newfoundland banks, 63. - - Norridgework mission, 274. - - North, Frederic, 354. - - North America, physiography, ii; - effects on colonists, x; - eastern coast, maps of, 33. - - North Carolina, failure of colonization, xxii, xxviii; - physical characteristics, xxvii; - poorness of tide-water population, xxviii. - - North River. _See_ Hudson River. - - Northwest Passage, 35. - _See_ India. - - Norumbega, 53, 88, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 152, 373, 384; - (Anorombega), 81; - Cape of, 69; - an island, 77; - (Norimbequa), 67; - (Norvega), 378; River, 70, 77; - town of, 71. - - Notre Dame, Congregation of, at Montreal, 309. - - Nouguère, La, 332. - - Nouvel, 270, 311. - - _Nouvelle Biographie générale_, 241. - - _Nouvelle Biscaye_, 384. - - _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 19. - - Nova Andulasia, 42. - - Nova Francia, 373, 378, 383. - _See_ New France; - Canada; - Nova Gallia. - - Nova Galitia, 42. - - Nova Gallia, 27, 67. - _See_ New France. - - Nova Hispania, 42. - _See_ New Spain. - - Nova Scotia, 135; - explored by Champlain, 106; - geographical history of, 154; - records of, 159; - Historical Society, 159. - _See_ New Scotland. - - Novus Orbis (South America), 41. - - Novum Belgium, 426. - _See_ New York. - - Nya Elfsborg, 454. - - Nya Göteborg, 454. - - Nya Korsholm, Fort, 462, 473. - - Nyenhuis, Bodel, 439. - - - O’Callaghan, E. B., 409, 421; - on the _Jesuit Relations_, 295; - his studies in New York history, 431; - _History of New Netherland_, 431, 497; - _Register_, 431; - edits _Documents of New York_, 412; - his library, 295, 432. - - Ochunkgraw, 166. - - Odhner, C. T., 499, 500, 502; _Historia_, 498. - - Ogdensburg, 285. - - Ogilby, John, _America_, 390; - maps in, 392, 393. - _See_ Montanus. - - Ohio River, 178, 216, 217, 227, 231, 233, 251; - (Ouye), 253; - (Hohio), 253; - early maps of, 224. - - Ohio (State), bibliography of, 198; - histories of, 198. - - Ohio Historical Society, 198. - - Ohio Valley, history of, 199. - - _Ohio Valley Historical Series_, 198. - - Ojibways, 175. - - Old-town Indians, 274. - - Oldenbarnevelt, 396, 397, 423. - - Olier, J. J., 266, 275, 302. - - Oliva, Johannes, map, 379. - - Onderdonk, Henry W., _Hempstead_, 441. - - Oneida, Lake, 125. - - Oneidas, 311. - - Onondaga, 126, 280, 282; - books on, 309; - mission, 308; - abandoned, 308. - - Onondagas, 293. - - Onontio, 326. - - Ontario, Lake, 163; - called Frontenac, 208, 213, 214, 215, 218, 237, 259, 260; - called St. Louis, 234; - map, (1656), 391, (1660), 389, (1662), 281, (1666), 312, (1670), - 203, (1697), 251; - Swedish map, 485. - _See_ Great Lakes. - - Orange, Fort, 217, 281, 308, 398, 417. - _See_ Albany. - - Orbellanda, 92. - - _Orbis Maritimus_, 374. - - Orleans, Cape, 49. - - Orleans, Island of, 52, 308. - - Orono, 274. - - Ortelius (Ortels), 424; - map (1570), 78, 95; - portrait, 372; - autog., 372; - _Theatrum Orbis Terrarum_, 94, 369; - gives no Verrazano map, 18. - - Osorius, Hieronymus, _De rebus Emmanuelis_, 15. - - Ossossare mission, 275. - - Otis, Charles P., translates Champlain, 134. - - Otréouati, 340. - - Ottawa missions, 268, 285. - - Ottawa River, 259, 260; - explored by Champlain, 124; - called Utawas, 164; - river route, 173; - early maps of, 202. - - Ottawas, 168, 175, 215; - country of, 298; - at Manitoulin, 176; - called Outaouacs, 168; - at Quebec, 308. - _See_ Outaouacks. - - Ottens, _Neobelgii tabula_, 482. - - Oumamis, 271. - - Oumamiwek, 270; - missions, 267. - - Outaouaks, 310; - missions, 315. - _See_ Ottawas. - - Outrelaise, D’, 318; - river, 178. - - Oviedo, 30, 414; - _Historia_, 73, 81; - _Sumario_, 28, 38. - - Oxenstjerna, Axel, 444, 453; - autog., 444. - - Oxenstjerna, Erik, 471. - - Oxenstjerna, Johan, 444, 477. - - Oyster River (Me.), attacked, 160. - - Ozark Mountains, iv. - - - Pacific Coast, climate of, v. - - Pacific Ocean, 93; - currents in the, iii, x; - called _Mare pacificum_, 41, 42. - _See_ South Sea; - Mar del Sur. - - Padilla, 263. - - _Paesi nouamente retrouati_, 12. - - Pain, Felix, 269. - - Palastrina. _See_ Salvatore. - - Palfrey, J. G., 367; - _New England_, 299. - - Palmas, Rio de, 98. - - Palmer, P. S., _History of Lake Champlain_, 120. - - Panama, 40, 43. - - Papegåja, Johan, 458, 462, 463, 470, 473, 475, 477, 484, 493; - autog., 458. - - Papinachois, 270, 271; - missions, 267. - - Papineau, 366. - - Paria, 41. - - Paris, archives in, 356, 366; - copies from them in America, 356, 366. - - Parkman, Francis, portrait, 157; - autog., 157; - _Pioneers of France_, 65, 134, 158; - _Frontenac_, 158, 360; - translations, 158; - estimate by Casgrain, 158; - _Discovery of the Great West_, 241, 242, 243; - and Margry’s Collection, 242; - _La Salle_, 201, 241, 244, 360; - reviewed by G. E. Ellis, 201, 296; - on Cartier, 65; - on Hennepin, 250; - on the Hurons, 305; - his manuscript collections, 367; - his collection of maps, 201; - _Old Régime_, 300. - - Parmentier, Jean, 16, 63. - - Parrots, 202, 209. - - Pasqualigo, Pietro, 13. - - Passamaquoddy Indians, 274. - - Pastoret, map by, 82. - - Patalis Regio, 42. - - Paullus, _Orbis terraqueus_, 375. - - Paulo, Cape, 73. - - Pavonia, 402. - - Peabody, W. B. O., on the Jesuits, 297. - - Pearson, J., Albany, 435. - - Peet, S. D., 298; - on Mr. Baldwin’s maps, 201. - - Peltrie, Madame de la, portrait, 314; - death of, 314; - accounts of, 314. - - Pemaquid, captured, 159, 161; - papers, 159; - sources of history, 159; - traces of the Dutch at, 138; - map of, 160. - - Peñalosa, 234, 237; - expedition, 239. - - Penn _vs._ Baltimore, 494. - - Penobscot Bay, 70, 146; - mission, 274. - - Penobscot River, 93; - river in the old maps, 413, 414. - _See_ Norumbega. - - “Pensée”, ship, 64. - - Pentagöet (Castine), 161; - map of, 146. - - Peorias, 288. - - Pepin, Lake, 169, 195. - - Peré, 173, 178, 187, 189, 204. - - Perkins, F. B., _Check List of American Local History_, 441. - - Perkins, J. H., 262; - _Annals of the West_, 199; - on Sparks’s _La Salle_, 254; - _Memoir and Writings_, 254. - - Perrault, Julian, 268; - at Cape Breton, 301. - - Perrot, François, 329. - - Perrot, Governor of Acadia, 344. - - Perrot, Nicholas, 173, 174, 189, 308, 352; - _Mémoire sur les Mœurs_, 197, 298, 359; - gives a soleil to the mission at the Bay of Puans, 191; - engravings of it, 192, 193; - his geography, 199; - on the Upper Mississippi, 194. - - Perryville (N. Y.), 125. - - Peru, 40, 42, 43. - - Peschel, Oscar, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, 15; - his death and account of, 15; - _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 40. - - Petavius, _History of the World_, 384. - - Petrée. _See_ Laval. - - Petroleum, ix. - - Petun Hurons, 168, 170, 276, 278. - - Phips, Sir William, 159, 160; - conquers Acadia, 146; - portrait, 147; - autog., 364; - attack on Quebec, 353. - - Physiography of North America, i. - - Picquet, Abbé, 267, 285; - autog., 285. - - Pierron, Père, 283, 313. - - Pieskaret, 275. - - Pietersen, David, 400. - - Pigafetta on Magellan, 30. - - Pilestrina, Salvatore de, 413. - - Pinard, _Chronologie_, 357. - - Pinet, 222, 288. - - Pinho, Manuel, 87. - - _Pioneer Collections_, 198. - - Piscator. _See_ Visscher. - - Pius IV., his geographic gallery, 40. - - Placentia, 257. - - Plancius, Peter, 97, 433; - his map, 414. - - Planck, Abraham, 496. - - Plantagenet, B., _New Albion_, 427, 490. - - Plantin, Christophe, 371. - - Plowden, Sir Edmund, 427, 428, 437; - and New Sweden, 457. - - Plymouth, ancient landmarks of, by Davis, 110; - Bay, 109; - expedition from, to Maine, 143. - - Physical proportions of Americans, xv. - - Point St. Ignace, 207. - - Poisson, du, Père, 289. - - Pompey Stone, 420, 429, 433. - - Poncet, Père, 279. - - Pontgravé, 104, 106, 138; - returns to Canada, 116. - - Poore, Ben: Perley, 366. - - Popellinière, 374; - _Les trois mondes_, 95. - - _Popham Memorial_, 138. - - Popple’s _Atlas_, 262. - - Porcacchi, _L’Isole_, 95; - map (1572), 79, 96. - - Porcupine Indians, 267, 269. - - Poro, Girolamo, 369. - - Port Brest, 48. - - Port Royal, 44, 45, 107, 152, 383, 388; - Lescarbot’s map of, 140; - Champlain’s map of, 141; - attacked by Argall, 142; - plan of buildings, 144; - settled, 138. - - Port St. Louis, 109. - - Portages, xxi; - between the lakes and the Mississippi, 200, 224; - how indicated on maps, 202. - - Potherie, Bacqueville de la, _Histoire de l’Amérique_, 197, 299, 358. - - Portland (Me.), 159. - _See_ Loyal, Fort. - - Portneuf, 160. - - Portolanos, 376 - - Portuguese, early discoveries in America, 15; - chart (1503), 35; - map (1520), 73; - portolano (1514-1520), 36. - - Pottawatomies, 198, 268, 311. - - Poualak, 169. - - Poullain, William, 266, 274. - - Poutrincourt, Jean de, 106, 138, 141, 150, 300. - - Powelsen, Jacob, 450. - - Prairies, as tillage ground, xiv. - - Prato, Cape, 50. - - Premontré globe, 45. - - Prevert, 104. - - Prime, N. S., _Long Island_, 441. - - Prince Edward Island, 49, 69, 75. - - Printz, Gustaf, 464; - autog., 470. - - Printz, Johan, 452, 494. - - Printzdorf, 463. - - _Progressus fidei_, 308. - - Prudhomme, Fort, 200, 225. - - Puans, 167, 221; - Bay of, 206, 212, 249; - River of the, 258. - - _Publick Occurrences_, 363. - - Puffendorf, Samuel, _Commentarii_, 491. - - Pumpkin, xiv, xxiv. - - Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, 134, 378; - his map, 378, 383. - - Pye Bay, 485. - - - Quad (Quaden, _or_ Quadus), Mathias, 372; - _Geographisches Handbuch_, 101, 372; - _Fasciculus geographicus_, 372; - map (1600), 101. - - Quebec, origin of name, 114; - archives, 356; - bishop of, 309; - Cartier’s fort, 55; - founded by Champlain, 114; - view (1613), 118; - plan (1613), 115; - captured (1629), 128, 133; - picture of, 128; - fort at, 126; - surrendered (1632), 134; - Frontenac at, 319; - fortifies it, 353; - attacked by Phips (1690), 361, 363; - his summons, 361, 362; - medal, 361; - La Hontan’s pictures, 362, 363; - plan of attack, 354; - early plans, 320; - view by Potherie, 320; - missions at, 271. - - Quebec, Hospital de la Miséricorde, 307. - - Quebec, Hôtel Dieu, 314. - - Quebec, Literary and Historical Society of, 366; - its publications, 366. - - Quebec, Réligieuses Hospitalières de, 302, 311. - - Quebec, Seminary of, 267, 316; - its missions, 294. - - _Québec, Les Ursulines de_, 308. - - Quens, Jean de, _Relation_, 308. - - Quetelet, _Histoire des Sciences_, 374. - - Queylus, Abbé de, 309. - - Quieunonascaran, 265. - - Quinsay, 41. - - Quint, Alonzo H., 159. - - Quinté, 293, 267, 325; - missions, 284. - - Quivira, 93. - - - Race, Cape, 75, 76, 100; - called Ras, 83, 89, 92, 96; - Raso, 37, 38, 82, 86, 90, 92, 95, 98, 377; - Raz, 77, 85, 87, 88; - Razo, 37, 94, 378; - Rassa, 84; - Rasso, 39; - Raze, 383, 390; - Ratz, 78. - - Radisson, Sieur, 168, 172. - - Raemdonck, J. van, _Gerard Mercator_, 369, 371. - - Raffeix, Pierre, 232; - autog., 232; - map (1688), 232, 233; - of Ontario and Erie, 232, 234. - - Rafferman, H. A., on Hennepin, 248. - - Rafn, _Antiquitates Americanæ_, 416. - - Ragueneau, Paul, 281; - among the Hurons, 305, 306; - on Cathérine de St. Augustin, 312; - map by, 302; - _Relations_, 307, 308; - autog., 307. - - Rainfall in North America, vii. - - Rale, Sebastian, 273, 316; - autog., 273; - Francis, _Life of Rale_, 274. - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, 400. - - Rambo, P., 450, 480, 500. - - Ramé, A., 63; - _Documents inédits_, 60. - - Rameau, _Une colonie féodale_, 156. - - Ramusio on Cartier, 63; - on the Cortereals, 14; - on the early fisheries, 63; - as an editor, 23; - on Gastaldi’s map, 77; - his _Navigationi_, 90. - - Rancourt, Joseph, 354. - - Randolph, Edward, 410. - - Ransonet, on Margaret Bourgeois, 309. - - Rasieres, 418. - - Rasle. _See_ Rale. - - Rat, the (an Indian), 257, 350. - - Raudin, Sieur, 180, 328; - sent to Lake Superior, 181; - his map, 232, 235. - - Raymbault, 279, 285; - autog., 279. - - Razilly, Chevalier, 142, 143; - autog., 142. - - Recollects, 124, 264, 265, 285, 290, 300; - in Canada, 247, 263, 266; - missions, 249, 291, 292; - and Champlain, 132; - and Frontenac, 322, 323; - among the Hurons, 307; - recalled, 288; - accompany La Salle, 288; - in Quebec, 354. - - _Recueil de Traités de Paix_, 129. - - Reinel, Pedro, his chart, 16, 36, 73. - - _Relations de la Louisiane_, 255. - - Réligieuses Ursulines, 308. - _See_ Quebec. - - Remi, Daniel de. _See_ Courcelles. - - Renandot, Abbé, 226, 245. - - Renselaer, Kilian van, 400; - autog., 400. - _See_ Van Renselaer. - - Renselaerswyck, 399, 420; - map of, 435; - settlers at, 435. - - Rensselaer, Stephen van, 435. - - Repentigny, De, 188. - - Retor, François, 354. - - _Revue Canadienne_, 292. - - _Revue contemporaine_, 241. - - _Revue critique_, 18. - - _Revue des questions historiques_, 134. - - _Revue de Rouen_, 240. - - _Revue maritime_, 245. - - Reyard. _See_ Beyard. - - Reynolds, John, _History of Illinois_, 198. - - Reynolds, William M., 494. - - Ribault, 17. - - Ribero, map, 25, 30, 38, 73, 413, 414; - and Gomez’ voyage, 21, 24. - - Ribourde, Gabriel de la, 288. - - Rich, Point, 48. - - Richard, Andrew, 268. - - Richardeau, Abbé, 314. - - Richelieu, Cardinal, 127; - reflected on by Champlain, 133. - - Richelieu, Fort de, 312, 313. - - Richelieu, River, 119, 303, - (des Iroquois), 304; - map of, 311; - forts on, 311, 313. - - Ridpath, _United States_, 438. - - Riker, James, _Harlem_, 441; - _History of Newton, New York_, 441. - - Rising, J. C., 471, 475; - autog., 471. - - Rivers in North America, vii. - - Rivière Longue. _See_ Long River. - - Robertson, R. S., 224. - - Roberval, Jean François de, 56, 58, 93, 135; - his doings, 65; - death, 66; - his niece, 66. - - Rocoles, J. B. de, 305. - - Rogers, _Earls of Stirling_, 155. - - Roggeveen, Arent, _Burning Fen_, 376; - map of the Delaware, 482. - - Roland, F. N., 356. - - Rooseboom, Johannes, 347. - - Roseboome, Captain Thomas, 192. - - Rosier, Cape, 146. - - Rotz, Johne, _Boke of Idrography_, 82; - maps (1542), 76, 83. - - Rouen, American savages in, 16. - - Rougemont, Philip, 54. - - Roussel, 183, 354, 375. - - Royale, Isle, 229. - - Rudman, Rev. A., 495, 496. - - Rufosse, Jacques de, 64. - - Rupert, Prince, 171. - - Ruscelli, Girolamo, 40; - maps, 78, 90, 92. - - Russell, Jonathan, 496. - - Rut’s Expedition, 9, 62. - - Ruttenber, E. M., _Hudson River Tribes_, 421. - - Ruysch’s map, 73. - - Rye (N. Y.), 441. - - Rymer’s _Fœdera_, 166. - - Ryswick, Peace of (1697), 149, 356. - - - Sabine River, 236. - - Sable Island, 63, 86, 93, 136, 377, 383, 384, 388; - account of, by Gilpin, 63; - early cattle on, 5. - - “Sacre”, ship, 16. - - Sacrobusto, _Sphera del Mundo_, 81. - - Sagard, 300; - _Le Grand Voyage_, 196, 290; - _Histoire du Canada_, 290; - _Dictionnaire_, 266, 290. - - Sagean, Mathieu, 226; - his _Relation_, 226. - - _Saggiatore_, 17. - - Saguenay, 51, 59, 60, 67, 72, 73, 75, 85, 87, 94, 97, 98, 114, 304, - 309, 312, 314, 373, 378, 385; - explored by Champlain, 104; - country of, 56. - - Sainte Anne du Petit Cap, 311. - - Sainte Anne, Fort, 312. - - St. Anthony, Falls, 230, 248, 252; - Harbor, 48. - - St. Antoine, Fort, 189, 195, 229. - - St. Barnabas, 48. - - St. Castine, Baron de, 146, 147, 160; - autog., 146. - - St. Castine the younger, 147. - - St. Catherine Harbor, 47. - - St. Charles River, 52. - - St. Clair Lake, 163. - - St. Côme, 288. - - St. Croix, Fort, 186, 229. - - St. Croix Island, Argall’s visit to, 142; - map of, 137; - plan of buildings, 139. - - St. Croix River (Acadia), 107, 152, 385. - - St. Croix River (branch of the Mississippi), 168, 169. - - St. Esprit Bay, 235, 237. - - St. Esprit mission, 200, 212, 216, 286. - - St. Foi, _Premier Ursulines_, 308. - - St. François de Sales mission, 267, 273, 315. - - St. François, Lake, 205, 312. - - St. François River, 312. - - St. François-Xavier mission, 284. - - St. Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 129, 142. - - St. Helena, Cape, 45, 89, 98. - - St. Ignace mission, 287. - - St. Ignatius, 395. - - St. Ignatius, a Huron town, 277. - - St. John (Island), 39, 69, 73, 377. - - St. John River (New Brunswick), 143. - - St. John’s College, Fordham (N. Y.), 299. - - St. John’s mission, 293. - - St. John’s River (Newfoundland), 48. - - St. Joseph, Fort, 192, 260; - destroyed, 194. - - St. Joseph River, 223, 224. - - St. Joseph’s, 272; - Island, 278; - mission, 293. - - St. Lawrence, Allefonsce’s map of, 74. - - St. Lawrence Bay, 51, 75, 77; - Cartier’s, 67. - - St. Lawrence Gulf, 72, 100; - (Golfo Quarré), 68, 97; - in Allefonsce’s map, 77; - map by Bellin, 64; - map, (1663), 148, (1709), 153; - visited by the Spaniards, 74. - - St. Lawrence River, 75, 93, 163; - Lescarbot’s map of, 117. - - St. Lawrence Valley, its characteristics, xxi, xxii; - in relation to military movements, xxiii. - - St. Louis, a Huron town, 277. - - St. Louis, Fort, 188, 226, 231. - - St. Louis, Fort (Lavaca River), 238. - - St. Louis, Fort, on the Richelieu, 312, 313. - - St. Louis, Lac, 312. - - St. Louis, Lake. - _See_ Ontario. - - St. Loys, Cape, 50. - - St. Lunario Bay, 49. - - Saint Lusson, Sieur, 174, 314; - takes possession of the Lake Country, 175. - - St. Malo, 47, 65; - navigators of, 4. - - Sta. Maria, Cape, 46, 93. - - St. Martin’s Creek, 50. - - St. Mary’s Bay, 106. - - St. Mary’s mission, 276. - - St. Michael’s mission, 293. - - St. Nicholas, Fort, 195, 229. - - St. Paul, Cape, 67. - - St. Paul (Cape Breton), 55. - - St. Peter, Lake, 303, 311. - - St. Peter’s, Cape, 49. - - St. Peter’s Channel, 50. - - St. Pierre River, 195. - - St. Regis, 284, 285. - - St. Roman, Cape, 98. - - St. Sacrament. _See_ George, Lake. - - St. Savior, 264. - - St. Servans, Harbor, 48. - - St. Simeon, 354. - - St. Simon, Denis de, 271; - _Mémoires_, 357. - - St. Stephen’s mission, 293. - - St. Sulpice, site of, 303. - - St. Theresa Bay, 310. - - Ste. Theresa Fort, 313. - - St. Thomas, Island, 46, 98. - - _Ste. Ursule, La Gloire de_, 308. - - St. Valier, Jean de, _Relation_, 315, 316, 346; - _Estat Présent_, etc., 315, 348; - Bishop, 316. - - Sainterre, 58, 65. - - Salmon, 30. - - Salmon Falls, 159; - attacked, 352. - - Salt Springs, 308. - - Saltonstall, Wye, 374. - - Salvat de Pilestrina, 36. - - Salvatore de Palastrina, 36. - - San Antonio, Bay, 46, 413. - - San Antonio, River, 11. - - “San Antonio”, ship, 10. - - San Francisco, 46. - - San Juan Island, 49. - - San Miguel, 46. - - Sandel, P. A., 493. - - Sandelands, James, 498. - - Sandrart, J. de, 385. - - Sandusky, 267. - - Sandy Hook on the old maps, 413. - - Sankikan, 457. - - Sanson, Adrien, 375. - - Sanson, Guillaume, 375. - - Sanson, Jacques, 354. - - Sanson, Nicolas, his maps, 385, 390, 391; - _Atlas_, 375; - _L’Univers_, 375. - - Sanson et Jaillot, _Atlas nouveau_, 375. - - Saonchiogwa, 282. - - Saquish, 109. - - Saskatchewan, iii. - - Sauks, 175. - - Sault au Récollet, 266. - - Sault St. Louis mission, 285. - - Sault Ste. Marie, 165, 200, 216; - mission, 268. - - Saulteurs, 175. - - Savage, Major Thomas, on the attack (1690) on Quebec, 363; - autog., 364. - - Say and Seal, Lord, 401. - - Scadding, H., 72, 262. - - Scanonaenrat, 278. - - Schendel, Gillis van, 435. - - Schenectady attacked, 352, 364. - - Schenk, P., 385. - - Schluter, P., 429. - - Schmeler, J. A., 36. - - Schöner globes, 36, 45; - _Opusculum Geographicum_, 46. - - Schoodic River, 137. - - Schoolcraft, _Notes on the Iroquois_, 297; - _Indian Tribes_, 297. - - Schout-fiscal, 402. - - Schouten, _Journal_, 415. - - Schute, Sven, 454, 462, 465, 466, 469, 471, 473, 475, 478, 483, 500; - autog., 454. - - Schuyler, John, 353. - - Schuyler, Peter, 355; - his report, 365. - - Schuyler, Phil, autog., 365; - his Journal, 365; - at La Prairie, 364. - - Scurvy, 54. - - Scutterus, map of Pennsylvania, 482. - - Seal-hunting, 52. - - Secalart, 68, 69. - - Sedgwick, Robert, expedition to Acadie, 145; - autog., 145. - - Seignelay, 337; - autog., 337; - Minister for the Colonies, 185. - - Seignelay River, 227, 232. - - Sénat, Père, 289. - - Senecas, 308; - attacked by Denonville, 347; - authorities, 348; - missions, 310; - fort, 348; - and La Barre, 341. - _See_ Iroquois. - - Senex, John, 262. - - Sequamus, Metellus, on the Spanish discoveries, 15. - - Seven Cities (island), 98, 101. - - Seven Cities (towns), 101. - - Sewall’s _Ancient Dominions of Maine_, 138. - - Shaler, N. S., “Physiography of North America”, i.; - _Kentucky Geological Survey_, xvi. - - Shaw, Norton, 134. - - Shawnees, 298. - - Shea, J. G., 125; - _Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes_, 199, 296; - _Mississippi Valley_, 199; - _Early Voyages_, 199, 241; - translates Charlevoix, 358; - edits Colden, 421; - edits _The Commodities of Manati_, 435; - his “Cramoisy Series”, 296, 315; - his list of Iroquois missionaries, 296; - on Dreuillettes in Boston, 306; - edits Hennepin’s _Description of Louisiana_, 248, 250; - on Hennepin, 247, 250, 254; - on the Jesuit martyrs, 305; - “The Jesuits, Recollects, and the Indians”, 263; - on the _Jesuit Relations_, 294; - edits Jogues’ letters, 306, 421; - edits Jogues’ _Novum Belgium_, 306; - on La Hontan, 257; - on La Salle’s Texan colony, 239, 240; - on Leclercq, 291; - translates _Établissement de la Foy_, 291; - on Margry, 246; - _Bursting of Margry’s La Salle Bubble_, 245; - on Marquette, 220, 222; - on O’Callaghan, 432; - _Peñalosa_, 237; - _Perils of the Ocean and Wilderness_, 292; - on Wisconsin tribes, 310. - - Sheepscot River, 108. - - Sheldon, E. M. _Early History of Michigan_, 198, 311. - - Ship Company, 444. - - Ships, Dutch, picture of, 415. - - Shirley, William, 154. - - “Sibille”, ship, 64. - - Sierra Nevada, iv. - - Sillery founded, 303; - mission at, 267, 271, 272, 315. - - Silver mines, 106. - _See_ Mines. - - Simon, Père, 274. - - Sioux, 169, 175, 176, 181, 182, 211; - receive Accault, 184; - missions, 268, 286. - - Sirenne, 273. - - Skörkil Fort, 462. - - Slafter, E. F., “Champlain”, 103; - edits Champlain’s works, 134; - _Sir William Alexander_, 155. - - Slavery, the result of tobacco culture, xiv, xxvii; - extended by cotton-raising, xxvii. - - Slaves, 29, 46; - kidnapping of, 11; - from Labrador, 2. - - Slom, Måns, 461. - - Sloughter, Governor, 410. - - Sluyter, Peter, 429. - - Smith, Buckingham, on Verrazano, 18; - his _Inquiry_, 18; - accounts of, 18; - finds the Ulpius globe, 19; - _Coleccion_, 56. - - Smith, B. H., _Atlas of Delaware County_, 500. - - Smith, C. C., “Acadia”, 135. - - Smith, George, _Delaware County_, 498. - - Smith, John, 414. - - Smith, P. H., _Duchess County_, 441. - - Smith, William, _History of Canada_, 306, 367. - - Smith, William,_ History of New York_, 430, 494. - - Smith, W. R., _History of Wisconsin_, 199. - - Snöhvit, J. K., 453. - - Snow-shoes, 331. - - Soenrese, 284. - - Soil, endurance of, ix; - peculiarities, xii, xxvi. - - Soissons, Count de, 123. - - Solar Eclipse (1663), 310. - - Sorel, 336. - - Souel, Père, 289. - - Source, Thaumur de la, 316. - - Sourin, 139. - - Sourinquois, 150, 152. - - South Carolina, population of, xxviii; - upland districts, xxix. - - South Company, 444, 452. - - South Mountains, xxv. - - South River (Delaware), 423. - - South Sea, 42, 175; - Joliet to discover the, 179. - _See_ Pacific. - - Southampton, Earl of, 110. - - Spagnola, 34, 46. - _See_ Hayti. - - Spalding, Archbishop, _Miscellanea_, 299. - - Spaniards, their commerce preyed upon by the French, 5, 6; - early on the northeast coast, 9, 10; - in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 74; - in the Hudson, 433. - - Sparks, Jared, 367; - _Life of La Salle_, 242; - _Life of Marquette_, 220; - manuscripts, 160. - - Speed, _Prospect_, 378; - map of Delaware Bay, 482; - map, 384. - - Spiring, Peter, 445, 499; - autog., 445. - - Spirito Santo Bay, 251. - - Spirito Santo, Rio de, 98. - - Sprinchorn, K. S., 500, 502. - - Squier, _Aboriginal Monuments of New York_, 348. - - Stadaconna, 52, 54, 304, - (Tadacona), 87. - - Standish, Miles, 144. - - Starbäck, C. G., 502. - - Starved Rock, 226. - - Staten Island, 436, 441. - - Stature, comparative, xvi. - - Steendam, Jacob, 432. - - Stevens, Henry, buys Muller’s Collection, 439. - - Stewart, George, Jr., “Frontenac and his Times”, 317. - - Stiddem, T., 500. - - Stiernman, A. A. von, _Samling_, 494. - - Stiles, _History of Brooklyn_, 441. - - Stille, Olaf, 461, 500. - - Stille, O. P., 452. - - Stirling, Earldom of, 155. - - Stobnicza map, 36. - - Stöcklein, _Brief-Schriften_, 316. - - Stoddard’s _Sketches of Louisiana_, 254. - - Stone, W. L., _New York_, 440. - - Stone Age, 53. - - Strahl, Gustaf, 452. - - Street, Alfred B., _Frontenac_, 361. - - Strickland, W. P., _Old Mackinaw_, 199. - - Strozzi Library, 17. - - Stuart, James, at Cape Breton, 128. - - Stuyvesant, Peter, 404, 464; - arrives, 405; - autog., 406; - attacks the Swedes, 467, 478; - portrait, 441; - his house, 441; - pear-tree, 442; - hisjourney to Esopus, 442. - - Subercase, 351. - - Sulpitians, 205, 266, 275, 290, 309, 329, 360; - martyrs, 305; - authorities, 294. - - Sulte, Benjamin, _Histoire des Canadiens-Français_, 368; - on Nicolet, 196; - _Mèlanges_, 138. - - Sun. _See_ Solar. - - Superior, Lake, 261; - Jesuits’ map of, 205, 313; - heliotype of, 313; - Whitney’s _Geological Report of_, 313; - map, (1656), 391, (1683), 249; - early described, 165; - maps of, 208, (1674), 212, 214, 215, 218, (1697), 251, 252; - reached, 168; - called Tracy, 206; - traders on (1658), 309, (upper lake), 260; - map, (1688), 230, (Tracy), 232, 233, (1709), 258. - _See_ Great Lakes. - - Susquehanna River, 165. - - Susquehannahs, 298. - - Svedberg, Bishop, _America illuminata_, 493. - - Svedberg, Jesper, 493. - - Svedberg, J. D., _Dissertatio_, 493. - - Svenson, Jacob, 453, 474, 502. - - Swamps, xiii. - - Swanenburg, 408. - - Sweden, South Company of, 403. - - Swedenborg, Emmanuel, 493. - - Swedes on the Delaware, 404, 443. - _See_ New Sweden. - - Swiss in Tennessee, xix. - - Sylvanus’ map, 36. - - Sylvius, L., 425. - - - Tablelands, iv. - - Tadenac, Lake, 80, 97, 377. - - Tadoussac, 143, 269, 303, 312, 384; - Champlain at, 104; - plan of, by Champlain, 114; - missions, 265, 302, 315. - - Taignoagny, 50, 52. - - Tailhan, J., 246; - edits Perrot, 197, 298, 359. - - Tallemant des Réaux, 357. - - Talon, 172, 333, 366; - and Frontenac, 321, 322; - and Western explorations, 205; - his house, 354. - - Tamaroas, 288. - - Tanner, _Societas Jesu_, 306. - - Tarcotte, L. P., _Histoire de l’ile Orléans_, 308. - - Taylor, James W., _History of Ohio_, 198. - - Teananstayae mission, 276, 277. - - Tehgahkwita, 283. - - Teissier, F., _Les Français au Canada_, 368. - - Temistitan, 40, 42, 93. - _See_ Mexico; - Timistitan. - - Temperature, range of, xii. - - Temple, Sir Thomas, 145, 161. - - Terceira, Island, 1. - - Ternaux-Compans, _Archives des Voyages_, 63; - _La Nouvelle Swède_, 496. - - Thébaud, A. J., 199, 297. - - Thevenot, gives Marquette’s narrative, 219; - _Recueil de Voyages_, 219, 294; - gives map, 220. - - Thevet, André, 30; - his claim, 11; - his _Singularitez de la France_, 30, 31, 50; - his _Cosmographie_, 30, 66; - _Grand Insulaire_, MS., 66, 68; - map (1575), 79, 95. - - Thomas, Gabriel, map of, 482. - - Thomassy, _De la Salle_, 225; - _Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_, 224; - _Les papes géographes_, 19, 40; - on the Verrazano map, 19. - - Thompson, B. F., _Long Island_, 441. - - Thomson, P. G., _Bibliography of Ohio_, 198. - - Thorndike, Colonel Israel, 201. - - Thorne, Robert, his map, 45. - - Thornton, J. W., _Ancient Pemaquid_, 159. - - Thoulet, J., 200, 245; - his map, 200. - - Three Rivers, 166, 308, 312; - mission, 267, 271, 274; - site of, 311. - - Thule, 97. - _See_ Thyle. - - Thurloe, _State Papers_, 430. - - Thury, Pierre, 160, 269, 274; - _Relation_, 159. - - Thyle, 84. - _See_ Thule. - - Ticonderoga, 119. - - Tiele, P. A., _Mémoire bibliographique_, 439, 442; - _Nederlandsche Pamfletten_, 439. - - Tienhoven, Van, 420. - - Tienpont, A. J., 398. - - Tierra del Fuego, 43. - - Tillage, labor of, in New England, xii. - - Tilly, 335. - - Timistitan, 46. - _See_ Temistitan. - - Tin mines, viii. - _See_ Mines. - - Tinicum, 454. - - Tinot, Cape, 75. - - Tionontates, 276. - - Tobacco, 168; - introduced into France, 32; - in New Sweden, 454, 458, 459, 462; - its influence, xiv; - in Virginia, xxvii, 475. - - Toledo, Historical and Geographical Society of, 198. - - Tonty, Henri, 188, 194, 225, 347; - joins La Salle, 182; - autog., 182; - at Crèvecœur, 224; - with Denonville, 193; - seeks La Salle, 238; - tries to rescue his colony, 239; - on Lake Michigan, 223; - sketch of the Mississippi, 239; - disowns the _Dernières découvertes_, 240. - - Toreno, Nuño Garcia de, map (1534), 37, 91. - - Torkillus, Reorus, 449, 458. - - Tortugas, 42. - - Townshend, Charles, 154. - - Tracy, attacks the Mohawks, 283, 312; - voyage of, 310; - autog., 311. - - Tracy, Lake, 206. - - Trigant, 302. - - Trinity Fort, 473; - view of, 473; - the Dutch before, 478; - captured by the Dutch, 479. - - Trouvé, 267; - autog., 266. - - Troyes, Chevalier de, 345. - - Trübner’s Literary Record, 439. - - Turcotte, Louis P., _Les Archives du Canada_, 366. - - Turenne, 318. - - Turgis, Charles, 268. - - Turkey (bird), xv. - - Turner, Nathaniel, on the Delaware, 451. - - Tuttle, C. W., 155; - _History of Canada_, 368; - (with Durrie, D. S.), _History of Iowa_, 199; - _History of Michigan_, 199; - _Wisconsin_, 199. - - - Ulpius, Euphrosynus, his globe, 19, 28, 40, (fac-simile), 42, 76, 81, - 82, 414. - - Ulster County Historical Society, 409. - - “Union”, ship, 400. - - _United States Catholic Magazine_, 306. - - Upland, 455; - records of, 498. - - Upper Canada, Historical Society of, 368. - - Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, 375. - - Ursulines, 272, 308; - in Quebec, 314, 354. - - Usselinx, Willem, 396, 403, 415, 443, 490, 491, 499, 502; - his writings, 416, 418; - autog., 443; - _Argonautica Gustaviana_, 417, 490; - _Advice_, etc. 417. - - Utrecht, treaty of, 135. - - Uzielli’s _Elenco_, etc., 38. - - - Vaaz, Jhan, 87. - - Vaillant, 349. - - Valck, his maps, 385. - - Valentine, D. T., _New York_, 440; - _New York City Manual_, 418. - - Vallard, Nicolas, map, 76, 86. - - Van Bogardt, Jost, 450. - - Van Curler, Arent, 312. - - Van Dyck, G., 453, 454, 462; - autog., 454. - - Van Horst, M. M., 450. - - Van Hulst, Felix, _Notice sur Hennepin_, 247. - - Van Loon, _Zee-Atlas_, 376; - map of New Netherland, 482. - - Van Meteren, Emanuel, 416; - _Histoire_, 424. - - Van Rensselaer, Kilian, arrives, 419; - his family, 419. - _See_ Rensselaer. - - Van Sweeringen, G., 498. - - Van Twiller, Wouter, 401; - autog., 401. - - Vann Vliet, C., 449. - - Vandeput, Captain, 411. - - Van den Bosch, 425. - - Van der Aa, map of New Holland, 438. - - Van der Donck, Adrien, 416, 491; - account of, 419; - autog., 419; - _Beschrijvinge_, etc., 420; - life and family, 420; - his writings, 419; - his _Vertoogh_, 419; - his map, 500. - - Van der Kemp, Francis, 412. - - Van der Wulf, J. K., _Tractaten_, 439. - - Varennes, 336. - - Vaudreuil, 347, 351; - attacks the Oneidas, 355. - - Vaugondy, Robert de, 375; - _Histoire de la Géographie_, 375. - - Vaulx, Jacques de, map, 79; - _Œuvres_, 79. - - Vega, Garcilasso de la, 255. - - Velasco, 74. - - Vemey, Abbé, 359. - - _Verheerlickte Nederlant_, 422. - - Verenderye, La, 289. - - Vermillion Sea, 175, 178, 179, 185, 208, 209, 228. - _See_ California, Gulf of. - - Verrazano, Giovanni da, 415, 416; - account of, 5; - his landfall, 6; - in New York Harbor, 7; - returns to Dieppe, 9; - in the St. Lawrence, 9; - authorities on his voyage, 17, 18; - his letter, 17; - autog., 25; - influence of, in later maps, 19; - his sea, 38, 89; - maps derived from, 17, 18; - doubt regarding the voyage, 18. - - Verrazano, Hieronimo da, his map, 18, 25, 26, 37. - - Verreau, Abbé, 205, 222, 246, 302, 314, 366; - _Abbés de Fénelon_, 312. - - Vetromile on the Indians of Acadia, 150; - _Abnakis_, 150. - - Vicuna, xv. - - Viegas, Gasper, chart of, 46. - - Viel, Nicholas, 265. - - Viele, Arnold, 340. - - Viele, E. L., 435. - - Viger, Jacques, 303, 366. - - Vignal, Guillaume, 283, 305; - murdered, 310; - autog., 310. - - Vignan, Nicholas de, 123, 124. - - Villebon, 160; - autog., 160. - - Villegagnon, 11, 31, 66. - - Villeneuve, 354. - - Villeray, 334, 335, 354. - - Villieu, 160. - - Vimont, _Relations_, 302, 303, 305. - - Vincennes (Ind.), Catholic Archbishop of, 299. - - Vincent, Francis, _History of Delaware_, 499. - - Virginia, 101, 377; - fitness for colonization, 151; - Hall’s map of, 374; - Swedish map of, 485; - water front, xxvii; - tobacco its staple, xxvii. - - Virginians of English stock, xvii; - their physique, xvii; - increase of population, xix. - - Visscher, C. J., 376, 418. - - Visscher, N., _Atlas minor_, 375, 438; - map by, 390; - map of New Sweden, 467; - map of New Netherland, 438; - map, sketch of, 385. - - Vitelleschi, 301. - - Vitray, 354. - - Viverius, 102. - - Volpellio, map (1556), 90, 99. - - Von Murr, his _Behaim_, 18. - - Von Sybel, _Historische Zeitschrift_, 502. - - Vos haven, 391. - - Voyageurs, 164. - - Vries, de, David Pietersen, 400, 401. - - - Wabash, 232; - called Ouabach, 224, 237, 261. - - Wadsworth, Benjamin, 355. - - Wagenaar, Jean, _Vaderlandsche Historie_, 425. - - Walker, A., “A forgotten Hero”, in _Frazer’s Magazine_, 66. - - Wallabout, 400. - - Walley, John, 353; - autog., 364; - his narrative of the attack on Quebec, 363. - - Walloons in New Netherland, 400. - - Walruses, 30. - - Wampum, 55. - - Warburton, Eliot, _Conquest of Canada_, 364. - - Warwick, Earl of, his grant, 401. - - “Warwick”, ship, 165, 412. - - Wasa, 462. - - Washburn, J. D., on Verrazano, 18. - - Wassenaer, N. J. de, 424; - _Hist. Verhael_, etc., 416, 424. - - Watson, J. F., _Annals of New York_, 440; - _Annals of Philadelphia_, 440. - - Watson, History of _Essex County, N. Y._, 125. - - Watteau, Père, 288. - - Weise, _History of Troy_, 435. - - Wells, Edward, _New Sett of Maps_, 393. - - Wells (Me.), attacked, 160; - Bourne’s _History_, 160. - - West India Company (Dutch), 396, 397, 398, 402, 410, 414; - its records, 410, 431; - established, 416, 424, 425; - object of, 418; - history of, 418; - its flag, 418; - hostile feeling against, 422, 423. - - West Indies, Champlain in, 133. - - Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, 198. - - Westminster, treaty of, 145. - - Weymouth, George, 110. - - Whale, white, 52. - - Wheeler, _History of Castine_, 147. - - Whipple, Joseph, _Geographical View_, 155. - - White, John, his map, 45. - - White Mountains, iv. - - White Sand Island, 50, 51. - - Whitelock in Sweden, 476. - - Whitelocke, Bulstrode, _Journal_, 495. - - Whittlesey, Colonel Charles, 207, 242. - - Wieser, _Magalhâes-Strasse_, 45. - - Willem Hendrick, Fort, 408. - - Willemsen, S., 463. - - Willemstadt, 408. - - Williams, J. F., _History of St. Paul_, 199. - - Williams, Roger, and the Dutch, 428. - - Williamson, _History of Maine_, 138. - - Willis, William, _Portland_, 159. - - Wilmere, Alice, 134. - - Winchester, Colonel W. P., 367. - - Winckelmann, H. J., 426. - - Windebanke, Sir Francis, 448. - - Winnebago, Lake, 224. - - Winnebagoes, 167, 175. - - Winnipeg, 166. - - Winsor, Justin, “Baron La Hontan”, 257; - bibliography of the _Jesuit Relations_, 295; - “Cartography of the Northeast Coast of North America”, 81; - “Father Hennepin”, 247; - “General Atlases”, 369; - “Joliet, Marquette, and La Salle”, 201; - “Maps of Eastern Coast of North America”, 33; - “Maps of the Seventeenth Century”, 377. - - Winthrop, Fitz-John, expedition against Montreal, 352; - autog., 364. - - Winthrop, John, 456; - _History of New England_, 156; - his Journal, 156, 428, 495; - editions of, 428. - - _Winthrop Papers_, 364. - - Wiquefort, _Ambassadeur_, 424. - - Wisconsin, Historical Society, 199; - bibliography of, 199; - histories, 199. - - Wisconsin River, 167, 184, 196, (Miskonsing), 209, 232, 251, 252, - (Ouariconsing), 258. - - Wolfe, J. D., 19. - - Wolfenbüttel MS., 46. - - Wolfgang, S., _Atlas minor_, 376. - - Wrangel, H., 453. - - Wright, Edward, _Certaine Errors of Navigation_, 369, 385. - - Wuttke, H., _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 38, 88. - - Wyandots, 267, 286; - country of, 298. - - Wytfliet, Cornelius, _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ augmentum_, 101, 369; - fac-simile of title, 370; - map (1597), 79, 100. - - - Yates and Moulton, _History of New York_, 431. - - Yazoos, 268. - - Yonkers, 419. - - York (Me.), captured, 160. - - Young, Rev. Alexander, D.D., 151. - - Young (Yong), Captain Thomas, 165. - - Yucatan, 40, 41, 42, 46. - - Yucatanet, 27. - - Yucatania, 67. - - - Zaltieri map (1566), 93. - - _Zee-Atlases_, 376. - - Zeehelm, H. G., 486. - - _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, 35. - - Zeni, 101. - - Zipangu, 41. - _See_ Cipango. - - Zorzi, _Paesi_, etc, 12. - - Zurla, P., _Antiche mappe_, 414; - _di Marco Polo_, 82. - - Zuyder Zee, 391. - - Zwanendael, 400, 402, 418. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Egypt may perhaps afford an exception; but it is probable that -the germs of its civilization came from Asia. All its relations are -essentially Asiatic. - -[2] It is likely that some part of the Aryan folk found their way to -the Pacific shore in Corea and elsewhere; but the Aryan migrations -setting to the East must have been uncommon, and the chance of -Caucasian blood reaching America by this route small. - -[3] I have elsewhere (Introduction to the _Memorial History of Boston_) -noticed the fact that this difficulty in clearing the glaciated soils -led the early settlers of New England to use the poorer soils first. -Along the shore and the rivers there is a strip of sandy terrace -deposits, the soils of which are rather lean, but which are free from -boulders, so that the labor of clearing was relatively small. All, or -nearly all, the first settlements in the glaciated districts were made -on this class of soils. - -[4] The slow progress of our agricultural exports during the first two -hundred years of the history of this country, is in good part to be -explained by the stubborn character of the soil which was then in use. -The only easily subdued soils in use before 1800 were those of Virginia -and Maryland. The sudden advance of the export trade in grain during -the last fifty years marks the change which brought the great areas -of non-glaciated soils of the Mississippi Valley and the South under -cultivation. - -[5] It is an interesting fact that while America has given but one -domesticated animal to Europe, in the turkey, it has furnished a number -of the most important vegetables, among them maize, tobacco, and the -potato. The absence of strong domesticable animals in America doubtless -affected the development of civilization among its indigenous people. -The buffalo is apparently not domesticable. The horse, which seems to -have been developed on North American soil, and to have spread thence -to Europe and Asia, seems to have disappeared in America before the -coming of man to its shores. The only beast which could profitably be -subjugated was the weak vicuna, which could only be used for carrying -light burdens. But for the help given them by the sheep, the bull, and -the horse, we may well doubt if the Old-World races would have won -their way much more effectively than those of America had done. - -[6] See for special information on these points the _Investigations -in the Military and Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers_. -By Benjamin Apthorp Gould, Cambridge, 1869, p. 655. It is impossible -to give here any sufficient extracts from this voluminous report. The -reader is especially referred to chapters viii., ix., and x., for -confirmation of the general statements made above. - -The following table, compiled from Dr. Gould’s report, is extracted -from the “General Account of Kentucky” in my _Reports of Progress of -Kentucky Geological Survey_, new series, Frankfort, Kentucky, 1877, -vol. ii. p. 387:— - - TABLE OF MEASUREMENTS OF AMERICAN WHITE MEN COMPILED FROM REPORT OF - THE SANITARY COMMISSION, MADE FROM MEASUREMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES - VOLUNTEERS DURING THE CIVIL WAR. BY B. A. GOULD. - - Key to the table: - - A - MEAN CIRCUMFERENCE OF CHEST. - B - Full inspiration. Inches. - C - After each inspiration. - D - Mean circumference around forehead and occipit. - E - Proportion of tall men in each 100,000. - - -------------------------------------+-------+-----------+-----+------ - MEAN HEIGHT. | | A | | - ---------------------+-------+-------| Mean |-----+-----| | - | | |weight | | | D | E - | |Height | in | | | | - NATIVITY. |No. of | in |pounds.| B | C | | - | men. |Inches.| | | | | - ---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+-----+------ - New England |152,370| 67.834| 139.39|36.71|34.11|22.02| 295 - N. Y., N. J., Penn. |273,026| 67.529| 140.83|37.06|34.38|22.10| 237 - Ohio, Indiana |220,796| 68.169| 145.37|37.53|34.95|22.11| 486 - Mich., Mo., Illinois | 71,196| 67.822| 141.78|37.29|34.04|22.19| 466 - Seaboard Slave States| ... | ... | 140.99|36.64|34.23|21.93|(*)600 - Kentucky, Tenn. | 50,334| 68.605| 149.85|37.83|35.30|22.32| 848 - Free States west of | | | | | | | - Miss. R. | 3,811| 67.419| ... |37.53|34.84|21.97| 184 - British Maritime | | | | | | | - Provinces | 6,320| 67.510| 143.59|37.13|34.81|22.13| 237 - Canada | 31,698| 67.086| 141.35|37.14|34.35|22.11| 177 - England | 30,037| 66.741| 137.61|36.91|34.30|22.16| 103 - Scotland | 7,313| 67.258| 137.85|37.57|34.69|22.23| 178 - Ireland | 83,128| 66.951| 139.18|37.54|35.27| ... | 84 - Germany | 89,021| 66.660| 140.37|37.20|34.74|22.09| 106 - Scandinavia | 6,782| 67.337| 148.14|38.39|35.37|22.37| 221 - ---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+-----+------ - - * Slave States, not including Kentucky and Tennessee. - -[7] The following statement concerning the history of this brigade -during the campaign of 1864 was given me by my friend, General Fayette -Hewett, who was adjutant of the command:— - -“On the 7th of May, 1864, the Kentucky Brigade marched out of Dalton -1140 strong. The hospital reports show, that, up to September 1, 1,850 -wounds were taken by the command. This includes the killed; but many -were struck several times in one engagement, in which case the wounds -were counted as one. In two battles over 51 per cent of all engaged -were killed or wounded. During the whole campaign there were not more -than ten desertions. The campaign ended with 240 men able to do duty; -less than 50 were without wounds.” - -[8] It is worth while to notice that this Dutch colony never had -the energetic life of the English settlements, which may be in part -attributed to the effort to fix the Continental seigniorial relations -upon the land. It failed here as it failed in Canada, but it kept -both colonies without the breath of hopeful, eager life which better -land-laws gave to the English settlements. Nothing shows so well -the perfect unfitness of all seigniorial land-systems to the best -development of a country as the entire failure which met all efforts to -fix it in American colonies. - -[9] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—ED.] - -[10] [See Vol. II. chap. i.—ED.] - -[11] [We have no record of the results from this expedition, if it -ever took place. Navarrete, Viages, iii. 42. Charlevoix says, “It is -constantly admitted in our history that our kings paid no attention to -America before 1523 [1524],” when Francis I. authorized the expedition -of Verrazano. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 107.—ED. - -[12] [Cattle, which many years later were found on Sable Island, were -supposed to be descendants of some which Léry landed there. Lescarbot, -_Nouvelle France_, 1618, p. 21, is said to be the only authority for -this expedition. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 107; Kohl, _Discovery of -Maine_, p. 203; D’Avezac in _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1864, vol. -iii. p. 83; _Harper’s Monthly_, xxxiv. 4.—ED.] - -[13] [See Vol. II. for accounts of the predatory excursions against the -Spaniards.—ED.] - -[14] [Some, however, have thought it to be Martha’s Vineyard. Cf. -Brodhead’s _New York_, i. 57; _Hist. Mag._, ii. 99; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, February, 1883, p. 91.—ED.] - -[15] [It is accepted by Asher, in his introduction to his _Henry -Hudson_. An ancient cannon found in the St. Lawrence has even been -connected with a shipwreck experienced by Verrazano there. Cf. Amable -Berthelot, _Dissertation sur le Canon de Bronze trouvé en 1826 sur un -banc de Sable dans le Fleuve Saint Laurent_. Quebec, 1827.—ED.] - -[16] Lok’s translation, fol. 317. - -[17] See Vol. II. - -[18] _Paesi nouamente retrouati, et nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio -Florentino intitulato._ The volume has often been catalogued under the -name of Vespucius (the only name that appears upon its titlepage). -It has been ascribed to Zorzi on the authority of a note by Humboldt -in his _Examen critique_, iv. 79. Harrisse, in describing the book -(_Bibliotheca Americana vetustissima_, no. 48, pp. 96^d-99), accepted -this statement; but in the Appendix to the volume, at p. 469, he -says that M. d’Avezac has pointed out that Zorzi collected only some -additional manuscript matter in a copy in the Magliabechian Library. -Harrisse, therefore, in the _Additions_ to his _Bibliotheca_, published -in 1872, reinserts the title (no. 26, pp. 34-38), and credits the -volume to Montalboddo. There is a copy in Harvard College Library, -dated Nov. 17, 1508, which is supposed to be of the second edition. The -work was translated into French, German, Dutch, and Latin. There is a -bibliography of the book in the papers on “Ptolemy’s Geography,” _sub -anno_ 1511, in the _Bulletin of Harvard University_, 1882-1883. [Cf. -Vol. II. Index, and _Bib. Am. Vet. Add._ nos. 48, 71.—ED.] - -[19] _Jean et Sébastian Cabot_, pp. 256-266. - -[20] _Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias, con -todo el descubrimiento y cosas notables que han acaecido dende que se -ganaron ata el año de 1551._ Folio. [See Vol. III. p. 27.—ED.] - -[21] Chap. xxxvii. fol. 43, ed. of Antwerp, 1554. - -[22] _Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las -islas y tierra firme del Mar Oceano._ 4 vols. folio. Madrid, 1601-1615. - -[23] _Delle navigationi et viaggi, raccolte da M. Gio. -Battista Ramusio._ 3 vols. folio. Venice, 1550-1559. - -[24] _Tratado que compôs o nobre & notauel capitão Antonio -Galuão, dos diuersos & desuayrados caminhos, por onde nos tempos -passados a pimenta & especearia veyo da India as nossas partes, & assi -de todos os descobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sũo feitos ate a era -de mil & quinhentos & cincoenta. Com os nomes particulares das pessoas -que os fizeram: & em que tempos & as suas alturas, obre certo muy -notauel & copiosa._ There is no date on the titlepage, but the colophon -says that the book was “printed in the house of John Barreira, printer -to the King our Lord, the 15th of December, 1563.” - -[25] _The Discoveries of the World, from their first originall -unto the year of our Lord 1555._ 4to, London, 1601. - -[26] [Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 241; vol. ii. -no. 1; vol. iii. no. 469; Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. vii. p. 143.—ED.] - -[27] _Chronica do felecissimo Rey D. Manoel, dividada en 4 partes_, folio. -Lisbon, 1565-1567. - -[28] _Discoveries of the World_ (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 182, 183. -The amended translation reads: “He traversed the greater part of Europe -by his own free will; a thing worthy of praise and remembrance, since -he enlightened his country with many things unknown to her.” - -[See Vol. II. on the bibliography of Galvano—ED.] - -[29] I cite from the third edition, published at Lisbon in 1749, -apparently an exact reprint of an earlier one. Its title reads: -_Chronica de serenissimo senhor Rei D. Manoel, escritas por Damião de -Goes_. A copy is in the Boston Public Library. - -[30] _De rebus Emmanuelis, regis Lusitaniæ virtute et auspiciis gestis -... libri duodecim._ Folio. Cologne, 1571. There were several editions -of this work (1581, 1597, etc.), and it was translated into French -quite early; into Dutch in 1661-1663; into English by James Gibbs in -1752, and into Portuguese in 1804. Harvard College Library has a copy -of the edition of Cologne, 1586, which contains, in addition to the -History, a long Preface and Commentary by Metellus Sequanus about the -discoveries and navigations of the Spanish and Portuguese. - -[31] [Peschel, who did conspicuous service in this field, was born -in 1826, and died in 1875. Georg Ebers delivered a “Denkrede” at -his death, which is printed, accompanied by a portrait, in the -_Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Leipzig_, 1875.—ED.] - -[32] _Die Entdeckung Amerikas_, note 115, p. 93. [See Vol. III. p. -217.—Ed.] - -[33] Ibid., notes 119, 120, p. 93. - -[34] [Cf. also Lafitau, _Histoire des découvertes ... des Portugais -dans le Nouveau Monde_. Paris, 1733. 2 vols. 4to.—ED.] - -[35] _Compte rendu_ of the Congress, i. 232-324 and 469-480. - -[36] [There is a sketch of this chart on a later page.—ED.] - -[37] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 181. [See Vol. III. p. 56.—ED.] - -[38] _Navigationi_, iii. 423-433. - -[39] _Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des navigateurs -Normands._ 8vo, Paris, 1832. M. Estancelin gives (pp. 216-240) a -translation of the Italian version of the great captain’s discourse. He -thinks that it may have been written by Pierre Mauclerc, the astronomer -of the “Sacre,” one of Parmentier’s vessels; but MM. d’Avezac and -Margry attribute it to Pierre Crignon, who was also of Parmentier’s -company. See Introduction to the _Bref Récit_ of Jacques Cartier, p. -vii; and Margry’s _Les Navigations Françaises_, pp. 130, 199. The -Journal of the Sumatra voyage was found by M. Estancelin among the -papers of a M. Tarbé at Sens, who inherited it from his brother, a -merchant at Rouen; see _Recherches_, pp. 191, 192. M. Harrisse (_Jean -et Sébastien Cabot_, pp. 301-303) describes two other manuscripts -relating to Parmentier’s voyage, the more important of which will be -published in the series of Voyages of which the Cabot is the first -volume. Cf. Murphy, _Verrazzano_, p. 85; Hakluyt, _Westerne Planting_, -p. 197. - -[40] _Eusebii Chronicon_, Paris, 1512, fol. 172; cf. Murphy’s -_Verrazzano_, p. 62. Stephanus was the printer of this _Chronicon_, and -1511 is found in some copies, or in what is, perhaps, another edition. -Cf. Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet._ no. 71; _Additions_, nos. 43, 54; Muller -(1872), no. 571. - -[41] Margry, _Les Navigations Françaises_, appendix, ii. 371 _et seq._ - -[42] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 106. See the Editorial Note at the end of -this chapter. - -[43] _Navigationi_, iii. 420-423. - -[44] _Collections_, 2d ser., i. 37-68. - -[45] _Divers Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 55-90; _Principal -Navigations_, iii. 295-300; again in the 1809 edition. Hakluyt omits -this narrative in his single volume of _Navigations_, published in -1589. [On the Hakluyt publications, see Vol. III., Index.—ED.] - -[46] Pages 197-228. It is also reprinted by Murphy in his _Verrazzano_, -and by Conway Robinson in his _Discoveries_. The Italian was given in -1853 in the _Archivio Storico Italiano_, v. ix, Appendix, with an essay -on Verrazano by Arcangeli. - -[47] Lescarbot, Charlevoix, and others speak of it. The earliest -French mention in print is said to be that of Belleforest, in his -_Histoire universelle du monde_, 1570. It was repeated in his 1575 -edition; and more at length in his _Cosmographie universelle de -tout le monde_. Ribault, whose expedition took place in 1562, and -Laudonnière (1564-1565) both speak of it. But the work of the latter -was not printed until 1586, and it has been supposed that the _editio -princeps_ of Ribault is the English translation published in 1563. -Hakluyt’s statement, in his _Discourse concerning Westerne Planting_ -(Maine Historical Society, 2d ser., ii. 20), that Ribault’s narrative -was “extant in printe bothe in Frenche and Englishe,” makes it quite -possible, however, that the mention in Belleforest is not the earliest -printed one. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 107. - -Among the English authors Hakluyt should be particularly mentioned. He -speaks in the Dedication of his _Divers Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society’s -ed., p. 11) of Verrazano having been “thrise on that coast” [the -American], and of an “olde excellent mappe which he gaue to king Henrie -the eight;” giving also a representation of Lok’s map, made “according -to Verazanus plat.” In his _Discourse on Westerne Planting_, first -published by the Maine Historical Society in 1877, he says (pp. 113, -114): “There is a mightie large olde mappe in parchemente, made, as yt -shoulde seme, by Verarsanus ... nowe in the custodie of Mr. Michael -Locke;” and again, of “an olde excellent globe in the Queenes privie -gallory at Westminster, which also semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge.” - -Herrera condenses the account of the voyage from the letter published -by Ramusio; De Barcia (_Ensayo chronologico para la historia general -de la Florida_, 1723) also gives it. This latter identifies Verrazano -with the corsair, Juan Florin. Dr. Kohl gives an interesting account -of Verrazano’s voyage, with a valuable Appendix on maps, in the eighth -chapter of his _Discovery of Maine_. - -[48] [See accounts of Mr. Smith in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -1873, p. 89, and the American Antiquarian Society’s _Proceedings_, -April, 1871. There has been some discussion of the controversy in -the same publication by Charles Deane and J. D. Washburn, April and -October, 1876. Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyc. of Amer. Lit. Supplement_, pp. 7, -157.—ED.] - -[49] See Judge Daly’s letter in the _Journal_ of the American -Geographical Society, vol. iii. p. 80. - -[50] [Harrisse has enumerated the sources in his _Cabots_, p. 279. -De Costa’s bibliography first appeared in the _Magazine of American -History_, January, 1881.—ED.] - -[51] Third series, vol. xxvi. pp. 48-68; cf. also his note to M. -Gravier in the _Compte rendu_ of the “Américanistes,” 1877, p. 536. - -[52] This Appendix is printed in the _Atti_, xv. 355-378. - -[53] [It is worthy of note that Ortelius in 1570, aiming to enumerate -all available maps for his purpose, makes no mention of any map by -either of the Verrazanos.—ED.] - -[54] Fifth series, xxxv. 269-272. The communication runs through four -numbers of the _Annales_, beginning with that of October, 1852; its -title is _Les papes géographes et la cartographie du Vatican_. These -papers were published separately the same year under the same title. - -[55] _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 124, 125. - -[56] The article was reprinted as a chapter of the author’s _Verrazano -the Explorer_. - -[57] Vol. vi. pp. 203, 204. Mr. Murphy reproduces this map in his -_Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 114. - -[58] This paper forms a chapter of _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. -64-82. [An extract from this globe is given on a later page.—ED.] - -[59] _Discovery of Maine_, pp. 290-299; _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. -140-142; _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 50-56. - -[60] _The Voyage of Verrazzano_, pp. 8, 9. - -[61] Ibid., p. 10. - -[62] Ibid., p. 14. Cf. De Costa, p. 21, n. 3. - -[63] Ibid., pp. 25, 26. - -[64] Mr. Major has deciphered the following legend on this map, which -settles its date: “Faictes à Arques par Pierre Desceliers, presb^{re} -1546.” See Harrisse’s _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 216, and also a -sketch of the map on a later page. - -[65] _Voyage of Verrazzano._, p. 69. - -[66] Ibid., pp. 76-79. - -[67] Ibid., pp. 126-133. - -[68] _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 145. - -[69] [He calls it “A Chapter in the Early History of Maritime -Discovery in America.” Scholars regret that his death, Dec. 2, 1882, -prevented the completion of such a comprehensive work, which was to -be the crowning labor of his literary life. There are accounts of Mr. -Murphy (with portraits) in Stiles’s _Brooklyn_, ii. 266; _New York -Genealogical and Biographical Record_, January, 1883; _Democratic -Review_, xxi. 78; xl. 193. His library was particularly rich in -editions of Ptolemy and other early works of geography and exploration. -Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyc. of Amer. Lit. Supplement_, 154.—ED.] - -[70] Major, in _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 188. - -[71] _Voyage of Verrazzano_, pp. 139, 163. - -[72] _Revue critique_, January, 1876. - -[73] M. Desimoni also prints these documents; _Atti_, xv. 176. - -[74] _Verrazano the Explorer_, preface. - -[75] See Hakluyt’s _Discourse on Westerne Planting_, printed by the -Maine Historical Society and also Mr. Deane’s note at p. 216 of that -volume. - -[76] _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 14-19, 21, n. 3. - -[77] Ibid., pp. 9-12. - -[78] _Atti_, xv. 124, 146, 147. - -[79] _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 187. - -[80] _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 187. - -[81] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 253; and cf. also Desimoni in _Atti_, xv. -120. - -[82] _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 35. - -[83] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 269. - -[84] See _post_, p. 29. - -[85] Vol. x. 1866, p. 229. - -[86] _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, pp. 284-287; Harrisse cites the -passages about Gomez. - -[87] _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 187. - -[88] Dr. De Costa considers this question of the deduction of the -letter from the Ribero map, and gives on one sheet a sketch of the -coast from the Verrazano map, and the same coast according to Ribero. -See _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 22-25. M. Desimoni devotes a section -of his paper to the same question. _Atti_, xv. 126-130. - -[89] Martyr, _Opus epistolarum_, ed. 1530, fol. cxciiii. - -[90] _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 44. - -[91] [There is an interesting memoir on the history of the successive -French flags in the _Revue des questions historiques_, x. 148, 404; -xvii. 506.—ED.] - -[92] For Mr. Brevoort’s account and description of this map, see his -_Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 122-139. - -[93] [The Editor has traced the cartographical history of the Western -Sea in a Note following this chapter.—ED.] - -[94] _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 43-63. - -[95] _Atti_, xv. 169-176. In a “revised extract from the Verrazano map, -1881,” prepared after the publication of his book, Dr. De Costa accepts -all, or very nearly all, of M. Desimoni’s corrections, which are, -however, not of much moment. - -[96] [These legends are shown on the fac-simile of Desimoni’s -reproduction, given on a later page.—ED.] - -[97] M. Desimoni’s paper is printed in the _Atti_ of the Genoese -Society, xv. 355-378. Mr. Brevoort was the first in this country to -call attention to this Maggiolo map, in the _Magazine of American -History_ for February, 1882. He furnished a second article on the -subject in the number of the following July. This map is given on a -later page. - -[98] _Oviedo de la natural hystoria de las Indias. Con preuilegio de la -S. C. C. M._ On the verso of the titlepage, _Sumario de la natural y -general istoria de las Indias, que escriuio Gōçalo Fernādez de Oviedo, -alias de Valdes, natura de la villa de Madrid, vezino y regidor de la -cibdad de santa Maria del antigua del Darien_, etc. The colophon states -that the book was printed, at the author’s cost, by “Remō de Petras,” -at Toledo, and finished Feb. 15, 1526. There is a copy in Harvard -College Library. - -[99] _The Decades of the newe Worlde, or west India, ... wrytten in -the Latine tounge by Peter Martyr of Angleria, and translated into -Englysshe by Rycharde Eden._ 4to, London, 1555. This volume contains -Martyr’s first three decades, a translation of Oviedo’s _Sumario_, and -parts of Gomara, Ramusio, Pigafetta, Americus Vespucius, Münster, and -others. My citation is from fols. 213, 214. - -[100] _De orbe nouo Petri Martyris ab Angleria Mediolanensis -Protonotarii Cæsaris Senatoris decades._ Folio, _Complutum_ (Alcala), -1530. - -[101] _Opus episcolarū Petri Martyris ... nūc pmū et natū & mediocri -cura excusum._ Folio. Copies of both books are in Harvard College -Library. - -[102] _Dec._ vi. c. 10, fol. xc. The translation is from Lok’s _De orbe -novo_. 4to, London, 1612, fol. 246. - -[103] Dec. viii. c. 10, fol. cxvii; Lok’s translation, fol. 317. - -[104] _Opus epistolarum_, book xxxvii. fol. 199. - -[105] _Hist. gen. de las Indias_, Antwerp, 1554, c. xl. fol. 44. - -[106] _Hechos de las Castellanos_, Madrid, 1730; Dec. iii. p. 241. - -[107] _Galvano_ (Hak, Soc. ed.), p. 167. - -[108] See _ante_, p. 24. - -[109] Chap. viii. There are other modern examinations of these -accounts, more or less minute, in Biddle’s _Cabot_, book ii. chap. -8; in Asher’s Introduction to his _Henry Hudson_, p. lxxxvii; in -Buckingham Smith’s paper, 1866, before the New York Historical Society, -epitomized in _Hist. Mag._, x. 229, and p. 368 for authorities; in -Murphy’s _Verrazzano_, p. 117; and in Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. 80. -Harrisse, in his _Cabot_, p. 282, gives the authorities. - -[110] See Harrisse, _Bib. Amer. vetus._, nos. 134, 192, 215, and p. -249. The whole voyage was published in French at Paris, _l’an ix._ -(1801). Gomez’ desertion is told at p. 43 of this edition. An English -translation of Pigafetta is in Pinkerton’s _Collection of Voyages_, -London, 1808-1814, vol. xi. p. 288 _et seq._ [Cf. the chapter on -Magellan in Vol. II.—ED.] - -[111] _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que hicieron -por mar los Españoles._ 5 vols., Madrid, 1825-1837. See on this point -his _Noticia historica_ to the _Viages menores_ in vol. iii. - -[112] _Navarrete_, iii. 77. - -[113] Ibid., pp. 122-127. - -[114] Ibid., pp. 153-160. - -[115] Ibid., p. 179. - -[116] _Coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al -descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posessiones -españolas de America y Oceania._ 22 vols., 8vo, Madrid, 1864-1874. This -Agreement is in the last volume, pp. 74-78. - -[117] New York and London, 1843, pp. 417-419. - -[118] [See Vol. III. p. 16; and the present volume, chap. -viii.—ED.] - -[119] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 302. - -[120] _Discovery of Maine_, pp. 307-315. [Cf. the Editorial Note on the -maps, 1535-1600, following the succeeding chapter.—ED.] - -[121] _Les singularitez de la France antarctique, autrement nommée -Amerique; & de plusieurs terres & isles découvertes de nostre temps. -Par F. André Thevet, natif d’Angoulesme._ 4to. Paris, 1558. [Copies -are worth between three and four hundred francs,—Maisonneuve in 1881 -pricing it at 400 francs. Quaritch held a copy in 1883 at so high -a price as £60. The cuts are well done, and Gaffarel thinks them -the work of Jean Cousin.—ED.] _La cosmographie vniverselle d’André -Thevet, cosmographe dv roy. Illustrée de diuerses figures des choses -plus remarquables vevës par l’auteur, et incogneües de noz anciens & -modernes._ 2 vols., folio, Paris, 1575. It has 204 pages on America; -cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 599. Mr. Brevoort says -that he has a copy of the _Singularitez_ with the date 1557; see his -_Verrazano_, p. 112. [Another copy of this date (1557) is shown in -the _Huth Catalogue_, vol. iv. p. 1464, which says that its collation -agrees with Brunet’s collation of the copies dated 1558. A copy of the -1557 date brought $17 in Boston in 1844. Both books are in the Astor -Library.—ED.] - -[122] [Published at Anvers, 1558. The cuts are but poor copies of those -in the Paris edition; cf. Bernard’s _Geofroy Tory_, Paris, 1865, p. -320. Leclerc thinks it rarer than the Paris edition of the same year, -because Ternaux does not mention it. (_Brinley Catalogue_, vol. i. no. -150.) Harvard College Library has this edition, which Quaritch prices -at £7 7_s._—ED.] - -[123] _Historia dell’ India America detta altramente Francea -antartica_, Venice, 1561. There were other editions in 1567 and 1584. -[This edition is worth about £5. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. -no. 236; Muller (1877), no. 3,194; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, -vol. i. no. 995. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 359, says -the 1584 is the 1561 edition with a new title. There is a copy in the -Astor Library.—ED.] - -[124] _The New found Worlde, or Antarctike_, London, 1568. [There -is a copy in Harvard College Library. Field (_Indian Bibliography_, -no. 1,547) says it has sold for ten guineas. It is in Gothic letter, -and has a portrait of Thevet. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. -272.—ED.] - -[125] De Thou, _Histoire de France_, liv. xvi. - -[126] At pages 415-420. Wytfliet had also adopted it. - -[127] _Northmen in Maine_, pp. 63-79; cf. J. H. Trumbull in _Historical -Magazine_, April, 1870, p. 239, confirming De Costa. - -[128] Vol. III. p. 197. - -[129] See Vol. III. p. 209. - -[130] _Verrazano_, p. 29. - -[131] For 1855, p. 374; and for 1856, pp. 17, 18, 319-324. - -[132] He later published in the _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, -neue Folge_, vol. xv., an account of discovery in the Gulf of Mexico, -1492-1543. - -[133] This was earlier in the possession of Professor Henry, of the -Smithsonian Institution, in whose _Report_ for 1856 Dr. Kohl printed -a plan for a Cartographical Depot, in connection with the Government. -Cf. also _American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October, 1867; -April, 1869; April, 1872. - -[134] He had already, in 1861, published a _Geschichte der Entdeckungs -Amerikas_,—a popular account which was translated by R. R. Noel as a -_Popular History of the Discovery of America_, and published in London -in 1862. - -[135] Vol. III. p. 8. - -[136] The Waldseemüller (Ptolemy) map of 1513, called sometimes “The -Admiral’s map,” and known to have been engraved several years earlier, -is believed to have been on sale in 1507 (Lelewel, ii. 143), and to -have been really drawn in 1501-1504. La Cosa is said to have complained -of Portuguese explorations in that neighborhood in 1503. [This new -Cantino map has since been described in Vol. II.] - -[137] Cf. also Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 141, 162; Kohl, _Discovery of -Maine_, p. 177; J. A. Schmeller’s “Ueber einige ältere handschriftliche -Seekarten” in the _Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften_, iv. -247. - -[138] Vol. II. - -[139] Vol. III. p. 212. - -[140] Ibid. p. 13. - -[141] Now pronounced the work of another. See _The Literary Works of -Leonardo da Vinci, compiled and edited from the original manuscripts by -Jean Paul Richter_, London, 1883, where (vol. ii. p. 224) it is said -that the Marchese Girolamo d’Adda has brought proof to this end. - -[142] Vol. III. p. 214. - -[143] Ibid. - -[144] Ibid. p. 201. - -[145] This chart is given in the atlas (no. iv.) to Kunstmann’s -_Entdeckung Amerikas_; in Stevens’s _Notes_, etc., pl. v.; in H. H. -Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. 133 (erroneously); and in part -in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, pl. x. A portion of it is sketched in -Vol. III. p. 56. Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 167) puts it after Balboa’s -visit to Panama in 1516-1517, and before 1520, because it shows no -trace of Magellan’s Straits. A map of Laurentius Frisius, 1525 (_Kohl -Collection_, no. 102), represents the southern part of what appears -to be Greenland, with an island marked “Terra laboratoris” lying -west of its extreme point, while the edge of “Terra nova contemti” -(Corterealis) is seen further west. - -[146] In Kohl’s _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_, with -a section in his _Discovery of Maine_. Harrisse ascribes it to Nuño -Garcia de Toreno. A full consideration of this and of the Ribero map -belongs to Vol. II. - -[147] _Magazine of American History_, 1883, p. 477. For Maiollo’s -cartographical skill, see Heinrich Wüttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde” -in the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870, -p. 61. There are other notes of Maiollo’s work in the _Giornale -Ligustico_, 1875; in D’Avezac’s _Atlas hydrographique de_ 1511, p. 8; -in Uzielli’s _Elenco_, etc.; and in Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 166. - -[148] Vol. III. p. 218. Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 188, gives a -considerable essay on Agnese’s maps. Agnese lived and worked at Venice -from 1536 to 1564. - -[149] _Verrazzano_, p. 103. - -[150] See Vol. III. pp. 199, 201; cf. also the Münster map of 1544, as -given by Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen-Âge_, pl. 46. - -[151] See the preceding text, and Vol. III., p. 214. - -[152] Cf. also Lelewel, p. 170; Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, p. -371; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 148. - -[153] _Géographie du Moyen-Âge, Epilogue_, p. 219. - -[154] _Les Papes géographes_, pp. 26, 65; cf. Lelewel, ii. 170. - -[155] Mr. Brevoort has given an account of this collection in his -_Verrazano_, p. 122. - -[156] But compare Morton (_New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. -126), who says, “What part of this mane continent may be thought to -border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is yet unknowne.” This was -in 1636-37. - -[157] Vol. III. pp. 39, 40. Perfect copies of the _Divers Voyages_ are -very rare, and its two maps are often wanting. The two British Museum -copies have them, but the Bodleian copy has only the Lok map, and the -Carter-Brown copy is in the same condition; other copies are in Harvard -College Library (map in fac-simile), in the Murphy Collection, and in -Charles Deane’s. The Lok map is given in fac-simile, somewhat reduced, -in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 288; and (full-size) in the reprint -of the _Divers Voyages_ by the Hakluyt Society. A sketch of it is given -in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 290, and in Fox Bourne’s _English -Seamen_. It of course mixes with Verrazano’s plot much other and later -information. - -[158] Vol. III. p. 123. - -[159] See also what is called “The Jomard map of 155-(?)” delineated on -a later page. - -[160] Lelewel, pl. 46; H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 144. -An engraved map by Bordone, in 1534, represents what seems to be -North America, calling the vaguely rendered northeastern coast “Terra -delavoratore,” while a passage to the west separates a part of South -America. - -[161] See Vol. III. p. 214. - -[162] Lelewel, pl. 46. - -[163] See Vol. III. p. 17. - -[164] Kohl, in a marginal note, thinks this may refer to Verrazano; he -dates the map about 1530. - -[165] There is a copy in the Kohl Collection. - -[166] _Cabots_, p. 185. - -[167] Paris, 1867, p. 20. - -[168] Dr. Kohl (p. 326) says that Alezay was an island near the present -Prince Edward, and that the latter was called Brion, having one of its -capes named “Orleans,” still found on old maps. But Orleans is also -found on the mainland of New Brunswick. Prince Edward Island appears on -the Henri II., or the Dauphin’s map (1546), as “Alezay.” The “Cabot” -map (1544) calls Prince Edward Island “y^a de S. Juan.” Allefonsce -(1542), in maps and Relations, calls it “Saint Jehan.” At this point -the student should consult Hakluyt, iii. 205. - -[169] Thevet, in his _Singularitez de la France antarctique_, Anvers, -1558 (f. 147), says that the people found here were almost contrary to -the first, as well in language as in manner of life (“tant en langue -que maniere de viure”). See Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 113. Thevet had -consulted the _Discours du voyage_ at p. 53. - -[170] See Vol. III. pp. 185, 186. - -[171] Hakluyt says that the Indian name of the island (vol. iii. p. -214) was Natiscotec; while Jean Allefonsce invariably makes the mistake -of calling it Ascension Island. - -[172] In 1642 the Sieur Maissonneuve selected the site for Montreal; -see Champlain’s _Œuvres_, 1870 (_Des Savvages_), ii. 39. On Norumbega, -see the present work, Vol. III. p. 169. On Hochelaga, also, see -Professor Dawson’s _Fossil Men and their Modern Representatives: an -Attempt to Illustrate the Characters and Conditions of Prehistoric Men -in Europe by those of the American Race_. London, Hodder & Stoughton, -1880, chaps. ii. and iii. By his excavations, Dr. Dawson has brought to -light relics of the Hochelagans, whose ethnic relations he has studied, -finding evidence which convinces him that they were representatives -of a decaying nation to which the Eries and others belonged, and that -originally they were connected with the Mound-Builders. He uses their -history in combating some views entertained respecting the antiquity of -the Stone Age. - -[173] Professor Dawson, speaking of the account in the narrative, which -says “that the most precious thing that they have in all the world they -call _esurguy_, which is white, and which they take in the said river -in cornifats,” explains that _esurguy_ is “probably a vulgar local name -for some shell supposed to resemble that of which these Indians made -their wampum. I would suggest that it may be derived from _cornet_, -which is used by old French writers as a name for the shells of the -genus Voluta, and is also a technical term in conchology. In this case -it is likely that the esurguy was made of the shells of some species -of Melania or Paludina, just as the Indians on the coast used for -beads and ornaments the shells of _Purpura lapillus_ and of Dentalium, -etc. It is just possible that Cartier may have misunderstood the mode -of procuring these shells, and that the [his] statement may refer to -some practice of making criminals and prisoners _dive_ for them in the -deeper parts of the river.”—_Fossil Men_, etc., p. 32, n. - -[174] When Champlain was at Quebec he thought that he identified the -site of Cartier’s fort, where he found hewn timber decayed and several -cannon balls near the St. Charles and the Lairet. _Œuvres_, iii. 155. -[Lescarbot and Sagard also mention the remains. Faillon (_Histoire -de la Colonie Française_, i. 496) discusses the site of Cartier’s -wintering-place. Lemoine (_Picturesque Quebec_, p. 484) speaks of the -remains of one of Cartier’s vessels being discovered in 1843, some -parts of which were carried to St. Malo.—ED.] - -[175] _The Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 163, and _Verrazano the Explorer_, -p. 25. - -[176] Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion de varios documentos_, Londres, -1851, p. 107; also Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 146. - -[177] Possibly he had only three; see _Coleccion_, etc., p. 107. That -he had five is the statement of Hakluyt. The Spaniards understood that -Cartier had thirteen ships, Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 107. Hakluyt is -perhaps in error where he asserts that it was agreed to build five -ships. Two of the ships actually sailing with this Expedition were the -“Great Hermina” and the “Emerilon.” - -[178] [In the Archives of St. Malo (1538) is a record of the baptism -of three savages brought there by Cartier. _Massachusetts Archives, -Documents collected in France_, i. 367. Faillon (_Histoire de la -Colonie Française_, i. 524) believes that the Indians found on the -St. Lawrence were Iroquois, who were succeeded in Champlain’s time -by Algonquins. Bonnetty in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétienne_, -September, 1869, has discussed the question: “Quels étaient les -sauvages que rencontra Cartier sur les rives du Saint-Laurent.” Captain -J. Carleill, in his undated tract (of about 1583) called _Discourse -upon the Entended Voyage to ... America_ (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -vol. i. no. 350), refers to Cartier’s abduction of the Indians as -putting “the whole countrey people into such dislike with the Frenche, -as neuer since they would admit any conversation or familiaritie with -them, until of late yeares.”—ED.] - -[179] It might indeed be supposed that Roberval, instead of reaching -Canada in the autumn of 1541, wintered on the Atlantic coast, and thus -met Cartier at Newfoundland in 1542. Indeed, Sir William Alexander -says, in his _Encouragement to Colonies_ (p. 15), that Roberval -lived “one winter at Cape Breton;” but for the statement he gives no -authority, while his style is loose, and by Cape Breton he probably -meant Canada, since Roberval would have sailed direct from Cape Breton -to the St. Lawrence, instead of circumnavigating Newfoundland. - -[180] Hakluyt, in his translation of Allefonsce (iii. 242), reads: -“Fort of France Roy, built in August and September, 1542.” The -manuscript of Allefonsce, however, does not give the year, though the -fact is stated. Hakluyt may have put in the date. - -[181] _Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle France._ Paris, -1691, i. 12, 13. - -[182] Murphy’s _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 39, n. On the sense of the -terms _discoperto_ and _decouverte_, see _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. -39, 40. - -[183] Allefonsce says: “Ces terres tiennent à la Tartarie, et pense que -ce se soit le bout de l’Asie selon la rondeur du monde.” The commission -of Francis I. to Cartier reads: “Des terres de Canada et Ochelaga, -faisant un bout de l’Azie du costé de l’Occident.” Ramé’s _Documents -inédits_, p. 13. - -[184] The entire manuscript, so far as it relates to America, was -copied for the writer, with all the maps, by a competent person, under -the supervision of the late M. d’Avezac. This copy was used in Mr. -Henry C. Murphy’s _Voyage of Verrazzano_, published in New York in 1875. - -[185] Garneau, in his _Histoire du Canada_, heads one of his chapters, -“Abandon temporaire du Canada, 1543-1603.” - -[186] Cf. _Édits, ordonnances royaux, etc., du Conseil de l’État du Roi -(1540-1578) concernant le Canada_. 2 vols. 1803-1806. Quebec; revised -edition, 1854, 1855. - -[187] See page 13 of _Documents authentiques et inédits pour servir -a l’histoire de la marine Normande et du commerce Rouennais, pendant -les xvi^e et xvii^e siècles_. Par E. Gosselin, Greffier Archiviste de -Palais de Justice de Rouen. Rouen, Imprimerie de Henry Boissel, 1876. -8vo, pp. xv, 173. Also his _Nouvelles glanes historiques_. Rouen, 1873, -p. 7. - -[188] _Documents_, p. 13. - -[189] Ibid. - -[190] Ibid., p. 14: “5 Louchets à 12 solz pièce; 50 houseaux à 10 solz -pièce; 25 manes à 16 solz pièce; 25 haches à faire bois à 12 solz -pièce; 50 serpes à couper bois à 6 solz pièce,—le tout pour porter en -la Nouvelle France, ou le Roy envoie presentment pour son service.” - -[191] _Documents_, p. 14. - -[192] See _Inventio Fortunata_, B. F. De Costa, p. 12. - -[193] See Hakluyt’s _Discourse of Westerne Planting_, p. 26; and _Cabo -de Baxos_, p. 6; also, a note on the Cardinal, by M. Gravier, in the -_Magazine of American History_, ix. 214. - -[194] Lescarbot’s _Nouvelle France_, pp. 422-426. - -[195] _Discourse_, etc., p. 26. - -[196] _Principal Navigations_, iii. 236. - -[197] Hakluyt in his third volume gives accounts of several English -voyages to the St. Lawrence, 1593-1597. - -[198] Navarrete, _Bibliotheca maritima_, i. 396. - -[199] [There is a view of this manor in the _Relation originale_, -Paris, 1867. In the _Massachusetts Archives, Documents collected in -France_, i. 263, is a paper on the genealogy of Cartier, by M. Cunat, -of St. Malo, communicated to Mr. Poore by M. d’Avezac. This and various -other copies of papers (many of which have of late years been printed) -relating to Cartier are preserved in the office of the Régistraire de -la Province de Québec. In 1883 the Chambre of the Province ordered a -list made of the documents relating to Canadian history in that office, -which was in March furnished by the secretary, J. Blanchet, and printed -as no. 62 of the legislative documents. It shows about one thousand -documents from the time of Cartier to the American Revolution.—ED.] - -[200] See _Transactions_ of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society, -1862, which contains valuable articles (p. 141). - -[201] Edition of 1728; dec. iii. l. x. cap. 9. - -[202] Vol. iii. p. 809. - -[203] Herrera (_Historia general_, Madrid, 1601, dec. ii. l. v. c. 3, -seemingly under the year 1519) reports “fifty ships, Spanish, French, -and Portuguese, fishing;” but the true date is 1527. Oviedo indicates -the date in his _Historia general de las Indias_ (Madrid, 1851), -611. See Brevoort’s _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 147, 148, and the -_Northmen in Maine_, on Rut’s voyage, p. 55. - -[204] _Nouvelle France_, 1612, p. 22. - -[205] Cf. J. B. Gilpin, _Lecture on Sable Island_, Halifax, 1858, 24 -pages. - -[206] Vol. iii. fol. 369. - -[207] [Cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 5. There are copies of this -in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 331); in the -Huth Collection (_Catalogue_, vol. i. p. 267); and in the Grenville -Collection, British Museum. This narrative was followed by Pinkerton -and Churchill in their _Voyages_.—ED.] - -[208] Vol. iii. p. 201. - -[209] The following is the title: _Discours dv voyage fait par le -Capitaine Iaqves Cartier aux Terres-neufues de Canadas, Norembergue, -Hochelage, Labrador, et pays adiacens, dite nouuelle France, auec -particulieres mœurs, langage, et ceremonies des habitans d’icelle.—A -Roven, de l’imprimerie de Raphæl du Petit Val, Libraire et Imprimeur -à l’Ange Raphæl_, M.D.XCVIII., _avec permission du Roy_. This has -been reprinted at Quebec in the _Voyages de découverte au Canada_, -1534-1552, published under the direction of the Literary and Historical -Society, Cowan, 1843, and at Paris by Tross, 1865. It is followed in -Ternaux-Compans (_Archives des voyages_, Paris, 1840), and is used in -Lescarbot’s _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, livre iii. chaps. 2-5; -and of this last text Harrisse (p. 2) says, “Ce n’est qu’une médiocre -reproduction de celui de Petit-Val,” a publisher of Rouen. - -[210] See Harrisse’s _Notes pour servir_, etc., Paris, 1872, p. 11. -Harrisse found copies in the National and Sainte-Geneviève libraries of -Paris, and says it follows a text not now known; and that Hakluyt in -his _Principall Navigations_ followed still another text. - -[211] _Relation originale du voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en -1534: Documents inédits sur Jacques Cartier et le Canada (nouvelle -série), publiés par H. Michelant et A. Ramé, accompagnés de deux -portraits de Cartier, et de deux vues de son manoir._ Paris, Tross, -1867. The original manuscript bears the erroneous date of 1544. - -[212] _Ante_, p. 49. - -[213] In neither of these narratives do we find any reference to those -who preceded Cartier in the New Land; nor even, except in two cases, is -there a passing allusion to contemporary voyages; yet both Normans and -Bretons were active. Again, there is no mention of any map or chart. - -The Normans and Bretons probably sailed to the banks of Newfoundland -before Cabot made _Prima Vista_. An early mention of their voyages -is that of the _Gran Capitano Francese_ of 1539, found in Ramusio -(_Raccolta_, 1556, iii. 359), where they are spoken of as frequenting -the northern parts thirty-five years before, and giving a well-known -headland its present name of Cape Breton. [This “gran capitano” is -held by Estancelin in his _Navigateurs Normands_ to be Jean Parmentier -of Dieppe, and Pierre Crignon is named as the writer of the somewhat -confused _routier_ and narrative given in Ramusio. Cf. Shea’s -_Charlevoix_, i. 132; Major’s _Early Voyages to Terra Australis_, -Introduction; and Murphy’s _Verrazzano_, p. 85. Harrisse (_Cabots_, -p. 249) also discusses the question of the Capitano’s identity.—ED.] -Ramusio also (iii. 359) refers to Jean Denys and the pilot Gamort, of -Rouen, who sailed to Newfoundland in a ship of Honfleur about the year -1506. Ramusio (iii. 359) also mentions that Thomas Aubert of Dieppe -voyaged thither in the “Pensée” in 1508. - -Gosselin shows that in 1508 other ships sailed to Newfoundland, and -that they were generally of a tonnage from sixty to ninety tons. “I -cite, among others,” he says, “‘Bonne-Aventure,’ Captain Jacques de -Rufosse; the ‘Sibille’ and the ‘Michel,’ belonging to Jehan Blondel; -and then the ‘Marie de Bonnes Nouvelles,’ equipped by Guillaume -Dagyncourt, Nicolas Duport, and Loys Luce, associated citizens, the -command of the ship being given to Captain Jean Dieulois” (_Documents_, -etc., p. 13). In view of those cases, which appear to be a few of many, -how poor is the appearance of that scepticism which has so long led -writers to look askance at the statements of Ramusio concerning Aubert -and the “Pensée”! The records of Normandy and Brittany are doubtless -rich in facts relating to obscure points of American history. - -[There is in Mr. Parkman’s Collection (vol, i. p. 89), among the copies -made for him in France by Mr. Poore, a map of the St. Lawrence Gulf, -with the route of Cartier in 1534 pricked out. The map is signed N. -B.; and I suppose it to have been made by Bellin, the map-maker who -supplied Charlevoix with his maps. Faillon (_Histoire de la Colonie -Francaise_, i. 523) argues that all three of the _Relations_ as we have -them were the work of Cartier himself. Ramé gives a copy of an ancient -register at St. Malo, said to be in Cartier’s hand, which preserves the -names of his companions.—ED.] - -[214] “_Brief Recit & succincte narration de la nauigation faicte es -ysles de Canada, Hochelage, & Saguenay, & autres, auec particulieres -meurs, langaige, & cerimonies des habitans a’icelles; fort delectable -à veoir_ [vignette]. _Avec priuilege. On les uend a Paris au second -pillier en la grand salle du Palais, & en la rue neufue Nostredame -a l’enseigne de lescu de frāce, par Ponce Roffet dict Faucheur, & -Anthoine le Clerc, frères_, 1545.” Reprinted at Paris by Tross in -1863, with a collation of the three manuscripts in the Bibliothèque -Nationale, which are described in an “Introduction historique par -M. d’Avezac,” substantially reprinted in Malte Brun’s _Annales des -voyages_, July, 1864. These manuscripts are numbered, according to -Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 79), “Fonds Moreau, 841,” and “Fonds français, -5,589, 5,644, 5,553.” The Tross reprint is also accompanied by a -fac-simile of a plan of Hochelaga, taken from the version of Ramusio, -and a map of “Nova Francia” (given on another page), used by the -Italian editor to illustrate an accompanying piece, the “Discorso d’vn -gran Capitano” (iii. 352) shown in _Verrazano the Explorer_ (p. 54) to -have been modelled in part from the map of Verrazano. There appears to -be but one copy of the _Brief recit_, 1545, known at present. This is -in the Grenville Collection in the British Museum. A second copy was -found by Tross, and was lost in the ship on its way to America. Muller -at one time advertised a copy at $125. See Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. -iii. no. 11,138; Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, no. -267. It is reprinted in Kerr’s (vol. vi.) and Pinkerton’s (vol. xii.) -_Voyages_. - -[215] In vol. iii. - -[216] Page 3. - -[217] Vol. iii. p. 212. - -[218] Hakluyt speaks of “the Frenche originall which I sawe in the -King’s Library at Paris, in the Abbay of St. Martine,” and says that -Donnaconna had been in “his barke” to that “contrie where cynamon and -cloves are had.” See Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, p. 112. - -[219] Vol. iii. p. 232. - -[220] Vol. iii. p. 240. - -[221] Page 412. - -[222] Edition of 1883, vol. i. p. 17. - -[223] “The division of authority between Cartier and Roberval defeated -the undertaking. Roberval was ambitious of power, and Cartier desired -the exclusive honor of discovery. They neither embarked in company nor -acted in concert. In May, 1541, Cartier sailed from St. Malo. Arrived -at the scene of his former adventures, near the site of Quebec, he -built a fort; but no considerable advances in geographical knowledge -appear to have been made. The winter passed in sullenness and gloom. -In June, 1542, he and his ships returned to France, just before -Roberval arrived with a considerable reinforcement. Unsustained by -Cartier, Roberval accomplished no more than a verification of previous -discoveries. Remaining about a year in America, he abandoned his -immense vice-royalty.” - -There is, however, no good proof of these charges. At the time when -Roberval is represented as contending with Cartier, the former must -have been in Canada. We have no proof of any conflict of authority. -Facts recited in the present chapter do not appear to have been known -to Mr. Bancroft. Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 343) appears to have -known nothing beyond what is found in Hakluyt with reference to the -meeting at St. John’s. Parkman (_Pioneers of France_, p. 202, edition -of 1882) says that Roberval sailed for Canada in April, 1542, and that, -soon after reaching St. John’s, “he descried three other sail rounding -the entrance to the haven, and with wrath and amazement recognized the -ships of Cartier.... The Viceroy ordered him to return; but Cartier -escaped with his vessels under cover of night, and made sail for -France.” See also Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 188; -and, on these voyages, _Biographie des Malouins célèbres_, Paris, 1824; -_St. Malo illustré par ses marines_, by Cunat, Paris, 1857; _Biographie -Bretonne_, by Livot, Vannes, 1858. Also, D’Avezac’s edition of the -voyage of 1545, Paris, 1863, f. xiii. This author does not appear to -have known that Roberval sailed in 1541, instead of 1542. Hatton, in -his _Newfoundland_, London, 1883, p. 14, also goes very wide of the -mark. - -[224] Harrisse, _Notes_, pp. 243-253. - -[225] Ibid. - -[226] Ibid., pp. 259-264. - -[227] Ibid., pp. 254-258. - -[228] Ibid., pp. 268-271. - -[229] Ramé, _Documents inédits_, p. 12; and the _Transactions of the -Quebec Literary and Historical Society_, 1862, p. 116. - -[230] Documents _inédits_, p. 12; _Transactions_, etc., p. 120. - -[231] Gosselin’s _Nouvelles glanes historiques Normandes_ (Rouen, -1873), p. 4; forming a limited edition of _Documents inédits_. - -[232] Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 212. - -[233] Hakluyt, iii. 232. - -[234] _Nouvelles glanes_, p. 6. - -[235] Ibid., p. 6. - -[236] Ibid., p. 6. - -[237] Ibid., p. 6, and Hakluyt, iii. 240. - -[238] Hakluyt, iii. 241. - -[239] Harrisse, _Notes_, p. 272. - -[240] _Cosmographie_ of Allefonsce; Hakluyt, iii. 241. - -[241] Ibid., p. 240. - -[242] _Transactions_, 1862, p. 93. - -[243] Ibid., p. 241. - -[244] _Transactions_, p. 90. - -[245] “Jacques Cartier, après avoir réclamé 4,500 livres pour -_L’Hermine et L’Emerillon_, ajoute: ‘Et on ce qui est du tiers navise, -mettre pour 17 mois qu’il a été au dit voyage du dit Cartier, _et -pour huit mois qu’il a été à retourner quérir le dit Robertval au dit -Canada_, au péril de nauleige, ce seront 2,500 livres, et pour les deux -autres qui fuerint au dit voyage, six mois à cent livres le mois, sont -douze cent livres.’” (_Transactions_, etc., 1862, p. 93.) See also -_Documents inédits_, p. 28. - -[246] _Transactions_, p. 93. Harrisse (_Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. -215) suggests that Cartier brought Roberval home in the month of June, -1544. This, however, was not so, as Cartier had actually returned prior -to April 3, 1544. - -[247] _Transactions_, p. 94. - -[248] Cf. A. Walker on “A Forgotten Hero” in _Fraser’s Magazine_, 1880, -p. 775. - -[249] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 131; also, Le Clercq, _Établissement de -la foy_, i. 14. - -[250] An episode in the voyage of Roberval, not alluded to by Hakluyt, -is preserved in Thevet’s _Cosmographie universelle_, Paris, 1575. -Thevet drew his accounts of New France partly from the navigators -and partly from his imagination, deliberately inventing facts where -he deemed it necessary, being upon the whole a mendacious character. -Nevertheless he was well acquainted with Roberval and Cartier, -and is said to have lived six months with the latter at St. Malo. -[_The Northmen in Maine_, by Dr. De Costa, p. 63, and _Biographie -universelle_, 1826-1827, vol. xxv.; also, vol. xlix. on Villegagnon.] -This episode covers the case of Roberval’s niece, who in 1541 went on -the voyage with him, becoming the victim of a young man who followed -her from France. As punishment, she was put ashore with her old nurse -on an island called the Isle of Demons, which figures prominently in -the map found in the Ptolemy of Ruscelli, her lover being allowed to -join them. On this island both of her companions died. After more than -two years she was rescued by a fishing-vessel, and carried to France. -Her story was first told in the _Heptameron_ of Marguerite, published -at Paris in 1559, forming number lxvii: “Extrême amour et austérité -de femme en terre étrange.” Thevet, in his _Cosmographie_ (ii. 1019), -recasts the story, and says that he had the account from the princess -herself, who, in a little village of Périgord, met the young woman, -who had sought an asylum there from the wrath of her uncle Roberval. -In his _Grand insulaire_, a manuscript preserved in the Bibliothèque -Nationale, Paris (Harrisse, _Notes_, p. 278), which antedates his -_Cosmographie_, Thevet also has a version of the story. In the latter -work it is given in connection with the fabulous account of a Nestorian -bishop. It is illustrated by a picture of the woman on the Isle of -Demons shooting wild beasts. - -[251] Vol. iii. p. 232. - -[252] [There have been various theories regarding the origin of -the name _Canada_, for which see Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie -Française_, i. 14; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (New York edition), -i. 54; _Historical Magazine_, i. 153, 188, 217, 315, 349, and ii. -23; B. Davis in _Canadian Naturalist_, 1861; _Magazine of American -History_, 1883, p. 161; and Canniff’s _Upper Canada_, p. 3. There seems -to have been a belief in New England, at a later day, that “Canada” was -derived from William and Emery de Caen (Cane, as the English spelled -it), who were in New France in 1621, and later. Cf. Morton’s _New -English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 235, and Josselyn’s _Rarities_, -p. 5; also, J. Reade in his history of geographical names in Canada, -printed in _New Dominion Monthly_, xi. 344.—ED.] - -[253] Pages 87, 88, 105. - -[254] This began with Charlevoix, who (Shea’s edition, i. 129) says: -“The King, by letters-patent inserted in the _Etat ordinaire des -guerres_, in the Chambre des Comptes at Paris, dated Jan. 15, 1540, -declares him Lord of Norimbequa, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belleisle, -Carpon, Labrador, Great Bay, and Baccalas, giving him all these places -with his own royal power and authority.” This is questioned by Parkman -(_Pioneers of France_, p. 197); and in his note to Charlevoix’s -statement, Dr. Shea says that Parkman “confounds his commission and -patent,” referring to Lescarbot’s edition of 1618, which, however, does -not bear out the statement, recalled later. Allefonsce says (Hakluyt, -iii. 239), “The extension of all these lands upon just occasion is -called New France. For it is as good and temperate as France, and in -the same latitude.” - -[The appellation of _New France_, according to Parkman (_Pioneers of -New France_, p. 184), was earliest applied, just succeeding the voyage -of Verrazano; and the Dutch geographers, he says, are especially -free in the use of it, out of spite to the Spaniards. Faillon, in -his _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 511, errs in tracing its -earliest use to Cartier’s second _Relation_, where, writing in the -third person, he says, “aux terres neuves, par lui [nous?] appellées -Nouvelle France.” Shea, in his _Charlevoix_, ii. 20, finds the “Nova -Gallia” of the globe of Euphrosynus Ulpius (1542) as early a use as any -of those which he records. Charlevoix himself had not traced it back of -Lescarbot (1609).—ED. - -[255] See chap. xii. of _La historia general de las Indias y nueuo -mundo, con mas la conquista del Peru y de Mexico: agora nueuamente -añadida y emendada por el mismo autor, con una tabla muy cumplida de -los capitulos, y muchas figuras que en otras impressiones no lleva. -Venden se en Caragoça en casa de Miguel de Çapila mercader de’ libros. -Año de 1555._ - -[256] 1857, vol. ii. p. 317. - -[257] Harrisse, in his _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_ (Paris, 1882, p. -206), quotes from _La grande insulaire_ of Thevet a manuscript in the -Bibliothèque Nationale, showing that he was detained a prisoner at -Poitiers by Francis I.; while in his _Cosmographie universelle_, folio -1021, he says it was “pour la prinse de quelques naviere d’Espaigne.” -Allefonsce was a privateer, or “corsair,” and was so zealous in his -work, that, to propitiate Spain, the King was obliged to put him in -prison. He probably gave too much offence to the king’s enemies. - -[258] Vol. iii. p. 240. - -[259] It might appear that Allefonsce was dead at the time; his -_Cosmographie_ was finished in 1545, as the finishing touch was given -by Paulin Secalart. The lines referred to are as follows: - -“La mort aussi n’a point craint son effroy, Ses gros canons, ses darts, -son feu, sa fouldre, Mais l’assaillant l’a mis en tel desroy, Que rien -de luy ne reste plus que poudre.” - - -[260] See also Harrisse, in _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 203, on -Allefonsce. - -[261] _The Northmen in Maine_, p. 131; and Lescarbot, _Nouvelle -France_, p. 46. Bergeron, in his _Voyages faits principalments en Asie, -dans les XII., XIII., XIV., et XV. Siècles, a La Haye_, 1735, part ii. -p. 5, criticises the misprints of proper names in this volume. - -[262] This work is preserved in the Manuscript Department of the -Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, no. 676, under Secalart. It is a stout -paper folio, 9 × 13 inches, written on both sides. This rude specimen -of penmanship was originally designed for Francis I., like the book -of John Rotz now in the British Museum. It contains 194 leaves; the -titlepage is wanting. On what now forms the second leaf of the third -page is found the following: “Jehan allafonsce—:—Paulin secalert,” with -the motto: “Pouvre et Loil.” - -[Illustration] - -It is signed “Nous Jehan allefonsce et Paulin Secalert.” Underneath is -the date. “Paulin” might, perhaps, be read “Raulin.” The first line -of every page is in red, the initials forming grotesque human faces. -The work abounds in flourishing capitals, and the text is difficult -to decipher. The maps are rude sketches, intercalated to illustrate -the text, and washed with yellowish, reddish, and greenish tints. The -islands are chiefly in gold, though some are red and green. At the -end of the volume is a map of France with the royal arms. On a map of -England is a rude representation of London. There are also four pages -of plans and diagrams, relating chiefly to London and Bordeaux. The -legends on the maps are written in a brown tint, much faded, though -upon the whole the volume is in a good state of preservation. Cf. -“L’hydrographie d’un découvreur du Canada,” in Margry’s _Navigations -Françaises._ - -[263] It will be remembered (Hakluyt, iii. 6) that Cabot’s _Prima -Vista_ was near “the Island of St. John.” On the map is the fabulous -island of St. John out at sea, and the real St. John, now Prince -Edward, is in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. On this subject Hakluyt -appears to have been confused. In his _Principal Navigations_ (iii. -625) he speaks of “the isle of Iohn Luis or John Alverez in 41;” and -in a marginal note says, “This is a very commodious Isle for us on -our way to Virginia.” On page 627 he defines the position further, -saying: “From Bermuda to the Isle of St. Iohn Luis or John Alverez -320 [leagues]. From the Isle of Iohn Luis or Alverez to Flores 320.” -This appears to have been one of the flying islands. See _Magazine of -American History_, viii. 510; _The Northmen in Maine_, p. 139. See also -Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 275. - -[264] Mr. Murphy, in his _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 38, mistranslated -the text, reading _ung_ as _cinq_, and making the latitude 45° instead -of 41°. The original manuscript reads, “Le dict cap est par le quarente -et ung degrez,” and overturns Mr. Murphy’s hastily formed theory. See -also _Verrazano: a Motion for a Stay of Judgment_. New York, 1876, p. -10. - -[265] In his narrative as given by Hakluyt (iii. 239): “I doubt not but -Norumbega [River] entreth into the Riuer of Canada, and vnto the Sea of -Saguenay.” Again, “from the entrance of Norumbega [at the Penobscot] -vnto Florida are 300 leagues.” - -[266] This may have been done by those Portuguese who disputed the -title, and whose quarrels with the French were composed at Newfoundland -by Roberval. _Ante_, p. 57; and Hakluyt, iii. 240. - -[267] _Voyages avantureux_, Poitiers, 1559. - -[268] “Premier livre de la description de tous les ports de mer de -lunivers. Avec summaire mention des conditions differentes des peoples -et addresse pour le rang de ventz propres a naviguer.” By Jehan -Maillord, Mallert, or Mallard, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, -Paris, and quoted by Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, pp. 223-227. - -[269] Hakluyt, vol. iii.; see Vol. III. of the present work, pp. 171, -187. - -[270] Here, indeed, it may prove of interest to give their respective -descriptions of the same region. Vumenot writes: “La terre n’est -pas fort haute, elle est bien labouree, et est garnie de ville et -Chasteaux, ilz adorent le Soliel et la lune. D’icy tourne la coste au -sud-sudoest et au sud, jusque un cap qui est haute terre, et ha une -grand isle de terre basse, et trois ou quatre petits isles.” - -This is a description of Cape Cod and the neighboring coasts, which, in -the verse of Maillard, appear in the same way:— - -“Ils ont chasteaux et villes quilz decorent Et le Soliel et la lune -ilz adorent En ce pays leur terre est labouree Non terroy hault mais -assez temperee Dicy la coste ainsy comme jai sceu Au susseroest elle -tourne aussy au su Plus de cent lieux et jusque au cap va terre Qui se -congnoist en une haulte terre Qui a vne isle en terre basse grande Et -troys ou quatre isleaux a sa demande Et de ce cap a lisle se dit.” - -Harrisse says that Maillard based his description upon the manuscript -of Allefonsce, and not on the printed work, saying that the former was -“begun in 1544 and finished in 1546;” whereas the manuscript itself -shows that it was “finished the 24th day of November, 1545.” It is -also said that Francis I., for whom Maillard wrote, died March 31, -1547, while the _Voyages avantureux_ did not appear until 1559, which -seems to have been the case; yet the verses agree with the printed work -instead of the manuscript of Allefonsce, and bear no relation to the -manuscript other than that borne by the book. We speak here, of course, -only of that part of Maillard’s performance given in _Jean et Sébastien -Cabot_. In several cases Maillard makes a point not in the book; as, -for instance, where (line 131) he says of the Norumbega peltry,— - -“De maint marchant bien cherement requise;” - -but this statement is not found in the manuscript of Allefonsce itself. -That Maillard wrote these verses describing our coast after the -corresponding portion of _Voyages avantureux_ had been composed, might -seem to be indicated by the fact that the substance of a line omitted -after line 28 is found in the prose version of 1559, as follows: “Tous -le gens ceste terre ont queue,” which is an allusion to the old story -told in the manuscript of Allefonsce, who says that towards the north, -“in some of these regions are people with pig’s tails and faces,”—a -statement which the printed work reduces so as to read, “All the -people of this land have _queue_.” This was overlooked by the poet or -transcriber. - -The connection between Maillard’s work and the printed narrative is -curious, for the two pieces show a common origin, while two different -writers, independently of one another, could not have produced two -versions so much alike; though it should be noted that at line 138 -Maillard spoils the sense by writing “vne isle,” instead of “une -grand ville,” as in the printed book,—unless, indeed, he intended to -discredit the story of the “great city” of Norumbega, which Allefonsce -in his manuscript simply styles “une ville.” There is no necessity -for supposing that Maillard ever saw the manuscript of Allefonsce. -He may have used the manuscript of the printed volume of 1559, if it -was in existence in the time of Francis. It certainly was written -March 7, 1557, when the printing was authorized. It is a curious fact -that in 1578 one Thomas Mallard, or Maillard, published an edition of -Allefonsce at Rouen: _Les voyages avantvreux dv Capitaine Iean Alfonce, -Sainctongeais: Contenant les Reigles & enseignmens necessaires a la -bonne & seure Nauigation. Plus le moyen de se gouuerner, tart enuers -les Barbares, qu’autres nations d’vne chacune contrée, les sortes de -marchandises qui se trouuent abondamment à icelles: Ensemble, ce qu’on -doit porter de petit prix pour trocquer avec iceux, afin d’en tirer -grand profit. A Rouen, chez Thomas Mallard, libraire: pre le Palais -deuant l’hostel de ville_, 1578. Evidently Jehan Maillard, the poet, -had some unexplained connection with the volume that appeared in 1559. - -[271] Vol. iii. p. 237. - -[272] “Les terres allant vers Hochelaga sont de beaucoup meilleures -et plus chauldes que celles de Canada, et tient terre de Hochelaga au -Figuier et au Perou, en laquelle abonde or et argent.” - -[273] One thing must strike the student in going through these -topics; namely, the indifference shown by the respective navigators -and explorers to their predecessors. Cartier makes no reference to -Verrazano, and Allefonsce pays no attention to Cartier. So far as the -writings of Allefonsce go, it would hardly appear that any such person -as Cartier ever existed. Of Roberval himself, the pilot of Saintonge -makes but a single mention in passing, while Maillard speaks of Cartier -only in a dedication. - -[274] [There is a paper on the map literature of Canada, by H. Scaddin, -in the _Canadian Journal_, new series, xv. 23. A large _Carte de la -Nouvelle France, pour servir à l’étude de l’ histoire du Canada depuis -sa découverte jusqu’en 1760_, par Genest, was published a few years -since.—ED.] - -[275] Ramé’s _Documents inédits_, p. 3. - -[276] Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 350) speaks of it as open on -the map of Ribero. Maps iv. and vii. of Kunstmann’s _Atlas_ show the -straits open. [Some of these maps are sketched in the Editorial Note -following the preceding chapter.—ED.] - -[277] “I can write nothing else vnto you of any thing I can recouer of -the writings of Captaine Iaques Cartier, my uncle diceased, although -I haue made search in all places that I could possibly in this towne, -sauing of a certaine booke made in maner of a sea chart, which -was drawne by my said vncle, which is in the possession of Master -Cremeur,—which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the -Riuer of Canada, whereof I am well assured, because I my self haue -knowledge thereof as far as the Saults, where I haue beene: The height -of which Saults is in 44 degrees. I found in the said chart beyond the -place where the Riuer is diuided in twaine, in the midest of both the -branches of said riuer, somewhat neerest that arm which runneth toward -the northwest, these words following written in the hand of Iaques -Cartier:— - -“‘By the people of Canada and Hockeloga it was said, That here -is the land of _Saguenay_, which is rich and wealthy in precious -stones.’”—Hakluyt, iii. 236. - -[278] See for these maps, _ante_, pp. 26, 39. - -[279] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 296. - -[280] [This map is sketched _ante_, p. 40.—ED.] - -[281] _Historia_, etc. (Madrid, 1852), ii. 148. [See _post_, p. 81.—ED.] - -[282] Ibid., p. 149. - -[283] Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 292. [See the map, _ante_, p. -38.—ED.] - -[284] The writer knows of but one copy of this map,—that in possession -of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort. It is described in the _Bulletin_ of the -American Geographical Society, 1878, p. 195. - -[285] The contents of this globe have not been published. Though -Cartier is not recognized, we read, “Terra Francesca;” and on the -northern border of Labrador, “TERRA PER BRITANOS INVENTA.” Another -Spanish globe—say of 1540—gives no trace of Cartier. It seems to be a -fact that Spaniards were sent to search the Gulf of St. Lawrence after -Cartier’s voyages; while Le Blanc, _Les voyages fameux_, etc. (Paris, -1649, part iii. p. 63), referred to by Charlevoix, tells us that the -St. Lawrence was visited by Velasco the Spaniard in 1506. - -[286] In a sketch which the late M. d’Avezac made for the writer before -the latter had personally examined the original manuscript, which bears -the folio mark 184 instead of 187, “Laboureur” reads, as it should, -“Norumbega.” We have sketches bearing the two numbers showing this -difference, while also no. 184 does not show “Isla de Saint-Jean.” - -[287] The _Cosmographie_ says: “Passing about twenty leagues -west-northwest along the coast, you will find an island, called St. -Jean, in the centre of the district, and nearer to the Breton region -than to Terra Nova. This entry to the Bretons is twelve leagues -wide, and in 47° 30′ north. From St. Jean’s Island to Ascension -[Assumption] Island, in the Canadian Sea, it is forty leagues across, -northwest-by-west. St. Jean and Bryon and Bird Island are 47° north.” A -little farther on he says: “Southeast of Cape Ratz [Race] there are two -lost islands, which are called Isle St. Jean, D’Estevan,—lost because -they consisted of sand.” He also mentions the Isle of St. Brandon, and -“a large island called the Seven Cities, forming one large island, and -there are many persons who have seen it as well as myself, and can -testify; but I do not know how things look in the interior, for I did -not land upon it. It is in 28° 30′ north latitude.” - -[288] See on this globe, _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 64; and the -engraving of it, _ante_, p. 42. - -[289] On the Nancy globe; see the _Magazine of American History_, vi. -183; and the sketch, _ante_, p. 81. - -[290] Map in the British Museum, 25 × 15 inches. See _post_, p. 83. - -[291] See sketch, _post_, p. 87. - -[292] See _post_, p. 84. - -[293] See a sketch of it, _post_, p. 85. - -[294] The relation of the map to the Verrazano map, 1529, is shown in -_Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 43, and on the composition map, p. 48. A -fac-simile of Gastaldi’s map is given, _post_, p. 91. - -[295] The atlas is about 12 × 18 inches, the maps, which are strongly -Portuguese, being delicately drawn and washed with green, and elegantly -colored. The title is _Cosmographie universelle selon les navigateurs_. -Many of the names which we have examined appear to be very corrupt. - -[296] A copy of the photograph was obtained in Venice by the writer. - -[297] See _Verrazano the Navigator_, p. 55. [See a sketch and -fac-simile of the map on pp. 94 and 373.—ED.] - -[298] [See _post_, p. 92. These are reproductions of the maps of the -1561 and 1562 editions.—ED.] - -[299] [See _post_, p. 95; first appeared in 1570.—ED.] - -[300] A sketch of the North American portion of the map, in the -possession of the writer, was made for him by M. Eugene Beauvois, who -has suggested that the map might belong to the period of De Monts, as -near the region of Nova Scotia we read “C. de Môt.” This name, however, -appears on the map of the Dauphin and various other maps. The map is -found in _Premieres Œuvres de Jacques de Vaulx, pilote pour le Roy en -la marine française de Grace l’an_ 1584, preserved in the Bibliothèque -Nationale, fond française, no. 9,175, folios 29-30. - -[301] [See _post_, p. 96. This map originally appeared in 1572.—ED.] - -[302] [See _post_, p. 99.—ED.] - -[303] [See _post_, p. 100.—ED.] - -[304] On Labrador is the following significant legend: “This land was -discouered by Iohn [and?] Sebastian Cabot for Kinge Henry y^e 7. 1497.” -This map shows Prince Edward Island in its proper place in the gulf, -without a name, and “I. S. John” outside of Cape Breton in the sea, -where it is so often found on the old maps. - -[305] [See _post_, p. 377.—ED.] - -[306] Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 173. - -[307] Ibid., p. 232; and in his _Bib. Amer. Vet._, no. 149, he refers -to Sacrobusto’s _Sphera del mundo_, translated from the Latin into -Spanish by Hieronymus Chaves, and published at Seville in 1545, as -showing a small map in a diagram, thought to be the work of Alonzo de -Chaves. - -[308] This is dated 1550, but is very much behind its date. - -[309] Part ii. vol. i. p. 143, for the description. - -[310] _Ante_, p. 40. - -[311] Lelewel, pl. 46, from Apianus’ _Cosmographia_ of that year. - -[312] _Ante_, p. 41. - -[313] _Ante_, p. 37. - -[314] Raemdonck’s _Les sphères de Mercator_. - -[315] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, vol. i. p. 23. - -[316] _Cabots_, pp. 77, 147, 201, 204; cf. Malte-Brun, _Histoire de la -géographie_, i. 631. - -[317] Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 32. - -[318] Another of the Rotz maps (no. 104 in the Kohl Collection) -is similar to the eastern part of the map here given as “Western -Hemisphere;” but the passage to the west, south of Labrador -(Greenland?), is not so distinctly closed. There is a strong -resemblance to this map in a French manuscript map in the British -Museum, marked _Livre de la marine du Pilote Pastoret_ [perhaps -Pasterot or Pralut], _l’an 1587_, which is also in the Kohl Collection, -no. 110. - -[319] Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_, pl. xviii.³; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. -189. - -[320] In the Huth Collection. - -[321] This has “Stegen Comes” inscribed on North America, which is -supposed to commemorate the Estevan Gomez explorations; cf. Baldelli, -_Storia del milione_, vol. i. p. lxv; Zurla, _Di Marco Polo_, ii. 369; -Desimoni in _Giornale Ligustico_, p. 57. - -[322] A copy of this is in the Kohl Collection. - -[323] Kohl, _Description of Maine_, p. 294. - -[324] Harrisse’s _Notes_, etc., nos. 188, 189; _Cabots_, p. 189, and -references there cited. - -[325] A full account of this map will be found in Vol. III. chap. i. -Since that chapter was written, Harrisse has stated (_Cabots_, p. 153) -that the French Government paid M. de Hennin in 1844 four hundred -francs for this map (cf. _Essai sur la Bibliothèque du Roi_, Paris, -1856, p. 285). It has also within a year been photographed full size, -with the legends, and copies of the photographs have been placed in -nine American libraries (cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc_., xix. 387, and -xx. 39 Charles Deane, in _Science_, vol. i.). - -[326] See _ante_, p. 74 etc. - -[327] Jomard owned it, and it is in his _Catalogue_, Paris, 1864, -no. 121; it is now owned by the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres. See -Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 210, 216, for an account of Desceliers. - -[328] _Bulletin de l’Académie des Inscriptions_, 30 Août, 1867. - -[329] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 351, with a reproduction; he puts it -“about 1548” in his copy of it in the State Department Collection. - -[330] Cf. Murphy’s _Verrazano_, p. 42, where, for the region south of -Cape Breton, it is claimed that the map-maker translated the Spanish -names of Ribero. - -[331] Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 197; Malte-Brun, _Histoire de la -géographie_ (1831), i. 630; British Museum _Catalogue of Manuscript -Maps_ (1844), i. 22; _Additional Manuscripts_, no. 5,413. - -[332] Barbie du Bocage, in _Magasin encyclopédique_ (1807), iv. 107; -Major, _Early Voyages to Australia_, pp. xxvii, xxxv; Kohl, _Discovery -of Maine_, p. 354, and _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 38; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. -219. - -[333] _Cabots_, p. 245. - -[334] _Verrazano_, p. 143. - -[335] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, no. 24,065. - -[336] _Cabots_, p. 230. - -[337] David Asseline’s _Les antiquités de la ville de Dieppe_, -1874, ii. 325; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 217; Desmarquet’s _Mémoires -chronologiques pour servir à l’histoire de Dieppe et à celle de la -navigation Française_, 1875, ii. 1. - -[338] _Cabots_, p. 194. - -[339] In the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870. - -[340] Called “The Jomard Map.” - -[341] _Cabots_, p. 238 - -[342] See chapter on “Cortes” in Vol. II. - -[343] In Harvard College Library. - -[344] _Cabots_, p. 242. - -[345] Pages 425, 447. - -[346] Cf. Harrisse, nos. 292, 293; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 195. This -volume of Ramusio is said to have been prepared in 1553. - -[347] It will be remembered that another map (1550) of this maker is -supposed to preserve something of the lost map of Chaves. - -[348] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, no. 25,442; Harrisse, _Cabots_, pp. -189, 193. - -[349] _Les Papes géographes_, p. 118. - -[350] Cf. Manno and Promis, _Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi_ (1881), p. 19; -Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 237. - -[351] Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, who has a copy, has furnished me a -tracing of it. The late Henry C. Murphy had a copy without the date. -A sketch of the western portion is given in Vol. III. p. 67. Cf. -_Catalogue of Maps in the King’s Library, British Museum_, i. 24, and -Kohl’s _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 29. The annexed sketch follows the copy in -the Kohl (Washington) Collection. - -[352] Kohl gives it “Stadawna.” - -[353] See chapter i. - -[354] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 393. - -[355] A copy belonging to Professor Jules Marcou has been used. All -editions are in Harvard College Library. Lelewel reproduces the -American map. Further accounts of Ortelius will be found in Vol. III. -p. 34, and on a later page in the present volume in an editorial note -on the Atlases and Charts of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. - -[356] Leclerc (_Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 2,652) gives a map of -Thevet’s “Le nouveau monde descouvert et illustre de nostre temps, -Paris, 1581,” which Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 252) calls another -production. - -[357] Vol. i. pl. vii. - -[358] _British Museum Manuscripts, Catalogue_, i. 29; and (1844) vol. -i. p. 31, no. 22,018. - -[359] There is in the Kohl Collection (no. 107) a copy of a manuscript -Portuguese map in the British Museum, which Kohl puts at about 1575. A -legend on it says: “On the 20th November, 1580, a Portuguese, Fernando -Simon, lent this map to John Dee in Mortlake, and a servant of Dee -copied it for him.” It shows the coast from Cape Breton to Hudson’s -Straits, giving the St. Lawrence gulf (with the Newfoundland group of -islands), but not the river. Dee does not seem to have followed it. - -[360] See Vol. III. p. 203. - -[361] Given in Vol. III. p. 102. - -[362] Given _ante_, p. 44. - -[363] Given in Vol. III. pp. 41, 42. - -[364] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the -Carter-Brown Collection; chapters 20 and 21 are on America. The Preface -is dated 1587. - -[365] Given in Vol. III. p. 213. - -[366] Given in Vol. III. p. 216, and in this volume on a later page. - -[367] The map is given in Vol. III. p. 101. It also appeared in later -editions (1638, 1644, etc.) of Linschoten. I have used the Harvard -College copy of Wolfe’s edition, and Mr. Deane’s copies of the Dutch -and Latin editions. - -Blundeville in his _Exercises_ (p. 431) gives a description of -Mercator’s globes and of that “lately set forth by M. Molinaxe; and [p. -515] of Sir Francis Drake his first voyage into the Indies.” He also -describes various universal maps and cards of his day, noting their -cartographical peculiarities, like those of Vopellio (p. 754), Gemma -Frisius (p. 755), Mercator (p. 756), etc. - -[368] See Vol. III. p. 100. - -[369] See Vol. III. chap. iv. - -[370] Cf. the map of New France published at this time at Cologne in -the _Beschreibung von America_,—a translation of Acosta. See Vol. II. -for the bibliography of Acosta. - -[371] [Cf. chap. ii.—ED.] - -[372] [Cf. Professor Shaler on the different aims of the English and -French in colonization, in the Introduction, pp. xxii, xxiii.—ED.] - -[373] [See chapter iv.—ED.] - -[374] The Port Royal of De Monts was on the site of Lower Granby, while -that of Poutrincourt was on that of Annapolis. - -[375] [Champlain’s explorations along the coast of Maine are given -by himself in his 1613 edition, and are specially set forth in Mr. -Slafter’s memoir in _Voyages_, vol. i., and by General John M. Brown in -his “Coasting Voyages in the Gulf of Maine, 1604-1606,” in the _Maine -Historical Collections_, vol. vii.,—a paper which was also issued -separately. Champlain’s account of Norumbega is also translated in the -_Mag. of Amer. Hist_., i. 321, 332.—ED.] - -[376] [De Costa, _Coast of Maine_ (1869), p. 182, claims that in one of -these expeditions Champlain discovered the Isle of Shoals, antedating -John Smith’s discovery. See also _Champlain’s Voyages_, Prince -Society’s ed., ii. 69, 70, and notes 142 and 144.—ED.] - -[377] [See Vol. III. chap. vi.—ED.] - -[378] [See chaps. i. and ii. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[379] [For the various theories regarding the origin of the name -Quebec,—whether it is derived from a Norman title, as Hawkins -maintained; or from an exclamation of the first beholders of the -promontory, “Quel bec!” or from the Algonquin,—see Hawkins, _Picture -of Quebec_; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire du Canada_; Ferland, -_Histoire du Canada_; Garneau’s _Canada_, 4th ed., i. 57; Bell’s -translation of Garneau’s _Canada_, i. 61; Warburton’s _Conquest of -Canada_, i. 62; Shea’s edition of _Charlevoix_, i. 260.—ED.] - -[380] [Charlevoix gives a map of Lake Champlain, illustrating -Champlain’s campaign of this year against the Iroquois. Cf. Brodhead’s -_New York_, i. 18, and P. S. Palmer’s _History of Lake Champlain_ -(1866).—ED.] - -[381] [It was while crossing one of these portages, “suffering more -from the mosquitoes than their burdens,” that Champlain is supposed -to have lost his astrolabe; and his Journal shows that his subsequent -records of latitude in the journey failed of the general accuracy -which characterized his earlier entries. At least an astrolabe, with -an inscription of its Paris make, 1603, was dug up on this route in -August, 1867. Cf. O. H. Marshall, in _Magazine of American History_ -(March, 1879), iii. 179, and Alexander J. Russell’s _On Champlain’s -Astrolabe_, Montreal, 1879; also Slafter’s edition of _Champlain’s -Voyages_, iii. 64-66.—ED.] - -[382] [The cellar of the Château St. Louis, the structure originally -built by Champlain, still remains. The subsequent history of the -pile is traced in Parkman’s _Old Régime_, p. 419. Cf. Le Moine’s -_Picturesque Quebec_ (1882). Shea, in his _Le Clercq_, p. 115, has a -note on Louis Hebert, the earliest settler of Quebec with a family, -who died in 1627. An account is given of some bronze cannon, relics -of Champlain’s time, in the Quebec Literary and Historical Society’s -_Transactions_, ii. 198.—ED.] - -[383] [The Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, March 29, 1632, by which -restorations were made to the French, will be found in _Recueil de -Traités de Paix_, Leonard, Paris, 1692, vol. v. The contemporary -quarto print of the treaty, printed at St. Germain, is of such rarity -that Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 794, prices a copy at five -hundred francs. See Harrisse, no. 47, who refers for the causes of the -long delay in making this restitution, to Le Clercq, _Établissement de -la Foy_, i. 419; Faillon, _Hist. de la Col. Française_, i. 256. Compare -also the notes in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. ii. For the occupancy, see -Harrisse, no. 48; also Mr. Slafter’s memoir in _Champlain’s Voyages_, -i. 176, 177; and _Sir William Alexander and American Colonization_, -Prince Society edition, pp. 66-72. - -There are papers relating to the English claim to Canada urged at this -time (1630-1632) among the Egerton manuscripts,—see _British Museum -Catalogue_, no. 2,395, folios 20-26.—ED.] - -[384] Cf. _Mass. Archives; Doc. Coll. in France_, i. 591. - -[385] Vide _Champlain’s Voyages_, Prince Society’s edition, i. 189-193. - -[386] [There has been some controversy of late years over the site of -the “sépulcre particulier” in which Champlain was buried. Cf. Le Moine, -_Quebec Past and Present_, 1876, p. 41, and references; _Découverte -du Tombeau de Champlain_, par MM. les Abbés Laverdière et Casgrain, -Quebec, 1866; _Le journal de Québec et le Tombeau de Champlain_, par -Stanilas Drapeau, Quebec, 1867; Delayant, _Notice sur Champlain_, -Niort, 1867; John Gilmary Shea, in _Historical Magazine_, xi. 64, 100, -and in his _Charlevoix_, ii. 283.—ED.] For the latest view of the -subject, see _Documents Inédits Relatifs au Tombeau de Champlain_, par -l’Abbé H. R. Casgrain, _L’Opinion Publique_, Montreal, 4 Nov., 1875; -also, note 116 in Mr. Slafter’s Memoir of Champlain, in vol. i. of the -Prince Society edition of _Champlain’s Voyages_, pp. 185, 186. - -[387] [The book is extremely rare. Field says a collector may pass -a lifetime without seeing it. In 1870, when the Quebec edition of -Champlain was issued, the editors got their text from a copy in the -Bibliothèque Impériale at Paris, which they believed to be unique. -There are, however, copies in Harvard College Library (lacking -signature G) and in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. -25). The Lenox Library has a copy without date, which seems to be from -different type, and shows some typographical changes. Cf. Harrisse, -nos. 10 and 11; Brunet, _Supplément_, p. 241; Sabin, vol. iii. no. -11,834; Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_ (1878, no. 694) showed a copy -priced at 1,500 francs. - -There is a translation of this 1604 book in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, part -iv. A synopsis, “Navigation des François en la Nouvelle France dite -Canada,” is given in the preface of the _Mercure François_, 1609, by -Victor Palma Cayet (Harrisse, no. 395), which is found separately, with -the title _Chronologie septenaire de l’Histoire de la Paix entre les -Rois de France et d’Espagne_, 1598-1604, and of various dates,—1605, -1607, 1609, 1612 (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 32; Stevens, -_Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. 2,456). - -A letter of Champlain to the King on the discovery of New France, and -other documents, are included in L. Andiat’s _Brouage et Champlain -(1578-1667), Documents inédits_, Paris, 1879. It is an “Extrait des -Archives historiques de la Saintonge et de l’Aunis, t. vi. (1879); -“seventy-five copies were printed.—ED.] - -[388] [The text is more ample than was subsequently retained in the -1632 edition, while what appears in that edition after page 211 is not -found in this 1613 edition. Some leaves, separately paged, contain -_Quatriesme Voyage du Sr. de Champlain, fait en l’année 1613_. There -are copies in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 147), -Lenox, Cornell University (_Sparks Catalogue_, no. 498), New York -State, New York Historical Society, and Massachusetts Historical -Society libraries. Rich, in 1832, priced a copy at £1 12_s._; Dufossé -of late years has held a copy, with the map in fac-simile, at 400 -francs; cf. Harrisse, no. 27; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,835. Neither -Brunet nor Harrisse recognize the edition of 1615 mentioned by -Faribault.—ED.] - -[389] [This map is further considered in its relation to the -cartography of the period in the Editorial Note on the “Maps of the -XVIIth Century,” which follows chapter vii.—ED.] - -[390] [The 1619 title is as follows: _Voyages et descouvertures faites -en la Nouvelle France depuis l’année 1615; jusques à la fin de l’année -1618; ... où sont descrits les mœurs, coustumes, habits, façons de -guerroyer, chasses, dances, festins, et enterrements de divers peuples -sauvages, et de plusieurs choses remarquables qui luy sont arrivées au -dit païs, avec une description de la beauté, fertilité, et temperature -d’iceluy. Paris, 1619._ A few copies of this date (1619) are known -(Sunderland, no. 2,688; Leclerc, no. 2,696, priced at 1,500 francs); -but most copies are dated 1620, with the engraved title sometimes -retaining the 1619 date (Dufossé, no. 3,145, at 900 francs, and no. -8,235, at 600 francs; O’Callaghan, no. 571, at $55; Ellis and White, -1878, at £35; Brunet, _Supplément_, no. 242; _Huth Catalogue_, vol. -i. p. 292; Sabin, vol. iii. nos. 11,836, 11,837). The text is mostly -retained in the 1632 edition, though the voyage of 1618 and some other -parts are omitted (Harrisse, nos. 32, 33, 40). - -There are copies of the 1619 date in the Lenox and Massachusetts -Historical Society libraries, and of the 1620 date in the Carter-Brown -and Lenox libraries, and in the Library of Congress. - -The same engraved title and the text belong to the edition of 1627, -which has a new printed title, and the Epistle and Preface reset. -Copies of this date are in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Lenox -libraries, and one was sold in the Brinley sale (no. 75). See the -_Jesuit Relations_ printed by the Lenox Library, p. 4; Sabin, vol. iii. -no. 11,838. Stevens’s _Nuggets_ prices a copy at £4 4_s._—ED.] - -[Footnote 391: [The publisher’s name varies in different copies. The -Boston Public Library copy (with the map in fac-simile) has “chez -Pierre Le Mur dans le grand Salle du Palais.” The Library of Congress -copy reads “Lovis Sevestre pres la porte St. Victor.” One of the -Harvard College copies has “chez Clavde Collet;” the other is a Le -Mur copy. Other copies are in the Boston Athenæum (lacking the map), -the New York Historical Society, and the State Library at Albany. -Two copies have been lately sold in America, one in the _Brinley -Catalogue_ (no. 76), and the other in the _O’Callaghan Catalogue_ (no. -572, $130), both with the map, which was supplied in fac-simile in a -second O’Callaghan copy (no. 573), now in the Boston Public Library. -The Sunderland copy (no. 2,687) had the map, which is often wanting. -Dufossé (no. 8,236) held a copy with the genuine map at 650 francs, -and other copies (nos. 5,551 and 8,961) with the map in fac-simile, at -450 and 550 francs. Leclerc priced one (no. 695) with a fac-simile map -at 750 francs, and (no. 2,697) with “l’avis au lecteur” lacking, at -1,000 francs. Quaritch advertised one with a fac-simile map at £36. Cf. -Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,839; Brunet, _Supplément_, p. 242. - -Some of the copies known have a passage at the end of the first paragraph -on page 27, which was held to be a reflection on Richelieu, in saying -that statesmen or princes might not understand the sailing of a ship, and -this led to the cancelling of sheets Dij and Diij (Stevens’s _Nuggets_, -vol. i. no. 511; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 268). One of these -copies is in the Lenox Library; and one with, and another without, the -passage are in the Carter-Brown Library (vol. ii. nos. 382 and 383). - -Harrisse (nos. 50, 51) says that Champlain was at the date of this -publication in Canada, that the book was doubtless made up by a -compiler, and that the record of 1631 was furnished from another source -than Champlain. Whoever arranged it abridged, omitted, and extended -with an author’s license. Mr. O. H. Marshall believes that the book -and the map never passed under Champlain’s supervision (_Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, i. 5, 6). - -This issue of 1632 was reissued in 1640, with a new title, and of this -date there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Sabin -says that Mr. Lenox suggests that this 1640 edition probably consists -of rejected copies of the 1632 edition, since the cancelled, and not -the substituted, leaves are in it, and these bear the marks of having -been cut through with a sharp instrument (Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,840, -who says that Mr. Lenox contributed most of his data on the Champlain -bibliography). Leclerc in 1878 advertised a set of the four dates -(1604, 1613, 1620, and 1632), bound uniformly, for 6,000 francs.—ED.] - -[392] [It bears the title, _Voyages du Sieur de Champlain; ou, Journal -ès Découvertes de la Nouvelle France_, in two octavo volumes. The -edition (two hundred and fifty copies) was mostly distributed among -public libraries. The text, says Brunet, is not carefully followed, and -the plates are omitted.—ED.] - -[393] [This “seconde édition” is explained by the fact that about 1865 -the printing of a complete edition of Champlain’s works was begun in -Quebec; but just as the volumes were ready for publication, they were -totally destroyed by fire. The work was begun afresh. Dr. Shea, who -gives me this information, has a portion of the proofs of this _first_ -edition, of which no entire copy is known to be preserved.—ED.] - -[394] [The original manuscript is described and priced in Leclerc’s -_Bibliotheca Americana_ (1878, no. 693) in these words:— - -CHAMPLAIN (Samuel). _Brief discours des choses plus remarquables que -Samuel Champlain de brouage a reconnues aux Indes Occidentales Au -voiage qu’il en a faict en Icelles en Lannee mil v^ciiij^{xx} xix. et -en Lannee mil vj^cj. comme ensuit._ (1599-1601). In-4, mar. violet. -15,000 francs. Manuscrit original et autographe orné de 6z dessins en -couleur. - -Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 78, spoke of it as -being then (1865) at Dieppe (in the cabinet of M. Féret, “ancien -maire de Dieppe”) and unpublished; but in 1859 the Hakluyt Society -had printed an English translation of it, as noted in the text, with -fac-similes of the drawings (Field, no. 269). There were accounts of -the manuscript published in the _Hist. Magazine_, vii. 269; and in the -_Transactions_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1863. It is now -in the Carter-Brown library.—ED.] - -[395] [It reproduced the drawings of the West-India manuscript, and -also the plates of the early printed editions; but as lithographs of -copper-plates they are not very successful. It is now worth about $25 -in paper. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. 66; cf. _Revue des Questions -historiques_, 1^{er} Juillet, 1873.—ED.] - -[396] [Abstracts of Champlain’s Canadian voyages will be found in -Harris’s _Collection of Voyages_, vol. i. etc., and there is a -narrative in the _Mercure François_, xix. 803, which in Parkman’s -opinion was “perhaps written by Champlain.” - -One of the best accounts for the English reader of Champlain and his -associates will be found in Parkman’s _Pioneers of France in the New -World_. Summaries are given in Guerin’s _Navigateurs Français_, p. 249; -Ferland’s _Histoire du Canada_, book ii.; Miles’s _Canada_, chaps. -5-10; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, etc.—ED.] - -[397] [Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 76.—ED.] - -[398] [See the note on “The Jesuit Relations,” _sub anno_ 1627.—ED.] - -[399] The _Historiæ Canadensis_ of Creuxius contains a list of the -members of this Company under the title, _Nomina Centenum, qui primi -Societatem Nouae Franciae conflauerunt_. Cf. _Massachusetts Archives: -Documents collected in France_, i. 527, and references in Harrisse, -nos. 43, 54, 430, 432, 433, 434, 438, 441, 455, 476, 532, 533; and cf. -Ferland, _Cours d’Histoire du Canada_, p. 259, Shea’s _Charlevoix_, ii. -39, and notes. - -[400] The letters-patent to Roberval copied from the original -parchment, dated Fontainbleau, Jan. 15, 1540, is in _Massachusetts -Archives; Documents Collected in France_, i. 373. - -[401] Cf. Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, pp. 26, 101, 197, 198. A copy -of his commission is in _Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in -France_, i. 431. - -[402] The patent granted to De Monts, with other documents confirming -his claims, was printed at the time in a small volume, copies of which -are in the library of Mr. Charles Deane and in the Carter-Brown Library -(_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 33). - -[Illustration] - -It may also be seen in Lescarbot’s _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, -and an English translation is in Williamson’s _History of Maine_, -i. 651-654, and Harris’s _Voyages_ (1705), i. 813; cf. Harrisse,_ -Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, nos. 14, 15, 27. In the _Massachusetts -Archives; Documents Collected in France_, i. (p. 435), is a copy of De -Monts’s proposition to the King, Henry IV., dated Nov. 6, 1603, with -the King’s remarks (p. 445), and the “Lettres Patentes expediées en -faveur de M. de Monts,” signed by the King at Paris, Dec. 18, 1603. -These letters-patent made him lieutenant-general of Acadia (40° to -46° N. lat.) for ten years; and by an ordinance (p. 451) all persons -were prohibited to trade within his government; and (p. 453) the King -orders all duties to be remitted on merchandise sent home by De Monts. -Cf. Faillon, _Colonie Française, au Canada_, i.; and Guerin, _Les -Navigations françaises_. - -[403] [This island, now known as Douchet Island, is a few miles within -the mouth of the St. Croix River, which empties into Passamaquoddy -Bay. In the latter part of the last century, when the commissioners -of Great Britain and the United States were endeavoring to define the -St. Croix River, which by treaty had been fixed as the eastern bound -of the new nation, this island played an important part. The maps were -not conclusive respecting the historic St. Croix, some of them, like -that of Bellin in Charlevoix’s _History_ (1744), rather indicating the -Magaguadavic River, on the eastern side of the bay; but the discovery -in 1797 of the foundation-stones of De Monts’s houses on this island, -with large trees growing above them, settled the question. The island -bears evidence of having considerably wasted by the wash of the river, -and its few acres are at present hardly large enough for the purpose -it served in 1604. It is known that then the colonists resorted to -the main shore for their planting. The island now has a cottage upon -it, which bears aloft a small light, to aid river navigation, and is -maintained by the United States Government, the deepest water being -on the easterly side. The Editor examined the island in 1882, but -could not find that any traces of De Monts’s colony now remained, -though fragments of “French brick” were found there by William Willis -twenty years ago. Cf. Hannay’s _Acadia_, p. 74; Parkman’s _Pioneers -of France_, p. 227; Williamson’s _Maine_, i. 190; ii. 578; Holmes’s -_Annals_, i. 149. In a survey of 1798 the island is called Bone Island; -and it has sometimes been called, because of its position, Neutral -Island. A plan of the buildings is given on the opposite page.—ED.] - -[404] [For this exploration, see ch. iii.—ED.] - -[405] [There is an essay on Pontgravé in the _Mélanges_ of Benjamin -Sulte, Ottawa, 1876, p. 31.—ED.] - -[406] [The question of early Dutch sojourns or settlements on the coast -is examined in J. W. De Peyster’s _The Dutch at the North Pole, and -the Dutch in Maine_, 1857, and his _Proofs considered of the Early -Settlement of Acadia by the Dutch_, 1858; and traces of remains at -Pemaquid have been assigned to the Dutch; but see Johnston in the -_Popham Memorial_, and in _History of Bristol and Bremen_; Sewall’s -_Ancient Dominions of Maine_. The early settlements of this region are -also tracked in B. F. De Costa’s _Coasts of Maine_. Cf. _New England -Historical and Genealogical Register_, 1853, p. 213; 1877, p. 337.—ED.] - -[407] [According to Parkman, the elaborate notices of Madame de -Guercheville in the French biographical dictionaries of Hoefer and -Michaud are drawn from the _Mémoires de l’Abbé de Choisy_.—ED.] - -[408] According to a careful census taken in 1686, the whole population -of Acadia was 915, including 30 soldiers; and there were in the -whole colony 986 horned cattle, 759 sheep, and 608 swine. (Murdoch’s -_History of Nova Scotia_, i. 166, 167.) In 1689 the census gave the -whole population as 803. (_Ibid._, p. 177.) Commenting on the almost -stationary condition of the colony for nearly a century, Murdoch -justly remarks: “It is a subject of grave reflection, that after -eighty-four years had elapsed from the founding of Port Royal in 1605, -and notwithstanding the expense of money and all the exertions of De -Monts, Poutrincourt, La Tour, Denis, and others, men highly qualified -for the task of colonization, the results should be so trifling. Many -of the settlements were now desolate and abandoned, and none of them -prosperous. Nearly forty years before, D’Aulnay had besieged St. John -with a flotilla and five hundred men, and the defenders had been -probably numerous. The contests and discords of ambitious leaders -contributed, doubtless, to this unfavorable state of things; but the -incessant interferences and invasions which the English at Boston -carried on, must be considered as the chief causes of retarding the -progress of French settlement in Acadia.” - -[409] [See Vol. III. chap. ix.—ED.] - -[410] The grant from Sir William Alexander, dated in 1630, was recorded -at Boston in the Suffolk Registry of Deeds (liber iii. folio 276) in -1659. This was to secure an English registry, as the region, since -Sedgwick’s expedition in 1654, had become subject to England, and -seemed likely to continue so. - -[411] [The contract, March 27, 1632, between Richelieu and De Razilly -for the reoccupation of Port Royal is in _Massachusetts Archives; -Documents Collected in France_ (i. 545); and (p. 584) his commission -to take possession and drive away British subjects, with (p. 586) his -acceptance.—ED.] - -[412] Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, pp. 292, 332. - -[413] Winthrop, _History of New England_, i. 109. - -[414] The agreement for these vessels, dated June 30, 1643, between La -Tour and Edward Gibbons, is in the Suffolk Deeds, i. 7, 8 (printed by -order of the Board of Aldermen in 1880); and a mortgage of La Tour’s -fort or plantation to Gibbons, dated May 13, 1645, as security for -the payment of two thousand and eighty-four pounds, with interest, is -recorded on folio 10. Neither instrument was recorded until 1652. - -[415] A copy of the agreement is in the _Plymouth Colony Records_, ix. -59, 60, and the Latin translation is in Hutchinson’s _Collection of -Original Papers_, pp. 146, 147. - -[416] The marriage contract between La Tour and Madame d’Aulnay, which -is dated Feb. 24, 1653, was printed in the original French, for the -first time, in the _Transactions of the Literary and Historical Society -of Quebec_, iii. 236-241. An English translation is in Murdoch’s -_History of Nova Scotia_, i. 120-123. - -[Illustration] - -[417] [Among those whom the treaty of Breda released from military -service at Quebec, was the colonel of a regiment, Jean Vincent, Baron -de St. Castine, who now took to life among the Indians, and became -the son-in-law of Madockawando, or Matakando, the chief sachem of the -Eastern Indians. He afterward lived on the peninsula still bearing -his name, near the head of Penobscot Bay, at Fort Pentagöet,—a -defence which the French had built as early probably as 1626, on the -site possibly of an earlier fort, which may date to the time of the -Guercheville expedition in 1613. Some traces of Fort Pentagöet still -remain, representing probably the magazine and well. The English -surrendered it to the French in 1670. In 1674 a pirate ship -from Boston captured the post and took De Chambly and others -prisoners. (Frontenac, Quebec, Nov. 14, 1674, to the minister, -in _Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France_, -ii. 287, 291.) A Dutch frigate captured the fort in 1676. Castine in -later years made Pentagöet the base of many warlike movements, in -league with his Indian friends, against the English, till his return -to France in 1708, when he left the “younger Castine,” a half-breed, -behind, who is also a character of frequent prominence in later days. -Cf. Wheeler’s _History of Castine_; Williamson’s _Maine_, i. 471, etc. -(with references); _Maine Hist. Coll_. iii. 124, vi. 110, and vii., -by J. E. Godfrey, who also has a paper on the younger Castine in the -_Historical Magazine_, 1873. Cf. _Maine Hist. Coll._, vol. viii.; _Mag. -Am. Hist._ 1883, p. 365.—ED.] - -[418] [For the relations of this expedition to the general events -of the harrowing war of that year, see chapter vii. of the present -volume.—ED.] - -[419] [Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 234) thinks that the name -_Larcadia_ appeared first in Ruscelli’s map of 1561. The origin of -the name _Acadie_ usually given is a derivation from the Indian -_Aquoddiauke_, the place of the pollock (_Historical Magazine_, i. 84), -or a Gallicized rendering of the _quoddy_ of our day, as preserved in -Passamaquoddy and the like. Cf. Principal Dawson on the name, in the -_Canadian Antiquarian_, October, 1876, and _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._ -i. 27. The word _Acadie_ is said to be first used as the name of the -country in the letters-patent of the Sieur de Monts.—ED.] - -[420] _Histoire de la Nouvelle France, contenant les navigations, -découvertes, et habitations faits par les Francois és Indes -Occidentales & Nouvelle France souz l’avoeu & l’authorité de noz Rois -Tres Chrétiens, et les diverses fortunes d’iceux en l’execution de ces -choses, depuis cent ans jusques à hui. En quoy est comprise l’Histoire -Morale, Naturelle & Geographique de la dite province. Avec les Tables -& Figures a’icelle. Par Marc Lescarbot, Avocat en Parlement, Temoin -oculaire d’vne partie des choses ici recitées._ A Paris, chez Jean -Milot, tenant sa boutique sur les degrez de la grand’ salle du Palais. -1609. 8vo. pp. 888. - -[Lescarbot was in the country with De Monts, and again with -Poutrincourt in 1606-7. Charlevoix calls his narrative “sincere, -well-informed, sensible, and impartial.” The third book covers -Cartier’s voyage; the fourth and fifth cover those of De Monts, -Poutrincourt, Champlain, etc.; while the sixth is given to the natives. -The first edition (1609) is very rare. Rich in 1832 priced it at £1 -1_s._ Recent sales much exceed that sum: Bolton Corney, in 1871, £27; -Leclerc, no. 749, 1,200 francs, and no. 2,836, 450 francs; Quaritch, -£40; another London Catalogue, in 1878, £45. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes sur -la Nouvelle France_, nos. 16 and 17; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 40,169; -Ternaux-Compans, _Bibl. Amér._ no. 321; Faribault, pp. 86-87. There are -copies in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 87) and Murphy collections. - -This edition, as well as the later ones, usually has bound with it a -collection of Lescarbot’s verses, _Les Muses de la Nouvelle France_, -and among them a commemorative poem on a battle between Membertou, a -chief of the neighborhood, and the “Sauvages Armor-chiquois.” - -The later editions of the history were successively enlarged; that of -1618 much extended, and of a different arrangement. The edition of 1611 -is priced by Dufossé, 580 francs. There are copies in the Library of -Congress, and in the Murphy and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 117) -collections; cf. Harrisse, no. 23. - -The edition of 1612 was the one selected by Tross, of Paris, in -1866, to reprint. There are copies in the Astor and Harvard College -Libraries; cf. Harrisse, no. 25; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. -917; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 103. It seems to be the same as the 1611 -edition, with the errata corrected. - -The edition of 1618 contains, additionally, the second voyage of -Poutrincourt; and entering into his dispute with the Jesuits, Lescarbot -takes sides against the latter. This edition is severally priced by -Leclerc, no. 2,837, at 850 francs; by Dufossé, at 950 francs. Rich -had priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._ There are copies in the Library of -Congress and in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 201) Collection; -cf. Harrisse, no. 31; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 915. Some -authorities report copy or copies with 1617 for the date. - -It is somewhat doubtful if more maps than the general one and another -appeared in the original 1609 edition; Sabin and the _Huth Catalogue_ -give three. In the 1611 edition there is reference in the text to three -maps; but another map (Port Royal) is often found in it, and the 1618 -edition has usually the four maps. The _Huth Catalogue_ says that no -map belonged to the English edition; the map found in the Grenville -copy, as in the Massachusetts Historical Society copy, belonging to -the French original. Sabin, however, gives it a map. The general map -is reproduced in Tross’s reprint, in Faillon’s _Colonie Française -au Canada_, and in the _Popham Memorial_; and a part of it in the -_Memorial History of Boston_, i. 49. The _Catalogue_ of the Library -of Parliament (Canadian), 1858, p. 1614, shows two maps of the St. -Lawrence River and gulf, copied from originals by Lescarbot in the -Paris archives. - -Among the other productions of Lescarbot is the _La Conversion des -Sauvages qui ont été baptistes dans la Nouvelle France cette anne -1610, avec un recit du Voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt_, which Sabin -calls “probably the rarest of Lescarbot’s books;” cf. Harrisse, no. -21. Another tract, published in Paris in 1612—_Relation derniere de -ce qui c’est passe au voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt en la Nouvelle -France depuis vingt mois en ça_, supplementing his larger work—has been -reprinted in the _Archives curieuses de l’Histoire de France_, vol. xv. -In 1618 he printed a tract—_Le Bout de l’an, sur le repos de la France, -par le Franc Gaulois_—addressed to Louis XIII., urging him to the -conquest of the savages of the west; _Sunderland Catalogue_, no. 4,933, -£10, 10_s._ It is translated in Poor’s Gorges in the _Popham Memorial_, -p. 140. - -Another nearly contemporary account of the De Monts expedition is found -in Cayet’s _Chronologie Septenaire_ 1609 (Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. -iii. no. 11,627) a precursor of the _Mercure Française_, which for a -long while chronicled the yearly events. Cf. an English version from -the _Mercure_ in _Magazine of American History_, ii. 49. - -Lescarbot’s account of the natives may be supplemented by that in -Biard’s _Relation_. Hannay (chap. ii.) and the other historians of -Acadia treat this subject, and Father Vetromile, S. J., at one time -a missionary among the present remnants of the western tribes of -Acadia, prepared an account of their history, which was printed in the -_Maine Hist. Coll._, vol. vii.; and in 1866 he issued the _Abnakis -and their History_. He died in 1881, and his manuscript _Dictionary -of the Abenaki Dialects_ is now in the archives of the Department of -the Interior at Washington; _Proceedings of the Numismatic Society -of Philadelphia_, 1881, p. 33; cf. also Maurault, _Histoire des -Abênaquis_. Williamson, _History of Maine_, vol. i. ch. xvii., etc., -enlarges on the tribal varieties of the Indians of the western part of -Acadia, and (p. 469) on the Etechemins, or those east of the Penobscot; -and later (p. 478), on the Micmacs or Souriquois, who were farther -east. Williamson’s references are useful. - -Shea, in his notes to _Charlevoix_, i. 276, says: “Champlain says the -Kennebec Indians were Etechemins. Their language differed from the -Micmac. The name Abenaki seems to have applied to all between the -Sokokis and the St. John; the language of these tribes, the Abenakis or -Kennebec Indians, the Indians on the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy, being -almost the same.”—ED.] - -[421] _Nova Francia; or the Description of that Part of New France -which is one continent with Virginia. Described in the three late -Voyages and Plantation made by Monsieur de Monts, Monsieur de -Pont-Gravé, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt, into the countries called -by the Frenchmen La Cadie, lying to the Southwest of Cape Breton. -Together with an excellent severall Treatie of all the commodities -of the said countries, and maners of the naturall inhabitants of the -same. Translated out of French into English by P. E._ London: Printed -for Andrew Hebb, and are to be sold at the signe of the Bell in Paul’s -Church-yard, [1609.] 4to. pp. 307. - -This volume is a translation of books iv. and vi. of Lescarbot’s larger -work; but it has been noted as a curious circumstance that the author’s -name does not appear on the titlepage, and is nowhere mentioned in -the volume. There are two copies in the library of the Massachusetts -Historical Society: one in the general library contains Lescarbot’s -map, and has manuscript notes by the late Rev. Dr. Alexander Young; -the other copy, in the Dowse Library, formerly belonged to Henri -Ternaux-Compans. It is without the map, but contains the Preface and -Table of Contents, which are not in the copy first mentioned. It is -from the same type, but has a slightly different titlepage and imprint; -the Dowse copy purporting to be published at London by George Bishop, -and bearing the date 1609. It was a common practice of the printers of -that time to sell copies of the same work with different titlepages, -each containing the name of the bookseller who bought the printed -sheets. - -[This version was made at the instance of Hakluyt, and published with -the express intention of showing, by contrast, the greater fitness -of Virginia for colonization. Cf. _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana; Huth -Catalogue_, iii. 839; Sabin, x. 40,175; _Crowninshield Catalogue_, no. -398; _Griswold Catalogue_, no. 436; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. -916; Harrisse, no. 19. Rich priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._; a copy in -the Bolton Corney sale, in 1871, brought £37. There are other copies -in the libraries of Congress, New York Historical Society, Harvard -College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, ii. 102); -cf. Churchill’s _Voyages_, 1745, vol. ii. Erondelle’s version is also -given in Purchas, vol. iv. A German version, abridged from the 1609 -original, appeared at Augsburg in 1613, called _Gründliche Historey von -Nova Francia_. There is a copy in the Library of Congress, and in the -Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 154). Cf. Harrisse, -no. 29; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,374; Brinley Catalogue, no. -105; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, x. 40,177. Koehler, of Leipsic, priced this -German edition in 1883 at 120 marks.—ED.] - -[422] [The visits of the Jesuits to Acadia and Penobscot in 1611 are -recounted in Jouvency’s _Historiæ Societatis Jesu pars quinta_, Rome, -1710, drawn largely from the _Relations_.—ED.] - -[423] [There are, of course, illustrative materials in Lescarbot and -Champlain, and on the English side in Purchas, Smith, and Gorges among -the older writers; cf. George Folsom’s paper in the _N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, 2d series, vol. i. Champlain’s language has led some to -suppose Argall had ten vessels with him besides his own; cf. Holmes, -_Annals_; Parkman, _Pioneers_; De Costa, in Vol. III. chap. vi. of this -History.—ED.] - -[424] _Description Geographique et Historique des Costes de l’Amerique -Septentrionale. Avec l’Histoire naturelle du Païs. Par Monsieur Denys, -Gouverneur Lieutenant General pour le Roy, & proprietaire de toutes les -Terres & Isles qui sont depuis le Cap du Campseaux jusque au Cap des -Roziers. Tome I._ A Paris, chez Loüis Billaine, au second pillier de la -grand’ Salle du Palais, à la Palme & au grand Cesar. 1672. 16mo. pp. -267. - -[Some copies have the imprint, “Chez Claude Barbin,” as in the Harvard -College copy. There are other copies in the Library of Congress and -in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, ii. 1,078). Sabin (vol. -v. no. 19,615) says it should have a map; but Harrisse (nos. 136, -137) says he has found none in eight copies examined. Cf. Stevens’s -_Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. 562; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. -767, both without the map; cf. Harrisse, no. 102. Charlevoix says of -Denys, “he tells nothing but what he saw himself.” There is a copy of a -Dutch version (1688) in Harvard College Library.—ED.] - -[425] [Mr. Smith, the writer of the present chapter, has given a -succinct account of the relations of the rival claimants with the -Massachusetts people in the _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. i. chap. -vii., with references, p. 302. The general historians, from Denys and -Charlevoix, all tell the story; cf. _Historical Magazine_, iii. 315; -iv. 281, and various papers in the _Massachusetts Archives; Documents -Collected in France_, i. 599; ii. 1, 7, 9, 19, 25, 91. The _Rival -Chiefs_, a novel, by Mrs. Cheney, is based on the events. See Rameau, -_Une Colonie féodale_, p. xxxiii; Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, i. 120.—ED.] - -[426] _Memorials of the English and French Commissaries concerning the -Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia._ London: Printed in the Year 1755. -8vo. pp. 771. - -[This volume is said to have been drawn up by Charles Townshend -(Bancroft, original ed., iv. 100), and is fuller than the corresponding -work previously issued in Paris under the title, _Mémoires des -Commissaires du Roi et de Ceux de sa Majesté Britannique sur les -Possessions et les droits respectifs des deux Couronnes en Amerique_. -4 vols. 4to. Paris, 1755. Another edition of this last appeared the -next year in 8 vols. 12mo, and again in three thick but small volumes -at Copenhagen in 1755 (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 1074, -etc.). The English edition above named contains the English case (both -in English and French), signed W. Shirley and W. Mildmay, and dated -at Paris, Sept. 21, 1750; and the French, signed by La Galissonière -and De Silhouette, and dated the same day. Then follows the English -memorial of Jan. 11, 1751, with the French reply (Oct. 4, 1751), -and the English rejoinder (Jan. 23, 1753). In these papers the maps -cited and examined are the English maps of Purchas, Berry, Morden, -Thornton, Halley, Popple, and Salmon, the Dutch maps of De Laet and -Visscher, and the French maps of Lescarbot, Champlain, Hennepin, De -Lisle, Bellin and Danville, De Fer (1705) and Gendreville (1719). The -rest of the volume is made of “Pièces Justificatives” brought forward -by each side. There were maps accompanying these respective editions, -setting forth the limits as claimed by the two sides, and marking by -lines and shadings the extent of the successive patents of jurisdiction -which follow down the region’s history. Jefferys and Le Rouge were -the engravers on the opposing sides. John Green was the writer of the -_Explanation_ accompanying the Jefferys map. There was another edition -in English of the case, printed at the Hague in 1756, under the title, -_All the Memorials of Great Britain and France since the Peace of -Aix-la-Chapelle_. - -The contemporary literature of the controversy is extensive, and it all -goes over the historical evidence in a way to throw much light, when -separated from partisanship, on the history of Acadia. It may be said -to have begun with a work mentioned by Obadiah Rich, _A Geographical -History of Nova Scotia_, London, 1749 (Sabin, _Dictionary of Books -Relating to America_, vol. xiii. no. 56,135), of which a French -translation was published also in London (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -vol. iii. no. 1,064), and a German one the next year. - -Jefferys printed in 1754, _The Conduct of the French with regard to -Nova Scotia, from its First Settlement to the Present Time_; and this -appeared in a French version in London (_Conduite des François_) in the -same year, with notes said to be written by Butel-Dumont. - -The next year, Dr. William Clarke, of Boston, also reviewed the -historical claims from the discovery of Cabot, in his _Observations -... with regard to the_ [French] _Encroachments_, Boston, 1755,—a -tract also reprinted in London. There may be likewise noted Pidansat -de Mairobert’s _Discussion summaire sur les anciennes limites de -l’Acadie_, printed at Basel, 1755 (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. iii. -no. 1,035); Moreau’s _Mémoire_, Paris, 1756; and Jefferys’ _Remarks on -the French Memorials_, London, 1756. The last has two maps, setting -forth respectively the French and English ideas and claims of the -various occupancies and settlements under grant and charter; the -French map is reduced from the original of the commissioners, and it -may also be found in the _Atlas Ameriquain_ published at this time. -At a later period, when the identity of De Monts’ St. Croix became -an international question, the folio _Correspondence relating to the -Boundary between the British Possessions in North America and the -United States of America, under the Treaty of 1783_, was presented -to Parliament July, 1840, and included an historical examination of -the question, with maps and drafts from Lescarbot’s, Delisle’s, and -Coronelli’s maps. Cf. in this connection Nathan Hale’s review of the -history in the _North American Review_, vol. xxvi. In Shea’s edition of -_Charlevoix_, i. 248, there is a note on the various limits assigned by -early writers to Acadia.—ED. - -[427] _Sir William Alexander and American Colonization. Including -three Royal Charters; a Tract on Colonization; a Patent of the County -of Canada and of Long Island; and the Roll of the Knights-Baronets of -New Scotland. With Annotations and a Memoir._ By the Rev. Edmund F. -Slafter, A.M. Boston: Published by the Prince Society. 1873. 4to. pp. -vii and 283. - -[Mr. Slafter devotes a section of his monograph to the bibliography -of his subject. Alexander’s tract, _Encouragement to Colonies_, which -was printed in London in 1624 (some copies in 1625), and of which the -unsold copies were reissued in 1630 as _The Mapp and Description of -New England_, is printed entire by Slafter. The book is rare. Stevens, -_Nuggets_, no. 59, prices it at £21; cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, nos. -739, 740. The map which accompanied both editions is given by Slafter, -and in part in Vol. III. of the present work, and has been reproduced -elsewhere, as Slafter (p. 124) explains. Hazard, _Collections_, i. -134, 206, prints some of the documentary evidence, and the British -Museum _Catalogue of Manuscripts_ shows that the Egerton Manuscripts, -2,395, fol. 20-26, also touch the subject. In further elucidation, -see Thomas C. Banks, _Statement of the Case of Alexander Earl of -Stirling_, London, 1832, and his _Baronia Anglia Concentrata_, 1844, -and the various expositions of the claims to the earldom in the several -works referred to by Slafter, p. 115; and also Rogers, _Memorials of -the Earls of Stirling and House of Alexander_, i. chaps. iv. and v. -Mr. Slafter subsequently enlarged his statement regarding the _Copper -Coinage of the Earl of Stirling_, and issued it as a tract with this -title in 1874. Mr. C. W. Tuttle reviewed Mr. Slafter’s labors in _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. 106.—ED.] - -[428] _A Geographical View of the District of Maine, with Particular -Reference to its Internal Resources, including the History of -Acadia, Penobscot River and Bay; with Statistical Tables showing the -Comparative Progress of Maine with each State in the Union, a List of -the Towns, their Incorporation, Census, Polls, Valuation, Counties, and -Distances from Boston._ By Joseph Whipple. Bangor: Printed by Peter -Edes. 1816. 8vo. pp. 102. - -[429] _An Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia, in two -Volumes. Illustrated by a Map of the Province and Several Engravings._ -By Thomas C. Haliburton, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, and Member of the -House of Assembly of Nova Scotia. Halifax: Printed and published by -Joseph Howe. 1829. 8vo. pp. 340 and viii, 433 and iii. - -[430] [Hannay, however, who followed Murdoch, freely acknowledges the -great value of Winthrop, in that “without his aid it would have been -impossible to give an accurate statement of the singular story of La -Tour.”—ED.] - -[431] _A History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie._ By Beamish Murdoch, Esq., -Q.C. Halifax, N. S.: James Barnes. 1865-1867. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xv and -543, xiv and 624, xxiii and 613. - -[Some later works deserve a word. Moreau’s _L’Acadie Françoise_ covers -the interval, 1598-1755, and draws upon the Paris archives. - -Rameau’s _Une Colonie féodale en Amérique: L’Acadie_, 1604-1710, -published at Paris in 1877, is called by Parkman (_Boston Athenæum -Bulletin_, where his comments appear far too seldom) “a rather -indifferent book, carelessly written; containing, however, some facts -not elsewhere to be found about certain small settlements.” In the New -York _Nation_, nos. 652, 666, is a review, with Rameau’s rejoinder. - -James Hannay’s _History of Acadia_, St. John, N. B., 1879, is a -well-compacted piece of work, somewhat unsatisfactory to the student, -however, through the absence of authorities. In his preface he pays a -tribute to the annals of Murdoch, and says he has attempted “to weave -into a consistent narrative the facts which Murdoch had treated in a -more fragmentary way.”—ED.] - -[432] _Cours d’Histoire du Canada._ Par J. B. A. Ferland, Prêtre, -Professeur d’Histoire à l’Uni versité-Laval. Première Partie. -1534-1663. Québec: Augustin Coté. 1861. 8vo. pp. xi and 522. - -[433] _Histoire du Canada, depuis sa Découverte jusqu’à nos Jours._ Par -F.-X. Garneau. Seconde Édition, corrigée et augmentée. Québec: John -Lovell. 1852. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xxii and 377, 454, 410. - -[434] _History of Canada, from the Time of its Discovery till the Union -Year_ (1840-1841). Translated from _L’Histoire du Canada_ of F.-X. -Garneau, Esq., and accompanied with illustrative notes, etc. By Andrew -Bell. Montreal: John Lovell. 1860. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xxii and 382, 404, -442. - -[435] _The First English Conquest of Canada: with Some Account of the -Earliest Settlements in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland._ By Henry Kirke, -M.A., B.C.L., Oxon. London: Bemrose & Sons. 1871. 8vo. pp. xi and 227. - -[436] _Pioneers of France in the New World._ By Francis Parkman. -Boston: Little, Brown, & Co. 1865. 8vo. pp. xxii and 420. [Mme. de -Clermont-Tonnere has translated this and other of Mr. Parkman’s works, -but with liberties prompted no doubt by disagreements in matters of -religious faith. The _Pioneers_ was the earliest, chronologically, in -the series of _France and England in North America_,—a general title -under which Mr. Parkman has already told a large part of the story of -the French colonization in North America; but a later subject, the -struggle of the Indians under Pontiac after the final English conquest, -had before this engaged his pen. The characterization of later volumes -of this series belongs to other chapters, in which will also be found -further estimates of the other general historians here particularized. -The Abbé Casgrain published at Quebec in 1872 an essay on _Francis -Parkman_, pp. 89, with a lithographic portrait. Cf. a review by the -Comte Circourt in the _Revue des Questions Historiques_, xix, 616; and -references in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_. The Editor -would take this occasion to express his constant obligations to Mr. -Parkman in the preparation of the present volume.—ED.] - -[437] _Count Frontenac, and New France under Louis XIV._ By Francis -Parkman. Boston: Little, Brown, & Co. 1877. 8vo. pp. xvi and 463. - -[438] Purchas, _His Pilgrimage_, London, 1614, p. 751. - -[439] Named Ste. Claire, or St. Clare, after a Franciscan nun, but now -spelled St. Clair. - -[440] Ontario, or Skanadario, native name for beautiful lake. - -[441] Purchas, _His Pilgrimage_, London, 1614, p. 747. [Cf. Professor -Shaler’s Introduction to the present volume.—ED.] - -[442] [See the note on the _Jesuit Relations_, following the succeeding -chapter, and L. H. Morgan on the Geographical Distribution of the -Indians, in the _North American Review_, vol. cx. p. 33.—ED.] - -[443] See chapter ii.; also, a paper on the discovery of copper relics -near Brockville, in the _Canadian Journal_, 1856, pp. 329, 334. - -[444] _Colonial State Papers._ - -[445] Chapter iii. - -[446] [Cf. Parkman’s references on the fur-trade, given in his _Old -Régime in Canada_, p. 309.—ED.] - -[447] Sagard, _Histoire du Canada_, Paris edition, 1865, pp. 589, 781; -Champlain, Paris edition, 1634, p. 220. - -[448] Parkman, _Pioneers of France_, pp. 377, 378. - -[449] Sagard, _Canada_, Paris edition, 1865, p. 717. - -[450] Champlain, edition of 1632. - -[451] Hubbard’s _New England_. [See vol. iii. chap. ix.—ED.] - -[452] Fleet’s Journal, in Neill’s _Founders of Maryland_. Munsell, -Albany, 1876. [See vol. iii. chap. xiii.—ED.] - -[453] See chapter iii. - -[454] Rymer’s _Fœdera_, vol. xix. - -[455] [This lake is shown in De Laet’s map of 1630, of which a -fac-simile is given in chapter ix.—ED.] - -[456] Young’s “Voyage,” in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 115, 116. - -[457] Le Jeune to Vimont, in the _Relation_ of 1640, writes: “Some -Frenchmen call them the ‘Nation of Stinkers,’ because the Algonquin -word _Ouinipeg_ signifies ‘stinking water.’ They thus call the water of -the sea. Therefore these people call themselves ‘Ouinipegous,’ because -they come from the shores of a sea of which we have no knowledge; and -we must not call them the Nation of Stinkers, but the ‘Nation of the -Sea.’” - -In the _Jesuit Relations_ of 1647-48 is the following: “On its shores -[Green Bay] dwell a different people of an unknown language,—that is to -say, a language neither Algonquin nor Huron. These people are called -the Puants, not on account of any unpleasant odor that is peculiar -to them, but because they say they came from the shores of a sea far -distant toward the west, the waters of which being salt, they call -themselves the ‘people of the stinking water.’” - -[458] _Relation_ of 1643. [See note on the Jesuit Relations.—ED.] - -[459] Outaouacs, or Ottawas, was a name applied to all the upper -Indians who came to Montreal or Quebec to trade. The _Relation_ -of 1671 gives the origin of the name: “We have given the name of -Outaouacs to all the savages of these countries, although of different -nations, because the first who have appeared among the French have -been Outaouacs.” Francis Assikinach, an Indian, published in 1858-60, -various papers on the Odahwah legends and languages in the _Canadian -Journal_. - -[460] Groseilliers—sometimes written Grozelliers and Groselliers—was -born in 1621, and in early life was a pilot. He married his second wife -on August 24, 1653, and had a large family by her,—Jean Baptiste, born -at Three Rivers, July 25, 1654; Marie Anne, August 7, 1657; Marguerite, -April 15, 1659; Marie Antoinette, June 7, 1661. - -The Sieur Radisson was the son of Sebastien and Madeleine Hayet -Radisson. The St. Croix River of Minnesota is so called because as La -Sueur says a Frenchman of that name was drowned in the stream. Before -the year 1700 it is on the maps marked Madeleine, perhaps in compliment -to Radisson’s mother. - -[461] _Relation_ of 1660: “Firent heureusement rencontre d’une belle -rivière, grande, large, profonde, et comparable, disent ils, à nostre -grande fleuve le Saint Laurent.” - -[462] Duchesneau, Intendant of Canada, describes the Ottawas in these -words: “The Outawas Indians, who are divided into several tribes, and -are nearest to us, are those of the greatest use, because through them -we obtain beaver; and although they do not hunt generally, and have but -a small portion of peltry in their country, they go in search of it to -the most distant places, and exchange it for our merchandise. They are -the Themistamens [Temiscamings], Nepisseriens [Nipissings], Missisakis, -Amicouës, Sauteurs [Ojibways], Kiskakons, and Thionontatorons [Petun -Hurons].”—_N. Y. Coll. Doc._ ix. 160. - -[463] Tailhan’s _Perrot_, p. 92. - -[464] [See note on Jesuit Relations _sub anno_ 1662-1663.—ED.] - -[465] [Given on a later page.—ED.] - -[466] [Given on a later page.—ED.] - -[467] [See note on the _Jesuit Relations_.—ED.] - -[468] Franquelin’s map calls the stream at the extremity of Lake -Superior, which now forms a portion of the northern boundary of -Minnesota, Groseilliers. - -[469] [There is a portrait of Talon in the Hotel Dieu at Quebec. It is -engraved in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii., and _Le Clercq_, ii. 61. His -instructions are dated March 27, 1665. His eagerness was not altogether -satisfactory to Colbert, who warns him, April 5, 1666, that the “King -would never depopulate his kingdom to people Canada.” Talon in return -(_Mass. Archives: Docs. Coll. in France_, ii. 189, 195), advocated -the purchase of New Netherland, so as to confine the English to New -England; but the English were about settling that question their own -way. - -_A mémoire (1667) sur l’état présent du Canada_, probably by Talon, -is in Faribault’s _Collection de Mémoires sur l’histoire ancienne du -Canada_, Quebec, 1840. Faillon (vol iii. part iii.) enlarges upon the -zeal of Louis XIV. for the colony. The Bishop of Quebec meanwhile -had his apprehensions. He warns the home government against allowing -Protestants to come out. “Quebec is not very far from Boston,” he -says, “and to multiply the Protestants is to invite revolution.” -_Massachusetts Archives: Documents Collected in France_, ii. 233.—ED.] - -[470] This may be the Péré, or Perray, whose name is given on -Franquelin’s map of 1688 to the Moose River of Hudson’s Bay. Bellin -says that it was named after a Frenchman who discovered it. In 1677 the -Sieur Péré was with La Salle at Fort Frontenac. Frontenac, in November, -1679, writes to the King that Governor Andros of New York “has retained -there, and even well treated, a man named Péré, and others who have -been alienated from Sieur de la Salle, with the design to employ and -send them among the Outawas, to open a trade with them.” The Intendant, -Duchesneau, writes more fully to Seignelay, “that the man named Péré, -having resolved to range the woods, went to Orange to confer with the -English, and to carry his beavers there, in order to obtain some wampum -beads to return and trade with the Outawacs; that he was arrested by -the Governor of that place, and sent to Major Andros, Governor-General, -whose residence is at Manatte; that his plan was to propose to bring -to him all the _coureurs de bois_ with their peltries.” After this he -seems to have been “a close prisoner at London for eighteen months” -(_N. Y. Col. Doc._, iii. 479). Governor Dongan, on Sept. 8, 1687, sends -Mons. La Parre to Canada “with an answer to the French Governor’s angry -letter.” Nicholas Perrot in the old documents is sometimes called Peré, -and this has led to confusion. - -[471] Father Allouez, the first Jesuit to visit Green Bay, writes: “We -set out from Saut [Ste. Marie] the 3d of November [1669], according -to my dates; two canoes of Ponteouatamis wishing to take me to their -country, not that I might instruct them, they having no disposition to -receive the faith, but to soften some young Frenchmen who were among -them, for the purpose of trading, and who threatened and ill-treated -them.” - -[472] Bancroft, giving reins to the imagination, wrote in his early -editions of “brilliantly clad officers from the veteran armies of -France” being present (_Hist. of the United States_, iii. 154). - -[473] The “Procès Verbal” of Talon, as given by Margry and Tailhan, -mentions fourteen nations; among others: 1. Achipoés [Ojibways or -Chippeways]; 2. Malamechs; 3. Noquets; 4. Banabeoueks [Ouinipegouek, -or Winnebagoes?]; 5. Makomiteks; 6. Poulteattemis [Pottowattamies]; 7. -Oumalominis [Menomonees]; 8. Sassassaouacottons [Osaukees or Sauks?]; -9. Illinois; 10. Mascouttins. The Hurons and Ottawas, at a later -period, conferred with the French and assented to the treaty; and this -would account for Talon’s assertion, as given in his report quoted in -the text, that there were seventeen tribes. - -[474] Margry, i. 367. - -[475] Margry, i. 322. La Salle writes in August, 1682: “The brother -Louis le Bohesme, Jesuit, who works for the Indians in the capacity of -gunsmith at Sault Ste. Marie, advised him [a deserter] to hide in the -house of the Fathers the goods which he stole from me.” (Margry, ii. -226.) - -[476] [Cf. _Courcelles au lac Ontario_, in Margry’s _Découvertes et -établissements des Français dans l’Amérique septentrionale_, part i. p. -169; and _Relation du Voyage de M. de Courcelles au lac Ontario_, in -Brodhead’s _New York Colonial Documents_, vol. ix. p. 75.—ED.] - -[477] Letter to Frontenac. - -[478] [Given on a later page.—ED.] - -[479] Shea, _Charlevoix_, iii. 177; Parkman, _Discovery of the Great -West_, p. 154. - -[480] Mount Joliet is about sixty feet in height. The summit is two -hundred and twenty-five feet wide, and thirteen hundred long. It is -forty miles southwest of Chicago, in the vicinity of the city of -Joliet, Illinois. - -[481] Joliet, in his letter written on the map prepared for Frontenac, -speaks of passing the years 1673 and 1674 in explorations of the -Mississippi valley. [See this letter in fac-simile on a later page.—ED.] - -At the conclusion of his note to Frontenac, he alludes to the disaster -which happened a quarter of an hour before his arrival at the point -from which, in September, 1672, he had departed, in these words: “I had -avoided perils from savages, I had passed forty-two rapids, and was -about to land, with full joy at the success of so long and difficult an -enterprise, when, after these dangers, my canoe upset. I lost two men -and my box (_cassette_) in sight of, at the door of, the first French -settlements which I had left almost two years before.” - -Marquette conveys the impression that Joliet returned with him to -Green Bay in September, 1673; but when, in a few weeks, he went back -to the Illinois country between Chicago and Lake Peoria, he found -several Frenchmen trading with the Indians, and among others mentions -La Taupine, or Pierre Moreau, who in 1671 was with Joliet at Sault Ste. -Marie. Near one of the upper tributaries of the Illinois on Joliet’s -map appears Mont Joliet. May Joliet not have traded in this vicinity -during the winter of 1673-1674, and may not Taupine and others have -been his associates? - -[482] [Cf. narrative in chapter vii. A plan of this fort is given on a -later page.—ED.] - -[483] Margry, i. 329. - -[484] Ibid., i. 277. - -[485] Du Lhut and Hennepin. - -[486] Margry, i. 283. - -[487] Ibid., i. 287. - -[488] Ibid., i. 334. - -[489] Margry, i. 333. - -[490] Ibid., i. 337. - -[491] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 104. - -[492] Margry, ii. 252. - -[493] La Salle and Hennepin both write _Du Luth_. - -[494] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 795. - -[495] Du Lhut’s letter to Seignelay, in Harrisse, speaks of the Izatys. -The Issati or Isanti—Knife Indians—was the name of an eastern division -of the Sioux that dwelt near Knife River, and perhaps made and traded -stone knives. - -[496] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 132. - -[497] Du Lhut’s letter, in Harrisse. - -[498] Margry, ii. 252. - -[499] Margry, ii. 251. - -[500] Perhaps intended for Meshdeke Wakpa, River of the Foxes. - -[501] Chapa Wakpa in the Sioux language is Beaver River. - -[502] La Salle writes: “Michel Accault qui estoit le conducteur leur -fit présenter le calumet.” Margry, ii. 255. - -[503] La Salle, who probably received his information from the leader, -Accault, gives a different version. [See the note on Hennepin on a -later page.—ED.] - -[504] Harrisse makes the date of the letter 1685, at which time its -writer was near Lake Superior; Shea, in its translation appended to his -edition of _Hennepin_, retains the same date. - -[505] He probably established the post near the Sioux at the portage of -the St. Croix River, which upon Franquelin’s map of 1688 is called Fort -St. Croix. The hostility of the Indians at the Bay may have led him to -seek the point by way of Lake Superior. - -[506] Louis XIV. confusedly writes on July 31, 1684: “It also appears -to me that one of the principal causes of this war proceeds from the -man named Du Lhut having two Iroquois killed who assassinated two -Frenchmen on Lake Superior.” - -[507] Tonty in Margry, i. 614. - -[508] Margry, ii. 343. - -[509] Bellin, in _Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique Septentrionale_, -Paris, 1755, writes: “In the eastern part of Lake Nepigon there is a -river by which one may ascend to the head of Hudson’s Bay. It is said -this was discovered by a Canadian named Perray, who was the first to -travel this route, and gave his name to the river.” - -[510] Son of Groseilliers. - -[511] Fort La Tourette. See Franquelin’s map of 1688 on a later page. - -[512] Greyselon de la Tourette. - -[513] De la Barre, Oct. 1, 1684; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 243. - -[514] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 231. - -[515] La Potherie. - -[516] La Potherie, chap. xv. 165. - -[517] Franquelin, in his map of 1688, as will be seen, marks the -hill where the French wintered as a few miles above the Black River, -probably _montagne qui trempe l’eau_. Major Long, in 1817, writes of -“high bluff-lands at this point towering into precipices and peaks, -completely insulated from the main bluffs by a broad flat prairie.” - -[518] Franquelin’s map of 1688. - -[519] Denonville, Nov. 12, 1685, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 263. - -[520] The history of this soleil has been given by Professor J. D. -Butler, of Madison, in _Wisconsin Historical Society’s Collections_. In -1686 it was presented to the Jesuit mission at Depere, Wisconsin. In -1687 the mission-house was burned; in 1802 the soleil was ploughed up, -and is now in the vault of the Bishop of the Church of Rome at Green -Bay. See Shea’s _History of Catholic Missions_, p. 372. - -[521] Nicholas Perrot married Marie Madeleine Raclot. His child -Francois was born at Three Rivers, Aug. 8, 1672; Nicolas was born in -1674; Clemence in 1676; Michel, in 1677; Marie, in 1679; Marie Anne, on -July 25, 1681; Claude, ——; Jean Baptiste in 1688; Jean, Aug. 15, 1690. -In his old age he resided at the seigniory, Becancour, not far from -Three Rivers, on the St. Lawrence. About the year 1718 he died. - -[522] Tonty had been ordered to raise a party of Illinois and attack in -the rear, while Denonville was charging in front; but he could not find -enough men, and therefore joined Du Lhut, his cousin. - -[523] [See chap. vii.—ED.] - -[524] Denonville, Aug. 25, 1687. _N. Y. Col. Docs._ ix. - -[525] La Hontan writes: “I am to go along with M. Dulhut, a Lyons -gentleman, and a person of great merit, who has done his King and his -country very considerable service. M. de Tonti makes another of our -company.” Joutel in his Journal mentions that Tonty reached his post in -the Illinois country October 27, 1687. - -[526] The post at Wisconsin River was called Fort St. Nicholas, -suggested by Perrot’s baptismal name. In August, 1683, Engelran wrote -to Governor de la Barre from Mackinaw: “M. de Boisguillot fulfils -faithfully the duties of the position which has been assigned him -during the absence of those who are under your command.” Le Sueur says -St. Croix River was called from a Frenchman, and it is thought the -River St. Pierre was named in compliment to Pierre Le Sueur. - -[527] Sir Edmund Andros, the successor of Dongan as governor of New -York, and subsequently governor also of New England. - -[528] [See chap. iii.—ED.] - -[529] [See chap. vi.—ED.] - -[530] [Cf. also Benjamin Sulte’s papers, _Mélanges_, published at -Ottawa, in 1876, and the Note on the _Jesuit Relations, sub anno_ 1640 -and 1642-1643.—ED.] - -[531] [See the Note on the _Jesuit Relations, sub anno_ 1645-1646.—ED.] - -[532] [For an account of these general sources, see the Note following -chap. vii., and the statements regarding Margry’s labors on a -subsequent page.—ED.] - -[533] [Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. 165, _Historical Magazine_, ix. -205; and the Note on the _Jesuit Relations_.—ED.] - -[534] [See the Note on the _Jesuit Relations_.—ED.] - -[535] In Margry’s _Découvertes_, etc. - -[536] In his _Notes pour servir à l’Histoire, etc., de la Nouvelle -France_. - -[537] The bibliography of Hennepin is examined in a later note. - -[538] There have been papers on the ancient mining on Lake Superior, by -Daniel Wilson, in _The Canadian Journal_, New Series, i. 125, and by A. -D. Hager, in the _Atlantic Monthly_, xv. 308. - -[539] The North American Missions of the Catholics, particularly those -of the West among the Hurons, etc., have been followed by A. J. Thébaud -in _The Month_, xxxiii. 480; xxxv. 352; xxxvi. 168, 524; xxxvii. 228; -xl. 379; xli. 60; xlii. 379; xliii. 337; and they of course make an -important part of Dr. Shea’s _History of the Catholic Missions among -the Indian Tribes of the United States_. See the Note elsewhere in the -present volume on “The Jesuit Relations.” - -[540] Cf. “Early Notices of the Beaver in Europe and America,” by D. -Wilson, in _The Canadian Journal_, 1859, p. 359; “French Commerce in -the Mississippi Valley, 1620-1720,” in the _American Presbyterian -Review_, iv. 620; v. 110. - -[541] Cf. “Early French Forts in the Mississippi Valley,” in the -_United States Service Magazine_, i. 356. - -[542] Field, no. 1,081, who calls it the best of the books on Western -history; Thomson’s _Ohio Bibliography_, no. 842. - -[543] Mr. Perkins also published a paper on “French Discovery in the -Mississippi Valley” in _The Hesperian_ (Columbus, Ohio), iii. 295; cf. -papers by R. Greenhow, in _De Bow’s Review_, vii. 319. - -[544] Made mainly about 1856, by P. L. Morin. - -[545] There is a memoir of Colonel Thorndike in Hunt’s _Merchants’ -Magazine_, ii. 508. - -[546] An excellent bibliographical summary of the sources of the -history of these early Western explorations, by Mr. A. P. C. Griffin, -appeared in the _Magazine of American History_, 1883, also separately. -The account of the sources of La Salle’s discoveries given in Edouard -Frère’s _Manuel du Bibliographe Normand_ is scant. Mr. John Langton’s -paper on “The Early Discoveries of the French in North America,” -printed in _The Canadian Journal_, 1857, p. 393, enumerates some of the -early maps. Dr. George E. Ellis’s “French Explorations in the West,” in -the _North American Review_, cx. 260, is a review of Parkman; and J. -H. Greene’s “Early French Travellers in the West,” in _Ibid._, xlviii. -63, is a review of Sparks’s _Life of Marquette_, which is one of the -volumes of his _American Biography_. - -[547] Margry, i. 81. - -[548] _La Salle_, p. 450. - -[549] _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, iii. 305. - -[550] _Notes_, etc., no. 200. - -[551] _Catalogue_, 1858, p. 1615. - -[552] _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, vol. iii. p. 284. - -[553] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 66. Margry (i. 73) gives various papers -indicating the views of Talon on western exploration. - -[554] Vol. i. p. 112. - -[555] He edited it for the Historical Society of Montreal in 1875. An -English translation of part of it is given in Mr. O. H. Marshall’s -_First Visit of La Salle to the Senecas in 1669_, which was privately -printed in 1874. - -[556] A heliotype of it is given in the note on “The Jesuit Relations,” -following chapter iv., _sub anno_ 1670, 1671. There is in the Kohl -Collection (Department of State) what Kohl calls the “Jesuits’ map of -Lac Supérieur;” but he gives it a somewhat later date, and says it is -found in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. In the same Collection -are maps of the Mississippi, dated 1670, and credited to “Thornton and -Moll.” - -[557] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 452. - -[558] _Découvertes_, etc., i. 376; cf. also p. 101. - -[559] Cf. also Colonel Charles Whittlesey’s paper on “The Discovery of -the Ohio River by La Salle, 1669-1670,” in no. 38, _Western Reserve and -Northern Ohio Historical Society’s Tracts_. Dr. Shea thinks the legend -“pour aller,” etc., was placed on the map by others. - -[560] _Découvertes_, etc., ii. 285. The literature of this controversy -is reviewed on a later page. Parkman thinks that La Salle crossed the -Chicago portage and struck the upper waters of the Illinois, but did -not descend that river, and suggests that the map called in a later -sketch “The Basin of the Great Lakes” is indicative of this extent of -La Salle’s exploration in the mere beginning of the Illinois River -which it gives. Others reject the “Histoire” altogether, as Hurlbut -does in his _Chicago Antiquities_, p. 250, not accepting Parkman’s view -that La Salle was at Chicago in 1669 and 1670. Dr. Shea holds it was -the St. Joseph’s River which La Salle entered. - -[561] Shea (_Mississippi Valley_, p. lxxix) and Margry have done much -to make known Joliet’s personal history. Margry has papers concerning -him in the _Journal général de l’instruction publique_, and in the -_Revue Canadienne_, December, 1871; January and March, 1872. Cf. -Ferland, _Notes sur les registres de Notre Dame de Québec_, 2d ed., -Quebec, 1863; Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française_; Parkman, _La -Salle_, pp. 49, 66. - -[562] There has been a controversy over the point of Marquette’s being -at Chicago. Cf. Dr. Duffield’s oration at Mackinaw, Aug. 15, 1878; H. -H. Hurlbut on _Father Marquette at Mackinaw and Chicago_,—a paper read -before the Chicago Historical Society, Oct. 15, 1878; A. D. Hager’s -_Was Father Marquette ever in Chicago?_ which is replied to by Hurlbut -in his _Chicago Antiquities_, p. 384; also see _Historical Magazine_, -v. 99. - -[563] _Notes_, etc., p. 322. - -[564] In the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ (ix. 116), and in Margry, i. 257. See -also Shea’s _Mississippi Valley_, p. xxxiii; Tailhan’s _Perrot_, p. 382. - -[565] Vol. i. p. 259. - -[566] This has appeared in the _Mémoires du Congrès des Américanistes_, -1879; and in the _Revue de Géographie_, February, 1880. The original -manuscript of the map is priced in Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, -no 2,808, at 1,500 francs. Gravier gave a colored fac-simile of it in -connection with his essay, and the same fac-simile is also given in the -_Magazine of American History_, 1883. This fac-simile is of a reduced -size; but some copies were also reproduced of the size of the original. - -[567] The Jesuit _Relations_ call it the “Grande Rivière” and the -Messi-sipi; Marquette calls it “Conception;” and in 1674 it was called -after Colbert. See an essay on the varying application of names to the -Western lakes and rivers in Hurlbut’s _Chicago Antiquities_. - -[568] The _Relation_ of 1666, and other of the early writers, record -the reports from the Indians of a great salt-water lying west, where -now we know the Pacific flows. A collation of some of these references -has been given in Andrew McF. Davis’s elaborate paper on “The Journey -of Moncacht-Apé,” in the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian -Society, new series, ii. 335. - -[569] Cf. Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 25. - -[570] Parkman, _La Salle_, pp. 25, 450. A sketch of it is given -herewith as “The Basin of the Great Lakes.” - -[571] No. 214. - -[572] Vol. i. pp. 259-270. - -[573] This is printed in the _Mission du Canada_, i. 193, and -translated in the _Historical Magazine_, v 237. - -[574] Pages 231-257. - -[575] He repeated this fac-simile later in his edition of the -_Relation_ of 1673-1679. The engraving of this map given in Douniol’s -_Mission du Canada_ has a small sketch of an Indian cabin on it which -does not belong to it. Cf. Harrisse’s _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, -pp. 142, 610; Shea’s edition of Charlevoix’s _New France_, iii. 180; -and Parkman’s _La Salle_, p. 451. There are other reproductions of -this map in Blanchard’s _History of the Northwest_; Hurlbut’s _Chicago -Antiquities_; and in the _Annual Report of the United States Chief of -Engineers_, 1876, vol. iii. A sketch is given herewith. Kohl credits -four maps, dated 1673, to Marquette, as given in the Collection in the -State Department at Washington, of which use has also been made in the -present essay. - -[576] Again in 1861 in Douniol’s _Mission du Canada_, ii. 241, edited -by Martin. - -[577] See the note on the _Jesuit Relations, sub annis 1673-1675_. - -[578] There are copies in Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown -Libraries. Copies of Thevenot vary much in the making up. See -_O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 2,245; Stevens, _Bibliotheca Historica_, -no. 2,068; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 4,522; _Sparks Catalogue_, no. -2,592. Some copies have the date 1682; and the _Sunderland Catalogue_, -no. 12,409, shows one with “Paris, I. Moette, 1689,” pasted over a -1682 imprint. A distinction must be kept in mind between this octavo -_Recueil de voyages_, and Thevenot’s folio _Relations des divers -voyages curieux_. The _Sobolewski Catalogue_ (nos. 4,112-4,113) -compares Brunet’s collation. - -[579] Of Thevenot’s text a defective translation was published in -London in 1698, as a supplement to an English version of Hennepin. -Later and better renderings are in the _Historical Magazine_, August, -1861, and in part ii. p. 277, etc., of French’s _Historical Collections -of Louisiana_, accompanied by a fac-simile of a map by Delisle -showing the routes of the early explorers. This section of Thevenot -was reprinted (125 copies) in fac-simile, with the map, in Paris in -1845, for Obadiah Rich. There is a copy of this reprint in the Sumner -collection in Harvard College Library, and in the Carter-Brown and -Lenox libraries, and the latter library has devoted no. iii. of its -_Contributions to a Catalogue_ (1879) to the “Voyages of Thevenot.” -The _MSS. de la Bibliothèque impériale_, viii. 2d part, p. 11, note -1, shows a notice of the life of Thevenot. Harrisse, _Notes_, p. -140, compares the claims of several manuscripts of this narrative of -Marquette. - -[580] _Notes_, no. 202. - -[581] _La Salle_, p. 452. From this Parkman copy the annexed sketch, -to which the title, “Mississippi Valley, 1672-1673,” is given, has -been taken. Another copy is given in the _Catalogue_ of the Library of -Parliament, 1858, p. 1615, no. 16. - -[582] _Sparks Catalogue_, p. 175. Shea (_Mississippi Valley_, p. lxxv) -thinks that the routes of going and returning were inserted by an -editor. This Thevenot-Marquette map is rare. Dufossé has variously -priced copies of the _Recueil_ with the map at 150, 180, and 200 -francs. Leclerc (no. 566) priced one at 325 francs. - -[583] The contemporary account of Marquette’s death is given in the -_Relation_ of that year, and in the “Récit de la mort du P. Marquette,” -as published in the _Mission du Canada_. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. -182, note; but Charlevoix’ account varies, and Parkman says it is a -traditionary one, and that traces of the tradition were not long since -current (_La Salle_, p. 72). Cf. “Romance and Reality of the Death of -Marquette, and the Recent Discovery of his Remains,” by Shea, in the -_Catholic World_, xxvi. 267, and “Father Marquette’s Bones” in the -_Canadian Antiquarian_, January, 1878. In 1877 some human bones were -found on the supposed site of the mission chapel at St. Ignace. Of -Marquette’s successors in the Illinois mission, see Shea’s _Catholic -Missions_, App., and _Wisconsin Historical Society’s Collections_, iii. -110. - -[584] The claim was reinforced by Judge John Law in a paper on “The -Jesuit Missionaries in the Northwest,” printed in the _Wisconsin -Historical Collections_, vol. iii., with replies and rejoinders; Dr. -Shea taking issue with him in a paper called “Justice to Marquette,” -which originally appeared in the _Catholic Telegraph_, March 10, 1855. -Parkman credits Shea also with a refutation in the _New York Weekly -Herald_, April 21, 1855. The Jesuits alleged to have been on the -affluents of the Mississippi thus early were Dequerre, Drocoux, and -Pinet. - -[585] _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, vii. 111. - -[586] Printed in New York in 1879. - -[587] _200e anniversaire de la découverte du Mississipi par Jolliet et -le P. Marquette. Soirée littéraire et musicale à l’Université Laval, 17 -juin, 1873._ Québec, 1873. One of the latest studies on the subject is -by the Père Brucher, _Jacques Marquette et la découverte de la vallée -du Mississipi_, Lyons, 1880,—which had originally appeared in the -_Études réligieuses_. Cf. also R. H. Clarke in the _Catholic World_, -xvi. 688; _Knickerbocker Magazine_, xxxix. 1; etc. - -[588] But the King, May 17, 1674, was warning Frontenac not to foster -discoveries. _Mass. Archives: Documents collected in France_, ii. 283. - -[589] Shea, in his _Le Clercq_, ii. 199, says: “La Salle has been -exalted into a hero on the very slightest foundation of personal -qualities or great deeds accomplished;” and in his _Peñalosa_, p. 22, -he finds it not easy to conceive how intelligent writers have exalted a -man of such utter incapacity. - -[590] Cf. E. Jacker, in “La Salle and the Jesuits,” in _American -Catholic Quarterly_, iii. 404. - -[591] Margry (i. 271) gives various papers on La Salle’s first visit -to Paris, when he got the seigniory of Fort Frontenac, together with -La Salle’s “Proposition” and the subsequent “Arrest,” his “Lettres -Patentes,” and “Lettres de Noblesse.” - -[592] Margry (i. 301) gives Frontenac’s letter to Colbert, 1677, -relating to La Salle and his undertakings. - -[593] Margry (i. 329) gives La Salle’s petition for further discovery, -and the royal permission (p. 337). - -[594] Margry (i. 421) gives the papers of La Salle’s financial -management from 1678 to 1683; and further (ii. 7) gives various papers -relating to La Salle’s movements in 1679. - -[595] The exact position of this extemporized ship-yard is in dispute. -Parkman puts it at Cayuga Creek, on the east side of the river, and -gives his reasons. _La Salle_, p. 132. - -[596] _Historical Magazine_, viii. 367. - -[597] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 169. This first vessel of the lakes -has been the subject of some study. Hennepin gives a view of her -building in his _Voyage curieux_, 1711 edition, etc., p. 100. Mr. O. -H. Marshall has published, as no. 1 of the publications of the Buffalo -Historical Society, a tract of thirty-six pages, called _The Building -and Voyage of the “Griffin,”_ printed in 1879, giving in it a map of -Niagara and its vicinity in 1688. Margry prints (i. 435) a “Relation -des découvertes et des voyages du Sieur de la Salle, 1679-1681,” -which he calls the Official Report of the transactions of this period -made to the minister of the marine, and thinks it drawn up from La -Salle’s letter by Bernou, and that Hennepin used it. Shea considers -the question an open one, and that the Report may perhaps have been -borrowed from Hennepin. A note on Hennepin and his contributions to the -historical material of this period is on a later page. - -[598] The principal portages by which passage was early made by canoes -from the basin of the lakes to that of the Mississippi were five in -number:— - -1. By Green Bay, Lake Winnebago, and the Fox River to the Wisconsin, -thence to the Mississippi,—the route of Joliet. - -2. By the Chicago River, at the southwest of Lake Michigan, to the -Illinois, thence to the Mississippi. This appears in the earliest maps -of Joliet and Marquette, and is displayed in the great 1684 map of -Franquelin, of this part of which Parkman gives a drawing in his _La -Salle_, which with various later ones is repeated in Hurlbut’s _Chicago -Antiquities_. - -3. By the St. Joseph River, at the southeast corner of Lake Michigan, -to the Kankakee, and so to the Illinois. This was La Salle’s route. - -4. By the St. Joseph’s River to the Wabash (Ouabache); thence to the -Ohio and Mississippi. - -5. By the Miami River from the west end of Lake Erie to the Wabash; -thence to the Ohio and Mississippi. - -A paper by R. S. Robertson in the _American Antiquarian_, ii. 123, -aims to show that this last portage was known to Allouez as early as -1680, and had perhaps been indicated by Sanson in his map of Canada as -early as 1657. It would seem to have been little frequented, however, -because of the danger from the Iroquois parties, but was reopened in -1716. Regarding La Salle’s connection with this portage, see a letter -by Mr. Parkman quoted by Baldwin in his _Early Maps of Ohio_, p. 7, and -letters of La Salle in Margry’s _Découvertes_, etc. Cf. H. S. Knapp’s -_History of the Maumee Valley from 1680_, Toledo, 1872 (P. Thomson’s -_Bibliography of Ohio_, no. 681). The southern shore of Lake Erie was -the latest known of all the borders of the great lakes. - -Margry in his fifth volume has two papers on the routes of these early -explorers,—“Postes de la route des Lacs au Mississipi (1683-1695),” -and “Postes dans les Pays depuis le Lac Champlain jusqu’au Mississipi -(1683-1695).” The series of the Great Lakes show the following heights -above tide-level at New York: Ontario, 247 feet; Erie, 573 feet; Huron -and Michigan, 582 feet; Superior, 602 feet. The Mississippi at St. Paul -is 80 feet above Superior. - -[599] Parkman examines the evidence in favor of this site in a long -note in his _La Salle_, p. 223. - -[600] There is some dispute about the origin of this name. Le Clercq -says it was so designated “on account of many vexations experienced -there;” others say it was a reminiscence by Tonty of the part he -had taken in the siege of Crèvecœur in the Netherlands. Cf. Shea’s -_Hennepin_, p. 175. - -[601] He now addressed to Frontenac, Nov. 9, 1680, a “Relation sur -la nécessité de poursuivre le découverte du Mississipi,” which is -given in Thomassy’s _Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_, Paris, 1860, -App. B. p. 199. It is translated in the _Historical Magazine_, v. 196 -(July, 1861). Margry (ii. 32) gives a letter of La Salle, in which -he describes his operations and the obstacles he encountered in the -Illinois country in founding Fort Crèvecœur, etc.; and (p. 115) another -letter on the expedition (Aug. 22, 1680, to the autumn of 1681). - -[602] Margry (ii. 164) gives a fragmentary letter of La Salle -describing the country as far as the mouth of the Missouri; and (p. -196) another detached fragment, in La Salle’s hand, describing the -rivers and peoples of the new region. - -[603] Margry, ii. 181. - -[604] The “Procès verbal de prise de possession de la Louisiane, 9 -Avril, 1682,” is in Margry, ii. 186; in Gravier’s _La Salle_, App. p. -386; and in Boimare’s _Texte explicatif pour accompagner la première -planche historique relative à la Louisiane_, Paris, 1868. The English -of it is given by Sparks and in French’s _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana_, -vol. i. and vol. ii. - -[605] Zénobe Membré’s letter, “de la Rivière de Mississipi, le 3 Juin, -1682,” is given in Margry (ii. 206); and also (ii. 212) the letter -of La Salle, dated at Fort Frontenac, Aug. 22, 1682, detailing his -experiences. - -[606] _Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_, p. 9. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, -etc., no. 698. It is translated in French’s _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana -and Florida_, 2d ser., ii. 17. Thomassy also printed in 1859 a tract -of twenty-four pages, _De la Salle et ses relations inédites de la -découverte du Mississipi, avec carte_. - -[607] Parkman’s _La Salle_, p. 276. - -[608] Membré’s narrative is translated in Shea’s _Discovery of the -Mississippi_, p. 165. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. iii. There is also -a separate letter of Membré in _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana_, ii. 206, -and other documents. Cf. the annotations in Shea’s _Charlevoix_ and -_Le Clercq_; Falconer’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_, London, 1844; -and the account from the _Mercure gallant_, May, 1684, in Margry, -ii. 355; who also (i. 573) gives Tonty’s “Relation écrite de Québec, -le 14 Novembre, 1684,” which Margry thinks was addressed to the Abbé -Renaudot; it covers La Salle’s undertakings from 1678 to 1683. - -[609] Margry, i. 547. See the account of the La Salle celebration in -_Magazine of American History_, February, 1882, p. 139. Margry (ii. -263) groups together various contemporary estimates of La Salle’s -discovery, including the accusations of Duchesneau (p. 265), and the -defence of La Salle (p. 277) by a friend, addressed to Seignelay, and -La Salle’s own estimates of the advantages to grow from it, in a letter -dated at “Missilimakanak, Octobre, 1682.” - -[610] Margry (ii. 302) prints some of De la Barre’s accusations against -La Salle, and shows the effects of them on the King (p. 309); and -gives also La Salle’s letters to De la Barre (p. 312), one of them -(p. 317) from the “portage de Checagou, 4 Juin, 1683.” De la Barre, -addressing the King (p. 348), defends himself (Nov. 13, 1684) against -the complaints of La Salle. - -[611] Parkman has given an abstract (_La Salle_ p. 458) of the -pretended discoveries of Mathieu Sagean, who represents that he started -at this time with some Frenchmen from the fort on the Illinois on an -expedition in which he ascended the Missouri to the country of a King -Hagaren, a descendant of Montezuma, who ruled over a luxurious people. -The narrative is considered a fabrication. Mr. E. G. Squier found the -manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and bringing home -a copy, it was printed by Dr. Shea, with the title, _Extrait de la -relation des aventures et voyage de Mathieu Sâgean. Nouvelle York: à -la Presse Cramoisy de J. M. Shea_. 1863, 32 pages. Cf. Field, _Indian -Bibliog._, no. 1,347; Lenox, _Jesuit Relations_, p. 17; and _Historical -Magazine_, x. 65. - -There are some papers by J. P. Jones on the earliest notices of the -Missouri River in the _Kansas City Review_, 1882. - -[612] Margry (ii. 353) groups various opinions on La Salle’s discovery -incident to his return to France in 1684. - -[613] _Notes_, etc., nos. 209, 213-218. Harrisse also cites no. 229, -a _Carte du Grand Fleuve St. Laurens dressee et dessignee sur les -memoires et observations que le Sr. Jolliet a tres exactement faites en -barq et en canot en 46 voyages pendant plusieurs années_. It purports -to be by Franquelin, and is dated 1685. See _Library of Parliament -Catalogue_, 1858, p. 1615, no. 17. - -[614] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 455; this is Harrisse’s no. 219; cf. his -no. 223. - -[615] _Notes_, etc. (1872), no. 222. - -[616] _La Salle_, pp. 295, 455, where is a fac-simile of the part -showing La Salle’s colony on the Illinois; and _Géologie pratique de la -Louisiane_, p. 227. - -[617] Harrisse, no. 223. - -[618] Harrisse, no. 234; Parkman, p. 457. - -[619] This also, according to Harrisse, is now missing; but the -_Catalogue_ (1858, p. 1616) of the Library of Parliament (Ottawa) shows -a copy as sent by Duchesneau to Colbert, and it has been engraved in -part for the first time in Neill’s _History of Minnesota_, 4th ed., -1882. Another copy is in the Kohl Collection (Department of State) at -Washington. A copy of Neill’s engraving is given herewith. - -[620] _Notes_, etc., nos. 240, 248, 259. - -[621] Ibid., no. 231. - -[622] Ibid., no. 232. There is a copy in the Library of Parliament at -Ottawa (Catalogue, 1858, p. 1616). Harrisse (nos. 248, 259) assigns -other maps to 1692 and 1699. - -[623] _La Salle_, p. 457. - -[624] These two maps are in the Poore Collection in the State Archives -of Mass. Cf. Harrisse, nos. 359, 361, 362; and Parkman (_La Salle_, p. -142), on the different names given to Lake Michigan. - -[625] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 454; _Library of Parliament Catalogue_, -p. 1615, no. 18. Harrisse (nos. 236, 237) gives other maps by -Raffeix. The Kohl Collection (Department of State) gives a map of the -Mississippi of the same probable date (1688), from an original in the -National Library at Paris. See the Calendar of the Kohl Collection -printed in the _Harvard University Bulletin_, 1883-84. - -[626] Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 237. - -[627] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 454. - -[628] _Notes_, etc., p. xxv and no. 241. - -[629] See the third page following. - -[630] _Notes_, no. 202. - -[631] Margry, iii. 17, etc. - -[632] Margry (ii. 359) gives La Salle’s Memoir of his plans against the -mines of New Biscay, together with letters (p. 377) of Seignelay, etc., -pertaining to it, and the Grants of the King (p. 378), and La Salle’s -Commission (p. 382). - -[633] Margry (ii. 387) prints various papers indicative of the -vexatious delays in the departure of the expedition and of La Salle’s -difficulties (pp. 421, 454, etc.), together with his final letters -before sailing (p. 469). Various letters of Beaujeu written at Rochelle -are in Margry (ii. 397, 421, etc.). - -[634] Margry (ii. 485) gives letters of Beaujeu and others concerning -the voyage. A fragmentary Journal of the voyage by the Abbé Jean -Cavelier is also given in Margry (ii. 501), besides another Journal (p. -510) by the Abbé d’Esmanville. - -[635] Margry (ii. 499) gives an account of this capture. - -[636] Margry (ii. 521) gives some letters which passed between La Salle -and Beaujeu after they reached the Gulf. - -[637] Margry (ii. 555) prints an account of the loss of the “Aimable.” - -[638] Margry (ii. 564, etc.) prints some letters which passed between -La Salle and Beaujeu just before the latter sailed for France, and -Beaujeu’s letter to Seignelay on his return (p. 577). - -[639] This map is still preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la -Marine, and a sketch of it is in the text. Thomassy (p. 208) cites it -as “Carte de la Louisiane avec l’embouchure de la Rivière du S^r de -la Salle (Mai, 1685), par Minet,” and giving a sketch, calls it the -complement of Franquelin. Shea thinks it was drawn up from La Salle’s -and Peñalosa’s notes. Cf. Shea’s _Peñalosa_, p. 21; Harrisse, _Notes_, -etc., nos. 225, 227, 228, 256-258, 260, 261, 263, who says he could not -find on it the date, Mai, 1685, given by Parkman and Thomassy; Gravier, -_La Salle_; and Delisle, in _Journal des Savans_, xix. 211. Margry (ii. -591) prints some observations of Minet on La Salle’s effort to find the -mouth of the Mississippi. - -[640] Dr. Shea puts the settlement on Espirito Bay, where Bahia now is. - -[641] See his Relation of this voyage in Falconer’s _Discovery of the -Mississippi_, etc. - -[642] This is Parkman’s statement; but Shea questions it. Margry (i. -59) gives various notices concerning le Père Allouez, who was born in -1613, and died in 1689. - -[643] See Brodhead’s _History of New York_, ii. 478, and references, -and the text of the preceding chapter. - -[644] Margry, iii. 553. - -[645] Harrisse (no. 261) mentions a sketch of the Mississippi and its -affluents, the work of Tonty at this time, which is preserved in the -French Archives. - -[646] Margry, iii. 567. - -[647] Margry, ii. 359; iii. 17; translations in French, _Historical -Collections of Louisiana_, i. 25; ii. 1; and in Falconer’s _Discovery -of the Mississippi_, London, 1844. - -[648] He refers to evidences in Margry, ii. 348, 515; iii. 44, 48, 63. -Cf. Shea’s _Peñalosa_ and his _Le Clercq_, ii. 202. In this last work -Shea annotates the narrative of La Salle’s Gulf of Mexico experiences, -and makes some identifications of localities different from those of -other writers. Cf. also _Historical Magazine_, xiv. 308 (December, -1868). - -[649] There is an English translation in Falconer’s _Discovery of the -Mississippi_, and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, i. -52. - -[650] Margry, i. 571. - -[651] Joutel says it had a map; but later authorities have not -discovered any. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 174; Leclerc, no. -1,027 (130 francs); Dufossé (70 and 100 francs); Carter-Brown, vol. ii. -no. 1,522. It was reprinted as “Relation de la Louisiane” in Bernard’s -_Recueil des voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1720, 1724, and 1734, also -appearing separately. An English translation appeared in London, in -1698, called _An Account of Monsieur de la Salle’s last Expedition and -Discoveries in North America_, with _Adventures of Sieur de Montauban_ -appended. (Harrisse, no 178; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,542; Brinley, -no. 4,524.) This version was reprinted in the _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, ii. -217-341. - -[652] _La Salle_, p. 129. - -[653] See vol. iii. pp. 89-534, and p. 648, for an account of the -document. - -[654] _La Salle_, 397; cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 88-90. - -[655] Joutel, according to Lebreton (_Revue de Rouen_, 1852, p. 236), -had served since he was seventeen in the army. - -[656] Harrisse, no. 750. The book is rare; there are copies in the -Boston Public, Lenox, Carter-Brown (vol. iii. no. 117), and Cornell -University (_Sparks’s Catalogue_, no. 1,387) libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol. -ix. p. 351; Brinley, no. 4,497; Leclerc, no. 925 (100 francs); Stevens, -_Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. 1,036; Dufossé, nos. 1,999, 3,300, -and 9,171 (55 and 50 francs); O’Callaghan, no. 1,276. - -The book should have a map entitled _Carte nouvelle de la Louisiane et -de la Rivière de Mississipi ... dressée par le Sieur Joutel_, 1713. A -section of this map is given in the _Magazine of American History_, -1882, p. 185, and in A. P. C. Griffin’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_, -p. 20. - -In 1714 an English translation appeared in Paris, as _A Journal of the -last Voyage perform’d by Monsr. de la Sale to the Gulph of Mexico, to -find out the Mouth of the Mississipi River; his unfortunate Death, and -the Travels of his Companions for the Space of Eight Hundred Leagues -across that Inland Country of America, now call’d Louisania, translated -from the Edition just publish’d at Paris_. It also had a folding map -showing the course of the Mississippi, with a view of Niagara engraved -in the corner. Cf. Harrisse, no. 751; Lenox, in _Historical Magazine_, -ii. 25; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 808; Menzies, no. 1,110; -Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 1,462; Carter-Brown, -vol. iii. no. 55; Brinley, no. 4,498 (with date 1715). There are copies -in the Boston Public, the Lenox, and Cornell University libraries. This -1714 translation was issued with a new title in 1719 (Carter-Brown, -vol. iii. no. 244; Field, no. 809), and was reprinted in French’s -_Historical Collections of Louisiana_, part i. p. 85. A Spanish -translation, _Diario historico_, was issued in New York in 1831. -Dumont’s _Mémoires historiques sur la Louisiane_, Paris, 1753, with -a map, was put forth by its author as a sort of continuation of the -Journal published by Joutel in 1713. - -Shea speaks of Hennepin’s _Nouveau Voyage_ as “a made-up affair of no -authority.” It is translated in French’s _Historical Collections of -Louisiana_, part i. p. 214; in the _Archæologia Americana_; and of -course in Shea’s _Hennepin_; cf. _Western Magazine_, i. 507. - -[657] The Library of Parliament _Catalogue_, p. 1616, no. 30, gives -a map, copied from the original in the French Archives, which shows -the spot of La Salle’s assassination. La Salle’s route is traced on -Delisle’s map, which is reproduced by Gravier. - -[658] This portion of his Journal is translated in the _Magazine of -American History_, ii. 753; and Parkman thinks it is marked by sense, -intelligence, and candor. - -[659] Translated into English in Shea’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_, -p. 197, and in his edition of _Le Clercq_, where he compares it with -Joutel. Parkman cannot resist the conclusion that Douay did not always -write honestly, and told a different story at different times. _La -Salle_, p. 409. - -[660] Vol. iii. p. 601. - -[661] _La Salle_, p. 436. - -[662] Shea printed it from Parkman’s manuscript in 1858, and translated -it, with notes, in his _Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi_. It -is called _Relation du voyage entrepris par feu M. Robert Cavelier, -Sieur de la Salle....Par son frère, M. Cavelier, l’un des compagnons -de voyage_. Shea says of it in his Charlevoix, iv. 63, that “it is -enfeebled by his acknowledged concealment, if not misrepresentation; -and his statements generally are attacked by Joutel.” Cf. Margry, ii. -501. - -[663] Cf. Joutel, Charlevoix, Michelet, Henri Martin, and Margry in his -_Les Normands dans les vallées de l’Ohio et du Mississipi_. Parkman -modified his judgment between the publication of his Great West and his -_La Salle_. - -[664] Page 294. - -[665] Page 208. - -[666] Vol. iii. p. 610. - -[667] Page 25. Cf. French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, 2d -series, p. 293. - -A few miscellaneous references may be preserved regarding La Salle and -the Western discoveries:— - -The paper by Levot in the _Nouvelle biographie générale_; one by -Xavier Eyma, in the _Revue contemporaine_, 1863, called “Légende -du Meschacébé;” Th. Le Breton’s “Un navigateur Rouennais au xvii^e -siècle,” in the _Revue de Rouen et de Normandie_, 1852, p. 231; a -section of Guerin’s _Les navigateurs Français_, 1846, p. 369; the -Letters of Nobility given to La Salle, printed by Gravier in his -Appendix, p. 360; where is also his Will (p. 385), dated Aug. 11, -1681, which can also be found in Margry, and translated in _Magazine -of American History_, September, 1878 (ii. 551), and in Falconer’s -_Discovery of the Mississippi_; a picture of his 1684 expedition, -by Th. Gudin, in the Versailles Gallery; a paper on the discoveries -of La Salle as affecting the French claim to a western extension -of Louisiana, in the _Journal_ of the Royal Geographical Society, -xiii. 223; paper by R. H. Clarke in the _Catholic World_, xx. 690, -833; “La Salle and the Mississippi,” in _De Bow’s Review_, xxii. 13. -Gravier has furnished an introduction (69 pages) on “Les Normands sur -le Mississipi, 1682-1727,” to his fac-simile edition (1872) of the -_Relation du voyage des dames Ursulines de Rouen à la Nouvelle Orléans_ -(100 copies) of Madeleine Hachard, following the original printed at -Rouen in 1728 (Maisonneuve, _Livres de fond_, 1883, p. 30). - -[668] He seems to have begun to make his copies in 1842, led to it by -the work he had done when employed by General Cass. - -[669] “Découverte de l’acte de naissance de Robert Cavelier de la -Salle,” in the _Revue de Rouen_, 1847, pp. 708-711, and others -mentioned elsewhere. - -[670] Preface to eleventh edition of Parkman’s _La Salle_. - -[671] From a copperplate by Van der Gucht in the London (1698) edition -of Hennepin’s _New Discovery_. The Margry picture has unfortunately -deceived not a few. It has been reproduced in the Carter-Brown -Catalogue, and in Shea’s edition of Le Clercq’s _Établissement de la -Foi_; and Mr. Baldwin speaks of the determination which its features -showed the man to possess! - -[672] The curious reader interested in M. Margry’s career among -manuscripts may read R. H. Major’s Preface (pp. xxiv-li) to his _Life -of Prince Henry of Portugal_, London, 1868. Mr. Major has clearly got -no high idea of M. Margry’s acumen or honesty from the claim which this -Frenchman has put forth, that the instigation of Columbus’s views came -from France. Cf. Major’s _Select Letters of Columbus_, p. xlvii. - -[673] Margry is not able to refer to the depository of this document, -as it is not known to have been seen since Faillon used it. The copy of -it made for Sparks is in Harvard College Library. See a translation of -part in _Magazine of American History_, ii. 238. - -[674] This method of supplying Canadian mothers is the subject of some -inquiry in Parkman’s _Old Régime_, p. 220. - -[675] Papers on Hennepin and Du Lhut are in the _Minnesota Hist. Soc. -Coll._, vol. i. Du Lhut’s “Mémoire sur la Découverte du pays des -Nadouecioux dans le Canada,” is in Harrisse, no. 177, and a translation -is in Shea’s _Hennepin_. - -[676] Shea (_Le Clercq_, ii. 123) notes a valuable series of articles -on Hennepin by H. A. Rafferman, in the _Deutsche Pionier_, Aug.-Oct., -1880. - -[677] [See chapter iv.—ED.] - -[678] This was not the only missionary labor in New France during the -period already noticed. In 1619 some Recollect Fathers of the province -of Aquitaine in France, at the instance of a fishing company which -had establishments on the Acadian coast, came over to minister to the -French and labor among the Indians. Their field of labor included Nova -Scotia, New Brunswick, and Gaspé; but of the results of their attempts -to instil an idea of Christianity into the minds of the Micmacs, we can -give no details. One of their number, Father Sebastian, perished in the -woods in 1623, while on his way from his post at Miscou to the chief -mission station on St. John’s River. Three surviving Fathers joined the -Recollects at Quebec in 1624 by order of their provincial in France, -and took part in their ministry till Kirk arrived. - -[679] [It was printed in 1833, in the _Memoirs_ of the American -Academy. His strong box, captured at the same time, was for a while -(1845-1855) in the keeping of the Massachusetts Historical Society -(_Proceedings_, ii. 322; iii. 40). Pickering, who edited the dictionary -when printed, submitted to the same Society (_Proceedings_, i. 476) -some original papers concerning Rale, preserved in the _Massachusetts -Archives_, and these were used by Convers Francis in his _Life of -Ralle_ in Sparks’s _American Biography_. Cf. also 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._ -viii. 2511 and Proceedings, iii. 324. An account of his monument is -in the _Historical Magazine_, March, 1858, p. 84, and June, 1871, p. -399.—ED.] - -[680] The Abenaki missions on the St. Lawrence and in Maine were -continued, however; and a remnant of the tribe still adhere to the -Catholic faith at Indian Old Town, on the Penobscot, as they did in -the days of Rale and of Orono, their chief, who led them to fight -beside the Continentals in the Revolution. They are now known as the -Penobscots and Passamaquoddies, but are dwindling away. - -[681] [Harrisse, _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, no. 62, says the -book is hard reading, which explains the little use made of it by -historians. Chevalier, in his introduction to the Paris reprint by -Tross, in 1864-66, arraigns Charlevoix for his harsh judgment of -Sagard. The original is now rare and costly. Tross, before securing a -copy to print from, kept for years a standing offer of 1,200 francs. -There are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. -no. 437) libraries. Rich, in 1832, priced it at £1 16_s._; Quaritch, -in 1880, prices it at £63; and Le Clerc (no. 2,947), with the Huron -music in fac-simile, gives 1,200 francs. Dufossé (_Americana_, 1876 and -1877-78) prices copies at 1,200 and 1,500 francs; cf. Crowninshield, -no. 948, and Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,344. - -Of the _Grand Voyage_ of 1632, there are copies in Harvard College and -Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Library of Congress. Other copies -were in the Crowninshield (no. 949), Brinley (no. 143), and O’Callaghan -(no. 2,046) sales. Harrisse (_Notes_, etc., no. 53) says that after -the Solar sale, where it brought 320 francs, it became an object for -collectors; and Dufossé, in 1877, priced it at 550 francs; Ellis & -White, the same year, at £42; Quaritch, at £36; Rich, fifty years ago, -said copies had brought £15. Cf. Field, no. 1,341. This book was also -reprinted by Tross in 1865.—ED.] - -[682] [This translation, of which only 250 copies were printed, was -made by Dr. Shea. He introduces it with “A Sketch of Father Christian -Le Clercq,” which includes a bibliographical account of his works. The -book supplements in a measure Sagard’s _Histoire du Canada_, since that -had given the earlier labors as this portrays the later works of the -Recollects, or at least more minutely than Sagard. The Recollects had -been recalled to Canada to thwart the Jesuits, and Le Clercq reached -Quebec in 1673, and was assigned in 1675 to the vicinity of the Bay of -Gaspé as a missionary field; and it is of his labors in this region -that we learn in his _Nouvelle relation de la Gaspésie_, which was -printed in Paris in 1691 (cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, 170; Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, 902; Ternaux, 176; Faribault, 82; Lenox, in _Historical -Magazine_, ii. 25; Dufossé, _Americana_, 1878, 75 and 100 francs; -Sabin, vol. x. p. 159; Stevens, _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. -1,113; _Brinley Catalogue_, 102; Le Clercq, _Bibl. Amer._, 746, 140 -francs; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,415; O’Callaghan, no. 1,360), and -Le Clercq refers his readers to the present work for a continuation of -the story, but it does not contain it, that portion being suppressed, -as Dr. Shea thinks. The Jesuits are bitterly satirized by Le Clercq -in the concluding part of the first volume, and in the second of the -_Établissement_. Shea’s collation of the _Nouvelle Relation_ does -not correspond with the Harvard College copy, which has 28 instead -of 26 preliminary leaves. See also Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. x. no. -39,649; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 903; Harrisse, _Notes sur -la Nouvelle France_, no. 170; Boucher de la Richarderie, vi. 21; -Faribault, p. 82. - -The original edition of the _Établissement_ had two varieties of title, -one bearing the author’s name in full, and the other concealing it by -initials. It is very rare with either title, but copies can be found -in the Carter-Brown Library (see _Catalogue_, no. 1,413), and in the -Sparks Collection at Cornell University (see _Sparks Catalogue_, no. -1,482). Dr. Shea notes other copies in Baron James Rothschild’s library -at Paris, and in the Abbé H. Verreau’s collection at Montreal. Mr. -Stewart tells me there are copies in the libraries of Laval University, -of the Quebec Government, Of the Literary and Historical Society of -Quebec, and of Parliament, at Ottawa. The Leno Library has a copy of -what seems the same edition, with the title changed to _Histoire des -colonies françoises_, Paris and Lyons, 1692. Mr. Lenox (_Historical -Magazine_, January, 1858), following Sparks and others, claimed that -the 1691 edition was suppressed; but Harrisse (_Notes_, etc. p. 159) -disputes this in a long notice of the book, in which he cites _Œuvres -de Messire Antoine Arnould_, Paris, 1780, xxxiv. 720, to the contrary. -Le Clercq’s book should have a map, “Carte generalle de la Nouvelle -France,” which is given in fac-simile in vol. ii. of this translation. -It includes all North America, except the Arctic regions, but, -singularly, omits Lake Champlain. - -President Sparks wrote in his copy: “An extremely rare book.... It is -peculiarly valuable as containing the first original account of the -discoveries of La Salle by two [Recollect] missionaries who accompanied -him. From this book, also, Hennepin drew the account of his pretended -discovery of the Mississippi River.” See the bibliographical notice in -Shea’s _Discovery and Explorations of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 78. -Sparks, in his _Life of La Salle_, first pointed out how Hennepin had -plagiarized from the journal of Father Membré, contained in Le Clercq. -See further in Shea’s _Mississippi Valley_, p. 83 _et seq._, where -Membré’s journal in Shea’s translation from Le Clercq was printed for -the first time, and the note on Hennepin, following chap. viii. of the -present volume. Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., p. 160, points out what we owe -to this work for a knowledge of La Salle’s explorations. Cf. Parkman’s -_La Salle_; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 903, with a note -touching the authorship; Brunet, _Supplement_, i. 810, noting copies -sold,—Maisonneuve, 250 francs; Sóbolewski, 150 thalers; Tross (1873), -410 francs; Dufossé, 600 francs; Le Clercq, no. 2,833, 1,500 francs. - -The bibliographers are agreed that others than Le Clercq were engaged -in the _Établissement_, and that the part concerning Frontenac was -clearly not by Le Clercq. Charlevoix says Frontenac himself assisted in -it; and it is Shea’s opinion that extraneous matter was attached to Le -Clercq’s account of the Recollect missions, to convert the book into an -attack in large part on the Jesuits.—ED. - -[683] Champlain’s _Voyages_, Prince ed. iii. 104 _et seq._ - -[684] _Establishment of the Faith_, i. 200, 346. - -[685] [See a note on the bibliography of Hennepin, following chap. -viii. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[686] [S. Lesage, in the _Revue Canadienne_, iv. 303 (1867), gives a -good summary of the Recollect missions.—ED.] - -[687] [An annotated bibliography of the _Relations_ follows this -chapter.—ED.] - -[688] Harrisse, no. 122. The book has been priced by Leclerc at 500 -francs, and by Quaritch at £16 16_s._ Field does not mention it in his -_Indian Bibliography_. - -[689] See chap. v.; and cf. _Historical Magazine_, ix. 205, and Shea’s -_Charlevoix_, iii. 165. Also later _Sub_ 1655-56. - -[690] Cf. Wilson on Mines in _Canadian Journal_, May, 1856. - -[691] See _Mgr. de St. Valier et L’Hôpital Général de Quebec_. Quebec, -1882. - -[692] This son, François Louis, entered the army, and was killed while -in the service of King Louis, in Germany. - -[693] A plan of this fort was sent by M. Denonville to France, on -the 13th November, 1685. A copy may be seen in Faillon’s _Histoire -de la Colonie Française_, iii. 467, entitled “Fort de Frontenac ou -Katarakourg, construit par le Sieur de la Salle.” A sketch after -Faillon is given on another page, in the editorial note on La Salle -appended to chapter v. - -[694] [Dr. Hawley says, in a note in his _Early Chapters of Cayuga -History_, page 15, that this name is derived from _onnonte_, a -mountain, and was given by the Hurons and Iroquois to Montmagny, -governor of Canada, 1636-1648, as a translation of his name (_mons -magnus_), and was applied to his successors, while the King of France -was called _Grand Onontio_.—ED.] - -[695] [See narrative in chap. vi. Margry (i. 195) gives the “Voyage du -Comte de Frontenac au lac Ontario, en 1673,” with letters appertaining. -Cf. _N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 95.—ED.] - -[696] Abbé Salignac de Fénelon was a half brother of the author of -_Télémaque_. Hildreth appears in doubt about him, and says: “Could -this have been the Abbé and Saint Sulpitian priest of the same name, -afterward so famous in the world of religion and letters? If so, his -two years’ missionary residence in Canada seems to have been overlooked -by his biographers. Yet he might have gathered there some hints for -_Telemachus_.” See the “Note on the Jesuit Relations,” _sub anno_ -1666-1667. Perrot’s character is drawn in Faillon (iii. 446) from the -Sulpitian side. - -[697] [Margry (i. 405) gives an account of the deliberations on the -selling of liquor to the savages, which were held at Quebec Oct. 10, -1678.—ED.] - -[698] Auteuil’s house was situated about two leagues away from Quebec. -Villeray went to the Isle of Orleans, and Tilly took up his quarters at -the house of M. Juchereau, of St. Denis, near Quebec. - -[699] [Duchesneau issued in 1681, at Quebec, a Memoir on the tribes -from which peltries were derived. An English translation of this is in -2 _Pennsylvania Archives_, vi. 7.—ED.] - -[700] See chap. iv. - -[701] [A _Mémoire_ (Nov. 12, 1685) _du Marquis de Denonville sur l’État -du Canada, 12 Novembre_, is in Brodhead, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 280; -and an English translation is in 2 _Pennsylvania Archives_, vi. 24. -Various other documents of this period are referred to in the _Notes -Historiques_ of Harrisse’s _Notes_, etc.—ED.] - -[702] [Cf. chap. vi. For this campaign against the Senecas, see Shea’s -_Charlevoix_, iii. 286 (and his authorities); Parkman’s _Frontenac_ -(references p. 156); Denonville’s Journal, translated in _N. Y. Col. -Docs._, vol. ix.; St. Vallier, _État Présent_; Belmont, _Histoire du -Canada_; La Hontan; Tonty; Perrot; La Potherie; and the statements of -the Senecas, in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. iii. Squier’s _Aboriginal -Monuments of New York_ gives a plan of the Seneca fort; and O. H. -Marshall identifies its site in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, vol. ii.—ED.] - -[703] [Margry (i. 37) gives a statement, made in 1712 by Vaudreuil and -Bégon, collating the _Relations_ from 1646 to 1687, to show the right -of the French to the Iroquois country. Denonville’s _Mémoire_ (1688), -on the limits of the French claim, is translated in 2 _Pennsylvania -Archives_, vi. 36. The _Mémoire_ of the King, addressed to Denonville, -explanatory of the claim, is translated in French’s _Historical -Collections_, 2d series, i. 123. The _Catalogue_ of the Canadian -Parliament, 1858, p. 1617. no. 39, shows a large map of the French -possessions, defining their boundaries by the English, copied from an -original in the French archives. The claim was pressed of an extension -to the Pacific. See Greenhow’s _Oregon_, p. 159.—ED.] - -[704] [There is in the _Massachusetts Archives: Documents collected -in France_, iv. 7, a paper dated Versailles, 10 Mai, 1690, entitled -“Projet d’une Expédition contre Manat et Baston,” which is accompanied -by a map showing the coast from New York to the Merrimack, in its -relation to Lakes Champlain and Ontario. The English towns are marked -“bourg;” only “Baston” is put down by name. See Notes following chap. -iv.—ED.] - -[705] [French armed vessels had also attacked Block Island, _Historical -Magazine_vii. 324.—ED.] - -[706] The Editor is indebted to Francis Parkman, Esq., for the use of -a fac-simile of the contemporary manuscript plan (preserved in the -Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris), of which the topographical part -is shown, somewhat reduced, in the annexed fac-simile (Parkman’s -_Frontenac_, p. 285). The rest of the sheet contains the following:— - -“Plan de Québec, et de les environs, en la Nouvelle France, Assiegé -par les Anglois, le 16 d’Octobre, 1690, jusqu’au 22 du dit mois qu’ils -sen allerent, apprés avoir este bien battus, par M^r. Le Comte de -Frontenac, gouverneur general du Pays. - -“Les noms des habitans et des principaux Endroits de Quebec. - - 1. Maison Seigneurial de beauport. - 2. pierre parent le Perre. - 3. Jacque parent le fils. - 4. aux R. P. Jesuistes. - 5. pierre parent le fils. - 6. la vefve de mathieu choset. - 7. michel huppé. - 8. M^r. de la Durantaye, Conseiller. - 9. la vefve de paul chalifou. -10. M^r. de Vitray, Conceiller. -11. François retor. -12. M^r. denis. -13. Estienne lionnois. -14. M^r. Roussel. -15. Jean le normand. -16. Jean landron, -ou est la briqueterie. -17. Joseph rancourt. -18. André coudray. -19. Jean le normand. -20. M^r. de St. Simeon. -21. le petit passage. -22. Le fort St. Louis, ou loge M^r. le comte de frontenac. -23. n^{tre} dame, et le Seminaire. -24. hospice des R. P. Recolletz. -25. les R. P. Jesuistes. -26. les Ursulines. -27. l’hospital. -28. les filles de la Congregation. -29. Mr. de Villeray, premier Conseiller. -30. batterie de huict pieces. -31. Le Cul de Sac, ou les barques, et petits vaisseaux hivernent. -32. platte forme ou est une batterie de 3 p. -33. Place ou est le buste du Roy, pozé sur un pied d’estal, en 1686, - par Mr. de Champigny, Intendant. -34. M^r. de la Chesnays. -35. autre batterie de trois pieces. -36. autre batterie de trois pieces. -37. le Palais ou logent l’Intendant, le greffier du Conseil Souverain, - et ou sont aussy les Prisons. -38. boulangerie a M^r. de la Chesnays. -39. la Maison blance a M^r. de la Chesnay. -40. moulin a M^r. de la Chesnays. -41. moulin au Roy. -42. moulins aux R. P. Jesuistes. -43. Maison a M^r. Talon, autrefois Intendant du Pays. -44. N^{tre}. dame des anges. -45. Vincent poirié. -46. L’Esuesché, a M^r. de St. Vallier. -47. Jardin de M^r. de frontenac. -48. Moulin a M^r. du Pont, ou est une batterie de trois pieces. -49. louis begin. -50. Jacque Sanson. -51. Pesche aux R. P. Jesuistes. -52. pierre Leyzeau. -53. Mathurin choüet, ou est un four a chaux. -54. batterie de trois pieces pour deffendre le passage de la - petitte R^r.. -55. Canots, pour la decouverte pendant la nuit. - - * * * * * - -Par le s^r de Villeneuve ingénieur du Roy.” - -Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 243, cites this plan, and, no. 244, refers -to a map of a little different title by Villeneuve, preserved in the -Dépôt des Fortifications des Colonies at Paris. Leclerc, _Bibliotheca -Americana_, no. 2,652, notes another early manuscript copy of this plan -(Harrisse’s no. 243) in a collection of maps of the 18th century, which -he prices at 800 francs. He calls the plan “tres belle carte manuscrite -et inédite,” not aware of the reduced engraving of it issued by Van der -Aa, of which there is a copy in a collection of maps (no. 50) formed by -Frederick North, and now in Harvard College Library. - -[707] Chapter iv. - -[708] [Benjamin Wadsworth, of Boston, was sent by Massachusetts Bay -to Albany in 1694 as one of the commissioners to treat with the Five -Nations, and his Journal is in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, i. 102-110.—ED.] - -[709] [These are particularly described in chap. ix. of the present -volume.—ED.] - -[710] [See Note B, following this chapter.—ED.] - -[711] [Frontenac’s will is printed in the _Magazine of American -History_, June, 1883, p. 465.—ED.] - -[712] Chapter viii. - -[713] “M. Bacqueville de la Potherie a décrit le premier, d’une manière -exacte, les établissemens des Français a Québec, à Montréal et aux -Trois-Rivières: il a fait connaître surtout dans un grand détail, et en -jetant, dans sa narration beaucoup d’intérêt, les mœurs, les usages, -les maximes, la forme de gouvernement, la manière de faire la guerre -et de contracter des alliances de la nation Iroquoise, si célèbre dans -cette contrée de l’Amérique-Septentrionale. Ses observations se sont -encore étendues à quelques autres peuplades, telle que la nation des -Abénaquis, etc.”—_Bib. des Voyages._ - -Charlevoix describes it as containing “undigested and ill-written -material on a good portion of Canadian history.” Cf. Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 66; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 319; -_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 63; Sabin, _Dictionary of Books relating to -America, from its Discovery to the Present Time_, vol. i. no. 2,692; -Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 1,313. It usually brings -about $10; a later edition, Paris, 1753, four volumes, is worth a -little less. - -[714] [There were two editions in this year; one in three volumes -quarto, and the other in six volumes of small size, with the plates -folded. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. iii. p. 520; Carter-Brown, vol. -iii. nos. 762, 763; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 282, who says -that “an almost endless variety exists in the editions and changes -of the parts in Charlevoix’s three volumes.” Heriot published an -abridged translation of Charlevoix in 1804; but the English reader -and the student of Canadian history owes a great deal to the version -and annotations of Dr. Shea, which this scholar printed in New York, -in six sumptuous volumes, in 1866-1872. (Cf. J. R. G. Hassard in -_Catholic World_, xvii. 721.) Charlevoix’s list of authorities with -characterizations is the starting-point of the bibliography of New -France. See Note C, at the end of this chapter.—ED.] - -[715] [See the note on the Jesuit Relations, following chap. vi., _sub -anno_ 1659.—ED.] - -[716] [Cf. H. J. Morgan’s _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, p. 65.—ED.] - -[717] [Parkman, _Frontenac_, p. 181, gives the authorities on the -massacre. La Hontan’s _Voyages_; _N. Y. Coll. Doc._, vols. iii., ix.; -Colden’s _Five Nations_, p. 115; Smith’s _New York_, p. 57; Belmont, -_Histoire du Canada_ in Faribault’s _Collection de Mémoires_, 1840; -De la Potherie, _Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale_. Shea says -(_Charlevoix_, iv. 31), “There is little doubt as to the complicity of -the New Yorkers in the Lachine massacre.”—ED.] - -[718] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 94. - -[719] An abridged edition was printed at Quebec in 1864. There is a -bibliographical sketch of Garneau in the Abbé Casgrain’s _Œuvres_, -vol. ii., first issued separately in 1866. Cf. Morgan’s _Bibliotheca -Canadensis_, p. 135. Chauveau’s discourse at his grave is in the _Revue -Canadienne_, 1867. - -[720] Mr. Alfred Garneau, who has also written a readable paper -entitled “Les Seigneurs de Frontenac,” which was originally published -in the _Revue Canadienne_, 1867, vol. iv. p. 136. The English reader -is unfortunate if he derives his knowledge of the elder Garneau’s -historical work from the English translation by Bell, who in a spirit -of prejudice has taken unwarrantable liberties with his original. - -[721] Shea gives a portrait of Ferland (_b._ 1805, _d._ 1864) in his -_Charlevoix_, and it is repeated with a memoir in the _Historical -Magazine_, July, 1865; cf. Morgan’s _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, p. 121. -His strictures on Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Histoire du Canada_ were -published in Paris, in 1853. [Cf. chap. iv. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[722] _Old Régime_, p. 61. An account of his studies in Canadian -history appeared at Montreal in 1879, in a memorial volume, _M. -Faillon, Prêtre de St. Sulpice, sa Vie et ses Œuvres_. [See the note -on the _Jesuit Relations_, following chap. vi., _sub anno_ 1642; and -Morgan’s _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, p. 118.—ED.] - -[723] The aims of partisanship always incite the detraction of rivals, -and a story which is current illustrates the passions of rivalry, if it -does not record the truth. Faillon’s book is said to have given offence -to the members of the Seminary at Quebec, and to have restored some of -the old recriminating fervor which so long characterized the relations -of the ecclesiastics of Montreal and Quebec. The priests of the -Seminary are even credited with an appeal to the Pope to prevent the -continuance of its publication. Whether this be true or not, historical -scholarship is accounted a gainer in the antidote which the Quebec -ecclesiastics applied, when they commissioned the Abbé Laverdière, -since deceased, to publish his edition of Champlain. - -[724] In the Preface to his _Old Régime_, and repeated in his -_Frontenac_, Mr. Parkman, in referring to his conclusions, said: -“Some of the results here reached are of a character which I regret, -since they cannot be agreeable to persons for whom I have a very -cordial regard. The conclusions drawn from the facts may be matter of -opinion; but it will be remembered that the facts themselves can be -overthrown only by overthrowing the evidence on which they rest, or -bringing forward counter evidence of equal or greater strength.” The -chief questioner of Parkman’s views has been the Abbé Casgrain, whose -position is best understood from his _Une Paroisse Canadienne au XVII^e -siècle_, Quebec, 1880. See Poole’s _Index_, p. 973, for reviews of -Parkman’s books. - -[725] Mr. Parkman also made it the subject of an article in the -_Atlantic Monthly_, xxxviii. 719. - -[726] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 5,000. - -[727] See Vol. III. p. 34. - -[728] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 516, 517. - -[729] There are copies of the 1597 edition in the Carter-Brown and -Harvard College libraries. They are worth from £3 to £4. Copies of the -1598 edition are in the Library of Congress, and in the Murphy, Barlow, -and Carter-Brown Collections. It is usually priced at $8 or $10. This -edition was reissued in 1603 with a new title, and the omissions of -the leaf of “epigramma;” and copies of this date are in the Library of -Congress, the Philadelphia Library, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. -A French edition, including the same maps, appeared at Douay in 1607, -with the text abridged in parts and added to in others. There is a copy -in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 59) Collection. The maps were -also reproduced, with four others not American, in the 1611 edition -of Douay, of which the Library of Congress, Harvard College, and the -Carter-Brown Collections have copies. The _America, sive novus orbis_ -of Metellus, published at Cologne in 1600, has twenty maps, which are -reduced copies with little change from Wytfliet. (Rich, 1832, no. 90; -Sabin, _Dictionary_, xii. 48,170). Harvard College Library has a copy -of Metellus. - -[730] Part of this famous map is given on p. 373. See Raemdonck’s -_Mercator_, pp. 114-138, 249. The same map was reproduced on a -different projection by Rumold Mercator in 1587, and by Corneille de -Jode in 1589; and Guillaume Jannsonius imitated it in 1606, and this in -turn was imitated by Kaerius. Girolamo Poro reproduced it at Venice on -a reduced scale in 1596. - -German and English writers have disputed over the claim for the -invention of what is known as Mercator’s projection. The facts seem to -be that Mercator conceived the principle, but did not accurately work -out the formula for parallelizing the meridians and for spreading the -parallels of latitude. Mead, on _The Construction of Maps_ (1717), -charged Mercator with having stolen the idea from Edward Wright, -who was the first to publish an engraved map on this system in his -_Certaine Errors of Navigation_, London, 1599. It seems, however, clear -that Wright perfected the formula, and only claimed to have improved, -not to have invented, the projection. Raemdonck (p. 120) gives full -references. - -[731] Dr. J. van Raemdonck published _Gérard Mercator, sa Vie et -ses Œuvres_, in 1869; a paper in the nature of a supplement by him, -“Relations commerciales entre Gérard Mercator et Christophe Plautin à -Anvers,” was published in the _Bull. de la Soc. géog. d’Anvers_, iv. -327. There is a succinct account of Mercator by Eliab F. Hall published -in the _Bulletin_ (1878, no. 4) of the American Geographical Society. -Raemdonck (p. 312) has shown that the old belief in the Latinization -of Koopman, or Kaufmann, as the original name of Mercator, is an -error,—his family name having been Cremer, which in Flemish signified -the German Kaufmann and the Latin Mercator. Raemdonck also shows that -Mercator was born in the Pays de Waas, March 5, 1512. - -[732] Leclerc, _Bibl. Amer._, no. 2,911 (45 francs). - -[733] Cf. I. C. Iselin, in _Historisch-Geographisches Lexicon_, Basel, -1726, 2d part. - -[734] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,882. Lelewel, _Géog. du Moyen Age_, -despaired of setting right the order of the various editions of -_Hondius-Mercator_; but Raemdonck, _Mercator_, p. 260, thinks he has -determined their sequence; and upon Raemdonck we have in part depended -in this account. Raemdonck mentions the copies in European libraries. -The 1607 edition was translated into French by Popellinière, the author -of _Les trois Mondes_; and other French editions were issued in 1613, -1619, 1628, 1630, 1633, 1635. Cf. Quetelet, _Histoire des Sciences, -mathématique et physique chez les Belges_, p. 116. - -[735] Known in his vernacular as Pierre van den Bergh. He had married -the sister of Jodocus Hondius. - -[736] This had 153 plates, but none touching New France, except the -map of the world. The same, with German text, appeared in 1609. About -twenty editions appeared in various languages; but that of 1627-1628 -showed 140 newly engraved maps, of which there were later Dutch (1630) -and Latin (1634) editions. In 1651, this _Atlas minor_ was increased to -two volumes, with 211 maps, having 71 (including five new maps of South -American regions) additional maps to the 140 of the 1627-1628 edition. -Cf. Raemdonck, _Mercator; Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,634; -and Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 47,887 and 47,888. - -[737] In 1633-39 it had the title, _Atlas; ou, Représentation du -Monde_, in three volumes; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,884. - -[738] The English editor was Wye Saltonstall. There are copies in -Harvard College Library and in Mr. Deane’s, and the Carter-Brown -Collection (_Catalogue_, ii. 430; cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xii. -no. 47,885). The second edition in some copies has Ralph Hall’s very -rare map of Virginia. - -[739] There is a fine copy in the Library of the Massachusetts -Historical Society; cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,886. - -[740] It is usually priced at from £7 to £10; cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. -47,883. Raemdonck, _Mercator_, p. 268, says 313 maps, of which twenty -are Mercator’s, and these last were latest used in the editions of -1640(?) and 1664. - -[741] Lelewel, _Epilogue_, p. 222. Lelewel, a Pole, passed a long exile -at Brussels, where he published, in 1852, his _Géog. du Moyen Age_. He -died in Paris in 1862; and the people of Brussels commemorated him by -an inscription on the house in which he lived. - -[742] There is also a copy in Harvard College Library. - -[743] Cf. Lelewel, _Epilogue_, p. 222. Covens and Mortier were the -publishers of what is known as the Allard Atlases, published about the -close of the century. - -[744] A list of the royal geographers of France will often serve in -fixing the dates of the many undated maps of this period. Such a list -is given from 1560 in the _Bulletin de la Soc. géog. d’Anvers_, i. 477, -and includes— - -Nicolas Sanson, in office, 1647-1667. - -P. Duval, 1664-1667. - -Adrien Sanson, first son of Nicolas, 1667. - -Guillaume Sanson, second son, 1667. - -Jean B. d’Anville (b. 1697; d. 1782), 1718. - -Guillaume Delisle (b. 1675; d. 1726), 1718. - -Jean de Beaurain (b. 1696; d. 1771; publications, 1741-1756), 1721. - -Le Rouge, 1722. - -Philip Buache (publications, 1729-1760), d. 1773. - -Roussel, 1730. - -Hubert Jaillot, 1736. - -Bernard Jaillot, 1736. - -Robert de Vaugondy (b. 1688; d. 1766), 1760. - -A _Géographie universelle, avec Cartes_, was published under Du -Val’s name in Paris in 1682. Another French atlas, A. M. Mallet’s -_Description de l’Univers_, Paris, 1683, in five volumes, contained -683 maps, of which 55 were American; and the century closed with what -was still called Sanson’s _Description de tout l’Univers en plusieurs -Cartes_, 1700, which had six maps on America. - -[745] Copy in Boston Public Library (no. 2,311.68), 112 pp., quarto, -without date. Cf. Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, no. 38; one of -the Carter-Brown copies (_Catalogue_, ii. 828) is dated 1657 (as is -the Harvard College copy), and the other, with twelve maps is dated -1662 (_Catalogue_, ii. no. 909). The entire atlas was called _Cartes -générales de toutes Parties du Monde_, Paris, 1658 (Sunderland, vol. v. -no. 11,069). - -[746] Some copies are made up as covering the dates 1654 to 1669. - -[747] Cf. Lelewel, _Epilogue_, p. 229. “The progress of geographical -science long continued to be slow,” says Hallam in his _Literature -of Europe_. “If we compare the map of the world in 1651, by Nicolas -Sanson, esteemed on all sides the best geographer of his age, with -one by his son in 1692, the variances will not appear perhaps so -considerable as one might have expected.... The Sanson family did not -take pains enough to improve what their father had executed, though -they might have had material help from the astronomical observations -which were now continually made in different parts of the world.” The -Sanson plates continued to be used in Johannes Luyt’s _Introductio ad -Geographiam_, 1692, and in the _Atlas nouveau par le Sr. Sanson et H. -Jaillot_, published in Paris about the same year. - -[748] A list of the American maps published in Holland is given on pp. -113-118 of Paullus’ _Orbis terraqueus in Tabulis descriptus_, published -at Strasburg in 1673. - -[749] Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, shows how copies of all these -atlases are often extended by additional plates. - -[750] Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no. 89. - -[751] Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no. 701; Asher’s _Essay_, etc.; -Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. iv. no. 14,548. - -[752] Cf. Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, nos. 957, etc., and Asher’s -_Essay_. - -[753] It is one of the rarest of these _Zee-Atlases_, and is worth £7 -to £10; there is a copy in Harvard College Library. - -[754] Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no. 1,667, etc. - -[755] There is a map of the world in this work which gives much the -same delineation to America. - -[756] Cf. the map on the title of the _Beschryvinghe van Guiana_, -Amsterdam, 1605 (given in Muller’s _Books on America_, 1872). The -map in Cespedes’ _Regimiento de Navigacion_, Madrid, 1606, is of -interest as being one of the few early printed Spanish maps. This, -like those in Medina, Gomara, and Herrera, is of a small scale. The -map in so well-known a book as Herrera’s _Descripcion de las Indias_ -(1601, repeated in the 1622 edition) is very vaguely drawn for the -northeastern part of America. The map in the _Detectio freti Hudsoni_, -published at Amsterdam in 1613, showed as yet no signs of Champlain’s -discoveries. - -[757] It is reproduced as a whole in Tross’s edition of Lescarbot, -Paris, 1866; in Faillon, _Colonie Française en Canada_, i. 85, and in -the _Popham Memorial_. - -[758] Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., nos. 306, 307. - -[759] See chap. viii. - -[760] Cf. Bibliographical Note in Vol. III. p. 47. - -[761] See a bibliographical note in the present volume, chap. viii. -Copies of the 1630 and 1633 editions are in Harvard College and the -Boston Public Libraries, and in Mr. Deane’s collection. - -[762] _Notes_, etc., no. 323. Harrisse also assigns to 1628 a map, -“Novveau Monde,” by Nicolai du Dauphiné, which appeared in the -French translation, 1628, of Medina’s _L’Art de Naviguer_. There is -a mappemonde of Hondius bearing date 1630, and his _America noviter -delineata_ of 1631. Of about the same date is _Den Groote Noord Zee ... -beschreven door Jacob Aertz Colom_, which appeared at Amsterdam, and -shows the North American coast from Smith Sound to Florida. Muller, -_Books on America_, 1877, no. 89, says it is “of the utmost rarity.” - -[763] Harrisse, _Notes_, etc. nos. 270, 271. - -[764] Harrisse, no. 327. Sanson had already published a map of North -America in 1650 (Harrisse, no. 325). As contemporary maps, reference -may be made to a map of Nicolosius (Harrisse, no. 268); and to one in -Wright’s _Certain Errors in Navigation_. Harrisse (no. 336) refers to -a later map of Sanson (1667), before his son published his revision in -1669. - -[765] Similar delineations of these western lakes appear on various -maps of about this time, including those credited to Valck and F. de -Witt, and others marked “P. Schenk, ex.,” and “per Jacobum de Sandrart, -Norimbergæ, B. Homann sculpsit.” Guillaume Sanson embodied the same -representations in his _Amérique septentrionale_ in 1669 (Harrisse, no. -338), and the next year (1670) they again appeared on the map attached -to Blome’s _Description of the World_. Still later they are found in -Jaillot’s _Amérique septentrionale_ (1694); in the map in Campanius’ -_Nya Swerige_ (1702), and even so late as 1741 in Van der Aa’s _Galerie -agréable du Monde_. - -[766] There were various later editions,—1662, 1674, 1677 (with map -dated 1663). - -[767] Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., nos. 269, 272, 328; Uricoechea, -_Mapoteca Colombiana_, no. 42, etc. - -[768] See the Editorial Note on the _Jesuit Relations_. - -[769] Harrisse (no. 197) refers to a manuscript map in the Paris -Archives of 1665, showing the coast from Labrador to Mexico. - -[770] Cf. Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Geographica_, no. 2,016. - -[771] See chap. vi. - -[772] Harrisse, nos. 336, 338, 344, 345, 347, 356, 363, 370; Stevens, -_Bibliotheca geographica_, p. 236. - -[773] Harrisse, no. 349. - -[774] Harrisse, no. 350. - -[775] Harrisse, no. 351. - -[776] Harrisse, no. 354. - -[777] Ibid., no. 367. - -[778] Harrisse, nos. 371, 372. - -[779] Harrisse, no. 374. - -[780] I am inclined to consider this desire of finding a new and -shorter passage to Cathay a flimsy excuse for premeditated descents -upon the Spanish conquests, and shall give my reasons in the proper -place. - -[781] [See Vol. III., chaps. iv. and v.—ED.] - -[782] _Wahlebocht_, bay of the foreigners. - -[783] [See Vol. III., chap. v.; also, later in the present chapter.—ED.] - -[784] [See this Vol., chap. ix.—ED.] - -[785] The schout-fiscal was a member of the Council, but had no vote. -He attended the sessions of the Council to give his opinion upon any -financial or judicial question; and, if required, acted as public -prosecutor. - -[786] [This was the origin of the New York Historical Society, which -held its first organized meeting in January, 1805, and occupied its -present building for the first time in 1857. (_Historical Magazine_, i. -23, 369; _Public Libraries of the United States_ [1876], i. 924.) It -was at this dedication that Dr. John W. Francis delivered his genial -and anecdotal discourse on _New York in the last Fifty Years_. - -Some good supplemental work has been done by the local historical -societies, like the Long Island (_Historical Magazine_, viii. 187), -Ulster County, and Buffalo societies.—ED.] - -[787] [Dr. O’Callaghan made the translations from the Dutch and -French, and had the general superintendence. Brodhead prepared the -Introduction, giving the history of the records. Brodhead made his -first report on his work in 1845 (Senate Documents, no. 47, of 1845), -after he had arranged and indexed his eighty volumes, also in an -address before the New York Historical Society, 1844, printed in their -_Proceedings_. This led to the arranging and binding of two hundred -volumes of the domestic archives, which had been in disorder. The -eighty volumes above named were divided thus:— - -Sixteen, 1603-1678, obtained in Holland; forty-seven, 1614-1678, -procured in England; seventeen, 1631-1763, secured in Paris. Brodhead’s -_New York_, i. 759; _Westminster Review_, new series, iii. 607. - -Asher, _Essay_, p. xlviii, says of Brodhead’s mission: “We must, -however, regret that, tied down by his instructions, he took a somewhat -narrow view of his search, and purposely omitted from his collection -a vast store of documents bearing on the history of the West India -Company.” - -The documents as published were divided thus: Vol. i. Holland -documents, 1603-1656. Vol. ii. Ibid., 1657-1678. Vol. iii. London -documents, 1614-1692. Vol. iv. Ibid., 1693-1706. Vol. v. Ibid., -1707-1733. Vol. vi. Ibid., 1734-1755. Vol. vii. Ibid., 1756-1767. Vol. -viii. Ibid., 1768-1782. Vol. ix. Paris documents, 1631-1744. Vol. x. -Ibid., 1745-1774. - -In the Introduction to vol. iii. Mr. Brodhead gives an account of the -condition of the English State-Paper Office in 1843.—ED.] - -[788] [The discourse (1847) of C. F. Hoffman on “The Pioneers of New -York,” institutes a comparison with the Pilgrims of Plymouth. Mr. -Fernow’s paper in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, v. 214, discusses the -claims of the Dutch to be considered as having educated people among -them, and the various legislative acts indicating their tolerant spirit -are enumerated in _Historical Magazine_, iii. 312. - -See Dr. De Witt’s paper on the origin of the early settlers in _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1847, p. 72. Various notices of the early families -are scattered through O’Callaghan’s notes to his _New Netherland_, -and embodied in the local histories; but genealogy has never been so -favorite a study in New York as in New England.—ED.] - -[789] _N. Y. Coll. MSS._, xxxv. 162. - -[790] Governor Ingoldsby to Lords of Trade, July 5, 1709: “I am well -informed that when the Dutch took this place from us, several books of -records of patents and other things were lost.”—_N. Y. Coll. Doc’s_, v. -83. - -[791] [_Calendar of Historical MSS. in the Secretary of State’s Office_ -(Dutch), 1630-1664, Albany, 1865; and Ibid. (English), 1664-1776, -Albany, 1866. On p. ix of the last is given a list of the papers -and volumes formerly in the offices of the Secretary of State and -Comptroller, now in the State Library. There was also printed at -Albany, in 1864, a _Calendar of the New York Colonial MSS. and Land -Papers_, 1643-1803, in the Secretary of State’s office.—ED.] - -[792] See Hakluyt, i. 218. - -[793] Hakluyt, _Principall Navigations, etc._, iii. 155, London, 1600. - -[794] Kunstmann, _Monumenta Sæcularia_, iii. 2; _Entdeckungsgeschichte -Americas_, Munich, 1859, Atlas, tab. iv. - -[795] Peter Martyr, seventh decade, tenth chapter. - -[796] Oviedo, _Relacion sumaria de la Historia Natural de las Indias_, -edition of 1526, x. 16. “While sailing westward, much land adjoining -that which is called the Baccalaos [Newfoundland], and situate under -the fortieth and forty-first degrees.” - -[797] _Mappa Mundi_ of Diego Ribero, 1529, given by Lelewel, -_Géographie du Moyen Age_; two undated maps by unknown makers, about -1532-1540, in the Munich collection, Kunstmann’s _Atlas_, tab. vi., -vii.; the globe _Regiones orbis terrarum, quas Euphr. Ulpius descripsit -anno MDXLII._; the map in the _Isolario_, by Benedetto Bordone, -Vinegia, 1547; a map by Baptista Agnese, made in 1554, mentioned by -Abbate D. Placido Zurla in _Sulle Antiche Mappe Idro geografiche -lavorate in Venezia_; map of Vaz Dourado, the original of which, made -in 1571, is in the archives at Lisbon, and a copy made in 1580 at -Munich (Kunstmann, _Atlas_, tab. x.); map in the _Cosmographie_ of Seb. -Munster, Basel, 1574; and others. - -[798] François de Belle Forest, Comingeois, _La Cosmographie -Universelle de tout le Monde_, Paris, 1575, ii. 2195. - -[799] [The bibliography of the Ptolemies is examined in another part of -this work.—ED.] - -[800] Kunstmann, _Atlas_, tab. xii. [A section of Hood’s map is given -in Dr. De Costa’s chapter in Vol. III.—ED.] See also Dudley’s _Arcano -del Mare_, 15.^2 - -[801] _Orbis Terrarum Typus de Integro multis in locis emendatus, -auctore Petro Plancio_, 1594, reproduced in Linschoten’s _Histoire -de la Navigation_, 1638 and 1644. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. -312; Quaritch (1879), no. 12,186. See also _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ -Augmentum, Cornelio Wytfliet auctore_, Duaci (Douay), 1603, p. 99. - -[802] _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York_, i. 94. - -[803] _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York_, i. 51. - -[804] [See on the first mention of Hudson River, _Magazine of American -History_, July, 1882, p. 513. It had about twenty names in a century -and a half. Ibid., iv. 404, June, 1880. De Costa, in Hudson’s _Sailing -Directions_, elucidates the claims for the Spanish discovery.—ED.] - -[805] _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York_, i. 139. - -[806] [Verrazano’s discoveries are followed in chapter i. of the -present volume.—ED.] - -[807] _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York_, ii. 80. - -[808] [It is often claimed that the map of Lok (see page 40 of Vol. -III.) showing the Western Sea of Verrazano, and published in 1582, -instigated Hudson to make search for it along the shore of New -Netherland. Hudson’s voyage of 1609 is known as his third voyage. (Cf. -a note to Mr Smith’s chapter in Vol. III. on “Explorations to the -Northwest.”) The question of the impelling cause of this voyage is -examined by Bancroft in his _United States_, vol. ii. chap. 15; by H. -C. Murphy in his _Henry Hudson in Holland_, Hague, 1859; and by J. M. -Read, in his _Henry Hudson, his Friends, Relatives, and Early Life_, -Albany, 1866, which last work has an appendix of original sources. - -The old narrative of Ivan Bardsen, which it is supposed was used by -Hudson as a guide, is given in Rafn’s _Antiquitates Americanæ_, in -Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, in the appendix of Asher’s _Hudson_, and the -English of it is given in De Costa’s _Sailing Directions of Hudson_ -(reviewed in the _Historical Magazine_, 1870, p. 204), which is -accompanied by a dissertation on the discovery of Hudson River. Cf. -also Major’s Introduction to the _Zeni Voyages_, published by the -Hakluyt Society. - -Moulton, in his _New York_, gives a running commentary on Hudson’s -passage up the river. See also the conclusions of Gay in the _Popular -History of the United States_, i. 355. We learn the most of this voyage -from Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_ (also _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1809, -vol. i.), whose third volume contains the accounts by Hudson and his -companions; and in the _Pilgrimage_ there is a chapter on “Hudson’s -Discoveries and Death,” which is mainly a summary of the documents in -the _Pilgrimes_. This is reprinted by Asher in his _Henry Hudson the -Navigator_ (Hakluyt Society), where will also be found, page 45, what -is known as Juet’s Journal, March-November, 1609 (also in Purchas, -iii. 581; Munsell’s _Annals of Albany_, and in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, i. 317; also cf. ii. 367), with extracts from Lambrechtsen’s -_New Netherland_, who used material not otherwise known, and from De -Laet’s _Nieuwe Wereld_, and in the Appendix a bibliography of the -voyage. De Laet used Hudson’s own journals (April 19, 1607-June 21, -1611), which are not now known and what De Laet gives of the third -voyage is supposed to be Hudson’s own report. Asher, p. 167-172, claims -that the matter given by Van der Donck and not found elsewhere was -fabricated to support the Dutch claim. The controversial papers of -Dawson and Whitehead, in the _Historical Magazine_, 1870, touch many -of the points of Hudson’s explorations. Brodhead’s _New York_ and -O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_ give careful studies of this voyage. The -latest developments, however, did not serve Biddle in his _Cabot_; nor -Belknap in his _American Biography_; nor R. H. Cleveland in Sparks’s -_American Biography_; nor Miller in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1810. -The chief Dutch authority is Emanuel van Meteren, of whose work mention -is made later in the text. (Cf. Asher’s _Hudson_, p. xxv; compare also -a _Collection of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch East India Company_, -London, 1703, p. 71.)—ED.] - -[809] See G. M. Asher’s _Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the -Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland_, Amsterdam, -1854-67. The _Vryheden_ of the West India Company, 1630, a sort of -primary charter to the colonists of New Netherland, is given in -English by Dr. O’Callaghan (_New Netherland_, p. 112), and in Dutch in -Wassenaer, _Hist. Verhael_, xviii. 194. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -ii. 367, shows an original copy. - -[810] Ibid.; also manuscript in the possession of Mr. J. Carson -Brevoort, _Advice to establish a new South Company_, by William -Usselinx, 1636, and _West-Indische Spieghel_ by Athanasius Inga, -of Peru, 1624, probably a work of Usselinx’s. One copy is in Mr. -Brevoort’s library, one in New York State Library, and a third in the -Carter-Brown Collection. See the _Catalogue_ of the latter collection, -ii. no. 296. - -[811] [See the following chapter.—ED.] - -[812] [This work is now rare; but copies are in the Congressional, -Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Murphy, and Lenox libraries. See Asher’s -_Essay_, pp. 83, 93.—ED.] - -[813] Born at Antwerp in 1582; died at Amsterdam, 1649. - -[814] Johan de Hulter, one of the earliest settlers of Kingston, N. Y. -His widow married Jeronimus Ebbingh, of Kingston. - -[815] _Nieuwe Wereld ofte Beschrijvinghe van West Indien, uijt -veelerhande Schriften ende Aenteekeningen bij een versamelt door -Joannes de Laet_, Leyden, 1625,—“The New World, or Description of West -Indies, from several MSS and notes collected by J. de Laet.” A second -edition in Dutch appeared, with slightly changed title, in 1630; a -third in Latin,—_Novus Orbis, seu Descriptionis Indiæ Occidentalis -Libri xviii._,—was published in 1633; and a fourth in French, entitled -_Histoire du Nouveau Monde, ou Description des Indes Occidentales_, -in 1640. The State Library at Albany, N. Y., has copies of all except -the first, and all are noted in the O’Callaghan and Carter-Brown -_Catalogues_. [A copy of the 1625 edition was priced by Muller in 1872 -at ten florins. There is a copy in Charles Deane’s library. The 1630 -edition, called “verbetert, vermeerdert, met eenige nieuwe Caerten -verciert,” has fourteen maps, engraved chiefly by Hessel Gerritsz, and -good copies are worth about six to eight guineas. The 1633 edition was -priced by Rich in 1832 at one pound ten shillings, but a good copy of -it will now bring about five guineas. The 1640 edition has appreciated -in the same time from one pound four shillings (Rich, in 1832) to two -guineas. Translations of such parts as pertain to New Netherland are -in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, new series, i. 281, and ii. 373. -Brodhead, in 1841, tried in vain in Holland to find De Laet’s papers. -De Laet’s library was sold April 27, 1650. There is a catalogue of it -noted in the _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 414.—ED.] - -[816] _Historie ofte Jaerlijck Verhael van de Verrichtingen van -de Geoctroyeerde West-Indische Compagnie sedert haer Begin tot -1636_,—“History or Yearly Account of the Proceedings of the West India -Company, from its beginning to 1636,” anno 1644. Copy in State Library, -Albany. Trömel, no. 198. [For the history of the Dutch West India -Company, see O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_, vol. i. (its charter is -given, p. 399); and a valuable contribution to the subject is also -contained in Asher’s _Essay_, in the sketch of the Company in his -Introduction, p. xiv and in the section on the Company’s history, p. -40, and on the writings of Usselinx, p. 73. He says the best history -of its fortunes is in Netscher’s _Les Hollandais au Brésil_. There -is also much of importance in T. C. de Jonge’s _Geschiedenis van het -Nederlandsch Zeewesen_, 1833-48, six volumes. The flag of the West -India Company is depicted in Valentine’s _New York City Manual_, 1863, -in connection with an abstract of a paper on “The Flags which have -waved over New York City,” by Dr. A. K. Gardner.—ED.] - -[817] [The letter of Rasieres, printed in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -ii. 339, gives us a notice of the country in 1627.—ED.] - -[818] _De Origine Gentium Americanarum_, Paris, 1643. - -[819] Bancroft, _History of the United States_, ii. 281: “The voyage -of De Vries was the cradling of a state. That Delaware exists as -a separate commonwealth is due to the colony of De Vries.” Cf. -_Proceedings of the Inaugural Meeting of the Historical Society of -Delaware_, May 31, 1864; J. W. Beekman in the _N.Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -1847, p. 86; Delaware Papers, p. 335 of _Calendar of Historical MSS. -in the State Library_ (Dutch) _at Albany_, edited by Dr. O’Callaghan, -1865, and _N. Y. Col. Docs._ vol. xii., 1877.—ED. - -[820] _Korte Historiael ende Journaels Aenteyckeninge van verscheyden -Voyagien in de vier Teelen des Wereldts Ronde, door David Pietersen -de Vries_, Alkmaar, 1655,—“Short History and Notes of a Journal kept -during Several Voyages by D. P. de Vries.” - -[Illustration] - -[This extremely rare book was first used by Brodhead (i. 381, note). It -should have a portrait by Cornelius Visscher, which has been reproduced -in Amsterdam by photolithography. Mr. Lenox paid $300 for the copy -noted in Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,615. There are also -copies in the Carter-Brown (ii. 803) and Murphy collections, and one -was sold in the Brinley sale, no. 2,717; cf. Asher, no. 336; Trömel, -no. 279; Muller (1872), no. 1,109, and (1877) no. 3,414, 240 florins, -not quite perfect; Huth, ii. 424; O’Callaghan, no. 778. Extracts from -the book were translated in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 243; and all -the parts relating to America by H. C. Murphy, in Ibid., iii. 9; and -this translation, with an Introduction, was privately reprinted by Mr. -Lenox (250 copies), in 1853.] - -[821] Title of the lowest grade of nobility in Holland. - -[822] Hon. Jer. Johnson, in the preface to his translation of Van -der Donck (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1841), says “Van Rensselaer had -arrived five years before Van der Donck.” This is an error. Kilian van -Rensselaer, the first patroon, was never in America; and when by his -death, 1646, the title to Rensselaerswyck devolved upon his infant son -Johannes, the child’s paternal uncle, Johann Baptist van Rensselaer, -undertook the personal management of the colony, but did not arrive -in America as the first representative here of the family until 1651. -O’Callaghan, in _History of New Netherland_, ii. 550, states that Van -der Donck was not allowed to practise law in New Netherland, because -“the directors could not see what advantage his pleadings before the -courts would have, as there were already lawyers in New Netherland,” -etc. This is also an error. See _N. Y. Coll. MSS._, xi. 86, where the -application is refused “because they doubted whether there were any -other lawyers who could act or plead against him.” Van der Donck was -here from 1641 to 1655, when he died. - -[823] _Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland, whegens de Ghelegentheydt, -Vruchtbaerheydt en Soberen Staet deszelfs_, In’s Gravens Hage, -1650,—“Account of New Netherland, its situation, fertility, and the -state thereof.” - -[See O’Callaghan, ii. 90, 111; Brodhead, i. 506; Asher, no. 5; Brinley, -ii. 2715; Huth, iii. 1031; Muller, 1877, p. 196, for 140 florins; -Harrassowitz, cat. no. 61, book no. 87, for 125 marks; _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, ii. 698. Brodhead found in Holland the copy now in the -New York Historical Society’s library. Mr. H. C. Murphy translated it -for 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, ii. 251, with an Introduction, and this, -with Murphy’s translation of _Breeden Raedt_, was in 1854 privately -reprinted, 125 copies, by Mr. Lenox, with a fac-simile of the map of -the Hudson from the _Zee-Atlas_ of Goos. See an extract from this map -given on a later page.—ED.] - -[824] _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York_, i. 430. - -[825] _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York_, i. 422. - -[826] _Beschrijvinge van Nieuw Nederlant, ghelijck het tegenwoordigh -in staet is, etc., door Adrian van der Donck, beyder Rechten Doctoor, -die tegenwoordigh noch in Nieuw Nederlant is_, Amsterdam, 1655; second -edition, 1656,—“Description of New Netherland as it now is, etc., by A. -van der Donck, Doctor of Laws, who is still in New Netherland.” - -[This work is perhaps the rarest and now the most costly of the -early books on New York. Stevens (_Historical Collection_, nos. 200, -1,395) says, “Copies for the last forty years have usually sold for -£12 to £21.” It is priced in Muller (1872 edition, nos. 1,079-81, -1877 edition, nos. 955, 956), 150 florins; in Leclerc (no. 866), 200 -francs. Field (_Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,592) gives some reasons -for supposing there was a third edition in 1656. (Cf. Asher, no. 7; -Brinley, ii. 2,718; Carter-Brown, ii. 801, with supplement, no. 811; -also no. 814; O’Callaghan, no. 2,315; Sabin, v. 482; Huth, v. 1514; -Trömel, nos. 280, 281.) There is a view of New Amsterdam in the first -edition which is not in the second. O’Callaghan, _New Netherland_, ii. -551, has a note on Van der Donck’s life and family. His book has been -translated by General Jeremiah Johnson in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -1841; see also second series, i. 125.—ED.] - -[827] _Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in several of the -American Colonies in 1679-1680_, by Jasper Dankers and P. Sluyter, -published from MSS. in his possession by Hon. Henry C. Murphy, in -_Collections_ of Long Island Historical Society, vol. i., 1867. See -further on the Dankers and Sluyter Journal, the notes appended to Mr. -John Austin Stevens’s chapter on “The English in New York,” in Vol. III. - -[828] The hill below Albany, N. Y., on which the fort was built -in 1618, is called by the Indians _Tawalsontha, Tawassgunshee, -Tawajonshe_, “a heap of dead men’s bones.” _Tas de jonchets_ would -be the French for the same expression. Another place near Albany was -called _Semegonce_, the place to sow; still another, _Negogance_, -the place to trade; while _semer_ and _négoce_ (_negocio_) are the -corresponding French words. - -[829] _Een kort Ontwerp van de Mahakvase Indianen, haer landt, tale, -statuere, dracht, godes-dienst ende magistrature. Aldus beschreven ende -nu kortelijck den 26 Augusti 1644 opgezonden uijt Nieuw Nederlant_, -Alkmaar, no date. It was published in Holland without his consent in -1651. Translated in Hazard’s _State-Papers_, i. 517 _et seq._, and -by J. R. Brodhead in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, iii. 137. [Muller, -_Catalogue_ (1872), no. 1,089, says but one copy of this tract is -known, which is among the Meulman pamphlets in the library of the -university at Gand.—ED.] For a biography of Megapolensis, see _Manual -of the Reformed Church in America_, third edition, p. 378. Megapolensis -says in one of his letters (_Documents relating to the History of New -York_, xiii. 423), that in his youth _he renounced popery_; he could, -therefore, hardly have been the son of a minister, as stated in the -_Manual_. - -[The general _Indian Bibliography_ of T. W. Field must be held to -indicate the sources of information regarding the condition of the -natives at the time of the Dutch occupation. Bolton, in his _West -Chester County_ (1848), endeavors by a map to place the Indian tribes -as they occupied the territory bordering the southern parts of the -Hudson. Dunlap, _New York_, i. 20, gives a map showing the territory -of the Five Nations. Dr. O’Callaghan translated in 1863 a paper in the -State archives, entitled _A Brief and True Narration of the Hostile -Conduct of the Barbarous Natives towards the Dutch Nation_, dated -1655, and gave the Indian treaty of 1645 in an appendix. Fifty copies -only were printed (Field, no. 1,147). Judge Egbert Benson published in -1817, 1825, and in the _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii., an essay on the -Dutch and Indian names, of which a copy, with his manuscript additions, -exists in Harvard College Library. - -The most important of the works of the last century is Cadwallader -Colden’s _History of the Five Nations_, originally printed at New York -in 1727. The second and third editions were printed in London, and the -English editors gave additions without distinguishing them. The best -issue is the fourth, printed in New York in 1866, exactly following -the 1727 one, and enriched with notes by John G. Shea, who gives also -its bibliographical history. (Field, no. 341.) The first place among -recent books on this confederacy must be assigned to Lewis H. Morgan’s -_League of the Iroquois_. (Field, no. 1,091.) There is more or less -illustrative of the early state of the Indians in Ketchum’s _Buffalo_ -(1864), for the Five Nations, as described in Field, no. 824; in -Benton’s _Herkimer County_ (1856), for the Upper Mohawk tribes. See -also J. V. H. Clark’s _Onondaga_ (1849), praised by Field, no. 323; A. -W. Holden’s _Queensbury_ (1874), for those of the northern parts; and -in E. M. Ruttenber’s _Indian Tribes of Hudson River_ (1872). Field, no. -1,334.—ED.] - -[830] [Published in English, with a biography of the writer, by Mr. -J. Gilmary Shea in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, iii. 161, and separately, -at Mr. Lenox’s expense, in 1862 as _Novum Belgium, an Account of New -Netherland in 1643-1644_; and also in French, _Description de Nieuw -Netherland, et Notice sur René Goupil_, etc.; cf. also _Doc. Hist. of -N. Y._, iv. 15. Jogues was in New Netherland from August, 1642, to -November, 1643. His Memoir is dated “Des 3 Riviéres en la nouvelle -France, 3 Augusti, 1646,” and the original manuscript is preserved in -the Hôtel Dieu at Quebec. Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 781. - -Mr. Shea speaks of this “as the only account by a foreigner of that -time,” not then being aware of the letter written eighteen years -earlier by the Rev. Jonas Michaelius, the first Reformed minister in -New Netherland. This manuscript, dated Aug. 11, 1628, “from the island -Manhattans,” was priced in Muller’s 1877 _Catalogue_, no. 2,121, at 375 -florins. H. C. Murphy printed an English version of it privately at the -Hague in 1858; also in O’Callaghan’s _Doc. Hist. of N. Y._, vol. ii. -It had originally appeared in the _Kerkhistorisch Archief_, Amsterdam, -1858. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 339. Muller issued a fac-simile -of it in 1876, accompanied by the Dutch transcript and Murphy’s -version, giving it a preface, and printing only a hundred copies. -Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no. 2,122, and 1872, no. 1,053, -where the original is said to be in the library of Dr. Bodel Nyenhuis -at Leyden, who had bought it at the historian Koning’s sale in 1833. -“Mr. Koning probably found it in the archives.” The letter is addressed -to Adr. Smoutius, minister in Amsterdam. _Historical Magazine_, ii. -191.—ED.] - -[831] _Beschrijvinghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlant, Nieuw Englant, -etc._, Amsterdam, 1651,—“Description of Virginia, New Netherland, New -England,” etc. With a map and engravings. - -[The book, being cheap at the time, was widely circulated, and most -copies have disappeared, as is usual with such books. (Brodhead, i. -527.) Muller, 1877, nos. 312 and 2,265, prices it at 225 florins. (Cf. -Asher, no. 6; Brinley, ii. 2,716; Trömel, no. 258; O’Callaghan, ii. 90, -111; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 721.).—ED.] - -[832] _Verheerlickte Nederlant door d’ Herstelde Zee-Vaart; klaerlijck -voorgestelt, ontdeckt en angewesen door manier van’tsamen-Sprekinge -van een Boer, ofte Landt man, een Burger ofte Stee-man, een Schipper -ofte Zeeman, etc._, 1659,—“Netherland glorified by the Restoration of -Commerce; clearly represented, discovered, and shown by Manner of a -Dialogue, etc., 1659.” - -[833] Mr. Asher, in his _Bibliographical Essay_, says that because -the author alludes to Van der Donck as Verdonck, it is less probable -that he had been in New Netherland. I do not see why a misspelling of -a name should weaken an assertion made by Mr. Asher himself to the -contrary,—if that can be called misspelling which is in reality an -abbreviation in the old Dutch MS. - -[834] _Het waere Onderscheyt tusschen koude en warme Landen, aengewesen -in de Nootsakelijckheden die daer vereyscht worden, etc., door O. K._ -In’s Graven Hage, 1659,—“The True Difference between Cold and Warm -countries, demonstrated by the Requirements necessary,” etc. A German -edition appeared at Leipzig in 1672, under the title “_Otto Keyen’s -kurtzen Entwurff von Neu Niederland und Guajana_,” long considered -an original work. A copy of this edition is in the State Library at -Albany. Cf. Asher’s _Essay_, no. 12, and Carter-Brown, ii. 1,081. - -[835] _Kort Verhael van Nieuw Nederlants Gelegentheit, Deughden, -Natuerlijcke Voorrechten en bijzondere bequaemheyt ter bevolkingh. -Mitsgaders eenige Requesten, Vertooghen, etc., gepresenteert aen de -E. E. Heeren Burgermeesters dezer Stede_, 1662,—“Short Account of New -Netherland’s Situation, Good Qualities, Natural Advantages, and Special -Fitness for Populating, together with some Petitions, Representations, -etc., submitted to the Noble, Worshipful Lord Mayors of this City, -1662.” - -[The book is very scarce. “I have found only three copies in twenty -years,” said Muller in 1872, “and sold my last at two hundred florins.” -He also refers to the further development of the writer’s liberal and -economical ideas in _Vrije Politijke Stellingen_, Amsterdam, 1665. -Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,111; Brodhead, _New York_, -i. 699; Trömel, no. 312; Asher’s _Essay_, no. 13; Carter-Brown, ii. -926.—ED.] - -[836] These two parties were originally divided on theological -questions; Gomar’s followers adhering to the religious doctrines of -the Established Church and its principles of ecclesiastical polity, -while Arminius (Harmansen), professor at Leyden, taught, among other -doctrines then considered heretical, the supremacy of the civil -authorities in clerical matters. Oldenbarnevelt, believing that the -Prince of Orange intended to make himself King of Holland, although -indifferent in religious matters, took the part of the Arminians, -because he saw in them a powerful ally, and turned the theological -controversy into a political question. - -[837] O’Callaghan, _History of New Netherland_, ii. 547. - -[838] _Bibliographical Essay_, p. 16. - -[839] O’Callaghan, _History of New Netherland_, ii. 465. - -[840] _De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld; of Beschrijving van America en’t -Zuyd Land, vervaetende d’ Oorsprong der Americaener en Zuidlanders, -gedenkwaerdige togten derwaerts, etc., beschreeven door Arnoldus -Montanus_, Amsterdam, 1671,—“The New World, or Description of America -and the South Land; containing the Origin of the Americans and South -Landers, Remarkable Voyages thither,” etc. A German edition of 1673, -_Die Unbekante neue Welt, oder Beschreibung des Weltteils America und -des Südlandes, etc._, is ascribed by the translator to Dr. O. Dapper, -who, however, only published it with other works of his collection. -[See Asher’s _Essay_, nos. 14, 15, and the note to Mr. Stevens’s -chapter in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[841] _Edward Melton’s Zee en Land Reizen door verscheide Gewesten der -Werelds. Edward Melton’s, Engelsch Edelmans, Zeldzame en Gedenkwaardige -Zee en Land Reizen, etc._, Amsterdam, 1681, reprinted in 1702,—“Edward -Melton’s Travels by Sea and Land through Different Parts of the World.” -“Edward Melton, an English Nobleman’s Curious and Memorable Travels by -Sea and Land,” etc. A part of this book was further reprinted in 1705 -as _Aenmerkenswaardige en Zeldzame West-Indische Zee en Land Reizen, -door een Voornam Engelsche Heer, E. M., en andere_,—“Remarkable and -Strange West Indian Travels by Sea and Land by a Noble Englishman, E. -M., and Others.” [Asher, _Essay_, p. xliv and nos. 16, 17, 18, points -out the clumsy, unoriginal character of Melton’s tardy information. The -O’Callaghan copy (no. 1,522) had the rare Lolonois portrait. See the -note to Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[842] _Beschrijvinghe van Oost en West Indien. Beschrijvinge van -eenige voorname Kusten in Oost en West Indien als Zuerinam, Nieuw -Nederlant, etc., door verscheidene Leefhebbers gedaen_, Leeuwarden, -1716,—“Description of East and West India.” “Description of some -Notable Coasts in East and West India, as Surinam, New Netherland, -etc., by Several Amateurs.” The description of New Netherland is a -reprint of three chapters in Melton. - -_Algemeene Wereldt Beschrijving door A. P. De la Croix_, Amsterdam, -1705. _Algemeene Weereld Beschrijving nae de rechte verdeeling der -Landschappen, Plaetsen, etc., in ’t Fransch beschreeven door den -Heer A. Pher. De la Croix, Aerdryks Beschrijver des Konings van -Frankryk_,—“General Description of the World,” by A. P. De la Croix. -“General Description of the World according to the Correct Division of -Countries, places, etc.,” written in French by A. Pher. De la Croix, -Geographer to the King of France. - -[843] Born at Antwerp, 1535; as grandson of Willem Ortels, of Augsburg, -and first cousin of the historian Abraham Ortelius, his taste for -historical studies seems to have been inherited. - -[844] Originally published in Latin at Amsterdam, 1597. Van Meteren -translated the work into Flemish, and published it in 1599; then -continued it in the same language up to 1612, in which shape it was -republished after his death at Arnhem in 1614. French editions of the -work appeared in 1618 and 1670, and a German one at Frankfort in 1669. - -[845] A native of Huisdem, in Holland, at one time teacher in the Latin -School at Haarlem. After having studied medicine and been admitted to -practice, he employed his leisure hours in collecting material for -a historical work, which he published under the title, _Historisch -Verhael al der ghedenckweerdichste Geschiedenissen, die hier en daer in -Europa, etc., voorgevallen syn_,—“Historical Account of all the most -Remarkable Events in Europe, etc.” Part of it appeared under the name -of his friend, Dr. Barend Lampe, of Amsterdam. - -[This work, covering the years 1621-1632, was first brought to light by -Brodhead (_New York_, i. 46), who has given an abstract of it in 2 _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 355. (Cf. _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. 27.) It -contains the earliest reports on New Netherland printed at Amsterdam. -It is described in Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,745, and was -first noticed by Asher, _Essay_, no. 330; Carter-Brown, ii. 276.—ED.] - -[846] He says: “Alsoo de Staeten van de Vereenigde Nederlandsche -Provintien door de 12 jaerighe Trefves, die nu (1621) een eijndt nam, -in West Indien te trafiqueeren uijtgeslooten waeren, soo ist, dat -sij bevindende door het jus gentium, dat de Zeevaert een ijeder vrij -staet, gedestineert hebben een Companie op te rechten om op de Landen -te negotieeren, die de Coningh van Spaengien besit,”—“As the States of -the United Provinces have been excluded from trading to the West Indies -by the truce of twelve years now expiring, upon finding that by the -law of nations the navigation is open to everybody, they have resolved -to organize a company for trade to the countries owned by the King of -Spain.” - -[847] Lieuwe van Aitzema, son of the Burgomaster of Dockum, born -1600, and himself in high official position, died 1669. Michaud, -_Bibliographie Universelle_, says: “Ce qui donne une si haute -importance à l’ouvrage d’A. c’est cette foule d’actes originaux, -...dont il a fait usage et qu’il a su tirer des archives et des dépôts -les plus secrets [not always by quite proper means].” Wiquefort, in his -_Ambassadeur_, criticises Aitzema sharply: “Elle [l’histoire d’A.] peut -servir comme d’inventaire à ceux qui n’ont point d’accès aux archives -d’État, mais ce que l’auteur a ajouté ne vaut pas la gazette. Il n’a -point de style, son langage est barbare, et tout l’ouvrage n’est qu’un -chaos.” However, he deserves our gratitude for throwing light upon -the events of his time, and for giving us trustworthy and abundant -information. - -[848] _Affairs of State and War in and concerning the United -Netherlands_, 1621-1669; _The Re-instated Lion_, 1650. The first -edition of Saken, etc., appeared during the years 1657 to 1671; a -second edition, containing the _Herstelde Leeuw_, 1669-1672. The work -was continued by Lambert Sylvius or Van den Bosch up to 1697. - -[Illustration] - -[849] _Broad_ [wholesome] _Advice to the United Netherland Provinces -... composed and given from divers ... documents by J. A. G. W. C._ -[Its authorship is assigned to Cornelis Melyn by Brodhead, _New York_, -1. 509, and by Henry C. Murphy, who translates it in 2 _N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._ iii. 237, and says it affords some facts not known from -other sources. Extracts were reprinted in translation by F. W. Cowan at -Amsterdam in 1850, and again in the _Documentary History of New York_, -iv. 65. Brodhead censures this translation. Cf. Asher’s _Essay_, no. -334, who first gave it the prominence it deserves, and disbelieves in -Melyn’s authorship, and goes into a long examination of the question. -It is priced at from £20 to £40. Stevens’s _Hist. Coll._ i. 1,525; -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. 112; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 664; -Brinley, no. 2,714.—ED.] - -[850] _N. Y. Coll. Doc._ i. 16, and _N. Y. Coll. MSS._ - -[851] _N. Y. Coll. MSS._ - -[852] He was born 1709, and died 1773. Cf. Asher’s _Bibliographical -Essay_. - -[853] _Vaderlandsche Historie_, ix. 227. “Resolved, that by carrying -the war over to America the Spaniards be attacked there, where their -weakest point was, but whence they drew most of their revenues. That a -great part of America reaching thence to both poles was unknown (not -undiscovered).” - -[854] The full title of the twelfth part is: _Zwölfte Schiffart, oder -kurze Beschreibung der Newen Schiffart gegen Nord-osten über die -Amerikanischen Inseln, von einem Englander, Henry Hudson, erfunden_. -Oppenheim, 1627. - -[855] _West und Ost-Indischer Lustgart, Eygentliche Erzaehlung wann vnd -von wem die Newe Welt erfunden, besaegelt vnd eingenomen worden, vnd -was sich Denckwuerdiges darbey zugetragen._ Koeln, 1618. - -_Newe vnd warhaffte Relation von deme was sich in den West vnd Ost -Indien vonder Zeit an zugetragen, dass sich die Navigationes der -Holleandischen vnd Engländischen Companien daselbsthin angefangen -abzuscheiden._ Muenchen, 1619 (by Nicolai Elend). - -[856] _Philippi Cluverii Introductio in Universam Geographiam._ Leyden, -1629. The edition of 1697 was published with notes by Hekel, Reiske, -and Bunon. - -[857] The same Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt published in 1655 _Newe Welt -vnd Amerikanische Historien_. A later German geographer of America -was Hans Just Winckelmann, whose _Der Amerikanischen neuen Welt -Beschreibung_, Oldenburg, 1664, I have not seen. Nor have I seen any -works of French contemporary writers, as Pierre Davity, _Description -générale de l’Amérique, 3^{me} partie du monde, avec tous ses empires, -royaumes_, etc., Paris, 1643, 2d edition, 1660; M. C. Chaulmer, _Le -Nouveau Monde, ou l’Amérique chrétienne_, Paris, 1659. [The last is in -Harvard College Library; but without present interest.—ED.] - -[858] _A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, -and of Sundry Accidents therein occurring, from the year 1607 to this -present 1622._ - -[859] To Purchas: see 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._ vol. i. - -[860] _N. Y. Coll. Doc._ iii. 17. - -[861] _A Description of the Province of New Albion and a Direction for -Adventurers with small Stock to get two for one and good Land freely; -and for Gentlemen and all Servants, Laborers, and Artificers to live -plentifully, etc. Printed in the year 1648 by Beauchamp Plantagenet, -of Belvil in New-Albion._ [Reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii. See -documents in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Pub. Fund_, ii. 213; and Professor G. B. -Keen’s note on Plowden’s Grant in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[862] _N. Y. Col. Doc._ iii. 6 _et seq._ - -[863] [Cf. on this alleged Argal incursion, Palfrey’s _New -England_, i. 235, and George Folsom in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. -332. Brodhead, i. 140, 754, doubts it.—ED.] - -[864] See the patent in Hazard, _State-Papers_, i. 160. Doubts have been -raised whether such a grant was ever made, or if made, whether it was -ever acted upon by Sir Edmund; but the statement of Van der Donck in his -_Vertoogh van Nieuw Nederland_ should dispose of such doubts forever. -When Sir Edmund came to New Netherland he was poor and in debt, without -friends to help him; and seeing that the Dutch had a fort and soldiers, -it was quite a matter of course that he returned to Virginia, saying he -would not quarrel with the Dutch.—ED. - -[865] Vol. iv. part i. - -[866] _A Short Discovery of the Coast and Continent of America, from -the Equinoctial Northward, by William Castle (Castell), Minister of the -Gospel at Courtenhall, Northamptonshire, England_, 1644; reprinted in -_Collection of Voyages and Travels, and compiled from the Library of -the late Earl of Oxford_, 1745. It states very oddly that, “Near the -great North River the Dutch have built a castle ... for their more free -trading with many of Florida, who usually come down the River Canada, -and so by land to them,—a plain proof Canada is not far remote.” -The mouth of Delaware Bay is according to Castle under 41° north -latitude. [Extracts are printed in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, iii. 231. The -book itself is in Harvard College Library; also in the _O’Callaghan -Catalogue_, no. 561.—ED.] - -[867] _Journal of the Transactions and Occurrences in Massachusetts and -other N. E. Colonies from 1630-44._ Edited by Noah Webster, Hartford, -1790; and _History of New England, from the Original MSS. and Notes -of John Winthrop_; with Notes by James Savage, Boston, 1825. [These -two titles represent the same book, the later edition being much the -superior. See Vol. III. O’Callaghan (_New Netherland_, i. 274) says, -“The statements of the New England writers in general on matters -occurring in New Netherland, must be received, for obvious reasons, -with extreme caution;” and he disputes the usual assertion of the New -England writers, that Roger Williams was instrumental in preserving -the peace between the Dutch and the Indians on Long Island. (_New -Netherland_, i. 276.) For the diplomacy that passed between the New -Plymouth people and the Dutch in 1627, see 2 _New York Historical -Collections_, i. 355; cf. Bradford’s _New Plymouth_, pp. 223, 233.—ED.] - -[868] _Cosmographie in Four Books, containing the Chorographie and -Historie of the whole World_, London, 1657, by Peter Heylin, D.D., -Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, Rector of Hemmingford and Houghton, -and Prebendary of Westminster, “in his younger days an excellent -poet, in his elder a better historian” (_Athenæ Oxonienses_). From -the preface to the latter it appears that the _Cosmographie_ was an -amplification or enlarged edition of a _Microcosmus_, published in -1622, by the same author, who during his lifetime wrote and published -about forty works of a theological, educational, or political -character. (Sabin, _Dictionary_, viii. 260; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, -1086-87.) There were other editions of various dates, for which see -Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 1059. - -[869] _Account of two Voyages to New England_, London, 1675, reprinted -in 3 _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii_. John Josselyn was the son of Sir -Thomas Josselyn and brother of Henry, one of the commissioners to -organize the government of Maine under its first charter. Henry settled -finally in Plymouth Colony. [See further on Josselyn and his books in -Vol. III.—ED.] - -[870] _Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in several of the -American Colonies in 1679-1680_. [Cf. notes to Mr. Stevens’s chapter -in Vol. III. The Labadist P. Schluter was in New Netherland in 1682, -and his journal was printed from the original manuscript by Mr. H. C. -Murphy, for the Bradford Club, in 1867.—ED.] - -[871] [Cf. “Indian traditions of the first arrival of the Dutch in New -Netherland,” in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. i.—ED.] - -[872] John Thurloe, born 1616, died 1668, was the son of the Rev. -Thomas Thurloe, Rector of Abbots Roding, Essex. Through the protection -of Oliver St. John, solicitor-general under Charles I., he easily -obtained appointments and promotions in the official circles. His -collection of papers was published by Dr. Birch in 1742. - -[873] Ferdinando Gorges, _A briefe Narration of the original -undertakings of the Advancement of Plantations in America_, London, -1658; and _America painted to the Life_, London, 1658, 2d ed., 1659. -Sir Ferdinando Gorges was the patentee of Maine. [See chap. ix. of Vol. -III.—ED.] - -Samuel Clarke, _A Geographical Description of all the Countries in the -known World_, London, 1657. - -_A Book of the Continuation of Foreign Passages; That is, the Peace -between this Commonwealth and the Netherlands_, 1654, London, 1656, -printed by M. S. for Thomas Jenner. - -Richard Blome, _Isles and Territories belonging to his Majestie in -America_, 1673, and _The present State of his Majesties Isles and -Territories in America_, 1687. - -Daniel Denton, _A Brief Description of New York, formerly New -Netherland_, London, 1670. [See the notes to chap. x. of Vol. III.—ED.] - -[874] William Smith, Jr. was born in New York city in June, 1728; he -graduated at Yale College in 1745; was appointed clerk of the Court -of Chancery in 1748, and admitted to the Bar in 1750. Through the -influence of his father, then attorney-general of the province, the -revision of the provincial laws was intrusted to him and his law -partner, William Livingston. In 1757 he published his _History of New -York_. The breaking out of the Revolution found him a member of the -council and a faithful adherent of the Crown. After some tribulation, -he was allowed to proceed to New York city, whence he finally went to -England, and thence to Canada, where he died as chief-justice in 1793. -[Cf. the estimate of Smith in Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[875] _Kort Beschrijving van de Ontdekking ende de navolgende -Geschiedenis der Nieuwen Nederlande door N. C. Lambrechtsen op -Ritthem, Chevalier, etc., Groot Pensionarius van Zealand_, Middelburg, -1818,—“A Short Description of the Discovery and Subsequent History -of New Netherland, a Colony in America of the Republic of the United -Netherlands.” [There is a translation in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._ i. 75. -See Sabin, _Dictionary_, x. 38,745.—ED.] - -[876] _History of the State of New York, including its Aboriginal and -Colonial Annals_, by John V. N. Yates, Secretary of State, and Jos. W. -Moulton, New York, 1824. [This work is almost entirely Moulton’s. A -second part was published in 1826, when the work was stopped for want -of patronage. It covers 1609-1632. Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, nos. -1,104, 1,704.—ED.] _The Natural, Statistical, and Civil History of -the State of New York_, by James Macauley, 1829,—rather a chorography -with copious topographical additions, a compilation of dry facts. _The -History of the State of New York, from the first Discovery to the -Present Time_, by F. S. Eastman, 1833, devotes only ten small octavo -pages to the Dutch period. _History of the New Netherlands, Province of -New York, and State of New York_, by Wm. Dunlap, 1839. [See Stevens’s -chapter, in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[877] Dunlap, for instance, lets Schenectady be planted shortly after -Fort Orange, in 1614, and considers the remnants of foundations found -in Trinity Church-yard to indicate the location of the first Dutch fort -on Manhattan Island, while they must have been the remnants of the -city wall, running from the East River, along the present Wall Street, -through Trinity Church-yard to the North River,—hence the name of Wall -Street. - -[878] Anniversary Discourse before New York Historical Society, 1828, -in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, vol. i. - -[879] Dr. Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan was born at Mallow, near Cork, -Ireland, in 1797. After studying medicine in his native country and in -Paris, he came to Canada in 1823, where he soon took an active part in -politics on the patriots’ side. He was compelled to fly to the United -States, and settled at Albany in 1837. Here he worked diligently in the -field of American history, with results most gratifying to the student, -until 1870, when he removed to New York, where he died in 1880. - -[Dr. O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_ is divided thus: Book i., -1492-1621; ii., 1621-1638; iii., 1639-1647. He also printed a few -copies of the _Register of New Netherland_, 1626-1674, giving the names -of the pioneers. John G. Shea printed an account of O’Callaghan in the -_Magazine of American History_, v. 77. The _Catalogue_ of his library, -sold in New York December, 1882, represents a collection rich in works -in the fields of his special studies.—ED.] - -[880] [Cf. Mr. Stevens’s estimate of Brodhead in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[881] [One of the most interesting of such is _The Anthology of New -Netherland_, by Henry C. Murphy, published (125 copies) by the Bradford -Club in 1865, which includes, with enlargements, Mr. Murphy’s privately -printed _Jakob Steendam, a Memoir of the First Poet in New Netherland_, -The Hague, 1861. Steendam was the minister of the Protestant Church in -New Amsterdam. Muller, _Catalogue_ (1872), nos. 1,092 _et seq._; (1877) -nos. 3,063 _et seq._, notes several of Steendam’s publications. Cf. -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 862, 898.—ED.] - -[882] “Illa in terram suis lintribus, quas canoas vocant exuderunt,” -says Peter Martyr. - -[883] _The Pompey Stone: a Paper read before the Oneida Historical -Society_, by Dr. H. A. Homes State Librarian, Albany, 1881. - -[884] [It is no. 2,390 in the _Catalogue_.—ED.] - -[885] [Fac-similes of it are also given in Valentine’s _Manual_, 1858; -in _Pennsylvania Archives_, second series, vol. v. Muller, _Books on -America_, iii. 143, and _Catalogue_ of 1877, no. 3,484, describe the -only other copy known. It is a colored map, and extends from Panama to -Labrador.—ED.] - -[886] [O’Callaghan, i. 433, gives a list of settlers in -Rensselaerswyck, 1630-1646. (Cf. Munsell’s _Albany_, ii. 13, and the -map of 1763 in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. 552, and Weise’s _Troy_, -1876.) In 1839 Mr. D. D. Barnard appended a sketch of the Manor of -Rensselaerswyck to his discourse on the life of Stephen Van Rensselaer. - -Much credit is due to Mr. Joel Munsell for his efforts to increase -interest in the study of American affairs, and particularly for his -labors upon the history of Albany and its neighborhood. He died in -1880. (Cf. _Historical Magazine_, x. 44; xv. 139, 270; _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p. 239.) He gives an account of his method -and results in issuing historical monographs in small editions, in -_Historical Magazine_, February, 1869, p. 139. His _Annals of Albany_ -appeared in ten volumes, from 1850 to 1859 (pp. 27-36 of vol. i. were -never printed); his _Collections on the History of Albany_, four -volumes, 1865-1871. See _N. E. Hist. and Geneal._ Reg., 1868, p. 104. -He published in 1869 J. Pearson’s _Early Records of Albany and the -Colony of Rensselaerswyck_, 1656-1675, translated from the Dutch, with -notes; and Wm. Barnes’s _Early History of Albany_, 1609-1686, was -privately printed by him in 1864, with a map of Albany, 1695. On the -early Dutch history of this region, see also General Egbert L. Viele’s -“Knickerbockers of New York two centuries ago,” in _Harper’s Monthly_, -December, 1876; a paper on the Van Rensselaers in _Scribner’s Monthly_, -vi. 651; and some landmarks noticed in B. J. Lossing’s _Hudson River_, -p. 124, etc.—ED.] - -[887] [It is given in fac-simile in the Lenox edition (1862) of -Jogues’s _Novum Belgium_, edited by Shea, who also gave it in his -edition, 1865, of the tract, _The Commodities of the Iland called -Manati ore long Ile_. Cf. Asher’s List, no. 3; Armstrong’s _Essay on -Fort Nassau_, p. 7. Copies more or less faithful of De Laet’s map -appeared in Janssonius and Hondius’s _Atlas_ of 1638, and in the _Novus -Atlas_ of Johannes Janssonius, Amsterdam, 1658; again in 1695, with -the imprint of Valk and Schenk; and earlier, in 1651, reduced and not -closely copied, but with some new details, in the _Beschrijvinghe van -Virginia_, etc.; and of this last a photo-lithographic fac-simile was -made at Amsterdam a few years ago.—ED.] - -[888] [This map belongs to Robert Dudley’s _Della Arcano del Mare_, -Firenze, 1647, i. 57, of which there was a second edition, corrected -and enlarged, in 1661. The 1647 edition is very rare, and the only copy -known to me in America is in Harvard College Library. The author of -the note on the map in the _Documents relative to the Colonial History -of New York_, vol. i., where a fac-simile of it is given, did not seem -to be aware of its origin. The Rev. E. E. Hale, in the _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._, October, 1873, describes some of the original drawings for -Dudley’s maps preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and says the -engraver has omitted some of the names given in the drawing. (_Memorial -History of Boston_, i. 59.) The map of New Netherland differs from -other maps of its time, and is not noticed by Asher. Lucini says that -he was at work for twelve years on the plates, in an obscure village -of Tuscany. The work is usually priced at £20 or £25. Quaritch’s -_Catalogue_, 321, no. 11,971. Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, 2,747 -(150 francs.)—ED.] - -[889] [Cf. the notes to Dr. De Costa’s chapter, in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[890] [It is not easy to discriminate between these editions, as copies -are often made up of various dates; but I have observed these dates: -1642, 1645, 1647, 1649, 1650, 1655, 1658, etc. The Dutch inscriptions -on these earlier maps of New Netherland are quite different from those -on the Latin later ones.—ED.] - -[891] [Sabin’s _Dictionary_, ii. 5,714; Baudet’s _Leven en Werken van -W. J. Blaeu_, Utrecht, 1871, pp. 76, 114.—ED.] - -[892] [Cf. a dissertation on his work in Clément’s _Bibliothèque -curieuse_, iv. 287.—ED.] - -[893] [From 1659 to 1672 it was issued with Spanish text, ten volumes, -but not including the American parts; in 1662 to 1665, with Latin text, -eleven volumes, the last devoted to America, usually with twenty-three -maps; in 1663, in French, twelve volumes; in 1664 to 1665 in Dutch, -but somewhat abridged. (Cf. Asher’s _List_, Muller’s _Catalogue_, -Armstrong’s _Fort Nassau_, p. 7, on the map of 1645 particularly.) -Muller says of this final edition: “The part treating of America may be -regarded as the first atlas of what is now the United States, in the -same sense as Wytfliet may be called the first special atlas of America -in general.” He afterwards added a _Theatrum Urbium_. The younger Blaeu -also issued, in 1648, an immense map of the world in two hemispheres, -twenty-one sheets. (Hallam’s _Literature of the Middle Ages_, iv, 48; -Muller’s _Catalogue_, 1877, no. 346).—ED.] - -[894] [It was based on Mercator’s plates, which were bought in 1604 by -his father-in-law, Iodocus Hondius, an engraver, who was born in 1546; -worked in London, where he learned the Wright-Mercator projection, -and later published maps in Amsterdam, including the new edition of -Mercator, adding new plates, and died in 1611. But subsequent editions -(1617-1635), etc., of the atlas were known as Mercator’s and Hondius’s. -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, ii. 5014.—ED.] - -[895] Quaritch’s _Catalogue_, 259, nos. 19 and 20. - -[896] [The same Jansson map of New Netherland is reproduced in his -_Atlas Contractus_ of 1666. Some editions of Jansson’s _Novus Atlas_ -have the same text as Blaeu’s, with the maps, of course, different from -Blaeu’s.—ED.] - -[897] [This map is given in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[898] See _New York Colonial Documents_, xii. 183. - -[899] [_List of the Maps and Charts of New Netherland_, Amsterdam, -1855, and usually bound with his _Bibliographical Essay_.—ED.] - -[900] [Cf. notes to Mr. Stevens’s chapter, in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[901] Cf. Brodhead, _New York_, i. 621. Muller priced a copy at forty -florins. _Catalogue_ (1877), no. 2,271. - -[902] [See Mr Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III. The New Netherland map (of -which a section is given herewith) is reproduced in Mr. Asher’s _List_, -with a tabulated list of names as they appear on this and the other -early maps. Van der Aa issued a map called “Nouvelle Hollande,” giving -the coast from the Penobscot to the Chesapeake.—ED.] - -[903] [A phototype of it is herewith given. Other fac-similes of -this map are in O’Callaghan’ _New Netherland_, ii. 312; _Banquet of -the Saint Nicholas Society_, in 1852; Valentine’s _Manual_, 1852, -and his _City of New York_; 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. i.; -Munsell’s _Albany_; Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. -249; Dunlap’s _New York_, i. 84; and _Pennsylvania Archives_ (second -series), v. 233. - -Modern eclectic maps, showing the Dutch claims and possessions, may be -seen in Brodhead’s _New York_ (according to the charters of 1614 and -1621); in Bancroft’s _United States_, ii. 297; in Ridpath’s _United -States_ (showing the various European colonies in 1655); and in Lamb’s -_New York_, i. 218 (the same).—ED.] - -[904] Mr. Muller pays a warm tribute to Asher and his _Essay_ in his -_Catalogue_ (1872), no. 1,052. “I always believed this book,” he says, -“to be a striking example of what intuition and discernment, combined -with great zeal, can do.” (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxxvi.) -Asher’s book may be supplemented by P. A. Tiele’s _Bibliotheek van -Nederlandsche pamfletten_, 1858-1861, based on Muller’s collection, -which gives 9,668 Dutch pamphlets published 1482-1702, adding to -Asher’s enumeration many others relating to America; and again the -Dutch-American student will find further help from J. K. van der Wulf’s -_Catalogus van de Tractaten in de bibliotheek van Isaac Meulman_, -Amsterdam, 1866-1868, three vols.,—a privately printed book in a -collection now in the library of the University of Gand. (Muller’s -_Catalogue_ [1872], nos. 108, 114; [1877] nos. 3,202, 3,566.) These two -works show 19,077 pamphlets published in the United Provinces from 1500 -to 1713. - -[905] It consists of Part I. (1872), books, nos. 1-2,339. Part II. -(1875), supplement of books, nos. 2,340-3,534. Part III. _a._ (1874) -portraits, nos. 1-1,280; _b._ (1874) autographs, nos. 1-1,508; _c._ -(1874) plates, nos. 1-1,855; _d._ (1875) atlases and maps, nos. -1-2,288. Many of the larger notes in this catalogue were not repeated -in the consolidated _Catalogue of Books and Pamphlets, Atlases, Maps, -Plates, and Autographs relating to North and South America_, nos. -1-3,695, which Mr. Muller issued in 1877. In the preface of his 1872 -_Catalogue_ Mr. Muller speaks of his American collection, which formed -the basis of Mr. Asher’s _Essay_; this collection he sold in 1858 -to Brockhaus, and another was sold in 1866 to Henry Stevens,—all of -which, as well as later acquisitions, formed the foundation of his -_Catalogue_. “Since I began my present business,” says Mr. Muller in -1872, “now more than thirty years ago, my firm conviction has been that -the antiquarian bookseller can largely serve science, bibliography, -or literary history especially, without forgetting his own profit.... -An antiquarian bookseller who is not himself a student, or at least -desirous of furthering science by the aid of his connections, will -hardly be as successful as he might be in another less scientific -calling. Experience has amply shown me that this opinion, merely a -loose impression when I first started in business, was correct.” Mr. -Muller was born in Amsterdam, July 22, 1817, and was early apprenticed -to his uncle, a bookseller of that town, and in 1843 he became a -bookseller on his own account, and identified himself thereafter with -bibliography. His pupil and friend, Otto Harrassowitz, printed a memoir -of Muller in the German _Börsenblatt_, no. 48; and there is also a -sketch with an engraved portrait in _Trübner’s Literary Record_, new -series, vol. ii. (1881) no. 1. He died Jan. 6, 1881. - -[906] Of his tract on the Stadthuys and the views of that building, see -Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III. - -[907] See the preceding chapter. - -[908] In a letter of the 27th of April, of that year, Gustavus also -commended the project to the Swedish Lutheran bishops, “the rather,” -says Geijer, “that the Company was to labor for the conversion of -the heathen.” Some popular verses of the day are cited by the same -historian, attributing the solicitation of the clergy to invest their -funds in the venture to motives not so pious. - -[909] Portraits of Gustavus Adolphus and Axel Oxenstjerna, copied -from originals in Sweden, are owned by the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania. - -[910] According to Campanius, the Swedish Government likewise obtained, -through Johan Oxenstjerna, ambassador to King Charles I. of England, -in 1634, the renunciation in their favor of all pretensions of the -English to the territory afterward known as New Sweden, based on the -right of first discovery,—a statement “confirmed by von Stiernman,” -says Acrelius, “out of the official documents, the article of cession -being preserved in the royal archives before the burning of the palace” -of Stockholm in 1697. Sprinchorn recently searched the archives of -Sweden for official testimony on the subject without avail, although he -“met with the declaration of Campanius in more than one contemporaneous -instrument.” The succeeding passage in Campanius, relating to the -claims of the Hollanders, has been grossly mistranslated by Du Ponceau -(misleading Reynolds, the translator of Acrelius), even to the -mentioning of a treaty confirming the purchase of the Dutch title by -the Swedes, regarding which nothing whatever appears in the original. - -[911] See the preceding chapter. - -[912] This letter is as follows:— - -Whereas many kingdoms and countries prosper by means of navigation, and -parts of the West Indies have gradually been occupied by the English, -French, and Dutch, it seems to me that the Crown of Sweden ought not -to forbear to make also its name known in foreign lands; and therefore -I, the undersigned, desire to tender my services to the same, to -undertake, on a small scale, what, by God’s grace, should in a short -time result in something great. - -In the first place, I have proposed to Mr. Peter Spiring to make a -voyage to the Virginias, New Netherland, and other regions adjacent, -certain places well known to me, with a very good climate, which might -be named Nova Suedia. - -For this expedition there would be required a ship of 60, 70, or 100 -läster [120, 140, or 200 tons], armed with twelve guns, and sufficient -ammunition. - -For the cargo, 10,000 or 12,000 gulden would be needed, to be expended -in hatchets, axes, kettles, blankets, and other merchandise. - -A crew of twenty or twenty-five men would be wanted, with provisions -for twelve months, which would cost about 3,400 gulden. - -In case the Crown of Sweden would provide the ship with ammunition, -with twelve soldiers, to garrison and hold the places, and likewise -furnish a bark or yacht, for facilitating trade, the whole [additional] -expense might come to about 1,600 gulden,—one half of which I myself -will guarantee, Mr. Spiring assuming the other half, either on his own -account or for the Crown, the same to be paid at once, in cash. - -As to the time of sailing, the sooner we start the better; for, -although trade does not begin till spring, by being on the spot in -season, we can get on friendly terms with the savages, and induce them -to collect as many furs as possible during the winter, and may hope to -buy 4,500 or 6,000 beaver skins, thus acquiring a large capital from so -small a commencement, and the ability to undertake more hereafter. - -The Crown of Sweden might favor the beginners of this new enterprise -with a charter, prohibiting all other persons from sailing from Sweden -within the limits of _Terra Nova_ and Florida for the space of twenty -years, on pain of confiscation of ship and cargo. And as it often -happens that French or Portuguese vessels are met with on the ocean, -authority should likewise be granted to capture such ships, and bring -them as lawful prizes to Sweden. Also, it should be conceded that all -goods of the Company for the first ten years be free of duty both -coming in and going out. - -And, as the said land is suited for growing tobacco and various kinds -of grain, it would be well to take along proper persons to cultivate -these, who might at the same time be employed as garrison. - -In addition, the advantages to be derived from the enterprise in course -of time by the Crown of Sweden could be indicated orally by me, if I -were called to Sweden to give a more detailed account of everything. -However, that shall be as the gentlemen of the Government see fit. - -This is designed briefly to serve your Excellency as a memorandum. I -trust your Excellency will write an early answer from Sweden to my -known friend [Blommaert?], whether the work will be undertaken, so that -no time be lost, and others anticipate an enterprise which should bring -so great profit to the Crown of Sweden. - -Herewith wishing your Excellency _bon voyage_, I remain - -Your Excellency’s faithful servant, - -PIETER MINUIT. - -AMSTERDAM, June 15, 1636. [Illustration] - -[913] Compare documents printed by Sprinchorn with an examination of -Mr. Lamberton by Governor Printz, at Fort Christina, July 10, 1643, in -the Royal Archives at Stockholm. Acrelius, misinterpreting a statement -in Lewis Evans’s _Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British -Colonies in America_ (Philadelphia, 1755), bounds New Sweden on the -west by the Susquehanna River. - -[914] A portrait of Queen Christina is owned by the Historical Society -of Pennsylvania. - -[915] Either this expedition or the preceding one under Minuit was -accompanied by the Rev. Reorus Torkillus, a Swedish Lutheran clergyman, -of Öster-Götland. Ten other companions of Minuit or Hollender are -mentioned in a foot-note to the writer’s translation of Professor -Odhner’s “Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning,” in the _Pennsylvania -Magazine of History_, iii. 402, among whom Anders Svenson Bonde, Anders -Larsson Daalbo, Peter Gunnarson Rambo, and Sven Gunnarson are the best -known in the subsequent history of the colony. - -[916] It is only spoken of once in documents still preserved to -us,—namely, in the Instructions to Governor Printz, Aug. 15, 1642. -Bogardt himself is also referred to as “one Bagot,” in Beauchamp -Plantagenet’s _Description of New Albion_. - -[917] The names of forty-two persons who took part in this expedition -are given in a note of the writer in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of -History_, iii. 462, _et seq._,—the most conspicuous of these being -Lieutenant Måns Kling, a Swedish Lutheran clergyman called “Herr -Christopher,” Gustaf Strahl (a young nobleman), Carl Janson (for many -years Printz’s book-keeper), Olof Person Stille, and Peter Larsson Cock -(afterward civil officers under the Dutch and English). - -[918] The name given on Lindström’s map to the Cape Cornelius of -Visscher’s and other Dutch maps, which apply the name of Hinlopen to -the “false cape,” twelve miles farther south, at the mouth of Rehoboth -Bay. It corresponds with the present Cape Henlopen. - -[919] Twenty-three of these are mentioned in a foot-note to the -writer’s translation of Odhner’s work before referred to, _Pennsylvania -Magazine of History_, iii. 409; the most prominent of whom are Sergeant -Gregorius van Dyck, Elias Gyllengren, Jacob Svenson, and Jöran Kyn -Snöhvit. - -[920] That at the Schuylkill, or a stronghold which superseded it, -is mentioned in a report of the Dutch Commissary Hudde as situated -“on a very convenient island at the edge of the Kil,” identified by -Dr. George Smith as Province or State Island, at the mouth of the -Schuylkill, which river, says Hudde, “can be controlled by it.” - -[921] [See Professor Keen’s paper on New Albion in Vol. III.—ED.] - -[922] It may be proper to note that the Governor himself does not seem -at first to have been satisfied with the sincerity of the aborigines, -and, in keeping with his former profession of arms, even appeals in his -report of 1644 to the authorities in Sweden for a couple of hundred -soldiers to drive the savages from the Delaware, arguing also that the -Dutch and English would be more likely to respect rights acquired from -the natives not merely by purchase, but also by the sword. - -[923] This vessel alone is named in Printz’s reports of 1644 and 1647. -In a communication, however, of Queen Christina to the Admiralty, -of the 12th of August, 1645, and in her Majesty’s letter to Captain -Berendt Hermanson, of the 8th of the preceding May, preserved in the -registry of the Admiralty in the naval archives of Sweden, the “Kalmar -Nyckel” is mentioned, with the “Fama,” as having made “the voyage -to Virginia” under the commander named. On her return this ship met -with detention in Holland similar to that incurred by the “Fama,” but -finally arrived in Sweden with 53,100 pounds of tobacco. So large a -cargo certainly was not raised in New Sweden (which place, probably, -was not visited by the vessel), and may have been purchased in the -English Virginia. For a comment on such practices see an extract from -a letter from Directors of the Dutch West India Company in Holland to -Director-General Stuyvesant, dated Jan. 27, 1649, a translation of -which is printed in _Documents relating to the Colonial History of the -State of New York_, xii. 47, 48. - -[924] Only five male emigrants who came out on this expedition, -beside Papegåja, were living in the colony March 1, 1648; namely, a -barber-surgeon, a gunner, two common soldiers, and a young lad. - -[925] Printed at Stockholm in 1696, under the title of _Lutheri -Catechismus, Öfwersatt på American-Virginiske Språket_, followed by -a _Vocabularium Barbaro-Virgineorum_, reproduced by the author’s -grandson in his _Kort Beskrifning om Nya Sverige_. A copy of it is -in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Concerning -it, see particularly Acrelius’s _Beskrifning_, p. 423. [Cf. _Brinley -Catalogue_, nos. 5,698-99; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, x. 42,726; -_O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,427; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. no. -1,498; and Muller, _Books on America_ (1872). no. 1,562, where errors -of Brunet and Leclerc are pointed out.—ED.] - -[926] Campanius, to be sure, mentions “Korsholm” as a distinct fort, -but he does so in terms which show that he is citing Lindström, -who speaks of it as on territory granted to Sven Schute, embracing -“Passajungh, Kinsessingh, Mockorhuttingh, and the land on both sides -of the Schylekijl to the river” Delaware, and makes no reference to a -“Fort Skörkil.” The statements with regard to the latter were probably -drawn from the manuscripts of his grandfather. It did not occur to him, -I suppose, that the places might be identical. “Gripsholm” is the name -incorrectly given for “Korsholm” by N. J. Visscher and later Dutch -cartographers. - -[927] At “Chinsessingh” (the Indian name of the land west of the -Schuylkill), says Campanius,—“the New Fort,” so called, which “was -no fort, but a good log-house, built of strong hickory, two stories -high, and affording sufficient protection against the Indians.” If the -interpretation usually given to the dates of Hudde’s report already -cited be correct, both Wasa and Mölndal were occupied by Printz -before November, 1645. The latter post was at a “place called by the -Indians Kakarikonck” or “Karakung,” near where the present road from -Philadelphia to Darby crosses Cobb’s Creek. - -[928] The expression used in Oxenstjerna’s reply to Printz’s Report -referred to in the next sentence. Printzdorp, on the west side of the -river Delaware, south of Upland, was doubtless granted to Printz in -accordance with this petition. - -[929] The only one residing in New Sweden March 1, 1648, was the -Reverend Lars Carlson Lock. Sprinchorn also mentions another Swedish -Lutheran clergyman, “Israel Fluviander,—Printz’s sister’s son,” who -probably died or returned home in the spring. - -[930] Corresponding, of course, to July 27, O. S. The materials of this -narrative being almost entirely derived from Swedish sources, the dates -have not been altered from the Julian calendar, which was still used -in Sweden. The news referred to in the text was brought by Augustine -Herman, who had dealings with Governor Printz upon the Delaware, and -for some account of whom see the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, -iv. 100 _et seq._ - -[931] Something over two hundred tons. - -[932] A certified copy of Amundson’s patent, with the REGIS REGNIQUE -CANCELLARIÆ SIGILLUM of the period attached to it, is in the library -of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. In view of conflicting -interests of the West India Company, adverse claims of other colonists, -and the opposition of an Indian proprietor of Passajung, Rising -declined to sanction the occupation of these tracts without further -orders from Sweden. - -[933] So Governor Rising. According to a Dutchman who took part in -the expedition, the “force consisted of three hundred and seventeen -soldiers, besides a company of sailors.” - -[934] Anders Bengtson is the only one whose name has been preserved to -us. - -[935] The dread expressed in letters from the Directors of the Dutch -West India Company to Director-General Stuyvesant, dated Oct. 16 and -30, 1663 (_Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, xii. 445-46), lest an expedition, -which had sailed from Sweden under Admiral Hendrick Gerritsen Zeehelm, -was designed to subvert their dominion over the South River, is not -justified, says Sprinchorn, by evidence of the existence of any plan to -recover the colony, at that time, by force of arms. - -[936] _Manifest und Vertragbrieff, der Australischen Companey im -Königreich Schweden auffgerichtet. Im Jahr MDCXXIV._ 4to, 12 unnumbered -pp. The only copy known to the writer is in the library of the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The document itself is reproduced -in the _Auszführlicher Bericht über den Manifest_. A fac-simile of the -title is given herewith. - -[937] _Fullmagt för Wellam Usselinx at inrätta et Gen. Handels Comp. -til Asien, Afr., Amer. och Terra Magell. Dat. Stockh. d. 21 Dec. 1624._ -Cited by Acrelius. It has been translated into English in _Doc. Col. -Hist. N. Y._, vol. xii. pp. 1 and 2. - -_Sw. Rikes Gen. Handels Compagnies Contract, dirigerat til Asiam, -Africam och Magellaniam, samt desz Conditiones_, etc. _Stockh. år -1625_. Cited by Acrelius.—_Der Reiche Schweden Genera. Compagnies -Handlungs Contract, Dirigiret naher Asiam, Africam, Americam, vnd -Magellanicam. Samt dessen Conditionen vnnd Wilköhren. Mit Kön. May. -zu Schweden, vnsers Aller-gnedigsten Königs vnd Herrn gnediger -Bewilligung, auch hierauff ertheilten Privilegien, in öffentlichen -Druck publiciret. Stockholm, 1625._ 4to, title, and 7 unnumbered pages. -A copy is in the Carter-Brown Library. Translated into English in _Doc. -Col. Hist. N. Y._, xii. 2 _et seq._ - -_Uthförligh Förklaring öfwer Handels Contractet angåendes thet Södre -Compagniet uthi Konungarijket i Swerighe. Stält igenom Wilhelm -Usselinx, Och nu aff thet Nederländske Språket uthsatt på Swenska, aff -Erico Schrodero. Tryckt i Stockholm, aff Ignatio Meurer, Åhr 1626, -4to._ —_Auszführlicher Bericht über den Manifest; oder Vertrag-Brieff -der Australischen oder Süder Compagney im Königreich Schweden. Durch -Wilhelm Usselinx. Ausz dem Niederländischen in die Hochdeutsche Sprache -übergesetzt. Stockholm, Gedruckt durch Christoffer Reusner_. _Anno_ -MDCXXVI. 4to. The German version contains Usselinx’s interesting -“voorrede” to the Netherlanders, dated at Stockholm, Oct. 17, 1625, in -the original Dutch (not given in the Swedish edition), reprinted in -the Dutch _Octroy ofte Privilegie_, and reproduced in the corrected -_Auszführlicher Bericht_ of the _Argonautica Gustaviana_. Cf. Muller’s -_Books on America_ (1872), no. 1,143, for a comparison of the Swedish -edition and the _Dutch Octroy ofte Privilegie_. The only copies of -these books known to the writer are in the Library of Congress. - -_Octroy eller Privilegier, som then Stormägtigste Högborne Furste och -Herre, Herr Gustaf Adolph, Sweriges, Göthes och Wendes Konung_, etc. -_Det Swenska nysz uprättade Södra Compagniet nädigst hafwer bebrefwat. -Dat. Stockholm d. 14 Junii, 1626._ Cited by Acrelius.—_Octroy und -Privilegium so der Allerdurchläuchtigste Groszmächtigste Fürst und -Herr, Herr Gustavus Adolphus, der Schweden, Gothen und Wenden König, -Grosz-Fürst in Finnland. Hertzog zu Ehesten und Carelen, Herr zu -Ingermanland, etc. Der im Königreich Schweden jüngsthin auffgerichteten -Süder-Compagnie allergnädigst gegeben und verliehen. Stockholm, -gedruckt bey Ignatio Meurern. Im Jahr 1626._ Reprinted in Johannes -Marquardus’s _Tractatus Politico-Juridicus de Jure Mercatorum et -Commerciorum Singulari_, vol. ii. pp. 545-52, Frankfort, 1662. An -English translation is given in _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, xii. 7 _et -seq._ - -_Octroy ofte Privilegie soo by den alderdoorluchtigsten Grootmachtigen -Vorst ende Heer Heer Gustaeff Adolph, der Sweden Gothen ende Wenden -Koningh, Grootvorst in Finland, Hertogh tot Ehesten ende Carelen, -Heer tot Ingermanland, etc., aen de nieuw opgerichte Zuyder Compagnie -in’t Koningrijck Sweden onlangs genadigst gegeben ende verleend is, -Mitsgaders een naerder Bericht over’t selve Octroy ende Verdragh-brief -door Willem Usselincx. In’s Gravenhage, By Aert Meuris, Boeckverkooper -in de Papestraat in den Bybel, anno 1627. 4to._ Besides the _Octroy_ it -comprises a Dutch version of Usselinx’s _Uthförligh Förklaring_. Cf. -Asher’s _Essay_, no. 41 and pp. 82, 83. - -_Kurtzer Extract der vornemsten Haupt-Puncten, so biszher -weitläufftig und gründlich erwiesen, und nochmals, jedermänniglich, -unwiedersprechlich für Augen gestellet sollen werden. In Sachen der -neuen Süder-Compagnie. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn bey Christoph Krausen, -Anno 1633. Mens. Aprili._ Reprinted in Marquard’s _Tractatus_, vol. ii. -541-42. - -_Instruction oder Anleitung: Welcher Gestalt die Einzeichnung zu der -neuen Süder-Compagnie, durch Schweden und nunmehr auch Teutschland -zubefördern, und an die Hand zunehmen; derselben auch mit ehestem ein -Anfang zumachen. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn bey Christoph Krausen. 1633. -Mense Aprili._ Reprinted in Marquard’s _Tractatus_, vol. ii. pp. 542-45. - -_Ampliatio oder Erweiterung des Privilegii so der Allerdurchläuchtigste -Groszmächtigste Fürst und Herr, Herr Gustavus Adolphus, der Schweden, -Gothen und Wenden König; Grosz-Fürst in Finnland, Hertzog zu Ehesten -und Carelen, Herr zu Ingermannland, etc. Der neuen Australischen -oder Süder-Compagnie durch Schweden und nunmehr auch Teutschland, -allergnädigst ertheilet und verliehen. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn, bey -Christoph Krausen. Im Jahr 1633. Mense Aprili._ Reprinted in Marquard’s -_Tractatus_, vol. ii. pp. 552-55. - -_Argonautica Gustaviana, das ist: Nothwendige Nach-Richt von der Neuen -Seefahrt und Kauffhandlung, so von dem Weilandt Allerdurchleuchtigsten -Groszmächtigsten und Siegreichesten Fürsten unnd Herrn, Herrn Gustavo -Adolpho Magno; ... durch anrichtung einer General Handel-Compagnie ... -vor wenig Jahren zu stifften angefangen: anjetzo aber der Teutschen -Evangelischen Nation ... zu unermesslichem Nutz und Frommen ... -mitgetheilet worden.... Gedruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn, bey Caspar -Rödteln, im Jahr Christi 1633. Mense Junio._ Folio. It comprises: -a _Patent oder öffentlich Auszschreiben wegen dieses Vorhabens_, -signed by Axel Oxenstjerna, June 26, 1633 (3 pp.); an _Extract -etlicher vornehmen Haubtpuncten_ (2 pp.); the _Octroy und Privilegium_ -of Gustavus Adolphus (8 pp.); the _Ampliatio_ (4 pp.); _Formular -desz Manifest_, reproducing with slight variations the _Manifest_, -and Usselinx’s _Auszführlicher Bericht, in Niderländischen Sprach -gestellet, vor diesem bereit in eyl in Teutsch übergesetzt, anitzo aber -nach dem Niderländischen mit allem fleisz übersehen, an vielen Orten -nach Notturfft verbessert und mit Summarischen Marginalien bezeichnet_ -(56 pp.); and, finally, Usselinx’s appeal to the Germans, entitled -_Mercurius Germaniæ_, with the _Instruction_, and some _Nothwendige -Beylagen_ (51 pp.). It has been reprinted in Marquard’s _Tractatus_, -vol. ii. pp. 373-540. Cf. Muller’s _Books on America_ (1872), no. -1,136; (1877) no. 179; and a note in the preceding chapter. - -_Ampliation oder Erweiterung von dem Octroij und Privilegio, der newen -Süyder-Handels Compagnia, durch Last und Befehl von die Deputirten -der löblichen Confæderirten Herren Ständen, der vier Ober-Cräysen -zu Franckfurth, anzustellen verordnet, den 12 December, Anno 1634. -Gedruckt zu Hamburg, durch Heinrich Werner, im Jahr Christi 1635._ A -copy is bound with that of the _Argonautica Gustaviana_ in the Harvard -College Library. - -[938] _Printed in the Year 1648._ For the full title and some -particulars concerning this book see paper on “New Albion,” in Vol. III. - -[939] _Breeden-Raedt aende Vereenichde Nederlandsche Provintien, -Gelreland, Holland, Zeeland, Wtrecht, Vriesland, Over-Yssel, -Groeningen, Gemaeckt ende Gestalt uyt diverse ware en waerachtige -memorien. Door I. A. G. W. C. Tot Antwerpen, ghedruct by Francoys van -Duynen, Boeckverkooper by de Beurs in Erasmus, 1649._ Translated into -English by Henry C. Murphy in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._,[P3: missing. -inserted] second series, vol. iii. part i. pp. 237 _at seq._ (New York, -1857). See preceding chapter. - -[940] _Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland, Weghens de Gheleghentheydt, -Vruchtbaerheydt, en Soberen Staet deszelfs. In’s Graven-Hage. Ghedruckt -by Michiel Stael, Bouckverkooper woonende op’t Buyten Hof, tegen-over -de Gevange-Poort_, 1650, 4to, 49 pp. A translation of it, with -explanatory notes (one of which relates to the date of the arrival -of the Swedes on the Delaware, citing Hawley’s letter to Windebanke, -and correcting Arfwedson’s misapprehension of Biörck), by Henry C. -Murphy, is given in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, vol. ii. -pp. 251 _et seq._ (New York, 1849); and one of an authenticated copy -of the original document appears in _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i. -pp. 271 _et seq._ Authors also frequently cite the _Beschryvinghe van -Virginia_, _Nieuw Nederlandt_, etc. (_’t Amsterdam, by Joost Hartgers_, -1651, 4to), a compilation from the _Vertoogh_ and other publications. -See preceding chapter. - -[941] _Beschrijvinghe van Nieuvv-Nederlant ... Beschreven door Adriaen -van der Donck.... ’t Amsteldam...._ 1655, 4to. The same: _Den tweeden -Druck. Met een pertinent Kaertje van’t zelve Landt verciert en van veel -druckfouten gesuyvert. ’t Aemsteldam...._ 1656. 4to. A translation of -the second edition, by the Hon. Jeremiah Johnson, is given in _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, vol. i. pp. 125 _et seq._ (New York, -1841). See preceding chapter. - -[942] Upsala, 1654 and 1662, 8vo. Frankfort and Leipsic, 1676, 4to. - -[943] In his _Korte historiael ende journaels aenteyckeninge van -verscheyden voyagiens in de vier deelen des Wereldts-Ronde, ... t’ -Hoorn...._ 1655 (4to, 192 pp.). A translation of the voyages to -America, by Henry C. Murphy, appears in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -second series, vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 1 _et seq._ The version in _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, vol. i. pp. 243 _et seq._, by Dr. G. -Troost, from the Du Simitière MSS. in the Philadelphia Library, does -not include the visit of De Vries to Printz, an imperfect account of -which is given by the translator, which has been not less imperfectly -followed by several later writers. See preceding chapter. - -[944] _Saken van Staat en Oorlogh, in, ende omtrent de Vereenigde -Nederlanden_, 1621-1669. The Hague, 1657-1671, 15 vols., 4to; -1669-1672, 7 vols., folio. - -[945] _Antwoordt van de Hog. Mo. Heeren Staten Generael deser -vereenighde Nederlanden, Gegeven den 15 Augusti 1664, op twee distincte -memorien, ende pretensien van de Heer Appelboom, Resident van den -Konich van Sweden, De eene overgelevert aen haer Ho. Mo. voorsz. Tot -Uytrecht, By Pieter Dercksz. Anno 1664._ 4to. - -[946] _Kort Beskrifning om Provincien Nya Swerige uti America, som nu -förtjden af the Engelske kallas Pensylvania. Af lärde och trowärdige -Mäns skrifter och berättelser ihopaletad och sammanstrefwen, samt -med åthskillige Figure utzirad af Thomas Campanius Holm. Stockholm, -Tryckt uti Kongl. Boktr. hos Sal. Wankijfs Änkia med egen bekostnad, -af J. H. Werner. Åhr_ MDCCII. 4to, xx + 192 pp. An ornamental -titlepage bears the legend: _Novæ Sveciæ seu Pensylvaniæ in America -Descriptio_. The work is dedicated to King Charles XII. of Sweden, and -is divided into four books, the first of these treating of America in -general, the second of New Sweden, and the third of the Indians in -New Sweden, and the fourth consisting of a vocabulary and collection -of phrases and some discourses in the dialect of the same savages, -with Addenda concerning the Minquas and their language, and certain -rare and remarkable things in America. It is embellished with numerous -illustrations besides those mentioned in the text; among them being -maps of America and of Virginia, New England, New Holland, and New -Sweden, and one of New Sweden taken from Nicholas Visscher, the two -latter being given in this chapter, and pictures of an Indian fort and -Indian canoes. An extract from a translation of it is given in _N. -Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. ii. pp. 343 _et seq._ (New York, 1814). -An annotated translation of the whole work, by Peter S. Du Ponceau, -LL.D., reproducing Lindström’s and Visscher’s maps of New Sweden, and -the representations of Trinity Fort, the siege of Christina Fort, and -the Indian fort, above referred to, was published in _Memoirs of the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 1 _et seq._ -(Philadelphia, 1834). The work is rare. Copies are to be found in the -Philadelphia Library, in the libraries of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania, Harvard College and Congress, and in the Carter-Brown -collection. It is priced in recent catalogues as high as £15 or £16. -Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 3,043-44; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, iii. -10,202; Muller (1872), no. 1,138; (1875), no. 2,845; (1877), no. 570; -80 Dutch florins; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 233; _Menzies -Catalogue_, no. 327; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 467. Few copies -have all the illustrations. Muller errs in making the author the son, -instead of the grandson, of the Rev. Johan Campanius Holm. - -[947] One of the most noteworthy of these is the assertion that the -Swedes settled on the Delaware as early as 1631. This is reiterated -by Cronholm and Sprengel, and in Smith’s _New Jersey_, Proud’s -_Pennsylvania_, Holmes’s _Annals_, etc., and even in a note _in loco_ -of Du Ponceau himself. - -[948] _Dissertatio Gradualis de Svionum in America Colonia, quam, ex -consensu Ampl. Senatus Philosoph. in Inclita Academia Upsaliensi, -Præside viro amplissimo M. Petro Elvio, Mathem. Prof. Reg. et Ord., -publice ventilandam subjicit Johannes Dan. Swedberg, Dalekarlus, in -Audit. Gustav. Maj. ad diem_ xxiii. _Junii Anni_ MDCCIX. _Upsaliæ, ex -officina Werneriana._ Small 8vo, vi + 32 pp. A copy is in the library -of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, -no. 3,099; Muller’s _Books on America_ (1872), no. 1,141; (1877), no. -3,137. A copy has been recently priced at 50 marks. - -[949] Bishop Svedberg’s interest in the posterity of the old colonists -of New Sweden is well evinced in his _America Illuminata_ (Skara, 1732, -small 8vo, 163 pp. + Indices), copies of which are in the libraries -of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and of Harvard College. Cf. -_Brinley Catalogue_, ii. 3,100; Muller’s _Books on America_ (1872), no. -1,140. Well-bound copies have been recently priced at £10. See also -_Vita Jesperi Swedberg, Episcopi Scarensis_, an academical dissertation -by Carolus Johannes Knos, vestrogothus (Upsala, 1787), a copy of which -is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, as well -as a portrait of the bishop, signed “H. C. Fehlingk delin. Joh. Chr. -Böcklin Aug. Vind. sc. Lipsiæ.” - -[950] _Brieven geschreven ende gewisselt tusschen der Herr Johan de -Witt, Raedt-Pensionaris, etc., ende de Gevolmachtigden van den Staedt -der Vereenigde Nederlanden, so in Vranckryck, Engelandt, Sweden, -Danemarcken, Poolen, etc._, 1652-1659. The Hague, 1723-1725, 6 vols., -4to. - -[951] ﬣוֹﬣיּ ﬤשׁﬦ _Dissertatio Gradualis, de Plantatione Ecclesiæ Svecanæ -in America, quam, suffragrante Ampl. Senatu Philosoph. in Regio -Upsal. Athenæo, Præside Viro Amplissimo atque Celeberrimo Mag. Andrea -Brörwall, Eth. et Polit. Prof. Reg. et Ord., in Audit. Gust. Maj. d. -14 Jun. An. MDCCXXXI., examinandam modeste sistit Tobias E. Biörck, -Americano-Dalekarlus. Upsaliæ, Literis Wernerianis._ 4to, viii + 34 -pp. Embellished with an original folding copperplate map, engraved by -Jonas Silfverling, Upsala, 1731, entitled _Delineatio Pennsilvaniæ -et Cæesareæ Nov. Occident seu West N. Iersey in America_, indicating -many of the settlements of the descendants of the old colonists of -New Sweden. A copy is in the library of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania. Cf. _Historical Magazine_, art. iii., April, 1873, by J. -R. Bartlett; Muller’s _Books on America_ (1872), no. 1,137, where it is -claimed that it is the first work on New Sweden written by a native, -and published in Sweden. A copy has been recently priced at 50 marks. - -[952] Author of _Kort Berettelse om then Swenska Kyrkios närwarande -Tilstånd i America, samt oförgripeliga tankar om thesz widare -förkofring.... Tryckt i Norkiöping, Anno 1725_ (4to, 24 pp.). The -book contains no new information about the early history of the -Swedish colony on the Delaware. A copy of it is in the library of the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - -[953] Publication passed August 11, 1742. A copy is in the library of -the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - -[954] _Ifrån år 1523 in til närvarande tid. Uppå Hans Kongl. Maj: -ts nådigesta befallning gjord._ Forsta del, Stockholm, 1747; andra -del, ibid., 1750; tredje del, ibid., 1753; fjerde del, ibid., 1760; -femte del, ibid., 1766; sjette del, ibid., 1775. In the same author’s -_Matrickel öfwer Sweriges Rikes Ridderskap och Adel_, 1754, p. 350, -occurs a notice of Johan Printz, stating that after his return from New -Sweden he was made a General, and in 1658 Governor of Jönköping. It is -added: “He was born in the parsonage of Bottneryd, and died in 1663, -without sons, the family thus ending with him in the male line.” As -to these points compare, however, Prof. Dr. Ernst Heinrich Kneschke’s -_Neues allgemeines Deutsches Adels-Lexicon_, vii. pp. 253-54 (Leipsic, -1867), art. “Printz, Printz v. Buchan,” which speaks of Governor Printz -as belonging to a Lutheran branch of an old Austrian noble family that -emigrated to Holstein soon after the Reformation, and finally settled -in East Prussia. According to this authority he had a son Johann -Friedrich, who became a Major-General in the army of the Electorate -of Brandenburg, and was ennobled in 1661 under the name of Printz von -Buchan, whose descendants still live in Germany. In mitigation of the -blame attached by Stiernman to Printz for the surrender of Chemnitz, -see Puffendorf _in loco_. - -[955] _Ex Archivo Palmskiöldiano nunc primum in lucem edita. Præeside -Olavo Celsio. Upsaliæ_, MDCCL. (Academical dissertations.) - -[956] Stockholm, 1753-1761, 3 vols., 8vo. In German, Göttingen, -1754-64; and in English, Warrington and London, 1770-1771, 2d ed. 1772. -Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, ix. 382. Kalm’s _Tankar med Guds Wälsegnande -Nåd och Wederbörandes Tilstånd om Nyttan som kunnat tilfalla wårt kjära -Fädernesland af des Nybygge i America ferdom Nya Swerige kalladt_ -(Aboæ, 1754, 4to) gives a short account of the fertility and the chief -natural products of the territory on the Delaware, nearly the same as -the fuller one in the author’s _Resa_. - -[957] London, 1757. See Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III. - -[958] _Beskrifning om de Swenska Församlingars Forna och Närwarande -Tilstånd, uti det så kallade Nya Swerige, sedan Nya Nederland, men nu -för tiden Pensylvanien, samt nästliggande Orter wid Alfwen De la Ware, -Wäst-Yersey och New-Castle County uti Norra America; Utgifwen af Israel -Acrelius, För detta Probst öfwer de Swenska Församlingar i America och -Kyrkoherde uti Christina, men nu Probst och Kyrkoherde uti Fellingsbro. -Stockholm, Tryckt hos Harberg et Hesselberg, 1759._ 4to, xx+ 534 pp. -The work is dedicated to Queen Louisa Ulrica of Sweden. A translation -of portions of the book, by the Rev. Nicholas Collin, D.D., is given -in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, vol. i. pp. 401 _et seq._ -A translation of the whole of it, by the Rev. William M. Reynolds, -D.D., with numerous additional notes, was published in _Memoirs of -the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. xi. (Philadelphia, -1874). The latter is accompanied by a portrait of the author, engraved -from a copy in oils by Christian Schuessele (in the library of the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania) from a picture sent to this country -by Acrelius, now the property of Trinity Church, Wilmington, Del.; as -well as by a map of New Sweden, engraved from a copy (belonging to -the same Historical Society) of the original of Engineer Lindström, -still preserved in Sweden. There are copies in the libraries of -Harvard College and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and in the -Carter-Brown collection. (Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, i. 133; _Brinley -Catalogue_, ii. 3,030; Muller’s _Books on America_ [1872], no. 1,134; -also _Catalogue of Paintings_, etc., belonging to the Hist. Soc. of -Penn., no. 59. Priced recently at £7 7_s._) Acrelius died in 1800. - -[959] In _Svenska patriotiska Sällskapets Handlingar_, Stockholm, 1770. - -[960] London, 1772. - -[961] The later edition of James Savage, under the title _History of -New England_ (Boston, 1825-1826), contains also the continuation of the -_Journal_, with additional matter on the Swedes. See preceding chapter, -and Vol. III. - -[962] Very carefully reprinted in _Records of the Colony of New -Plymouth_, vols. ix. and x. (Boston, 1859.) - -[963] Hamburg, 1799. The author’s treatment of the subject in his -histories of New Jersey and Pennsylvania in the same work, vols. iii. -and vi. (Hamburg, 1796 and 1803), is not so full. Ebeling’s library, -now in Harvard College Library, shows several of the rarest of the -early books on New Sweden. - -[964] In _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, vols. v. and vi. -(Boston, 1815). Reprinted in 1848. For an estimate of Hubbard see Vol. -III. - -[965] _De Colonia Nova Svecia in Americam Borealem Deducta Historiola. -Quam, venia ampl. Fac. Phil. Upsal., Præside Mag. Erico Gust. Geijer, -Historiar. Prof Reg. et Ord.... P. P. Auctor Carolus David Arfwedson, -Vestrogothus. In Audit. Gust. die xix. Nov. MDCCCXXV. H. A. M S. -Upsaliæ. Excudebant Regiæ Academiæ Typographi._ 4to, iv + 34 pp. Copies -are in the libraries of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and of -Harvard College. Cf. Muller’s _Books on America_ (1872), no. 1,135; -Brinley, ii. 3,031. - -[966] A translation of this, by the late Hon. George P. Marsh, is given -in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, vol. i. pp. 443 _et seq._ - -[967] A translation of it is inserted in Du Ponceau’s translation of -Campanius, already mentioned, p. 109 _et seq._ - -[968] _In History of the State of New York_, part ii., New York, 1826. - -[969] _Sketches of the Primitive Settlements on the River Delaware. -A Discourse delivered before the Society for the Commemoration of -the Landing of William Penn, on the 24th of October, 1827. By James -N. Barker. Published by request of the Society. Philadelphia, 1827._ -8vo, 62 pp. Extracts from it are given in Samuel Hazard’s _Register of -Pennsylvania_, vol. i. p. 179 _et seq._ (Philadelphia, 1828.) - -[970] Philadelphia, 1829 and 1830. - -[971] Philadelphia, 1835, 12mo, 180 pp.; 2d ed. 1858, 12mo, 179 pp., -omitting the charter of the Swedish churches. - -[972] Örebro, 1832-1836. - -[973] Vol. ii., Boston, 1837. - -[974] Baltimore, 1837. Cf. Mr. Brantley’s chapter in Vol. III. - -[975] Vol. i. p. 9. Dover, 1838. - -[976] Page 428 _et seq._ New York, 1841. - -[977] Paris, 8vo, 29 pp. A Swedish translation of it, bearing the -title of _Underrättelse om den Fordna Svenska Kolonien i Norra Amerika -kallad Nya Sverige, “med Anmärkningar och Tillägg af Öfversättaren_,” -was printed at Stockholm in 1844 (8vo, title + 41 pp.). The author’s -treatment of his theme so closely resembles Bancroft’s, that we infer -that he followed the American historian without acknowledgment. - -[978] Wilmington, 1846, 8vo, xii + 312 pp. Among its illustrations are -a reproduction of the representation of the siege of Fort Christina -in Du Ponceau’s _Campanius_, and an original “Map of the Original -Settlements on the Delaware by the Dutch and Swedes.” - -[979] New York, 1846-1848. It reproduces Van der Donck’s map of New -Netherland. See the preceding chapter. - -[980] Stockholm, 1848. - -[981] Philadelphia, 1850. - -[982] Albany, 1850. See the preceding chapter. - -[983] Albany, 1851. - -[984] Reappearing among “The Jogues Papers,” translated by John Gilmary -Shea, in _New York Historical Society Collections_, second series, iii. -215, _et seq._ See the preceding chapter. - -[985] Newark, N. J., 1853. - -[986] On the date of the building of Fort Nassau, see O’Callaghan’s -_New Netherland_, i. 100. On maps, see note on Lindström’s Map. - -[987] Boston, 1853. - -[988] Albany, 1853. - -[989] New York, 1853-1871. See the preceding chapter; and Mr. -Stevens’s, in Vol. III. - -[990] Stockholm, 1855-1856. - -[991] Albany, 1856-1858. - -[992] Hartford, 1857-1858. - -[993] Published at Amsterdam. A translation of the letters referred to, -by the Hon. Henry C. Murphy, appears in the _Historical Magazine_, ii. -257 _et seq._ (New York, 1858). - -[994] In _Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. -vii., Philadelphia, 1860. The frontispiece consists of an engraving -of a mural tablet in St. Paul’s Church, Chester, Pa., in memory of -Ann Keen, daughter of Jöran Kyn, of Upland, and her husband James -Sandelands, one of the provincial councillors of Pennsylvania appointed -by Deputy-Governor William Markham in 1681,—the oldest tombstone extant -on the Delaware. - -[995] Philadelphia, 1862. - -[996] Stockholm, 1865. The matter referred to in the text has been -translated by the writer of this essay for the _Pennsylvania Magazine -of History_, vol. vii. - -[997] _A Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and -Pamphlets relating to New Netherland, and to the Dutch West India -Company and to its possessions in Brazil, Angola, etc., as also on the -Maps, Charts, etc., of New Netherland, with fac-similes of the map of -New Netherland by N. J. Visscher and of the three existing views of New -Amsterdam. Compiled from the Dutch public and private libraries, and -from the collection of Mr. Frederik Muller in Amsterdam, G. M. Asher, -LL.D., Privat-Docent of Roman law in the University of Heidelberg. -Amsterdam, Frederik Muller, 1854-1867._ See the preceding chapter. - -[998] With regard to Usselinx, Asher refers to Berg van Dussen -Muilkerk’s work on New Netherland, written in 1851, Captain P. N. -Netscher’s _Les Hollandais au Brésil_ (La Haye, 1853), and the -histories of Dutch political economy by Professor O. van Rees and -Professor E. Laspeyres. The last of these books, entitled _Geschichte -der volkswirthschaftlichen Anschauungen der Niederländer_, is also -cited by Professor Odhner. - -[999] Philadelphia, 1870. - -[1000] Stockholm, 1857-1872. - -[1001] Pages 42 _et seq._ Boston, 1874. - -[1002] Printz’s letter is not in reply to this of Winthrop (as Mr. -Kidder supposes), but to another (dated April 22, 1644) mentioned -by Sprinchorn. It is written in Latin, a language necessarily used -by the Swedish Governor in such correspondence, though he felt his -incompetence for the task, saying in his report of the same month that -“for the last twenty-seven years he had handled muskets and pistols -oftener than Cicero and Tacitus.” He therefore desired his superiors to -send him a Latin secretary, and, repeating his request in his Report of -1647, hopes that that person might render aid in administering justice -and solving intricate problems of law, which occasionally arose, -besides relieving him from the embarrassment of appearing in court in -certain cases as both plaintiff and judge. - -[1003] Harrisburg, 1876; 2d ed., 1880. - -[1004] Stockholm, 1876. A few copies of the article were printed -separately (8vo, 39 pp.) A translation of it, with notes, containing -lists of colonists who emigrated to New Sweden in the first four -Swedish expeditions, and other information, by the writer of this -essay, is given in the _Pennsylvania Magazine_, vol. iii. p. 269 _et -seq._, p. 395 _et seq._, and p. 462 _et seq._ (Philadelphia, 1879.) -For further information concerning Peter Spiring (ennobled in 1636, -under the name of Silfvercron till Norsholm), particularly mentioned -by Odhner, see the latter’s _Sveriges deltagande i Westfaliska -fredskongressen_, p. 46; and for additional references to Samuel -Blommaert, also spoken of by the author, see _Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y._, -vols. i. and xii. - -[1005] Albany, 1877. - -[1006] Harrisburg, 1877. The frontispiece consists of a portrait of -Queen Christina of Sweden, from the same original as that which appears -on the writer’s map of New Sweden, accompanying this chapter. It -reproduces Van der Donck’s map of New Netherland. - -[1007] Harrisburg, 1878. - -[1008] Also printed separately, the titlepage describing it as -_Akademisk Afhandling, som med vederbörligt tillstånd för erhållande af -Filosofisk Doktorsgrad vid Lunds Universitet till offentlig granskning -framställes af Carl K. S. Sprinchorn, Filosofie Licentiat, Sk. -(Stockholm, 1878, P. A. Norstedt & Söner, Kongl. Boktryckare_. 8vo, 102 -pp.) A translation of it has been made, by the writer of this essay, -for publication by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - -[1009] Philadelphia, 1878, _et seq. ann._ - -[1010] Philadelphia, 1880. - -[1011] Published by the Historical Society of Delaware, Wilmington, -1881. (8vo, 27 pp.) The paper was read before that Society Dec. 10, -1874, and should be supplemented and corrected in some particulars from -the essays afterward written by Professor Odhner and Doctor Sprinchorn. -Concerning Minuit, see also a paper by Friedrich Kapp, entitled “Peter -Minnewit aus Wesel,” in Von Sybel’s _Historische Zeitschrift_, xv. 225 -_et seq._, and the preceding chapter. - -[1012] Pages 55-78. Stockholm, 1882. The author, who is librarian of -the Royal Library at Stockholm, gives a brief list of books referring -to New Sweden, embracing, besides others spoken of in the text, -_Svenska Familj-Journalen_, 1870 (reprinted by the writer, C. G. -Starbäck, in _Historiska Bilder_, Stockholm, 1871), and _Förr och Nu_, -1871. - -[1013] Philadelphia, 1882. The original of the second document -mentioned is in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - -[1014] Most of these are cited by Odhner and Sprinchorn, with -indication of the places where they are now deposited. - -[1015] Referred to in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vol. v. -pp. 468-69. - -[1016] For very kind aid the writer is especially indebted to Professor -C. T. Odhner, of Lund. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -—Obvious errors were corrected. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. 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